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Cornell University Library 
 KF 3552.A5N27 
 
 Child labor :the addresses a| 'D^ 'il^' 
 
 3 1924 018 844 237 
 
 
 DATE DUE 
 
 
 
 «r 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 • 
 
 
 
 
 
 CAVLORD 
 
 
 
 f>ntNTeoiNu.s.A. 
 
Cljilli Eabor 
 
 The Addresses at the First Annual Meeting of the National Child 
 Labor Committee, held in New York City, February 14-16, 1905. 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 CHILD LABOR IN THE UNITED STATES AND ITS GREAT ATTENDANT EVILS . j 
 
 Felix Adler, Ph.D., Chairman of the National Child Labor Committee, and 
 Professor of Political and Social Ethics in Columbia University, New York. 
 
 CHILD LABOR IN SOUTHERN INDUSTRY i6 
 
 A. J. McKelway, Charlotte, N, C. Assistant Secretary of the National Child 
 Labor Committee. 
 
 CHILDREN IN AMERICAN STREET TRADES..,, 23 
 
 Mryon E.Adams, Headworker, Wisi.Side Nfeighborhood House, New York City. 
 
 THE TEST .OF EFFECJ^IVE, CHILD LABOR LEGISLApON 45 
 
 Owen R. Lbvejoy , Assistant Secretary of the National Child Labor Committee. 
 
 CHILD LABOR LEGISLATION" AND THE METHODS OF ITS ENFORCEMENT 
 
 (i) The Northern Central States... HalfprdiErickson, Commissioner of Labor, 
 
 Wisconsin S3 
 
 (2) New, Englandiand 'Middle States. Mrs. Florence Kelley. Secretary of 
 
 the National Consumers' League 66 
 
 (3) The Southern States. Rev. Ne'al Li-Anderson; Montgomery, Ala 77 
 
 (4) The Western States. Judge B^n. B., Lindsay, Juvenile .Court, Denver, 
 
 Col . ; : 94 
 
 THE WORK OF THE GENERAL- FEDERATION OF WOMEN'S CLUBS AGAINST 
 
 CHILD LABOSi 102 
 
 Mrs. A. 'O. Granger, Cartersville^ Ga., Chairman, Child .Labor Committee, 
 General Federation Women's Clubs. 
 
 THE OPERATION OF THE NEW CHILD LABOR LAW IN NEW JERSEY 108 
 
 Hugh F. Fox. President of the Children's Protective Alliance of New Jersey. 
 
 CHILD LABOR LEGISLATION— A REQUISITE FOR INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY. . . 128 
 
 Jane Addams, Hull' House, Chicago. 
 
 CHILD LABOR FROM THE EMPLOYER'S POINT OF VIEW 137 
 
 Emil G. Hirsch, D.D., Professor of Rabbinical Literature and Philosphy in 
 the University of Chicago. 
 
 THE SCHOOL AS A FORCE ARRAYED AGAINST CHILD LABOR 144 
 
 James H. Kirkland, Ph.D., LL.D., Chancellor of Vanderbilt University, 
 Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 THE ANNUAL MEETING OF THE CHILD LABOR COMMITTEE— A REPORT OF THE 
 PROCEEDINGS INCLUDING BRIEFER ADDRESSES AND COMMUNICATIONS 
 
 BY '49 
 
 Rt Rev. W. M. McVickar, Bishop of Rhode Island, on the "Church as a Force 
 Arrayed against Child Labor;" Edgar E. Clark, Grand Chief Conductor, Order 
 of Railway Conductors of America, on "Organized Labor as a Force Arrayed 
 against Child Labor." 
 
 Natumal (Sl^xih Slabnr QlDmmttt??. 
 
 105 EAST 22D STREET 
 
 N EW YORK CITY 
 
 1905 
 
Copyrighted, 1905, by the American Academy of 
 Political and Social Science 
 All rights reserved 
 The papers in this volume are reprinted from 
 The Annals of the American Academy of Politi- 
 cal and Social Science, Vol. XXV, No. 3, May, 
 190S, in which they were originally published, as 
 the Proceedings of the First Annual Meeting of 
 the National Child Labor Committee. 
 
I. The Addresses at the Annual Meeting of 
 the National Child Labor Committee 
 
 Held in New York City, February 14 to 16, 1905. 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924018844237 
 
CHILD LABOR IN THE UNITED STATES AND ITS GREAT 
 ATTENDANT EVILS 
 
 By Felix Abler, Ph. D., 
 
 Professor of Political and Social Ethics in Columbia University and Chair- 
 man of the National Child Labor Committee. 
 
 " 'How long,' they say, 'how long. Oh, cruel Nation, will you stand to 
 
 move the world on a child's heart; 
 Stifle down with a mailed heel its palpitation, and tread onward to your 
 
 throne amid the mart? ' " 
 
 There are many centenaries that have received attention of late ; 
 there is one that has been almost ignored, and yet it well deserved 
 to be remembered. Two years ago a hundred years had elapsed since 
 the first act was passed by the British Parliament to abate the evils 
 of child labor. England industrially is the most advanced country 
 in the world, and English economic history shows the good and evil 
 sides of industrial civilization writ large. A momentary glance at 
 the conditions which called forth the Factory Act of 1802 and the 
 legislation that followed will serve as a useful introduction to our 
 subject. Briefly, the facts were these: 
 
 The pauper children of London workhouses were being fed to 
 the machine, almost as the children in the ancient idolatry were 
 fed to Moloch. Pauper children whom nobody owned, deserted 
 waifs, orphans left on the parish — a burden on the rate payers — were 
 sent by hundreds and thousands to supply the demand for cheap 
 labor on the part of the factories, which at this time were every- 
 where springing up. These puny laborers — many of them not over 
 seven years of age — were worked to death. But that hardly mat- 
 tered, because the workhouse supply was sufficient to fill up the 
 depleted ranks. The workhouses at first even paid a small pre- 
 mium to the manufacturers for taking their wards off their hands. 
 The children were lodged in rough barracks, were cruelly driven 
 
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4 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 by their taskmasters while at work, their food was of the worst 
 description, they were forced to labor often fourteen hours, and 
 they were decimated by disease. It was this state of things that 
 provoked the law of 1802, but this law was the barest beginning. 
 The law applied only to pauper children, and it was soon found 
 necessary to protect children also against the pitiless egotism or the 
 desperation of their own parents. The law applied only to certain 
 industries, and it was found necessary to extend it to others. With 
 the substitution of steam for water power, manufactories were trans- 
 ferred to cities, and the demand for cheap labor grew apace. It was 
 felt that an age limit of some kind — below which children might 
 not be employed — must be set. The efforts to do so were strangely 
 hesitant and inadequate, but at least the principle of an age limit 
 came to be recognized. In 1833 it was estimated that 56,000 chil- 
 dren between nine and thirteen were employed in factories, a whole 
 army of child workers; but nine was a high limit compared with 
 what in many branches had been customary. Before the Children's 
 Employment Committee a man named Apsden testified. Pointing 
 to his boy, he said: "This boy when he was seven years old, in 
 winter I carried on my shoulders across the snow to his place of 
 work, and he would work for sixteen hours." What a picture; the 
 man rousing a child of seven from his sleep, forcing him out of bed 
 in the dark winter morning, trudging with him on his back across 
 the snow, and depositing the little fellow, seven years old, to work 
 for sixteen hours. And then another picture, for he adds : "I have 
 often knelt at his side and given him food while he was working, 
 because he was not allowed to leave the machine." If you wish 
 to realize what child labor means, think of the inmates of London 
 workhouses systematically done to death in the Yorkshire factories. 
 Think of Apsden and his seven-year-old boy, and then think — if you 
 can bear to do so — of another picture ! For till now only the factories 
 and not the mines had been touched. In the year 1842 evidence was 
 taken as to the state of things in the coal mines. Children began their 
 work in the mines sometimes as early as at five years of age. Little 
 girls were found to make ten or twelve trips a day up steep ladders 
 to the surface, carrying heavy loads of coal in wooden buckets on 
 their shoulders. For the development of little girls into woman- 
 hood, what an admirable device! Women and girls, half nude, 
 worked side by side with boys and men wholly so ; every considera- 
 
 [418] 
 
Child Labor in the United States $ 
 
 tion of human decency was flung to the winds. And in Mr. Chey- 
 ney's book on "The Industrial History of England," which usefully 
 summarizes these facts, you will find a picture representing a woman 
 crawling on all fours, dragging through a passageway about two 
 feet high a car containing three or four hundredweight of coal by 
 a chain attached to a girdle around her waist. And this is described 
 as a common form of labor. This is the third picture which I 
 would ask you to bear in mind. Progress has been made since then ; 
 the regulation of the labor of women and children — with the latter 
 alone we are concerned now — has been more and more extended, 
 though the task is not yet completed. The problem of production 
 in the sweating trades has not yet been solved, and there are still 
 other problems to be met. 
 
 And now I wish to pause a moment to ask a question, for it is 
 not my purpose at this time to dwell on the horrors that prevailed 
 in the past, and as you will presently learn prevail amongst us to-day 
 to no inconsiderable extent, any more than I can help for the pur- 
 poses of the argument and the plea which I want to submit to you. 
 But I do want to ask a question which constantly obtrudes itself 
 on my mind: How is it that members of the human species can 
 behave with such cruelty as did the mine owners who employed 
 women to drag coal cars, creeping on hands and knees with a chain 
 attached around their waist, and how is it that manufacturers can 
 be so merciless — I suppose many of them had children of their 
 own, and must have known what a tender thing a child of seven 
 years is — as to drive the little Apsden boy and his fellows for six- 
 teen mortal hours in the mill; or so lost to all respect for human 
 life as those employers who fed the workhouse children to their 
 machines? I take no comfort in denouncing such men, or those 
 who follow in their footsteps at the present day. There is a vulgar 
 proverb that he who cuts off his nose disfigures his own face. These 
 persons are men of the same human species as ourselves ; their con- 
 duct reflects dishonor upon us all. Are we then still so brutal; is 
 the belief that there is a better nature latent in us merely a pleasant 
 fiction ? 
 
 Perhaps an explanation is possible which will leave us a mar- 
 gin of hope for the future. It appears to me that periods of sud- 
 den expansion are the times in which the greatest moral recklessness 
 is exhibited and the ordinary moral scruples are most apt to be set 
 
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6 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 aside. This thought might be illustrated by the history of colonial 
 expansion, of military expansion, even of artistic expansion — as at 
 the time of the Renaissance ; but especially by the history of indus- 
 trial expansion. New machines are invented, the forces of nature, 
 such as steam and electricity, are drafted into the service of economic 
 ends; new markets are opened, and as a consequence tens of thou- 
 sands of energetic men see opening before them the opportunity of 
 securing riches. In the previous comparatively stationary state of 
 society their energies had been repressed; small gains, slowly accu- 
 mulated by much labor and self-denial, had been the rule ; the num- 
 ber of very wealthy persons before the industrial revolution set in 
 was relatively small. But now, as a result of the new conditions, 
 the gates of opportunity are thrown wide open, the glittering prize 
 dangles before every eye, and every active forward-pressing person 
 may hope to secure it. He who looks steadfastly and continuously 
 at some burnished object like a metallic doorknob will presently 
 find himself hypnotized. The same is true in the case of brilliant 
 objects of endeavor that stand out before the imagination. And 
 the essence of this hypnotic effect is that it excludes all other objects 
 or ideas from the mental viewpoint, and this it seems to me explains 
 the conduct of the class of employers and mine owners to whom I 
 have referred. It was gold, the unexpected chance of securing 
 Aladdin's treasure, that riveted their attention, that hypnotized them. 
 The cry of the children they did not hear, the degradation of women 
 they did not see, or if they saw it, it made no impression on their 
 impervious minds; the social evils consequent upon their predatory 
 conduct were excluded from their sphere of vision ; a kind of mono- 
 mania took possession of them, they were the victims of a fixed idea. 
 The periods of industrial expansion are peculiarly fruitful of such 
 fixed ideas, and they are therefore the danger points in the develop- 
 ment of human society. But what is the hope ? The hope is that 
 the results of such a reckless course of action will appear to the 
 eye too plainly to be ignored; that the morally sound elements in 
 the community, if the community be still sound at core, will take 
 alarm ; that a powerful reaction will set in, and that as a result cer- 
 tain forms of industrial iniquity which had previously been over- 
 looked or had remained unrecognized will be stigmatized and for- 
 bidden; and that the general moral standard with respect to the 
 evils that have appeared will be definitely raised to a higher point 
 
 [420] 
 
Child Labor in the United States 7 
 
 than it had reached before those evils had set in. This is the hope ; 
 it is founded on the morally sound elements, in the community and 
 on their reaction ; I believe that in American communities such ele- 
 ments still abundantly exist. 
 
 But it is of child labor in the United States that I am to speak, 
 and here again I shall restrict myself to a few outstanding facts suf- 
 ficient to establish that we are not fighting windmills, but that the 
 evils which so earenstly challenge a remedy are widespread. 
 
 At the beginning of 1903 it is estimated that there were in the 
 factories of the South — chiefly cotton factories — about 20,000 chil- 
 dren under the age of twelve. Twelve is a very early age at which 
 to begin work ; but under the age of twelve, and 20,000, and in the 
 United States of America — who would have credited it? And these 
 children, too, not the children of foreign immigrants, but for the 
 most part the offspring of the purest American stock of this conti- 
 nent; and some of these children, as eye witnesses attest, were at 
 their work even more than twelve hours, as much as thirteen and 
 fourteen hours a day. Where are our instincts of mercy, where 
 is the motherliness of the women of this country, whither is the 
 chivalry of our men that should seek a glory in protecting the de- 
 fenseless and the weak? Within the last two years child labor laws 
 have been passed which have doubtless reduced the number of chil- 
 dren under twelve years of age in the factories ; how great the reduc- 
 tion is it is impossible to say. But the South is by no means singu- 
 lar, though it has of late been more conspicuous in its employment 
 of child labor than other sections of the country. And there is no 
 excuse for adopting a pharasaical attitude toward the southern com- 
 munities and saying: "We are glad that we are not like these." For 
 in the first place, in not a few instances it is northern capital invested 
 in southern mills that shares the responsibility for the conditions 
 named ; and then again, while the proportion of child to adult labor 
 in the South is greater than anywhere else in the country, the abso- 
 lute number of children employed is greater in the industrial centers 
 of the North. 
 
 The lack of adequate statistical inquiries makes it impossible to 
 express in figures the extent of the evil of child labor. But wherever 
 investigation is undertaken, wherever the surface is even scratched, 
 we are shocked to find to what an extent the disease is eating its way 
 underneath, even in those States in which legislation on the sub- 
 
 [421] 
 
8 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 ject is almost ideal. The laws are admirable, but the enforcement 
 is defective. Thus glancing over the reports recently transmitted to 
 the National Child Labor Committee by its agents I find that in 
 New Jersey, in one of the woolen mills, 200 children under the 
 legal age are at work. In the glass industry of Ohio, Pennsylvania, 
 and West Virginia, the evils of premature work and of night work 
 are combined. A boy, Willie Davis, for instance, thirteen years old, 
 works on alternate nights from 6.30 p. m. to 4.30 a. m., earning 
 ninety cents a day. In one of the glass houses of Wheeling, W. Va., 
 forty boys were seen by the agent, apparently from ten to twelve 
 years of age; one child looked not over nine years old, "but was 
 too busy to be interviewed." In this place 3,000 children of the 
 school age were found to be out of school. In this town there are 
 also many cigar factories that employ children. And speaking of 
 the tobacco industry reminds me of the case of a child worker just 
 reported from Pittsburgh. The boy is employed in a toby factory — 
 "tobies" being a cheap kind of cigar — in rolling tobies. He is twelve 
 years of age; he has already been at work for seven months; the 
 hours of labor are from 6 a. m. to 8 p. m., intermission for lunch 
 fifteen minutes, for supper twenty minutes, in all thirty-five minutes 
 in fourteen hours. He works Saturday nights from seven until mid- 
 night, and sometimes until 2 Sunday morning; does not work Sat- 
 urdays, but works Sundays. The room in which he rolls his "tobies" 
 is described as dark and poorly ventilated ; the atmosphere is charged 
 with tobacco dust. The boy seems gentle and uncomplaining, but 
 he coughs ; and when he was asked whether he was well, he pointed 
 to his chest and to his back and said : "I have a pain here and there." 
 And in our own state of New York, which in point of legislation 
 is in advance of all the rest, the infractions of the law that occur 
 are frightful enough, as the petition for the removal of the present 
 Factory Inspector sent to the Governor by the Child Labor Com- 
 mittee of New York plainly proves. In a single one of the canning 
 factories where abuses are particularly flagrant, the foreman himself 
 estimated the number of children at work in violation of the law to 
 be 300. Children as young as ten, nine, and seven were found to be 
 at work side by side with their mothers, from 9 a. m. to 9 p. m. In 
 the Chelsea Jute Mills of Brooklyn, an establishment which acquired 
 an unenviable notoriety in connection with the Annie Ventre case 
 some months ago, there are reported to be at the present time 85 
 
 [422] 
 
Child Labor in the United States 9 
 
 children at work under the legal age. In the sweated trades the 
 evils are the same, or if possible worse. The report further states 
 that the number of violations, not of the child labor laws in particular 
 but of the factory laws in general, are alarmingly on the increase; 
 33,000 reported in 1901, 50,000 in 1903. 
 
 I must again repeat that the number of law-defying employers 
 cannot be estimated with any exactness. Sweeping arraignments, 
 sensational generalizations are unjust in this as in other cases. There 
 are employers, not a few, who on their own initiative endeavor to 
 enhance the safety, the comfort and the well-being of their employees 
 beyond anything that the law requires of them. But the mischief 
 wrought by the lawless minority, affecting as it does so many thou- 
 sands of human lives, is intolerable ; and there is always the danger 
 that in a competitive system the lowering of the standard by the 
 unscrupulous will tend to undermine and to drag down the higher 
 standard which those whose intentions are honorable are attempting 
 to maintain. There is need of efforts gradually to raise the age 
 limit of employment where that limit is too low; and it has been 
 found also that there is need of a kind of National Steering Commit- 
 tee to promote the movement on behalf of child protection — in view 
 of the fact that states hitherto agricultural are more and more enter- 
 ing the column of the industrial states — for the purpose of guiding 
 as far as possible this transition, and enabling the newer industrial 
 communities to profit by the lessons of experience, and preventing 
 in their case the needless repetition of the evils which have marked 
 the initial stages of industrial development in the older countries 
 and commonwealths. Such a committee has now been created. But 
 in addition to good laws, there is need of a vigorous and imperative 
 public sentiment in favor of the enforcement of the laws, for without 
 the pressure of public sentiment the best laws remain dead letters, 
 as the example of New York state demonstrates. But public senti- 
 ment cannot be maintained without public interest in the question; 
 and it is to aid in developing such interest with a view to maintain- 
 ing such a sentiment that I have brought the matter before you in 
 this address. 
 
 And now let us briefly consider some of the arguments that 
 are advanced in favor of child labor, and the grounds upon which 
 they are to be rejected. The first argument is, that necessity knows 
 no compunction; that however undesirable it may seem to harness 
 
 [423] 
 
10 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 young children to the yoke of toil, it is impossible to do without them, 
 because if child labor laws are enforced certain important branches 
 of industry will cease to be profitable. For instance, in the glass in- 
 dustry. It is said that this industry cannot be carried on without 
 the aid of young boys, and of the textile industries in the South 
 the same has been averred. This argument is as old as human 
 avarice, and it appears again and again in modern economic history. 
 It is fallacious, for the reason that cheap labor is not really cheap, 
 and that higher paid labor — in this case the labor of adults as com- 
 pared with that of children — is not really more expensive. The 
 prohibition of the cheap labor of the child is favorable to the inven- 
 tion and use of labor-saving devices; it challenges and promotes a 
 more efficient organization of the business ; and it imparts a higher 
 value to the product, because of the greater skill, vigor and interest 
 of the labor that enters into the product. As a matter of fact, at 
 the time when the two principal industries of England — the textile 
 and the coal mining industries — were prohibited from employing 
 children, there was a tremendous outcry, and it was freely predicted 
 that those branches would cease to be profitable, and especially that 
 England would cease to be able to compete in the matter of textiles 
 and coal with foreign countries. But what has been the event? 
 That England is stronger to-day — not in spite of, but because she 
 has forbidden, child labor — in just those two branches of industry 
 than she was at the time when those sinister predictions were 
 littered. And so if it is said that the glass industry cannot be car- 
 ried on without child labor there is the fact to be noted that the 
 largest glasshouse in the state of Ohio is carried on without child 
 labor, and does not appear to be conducted at a loss. 
 
 A second argument is the attempt to block a humanitarian move- 
 ment for a seemingly humanitarian reason, the reason being that 
 the labor of these little hands is necessary to relieve the poverty of 
 their families, and that it is cruel to deprive the poor of that increase 
 of their weekly earnings — even if it be only two or three dollars — 
 which little children are able to supply. In answer to this plea it 
 must be said that the actual state of the case is sometimes quite 
 different from what is supposed. For instance, I have in mind 
 the case of a boy who, though fifteen years of age, was sadly over- 
 worked, his hours being from 6 a. m. to lo p. m. The father of 
 this boy earns from six to seven dollars a day. Surely this is not 
 
 [424] 
 
Child Labor in the United States 1 1 
 
 a case in which the necessity of the parent excuses the overtaxing 
 of the strength of a young boy. In other cases parents are found to 
 lead a parasitic life, reversing the order of nature, the adults living 
 at the expense of the children. Economically it is brought home to 
 us, that the wage earned by children is not really an increase of 
 the family earnings ; that where there is competition between children 
 and men the wages of the men are thereby reduced ; so that a family 
 in which man, woman, and child are breadwinners, may not earn 
 more — sometimes earns less — than the income gained by the man 
 when the man alone was the breadwinner. And again, in those cases 
 of genuine hardship which undoubtedly occur, especially where 
 women have been left widowed with the care of a family upon their 
 hands, and where the small earnings of children ten and eleven 
 years of age do make an appreciable difference (cases have occurred 
 of loyal little men under the age limit coming to the mills with tears 
 in their eyes and begging to be allowed to labor for their mothers' 
 sake) ; I say in such cases it is wiser for society to commend indeed 
 the loyalty of these little fellows, but to send them to school, and 
 to follow the example of Ohio, which has spread a law upon its 
 statute books looking to the public relief of destitute families of this 
 kind. It is better for the state to furnish outright relief than to see 
 the standard of living of whole sections of the population lowered 
 by child competition. 
 
 These are the two main arguments. There is one other argu- 
 ment, so un-American and so inhuman that I am almost ashamed 
 to quote it, and yet it has been used, and I fear is secretly in the 
 minds of some who would not openly stand for it. A manufacturer 
 standing near the furnace of a glasshouse and pointing to a pro- 
 cession of young Slav boys who were carrying the glass on 
 trays, remarked : "Look at their faces, and you will see that it is 
 idle to take them from the glass-house in order to give them an edu- 
 cation; they are what they are, and will always remain what they 
 are." He meant that there are some human beings — and these Slavs 
 of the number — who are mentally irredeemable, so fast asleep intel- 
 lectually that they cannot be awakened ; designed by nature, therefore, 
 to be hewers of wood and drawers of water. This cruel and wicked 
 thing was said of Slavs ; it is the same thing which has been said 
 from time immemorial by the slave owners of their slaves. First 
 they degrade human beings by denying them the opportunity to 
 
 [425] 
 
1 2 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 develop their better nature ; no schools, no teaching, no freedom, no 
 outlook; and then, as if in mockery, they point to the degraded 
 condition of their victims as a reason why they should never be 
 allowed to escape from it. 
 
 These are the arguments advanced for child labor. What I 
 have summarily said may suffice for their refutation; but I shall 
 not content myself merely with the negative attitude of meeting 
 our opponents, and I should like in approaching the close of my ad- 
 dress to present the grand positive reason why child servitude should 
 be abolished throughout the length and breadth of this land. The 
 battle is sometimes put on what are called sentimental grounds. Any 
 one who has children of his own cannot help enduring a certain 
 anguish in thinking of such cases as those of the little children tread- 
 ing up and down those stairs of the inferno of the English coal 
 mines with buckets of coal on their backs, or of the little children 
 in the mills returning to their squalid homes at 2.30 in the morn- 
 ing, or of the little boy rolling "tobies" in the dark and ill-ventilated 
 room for fourteen mortal hours, coughing, with a pain "here and 
 there." And when we picture these things and realize what they 
 mean we are apt to cry out in a sort of wild indignation, saying: 
 "These things must stop; we will not permit them to go on." In 
 other words, we think of the individual children; and as we are 
 men and women capable of sympathetic feeling, our hearts bleed for 
 them. 
 
 But in addition we must never forget that beyond the individual 
 interest there is a vast social interest at stake, the interest of Amer- 
 ican civilization, of human civilization, of all those generations that 
 are to succeed us. The reason why child labor must be abolished, 
 apart from the sufferings of individuals, is one which biology and 
 ethics combine to enforce upon us. The higher the type of living 
 being the finer the organism, the longer the period of time required 
 for its maturing. The young of birds and of the lower animals are 
 full grown after a few days or a few weeks. They acquire with 
 incredible rapidity the use of inherited instincts, and after the short- 
 est infancy are ready to take up the struggle for existence after the 
 fashion of their species. The human being requires a period of 
 preparation extending over years before he is ready to take up the 
 struggle for existence after the human fashion. First infancy, then 
 childhood, then early youth; and during all that period he must 
 
 [426] 
 
Child Labor in the United States 13 
 
 remain dependent on the protection and the nurture of adult kins- 
 folk. If that period is curtailed the end of Nature in this highest 
 type of living being — man — is thwarted. It is for this reason that 
 premature toil is such a curse. The child must develop physically, 
 and to do so it must play; the child must develop mentally, and 
 to do so it must be sent to school ; the child must develop morally, 
 and to do so it must be kept within the guarded precincts of the 
 home. 
 
 The physical effects of precocious childhood are arrest of 
 growth, puny, stunted stature, anaemia, thin, emaciated limbs, sunken 
 cheeks and hollow eyes; and diseases of all kinds— of the lungs, of 
 the joints, of the spine — for arrest of development does not mean 
 mere arrest, but means malformation. 
 
 The mental effects of precocity labor are likewise arrest of mental 
 development; and this, too, means not only a stopping short but a 
 development in the wrong direction. The brilliant but short-lived 
 intelligence of many newsboys, their high-strung excitability, their 
 sinister anticipation of world knowledge, followed often by torpor 
 and mental exhaustion later on are an instance in point. We laugh 
 at and applaud their sallies of wit, their quick repartee, their seeming 
 ability to play the game of life on a par with adults; we do not 
 look beyond the moment, nor count the cost they pay. 
 
 And the moral effects, as is to be expected, are of the same 
 sort: loosening of family ties, roving the streets, familiarity with 
 vice and the haunts of vice, a startling independence before the moral 
 nature is fit to maintain independence, a process of selection so 
 trying that while sometimes it leads those subjected to it to distin- 
 guished achievement, more often it leads to ruin. 
 
 The finer the type the longer the period needed for the maturing 
 of it. In the case of youths dedicated to the professions, the period 
 of preparation at present extends far into the twenties. In the case 
 of all who are to be component members of this American nation, 
 to carry on its great traditions and help in solving its tremendous 
 problems, the period of preparation should not be cut short below 
 the sixteenth year. This is the standard toward which we are work- 
 ing, toward which we hope to approximate — ^more rapidly in the 
 older communities, more patiently and with a due regard to all the 
 interests involved in the less advanced communities. But we look 
 forward to the day when the standard shall be adopted in all the 
 
 [427] 
 
14 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 American Commonwealths, and the total abolition of child labor in 
 every form shall be the honorable achievement of the entire American 
 people. 
 
 The emancipation of childhood from economic servitude is a 
 social reform of the first magnitude. It is also one upon which we 
 can all unite. There are so many proposed reforms upon which 
 it is impossible to secure agreement, different minds, though alike 
 honest, inevitably differing with regard to them. But here is a reform 
 upon which we can agree, which must appeal to every right thinking 
 person, and which is urgent. And one particular advantage of it I 
 should like to point out, namely, that it is calculated to be the best 
 induction into the right spirit of social reform, that it will attune 
 the community in which it is achieved to a favorable reception of 
 sane and sound social reforms generally, Because if once it comes 
 to be an understood thing that a certain sacredness "doth hedge 
 around" a child, that a child is industrially taboo, that to violate 
 its rights is to touch profanely a holy thing, that it has a soul which 
 must not be blighted for the prospect of mere gain ; if this be once 
 generally conceded with regard to the child the same essential reason- 
 ing will be found to apply also to the adult workers ; they, too, will 
 not be looked upon as mere commodities, as mere instruments for 
 the accumulation of riches; to them also a certain sacredness will 
 be seen to attach, and certain human rights to belong, which may 
 not be infringed. I have great hopes for the adjustment of our 
 labor difficulties on a higher plane, if once we can gain the initial 
 victory of inculcating regard for the higher human nature that is 
 present potentially in the child. 
 
 And there is one additional word which, if I may so far encroach 
 upon your patience, I should like to say : It is not enough to shut 
 the children out of the factory, we must also bring them into the 
 school, and compel parents, if necessary, to send them to school; 
 the movement for compulsory education everywhere goes hand in 
 hand, and must go hand in hand, with the child labor movement. 
 
 The child labor movement has for its object to fence off an 
 open space within which the educational institutions of the country 
 may do their perfect work. The school has for its object to win 
 from the human beings confided to it the human qualities latent in 
 them, imagination, taste, skill, appreciation, vigorous reasoning, will 
 power, character ; to fulfill the ends of Nature in the finest organism, 
 
 [428] 
 
Child Labor in the United States 15 
 
 the highest type of living being which she has yet produced. A more 
 convincing appeal than comes to us from these two movements 
 jointly, the child labor and the educational movements, in my judg- 
 ment, cannot be conceived of. And without the former the latter 
 cannot succeed. 
 
CHILD LABOR IN SOUTHERN INDUSTRY 
 
 By a. J. McKelway, 
 Assistant Secretary of the National Child Labor Committee. 
 
 For a Southern man to criticise the South before a Northern 
 audience is treason ; to defend the South is almost an instinct. But 
 if he can throw the blame for anything that is wrong upon New 
 England he may thereby reconcile sentiment and conscience. It is 
 an orthodox introduction, therefore, to say that the invention of 
 a New England pedagogue, a hundred years ago, is the real cause 
 of the crusade in which we are all engaged. That invention changed 
 the face of the industrial and political world. To Eli Whitney's 
 cotton gin may be traced directly the abandonment of manufactur- 
 ing in the South and the practical monopoly of the cotton growing 
 industry by the South, the development of African slavery from 
 a patriarchal into a commercial institution, the clash between the 
 systems of slave labor and free, the resulting War between the States, 
 and the system of child labor which has been the special curse of 
 the cotton milling industry for a hundred years, first in England, 
 then in New England and later, with the resumption of manufac- 
 turing by the South, has become the curse of the Southern cotton 
 mill. Consider these clearly related facts: Ten years before that 
 invention the South shipped 1,200 pounds of cotton to England. 
 Last year the South produced 6,500,000,000 pounds. The first full 
 cargo of cotton shipped to England, shortly after that invention, 
 was seized on the ground that so much cotton could not be pro- 
 duced in the United States. A hundred years ago the South was 
 manufacturing more goods and a greater variety of them than New 
 England ; Southern states were vainly protesting against the British 
 and New England slave trade and the extension of slavery; a 
 physician of Leeds, England, had just put on record his historic 
 prqtest against the niggardliness of the hospital authorities in not 
 
 [430] 
 
Child Labor in Southern Industry 1 7 
 
 furnishing enough supports for the bent bones of the deformed chil- 
 dren of the cotton mills, and Eli Whitney was receiving his royalty 
 of two shillings sixpence upon each saw of his historic gin. Of 
 course the invention was also a great beneficence. It has made 
 clothing so cheap that the Hong Kong coolie, on a wage scale of 
 three cents a day, may cover his nakedness. But it gave us the 
 slavery problem and has bequeathed to us the negro problem of the 
 South and the child labor problem of the manufacturing states of 
 both Europe and America. 
 
 And now the South is again becoming a manufacturing section. 
 In 1900 the value of her manufactured products surpassed that of 
 her agricultural. And it happens that the manufacture of cotton is 
 her characteristic and commanding industry. In 1880 there were 
 667,000 spindles in Southern mills. In 1900 there were over 7,000,- 
 000. In 1904 there were twice as many cotton manufacturing estab- 
 lishments in the South as in 1900. In the two Carolinas the number 
 of spindles has more than doubled in the last six years. But just 
 as there so long hung over the cotton field the pall of negro slavery, 
 so there hangs to-day over the cotton mill the shadow of child slav- 
 ery. The conscience of the world revolted against man-stealing and 
 man enslavement. But the enslavement of children touches a deeper 
 chord. One of our eloquent phrase makers has spoken of the great 
 smoke-stacks of our flourishing mills as "flaunting their banners of 
 industry against the sky." But when one thinks of the thousands 
 of young lives that are imprisoned within those mills, toiling from 
 daylight to dark or from dark to daylight, an older figure of speech 
 comes to mind — "And the smoke of their torment ascendeth" — 
 shall it be "forever" ? 
 
 It may be broadly stated that there would be no child labor 
 problem to speak of in the South to-day except for the cotton mill, 
 and this industry is centered in the piedmont section of four cotton 
 growing states. North and South Carolina, Georgia and Alabama. 
 It is necessary to discriminate between these states and others of 
 the South as to the extent of the child labor evil, and within these 
 states, as to the character of the work done by children. The 
 South is still mainly an agricultural section. Among those under 
 sixteen years of age, counted by the census makers as engaged in 
 "gainful occupations," by far the greatest number are at work on 
 the farm, under the eye of their parents, although by the operation 
 
 [431] 
 
1 8 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 of the tenant system their wages are counted in the sum total for 
 the family. But this is the kind of child labor that is not only not 
 hurtful, but may be beneficial in the direction of physical health 
 and development. The negroes are not employed in the cotton mills 
 and their children may therefore be excluded from the factory 
 problems. Other manufacturing industries make no appreciable 
 demand for the labor of the children. The furniture factories of 
 North Carolina that sell their finished product at Grand Rapids, 
 Michigan, are practically unanimous in their belief and practice that 
 no child under fourteen years of age should be at work in a factory. 
 The evil exists to some extent in the tobacco factories, to no extent 
 in the steel and iron works, while the coal mining states have the 
 protection of fairly good laws against the employment of children. 
 The South is too large a section of country and its industries too 
 varied for any sweeping indictments against it in this matter to be 
 other than the fruit of ignorance or prejudice. And it may be 
 easily proved that because child labor has always been the curse 
 of the cotton mill above all other industries it is such an evil in one 
 section of the South. There should be similar discrimination in 
 reviewing the legislation of the Southern states in the matter of 
 child labor. It is comparatively an unimportant matter that Mis- 
 sissippi, with twenty small cotton mills has an ineffective child 
 labor law, or that Louisiana, with ten cotton mills has lately refused 
 to amend its law, or that Florida, with no cotton mills, is as yet 
 innocent of any remedial legislation on this subject. In the South, 
 although there is a general movement and rapid progress in all lines 
 of manufacturing, cotton is still king in both the factory and the 
 field. North Carolina's rural population is still 85 per cent, of the 
 total, and yet North Carolina has more cotton mills, though smaller 
 ones, than any state in the union and South Carolina stands next to 
 Massachusetts in the number of spindles. 
 
 It may be said also, that considering the sudden growth of the 
 cotton milling industry and the bad reputation it has always borne 
 in respect to the employment of children, the South has acted with 
 commendable promptness in recognizing the evil and attempting its 
 cure. The very first protest made in England by way of legislation 
 was in 1802, the twelve-hour law of Sir Robert Peel, which had 
 special reference to the cotton factories and woolen mills. Yet, in 
 1816, out of 23,000 factory hands in a given number of English 
 
 [432] 
 
Child Labor in Southern Industry 19 
 
 mills, 14,000 were under eighteen, while children of six years were 
 employed. In 1833 Lord Shaftesbury showed that the conditions 
 in the cotton mills had not improved, and made this profoundly sig- 
 nificant remark that the evil had "spread from the cotton mills" into 
 other industries. It was not until 1848 that child labor in England 
 was limited to five hours a day for children under thirteen, although 
 the law requiring such children to attend school the other half of 
 the day has resulted in practically as much physical deterioration as 
 from continued employment in the mill. It was not until 1902 that 
 England passed a law raising the minimum age limit for the employ- 
 ment of children to twelve years, while the same year, after only 
 twenty years of experience with the evil, the three manufacturing 
 states of North Carolina, South Carolina and Alabama, fixed the 
 same age limit by law. Massachusetts, with almost ideal conditions 
 at the beginning, so far as this evil was concerned, had gone back- 
 ward, until as late as 1879 children from eight to eleven years of age 
 were allowed to work from eleven to fourteen hours a day in the 
 cotton mills. It is worthy of note that free trade, including the 
 abolition of the com laws in England, has been the same encourage- 
 ment to manufactures there that protection has been for the United 
 States, driving the people from the farm to the factory. In the 
 decade between 1890 and 1900 the employment of children in fac- 
 tories increased 40 per cent., and of these factory children 61.8 per 
 cent, are in the Middle and Southern states. 
 
 It may be fairly said, therefore, that the South has acquired 
 this system of child labor from New England just as New England 
 learned it from old England along with other lessons of the cotton 
 milling business. In fact the very machinery of the cotton mill is 
 adapted to child labor. The spinning frame is built for a child of 
 from twelve to fourteen years of age, so that it is hard for an adult 
 worker to do that particular work through having to stoop to the 
 task. I was told not long ago by a leading dealer in cotton mill 
 machinery that a spooler had been recently put upon the market with 
 adjustable legs for small help. While I learned from the same 
 authority that when the cotton mill was erected in India, for the first 
 time in the history of the industry as conducted by modern machin- 
 ery, the spinning frames were made high enough from the floor for 
 adult workers, India not being sufficiently civilized to employ children. 
 
 And even in the South, the North must share responsibility 
 
 [4331 
 
20 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 for the continuance of this evil. The history of legislation on this 
 subject is interesting. In 1887 Alabama passed a law forbidding 
 any child under fourteen to work more than eight hours a day in a 
 mill. Then came the wonderful development of the industry and 
 a large influx of northern capital to be invested in that industry. 
 Through the influence of the Northern mill-owners of Alabama 
 mills, that law was repealed. Through the same influences, coupled 
 with those of Southern manufacturers, the child labor law pro- 
 posed in Alabama, through the efforts of^dgar Gardner Murphy, 
 of Montgomery, failed of passage. The agitation following 
 the defeat of that law resulted in the next two years in putting legis- 
 lation on the statute books of Alabama, North and South Carolina, 
 the effort failing in Georgia, where again there is large Northern 
 interest in Southern mills, while in the Carolinas the mills are 
 owned almost entirely by Southern men. The agitation spread 
 from the South to the North, where there were better laws upon the 
 books, but in many instances miserably poor enforcement. It was 
 this agitation and its beneficent fruits that led Mr. Murphy to sug- 
 gest the formation of a national committee for the consideration of 
 this problem. For it is admittedly a national and not a sectional evil. 
 Just as the laws of the manufacturing countries of Europe are 
 superior to those of our own country, so those of the North and of 
 the West are superior to those of the South. There must be dis- 
 crimination, however, as Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey and 
 Illinois, have the same age limit as Maryland, Tennessee and Ken- 
 tucky, namely, fourteen for those working in factories, while Penn- 
 sylvania has an age limit of thirteen. Virginia, North Carolina, 
 South Carolina (after next May), Alabama, Louisiana, Texas and 
 Arkansas, have the same age limit, namely, twelve, as Maine, New 
 Hampshire, Vermont and Rhode Island, while Delaware and Okla- 
 homa stand with Georgia and Florida in fixing no age limit. It 
 should be said, however, that these statements soon are antiquated 
 since there is a strong effort to raise the age limit in Rhode Island 
 and in Pennsylvania just now, and there will be another attempt to fix 
 an age limit by law and not by an agreement of the manufacturers, 
 merely, in Georgia at the next legislative session.^ 
 
 ' Since the above was written, Rhode Island has raised the age limit to thirteen, and 
 provided that it shall be fourteen after January i, 1907. Pennsylvania has raised the age 
 limit to fourteen, and Delaware has enacted a fourteen- year standard; likewise Vermont, 
 West Virginia, Kansas, Oregon and California. — S. M. L- , Ed- 
 
 [434] 
 
Child Labor in Southern Industry 2 1 
 
 But there is as yet almost no enforcement of the child labor 
 laws in the Southern states. Putting on record the principle of the 
 right of the state to interfere between the parent and the child in 
 this vital matter is as far as most of our states have gone. There is 
 no system of factory inspection, and it is admitted that the laws are 
 as constantly as they can be easily violated. And while the num- 
 bers of the toiling children are larger in the North, through the mul- 
 tiplicity of her manufactures, the percentage of child to adult labor 
 is four times as great in the South as in the North. Conditions are 
 bad enough and should not be minimized, lest they be tolerated too 
 long. The evil is even a growing one with the growth of the cotton 
 milling industry. There are 15,000 children under fourteen years 
 of age working in the cotton mills of North Carolina, not less than 
 60,000 in the South, and it is known that too many of these are 
 under twelve in spite of law and agreements not to employ such. 
 A recent effort to amend the law in North Carolina by raising the age 
 limit from twelve to fourteen for girls and for boys who cannot read 
 and write, was defeated by the representations of the manufacturers 
 that their business would be ruined, one of them stating publicly 
 that 75 per cent, of the spinners in the North Carolina mills were 
 between the ages of twelve and fourteen. The illiteracy of the manu- 
 facturing states of the South is largely due to the competition for 
 the life of the child between the school and the mill, with the manu- 
 facturer too often, the parent nearly always, and sometimes the 
 child on the side of the mill. The Northern manufacturing states 
 are also falling in the illiteracy scale, Rhode Island, with its twelve 
 year limit unenforced, having become the most illiterate of North- 
 ern states. In North Carolina only 25 per cent, of the children 
 of school age in the factory districts attend school and the per- 
 centage is sometimes as low as 8 and 10 per cent. 
 
 But the religious and educational forces of the South, with the 
 aid of the enlightened press of the South, may be trusted to put an 
 end to this hideous abuse. In all other points save this, the cotton 
 mill industry of the South is a real beneficence, and is conducted 
 under the best conditions. It is only necessary that the facts shall 
 be carefully investigated, and published, for the demand to become 
 irresistible from the people themselves that the industry must not 
 be built upon the basis of child labor, nor will it be long before the 
 
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2 2 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 will of kind-hearted people will be translated into humane laws that 
 we may again "present a serene front to civilization." 
 
 And I would appeal to the people of the North to sweep before 
 their own doors more carefully as the best means of helping us 
 of the South. When Southern visitors to New York City see the 
 size of the little newsboys and are aware of the newsboy law, they 
 are not much impressed with the adequacy of law to protect children. 
 When our Carolina manufacturers visit the Rhode Island cotton 
 mills and find conditions there as bad if not worse than those in 
 their own factories, it is hard for the advocates of the children's 
 cause in the South to plead the better example of the North. In 
 all respects save this one, conditions in the Southern mills are better 
 than they have ever been elsewhere in their industry. 
 
 The child is the savior of the race. The child is the harbinger 
 of the Golden Age, when, as it has been pictured to us, the forces of 
 greed and the forces of violence and the forces of cunning shall 
 walk together in peaceful procession, while "A little child shall lead 
 them." In working for the protection of the child from too early 
 toil, with its stunting of the body and dwarfing of the mind and 
 spoiling of the spirit, we are laboring for the building up of the 
 race that is to be. The child labor problem touches many others. 
 But it seems to me that the old darkey summed up the whole phil- 
 osophy of this movement when he was made to say : 
 
 I heah de chillun readin' 
 
 'Bout de wort' a tumin' 'roun', 
 Till my head gits sorter dizzy 
 
 As I Stan' upon de groun'; 
 But let her keep a tumin' 
 
 If 'twill bring a better day, 
 When a man can mek a livin', 
 
 While his chillun learn an' play. - " 
 
CHILDREN IN AMERICAN STREET TRADES 
 
 By Myron E. Adams, 
 West Side Neighborhood House, New York City. 
 
 Although the method of distributing the daily papers may seem 
 to vary in different cities the means remain ever the same. The news- 
 boy has always been regarded as indispensable for securing a satisfac- 
 tory delivery or distribution. The purpose he serves is so evident, his 
 place in the system seems so determined by necessity, that much 
 thought has been given to the labor, but very little to the laborer. 
 In truth the public has grown to look upon him as one of the factors 
 in everyday life, able to care for himself and to work out his own 
 salvation. That some do this there is no doubt. The newsboys who 
 have gone from the street into business and even into larger affairs 
 of state and of the nation refer with pride to the road over which 
 they have traveled. 
 
 The newsboy has become a part of our city environment. A 
 familiar figure, rather undersized as we know him best, flipping 
 the street cars, or standing on street corners holding his stock in 
 trade under his arm. A veritable merchant of the street, who scans 
 each passer-by as a possible customer. Quick of wit and intent upon 
 his trade he reads their peculiarities at a glance, and makes the most 
 of their weaknesses. The public sees him at his best and neglects 
 him at his worst. He is not considered in the problem of child 
 labor, because he works in the open and is seemingly apart from the 
 associations which are so hostile to the health and happiness of the 
 factory child. 
 
 It seems the part of the iconoclast to controvert the popular 
 conception of the newsboy. His energy and enthusiasm in the few 
 hours when his work is at its best add to the picturesque in the 
 city's life ; his sacrifice and his service have always been the peculiar 
 field of the melodrama or the boy's story book. It is very hard to 
 throw these early impressions ruthlessly aside. This class of boys 
 
 [437] 
 
24 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 have the ability to do things which attract and to conceal those 
 things which repel. 
 
 Undoubtedly in the early days of paper selling and before the 
 child of foreign parents secured such a monopoly of street trades, 
 there were some features of paper selling which were more attrac- 
 tive than they are to-day. With the changing character of the 
 street there has also come the realization that the ordinary boy has 
 little or no future there. The opportunity for him in the business 
 of the paper is small. In fact the uncertainty and license of the 
 street provides but a poor education for any occupation which re- 
 quires either regular or persistent effort. 
 
 With the demand for more effective restriction of child labor 
 and with compulsory education laws the fact has become obvious 
 that the laborer on the street is one of the chief offenders against 
 these laws. Investigations conducted by persons familiar with the 
 problem have disclosed the fact that while street trading offered 
 temptations to which the street boy was particularly susceptible, 
 there has been little or no attempt to regulate and improve existing 
 conditions. 
 
 It has also been noticeable that similar conditions prevail in 
 most American cities. The dangers of the street trades are not 
 limited to the great cities of the East, but are equally true of the 
 western cities and of the smaller cities throughout the country. 
 This matter has been more carefully considered in our great cities, 
 and we shall take as the best illustration of the general dangers of 
 street trading those found in the city of Chicago. 
 
 Chicago is particularly fortunate in the character of its street 
 trades. Many forces have combined in the newspaper industry to 
 make possible a system of distribution, which, both in simplicity 
 and completeness, excels that of most of American cities. A system 
 has been gradually developed in Chicago which excludes many of 
 the deplorable tendencies in other cities. This allows the paper to 
 pass from the publisher to the reader with the least possible waste 
 of time or energy, and insures in the case of many of its workers 
 the establishment of newspaper selling as an industry. The indus- 
 trial possibilities have been largely due to the practical interest that 
 the Chicago papers have taken in the newsboy, and in the develop- 
 ment of a regular and methodical system of paper selling. This 
 interest has not merely been evident in the desire to give some pleas- 
 
 [438] 
 
Children in American Street Trades 25 
 
 ure to the newsboy, by means of gymnasium, drill-halls and other 
 forms of practical helpfulness, but also, to a much greater degree, 
 in the attempt to put the work on a basis that would insure him a 
 business and a regular livelihood. 
 
 Chicago is mapped out by carefully' defined boundaries into 
 "routes," assigned to men known as "route carriers." A wagon 
 representing each paper covers these routes, not once, but several 
 times during the day. At regular points along the route the driver 
 is met by the men who are owners of the routes. These men are 
 often accompanied by boys, waiting for a supply of papers for house 
 to house delivery, and for sale on street corners in residence districts. 
 They are the news dealer's assistants, and as a rule prove themselves 
 reliable as well as prompt. In fact the competition for this employ- 
 ment is so keen that the boy must "hustle" or another will be given 
 the coveted position. 
 
 In the early phases of newspaper selling the street corner in 
 the downtown district was the scene of physical battles for suprem- 
 acy. For many years the Irish lad held absolute possession. With 
 strong fist and ready tongue, backed by many friends, he seemed 
 almost invincible, but back of it all there was a certain lack of per- 
 sistence that proved to be his undoing. The Jewish boy came next. 
 He would not fight the Irish lad with the weapons of his choosing, 
 he knew a better way. Every day he was at his post, in winter and 
 summer, in good weather and bad, the customer could depend on 
 his appearance with the paper. So his trade increased, and at last 
 he gained a monopoly of the corner. In turn he fell, and the Italian, 
 the prince of street venders, because he possessed both of the strong 
 points of his predecessors, secured the monopoly of most of the 
 good corners. He was both a ready fighter and a persistent worker. 
 
 Meanwhile the circulation managers of the newspapers came 
 into the field with assurance of assistance to him who possessed the 
 corner. The corner, which had been merely a prize for a physical 
 contest, now came to have a quasi-legal position that implied pecu- 
 niary value. Its value was so great that it could not pass unnoticed 
 by the circulation managers, and protection of some sort seemed 
 necessary. The social privilege must have a more stable backing 
 than merely the "good will" of the street. Protection finally came 
 from the newspaper in the form of a card bearing the name of the 
 dealer and the position of his corner, with the condition that no 
 
 [439] 
 
26 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 one could buy early papers without presenting this card. In this 
 way they were able to regulate the transfer of the corner. "For, 
 while they did not often interfere with the transfer of a corner 
 from one boy to another, if they knew him to be in the pay of another 
 paper, or if they suspected that he was getting possession of a num- 
 ber of corners in order to speculate on them, or to hold a monopoly, 
 they did not give him a card." This protection gives the dealers 
 confidence in their position, and inspires them to be both regular in 
 their trade and courteous to customers if they would establish a 
 business. 
 
 The plan which was so well adapted to the downtown district 
 was established on a more liberal scale throughout the city. The 
 principal comers in the outlying districts were occupied by so-called 
 "Canadian" boys, a title often given to the dealer who delivers 
 papers to the smaller boy, and who controls the circulation in his 
 district. The dealers are empowered by the papers to arrange the 
 territory each boy is to cover. Some of these boys receive a small 
 salary from the newspapers, others are dependent upon the small 
 sum which they derive from the sub-letting of their districts, and 
 they manage to earn a very fair salary when they combine the actual 
 selling of papers with their other duties. Among the men and boys 
 who own Corners outside the downtown district there is a great 
 divergence, both in age and nationality, but the boy finally chosen 
 as overseer is usually the best representative of the district in which 
 he lives. 
 
 In addition to this selling on the street corner many of the older 
 boys have established regular routes, which often require the deliv- 
 ery of five or six hundred papers each day. One young man who has 
 a route of this kind has been able to secure an education by means 
 of selling papers. He finally graduated from High school and from 
 a medical college, received a degree, and practiced medicine for 
 two years, yet he still continued with the old route and depended 
 upon it chiefly for support. Many instances came to the notice of 
 investigators of persons who had in this way earned a living while 
 pursuing a scientific or professional course. 
 
 In return for the social and business privilege the agent assumes 
 the responsibility for the circulation of the paper on his corner, or in 
 his district. He promises that each paper shall have an equal amount 
 of attention at his hands, and none shall be favored either in posi- 
 
 [440] 
 
Children in American Street Trades 27 
 
 tion or method of sale. As long as the bargain is kept he is given 
 perfect liberty and remains secure in his position. If the bargain is 
 broken there are forces in reserve that operate to his undoing. 
 
 The business in its development required that some one be 
 constantly at the stand. In the morning one newsboy, or at the 
 most, two are necessary, for the trade in the morning is compara- 
 tively dull. This is due to the fact that most of those who come 
 to the city on suburban trains have already purchased their papers 
 before arriving in the city, and those who live in the city have 
 either obtained a copy at their homes or are too busy to read them 
 at their places of business. On the west side few boys are on the 
 street before 6 a. m., except those who have regular routes. A 
 father was found delivering papers at 5 a. m. with his three little 
 daughters assisting, but as a general rule throughout the city com- 
 paratively few people are engaged in the sale of morning papers. In 
 the afternoon, from three to seven o'clock, many of the corner men 
 have from one to a dozen or more assistants, who receive either a 
 percentage of their sales or a small salary. This is the so-called 
 "hustler" system, and the newspapers claim that it is "simply an 
 excrescence, and apparently a temporary one." The new child- 
 labor law in Illinois forbids the employing of boys under fourteen 
 years of age, but the dealer can easily avoid this technicality by 
 changing wages into commission, the boy will then be working for 
 himself. 
 
 The privilege of position, and the regularity of sales necessarily 
 develops a fixed value for the corner, which ranges from $100 to 
 $500. The four corners of Clark and Madison streets are estimated 
 by their owners to be worth $2,000. None of the corner men earn 
 less than $1 a day, and many earn from $5 to $10. All this proves 
 that it is possible for the city to make a helpful industry out of 
 a trade which has been long considered irregular and desultory. 
 If legislation is needed, for this class it is only that there may be 
 greater security in the business which they now hold as a privilege 
 and not as a legal right. Many of the dealers desire this, as there 
 is always some uncertainty in their continued possession of a corner. 
 
 The news dealers have already felt the need of association and 
 co-operation. The Chicago Newsboys' Protective Association was 
 organized in March, 1902. It does not seek to monopolize the news- 
 paper trade, and is quite satisfied with its membership of 200, which 
 
 [441] 
 
28 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 was not more than 5 per cent, of the newsboys of Chicago. It is not 
 a union and has no power as such, and since the members do not 
 work for wages, it is not eligible for membership in the American 
 Federation of Labor. It was formed originally when the city was 
 making a campaign against the street venders, driving both fruit 
 stands and news stands off the street, and compelling the news 
 dealers to carry their papers under their arms, thus cutting off their 
 sales to a considerable extent. The association which was then 
 formed to present the cause of the newsboys to the City Council 
 secured the successful passage of an act that allowed them to keep 
 stands. After this success they did not disband, but continued to 
 meet the first Wednesday of each month to improve the general 
 conditions under which they work, and also to provide for those 
 among their number who may be prevented by sickness or any 
 other cause from plying their trade. 
 
 Three incidents may illustrate the nature of their activities. It 
 was reported in one of their meetings not long ago that some dis- 
 satisfaction had been expressed with the condition in which the men 
 left their boxes on the street when their day's work was finished. 
 As a result a committee was appointed to wait on the different mem- 
 bers of the association and see that proper care was taken of the 
 boxes during the day, and to insist that they be removed from the 
 street at night. 
 
 A blind member of the association was much troubled by small 
 boys, who stole his papers, and in every way tried to ruin his busi- 
 ness. The matter was reported to the association, who appointed a 
 committee, serving with pay, to investigate the matter and report. 
 As a result of the efforts of the committee there has been little or no 
 trouble since. 
 
 This association also helps those among its number who are 
 sick, although on account of the very small amount of monthly 
 dues they are not able to guarantee this assistance. A cripple 
 received $24 from the association during a four months' illness, and 
 could have secured more had he not been determined to refuse 
 further aid. 
 
 There is, however, a large and growing class, who deserve the 
 attention of both the city and the citizen. The business of selling 
 papers in Chicago is so systematized that the vagrant cannot prosper, 
 and yet the "vagrant" was in its midst. He was found on State 
 
 [442] 
 
Children in American Street Trades 29 
 
 street at eleven o'clock on a Saturday night, with one paper under 
 his arm, not attempting to sell the paper, but using it as a bait to 
 beg from the passersby. He was found in the "American" News 
 alley, sometimes fifty, sometimes a hundred strong, sleeping on bags, 
 under boxes, or on the floor of the newspaper restaurant. With this 
 boy, and with all those who are obviously too young to be permitted 
 to engage in street trading, it is our duty to deal, if we are to pre- 
 serve the attitude the American city takes toward the dependent 
 child. 
 
 Three classes of persons who add little to the general circulation, 
 while detracting much from the tone of the business, and working 
 a real injury to themselves, are engaged in selling newspapers, these 
 are the small boy, the semi-vagrant boy and the young girl. 
 
 An investigation of 1,000 newsboys, ranging in age from five 
 to twenty-two, showed that out of this number, 127, or 12 per cent, 
 were under ten years of age. Among the number there were forty- 
 two Italians, twenty-five Americans, twenty-four Germans, sixteen 
 Irish and eight Jews. One hundred and six had both parents living, 
 and only twenty-one had lost either father or mother. Their aggre- 
 gate earnings were $41.40 per day, or an average earning of thirty- 
 two cents per day, for which they worked three and one-half hours 
 daily.^ 
 
 The small boy, under ten years of age, is on the ragged edge 
 of the newspaper business. He may aid the corner dealer somewhat, 
 and serves his purposes very well, but he is not a necessary part of 
 the circulation system. His absence would not materially affect 
 the general sale of the papers, since there are news stands in charge 
 of older boys on practically every corner, but would preserve the 
 small boy from the temptations which easily lead to a system of 
 begging. The younger boy seems to learn early the strategic way of 
 disposing of his wares. Three boys were found begging on State 
 street between eleven and twelve o'clock one night. Each boy car- 
 ried a paper under his arm, but made no attempt to sell it. They 
 would watch each passerby and without exception select a man 
 accompanied by a lady. As soon as the man's attention was at- 
 tracted by the paper the boy would ask for money, and continue 
 to do so until he either received the money or had been refused 
 many times. One boy (T. P.), received fifteen cents in less than 
 
 1 Statistics at end of article. 
 
 [443] 
 
3° The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 a half hour. When questioned, he stated that all the younger boys 
 remaining on the street after ten o'clock did the same thing. 
 
 If the small boy is to earn very much, particularly in the down- 
 town district where he is most in evidence, he must work in con- 
 nection with some corner man, who controls a considerable distance 
 each side of the stand, or he must wander about the street picking 
 up a customer where opportunity offers. These boys are selected at 
 random, without reference to school attendance, in fact selling news- 
 papers is at the base of much truancy. The corner man exploits the 
 small boy because he needs some one to help him in the busy hours, 
 and often to take the stand when he goes home at night. The 
 corner man disposes of his unsold papers at a reduced rate to one 
 of these small boys when the best selling hours of the day are passed, 
 since some of the evening papers are not returnable. The corner 
 man prefers to stand the small loss rather than spend the long 
 tedious hours late in the evening to dispose of them, but the small 
 boy will often stay downtown in the chance of selling them. On the 
 evening of September 13, 1903, W. S., a newsboy, aged seven, was 
 taking care of a stand at 11.30 p. m., and probably did not leave 
 the place before midnight. The small boy is also very useful in the 
 sale of papers on the street cars, for he does not hesitate to jump 
 on and off when they are at full speed, and in this way secures 
 many customers who would otherwise be lost. Those who have 
 investigated the matter state that the constant jumping on and off 
 the cars is injurious to the boy. "Flipping" the street car is but a 
 step to the freight and express trains, easily accessible and going 
 far out to the country and to other cities, and this combined with 
 irregular hours and uncertain income are the chief means of training 
 the boy for vagrancy. 
 
 The newsboy in many instances is exploited by parents, who 
 find that the boy can earn as much in a few hours as the father can 
 in a day, and in consequence see little need that both should work. 
 To a peasant from Southern Europe, who has been compelled to 
 work for weeks to secure the small returns of a scanty crop, the 
 earnings of his young child upon the fertile fields of the street seem 
 incredibly large. He has no means of judging the harm which may 
 come to his boy or girl, and quite naively reckons that his little chil- 
 dren can earn more than himself. The fact that his child is deprived 
 of school, learns no regular trade and is distracted in mind and 
 
 [444] 
 
Children iu American Street Trades 3 1 
 
 stunted in growth, naturally does not appeal to him, seeing as he 
 does only the gain of the day. The child of such a parent can be 
 protected only by law. 
 
 It is sometimes asserted that children under ten years of age, if 
 not engaged in street trading, would lounge about in idleness and 
 mischief. It must, however, be remembered that the truancy law 
 requires the attendance of all such children at school. It would 
 certainly seem better if only to secure a normal physical develop- 
 ment that these children should play about the street, around their 
 homes, in the playgrounds or in the crowded downtown district at 
 the Chicago Boy's Club, which is conducted exclusively for the 
 boys of the street, than that they should share in the intense life 
 of street trading. 
 
 Nor is it right to characterize as idleness the play of a child 
 of ten after five hours' application in the public school, since play 
 has been recognized as one of the most important factors in the 
 physical and mental development of child life. Anyone familiar 
 with the necessities of child life in the tenement districts understands 
 that the street is the playground for the child. It ought to be 
 emphasized here that there is a well-known difiference in the 
 physical and moral influences surrounding street trading in the 
 downtown district with all the freedom from external control either 
 on the part of city or parent, as compared with the conditions of 
 street play within the neighborhood in which the child lives where 
 the restrictions of home and friends are able to influence to some 
 measure his conduct. 
 
 The suggestion which may occur to the casual reader, that the 
 newsboy under ten years of age, prohibited from trading on the 
 street, would be deprived of a very important part of his support, 
 is not sustained by the facts obtained during the investigation. Only 
 a very small number of these children are from dependent families. 
 A careful investigation of the records of the Charity Organization 
 Society shows that of the 1,000 newsboys investigated, the names of 
 but sixteen families are found, and of these sixteen, eight applied 
 for the privilege of a vegetable garden, of the remaining eight only 
 four received direct help, such as coal, clothing or food. 
 
 Few of these children are even half orphans; of those under 
 ten years of age, twenty-one out of 127. Many do not contribute 
 to their own support or that of the family. In certain instances 
 
 [445] 
 
32 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 children were found to be the chief support of a family, but even 
 in these cases it would be much better for the city to assist in 
 supporting the family now, than to be compelled later to pay the 
 price of a ruined character and a criminal life. The following 
 paragraph illustrates the point in question: 
 
 There are two families bearing the same name, related to each 
 other, one living on East, the other West Taylor street, who have 
 been known to the different children's societies for many years. 
 Ever since the Juvenile Court has been established one or more 
 members of these two families have been before the court every 
 three or four months. Every male member of the West side family 
 has been in the John Worthy School. One of the boys is now at 
 Pontiac, to remain until he is twenty-one, the third son sells papers 
 on the street, but seldom goes to his home. He can be found almost 
 any night, late, loafing around the American Newspaper restaurant, 
 where he gets his meals and sleeps on the floor. The youngest mem- 
 ber of this family has been sent to the Parental School. The father 
 is dead, the mother demented, and all the money that has gone to 
 the support of the family has been earned in the newspaper trade. 
 
 Some children sell papers through the coercion of selfish par- 
 ents. During the investigation, a well-dressed Italian was seen 
 standing on the corner of Adams and State streets watching his 
 three sons selling papers. The three boys, aged respectively, four- 
 teen, ten and eight, earned jointly $2 a day. The father stood by 
 to prevent any investigation of their earnings or school attendance, 
 yet there seemed to be no desire on his part to participate in their 
 labors. In the majority of cases the boys do not have the protection, 
 even of the fathers, but are left to the mercy of the street. 
 
 The investigation disclosed the fact that the newsboy is pecu- 
 liarly subject to dangers of this sort. He is the only working child 
 whose occupation offers an excuse for remaining on the street at 
 night, while apparently pursuing a legitimate industry. Although 
 the city is full of unscrupulous men, it is toward the newsboy that 
 such a man may most easily hold the advantage of an employer of 
 boys under fourteen. Besides this he has an opportunity of employ- 
 ing boys who are already enervated by irregular hours, improper 
 food, and where sense of decency in many cases has been broken 
 down by life on the street at all hours of day or night. Instances 
 of this kind are of frequent occurrence, although they are seldom 
 
 [446] 
 
Children in American Street Trades 33 
 
 made public. The police have direct evidence that a newsdealer, 
 who had a prosperous corner on Halsted street, hired eight young 
 boys, working for him at a percentage of one cent for five papers sold. 
 This man required the boys to come to his room to receive their 
 pay, and there committed violence on each of the eight boys, most 
 of whom were under fourteen years of age. A newsboy who was 
 brought to the John Worthy School was found to be suffering from 
 disease. An investigation instituted by Mr. Sloan disclosed the 
 facts as stated above. The case never came up in the courts, as the 
 man disappeared from the city when he discovered that there was 
 such damaging evidence against him and the authorities have been 
 unable to find him. 
 
 Mr. Sloan, the superintendent of the John Worthy School, 
 authorizes the statement, that "One third of the newsboys who come 
 to the John Worthy School have venereal disease, and that 10 per 
 cent, of the remaining newsboys at present in the Bridewell, are, 
 according to the physician's diagnosis, suffering from similar dis- 
 eases." 
 
 The newsboy, as well as the messenger boy, and American 
 District Telegraph boy, on account of his availability is frequently 
 found in the "red light" district, and as a messenger boy for men and 
 women of dissolute character, learns the very worst side of the 
 city's life. He knows many of the professional prostitutes by name, 
 and has become attached to them by presents of fruit and candy. 
 
 Mr. Sloan also states, that "The newsboy who comes to the 
 John Worthy School is, on the average, one-third below the ordi- 
 nary boy in development physically." This is to be accounted for 
 by irregular days and sleepless nights. The strongest under these 
 conditions cannot long hope to compete with the boy who has a 
 normal amount of sleep and who does not lack for proper food at 
 regular intervals. If boys under ten are required to rise at 4.30 or 
 5 a. m., they have been under four and one-half hours' excitement 
 and labor before entering school, where for five hours they are to 
 be engaged in more or less mental effort. Then many of the boys 
 distribute papers by the route system in the morning, also sell papers 
 in the evening, beginning in such instances the labor and excitement 
 of their trade immediately upon leaving school, lasting for an 
 average time of three hours, making a total daily activity of over 
 twelve hours. 
 
 [447] 
 
34 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 The physical danger of the child varies with his age. We must 
 not and cannot treat him like a man, for the youthful organism is 
 particularly susceptible to physical abuse. The excitement of the 
 street stimulates unnatural desires on the part of the boy. He 
 sees the men about him participating in questionable pleasures 
 and soon learns to follow their example with disastrous results to 
 himself. 
 
 No better illustration of the results of the irregular life that 
 many of the newsboys lead could be given than that of G., an Italian 
 boy, who lay dying a few weeks ago in a West Side hospital. G. 
 left his home in Italy before he was quite seven years old, and in 
 company with an older brother, came to Chicago twelve years ago. 
 They secured a downtown comer, in a good location, and were soon 
 earning enough for their own support, as well as that of the family 
 in Italy. After they had been here for several years the older 
 brother returned to his native land to bring over two more 
 brothers to help out in the trade. Business was good, and as G. 
 grew to manhood he began to find various amusements for his 
 leisure hours. During the slack hours of the day the younger 
 brothers could easily take care of the stands, and G. formed associ- 
 ates that led him into the worst forms of vice. A contracted disease 
 sent him across the ocean to the home in Italy, in the hope that the 
 sea voyage and the air of his native hills would renew his strength. 
 In less than a year he was back at his old stand. One of the younger 
 brothers had gone wrong, had been sent to the John Worthy 
 School, and the elder brother was employed as a driver on a route 
 for one of the big daily papers. The old stand demanded now long 
 hours of exhaustive work. Wrecked by disease as he was, he proved 
 ill-fitted to withstand the rigors of a Chicago winter on the open 
 street. Before spring he was brought to the hospital. The physi- 
 cian who examined him said, "The old story; whiskey and disease, 
 lack of proper food, the constant exposure, they have all done their 
 work. His span of life had been brief and the price he had to pay 
 for its meager pleasures high. Dying at nineteen. The pitiful part 
 is the waste and useless expenditure." 
 
 Among the 1,000 newsboys examined, there were 75.1 per cent, 
 who came under the compulsory education law. Of these, 662 gave 
 the name of some school they were attending. Subsequent investi- 
 gation of the information thus given proved the statements to be 
 
 [448] 
 
Children tn American Street Trades 35 
 
 generally true. It was found, however, that in many cases their 
 attendance was so irregular as to amount to truancy. 
 
 Authorities on truancy agree that the street trades are the chief 
 support and resource of truant children; requiring practically no 
 capital, and demanding no recommendation, they are open to all 
 alike. 
 
 In the minds of the parents who have little or no education 
 themselves, the school is naturally made subordinate to the pecu- 
 niary gain of the child in selling papers, even if at times it is a mere 
 pittance. The boy is made to feel at an early age that his value is 
 determined by the money he can earn on the street. The school is 
 the place that demands his time for some of the best hours in the 
 day. He cannot see the relation between the school and his daily 
 trade, and in most cases he assumes that the school is his enemy. 
 To the boy accustomed to the street, school soon becomes irksome. 
 The freedom of life appeals to him, the very busy hours are soon 
 over and there is time for loafing and idling with other and older 
 boys, and it is in such idle hours as these that the vices that are 
 later to prove the ruin of the boy are contracted. The secretary 
 of the probation court officers states that "there are one hundred 
 and forty-three newsboys in charge of the officers of that court," and 
 adds, that "the first offense of almost every boy that she has had to 
 deal with has been truancy." 
 
 The boy who is out at four, or even earlier, in the morning 
 either to deliver papers on a route, or to sell on a corner, is break- 
 ing into hours of sleep that the young and growing body is much 
 in need of. The energy expended in the first spurt of selling or 
 delivering his papers leaves him unfitted for the school room when 
 he reaches there at nine o'clock, the reaction sets in, the body 
 demands rest, and the quiet monotony of the school room is in such 
 marked contrast to that of the street full of life and motion that the 
 study of books seems more than ever a drudgery, and the desire to 
 get away from it more than ever intense. 
 
 In Chicago the large proportion of papers are sold outside of 
 school hours. The morning papers are generally of little value 
 after nine o'clock, and the afternoon editions are mostly in demand 
 after three o'clock, so that the school boy has no legitimate excuse 
 for being on the street during the time school is in session. During 
 the day, however, the truant boy could get the early edition of the 
 
 [449] 
 
36 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 American at 9.15, the twelve o'clock edition of the News at ten 
 o'clock; at 1.30 the three o'clock News and five o'clock American; 
 and at 2.30 the five o'clock News and night edition of the American, 
 all of which come within school hours. 
 
 Gaming is unquestionably a most common vice among news- 
 boys. Selling newspapers does not make the boy gamble, and it 
 cannot be said that gambling is peculiar to newsboys, yet here the 
 opportunities seem largest. Where money is ready at hand and 
 more is to be easily had, its value is seldom recognized. It is very 
 easy for the boy to "chance it" with the hope of greater gain, when at 
 various times during the day and night he is brought in contact 
 with many boys who are likewise inclined. Gambling in the down- 
 town district takes various forms. "Shooting pennies" is the most 
 common, although "craps" takes a large part of the earnings. In 
 this way the income of the whole day may pass through the hands 
 of a number of boys in a few moments. 
 
 A Juvenile Court officer, who investigated the case of sixty 
 newsboys, found that fifty-two out of the sixty did not assist in the 
 support of their families. Another officer says, that "most of the 
 boys under twelve years of age sell papers for spending money, and 
 bring little of it to the house." The money earned and spent in such 
 a way can necessarily have very little value to the boy, and as an 
 educational factor would prove of greater harm than usefulness in 
 determining his subsequent career. 
 
 The racing form and "stable-boys racing tips" in sealed envel- 
 opes can be found on most of the news stands, although Chief 
 O'Neill has given orders to the police officers to confiscate them 
 whenever found on the corner stands. This stopped the sale for a 
 short period, but at the present time they are much in evidence. 
 The boy becomes familiar in his business with the processes and 
 equipment of gaming, he sees the corner man participating in the 
 great game of chance and sees no reason why he should not do 
 likewise. He learns very readily to play "policy," a game that gives 
 the chance to win very large amounts at a very small outlay. When 
 once the boy has selected the winning numbers, however, the die is 
 cast, after that a large portion of his earnings go to the game. 
 
 The Harlem race track is a Mecca for many of the betting 
 newsboys in the downtown district. They learn the betting game 
 on the street. They find the large opportunity on the race course 
 
 [450] 
 
Children in American Street Trades 37 
 
 where they can sell their papers, racing forms and programs at a 
 much greater price than elsewhere. They do not stop here, how- 
 ever, but make their pools on the races, and even bet with the book- 
 makers, if they can find some one to place their bets for them. This 
 is particularly true of the younger element of the Americanized 
 Italians and Jews. They have caught the betting spirit, it is the 
 frequent subject of their conversation and costs them no small part 
 of their earnings. Saturday, September 12th, the investigators 
 found from thirty to forty boys selling papers at Harlem, some at 
 the gate, others on the betting floor. 
 
 The semi-vagrant is present in the business of selling news- 
 papers because he finds here the easiest way to earn money to sus- 
 tain his irregular life. During the first three weeks in September, 
 the alley in the rear of the Chicago American was visited no less 
 than seven times, by different persons interested in the investigation, 
 and on each occasion there were at least forty and sometimes 
 seventy-five boys, many of them under fourteen years of age. They 
 are smoking cigarettes, eating, sleeping, fighting or "shooting crap," 
 towards morning the most of them will be found sleeping on the 
 floor waiting for the morning editions. Some of these vagrants are 
 foreigners, but a large number are American born, runaways from 
 this and other cities, making their headquarters at this place, sure 
 of a welcome on the restaurant floor. There are no class distinc- 
 tions here, white and black, American and foreigner, share the 
 same lot. The vagrant can live on fifteen cents a day if he chooses. 
 A cup of coffee, all the bread he can eat, and a stew, to be had for 
 five cents. If he is more fastidious, a bed can be secured in the 
 neighborhod of West Madison street for five cents, making a total 
 daily expenditure of twenty cents. Even the youngest newsboys 
 earn more than this without any great effort, and many of these 
 semi-vagrants, or "sleepouts," earn from a dollar to two dollars 
 a day. By selling extras on the side street some of the older boys 
 earn a dollar in a few hours, and yet these same boys were seen on 
 several successive nights sleeping out in the alley. 
 
 The question naturally arises, where does the money go? The 
 answer can be found in the training of the street boy for gambling, 
 and that period of inertia which follows the possession of money 
 when the boy refuses to work as long as he has the means of 
 sustenance. A very small percentage of the earnings, either at the 
 
 [451] 
 
38 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 corner stand or on the street, finds its way to the home or to some 
 useful purpose. In News alley the earnings change hands many 
 times a day, "easy comes, easy goes," seems to -be the power that 
 animates the boy vagrant, and it certainly gives him a chance to 
 learn the most dangerous side of life. 
 
 Probably no one familiar with juvenile delinquency can seri- 
 ously doubt that any child that tires of parental or school restraints 
 can go downtown to borrow or beg a "stake," and by joining a 
 "gang," live the exciting and ever-degrading life of the streets. 
 The immediate cost of this pernicious license falls most heavily 
 upon the families of the foreign poor. There is no story more tragic 
 in the annals of life in Chicago than the break between the American 
 boy of foreign parentage and his tenement home. The foreigner's 
 child, even though born abroad, after two years in the public school, 
 is to all intents and purposes an American, while his parents remain 
 European peasants. The mother quite probably speaks no English, 
 and the father just enough to understand his Irish foreman. The 
 boy learns to discount his parents' ignorance, and they misunder- 
 stand and half fear his strange new world wisdom. The boy, 
 becoming impatient of their restraint, runs away, sleeps out a night 
 or two, maintains himself by selling papers, likes the license and 
 excitement of the street life, and his home knows him no more. He 
 is now easy game for the experienced vagrant or sneak thief. 
 
 A typical case, taken from the records of the Chicago Munic- 
 ipal Lodging House, is that of Peter X. He was found about two 
 in the morning, on one of the coldest days of last winter, sleeping in 
 News Alley. In the morning at the Municipal Lodging House, he 
 claimed that he had no home, was an orphan boy and had come 
 to Chicago from Milwaukee. Later he was persuaded to tell the 
 truth, which was to the effect that he lived on West Ohio street, 
 and was a truant from home. A visit to his home discovered that 
 Peter was the eldest of a family of five, recently emigrated from 
 Italy. It was the old story of the break between new world wisdom 
 and old world restraints. Peter had not been home for six weeks. 
 
 The effect of the license of the street in this case was to take 
 from this peasant home its most educated and capable member, and 
 to give to the downtown "kip outs" a new recruit. So far from 
 adding to the family maintenance he shirked his duty. 
 
 Girls have long been selling papers in Chicago, so long indeed 
 
 [452] 
 
Children in American Street Trades 39 
 
 that the fact seems to have passed unnoticed. The investigators 
 saw twenty, and a moderate estimate puts them at three times that 
 number. They are mostly Italian, with a few Germans. At one 
 time an attempt was made to stop the girls by refusing to sell them 
 papers, but they were able to obtain them from stands, since that 
 time there has been no further effort to prevent their selling. A 
 little girl who began to sell papers when eleven years old, built up a 
 large trade in the neighborhood of Madison and Halsted streets. 
 For more than two years she sold papers there with great success. 
 She was quick to see the customer, simple and childlike in her replies 
 and gained many friends. At times an older brother came with her 
 to her corner, but generally she came alone. Gradually she lost the 
 simplicity of the early days, she was pert in her answer and brazen 
 in her request. She would saunter into the saloons with the men 
 and drink "pop" with them at the bar, finally her brother saw that 
 she could stand that kind of a life no longer, and she was taken 
 from the street. 
 
 A little black-haired Italian girl, who still retains some of the 
 simplicity of childhood, has taken her place. She earns fifty cents 
 a day, and with her three sisters practically supports a crippled 
 father. It is, however, almost criminal for a city to allow a child 
 to be exploited in such a way. 
 
 These girls, most of them under thirteen, and some of them 
 only nine or ten years of age, go daily to News Alley to secure their 
 papers. Those who go for the Daily News are treated as privileged 
 characters, they are not allowed to stand with the newsboys, but are 
 given their papers in a separate room. At the American, on account 
 of lack of space, these papers are distributed from the club and 
 lunch rooms, where the boys and girls obtain their papers from the 
 same window and mingle in the same crowd. The little girls make 
 good sales, they are very persistent and follow a customer until he 
 buys from them. Some earn as much as fifty cents in an afternoon. 
 They do not hesitate to carry their papers into the saloon, in fact 
 they frequent the saloons and are much more welcome there than 
 the boys. The strange incongruity appeals to the frequenters, 
 and it is here they make their most ready sales, but at what cost it 
 is not difificult to determine. 
 
 The small boy, the semi-vagrant and the small girl, these three 
 create the problem of the street. If we leave the street without 
 
 [453] 
 
40 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 protection we shall have new problems with each passing year. It 
 it obviously the duty of every American city to face this situation 
 without delay. The conditions in Chicago are no worse than in a 
 multitude of other cities in the East and West. A census of news- 
 boys taken on the streets of Buflfalo during the month of March, 
 1903, which aimed to be representative of the 2,000 newsboys in that 
 city, showed that out of the 328 boys, 273 or 83 per cent, were under 
 fourteen and eighty-four or 25 per cent, were under ten years of 
 age. Out of these eighty-four it was found that three were orphans. 
 There were only eight full orphans and twenty-two half orphans 
 out of the 328 who were examined. 
 
 Although the dangers of the street trades are not determined 
 alone by the size of the city, it is nevertheless true that in a city 
 where there are many editions night and morning the chances of 
 abuses are increased many times. New York City has seen this, but 
 has delayed long to seek remedies despite the almost unanimous sup- 
 port of the press. It is a sad commentary on our city civilization that 
 the street child has not been cared for before this. It is difficult for 
 the uninitiated to realize the number of children who are subject to 
 the temptation of a city like New York, or who are lacking in those 
 restraints of home and school which are so necessary for the devel- 
 opment of a strong character. The results of this life are repeated 
 almost without the slightest variation. The New York Juvenile 
 Asylum reported, "that out of the 311 boys who had worked at 
 various trades prior to their commitment, 125 or 40 per cent, had 
 been newsboys. Out of this number, eighty had begun between 
 four and twelve years of age." The hospitals, the public schools and 
 the courts all have the same story to tell of diseased bodies, of inca- 
 pacitated minds and bad morals, the gift of the street to its unre- 
 strained children. 
 
 The attempts to remedy this condition have been few in number 
 and rather unsatisfactory in results. In 1902 Boston adopted a 
 system almost identical with that used in Manchester, Liverpool and 
 London, England. The city ordinance of Boston provides that "no 
 minor under the age of fourteen shall, in any street or public place 
 in the city of Boston, work as a bootblack or sell or expose for sale 
 any books, newspapers, pamphlet, fuel, fruit or provisions, unless 
 he has a minor's license." The regulation of 1902 provides, "that 
 the principal of a school or a district in which a minor under four- 
 
 [454] 
 
Children in American Street Trades 41 
 
 teen is a pupil, shall receive the application in duplicate of the 
 parent or guardian of such a minor or of any responsible citizen of 
 Boston, and shall forward the same to the superintendent of schools, 
 accompanied by a certificate of the teacher in whose class the minor 
 may be and the principal of the school stating that they approve the 
 granting of such license to said minor." No minor shall work as a 
 newsboy or as a bootblack unless he is over ten years of age, and 
 shall not sell any other article unless he is over twelve years of age. 
 
 The legislature of New York, in April, 1903, amended the labor 
 law relating to children employed in the streets and public places 
 in cities of the first-class (New York and Buffalo). The amend- 
 ment, "that no male child under ten and no girl under sixteen shall 
 in any city of the first-class sell or expose for sale newspapers in 
 any street or public place. No male child, actually or apparently 
 under fourteen years of age, shall sell or expose for sale unless pro- 
 vided with a permit and a badge." No child to whom such a permit 
 and badge are issued shall sell papers after ten o'clock at night. 
 
 These laws are both definite and comprehensive. They mark a 
 welcome advance in preventive legislation. Their enforcement, how- 
 ever, has been a very difficult problem. Many methods have been 
 tried. The Boston law was to be enforced by the board of aldermen. 
 This proved unsatisfactory, and in 1902 a law was passed, trans- 
 ferring the licensing of bootblacks from the board of aldermen to the 
 school board. The committee on newsboys reported in 1903, "that 
 three-quarters of the boys do not obey the law, and its agents on 
 fourteen consecutive days in September, 1903, made observations 
 with the following results: Number of boys not having badges in 
 sight, 140 ; number having no badges or license, 63 ; number selling 
 for other boys, 10; number under age, 33; number selling after 
 8.30 p. m., 117. 
 
 As a result of this investigation a special officer was appointed 
 who had special charge of the enforcement of the law. Subsequently 
 considerable progress was made. During the past year there have 
 been sixty-five arrests, all of which except one have been fined. 
 Nine have been arrested for not having their badges in sight. Thirty- 
 seven were unlicensed and ten were arrested for congregating on 
 the street. There have been but four who have been arrested for 
 the second time and two for the third. 
 
 The enforcement of the law in New York has been timid and 
 
 [455] 
 
42 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 ineffectual. During the first few days after the law went into 
 eifect in September, 1903, the city and the street took it seriously. 
 Then it was discovered that the public schools could not even seat 
 those who had already applied. There was little room for the truant 
 newsboy even if he had been anxious to attend school. The result 
 was a system of half sessions. This was the first excuse. For when- 
 ever a boy was found in the morning on the street, he invariably 
 belonged to the afternoon division and vice-versa. The truancy 
 force was too small to enforce the compulsory education law as it 
 should be enforced. The number of violations was constantly 
 increasing and the police were only making sporadic attempts to 
 check the return to old conditions. The result was inevitable, and 
 New York added, just one more to the number of her disrespected 
 laws. 
 
 In Buffalo the same law had a better effect. The truant officer 
 who distributed the permits for the Board of Education was also a 
 member of the juvenile court, thus assuring the co-operation of the 
 two. The boys whose labor was chiefly affected by the new law 
 worked within well defined limits. One thousand eight hundred and 
 sixty boys applied for permits. A much larger number than was 
 thought to be engaged on the street of that city. These boys received 
 the careful attention of the school authority, as well as the police. 
 The principals of the public schools testify that there was an imme- 
 Jiate and continuous decrease in the amount of truancy. 
 
 The small boy disappeared almost entirely from the street and 
 the vagrant and truant newsboys were not difficult to detect. Al- 
 though there may be a few violations of the law in that city, the 
 character of the street trades has materially changed. This is due 
 largely to the fact that the school authorities have taken a hand in 
 the enforcement and have not left it entirely to the police. Even the 
 casual observer who is unfamiliar with the law has seen and com- 
 mented upon the great change that the law has made in that city. 
 
 The laws of Boston or New York are well adapted to the needs 
 of any city, no matter what its size may be. The universal adoption 
 of this law in other American cities would do much to obviate those 
 abuses which are so familiar to the streets of the American cities. 
 
 [456] 
 
Children in American Street Trades 
 
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 [4S8] 
 
THE TEST OF EFFECTIVE CHILD-LABOR LEGISLATION 
 
 By Owen R. Lovejoy, 
 Assistant Secretary of the National Child-Labor Committee, New York City. 
 
 Effective legislation may be tested by either of two standards: 
 the ideal or the practical. It is not ideally effective unless it ade- 
 quately protects childhood from the various forces which either 
 blindly or selfishly prey upon its birthrights. The proprietor of a 
 large glass-blowing establishment recently stated with frankness 
 the adaptability of children to this business and naively added: 
 "The work takes a little fellow that's nimble and can handle him- 
 self." As long as we permit this industry or any other to take "the 
 little fellow" for its own interest, regardless of his higher value to 
 himself and to society, we are far from applying this standard of 
 effectiveness. Holding this as the ultimate aim we must approach 
 it practically. 
 
 From this second viewpoint legislation is effective if it carries 
 within itself the possibility of enforcement, however low or high its 
 standard may be. It is sometimes supposed that low standards as 
 to age, physical fitness, educational efficiency, and laxness as to the 
 number of hours children may be employed, are standards that can 
 be maintained without difficulty. Investigation proves, however, 
 that the tendency to transgress is stronger against low than against 
 high standards. In Rhode Island, where a twelve year age limit is 
 legal for work in the mills, and school children of twelve may be 
 granted a certificate to labor upon the recommendation of the over- 
 seer of the poor, it would seem that a standard so low would invite 
 universal obedience. On the other hand it is found that there are 
 townships in which no effort is made to enforce even this minimum 
 requirement, and children ten and eleven years of age are found in 
 the mills, while of the twelve year old children only a few appear 
 ever to have heard of such an article as an age or schooling certifi- 
 
 [459] 
 
46 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 cate.^ In Pennsylvania, where the only educational test is of the 
 ability to read and write simple sentences in the English language, 
 many communities are to be found in which numbers of entirely 
 illiterate children are employed, the intellectual standard being so 
 low as to invite a contemptuous indifference to it by those authorized 
 to apply its provisions. 
 
 Legislation, to be effective, must express the collective will of 
 the people. I might call it the "composite" will of the people, for 
 it must be neither the idealistic opinion of the reformer, nor the 
 opinion of a self-centered commercialism. In these days of betrayed 
 legislation it is difficult to determine whether the statute laws are 
 really the voice of the people. If they are, and still are hopelessly 
 inadequate for the protection of childhood it is useless to immedi- 
 ately attempt advanced legislation. The only remedy is to enlighten 
 and educate public opinion to a proper appreciation of child values. 
 But if the legislation is found to be lower than the plane of public 
 opinion, then it must be changed in conformity with that opinion 
 and with certain well-defined principles. 
 
 A comparison of two townships in the same state, under the 
 same laws, showed that while in one township the law was almost 
 entirely ignored and children were sacrificed by a combination of 
 parental ignorance and industrial greed, in the other township both 
 parents and employers joined with the school authorities in main- 
 taining a standard quite above the legal requirements and, although 
 the age lirriit for factories is twelve years, and the maximum age for 
 compulsory school attendance is thirteen, with special exceptions for 
 a lower age, the children of the community regarded fourteen years 
 as the minimum age to leave school and enter the factory, and but 
 few children under that age were to be found in the several large 
 textile mills of the township. 
 
 A few of the principles to be recognized in testing legislation are 
 the following: 
 
 I. Legislation regulating child labor must harmonize with other 
 legislation affecting the same class in society. The aim is not just to 
 keep the children from working, but to produce intelligent citizens. 
 To this end we must legislate in harmony with the school laws. 
 
 ^ since the above was written the law in Rhode Island has been amended, raisin£f the 
 age limit to thirteen, to be amended to fourteen on January x, 1907, prohibiting the employ- 
 ment of children under sixteen at night, and requiring proof of age. 
 
 [460] 
 
The Test of Effective Child-Labor Legislation 47 
 
 The school law is as much a matter of concern as a child labor law 
 itself. It is child legislation we are seeking. An effective statute 
 will then provide authority for the investigation of all children 
 within the limits of school age. Because of loose construction the 
 duty of the truant officer is often interpreted as limited to the 
 investigation of truancy on the part of children already on the 
 school roll. This leaves an enormous body of children unaccounted 
 tor. The superintendent of schools in one Rhode Island township 
 affirms that there are in that township 1,168 children of school age 
 of whom there is absolutely no official record and no way of ac- 
 counting for them, while the Pennsylvania Child Labor Committee is 
 responsible for the statement that "in Philadelphia alone there are, 
 after deducting those physically unable to attend school, 16,100 chil- 
 dren between the ages of eight and thirteen out of school," and it is 
 not unlikely that a thorough investigation would prove similar con- 
 ditions in other of our large cities. These armies of children may be 
 in the factories, they may be on the street ; they fall through between 
 the truant officer and the factory inspector because of this lack of 
 harmony and completeness in the laws. To be effective, legislation 
 must take account of all the child life in the community. 
 
 Also in the educational requirement for labor the standard 
 should agree with the school law. Because of the influx of foreign 
 population the war is beginning to wage hotly over the English quali- 
 fication. From the standpoint of American citizenship I think I am 
 right in saying that the surest way to make a compulsory educational 
 qualification ineffective is to substitute the words "any language" 
 for the words "English language," as is at the present time seriously 
 proposed in one of our Northern States. 
 
 Not only should these laws harmonize in order to be effective, 
 but there is required the most complete harmony between local child 
 labor committees and the educational forces, or the best legislation 
 will fail. 
 
 II. Effective legislation will be based on industrial, rather than 
 geographical boundaries. Where the same industries under similar 
 conditions prevail, the difficulty of securing adequate legal protection 
 in one state is increased if in a neighboring state a lower standard is 
 maintained. The fact is clearly proven by a field study of the glass 
 industry in Western Pennsylvania, Eastern Ohio and the pan-handle 
 of West Virginia. Ohio has a fourteen year age limit for the 
 
 [461] 
 
48 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 employment of children, Pennsylvania a thirteen year limit. West 
 Virginia a twelve year limit. Ohio prohibits the employment of 
 children under sixteen at night, Pennsylvania permits the employ- 
 ment at night of children of thirteen, while West Virginia permits 
 children twelve years old to work at night.^ 
 
 The effect of such a situation is that the manufacturer in 
 Western Pennsylvania, when approached on the subject of the 
 restriction of night labor for children, replies with a threat to move 
 over into West Virginia if such a law is enacted, thus frightening 
 legislators into inactivity, while in Eastern Ohio, along the boundary 
 line, which is thickly dotted with glass factories, children are con- 
 fessedly employed at twelve and thirteen years of age at night upon 
 the plea that the industry cannot compete with West Virginia and 
 Pennsylvania if the law were rigidly enforced. The unity of the 
 entire "Pittsburg District," including Eastern Ohio, Western Penn- 
 sylvania and Northern West Virginia, in commercial and indus- 
 trial interests, suggests the necessity of such legislation governing 
 child labor as shall recognize this similarity of conditions, rather than 
 the arbitrary division of state boundaries. The present high stand- 
 ard of legislation on child labor cannot be made effective or be main- 
 tained in Ohio unless West Virginia adopts a higher standard than 
 the present, and Pennsylvania takes an advanced step toward the 
 restriction of night labor. 
 
 III. The law must provide adequate machinery and agencies 
 for its enforcement. The law regulating the employment of news- 
 boys in New York City has failed through two defects to estab- 
 lish the purposes of those who advocated better legislation for these 
 little street merchants. The standard is too low, permitting boys 
 of ten years of age to earn their livelihood on the streets, because 
 the public can hardly be expected to take a lively interest in the en- 
 forcement of a law for the protection of children nine years of age, 
 which offers no protection to those of ten ! But where the standard is 
 higher the law still fails at the point of method of enforcement. Un- 
 uniformed school officials should be empowered to carry out the pro- 
 visions of this statute and an appropriation sufficient to warrant the 
 employment of a large force of such officers should be readily 
 granted. The uniformed policemen, already burdened by duties 
 
 ' Since the above was -written the law in West Virginia has been amended, prohibiting 
 the employment of children under fourteen during school terms. 
 
 [462] 
 
The Test of Effective Child-Labor Legislation 49 
 
 popularly regarded as more appropriate to the strength and 
 disposition of a quasi-military force, are hardly to be expected to 
 arrest ten-year-old newsboys and drag them to the police station for 
 the crime of selling newspapers under age. Even if they were so 
 disposed, those of us who remember the days of boyhood are aware 
 that a small urchin can detect the approach of a stalwart policeman 
 at as great a distance as the policeman can see the boy. 
 
 In states providing that certificates of age and educational 
 attainments may be granted by notaries public it has been found fre- 
 qvtently true that such officials, having no interest in the matter 
 beyond the collection of the pittance allowed for the clerical work, 
 have reduced the law to a formality, issuing certificates to any who 
 applied regardless of the facts, and cases are on record in which 
 the notary was actually incompetent to determine whether the appli- 
 cant was able to read and write simple sentences in the English lan- 
 guage. 
 
 The law must also provide for sufficient tenure of office and 
 sufficient remuneration for those appointed to enforce its provisions. 
 It need not surprise us to find that truant officers whose duties 
 call them to cover a territory of thirty or forty square miles, with a 
 population of above 25,000, and who are paid a salary of $200 a 
 year, are not uniformly the most competent people in the community, 
 or those to whom the sacred office of monitor to childhood should 
 be committed. 
 
 IV. Legislation should definitely prohibit not only the employ- 
 ment of young children but their permission to work. The name of 
 every person working on the premises, whether that person is offi- 
 cially employed or is simply "permitted or suffered to work," should 
 appear on the roll of the firm or corporation. Otherwise factory 
 inspection is a farce. 
 
 In states failing to make this definite prohibition little children, 
 sometimes pitifully young, have been found in the mills and fac- 
 tories working as helpers of older members of the family. They 
 are not technically employed, the employer has no official knowledge 
 of their presence in his factory, they receive no wages and are not 
 counted among the workers, but the fruits of the toil of these infants 
 appear in the wages of the mother or sister, and their little fingers 
 are thus early made bread winners for the family. 
 
 [463] 
 
so The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 V. The responsibility of duties in respect to the law must be 
 made to rest upon the strongest members of society rather than 
 upon the weakest. Laws which would otherwise prove effective are 
 vitiated by the failure to recognize this simple principle. The law in 
 Pennsylvania provides that no child under sixteen can be employed 
 unless he presents a certificate sworn to by his parent that he is thir- 
 teen years of age or over, but no proof is required from the parent to 
 substantiate the affirmation or oath. The law thus constructed in- 
 vites perjury. In many localities the parents concerned are those 
 whose own experience is utterly devoid of knowledge of the value 
 of an English education or an American standard of living, whose 
 conception of the value of a child is measured by his present earning 
 capacity. To issue an age certificate to a child, based on the unsup- 
 ported oath of such a parent is to subject that parent to a tempta- 
 tion which falls heaviest upon the weakest and which increases in 
 direct proportion to the parent's incapacity to withstand it. 
 
 And, finally, we shall perhaps best understand the close rela- 
 tion our problem bears to other of our great social problems by a 
 consideration of some of the alleged reasons for employing young 
 children, and which help to render legislation ineffective. The ex- 
 cuse most frequently met is the plea for the "poor widow" who will 
 be left without support if her little boy and girl are taken from the 
 factory or store. In every community she is found, and the advo- 
 cates of her cause are both numerous and powerful. Men of com- 
 manding position in the community, as business men and as philan- 
 thropists, openly avow the justice of the employment of children 
 of tender years, in labor that dwarfs the body and stifles intellectual 
 growth, because the poor widow would suffer for bread if they were 
 to be emancipated. The plea is a plausible one, but the facts do not 
 justify its claim. Only a small proportion of those whose little 
 children are employed at hard labor are "poor widows," and for 
 these we dare believe society can better afford to make adequate 
 and honorable provision, recognizing their service to the community 
 in the care of their own young, rather than that the young, the only 
 real wealth the community can boast, should be made a meat offering 
 to the hunger of the parent. Let us forever put to shame this brazen 
 slave-master of childhood which poses as philanthropy by showing 
 that whatever the sacrifice, the children of our generation shall not 
 be made the means of livelihood to any member of the community. 
 
 [464] 
 
The Test of Effective Child-Labor Legislation 5 1 
 
 Let us publish the revised version of the offerings dedicated to our 
 modem temple of industrial prosperity, and as we sit over against 
 the treasury and see the great and the wealthy cast in their stocks 
 and gold and machinery, let us not fail to see the poor widow who 
 comes, misguided it may be by the industrial superstitions of her day, 
 and casts her two little children into the roaring temple of industry. 
 As they fall, fall beyond recovery, well may we exclaim, as did the 
 Master at that other temple, "I tell you she has cast in more than 
 they all, for they of their abundance have cast in, but she of her want 
 hath cast in all that she had, even her very life !" Proper and syste- 
 matic methods of relief will prevent the loss of a child's future 
 value to society for the sake of the paltry ninety-three cents a week, 
 the wages actually found to be paid to young children to-day in 
 some of our prosperous northern mills. 
 
 Another excuse is that expressed by one glass manufacturer 
 who affirms that he employs young children partly for the purpose 
 of teaching them a trade. The establishment of public trade schools 
 will take away this excuse and will furnish a constructive program 
 of the largest possibilities. The best way to make legislation effective 
 is through the children themselves. They want to go to work. They 
 prefer the factory to the school. There is a sense of personal inde- 
 pendence in the young child who can look upon himself as an 
 economic factor in the life of the family. We must so develop our 
 educational system, not through detention schools, not through penal 
 institutions; but through the regular public channels of education, 
 as to feed this practical instinct and cause the child to feel that the 
 training he receives is practical, that he is really gaining that which 
 will advance him materially faster than the same time spent in shop 
 or factory. A little boy met at daylight a few weeks ago as he 
 came out into the frosty morning from one of our New England 
 factories, was asked if he preferred the factory to the school. "Sure," 
 was his quick reply ; "de school ain't no good ; dey only learn you to 
 write pictures, dat's all ; dat!s all dey ever learnt me !" He was earn- 
 ing $1.10 a week for ten hours a day, two days in the week, and 
 loafing the other days. He left school from the first grade and 
 was entirely illiterate. I do not mean to suggest that his criticism 
 was just, for he was too limited in experience to be competent for 
 expert judgment, but confessedly to "learn" a boy "to write pictures" 
 when he had passed to his thirteenth year and is large enough to 
 
 [465] 
 
52 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 have an economic value in a mill, leaves something to be desired. 
 Nor do I mean that we should limit our schools to technical train- 
 ing, but that we should provide at least enough to establish the 
 connection in the child's mind between education and industrial 
 productivity. 
 
 This summary of the varied causes of the ineffectiveness of leg- 
 islation, gathered from the experience of a field study of the problem. 
 Is intended only to point the path to that ideal standard of legislation 
 suggested at the first — an expression of the collective will of the 
 people so high in principle and so perfectly adapted to realize itself 
 in fact that it shall accomplish the adequate protection of all 
 children. 
 
CHILD LABOR LEGISLATION AND METHODS OF 
 ENFORCEMENT IN NORTHERN CENTRAL STATES 
 
 By Halford Erickson, 
 Commissioner of Labor, Wisconsin. 
 
 The enforcement of child labor laws is, in effect, an attempt to 
 reconcile by law two apparently diverging economic interests. The 
 child labor problem has been co-existent with the growth of manu- 
 facturing and early required the attention of state legislatures. Half 
 a century ago child labor laws were found on the statute books of 
 some of the Northern and Central States. These early efforts were 
 crude and ineffective, but they formed the nucleus of the present 
 fairly comprehensive systems which have to a large extent allayed 
 the evils of child labor. 
 
 From the outset these laws have had to contend with a large 
 variety of deterring influences. Manufacturers with the ever in- 
 creasing desire for high profits, the lack of sympathy for the laboring 
 classes, and in many instances the honest belief that child labor 
 was necessary for the continuance of their business, together with 
 the natural opposition of the employees who considered such laws 
 as an infringement upon their personal liberty and privileges, made 
 difficult the enactment of proper laws, and because of which enforce- 
 ment was practically impossible. With the rapid growth of manu- 
 facturing in these states public opinion and the majority of the 
 employers have come to understand the necessity and eminent fair- 
 ness of restrictive legislation. 
 
 The development of the child labor laws has been in many 
 instances a series of compromises. Nearly every step forward was 
 gained by the sacrifice, temporarily at least, of some provision which 
 in that respect was a regressive movement, so determined was the 
 opposition. One state after another adopted measures which on 
 their face appeared to reach the difficulty, but which failed of their 
 purpose because they lacked the first essential of a successful child 
 
 [467] . 
 
54 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 labor law, an appreciation of the weakness of human nature, and 
 adequate provisions for enforcement. Our whole experience with 
 law and order demonstrates that to arouse public interest in the 
 child, to awaken from lethargy the public official to the realization 
 and confession that a genuine evil exists, is a comparatively easy 
 matter; but to crystallize this sentiment into law, to enact a system 
 of corrective legislation supplemented by adequate machinery of 
 enforcement is a proposition fraught with no little difficulty. It has 
 always been easy to convince, but hard to persuade. 
 
 The gradual growth of this class of legislation in the North- 
 west from the earliest efforts down to the present time can best be 
 observed by tracing the development in one particular state and 
 comparing the problems and the attempts at solution with similar 
 tendencies in the neighboring commonwealths. The state of Wis- 
 consin will be taken for this purpose, first, because of its varied 
 experience with child labor legislation, and, secondly, because 
 through its remedial statutes it has constructed probably one of the 
 most effective systems. 
 
 Wisconsin first recognized the child labor problem in 1877 by 
 a law which prohibited the employment of children under 12 years 
 of age, during the school year, in factories where conditions were 
 deemed injurious to their health. The law was a failure, so far as 
 results Were concerned, because of its indefinite application, low age 
 limit, and its failure to provide any effective means for enforcement. 
 It only provided that district attorneys should prosecute violations 
 on complaint, but there being no one charged by law with the duty 
 of investigating the places of employment, few complaints were 
 made, and the law was very generally disregarded. Amendments in 
 the following year made the law more definite and certain, but still 
 provided no means for enforcement. The legislature failed to 
 realize that men who see a pecuniary profit in violating a law will 
 not desist simply to satisfy their conscience as to the commission 
 of an act merely prohibited and made illegal. 
 
 In 1883 the bureau of labor was created and charged with the 
 duty of enforcing the law, but was given no facilities for doing so. 
 This act was an important step, not so much for its own provisions, 
 but in that it provided a framework about which to erect the machin- 
 ery for enforcement which it was seen would have to be adopted 
 in the near future if the child labor law was ever to become more 
 
 [468] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in Northern Central States 55 
 
 than a mere threat to the violators. In 1885 a factory inspector 
 was provided for, but as his duties went no further than to post the 
 law in the places of employment inspected by him, his influence 
 was really small. 
 
 In 1889 the legislature made a general revision of the child labor 
 laws. The age limit was raised to thirteen years, and the law 
 extended not only to factories, workshops and mines, but also to 
 stores, places of business and places of amusement. This measure 
 by its increase in the minimum age limit, and extended scope, repre- 
 sented a considerable advance in the accepted views as to restrict- 
 ive legislation, but the one positive essential to a successful and 
 adequate means for enforcement, was still lacking. 
 
 Another weakness of the law of 1889 was the introduction of 
 the permit system. While it made unlawful the employment of 
 children under thirteen years of age, it authorized the county judges 
 to grant permits at their discretion, excepting from the operation of 
 the law children over ten years who could read and write English. 
 It was the intention of the permit provision so to modify the law as 
 to enable persons really in need of the earnings of their children to 
 get early assistance from this source. This system presupposes 
 that the officer granting the permit will make an investigation of 
 each particular case. Since in practice, the only source of informa- 
 tion to the judge is the applicant himself, it was not surprising that 
 the prospect of exemption from the law should awaken a disregard 
 for the truth, and the officers be overwhelmed with tales of misfor- 
 tunes. The judges, whose regular duties already more than occu- 
 pied their time, found it impossible to investigate each case, and 
 giving the applicant the benefit of the doubt, generally granted the 
 permit. Under this practice the restrictive age was really lowered 
 to ten years, making it a regressive rather than a progressive pro- 
 vision. 
 
 In 1 89 1 the legal age was again increased from thirteen to four- 
 teen years, and the minimum age at which county judges could 
 grant permits was raised from ten to twelve years. This law also 
 made it the duty of the labor commissioner and factory inspectors 
 to prosecute violations of the law. But the entire factory inspection 
 force at this time consisted of only two persons. To inspect the 
 factories of the state and to enforce laws relating to dangerous and 
 unsanitary conditions of employment, fire-escapes and other safe- 
 
 [469] 
 
S6 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 guards of the public health in accordance with those laws which 
 were capable of enforcement and violations of which were more 
 readily detectable was a much larger task than would occupy the 
 time of the most diligent inspectors. Moreover, their time could be 
 devoted to this work with far greater profit to the state than could 
 possibly result from the thankless and disagreeable task of attempt- 
 ing to enforce child labor laws which were entirely inadequate and 
 destined to prove a failure from the start. So that, while on the 
 one hand the lack of provision for enforcement of the law operated 
 to divert the attention of the factory inspectors to other more fruit- 
 ful laws, the permit system, on the other hand, operated to virtually 
 legalize the employment of child labor down to the limit of ten or 
 twelve years of age and in many instances to vitiate whatever en- 
 forcement was attempted. 
 
 The situation in Wisconsin under this law is aptly summarized 
 by the Commissioner of Labor in his report for 1897-1898. He says : 
 "To completely enforce the law has been found very difficult. The 
 reasons for this may primarily be found in the facts that it is so 
 frequently violated and that these violations are, as a rule, very 
 hard to establish. The reasons for this are easily guessed at. The 
 inspectors cannot tell the exact age of the child from its appearance 
 alone. By common understanding the children themselves, their 
 parents, and not seldom the employer, usually endeavor to deceive 
 the inspectors on this point. Besides this there is in this state a 
 notable lack of reliable or complete birth records. Roundabout and 
 laborious methods are therefore necessary in order to obtain data 
 relating to the ages of children that are complete enough to furnish 
 a safe basis for further proceedings. While the first step to obtain 
 data as to their ages consists of a personal examination of the child, 
 this seldom brings the desired result. They are ready enough to 
 answer all questions, but experience soon teaches that the replies 
 given concerning their ages cannot be depended upon. As a rule, 
 the children do not only studiously misrepresent their age, if younger 
 than the age limit fixed by the law, but besides this they also, as a 
 rule, are provided with certificates signed by their parents or others 
 concerned showing that they are fourteen years of age or past, 
 regardless of the facts of the case. Cases have even been met with 
 where parents, anxious to either obtain employment for their little 
 ones or to keep them at work, have changed the records of their 
 
 [470] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in Northern Central States 57 
 
 ages in the family Bible and other places. Numerous other devices 
 for the purpose of deceiving the inspectors are constantly resorted 
 to. The obstacles of all kinds which the inspectors must overcome 
 in order to perform their duties are often both unpleasant and 
 very difficult." 
 
 It Mras not until 1899 that the Wisconsin child labor problem was 
 taken up by the legislature in anything like a serious manner. The 
 law then adopted retained the permit system to exempt children 
 in needy circumstances, but the authority to grant such permits was 
 also vested in the labor commissioner and factory inspectors. The 
 most important provision, however, was in the recognition of the 
 cause of former failures, that is, the lack of provisions for enforce- 
 ment, and hence when this law provided for six additional factory 
 inspectors it appeared that the day of rigid enforcement was now 
 at hand. The law prohibited the employment of children under 
 fourteen years at any time in factories, shops or mines and at any 
 time except during the vacation of the public school in stores, laun- 
 dries and the messenger service. By an amendment in 1901, the 
 application of this law was extended to prohibit the employment of 
 children under fourteen years of age in bowling alleys, bar-rooms 
 and beer gardens. The law also authorized the commissioner of 
 labor and the factory inspectors to prosecute all violations of the 
 law, and added a new provision which required employers of child 
 labor to have and keep on file and accessible to the factory inspectors, 
 affidavits of parents of all children under sixteen years of age. 
 These affidavits were to be regularly sworn statements, showing the 
 name, place and date of birth of the child and the place and time 
 of school attendance. By this latter provision it was not intended 
 to restrict child labor under sixteen years, but by requiring the 
 affidavits for all children under that age it was believed to be easier 
 to enforce the restriction as to fourteen years. 
 
 It was hoped that this provision would help to solve the child 
 labor problem. Indeed, the first few months of its operation bore 
 out this expectation, but an unfortunate tendency soon manifested 
 itself, the temptation to falsify affidavits. In anticipation of just 
 such methods the affidavit had required a statement of school attend- 
 ance, to be referred to in case of discrepancies, but the number of 
 obviously false affidavits increased so rapidly that inspectors found 
 themselves swamped in trying to investigate them. Employers in 
 
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58 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 the name of industrial necessity secretly encouraged this demoral- 
 izing tendency adopted by unscrupulous parents, which robbed the 
 schools and instructed the children in the arts of falsification, as 
 to the extent of which they had not the slightest conception. The 
 rapid growth of this vicious practice demonstrated emphatically 
 that the affidavit system was not adapted as a means for successful 
 enforcement of child labor legislation. 
 
 The facts growing out of this condition of affairs were laid 
 before the legislature of 1903 which again revised the law, abolish- 
 ing the affidavit system and in place of affidavits by parents required 
 all employed children from fourteen to sixteen years of age to 
 obtain permits from the commissioner of labor, factory inspectors, 
 or judges of the county, municipal or juvenile courts, authorizing 
 the employment of the child during such time as the officer granting 
 the permit may fix. These officers are required to keep a record 
 of the name, age and school attended by such child and a report as 
 to the number of permits issued must be sent to the commissioner 
 of labor or factory inspector. When the granting officer has reason 
 to doubt the age of any child applying for a permit he may demand 
 proof of such child's age by the production of a verified baptismal 
 certificate, or a duly attested birth certificate, or in case such cer- 
 tificate cannot be secured, then the record of age as stated in the 
 first school enrollment of such child, and in case no such proof 
 can be secured then by the production of such other proof as will 
 satisfy the officer authorized to issue the permit. No permit is 
 to be granted under this law unless proof of the child's age is filed 
 with the commissioner of labor or other granting officer. The 
 filing of such a permit by the employer is a condition precedent to 
 legal employment. A child of legal age finds little difficulty in 
 securing satisfactory proof, but it is practically impossible for per- 
 sons not entitled to permits to deceive a diligent official. Under 
 this law it is possible to enforce the child labor law in Wisconsin, 
 a thing impossible under the affidavit system. 
 
 Turning now to the other Northern Central States, the first child 
 labor laws were adopted as follows: Ohio in 1852, Illinois in 1877, 
 Indiana in 1881 and Michigan in 1885. These laws, with the 
 amendments adopted by the next succeeding legislatures prohibited 
 under a penalty the employment of children in certain occupations 
 which were deemed especially injurious to them, fixed the age limit 
 
 [472] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in Northern Central States 59 
 
 under which no child could be employed at any labor, and fixed 
 the number of hours they might be employed in other occupations. 
 The age limit for factory work was placed at twelve years in 
 Illinois, Indiana and Ohio, and at fourteen years in Michigan unless 
 such child had attended public school for four months of the year 
 in which he sought employment, when the age limit was put as low 
 as ten years. 
 
 Adequate penalties were provided in each case for violations, 
 but the laws were of little avail because of their indefiniteness, low 
 age limits, and like the Wisconsin laws failed principally because 
 they did not provide means for enforcement. Each law provided in 
 effect that a violator of the same should be liable to prosecution 
 before any justice of the peace or court of competent jurisdiction in 
 the county in which the illegal employment was given, but left the 
 duty of instituting such prosecutions to irresponsible and voluntary 
 initiative. As was to be expected, few complaints were ever made 
 to the district attorneys and prosecutions were so rarely heard of 
 that instead of restricting the employment of children, the law was 
 ineffective and child labor increased with the rapid growth of manu- 
 facturing. The legislatures had not yet learned that a social evil is 
 not remedied merely by making it illegal. 
 
 To better enforce the law bureaus of labor and departments 
 of inspection were created, entrusted with the duty of prosecuting 
 violations of the law. Along with these provisions was a general 
 movement to increase the age limit to fourteen years and extend 
 the application of the law to mercantile establishments, offices, hotels, 
 laundries, etc. Manufacturers were required to k^ep a record of all 
 minors in their employment, stating their names, ages and residence, 
 which were to be substantiated by affidavits of parents, kept on file. 
 Factory inspectors were authorized and empowered to visit and 
 inspect all manufacturing and mercantile establishments and report 
 all violations to the district attorneys who were to prosecute such 
 violations. Ohio adopted such a law in 1885, Illinois in 1893 and 
 Indiana in 1897. 
 
 Michigan did not follow this course in her legislation. It placed 
 the duty of enforcing the child labor laws on the local police force. 
 The chief or superintendent in all cities was authorized to inspect 
 places of employment and prosecute any violations of the law. If 
 necessary he was empowered to detail a part of the force on duty of 
 
 [473] 
 
6o The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 this nature. In the city of Detroit the board of building inspectors 
 was given concurrent jurisdiction with the police, while in towns 
 the duty of enforcement was placed on the supervisors. This law 
 was repealed in 1895 and as in other states the enforcement was 
 placed in the hands of factory inspectors. 
 
 The legislation of this period which for convenience may be 
 called the second period of development, introduced the affidavit 
 and permit systems. By these laws a minor applying for employ- 
 ment was required to present an affidavit from his parents or guard- 
 ians stating his name, age and residence, which was to be placed 
 on file by the employer for reference in case of investigations. As 
 the laws only fixed a minimum age and made in several instances 
 two exceptions, first where the earnings were necessary to support 
 parents in indigent circumstances, and second, the permitting of 
 employment during school vacations, and such periods as the com- 
 pulsory education laws permitted, a ready method for evasion was 
 provided which was not long neglected. In each of the states, 
 parents finding the comparative ease with which the law could be 
 evaded easily, yielded to the temptation to forswear themselves and 
 many children were found at work who were clearly not of the 
 required age, yet possessing the proper affidavits could not be 
 removed. Record evidence not being available for comparison as to 
 ages, and the number of inspectors in each state being far too inade- 
 quate to deal with the question properly, the number of children 
 employed was not very materially reduced. In Illinois alone the 
 number of child laborers seems to have doubled during five years 
 and Ohio and Indiana showed large increases. 
 
 The present laws are the result of efforts to remedy practically 
 similar difficulties and as might be expected have many provisions 
 in common. The minimum age limit is placed in all the states at 
 fourteen years except in Ohio where it is thirteen years. Manufac- 
 turers are required in some states to keep the regular record of 
 minors employed and to post in a conspicuous place a list of such 
 minors with the ages which are to be substantiated by affidavits 
 of the parents placed on file with the employers, and to be sub- 
 mitted to the factory inspectors on request. The Wisconsin pro- 
 vision for enforcing the fourteen year limit by requiring permits 
 for all children up to sixteen years is in general use. The Ohio law 
 provides that no boy under fifteen years and no girl under sixteen 
 
 [474] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in Northern Central States 6 1 
 
 years is to be employed for wages at any time while the public school 
 is in session. Indiana prohibits the employment, except during 
 school vacations, of children under sixteen years who cannot read 
 or write simple English sentences. 
 
 The operation of the affidavit system as it is in vogue in these 
 states seems far from satisfactory and reflects all the weakness of the 
 Wisconsin law of 1899. Such a system is necessarily based on the 
 theory that the parent in making the affidavit will be guided by 
 perfect honesty. Experience shows that just the contrary is true. 
 These laws all have the same end in view, the provision for the 
 safe-guarding of life and health and a development in harmony 
 with industrial and educational civilization, but their ineffectiveness 
 is largely due to a lack of understanding of the fallibility of human 
 nature. Where the game is worth the candle human ingenuity is 
 well nigh inexhaustible, and even to maintain existing regulations 
 constant vigilance of legislative bodies is necessary. Some people 
 will always evade the law, but when opportunity is given so that 
 violations become so frequent and insistent that the limited number 
 of inspectors find it impossible to compare the affidavits with record 
 evidence, the law ceases to be effective, perjury and dishonesty 
 receive material rewards and the prohibitive law becomes permis- 
 sive. Such affidavits cannot be easily attacked since the burden of 
 proof in each case is on the inspectors. Where parents refuse to 
 forswear themselves or the violation is so flagrant as to be apparent 
 on the mere examination of the child the law does succeed in reduc- 
 ing the number of child laborers. Two other expedients have also 
 been adopted. They are, first, the requirement of certificates of 
 physical fitness, and secondly, requirements for a knowledge of 
 reading and writing. The first provision enables the factory inspec- 
 tors to require any child which appears to him to be physically 
 unfit for labor to undergo a physical examination and is only re- 
 tained in employment when such examination reveals a healthy con- 
 stitution. This provision has been very effective in removing from 
 the glass, cutlery and garment trades a large number of cripples 
 and deformed children. The educational provision has been more 
 difficult of enforcement due to the lethargy of school authorities. 
 
 Experience shows that it is wrong both in practice and prin- 
 ciple to permit any exemptions from the law. Indeed to do so is 
 reallv to amend the law and substitute the exceptions in place of 
 
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62 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 the original intention of the law. To authorize the employment 
 of a child because his parents are in need of his earnings is only a 
 temporary expediency which instead of being beneficial is often 
 a detriment to parent and child alike. It encourages indolence and 
 dependence in parents for which it sacrifices the health of the child. 
 It is better that the state should support a few really needy families 
 than to favor a practice which abrogates the law. Further, the 
 granting of permits during the school vacations changes the habits 
 and ambitions of children and enables them to become employed 
 in factories where, once legally entered, factory inspectors cannot 
 always find them. On account of the comparatively short period 
 of the compulsory school attendance the law is also often restricted 
 so as to apply only to about half of the year and in some states to 
 even less. 
 
 Illinois in its latest law has avoided the evils of the affidavit 
 system. This law, adopted in 1903, besides the common provision 
 for the maintenance of a register and record of the minors employed, 
 requires as a condition for employment the deposit of an age and 
 school certificate by the child, this certificate to be approved by the 
 school superintendent or director or by some one authorized by him 
 in writing. The certificate is in no case to be approved unless record 
 evidence as to age is given, but where such evidence is not obtainable 
 the information may be given by the parents. The law requires the 
 school board to provide an office where the certificates are to be 
 issued and recorded, and age statistics to be maintained. But before 
 the age certificate is accepted a certificate of school attendance must 
 first be presented, a duplicate of which is sent to the factory inspec- 
 tor's office. No minor between fourteen and sixteen years is to be 
 employed who cannot read and write simple sentences, in cities 
 where public and evening schools are maintained, unless such minor 
 attends the evening school or is employed during the vacation only. 
 Complaints for violation of the law may be made to the school board 
 of the district which is to report them to the factory inspectors for 
 prosecution. 
 
 This law escapes the evils which confront Michigan and Indi- 
 ana, and which also confronted Wisconsin under the law of 1899, 
 in that it does not go to the parents for information until the last 
 resort. The board of education is required to maintain a complete 
 record of ages of all children in its district. Since a copy of these 
 
 [476] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in Northern Central States 63 
 
 certificates is required to be deposited with the factory inspector's 
 office, any discrepancies or suspicious circumstances can easily be 
 detected. The means by which this law can be evaded is where 
 parents must be asked for information and in the forging of cer- 
 tificates. In suspicious cases evidence can thus be obtained without 
 difficulty and as many as from 1,000 to 1,500 violations are success- 
 fully prosecuted annually. 
 
 There should be mentioned in this connection a growing ten-- 
 dency to place in the inspectors a large discretionary power. In- 
 spectors on their tours found large numbers of children who were 
 over the minimum age engaged in occupations which slowly but 
 certainly were crippling them, injuring their health or exposing 
 to danger their limbs or very life itself. This gave rise in Ohio to 
 a provision which has since been adopted in substance in Michigan 
 and Illinois, and which provides that no child under sixteen years 
 of age shall be engaged in any employment whereby its life or limb 
 is endangered or its health is likely to be injured, or its morals may 
 be depraved, and places the duty of enforcement on the factory 
 inspectors. The Ohio provision was general and indefinite and 
 compelled the inspectors to define such dangerous occupations. An 
 extensive classification of :occupations was made including in such 
 danger list every operation which could in any manner be con? 
 strued to be dangerous to health or morals, and so rigidly is it said 
 to be enforced that the employment of children under sixteen years 
 in such occupations has become practically impossible, Illinois, in 
 its law of 1897, had a provision very much like that of Ohio, but in 
 the law of 1903, rejected the general terms and prohibited abso- 
 lutely the employment of children under sixteen years of age in a 
 large number of enumerated occupations, as the cleaning and oiling 
 of machinery, operating cutting and stamping machinery, and hand- 
 ling injurious chemicals. The effect of this law has been to raise the 
 minimum age to sixteen years in all dangerous occupations in those 
 states which have adopted such a statute and where it is enforced. 
 
 But the child labor law, no matter how drastic its terms or, 
 how rigid its provisions for enforcement, is still destined to failure so 
 long as legislatures fail to appreciate that its success is largely deter- 
 mined by supplemental legislation. By discharging the child from 
 employment, but going no further than that, the state has only par- 
 tially discharged its duty. Idleness in a large city is not always to be 
 
 [477] 
 
64 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 preferred to some kinds of employment, but in no case is employment 
 to be preferred to the public schools. Many states boast on their 
 statute books a law which appears to be far-reaching enough, but 
 which does not accomplish the full measure of good because it only 
 causes the discharge of the child who immediately seeks employment 
 in some other occupation, equally in violation of the law, or what is 
 often even worse, leads a life on the streets. The child labor laws 
 cannot be enforced as a unit. They can never accomplish their real 
 end until the whole child problem is regarded as one distinct entity, 
 and there is enacted a comprehensive scheme of which the child 
 labor law and the compulsory educational law are integral parts. 
 The educational system must be so adapted to the industrial system, 
 dovetailed into it, so as to give the widest possible range of school 
 life consistent with industrial training and ultimate social good, 
 and the machinery of enforcement of both must be made to work in 
 harmony and co-operation. 
 
 The Northern Central states now recognize this necesary inter- 
 relation. Each of these states has a compulsory educational law 
 requiring school attendance up to the minimum age of employment. 
 For the enforcement of these laws truancy officers are provided, 
 whose powers and duties vary somewhat in the different states. The 
 laws of Indiana, Illinois and Michigan go no further than to direct 
 the truancy officers to investigate and report violations of the laws 
 to parents and to prosecute those liable. The Illinois law is in reality 
 stronger than would appear from a reading of the section because 
 the labor laws vest in the school authorities the power and duty to 
 grant the age and school certificates for employment and sending 
 copies thereof to the factory inspectors. Ohio has vested her tru- 
 ancy officers with police powers and authorizes them to enter fac- 
 tories and other places of employment of children, to discharge the 
 children and place them in the public schools and to prosecute both 
 the parents and the employer for the violation. Wisconsin has not 
 given the powers of factory inspectors in this regard to the truancy 
 officers, but makes up for this partially by giving to the factory 
 inspectors all the powers of truancy officers, thus enabling an inspec- 
 tor to follow up a discharge from employment and place the child 
 in the control of the school authorities. 
 
 It would appear from this review that the future development 
 of child labor legislation is likely to vary somewhat from certain 
 
 [478] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in Northern Central States 65 
 
 existing provisions. The experience of every state with the affidavit 
 system shows conclusively that other means of enforcement must be 
 adopted. The legislatures must consider that to permit opportunity 
 for evasion means to sanction evasion. In this respect the present 
 Wisconsin and Illinois laws offer some relief in placing the power 
 to grant permits beyond the influence of parents. The difficulty 
 to-day, as ten years ago, is still with the enforcement of the law. 
 Then it was more a matter of error in method; to-day it is insuffi- 
 ciency of means. Every state has placed the duty of enforcing the 
 law upon the factory inspectors, but no state has a force of inspec- 
 tors large enough to cover thoroughly the field and give it such con- 
 sideration as it requires. Prosecutions have been numerous and 
 have succeeded in causing employers to hesitate before they entered 
 upon an agreement for illegal emplo)mient. With the great indus- 
 trial activity of recent years the number of violations of the law 
 has increased to some extent, but the chief remedy for this lies in 
 extending and adding to the inspection force. 
 
 Child labor legislation in the Northern Central States to-day 
 occupies a favorable position. This is due largely to the change 
 of opinion by the public and by the employers as a body. Public 
 opinion is not created in a day nor does it always act promptly even 
 after it has been aroused. The bureaus of labor and factory inspec- 
 tion have, through their persistent work, helped to place this prob- 
 lem in its true light and this in turn has assisted in creating a gen- 
 eral demand for effective child labor laws. Further, the employers 
 who formerly fought every step in the progress of this legislation 
 have since learned that the evils which they feared were largely 
 imaginary and that industry will not suffer if the law is uniformly 
 enforced. In fact some of the strongest supporters of child labor 
 laws to-day are employers who formerly opposed them. Another 
 force which tends to alleviate the difficulties is the growing efficiency 
 of the school laws, and the passage of statutes prohibiting the 
 employment of children in violation of the school laws together 
 with the granting of concurrent powers for the enforcement of these 
 laws to the factory inspectors and the truancy officers. These forces 
 in their slow but not uncertain way, are bringing together the child 
 labor law and the compulsory educational law into the harmonious 
 relationship of one complete scheme, where each, though thorough, 
 in its narrow sense, must in its broader meaning be a supplement to 
 the other. 
 
CHILD LABOR LEGISLATION AND ENFORCEMENT IN 
 NEW ENGLAND AND THE MIDDLE STATES 
 
 By Mrs. Florence Kellby, 
 
 . Corresponding Secretary National Constimers' League, New York City. 
 
 It is, of course, impossible to deal thoroughly with the legisla- 
 tion and the enforcement of laws in the ten states which have the 
 largest number of children at work. Yet such is my task, for the 
 Middle States and New England have all those industries which 
 call most insatiably for the work of boys and girls, — ^the textiles and 
 needle-trades, tobacco manufacture, the glass trade, mining and 
 retail commerce. 
 
 These states run the gamut from Delaware, where the first 
 child labor law, enacted in 1905, is not yet in effect, to New York 
 and Vermont with the most advanced legislation yet achieved. 
 
 Perhaps the simplest way to deal with these ten states may be 
 to take them one by one with a few lines for each; after pointing 
 out their position in the Census of 1900 with regard to illiteracy in 
 children. In that year these states, when graded by the actual num- 
 ber of children found illiterate between the ages of ten and fourteen 
 years, ranked as follows in the scale of fifty-two states and terri- 
 tories : 
 
 _ , „. ^ Number of Illiterate 
 
 Rank. States. r>i.u tr 
 
 Cnildren,io-i4 Years. 
 
 t Vermont 287 
 
 12 Connecticut. 436 
 
 14 New Hampshire 557 
 
 15 Rhode Island 691 
 
 18 Delaware 845 
 
 21 Maine i>255 
 
 26 Massachusetts i>547 
 
 3 1 New Jersey 2,o65i 
 
 35 New York 4,740 
 
 38 Pennsylvania 6,326 
 
 Total, i8,7S3 
 [480] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in New England States 67 
 
 When graded according to the per cent, of children able to 
 read and write the ten states rank as follows : 
 
 Rank. States. ^" '^*- *^'' *° ^""^ 
 
 and Write, 
 
 7 Connecticut 99-43 
 
 9 Massachusetts 99-33 
 
 14 New York 99.26 
 
 17 Vermont 99.05 
 
 20 Pennsylvania 98.99 
 
 21 New Jersey 98.81 
 
 24 New Hampshire 98 .3 1 
 
 26 Rhode Island 98.12 
 
 28 Maine 97-92 
 
 32 Delaware 95-49 
 
 When graded in the scale of fifty-two states and territories 
 according to the actual numbers of their illiterate children between 
 ten and fourteen years of age in 1900, these states rank from Ver- 
 mont (6) down to Pennsylvania (38). When graded according 
 to the per cent, of children able to read and write at the same ages, 
 in the same year, these ten states rank from Connecticut (7) down 
 to Delaware (32). 
 
 In the light of these figures seven of these ten states have, 
 during the five years since 1900, enacted new statutes dealing with 
 child labor and compulsory school attendance, viz. : Vermont, Rhode 
 Island, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and 
 Delaware. Maine, Connecticut and New Hampshire keep their 
 statutes as they were in 1900. 
 
 The new law of Delaware prohibits all employment of children 
 under the age of fourteen years in manufacture, requires three 
 months' school attendance of working children between fourteen and 
 sixteen years, and restricts their working day to nine hours. 
 
 Next to Delaware, geographically and in certain other ways, is 
 New Jersey. New Jersey prohibits the employment of children, in 
 manufacture, to the age of fourteen years ; and requires attendance 
 at school to that age. While, however, a child under the age of 
 fourteen years is thus protected, a boy or girl arriving on the four- 
 teenth birthday from Syria, Armenia, Russia, Italy or any other 
 foreign country, may go to work at once, although wholly illiterate. 
 Such a child need prove no intelligence, no educational achievement, 
 before proceeding to work in the glass works where boys are reg- 
 
 [481] 
 
68 The Annals of the American Academy. 
 
 ularly employed two weeks by day and two weeks by night. Both 
 boys and girls may work at night to the limit of fifty-five hours in 
 one week. 
 
 Last January, the writer had occasion to visit the charming old 
 town of Salem, N. J. In the glass works there were boys sUght 
 and delicate, markedly undersized if they were sixteen years of age, 
 yet working regularly at night two weeks in every four. During 
 that week, boys were imported from a so-called charitable employ- 
 ment agency to work in that glass works. Not long before, two 
 boys were carrying bottles from the blower to the cooling oven when, 
 being (as their fellow employee described the accident) "drunk 
 with sleep," they collided and their burden of white hot glass was 
 shivered in thousands of splinters. Some of these particles flew 
 into the eye of one of the boys, destroying it. It was for work 
 such as this that boys were imported. No law is violated when 
 these boys work at night; or when others are imported to work as 
 they work. Ultimately, work in glass factories will doubtless be 
 prohibited as a dangerous trade for all boys under the age of six- 
 teen years. But none of the ten states under discussion so treats 
 it at the present time. 
 
 It is one of the unfortunate episodes of the long and widespread 
 campaign for legislation protecting the working children, that while 
 the New Jersey law was amended in 1903 to raise the age of work- 
 ing boys from twelve to fourteen years, the excellent older law was 
 repealed in 1904, which had, since March, 1892, prohibited the em- 
 ployment of women and minors under eighteen years of age after 
 six o'clock at night and after noon on Saturday, in all manufacture 
 except that of glass, canned goods and preserves of perishable fruit. 
 
 The law is enforced by truant officers who may be appointed 
 by the different communities, locally, and by factory inspectors who 
 are state officers. The improved efficiency of the factory inspectors 
 is indicated by a conspicuous increase in the number of successful 
 prosecutions of employers who have violated the law during the 
 past two years. 
 
 Next to New Jersey, geographically and in certain other ways, 
 comes Pennsylvania. This state has, on a large scale, all the indus- 
 tries which call for the labor of children, — ^mining, tobacco manu- 
 facture, textiles and needle-trades, glass works and retail commerce. 
 It is thus not accidental that the number of children at work under 
 
 [482] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in New England States 69 
 
 the age of sixteen years is larger, by some thousands, in this state 
 than in any other, or that the opposition of employers to legislation 
 for the effective restriction of the employment of boys and girls is 
 more stubborn and more effective here than elsewhere in the North. 
 
 Pennsylvania has recognized the existence of dangerous trades 
 in which children must not be employed, by providing that boys 
 under sixteen years of age shall not work underground in mines. 
 But this is the sole ground upon which the second of the great manu- 
 facturing states may justly claim distinction in the matter of pro- 
 tecting its working children. 
 
 Hitherto, Pennsylvania has permitted boys and girls alike to 
 work at the age of thirteen years, provided that they could read and 
 write. Moreover, this requirement frequently meant merely an 
 ineffectual effort to scrawl the name of the candidate for work. 
 And those who may work at all, may work at night, usage sanction- 
 ing such work increasingly in the mills in the anthracite region. 
 
 Should the bill now awaiting the signature of the governor 
 become a law, Pennsylvania will take her place among the states 
 which prohibit work in manufacture and commerce to the age of 
 fourteen years, providing effectively for proof that the child is 
 really of the age alleged. Night work will, however, be merely 
 somewhat restricted, not prohibited. 
 
 The child labor laws of New York are in some respects the 
 most advanced of all the laws on this subject to be found in the 
 republic. They are excelled only by the provisions of the statutes 
 of Illinois and Vermont prohibiting the employment of children 
 under the age of sixteen years, longer than eight hours in one day 
 and forty-eight hours in one week, and after seven o'clock in the 
 evening; and by the kindred provision of the statute of Ohio pro- 
 hibiting the work in manufacture and commerce of girls under 
 eighteen years and boys under sixteen years after six o'clock in the 
 evening; and, finally, by the specific enumeration in Illinois and 
 Ohio of a long list of forbidden occupations dangerous to life, limbs, 
 health and morals. 
 
 Yet, with this pre-eminent position among the states, it was 
 still possible for a little lad fourteen years of age to perish in New 
 York City of privation and exhaustion within a few weeks, — starva- 
 tion his physician called it, — while striving to support himself, his 
 mother and a younger child by his exertions as newsboy. It was 
 
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70 The Annals of the American Academy. 
 
 perfectly legal for him to work until any hour of the night, to begin 
 at any hour of the morning, because he was fourteen years old, 
 while the statute merely requires that children shall not begin under 
 the age of ten years to sell papers; must wear a badge to the age 
 of fourteen years and, between ten and fourteen years, must not 
 work after ten o'clock at night. To the street children and those 
 engaged in retail stores our New York laws are still cruel in that 
 they permit work until this late hour, for children ten to fourteen 
 years old as newsboys ; for children fourteen to sixteen in stores, as 
 messengers, etc. 
 
 A few evenings before Christmas, two members of the Con- 
 sumers' League visited leading department stores in New York and 
 found in one a large number of small girls working after ten o'clock 
 in violation of the law. If the children fourteen to sixteen years of 
 age had stopped at ten o'clock there would have been no violation; 
 but they worked twenty, minutes longer. 
 
 A farther serious defect in the child labor law of New York 
 is the toleration of home work in the tenements. So long as this 
 continues, there will always be defective enforcement of the pro- 
 hibition of the work of young children. This is exemplified in the 
 experience of a family known to the writer who make paper bags 
 in their cellar dwelling in the Lower East Side of New York City. 
 Their father died four years ago, leaving Ephraim, Hyman, Sam, 
 Jakey and Louis, besides a baby girl. Ephraim, who was eleven 
 years old, had gone to school long enough to reach the second 
 primary grade. None of the others had ever gone to school before 
 the father died and none of them has ever gone to school or to a 
 kindergarten since his death. How have they escaped the truant 
 officer all these years? By staying in their basement in the rear of 
 their tenement house, making paper bags with their mother. If they 
 had been playing in the street, they might have been caught in some 
 of the raids of the truant officers. If they had been working in a 
 factory or a regular workshop, they would have been turned over 
 to a truant officer by the factory inspector. But how could a truant 
 officer guess four years ago, or at any time since then, that six 
 children had become a part of the sweating system? Or that they 
 were continuing to do so to the present time when the eldest, at the 
 age of fifteen and a half years, has forgotten the slight acquaintance 
 with the alphabet which he contracted when he sometimes attended 
 
 [484] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in New England States "ji 
 
 the second primary grade ? The only possible remedy for this odious 
 form of child labor lies in the sweeping prohibition of manufacture 
 in the tenement houses. This transfer of work from the family 
 living room to the factory open to inspection is the most urgent 
 need of the working children of New York to-day. 
 
 Aside from these defects, the characteristic excellence of the 
 laws of New York is the effective manner in which they interlock 
 the provisions requiring school attendance and restricting the em- 
 ployment of children under the age of sixteen years. To the four- 
 teenth birthday, all children must be at school. Between fourteen 
 and sixteen they must all be at school or at work. After the four- 
 teenth birthday, before beginning to work in a factory or workshop, 
 store, office or as messenger or delivery boy, a child must prove its 
 age by means of a passport, a birth record or a religious record. He 
 must also file with the Board of Health a signed statement of the 
 principal of his school, showing that he has attended school one 
 hundred and thirty days since the thirteenth birthday, receiving 
 instruction in reading, writing, English grammar, geography and 
 arithmetic "up to and including fractions." Finally, the physician 
 who grants the certificate under which the child may begin work, 
 must himself sign and file the statement that, in his opinion, the 
 child is "of the normal stature of a child of his age, and in good 
 health." 
 
 The final veto upon the immediate entrance of a child upon his 
 life of work rests with the examining physician of the local Board 
 of Health who, after receiving the school record and the proof of 
 age, after satisfying himself that the boy or girl can read fluently 
 and write legibly, and can do sums in fractions, may still say to the 
 candidate for working papers, "You are not up to the physical 
 standard. I do not consider you of the normal stature of a child 
 of fourteen years of age," and may refuse to issue the certificate. 
 
 This advantage New York has over all the states. It is a sor- 
 rowful thing that in all our enlightened republic, only one state 
 should have gone so far as that. 
 
 It is fitting that the law of New York should be more rigid 
 than that of many other states by reason of the vast immigration 
 of foreign peoples to its manufacturing centers. No other state 
 receives so large a share of the total immigration as New York. No 
 other working people are subject to such pressure of competition 
 
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72 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 from these newcomers as the wage-earners of New York. It is 
 doing little to protect the people already here, when illiterate, or 
 undersized, children are kept in school until they have completed 
 that portion of the curriculum of the public schools which would 
 normally be covered by a child of twelve years who had entered 
 school at the age of six years and made all its promotions without 
 interruption or failure. 
 
 On the other hand, no other employers have such opportunities 
 to find, ready at hand, every grade of labor, as have those of New 
 York. New York has been well described as having an "inflowing 
 labor market." No employers in the world can better aflford to 
 acquiesce in the retention of all the children in school until a cer- 
 tain fixed share of the work of education has been completed than 
 the employers in New York. 
 
 Most of all do the children of the enormous army of incoming 
 immigrants direly need the protection of such a legal minimum of 
 stature and of education as the new laws of New York guarantee 
 them, if they are to hold their own in the competitive struggle for 
 industrial existence, and to become safe and useful citizens. 
 
 An unforeseen advantage of the new laws is the effect which 
 they are producing upon the schools. The enforcement of the re- 
 quired minimum of tuition has brought to light the fact that many 
 thousand children are reaching the age of fourteen years without 
 achieving this modest share of the curriculum. 
 
 The reasons for the belated state of thousands of children are 
 receiving a degree of attention never bestowed upon them. Are 
 the children mentally defective? Obviously this cannot explain the 
 plight of thousands ! Have they been badly taught ? Are the classes 
 overcrowded, the teachers insufficiently skilful? Are the children 
 undernourished so that they cannot learn ? The Board of Education 
 of New York City has made suggestive experiments with special 
 classes of two different kinds, one intended to bring forward bright 
 children of foreign birth who merely need coaching in the English 
 language, the other kind intended to eliminate from the ordinary 
 class those children who are conspicuously unfit for physical or 
 mental reasons to keep up with the normal children, thus freeing 
 the regular teachers from this burden, and giving the backward 
 children the benefit of specialized care. These experiments will 
 need to be carried out on a large scale for a considerable time before 
 
 [486] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in New England States 73 
 
 it will be possible to judge what farther comprehensive steps are 
 indispensable for bringing up the belated children. Meanwhile 
 the schools are subjected to an automatic test of their efficiency 
 by the simple device of being required to get the children up to the 
 normal work of a healthy, intelligent, regularly attending child of 
 the age of twelve years, on pain of keeping the child in school to the 
 sixteenth birthday. 
 
 Down to the year 1890, Massachusetts was far in advance of 
 the other states in the matter of the care of the children. Since that 
 year several states have been reducing the per cent, of illiteracy 
 among children more rapidly; and more than one has also excelled 
 Massachusetts in the enactment of provisions restricting child labor. 
 The legislature of Massachusetts has recently enacted a new 
 law which provides that a child must have a certificate from the 
 school committee setting forth ability to read and write, before it 
 can legally begin to work. The need for this measure was brought 
 to light in a striking manner by a city missionary in one of the 
 cotton mill towns of the state, who found two little Syrian boys 
 working in a cotton mill who seemed to be less than twelve years of 
 age. On inquiring as to the evidence of their age, the missionary 
 found certificates filed according to the letter of the law, bearing 
 the seal of the community in Syria from which they had come. 
 Holding these against the light the missionary saw that the paper 
 upon which they were inscribed bore the Holyoke water marlc. 
 They had been written and sealed with the seal of his native place, 
 by a Syrian priest living in Massachusetts, who had thus obligingly 
 furnished all the birth-records needed to enable small Syrian boys, 
 in his part of the state, to go to work at any age at which the 
 employer could find them of use. 
 
 Such . evasions of the law become impossible when the child 
 must convince a responsible physician of the local Board of Health 
 that it is able to read fluently and write legibly simple sentences in 
 the English language; and has attended school a certain number 
 of days since the thirteenth birthday, being instructed during this 
 time in arithmetic "up to and including fractions," and is of the 
 normal stature of a child of its age and in good health. 
 
 By the adoption of a new statute in 1904, Vermont has come 
 into the forefront of the states in her care for her children. Until 
 last October, children could legally begin to work in the mills at 
 
 [487] 
 
74 TPie Annals of the American Academy 
 
 the age of ten years, during the vacation of the public schools, if 
 able to read the English language. 
 
 Since the enactment of the law of 1904, they must attend school 
 to the fifteenth birthday one hundred and sixty days in each year; 
 and although they may work eight hours a day during the vacations 
 of the public schools, after the twelfth birthday, they must first Be 
 able to read and write in the English language. Moreover, the 
 restriction of the hours of the children to eight in one day makes 
 them undesirable employees in cotton mills, so that there is not 
 likely to be much use of vacation labor. To the age of sixteen 
 years, they cannot legally work longer than eight hours in one day 
 or after seven o'clock at night, or before seven o'clock in the morn- 
 ing. While Vermont has little manufacture and less commerce, 
 with no mines, glass works, or tobacco, her textile industries, scat- 
 tered in many cases in small and remote communities have found 
 uses for many young workers ; and many immigrant children have, 
 in recent times, suffered the bitter experience of isolation with its 
 accompanying defective enforcement of the compulsory education 
 law, and the absence of a protecting factory inspector. 
 
 The State of Rhode Island has enacted,' during 1905, a statute 
 which permits the continued employment, for the remainder of the 
 present year, of all those children to whom certificates have hitherto 
 been granted, even though these children may now be only twelve 
 years of age. Before January i, 1907, all other children employed 
 in manufacture must have certificates showing that they are thir- 
 teen years of age; and after January ist, 1907, they will be 
 required to prove that they are fourteen years of age. Work is 
 prohibited after eight o'clock at night and before six o'clock in the 
 morning for those under sixteen years, but no maximum number of 
 hours is stipulated, unless it may turn out that a section of a law of 
 1899 remains in force, which restricted the hours of women and 
 minors to ten in one day and fifty-eight in one week. In any case, 
 the new law permits children to work without restriction in stores 
 on Saturday evenings and during the four days immediately pre- 
 ceding Christmas in each year. 
 
 There is no requirement that children must be able to read and 
 write in English or in any other language. 
 
 It is difficult to see how the law could have been amended to 
 do less in the way of protecting children from premature work. 
 
 [488] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in New England States 75 
 
 All those who are already at work under the age of fourteen years 
 will be permitted to remain in the mills until they reach that age 
 before the new law becomes operative. 
 
 The states which have taken no steps in the direction of more 
 rigid child labor legislation or more effective compulsory attendance 
 laws, since 1900, are Connecticut, Maine and New Hampshire. The 
 children of these three states are happy in the absence of mines, 
 glass works and highly developed retail commerce. But in all three 
 states, the textile mills have called for young children, and the 
 struggle for effective compulsory school attendance has been a long 
 and varyingly successful one. 
 
 Connecticut feels apparently no urgent need of improvement 
 in its old established laws. Its industries are chiefly of a character 
 which enable men to support their families, and do not call for the 
 work of children. The compulsory education laws are enforced by 
 state officers who have performed their duties through a series of 
 years with credit to the state and benefit to the children. 
 
 Favorable industrial conditions and laws, old established, wisely 
 conceived and persistently enforced, have combined to place Con- 
 necticut first among the New England and Middle States when 
 graded according to the ability of the children between ten and 
 fourteen years of age to read and write. Only Nebraska, Iowa, 
 Oregon, Ohio, Kansas and Indiana have a larger per cent, of 
 children of these ages able to read and write than has Connecticut. 
 
 Although Maine shares with New Hampshire, Connecticut and 
 Vermont, the characteristic absence of mines, glass works and 
 highly developed retail trade (of the kind which absorbs child labor 
 on a large scale) and is free, like them, from the sweating system, 
 it seems to need farther legislation for the protection of its children. 
 Maine fell in the scale of the states, from the eighteenth place in 
 1890 to the twenty-eighth place in 1900, when measured by the 
 per cent, of children between the ages of ten and fourteen years 
 who were able to read and write. Its actual number of illiterate 
 children of these ages was 1,255 i" 1900. 
 
 In the vacations of the public schools, children may work at 
 the age of twelve years, ten hours a day and sixty hours a week. 
 There is a factory inspector with deputies; and for violation of 
 the provision that children must attend school to the age of fifteen 
 years, school committees or superintendents are required to report 
 
 [489] 
 
76 The Annals of the American Academy. 
 
 offenders to the county attorney, whose duty it is to prosecute 
 therefor, the fine being not more than fifty dollars nor less than 
 twenty-five dollars. Both parents and employers are punishable. 
 
 New Hampshire, also, fell in the scale of the states when graded 
 according to the per cent, of the children between ten and fourteen 
 years of age able to read and write, from the twenty-second posi- 
 tion in 1890, to the twenty-fourth position in 1900. The actual num- 
 ber of illiterate children of these ages was 557. New Hampshire 
 permits children to work in factories at the age of twelve years 
 during the vacations of the public schools, requiring attendance at 
 school throughout the full school year to the age of fourteen years 
 for all children, and to the age of sixteen years for those who are 
 illiterate. There is no state factory inspector. 
 
 This brief statement of some salient features of the laws in the 
 ten states under discussion indicates the wide and far-reaching 
 inequalities of protection for children along the northern Atlantic 
 seaboard. Indeed, this inequality is the most conspicuous feature 
 of the present situation. 
 
 The effectiveness of the enforcement varies as widely. As soon 
 as a law is placed upon the statute book, some people obey it 
 because it is the law, irrespective of inspectors and penalties. Other 
 employers obey such a statute by reason of the pressure of the great 
 insurance companies. In case of accidents which give rise to suits 
 for damages, the position of the employer is distinctly unfavorable 
 if it can be shown that he has failed to comply with all the require- 
 ments of the child labor laws. These two influences are very com- 
 monly overlooked in the discussion of the value of child labor legis- 
 lation, with or without the appointment of ofificers for purposes of 
 enforcement. Yet these are the only influences which operate 
 throughout the ten states here under consideration uniformly to 
 promote obedience to the law and protection for the children. 
 
CHILD LABOR LEGISLATION IN THE SOUTH 
 
 By Rev. Neal L. Anderson, D. D., 
 Montgomery, Ala. 
 
 The great manufacturing industry of the South is the spinning 
 and weaving of her principal staple, cotton, and the history of child 
 labor legislation in this section is practically contemporaneous with 
 the first sefious entrance of the South as a factor to be reckoned 
 with in the textile trade of the world. 
 
 A few farseeing men, particularly in New England, had for 
 many years discerned the great advantages offered by this section, 
 the natural home of the cotton plant, and preparing against the 
 inevitable transfer of the industry to the neighborhood of the 
 cotton fields, had begun to divide their capital between the old mills 
 of the East and the countryside mills springing up in the Carolinas 
 and Georgia; but it is only within the last decade that these condi- 
 tions have attained general recognition. 
 
 The laws against child labor are among the earliest expressions 
 of the awakening of the civic consciousness of the people of the 
 South to the responsibilities of the new industrial era, which has come 
 upon them with the suddenness of a noonday without a morning. 
 
 Up to the present time the textile industry of this section has 
 been largely centralized in the two Carolinas, Georgia and Alabama, 
 and it is in these states that the problems of child labor have been 
 most clearly recognized, and here the battle for the industrial free- 
 dom of the child of the South must be fought and won. 
 
 Of the 24,170 children under sixteen years of age employed in 
 the factories of the South in 1900, 22,145 (9^^ P^r cent.) are found 
 in these four states alone. 
 
 The present laws against labor in the Carolinas and Alabama 
 were enacted in 1903, as the outcome of a long continued agitation 
 of the subject, largely inspired by one of the members of the Board 
 of Trustees of the National Committee, who has stated the case 
 
 [491] 
 
78 The Annals of the American Academy. 
 
 against child labor with a clearness and cogency unsurpassed in the 
 history of such legislation. 
 
 As early as 1887 some wise statesman of Alabama, anticipating 
 the dawn of the new era of industrial progress in his state, secured 
 the enactment of a law which was in many respects the high water 
 mark of legislation on the subject in this group of states. This 
 law limited the hours of work for women and children to eight in 
 the twenty-four, and the age at which children might be employed 
 in the factories at fourteen years. 
 
 Through the influence of the Dwight Mills, at Chicopee, Mass., 
 since transferred to Alabama City, Ala., and controlled entirely by 
 Northern capital, this law was repealed in 1895, and the combined 
 forces of public opinion, represented by the press, the pulpit and the 
 civic organizations of the state have never been able to restore it to 
 the statute books. 
 
 Present Status of Child Labor Legislation in the South. 
 
 For the data contained in the accompanying syllabus of child 
 labor laws in the South I am indebted largely to the Hand Book 
 for 1905, issued by the National Consumers' League. So far as 
 possible the data have been verified by reference at first hand to the 
 original statutes, and it is hoped that the compact form of presenta- 
 tion may assist the student in obtaining a somewhat clearer insight 
 into the present status of legislation on this subject. 
 
 Alabama. — (i) Age limit for work in mines is fourteen; for 
 work in factories twelve, with exception of children of widowed 
 mothers, or dependent fathers, or orphans without means of support. 
 No child under ten can be employed under any circumstances. 
 
 (2) Proof of age: Affidavit of parent or guardian filed in the 
 office of employer, giving age and date of birth. Furnishing false 
 certificate is punished as a misdemeanor. Penalty for employing 
 child under age, fine of not more than $200. 
 
 (3) Hours of labor : For children between thirteen and sixteen, 
 not over sixty-six hours per week, day work; not over forty-eight 
 hours per week, night work. 
 
 (4) There is no educational test required. No compulsory 
 attendance in school. 
 
 (5) No provision for inspection or enforcement of the law 
 through any officials. 
 
 [492] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in the South 79 
 
 Arkansas. — (i) Age limit for work in mines, fourteen; for 
 work in factories, twelve; if illiterate, fourteen. Same exceptions 
 made as in Alabama. 
 
 (2) Proof of age: Same as in Alabama; for children under 
 fourteen, in addition, certificate of school attendance. 
 
 (3) Hours of labor: Night work prohibited for children under 
 fourteen ; sixty hours a week's work for minors under fourteen. 
 
 (4) Educational test : School attendance compulsory under four- 
 teen for twelve weeks in the year, six weeks to be consecutive. Cer- 
 tificate of school attendance only required for children under four- 
 teen. 
 
 (5) No provision for inspection or enforcement. 
 
 Florida. — In Florida the youngest children may be employed, 
 provided only that in the case of children under fifteen such em- 
 ployment shall not extend for over sixty days without the consent 
 of the legal guardian. 
 
 There is no limitation upon the number of hours of labor, and 
 no proof as to age of the child is required. 
 
 Georgia. — In Georgia, employment dangerous to health or mor- 
 als is more or less completely prohibited, but otherwise there is no 
 restriction whatever placed upon child labor. 
 
 Kentucky. — (i) Age limit: Work in mines prohibited for chil- 
 dren under fourteen ; work in factory prohibited for children under 
 fourteen, with certain exemptions, which may be obtained from a 
 county judge. 
 
 (2) Proof of age is required for children under fourteen, cer- 
 tificate of age to be sworn to by parent or guardian, unless employer 
 shall know the age of the child. 
 
 (3) No restriction upon hours of labor or night work. 
 
 (4) Educational test : No educational test is required for a child 
 to work in a factory, but attendance at school for at least five months 
 a year compulsory for children under fourteen. 
 
 (5) A labor inspector and one assistant, at a salary of $1,200 
 and $1,000 respectively and expenses, are provided, but investiga- 
 tion as to violation of the law is left to the grand jury, which is 
 given inquisitorial power, and receives a special charge from judges 
 of the Circuit Courts to make such investigations. 
 
 Louisiana. — (i) Labor in factories is prohibited for girls under 
 fourteen and boys under twelve years. 
 
 [493] 
 
8o The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 (2) Proof of age: Certificate of school attendance during at 
 least four months of year preceding employment required for chil- 
 dren under fourteen. This certificate to be signed by the director of 
 the school district or principal of a public or private school. 
 
 (3) Hours of labor: There is no restriction upon night work, 
 but the work of women and minors under eighteen is restricted to 
 sixty hours per week. 
 
 (4) Educational test: There are no laws making attendance 
 on school compulsory, but for children under fourteen a certificate 
 of school attendance for at least four months of year preceding em- 
 ployment, signed by the director of the school district or principal 
 of some public or private school, is required. 
 
 (5) The superintendent or chief police officer in cities, or a 
 town's members of police force detailed by the mayor are charged 
 with enforcement of the law. 
 
 Maryland. — (i) Work in factory limited to fourteen, except 
 in the canning industry and where there is a widowed mother, or 
 invalid father. No age limit in twenty counties. 
 
 (2) Proof of age: For child under sixteen a certificate is 
 required stating that the child is over twelve years, signed by princi- 
 pal or head teacher in school last attended, and a like certificate from 
 parent or guardian. 
 
 (3) Hours of labor: Night work permitted; for children under 
 sixteen work is restricted to ten hours in the twenty-four. 
 
 (4) Educational test : Child under sixteen must be able to read 
 and write, and must attend school before or during employment. 
 
 (5) Enforcement: Attendance officers appointed by school com- 
 missioners are charged with enforcement of the law. 
 
 Mississippi. — No age limit in Mississippi except that minors 
 may not be employed for more than sixty days without the consent 
 of the parent or guardian. 
 
 North Carolina. — (i) Age limit in factories, twelve. 
 
 (2) Proof of age: Written statement of the parent or guardian 
 required. 
 
 (3) Hours: Night work not prohibited ; work for minors under 
 eighteen restricted to sixty-six hours in one week. 
 
 (4) Educational test: No requirement of compulsory attend- 
 dance on school, and no educational test. 
 
 (5) There is a Commissioner of Labor and Printing provided 
 
 [494] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in the South 8i 
 
 for under another statute, but he has no authority for the inspection 
 of the factories or enforcement of the law. 
 
 South Carolina. — (i) Age limit: (1903) ten years, (1904) 
 eleven, (May, 1905) twelve. In factories, mines or other manu- 
 facturing establishment exception is made for child with widowed 
 mother or totally disabled father, and for dependent children — these 
 may work in the factory without an age limit for the purpose of 
 earning a support — sworn affidavit to this effect required of the 
 widowed mother, totally disabled guardian, or in case of dependent 
 child, of legal guardian. The officer before whom affidavit is made 
 to endorse on back of certificate his consent that the child may be so 
 employed. 
 
 (2) Proof of age: Affidavit of parent or guardian stating the 
 age of child. 
 
 (3) Hours of labor: Night work prohibited children under 
 twelve, and from 8 p. m. to 6 a. m. Time may be made up which 
 has been lost through temporary shut-down due to accident or break- 
 down in machinery. Under no circumstances shall a child under 
 twelve work beyond 9 p. m. 
 
 (4) Educational test: Children may be employed at any age 
 in vacation if they present certificates showing school attendance 
 for four months during the year and ability to read and write. 
 
 (5) No provision for enforcement. 
 
 Tennessee. — (i) Age limit in factories and mines, fourteen. 
 
 (2) Proof of age: Required of children under fourteen, to be 
 sworn to by parent or guardian, unless age of child is known to the 
 employer. 
 
 (3) Hours of labor: No restriction. 
 
 (4) No educational test or compulsory attendance. 
 
 (5) Grand jury given inquisitorial powers, and judges of Cir- 
 cuit Courts required to give special charge. 
 
 Texas. — (i) Age limit: Factories, if illiterate, fourteen; if 
 able to read and write, twelve. In mines, breweries and distilleries, 
 sixteen. 
 
 (2) No proof of age required. 
 
 (3) Hours of labor: Work at night prohibited for children 
 under fourteen between 6 p. m. and 6 a. m. 
 
 (4) Educational test : Child under sixteen must be able to read 
 and write before being employed. Exemptions may be given for 
 
 [495] 
 
82 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 children between twelve and fourteen who are "necessarily em- 
 ployed." 
 
 (S) No provision for enforcement. 
 
 Virginia. — (i) Age limit: In factories, twelve. 
 
 (2) No proArision for proof of age. 
 
 (3) Hours of labor: No prohibition of night work. Work 
 restricted to ten in the twenty-four for children under fourteen. 
 
 (4) No educational test. 
 
 (5) No provision for enforcement. 
 
 Review of Legislation. 
 
 A review of the legislation shows that Georgia alone among 
 the manufacturing states of the South has no legal limit for the age 
 at which a child may be employed, and it is an interesting, if not 
 significant fact, that in this state, with perhaps one exception, there is 
 a larger proportion of foreign capital invested in the manufacture 
 of cotton goods than in any other of the textile states of the South. 
 
 In contrast with Georgia, Louisiana holds a place of high dis- 
 tinction among her sister states in limiting the age for girls at four- 
 teen, in limiting the hours of work for women and minors to sixty 
 per week, and in providing for enforcement of the law and requir- 
 ing a certificate of school attendance to be signed by the proper 
 school authorities. A glance at the laws of the other states of the 
 group shows at once that this is the nearest to anyhing like an ade- 
 quate and effective statute adopted by any state in the group. As, 
 however, the textile industry in Louisiana is largely undeveloped, 
 there being only two factories in the entire State in 1900, the law 
 is of benefit only in preventing the establishment of conditions 
 adverse to the children in the future. 
 
 The age limitation in Florida at fifteen and in Mississippi at 
 twenty-one for boys and eighteen for girls is, of course, no legal 
 bar to the employment of such children, as the law is qualified by 
 the provision that such employment must not be for more than sixty 
 days "without the consent of the legal guardian." 
 
 When we recall the fact that there were in 1900 only 466 chil- 
 dren under sixteen years of age employed in the few small mills in 
 Mississippi, and that there is not a cotton factory in the state of 
 Florida, the absence of legislation on the subject in these states is 
 seen to be barren of the significance it has in Georgia. 
 
 [496] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in the South 83 
 
 The lowest age limit for the group is eleven years, in South 
 Carolina, which, however, on May i, 1905, will be raised to twelve 
 years. 
 
 The highest limit is in Texas, where children under sixteen may 
 not be employed in mines, breweries or distilleries. 
 
 In this state, where on account of the vast possibilities of the 
 immediate future, owing to the fact that it ranks first in production 
 and ginning of cotton, effective legislation is most to be desired, there 
 are evidences of a healthy and intelligent interest in securing legis- 
 lation protecting the child, in the relatively high age limit for factory 
 work, fourteen; in the prohibition of night work for children 
 under fourteen, and the provision that children under sixteen must 
 be able to read and write. 
 
 Here, however, as in the laws on the statute books of every state 
 of the group, may be found the marks of the hand of those inter- 
 ested in fastening child labor upon the South, and the law is radically 
 defective in failing to provide for special officers for inspection of 
 the factories and the enforcement of the statute. 
 
 In Kentucky, Louisiana and Tennessee only is there any special 
 provision for the enforcement of the laws prohibiting child labor, 
 and in these states the inquisitorial powers given the grand juries 
 furnish a means of enforcement notoriously inadequate. 
 
 The proposed legislation defeated in the Committee on Manufac- 
 tures in the Legislature of North Carolina two weeks ago provided 
 that "No girl under fourteen years should work in a manufacturing 
 establishment. It provided further that no child under fourteen 
 who could not read and write should be hired out to a mill; that 
 the certificate of age and literacy should be issued by a disinterested 
 party, the school principal, instead of a mere statement to the em- 
 ployer by the very interested party, the parent ; that there should be 
 no night work in the factory for children under fourteen, and that 
 there should be systematic factory inspection by the Labor Com- 
 missioner." 
 
 It was demonstrated in the hearing of this bill before the Legis- 
 lative Committee that the storm centre of the battle for the indus- 
 trial freedom of the children of the South is not so much in any 
 detail of proposed legislation, as in efforts to make the laws more 
 effective. 
 
 So far no textile state in the South has been able to secure legal 
 
 [497] 
 
84 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 provision for any ofi&cial clothed with authority to inspect the fac- 
 tories and enforce the law, and until this is secured all legislation on 
 the subject must be practically inoperative. 
 
 In Alabama, for instance, no citizen and no official of the state 
 or county has the right to demand the inspection of the certificates 
 of age provided for by law or to go behind the barred gates of the 
 factory to ascertain how many children are held under the forms 
 of child slavery forbidden by the statutes of the Commonwealth. 
 
 No educational test is required in Alabama, Kentucky, Louisi- 
 ana, the Carolinas, Tennessee or Virginia. 
 
 In Texas a test of literacy is provided for children under six- 
 teen, and in Louisiana a certificate of attendance for at least four 
 months of the year, signed by the director of the school district or 
 the principal of a private or public school. 
 
 In Arkansas and Kentucky alone is provision made for com- 
 pulsory school attendance, but in the first-named state the school 
 period is only three months, and attendance is required for only 
 six weeks consecutively. Thus in Arkansas a child may be kept 
 in a factory for the year with the exception of two vacations of 
 six weeks each, which must be spent in the school room. 
 
 Night work is prohibited in Alabama for children under thir- 
 teen, in Arkansas for children under fourteen, in South Carolina 
 (with certain exceptions) for children under twelve, and in Texas 
 for children under fourteen. 
 
 It will be noted by the student familiar with the history of child 
 labor legislation that with the exception of Louisiana and Arkan- 
 sas the statutes in the South are practically a dead letter in another 
 most important particular, namely, the requirements concerning the 
 proof of the age of the child. In those states which require proof 
 of age and even where such proof is to be publicly posted, the affi- 
 davits as to age are made out by the parent or legal guardian, the 
 very parties against whose shiftlessness and heartlessness society 
 has found it everywhere necessary to legislate for the protection of 
 the children. 
 
 In Tennessee and Kentucky this defect is remedied (sic) by a 
 proviso that such certificate shall not be required where the age of 
 the child is known to the employer! It is against such alliance of 
 greed and thriftlessness that we seek to deliver the children of the 
 land. 
 
 [498] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in the South 85 
 
 An Illustration. 
 
 In company with several strangers, curious to see the won- 
 ders of the manufacture of cotton, I recently had the oppor- 
 tunity of passing behind the carefully guarded portals of two fac- 
 tories in Alabama, where my interest in the protection of the children 
 was unknown. 
 
 In spite of the practical immunity of the mill men from danger 
 of prosecution due to the inefficiency of the law, it was interesting to 
 note the care with which the children had been taught to answer 
 any inquiries that might be made concerning their ages. 
 
 Out of at least a score of children, evidently under the legal 
 age limit, twelve, in a mill employing some three hundred operatives, 
 only one child was found who was not "over twelve." This child 
 confided to a little girl who was in my party the information that 
 she was ten years old, and she looked younger still. I asked a little 
 boy, who could not have been over nine or ten years old, how old 
 he was. He replied with a wink and a roguish laugh that he was 
 "most fourteen," and then ran off to tell the other children that the 
 stranger wanted to know his age. 
 
 In another mill employing some two hundred hands the propor- 
 tion of children under legal age was even larger, and there was a 
 larger percentage of girls, but not a child was found who was not 
 "over twelve." The conclusion was irresistible either that all these 
 children had been taught to lie concerning their ages or that here 
 was a most striking illustration of the effect of child labor in stunt- 
 ing physical development. 
 
 These two mills may fairly be taken as typical of the average 
 suburban cotton factory in the South. In the rear of one of the 
 factories the houses of the operatives were built around three sides 
 of an open square or plaza, some two hundred and fifty feet wide, 
 with a beautiful woodland crowning the bluff of the river in the 
 rear and great open fields on either side. The houses are fairly com- 
 fortable, and neat in appearance, though needing paint. Here no 
 one need dread the much advertised peril of the streets and slums 
 for the children out of the mill. The children playing in this open 
 square and on these streets would be under the restrictions of the 
 mill authorities and could have no other companions than those very 
 children with whom they are constantly thrown in the mill. 
 
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86 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 Two conclusions must be reached by the careful observer of 
 such conditions: (i) That the surroundings of these families are 
 better than those of the same class of people in the rural districts, 
 and (2) that the condition of the children now found at work 
 eleven hours a day, many of them under the legal age limit, would 
 be vastly improved, and the chances of their becoming effective in 
 the civic life of the state increased a thousand fold, if they might 
 spend their childhood in the fresh air of the playground of the open 
 square, instead of imprisoned in the unhealthy atmosphere of the 
 factory. 
 
 Difficulties in the Way of Securing Effective Legislation. 
 
 In spite of the fact that the laws prohibiting child labor in this 
 group of states fail to meet many of the requirements of adequate 
 legislation upon the subject, the effort to secure their enactment has 
 in every instance met with tremendous opposition on the part of the 
 mill men. 
 
 In Alabama the opponents of legislation again and again suc- 
 ceeded in stifling in committee the bills aimed at improving the con- 
 dition of the children in the factories, and it required the united 
 efforts of the press, the ministers' unions of the leading cities, the 
 women's clubs and other civic organizations to arouse public opin- 
 ion to such an extent as to make its voice heard in the walls of the 
 capitol. 
 
 (i) Apathy of the General Public. 
 
 An outline of the difficulties encountered in this state, it is 
 believed, will present with some fullness the difficulties that have 
 attended the attempt to secure effective legislation in the other 
 Southern States. 
 
 Every attempt to secure social betterment finds a common 
 obstacle in the apathy and indifference of the public mind toward its 
 program of reform. In the South, however, this general difficulty 
 has been accentuated by the unfamiliarity of the people with the new 
 industrial conditions, the rural character of the population, the slow 
 development of the civic consciousness, and the fact that the condi- 
 tions sought to be remedied are of such comparatively recent growth 
 
 [500] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in the South 87 
 
 that the most striking evils of child labor have not had time to 
 develop themselves so as to attract the attention of the community 
 at large. It is always a more difficult matter to create a healthy 
 public sentiment for the enactment of a law that provides against a 
 future peril than it is to arouse a storm of indignant protest against 
 an evil that has become flagrant and notorious and constantly flaunts 
 itself in the face of every citizen. There are hundreds of thousands 
 of our people who have never seen a cotton mill, and many hundred 
 thousand more who have never been inside a factory gate. 
 
 Another serious difficulty in arousing public opinion is the fact 
 that many of the mills are managed by men of a humane and just 
 spirit, and actuated by high convictions of duty. Mills controlled 
 by such men have been brought to the front in every public dis- 
 cussion of the evils of child labor, so that in view of the conditions 
 shown to exist in these mills many of the best citizens have con- 
 cluded that the picture of the evils of child labor has been largely 
 overdrawn, forgetting that the law is never made for the righteous, 
 but the law-breaker. 
 
 Terrible as are the evils of child labor, and for one I would not 
 minimize them for one moment, or turn a deaf ear to the cry of one 
 of God's oppressed little ones, the textile industry at the South 
 is yet in its infancy, and the true peril of the situation is in the dan- 
 ger that the evil should so root itself in this new industry as to 
 prevent for many years the enactment of efficient laws on the sub- 
 ject, or that the factories should have been so built up on the shoul- 
 ders of the children that their removal would prove disastrous to the 
 industry itself. 
 
 Taking the statistics of the last census, there were at work in 
 the mills of the South in 1900 only 24,170 children under sixteen 
 years of age — a number smaller than in the factories of the single 
 state of Pennsylvania, yet during the decade ending in 1900 while the 
 number of children at work in other sections of the country under 
 sixteen years of age decreased about 50 per cent., in the Southern 
 states the number of such children increased to an alarming extent. 
 
 In Georgia during the decade 1890-1900 the number of children 
 under sixteen at work in the mills increased from 2,400 to 4,500 ; in 
 Alabama from 501 to 2,438 (386 per cent.) ; in South Carolina from 
 2,153 to 8,110; in North Carolina from 2,071 to 7,129. The report 
 of the Commissioner of Labor for this last-named state indicates 
 
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88 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 that in the last four years this number has been increased to some- 
 thing like 15,000. 
 
 The above statistics must be qualified by the statement that the 
 number of factories built in these states in the period under consid- 
 eration has increased in about the same proportion as the increase 
 in the number of children employed. This, however, is the real 
 peril of our situation, the enormous growth of the factories in the 
 rural districts, demanding every year more and more of the chil- 
 dren of the land. 
 
 The statistics given, it should be noted, are for children "under 
 sixteen," and, as the legal age limit in textile states is twelve, they do 
 not show the number of children employed contrary to law. 
 
 The eflScacy of laws in these states must also not be estimated 
 merely by certain technical requirements for an effective law. Public 
 opinion in the South is somewhat slow to respond, but when once 
 awakened is resistless in its power, and there has been in many parts 
 of the Carolinas and Alabama a response to this awakened power 
 more far-reaching in its effects upon the children than have been 
 the technically far more stringent statutes in such states, for exam- 
 ple, as Pennsylvania. 
 
 In Alabama and North Carolina the laws against child labor 
 were adopted as the result of an agreement entered into by the mill 
 men with the friends of the measure, and was based upon their 
 solemn pledge that they would faithfully comply with the letter of 
 the law. That in many instances they have failed to do so is un- 
 doubtedly true, but that the statutes have resulted in the freeing 
 of many children from the imprisonment of the factory and protect- 
 ing many others is borne out by many proofs. 
 
 In North Carolina the mill men have pleaded successfully their 
 compliance with the law as a bar to more effective legislation. Such 
 a plea does not meet the needs of the situation, but that it could be 
 made and partially sustained is proof that the law is more effective 
 than would be indicated by a mere reading of its provisions. 
 
 (2) Prejudice in the South Against Organized Labor. 
 
 One of the inducements offered to investors of capital in the 
 southern mills is the practical immunity of these mills from inter- 
 ference by labor agitations by the labor unions, which in some sec- 
 
 [502] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in the South 89 
 
 tions have proved disastrous to the industry. So far the cotton fac- 
 tories of the South have been largely unhampered by strikes. 
 
 In some instances L think it is possible that opposition to efforts 
 looking to a permanent betterment of the condition of the operatives 
 has been due to recognition of the well-known relation between the 
 elevation of a laboring class financially and intellectually, and the 
 introduction of the forces of organized labor. 
 
 In Alabama the apprehension of the mill men that the child 
 labor law was but the entering wedge of unionism was used as 
 an argument to convince them of the importance of agreeing to the 
 proposed legislation and of faithfully complying with the law. It 
 was pointed out that nothing could so strengthen the cause of organ- 
 ized labor in the South as its alliance with the cause of innocent, 
 helpless and wronged childhood against the oppression of the capi- 
 talist. 
 
 (S) Antipathy to Paternalism. 
 
 In a section where local self-government has been most jealously 
 guarded for generations at the cost of blood and treasure it is to be 
 expected that there should obtain also a high theory of the rights of 
 the individual. It cannot surprise the student therefore to find 
 this individualism running to an extreme in the denial of the right 
 of the state to enterfere between employer and employee in the inter- 
 ests of the commonwealth and the child. 
 
 The most stubborn opposition to child labor legislation has 
 been met in this traditional antipathy of the South to everything that 
 savors of paternalism, and the significance of the legislation so far 
 secured is undoubtedly to be found not so much in the scope and 
 efficiency of the laws themselves, as in the establishment of the 
 principle that the rights of the state in and over the child are para- 
 mount even to the rights of the parent where the welfare of the 
 child is at stake. To those who appreciate the true condition of 
 affairs in the South this has been an enormous gain that can scarcely 
 be overestimated. 
 
 (4) Inability of the South to Provide for Compulsory Education. 
 
 It has been universally recognized by those who realize the dif- 
 ficulties inherent in laws that attempt to protect the child by cer- 
 
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90 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 tificates concerning age, that one of the best methods of securing the 
 object aimed at in the legislation is a compulsory educational law. 
 
 When it is recalled that of the 579,947 children in the United 
 States between the ages of ten and fourteen who cannot read and 
 write, 479,000 of the number are in the Southern states, and 232,127 
 (40 per cent.) in the four textile states — Georgia, Alabama and the 
 two Carolinas — it will be at once seen that here is the largest oppor- 
 tunity afforded anywhere in the country for the elevation of the 
 standard of life by education, as well as the greatest temptation to 
 capital to impose upon the child, in addition to the burden of illit- 
 eracy, an enfeebled and dwarfed body. 
 
 The South has been fearfully handicapped in her efforts to meet 
 the problems created by the illiteracy of her people. "A double sys- 
 tem of public education has been with all its burdens and with its 
 varied difficulties, the inevitable and unchanging issue of our problem 
 of population. With the gravest problems of our civilization chal- 
 lenging her existence and her peace, the South has been expected 
 to assume the task of the education of two populations out of the 
 poverty of one." 
 
 Her response to the exigencies of such a condition has been one 
 of the heroic features of the history of her people during the past 
 quarter of a century in her efforts to overtake the educational desti- 
 tution of her rural population — efforts that must be neutralized if 
 the rapidly increasing factories are to be allowed through the greed 
 of capital and the shiftlessness of parents, to shut out from the 
 school room, within the walls of the mills, thousands of the neediest 
 and most promising of her children. 
 
 With the greatest educational problem of modern civilization 
 thrust upon her, it has not been possible for the South to provide 
 for the compulsory education of all her children, and the opponents 
 of child labor laws have ever been quick to seize upon this fact, hid- 
 ing their hostility to the legislation by a loud protestation of zeal 
 for the cause of education. 
 
 It was somewhat of a revelation in Alabama two years ago to 
 find that the very people who were opposing a child labor law, "un- 
 less a provision making the education of the children compulsory 
 was attached," were at the same time viciously fighting all efforts 
 to provide for local taxation for school purposes — a measure which 
 
 [504] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in the South 91 
 
 offered the only hope for such an increase of the public school funds 
 as to make compulsory education feasible. 
 
 (5) The Commercial Rivalry of States and Sections. 
 
 Every effort to secure legislation protecting the child has been 
 met by the persistent and bitter commercial rivalry between the dif- 
 ferent states engaged in the manufacture of cotton goods. 
 
 It has been repeatedly charged that the efforts to secure child 
 labor legislation in the South have been inspired by the jealousy on 
 the part of the New England mills of the growing prosperity of 
 the South. To which it may well be answered, "Why, herein is a 
 marvelous thing, that influences alleged to be trying to injure the 
 southern manufacturing industry by securing effective child labor 
 laws, should at the same time be at work in New England in mak- 
 ing the laws in these States more effective still." 
 
 It is a fact of history that the protection of the children is one of 
 the most potent of the economic factors in the industrial develop- 
 ment of a people, and if the jealousy of New England should result 
 in the protection of all the children of the South nothing could prove 
 a greater boon to every interest of her people. 
 
 The mill men in New England are urging that the age limit in 
 those states should not be raised, because they then could not com- 
 pete with Georgia, which has no law against child labor. The mill 
 men in Georgia claim that the attempt to secure legislation in those 
 states is due to the influence of the New England mills, while in the 
 two Carolinas and Alabama the proximity of Georgia, with no regu- 
 lation of child labor, is pleaded as a reason why existing statutes 
 should not be enforced. 
 
 After all has been said, it must at last be recognized that the 
 inducements the South has to offer to the capitalist desiring to invest 
 in mill property is her splendid water power, salubrious climate, 
 proximity to the cotton fields, cheapness of fuel, and freedom from 
 labor troubles, and not the sacrifice of her children upon the altar 
 of greed. 
 
 Practical Suggestions. 
 
 I have tried thus to give a frank and accurate interpretation of 
 the present status of this legislation in the Southern States, and 
 to present as candidly as possible the situation as it exists, but I 
 would sound no note of pessimism. Whereas in older manufactur- 
 
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92 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 ing communities legislation for the protection of child life has been a 
 matter of slow growth and marked by the many mistakes and fail- 
 ures of social experiments, in the South the cotton manufacturing in- 
 dustry has almost with its birth brought our people to a conscious- 
 ness of their obligation to the coming generation. 
 
 In the bills presented in more recent legislatures the accumu- 
 lated wisdom of the century has been drawn upon, and though, as 
 in North Carolina, such measures may for a time fail of enactment 
 into law, through the influence of the professional lobbyist, the inter- 
 ested capitalist and the indifferentism of the people, no one familiar 
 with the history of the modern industrial world can doubt that 
 the pressure of the moral judgment of civilization must at last make 
 itself felt with resistless force. 
 
 Though the enactment of the most effective legislation comes 
 somewhat more tardily than we could desire, it is a matter of sincere 
 congratulation that this legislation has reached a more advanced 
 stage of development at this period of the industrial life of the 
 South, and that the southern people are passing on to the period of 
 effective legislation with less of blood-guiltiness than any other 
 section of country in the industrial life of modern times. 
 
 In conclusion I venture to suggest : 
 
 ( 1 ) That for states with such manifestly similar economic con- 
 ditions as obtain in the Carolinas, Georgia and Alabama there should 
 be a continuance of the effort to secure so far as possible uniformity 
 in the laws protecting the children. 
 
 (2) That in view of the number of humane and just men in- 
 terested in the manufacture of cotton in the South constant effort 
 should be put forth to win the support and sympathy of these men 
 for a movement in line with the noblest endeavors of their lives. To 
 this end legislation proposed should be wise and conservative, char- 
 acterized by a full recognition of the stage of the industrial develop- 
 ment of the section, and so far as consistent with the protection of 
 the children, containing such provisions as will give the factories 
 abundant time to adapt themselves to the improved conditions. 
 
 Overdrawn pictures of conditions that are abnormal are just as 
 imperfect a presentation of the case against child labor as is the 
 exhibition of the prize mill with its schools, kindergartens and libra- 
 ries an illustration of the average mill. After all has been said the 
 facts of the situation, and the facts alone, can secure an intelligent 
 
 [506] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in the South 93 
 
 and sustained public interest without which no law can be made 
 effective. 
 
 The people of the South are not unlike the people in other sec- 
 tions, and iniquitous conditions cannot long maintain themselves in 
 the presence of a well-informed public opinion. 
 
 (3) Laws protecting the girls under fourteen years of age are 
 most needed just now, and most likely to secure favorable considera- 
 tion at the hands of the representatives of the people. 
 
 (4) Wherever practicable, proof of age should be required to 
 be supplemented by a standard of physical efSciency, and in all cases 
 there should be required for children under twelve years of age, 
 a certificate showing that they can read and write, signed not by 
 the parent or guardian alone but by the principal or teacher in some 
 public school residing in the county where the factory is located. 
 These certificates should be required to be filed in a public place 
 where access may be obtained to them by all interested parties, 
 and failure so to file them made a misdemeanor. 
 
 (5) An inspector for factories, mills and mines should be pro- 
 vided in every state, and this officer appointed by the Governor and 
 empowered to enter any factory or manufacturing plant or mine, 
 required to render bi-annually a public report to the Governor, and 
 to report to the county solicitor and grand jury every violation of 
 the law. 
 
CHILD LABOR LEGISLATION AND METHODS OF 
 ENFORCEMENT IN THE WESTERN STATES 
 
 By Hon. Ben B. Lindsey, 
 Judge of Juvenile Court, Denver, Colo. 
 
 The child labor evil has never afflicted the West as it has the 
 East and the South. Of course I speak rather of the great mountain 
 states. It would not do, however, to console ourselves with the 
 assumption that the grandeur of our mountains has so completely 
 imbued the hearts of our people with high ideals that we are free 
 from that taint in commercialism which so often advances "business 
 interests" at the expense of sacred childhood. In those cases where 
 these selfish interests might be advanced by drafts upon the strength 
 and life of little children we have found human greed very much 
 the same as it is in the East and South. The mines and the smelters 
 call almost entirely for the strength of men rather than that of chil- 
 dren. The labor unions as much as laws have kept our children 
 from industrial slavery. The opportunities of the cotton mill and 
 the ordinary factory in the great industrial centres of the East for 
 enlisting the services of the child offer greater temptations than 
 those of the smelter and the mine. If we may credit the frightful 
 conditions in the coal mines of Pennsylvania as to child labor, I am 
 sure we have no such sins as theirs to answer for. And while we do 
 not pretend superiority above our brothers of the East and South in 
 resisting encroachments upon the childhood of the nation, we may 
 without any spirit of boasting feel proud of our laws for the pro- 
 tection of children. Both as to laws and the evils to be remedied by 
 these laws the great West is far in advance of the South, compares 
 favorably with the states of the East and Middle West, and Colorado 
 claims the proud distinction of being twin sister to Illinois in ac- 
 knowledging superiority to no state in advanced child labor laws as 
 well as other laws for the protection of her children. We look upon 
 
 [508] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in the Western States 95 
 
 Kansas as the most benighted of the Western states, and as being 
 most backward in keeping step in the march of progress, led by her 
 western neighbor, the State of Colorado, but Kansas is waking up, 
 and I promise you that if Kansas concedes to the women of that 
 state the right of suflfrage as it has existed among the women of the 
 State of Colorado, it will be impossible for it to lag behind the pro- 
 cession. 
 
 Under the age of sixteen years no child may be employed in any 
 mine or other dangerous occupation in the State of Colorado, and 
 under the age of fourteen years no child may be employed in any 
 mine in the States of Idaho, North Dakota, Oregon, Utah, Wash- 
 ington and Wyoming. 
 
 Again, the Western states have been blessed with liberal school 
 funds, largely obtained by the reservation for that purpose of mil- 
 lions of their acres, which, with less knotty and difficult problems 
 than our less fortunate sisters of the South, have made compulsory 
 education in the West a simple problem to embody in effective laws 
 rigidly enforced. The great West, therefore, in comparing its 
 more fortunate condition with that of the South, may do so with 
 satisfaction, but without exultation. On the contrary, our more 
 fortunate social and industrial condition reminds us that the South 
 especially is in need of our consideration and sympathy in its less 
 fortunate state, and this, I wish to assure you, is our attitude of 
 mind toward this section of our beloved country. 
 
 I might give an instance of our own experience in Denver 
 within the last three or four years as showing that human selfishness 
 is very much the same in every part of our country when "business 
 interests" conflict with the children's interest. Some fifteen years 
 ago, in the very shadow of the Rocky Mountains, there was built a 
 great cotton mill. It was a rather peculiar thing in our industrial 
 development that cotton mills should be built away out there, but 
 New England people who initiated the enterprise could see the 
 cotton fields of Texas a great deal closer to their back doors than 
 were those of Georgia or South Carolina to the mills of Massachu- 
 setts. This was before the sudden and rapid change of the last few 
 years when the cotton mills began to spring up in the fields of the 
 Southern states. This transformation had not been taken into 
 account. But when it came competition became fiercer, and the 
 cotton mills of Colorado, to compete with those of South Carolina, 
 
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96 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 must forsooth move some of South Carolina's social conditions to 
 the foot hills of Colorado. Agents were employed whose business 
 it was to import into Colorado dozens of families from the poorer 
 classes of Alabama and the Carolinas, and with them, of course, 
 came the children; in fact, they were the inducement for this sort 
 of emigration; the more children the surer the contract with the 
 wily agent to live within sight of Pike's Peak and the snow-capped 
 Rockies. And thus it came to pass a few years ago that you could 
 journey by trolley car from Denver to the cotton mills in which, once 
 enclosed, you might well imagine you had been transported two 
 thousand miles into one of the Southern states. There were the 
 boys and girls, ten, eleven and twelve years of age, working in 
 violation of the laws of the state in order that "prosperity" might 
 still flourish amidst these whirring spindles in thp West. Those who 
 protested were denounced, by those who believed in "prosperity," 
 as mischief makers for the destruction of a great industry. Should 
 a successful enterprise of ten years' standing be permitted to fail 
 when all that was necessary was a duplication as far as possible of 
 conditions which it was said accounted for its success in other sec- 
 tions? Of course, my friends, we accounted this as all "bluff." I 
 think Miss Addams and Mrs. Florence Kelley have shown by the 
 example of Illinois, especially in the glass industries, that this argu- 
 ment about child labor being necessary for the success of any indus- 
 trial enterprise is without foundation. The reserve strength of the 
 nation for to-morrow is with these children of to-day. No one living 
 has more eloquently exemplified this truth than these two great 
 champions of the children of this nation, and whatever the fact may 
 have been when the men at the head of this institution said they 
 could not compete with the South unless they could work under the 
 conditions that obtained in the South, our people said that argu- 
 ment was a purely commercial one at best, and, to tell you frankly, 
 we believed a fallacious one, since if those mills could not survive 
 we were certain the real cause was not to be found in the sacrifice 
 of the children, but in economic conditions for which surely the 
 children were not responsible. In any event, we said: "You have 
 no industrial enterprise of benefit to our people if it is to be at the 
 sacrifice of the bodies and souls of little children, and the fact that 
 those children are the children of South Carolina or Alabama does 
 not alter the case — they are just as dear to us as the children of 
 
 [Sio] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in the Western States 97 
 
 our own state, and Colorado will protect them if it means that Colo- 
 rado must smash your mill ;" and so we said : "You take those chil- 
 dren out of the mills, and whether you shut down or continue to run 
 is a matter of secondary importance." And they took the children 
 out and the mills went to smash, and while most of us have serious 
 doubts if it could be attributed to "the poor little kids," at the same 
 time we were prepared to concede that and all it cost if it meant the 
 redemption of little children from industrial slavery. We put the 
 child above the dollar. They are our greatest wealth. Not all the 
 gold and silver in the depths of our great mountains are half so val- 
 uable as these little ones, and that was the reason that the president of 
 the mill, the foreman and the superintendent were prosecuted in the 
 courts and suffered the extreme penalty of the law. 
 
 And yet, my friends, property rights are neither depreciated or 
 disrespected by high regard for human rights. On the contrary, 
 just in proportion as we strengthen and administer to the rights of 
 body and soul do we pile up the real material wealth of the nation. It 
 pays now, but it pays even more in the to-morrow. The highest duty 
 of the state is to its children. Just so far as we protect them and 
 make them the object of our solicitude, just so far are we going to 
 increase the power, strength and wealth of the state. It is only the 
 short-sighted and the selfish and those who live for to-day, thinking 
 not of the to-morrow, who refuse to see or acknowledge this truth. 
 The future of our country depends a great deal more upon the kind 
 of children we are rearing to-day, how well their little bodies are 
 shaped and their morals directed than upon how much business we 
 have or how much gold is yielded. 
 
 The child labor laws in most of the Western states are gener- 
 ally well enforced. The enforcement of the law we all realize is just 
 as important as the law itself, and in many states having a child labor 
 law this question presents an even more serious difficulty than that 
 of no law at all. In fact many states which have no law or an 
 inadequate law may have more excuse to reproach those boasting 
 of the law upon the statute books, but which give it the lie by non- 
 enforcement. 
 
 In Colorado we have a compulsory education law keeping every 
 child in school until his sixteenth year unless he has completed 
 the eighth grade of the grammar school. Our schools are in session 
 throughout the state from September to June. The child labor law 
 
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98 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 forbids employment in factories, mines, mills or occupation danger- 
 ous to health where the child is under fourteen years of age, and 
 not over eight hours under sixteen years of age, or at all if the 
 employment be dangerous to health. Between the ages of fourteen 
 and sixteen, if the school law has been complied with, the child may 
 be employed for over eight hours in an occupation that is not dan- 
 gerous to health. This question must first be determined by the 
 juvenile courts, which correspond to the county courts and exist 
 in each county in the state. Proper application may be made to the 
 court when the case is heard and permission granted upon conditions 
 satisfactory to the court and in the interest of the child. This pro- 
 vision has tended to make the law, we think, more practical and 
 satisfactory than it might be were no exceptions permitted. Espe- 
 cially is this true where the age limit is sixteen as with us. I would 
 not recommend it if the age limit was either twelve or fourteen. All 
 the children's laws of Colorado are enforced in one court. These 
 laws comprise generally those relating to compulsory education, 
 child labor, juvenile dependency, juvenile delinquency and the laws 
 holding parents and others responsible for the dependency and de- 
 linquency of children. We believe that this method offers a system 
 of effectiveness in law enforcement which could not otherwise be 
 well obtained. The Woman's Club of Denver, always keen, alert, 
 interested and active in behalf of the children of our city, under the 
 leadership of our distinguished citizen and member of the National 
 Child Labor Committee, Mrs. Sarah Piatt Decker, instituted an 
 elaborate investigation during the past year with reference to child 
 labor in Denver especially, and reported it most satisfactory from 
 every standpoint. Their report in full was sent to Miss Addams, 
 of Hull House, and by her, I am told, pronounced most satisfactory. 
 I think Miss Addams has pointed out on several occasions the fallacy 
 and weakness of many of the old stock arguments we hear from 
 some of our conservative business men in favor of child labor. With 
 swelling pride they often tell us of their labor at the age of twelve 
 and thirteen and pointing to their own example of success in life, 
 they feel they have demolished the whole argument against even 
 child slavery. The conditions under which they labored and lived 
 are so different from those which the average city child is com-- 
 pelled to endure that we really find very few such cases of any 
 value to the arguments for child labor. Their conditions were so 
 
Child Labor Legislation in the Western States 99 
 
 favorable they rather strengthen our plea for more industrial edu- 
 cation. The success of an exceptional case under hard conditions 
 has been, not because of such conditions, but in spite of them. I 
 firmly believe in work even in childhood. By this, I mean the right 
 kind of work. It is not so much a question of work as the amount 
 of work, the kind of work and the conditions under which that work 
 is performed. This need not lessen our belief in happiness in child- 
 hood. I want to say very candidly, that there are a great number of 
 children in this country from fourteen years of age upward about 
 whom I feel more alarmed at their failure to do or to know how to 
 do any kind of useful work than of any possibility of their being 
 overworked. 
 
 In our zeal for the protection of children subjected to extreme 
 or unnatural conditions, we must not lose sight of the dangers and 
 difficulties of idleness. There are thousands of boys in the cities 
 of this country who, if not employed at some useful thing, are gen- 
 erally on the streets or in the alleys in the downtown public pool 
 rooms and bowling alleys, engaged not always in wholesome play, 
 but too often in idling, cigarette smoking and dirty story telling, 
 with absolutely no thought of work or the serious side of life. They 
 are too constantly occupied with thoughts of "having a good time," 
 and some rather perverted notions of what a good time is. Too 
 many of our boys especially reach the age of moral and legal respon- 
 sibility without the slightest conception of work. They are too often 
 more concerned as to how much they earn than how well they do 
 their work. In dealing with a certain class of youth in the juvenile 
 court, I say without hesitation that the most hopeless fellow in the 
 world is the boy who will not work — the boy who has not learned 
 how to work, or the value and importance of work. There is always 
 hope for the boy who works, especially the boy who likes to work. 
 I believe in the "strenuous life," and I think its importance should 
 be taught our boys and girls at an early age. There are too many 
 young people in this country looking for "the life of ignoble ease." 
 I can say all of this to persons sincerely interested in the protection 
 of the children from degradation or unnatural labor, and yet not 
 be understood as depreciating the importance of wise child labor 
 laws and their rigid enforcement for the protection of the children 
 of the Union. But we must be careful in doing this, never to under- 
 estimate the importance of work, — the right kind of work, a certain 
 
 [513] 
 
loo The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 amount of work, — in the life of every child, and especially that 
 teaching which inculcates good impressions in the life of every child 
 as to the necessity and importance of labor. On the other hand, 
 my experience is that most boys will work if given any kind of an 
 encouraging opportunity. The lack of a chance is often responsible 
 for idleness. Ninety-six per cent, of our boys and girls are forced 
 out of the grammar school to fight the battles of life. They must 
 have a chance to earn a living under such reasonably favorable 
 conditions as not to destroy all chance of happiness or else they 
 must become idlers and loafers. My own experience is that our 
 common school education too often fails to equip them for earning 
 more than the most scanty wages. An opportunity between the sixth 
 and eighth grades in our city schools for children of the toiling 
 masses to learn some kind of useful trade or valuable work with the 
 hands — ^to learn to do what their fathers do — is a reform in our edu- 
 cational system which the champions of child labor must, in my 
 opinion, espouse if they would round out a systematic and consistent 
 plan of battle in this fight for the salvation of the children. I want 
 to see the time come in this country when a boy of fourteen years of 
 age up may be a valuable help to the plumber, the carpenter or the 
 printer at a decent wage, instead of going to the messenger service 
 and the street. I do not believe that juvenile labor should trespass 
 upon the legitimate occupations of men and women, but we must 
 equip these children for some kind of industrial efficiency and use- 
 fulness, or enlarge our reformatories and prisons for their care and 
 maintenance. One of the saddest things in my experience as judge 
 of the juvenile court has been the little fellows who have requested 
 me to send them to the reform school in order that they might learn 
 a trade. The principal of a school once said to me: "Judge, why 
 don't you send that boy to the reform school so that he can learn a 
 trade ?" On behalf of the boy, I replied : "In God's name, why don't 
 you people on the Board of Education give him an opportunity to 
 learn a trade at home?" I ask you, is it fair, just or decent that in 
 most of the cities of this country an American boy has no oppor- 
 tunity to learn a trade, to capacitate himself for joyous, useful work 
 with his hands, unless he commits a crime? And yet, I am com- 
 pelled to say to you, that such is the condition in this country. 
 
 I see wonderful changes just ahead of us in our educational 
 system that are bound to come if we are to make progress. Our 
 
 [514] 
 
Child Labor Legislation in the Western States loi 
 
 good friend and honored secretary of the National Child Labor 
 Committee, Dr. Samuel M. Lindsay, distinguished himself in his 
 work as superintendent of education in the Island of Porto Rico. 
 I note that one of the causes of his success, it seems to me, was an 
 innovation in teaching those children of our island possessions to 
 do what their fathers did, and thus under favorable conditions 
 capacitating them to become useful and efficient citizens of to- 
 morrow. 
 
 And in the great West, my friends, we are agitating and striv- 
 ing more and more, not only to save the children from the wrong 
 kind of work at the wrong time and under wrong conditions, but at 
 the same time to prepare them for the right kind of work at the 
 right time and under right conditions that the citizens of to-morrow 
 may work for and be worthy of the highest ideals of the republic. 
 
THE WORK OF THE GENERAL FEDERATION OF 
 WOMEN'S CLUBS AGAINST CHILD LABOR 
 
 Mrs. a. O. Granger^ 
 
 Chairman of Child Labor Committee, General Federation of Women's Clubs, 
 
 Cartersville, Ga. 
 
 The work of the General Federation of Women's Clubs for the 
 prevention or lessening of child labor is of a many-sided character. 
 Primarily it consists in arousing the members of the clubs to a con- 
 sciousness that the industrial conditions surrounding the women 
 and children who must toil for bread, are quite as much a part of 
 our responsibility as if we were their employers. Purchasing and 
 enjoying the fruits of their labor, we have only of late years realized 
 that to us is partly due the suffering borne in producing the results. 
 And this realization has been largely the result of the work of the 
 National Consumers' League. 
 
 Not all women's clubs are for the study of sociological condi- 
 tions ; there are studies of many kinds, and clubs of many varieties, 
 but whether the studies be of one kind or another all club women 
 have hearts. When once those hearts have opened to the suffering 
 of the children the motherhood inherent in woman responds to the 
 call — she listens to the "Cry of the Children" who are wearing out 
 their lives in unwholesome work — and listening and studying, the 
 club women have learned many things ! 
 
 The suggestions which have been made to the clubs by their 
 "Child Labor" Committee are eminently practical and all leading 
 up to the final attainment of freedom for the children to obtain their 
 growth before engaging in work which dwarfs both body and 
 mind if pursued at too early an age. In 1903 the following letter 
 was sent to all federated clubs: 
 
 Dear Madam President: During the past year marked advance has 
 been made in securing child labor legislation throughout the states of the 
 Union. Women's clubs have been active in this movement which has con- 
 
 [516I 
 
Work of the Women's Clubs Against Child Labor, 103 
 
 sisted both in enacting new laws and in amending old ones. The argument 
 against this legislation which has been most universally encountered has 
 been that the earnings of little children are needed to support widowed 
 mothers. The Committee on Child Labor is convinced that the argument 
 has been unfairly used, that the number of poor widows in any community 
 is limited, and that among that limited number there are comparatively few 
 whose oldest children are between the ages of ten and fourteen years, — the 
 time when the temptation to use the premature labor of children is strongest. 
 Nothing could be more valuable to the cause of child labor than to lay this 
 ghost which has so long frightened many of the sincere friends of little 
 children, and has furnished the basis of the emotional appeal so often used 
 against sober argument. 
 
 Your committee therefore earnestly requests that the women's clubs 
 throughout the country aid the cause of child labor by securing information 
 as to the number of working children between the ages of ten and fourteen 
 years, whose mothers are widows, who are in any wise dependent upon 
 the earnings of their children, and also the number of those mothers, and 
 the amount of wages of the child, so far as it may be ascertained. The 
 committee would advise the City Federations of Women's Clubs to meet and 
 partition the manufacturing districts of each city among the clubs, using 
 as the basis of their investigation the records of the public and parochial 
 schools, the factory inspector's office, and charitable societies. In the 
 smaller towns and villages the problem will be much simpler; and if a num- 
 ber of communities are investigated the information thus secured will be 
 most valuable. 
 
 The committee requests those clubs who wish to do more than investi- 
 gate to take the following action: 
 
 Whenever possible to persuade the children thus employed to return to 
 school, undertaking to pay the amount of the weekly wage which the child 
 formerly earned to his widowed mother every Saturday night upon presenta- 
 tion of a certificate signed by the child's teacher testifying to his regular 
 school attendance the entire five days of the previous week, — ^the money to 
 be called a scholarship. This plan greatly resembles one in successful opera- 
 tion in Switzerland for twenty-five years, where it is carried on by the state 
 authorities. 
 
 Such action will tend to interest the club women in the welfare of mill 
 operatives, and should in time help to establish permanent home keeping 
 among those who have so largely formed a floating element in the population, 
 especially in the new mill towns of the South. 
 
 Signed by the committee. 
 
 Jane Addams, Chairman. 
 
 At the Biennial, held in St. Louis, in May, 1904, the General 
 Federation recommended to the State Federations and federated 
 clubs that in all states in which children work at night and children 
 work who cannot read and write in the English language, the effort 
 
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104 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 of the clubs should be concentrated upon the passage of laws cover- 
 ing these points, namely: 
 
 1. That children under the age of i6 years should not work 
 between the hours of 7 p. m. and 7 a. m. ; and, 
 
 2. That children should not work who cannot read and write 
 in the English language. 
 
 3. In states in which these two points are already covered by 
 effective laws, the adoption of the Standard Child Labor Law is 
 recommended, including the Newsboys' Law. 
 
 The suggestions for this year's work will be in the same line — 
 for it is "line upon line" in child labor as in all other work. Please 
 notice carefully the points of these suggestions. Many of the 
 "widowed" mothers are such in name, because the idle father 
 has betaken himself to parts unknown in order to shirk the respon- 
 sibility of his family! And have you visited the factory towns and 
 seen the anxious mothers? No wonder that the baby workers look 
 old before they are grown ; their mothers, too, knew perhaps no care- 
 free childhood — they worked before their growth was completed, and 
 the children have the heritage of weakness. 
 
 Do you remember the old lines : 
 
 "Childhood should be all divine, 
 
 Mother, dear, 
 And like an endless summer shine — 
 Therefore bid thy song be merry, 
 Mother, dearl" 
 
 But there is no room for merriment, and childish glee, and 
 mother-joy, when by the laziness of a father the little ones must go 
 to the mill day after day, and then turn night into work-time and 
 walk up and down by the machines until a dash of water into their 
 faces tells them that they were going to sleep and the inspector had 
 thus aroused them ! Club women are learning many things. It is 
 but a few weeks since a friend told me of seeing a father who 
 showed no sign of weakness take six of his children to a mill 
 for work — ^he himself claimed to be too feeble to do regular work — 
 a "vampire father," as such men are now called, living upon the 
 money earned by the sapping of the vital forces of his children ! 
 
 In the state of Pennsylvania is the ground consecrated by the 
 awful "Wyoming Valley Massacre," but what about the "Slaughter 
 
 [518] 
 
Work of the Women's Clubs Against Child Labor 105 
 
 of the Innocents" in the mills of that territory now? Has it been 
 stopped since discovered a little over two years ago ? 
 
 Unable immediately to control the forces which keep little chil- 
 dren at work at the expense of their growth and development, club 
 women are working in many ways to better the condition of the 
 children, and by following their lead many mill owners are now 
 able to boast of the advantages which they give to their operatives 
 in the way of night schools and libraries I wish that you could go 
 with me to visit a night school. The older boys and girls are 
 anxious to obtain the education which they could not get in their 
 childhood; some of them look strong and well, thus proving that 
 they had completed their growth in remote country districts before 
 coming into the mills. But the majority look bleached and tired, 
 and the smallest children make what is often a vain struggle against 
 the utter fatigue which is the result of a long day's monotonous 
 labor. See that little head lying upon the thin arms? — among the 
 brown curls are little bunches of lint, and more still upon the cloth- 
 ing. Can any thoughtful person believe that there are not still finer 
 fibres lying upon the delicate intricacy of the child's throat and 
 lungs ? 
 
 In the daytime the kindergarten established by the women take 
 the tiniest little ones, and in the happy hours there the tots learn 
 something of the ways of a well-conducted home — things which their 
 mothers are unable to teach them either from lack of time, or 
 strength, or knowledge. 
 
 In other places the club women have arranged schools at such 
 hours that those who must carry baskets to the mill may do so with- 
 out losing any of the precious instruction and influences of the 
 school. 
 
 I would not leave the impression that club women regard 
 mill-owners as the sworn foes of childhood. Many managers of 
 mills declare that they would prefer not to use child labor, and 
 where there are laws against it some managers are careful to obey 
 them, but there are others who regard this awful abuse of the 
 children as part of the business and who vehemently fight against 
 any laws being entered upon the statute books, or better laws being 
 substituted for poor ones. In Georgia, in order to take away this 
 excuse for labor legislation, the cotton mill men have agreed among 
 themselves not to employ children under 12 years of age. With 
 
 [519] 
 
io6 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 a conscientious manager this would greatly lessen the evil if there 
 were no lazy fathers who will falsely swear to the age of a child 
 in order to put it into the mill. But it was of that agreement that 
 a club woman heard a tale: Two men on a railroad car were dis- 
 cussing child labor, not knowing that the two women in front of 
 them were members of the Georgia Federation of Women's Clubs. 
 The mill man held that the children would spend their time on the 
 streets playing marbles if they were not at work ; the other promptly 
 rejoined that he'd rather have his children in the fresh air than in a 
 lint-laden mill, and added : "But I don't see why you mill men should 
 object to the bill when you've agreed not to employ little children." 
 "Oh," said the other, with a shrug, "that was only for the legis- 
 lature!" 
 
 But the General Federation is working in still other ways 
 against child labor. The supply of children and mothers for mill 
 work is in many cases — certainly in the South — drawn from the 
 tenant class who here, as elsewhere, give evidence of all the weak- 
 nesses that come from economic dependence on others and who 
 from their very ignorance are easily persuaded to change their place 
 of living. Therefore, for these reasons among others, the club women 
 are bringing to the rural schools, so often bald and poorly equipped, 
 the industrial training which by its hand work is helping to develop 
 perception, and open the minds of the children to the beauty and 
 pleasure to be found around them. The gardening there taught, 
 and the emulation aroused in the improvement of the homes are 
 doubly important, viewed as a means of creating a love of one 
 spot as home. 
 
 The cooking classes for mothers after school hours are often a 
 centre of influence of untold value ; there the teacher has the oppor- 
 tunity of becoming well acquainted with mothers who may some day 
 be tempted to move to a mill town. Can we blame their desire to go 
 to a place where they can earn money, and where "the children, too, 
 can help," if they have never heard that such work will prevent 
 the healthy growth of the children? 
 
 For such work as this the Massachusetts Federation has donated 
 over one thousand dollars during the last three school years to help 
 the Georgia Federation's work. 
 
 The women of the General Federation of Women's Clubs hope 
 soon to see the day when from end to end of our land, whether 
 
 [520] 
 
Work of the Women's Clubs Against Child Labor 107 
 
 cotton, or silk, or glass, or fruit-canning be the prevailing industry, 
 the fathers must be the ones who must earn the support for the 
 family — when no children under 16 years shall work during the 
 night hours, and when the presence of a boy or girl in a factory 
 of any kind proves that he or she can read and write English, and 
 has reached such a stage in development that the long hours will 
 not dwarf him. 
 
 In every state where the evil of child labor exists, club women 
 are using their influence as moulders of public opinion to make it 
 impossible for such a state of affairs to be permanent. In North 
 Carolina, where the legislature has just refused to improve the 
 laws on this subject, a club woman writes that the improvement is 
 only postponed — "It took twenty-five years for us to procure some 
 other reform legislation, so we are not discouraged 1" The Illinois 
 Federation has issued a model statement of their present endeavor 
 to prevent the change of the child labor laws and showing what 
 excellent results are attending the working of the present ones, for 
 which they ask a longer trial. 
 
 Emerson asserted that civilization was "The power of good 
 women." If this be true, and who can doubt it, how great is the 
 power developing from the seven hundred thousand women bound 
 together for usefulness in the General Federation. 
 
 Women are the creators of public opinion, and those federated 
 women are using their influence from sea to sea, and the lakes 
 to the gulf. They are the leaven which requires but time and 
 ardor to lighten the whole mass of working women and children 
 and lift them by the power of growth to higher planes of work and 
 knowledge. 
 
THE OPERATION OF THE NEW CHILD LABOR LAW IN 
 
 NEW JERSEY^ 
 
 By Hugh F. Fox, 
 President of the Children's Protective Alliance of New Jersey. 
 
 The law which converted the Department of Factory and Work 
 Shop Inspection into the Department of Labor in New Jersey went 
 into effect on September i, 1904. The enactment of this law on 
 March 24, 1904, was the culmination of a fight which had been going 
 on in the state for three years, to regulate the employment of chil- 
 dren and force the chief factory inspector to do his duty. The 
 man at the head of the department of factory inspection was John 
 W. Ward, who came from Salem County, and had made himself 
 popular with the glass manufacturers by strict inattention to duty. 
 During the early part of Governor Franklin Murphy's administration 
 the labor organizations and philanthropic bodies, such as the Con- 
 sumers' League and the State Charities Aid Association, made fre- 
 quent charges of maladministration and neglect against the depart- 
 ment of factory inspection. Early in 1902 an act was passed by the 
 legislature empowering the Governor to appoint a woman as deputy 
 factory inspector, in the hope that such an appointment might 
 result in a disclosure of conditions which would force the hand of 
 Inspector Ward and his administration. The Governor, however, 
 took no immediate action, but on April 22, 1902, he sent for Ward 
 and examined him, and publicly censured him for neglect. Inspector 
 Ward pleaded the difficulty of enforcing the law, because of the 
 sworn affidavits of the parents that their children were over the 
 minimum age of twelve years. During this interview Governor 
 Murphy made this significant remark : "You see I have a good deal 
 
 • This article is contributed through the Department of Philanthropy, Charities and 
 Social Problems, Mrs. E. E. Williamson, Editor, and the notes of the department for this issue 
 are omitted in order to give space to this more elaborate study of Child Labor Legislation of 
 a single State. 
 
 [522] 
 
operation of the New Child Labor Law in New Jersey 109 
 
 to learn about this affair before I am very much older." At the 
 same time the Governor announced that he would sign what was 
 known as the Lord bill, which had just been passed, which provided 
 for an additonal deputy inspector, and compelled all of the em- 
 ployees of the department to give their entire working time to their 
 duties. Prior to this time it had been customary for deputies to 
 engage in other occupations, and simply put in their spare time vis- 
 iting the factories. 
 
 Following the announcement referred to above, the Governor 
 declared in an interview that he had no intention of personally visit- 
 ing the glass districts to make an investigation. Apparently the 
 statement allayed the fears of the inspector, and things went on as 
 before. However, the Governor employed inspectors from outside 
 the state to look into the situation and report to him, and during 
 the following summer and fall much information was procured. It 
 was rumored at this time that the Governor had asked for Ward's 
 resignation, which was refused. Ward had been appointed as 
 chief factory inspector by Governor Griggs in 1896, and re-appointed 
 by Governor Voorhees in 1901, and it had always been supposed 
 that he could be removed at any time by the Governor for cause. 
 
 But it seems that the chief factory inspector was appointed with 
 the consent of the senate, and the attorney general held that an 
 officer who was appointed subject to confirmation by the senate 
 could only be removed after impeachment. In Governor Murphy's 
 first annual message of January, 1903, he stated: "The inspector 
 and his assistants are responsible to the legislature only. If the 
 power of removal was lodged with the Governor, a more vigorous 
 enforcement of the law could be expected at once. Children should 
 be protected from the heartlessness of parents and the selfishness of 
 employers. The present legal age for the employment of girls is 
 fourteen, and of boys twelve years. I recommend that the legal age 
 for the employment of boys be increased to fourteen. That is quite 
 young enough, and is the age prescribed by Massachusetts, Connec- 
 ticut, New York, and eight other states, eleven in all. Children 
 cannot be expected to go to school after the practical work of life 
 has begun, and their mental, moral and physical welfare all demand 
 that the change recommended be made." In accordance with his 
 recommendation an act was passed giving him the power to suspend 
 the factory inspector indefinitely for any neglect or failure to per- 
 
 [523] 
 
no The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 form his duties, or providing for the removal of the recreant official 
 after having given him an opportunity to present evidence in his 
 defense. Soon after the legislature adjourned the Governor prac- 
 tically suspended Inspector Ward, and put his own private secretary, 
 John L. Swayze, in charge of the department. Mr. Swayze im- 
 mediately took vigorous measures to reform the department, and 
 conducted a thorough investigation as to the conditions which pre- 
 vailed in the textile industry, the glass industry, and other trades in 
 which children are employed. These investigations showed that the 
 law was being violated in all sections. Mr. Swayze succeeded in 
 forcing the discharge of a number of children who were employed 
 in the silk mills of Passaic County, but found that the violations of 
 the law were largely due to false affidavits made by the parents, 
 and that the law itself was inadequate. In December, 1903, Mr. 
 Swayze made a statement to the Governor, in which he reviewed 
 the conditions of the textile district, which includes the cities of 
 Paterson and Passaic. In the course of this statement he said : 
 
 "When the investigation was begun in May last the legal age at 
 which children might work in factories was fourteen for girls and 
 twelve years for boys. On September i a new law went into effect 
 making fourteen years the minimum age for both boys and girls. The 
 first few months of the investigation were spent in studying the con- 
 ditions with a view to learning the true situation as a guide for 
 future work. As complaints were made that the local deputies did 
 not attempt to enforce the law, deputies were transferred from their 
 own districts into other districts and given a list of factories to be 
 inspected. Twice outside deputies were sent into the textile dis- 
 tricts and no results were obtained. The number of violations 
 reported by the deputies was so small as to force the conclusion 
 that either there was no child labor in the textile district, or if there 
 was, the local deputy, for some reason, could not find it. 
 
 "These investigations were all made before the first of Sep- 
 tember and practically no results had been obtained. To test the 
 situation further, it was then decided to detail a special investigator 
 who, without a consultation with the local deputy, was sent to Pater- 
 son and Passaic. He was instructed to make a thorough investiga- 
 tion of the conditions that prevailed in those cities as to child labor 
 and the fire protection laws. 
 
 "He started his work in that district on October 6, and con- 
 
 [524] 
 
operation of the New Child Labor Law in New Jersey 1 1 1 
 
 tinued there for six weeks. He was very much crippled in obtaining 
 information that he desired, as it was impossible to give him any 
 legal authority to enter the mills, and the only way in which he could 
 obtain information was through outside investigations. This made 
 the work necessarily very much slower than if he had had the power 
 to enter the mills and examine conditions from the inside. In the 
 short time he spent in the textile districts he reported seventy-three 
 cases of child labor violation in the mills, and not only reported that 
 number, but obtained the street addresses, the names of the parents, 
 the school attended and the age as given by the child and as shown 
 on the school registers in most of the cases. These children ranged 
 in ages, as shown by their own statements and the school registers, 
 from eight to fourteen years, and comprised some of both sexes. 
 
 "Needing him in another part of the state, we were compelled 
 to remove the special investigator before he had been able to run 
 down all the cases he had on hand, and at the time he was removed 
 from the district he reported that he had a list of two hundred chil- 
 dren whom he had good reason to believe were under the legal age." 
 
 By this time Mr. Swayze had convinced himself that the factory 
 inspection and child labor laws of the state were in some respects 
 contradictory, and of doubtful constitutionality, and that in any event 
 they were extremely faulty, and that the burden of proving the age 
 of a child was placed upon the department. By the Governor's direc- 
 tion, Mr. Swayze prepared a bill for the complete re-organization 
 of the department. In the preparation of this bill he sought the 
 assistance of the philanthropic forces of the state and the labor 
 leaders, and of all whose knowledge or experience could give him 
 any assistance. At his request practically the entire literature of 
 the subject was placed at his disposal, and copies of the child labor 
 and factory inspection laws of other states were studied carefully 
 by him in the determination to frame a measure that should be 
 fair and adequate and thoroughly practical. In January, 1904, Mr. 
 Ward concluded to resign the ofSce which he had only nominally 
 held during the previous six months, and Governor Murphy ap- 
 pointed Colonel Louis T. Bryant as chief factory inspector. The 
 appointment was an ideal one in every respect. 
 
 On February 8, 1904, Mr. Swayze's bill was introduced in the 
 senate by Senator Bachellor. The bill put the burden of the proof 
 of age on the parent, and the burden of obtaining such proof upon 
 
 [525] 
 
112 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 the employer. The age of a child was established by birth certifi- 
 cates, church records, or passports, according to the class and 
 parentage of the child, and gave the department power to demand 
 a certificate of physical fitness in the case of any child under six- 
 teen. It provided for co-operation without conflict between the 
 department and the boards of education charged with the enforce- 
 ment of the compulsory school attendance law. It regulated sweat 
 shops, and provided for a commissioner of labor, an assistant com- 
 missioner, and eleven inspectors, of whom two must be women; 
 also for the appointment of additional inspectors for special work 
 by the commissioner. The inspectors can be shifted about from one 
 district to another, and the authority to employ extra deputies for 
 special needs enables the commissioner to review the work of any 
 of his deputies at any time. The penalties for violation of the law 
 aflfect both the parents of the child and the employer, and it was 
 provided that the employer shall keep a register of all children 
 employed for the inspection of the factory inspector and truant 
 officers. 
 
 In order to consolidate and crystallize the efforts of all those who 
 had been waging the battle for the children, the Consumers' League 
 called a conference of persons who were interested, from which was 
 evolved the Children's Protective Alliance, which embraces in its 
 membership practically every organization in the state whose pur- 
 pose concerns the conditons of the children of the poor and their 
 material welfare. This action united the social forces in the state 
 in support of Mr. Swayze's bill. For some time it looked as though 
 the effort might be in vain, as the chairman of the committee to 
 which it had been sent was opposed to its passage. On March 29th 
 a memorable hearing was held. The only serious objectors to the 
 measure who had the courage to come out in the open were the 
 glass blowers, and their opposition was mainly centered upon the 
 section which prohibited night work by children under sixteen years 
 of age. Under the spur of an overwhelming public opinion the 
 committee reported the bill without amendment. On second reading, 
 however, in the senate, an amendment was offered eliminating the 
 provision which prohibited night work. The only vote which was 
 cast in favor of prohibiting night work was that of Senator Bachellor, 
 of Essex County, who introduced the bill. The act as amended was 
 passed unanimously in both houses, and was signed by the Governor 
 
 [526] 
 
operation of the New Child Labor Law in New Jersey 113 
 
 on March 24th. The law did not go into effect, however, until Sep- 
 tember I, 1904, and as the fiscal year ends October 31, the recent 
 report of Commissioner Bryant only covers the experience of two 
 months. The report indicates that much has been done by the com- 
 missioner to systematize the work of the department. He says that 
 "among the rights under the law to be respected is that of a child 
 which is over fourteen years of age to work, and unless this latitude 
 was permitted a great many hardships would be entailed. On the 
 other hand, a too great laxity in the issuing of special permits would 
 greatly retard the proper enforcement of the law. The department 
 insists before issuing such a permit that evidence be produced show- 
 ing an effort has been made to obtain the proper records, and that 
 a factory inspector see the child personally, and advise the depart- 
 ment that it is in his judgment not only more than fourteen years of 
 age, but also that it is in proper physical condition for employment 
 in factories. It will be seen that a strict enforcement of the present 
 law on affidavits will largely do away with the evil of children 
 under fourteen years of age working under false affidavits, a common 
 practice under the old law. Before the affidavit becomes operative 
 proof of the child's age must have been produced, and the department 
 at Trenton apprised of the conditions by a duplicate set of papers, 
 which are filed with it. The process has the additional advantage 
 of securing our assistance in protecting well-meaning manufac- 
 turers by pointing out the inaccuracies in the papers as they are 
 filed with the department. Since the first day of September we have 
 issued, largely upon request, 31,000 blank forms for affidavits, com- 
 posed partly of those for native and foreign-born children. We 
 have had filed with us since that date approximately 3,000 affi- 
 davits made out on the new form. The labor law provides that all 
 affidavits which are filed under the old act previous to the first day 
 of last September have the same force and virtue as those comply- 
 ing with the new requirements. Considering this fact, the number 
 of affidavits received seems to indicate the desire upon the part of 
 the manufacturers to comply with the law. A number of these 
 affidavits are not complete in all the details, and we are insisting 
 upon a strict compliance with the requirements of the law. Another 
 wise section permits the demand for proofs of age. Where the 
 department finds a child working in a factory who is manifestly 
 under age, but cannot obtain proof of the fact, we may demand a 
 
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114 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 'proof of age.' In this case the custodian of the child must procure 
 proof satisfactory to the department. Another important section 
 empowers the department to demand a certificate of physical fitness. 
 In many cases one child at twelve years of age is much better 
 equipped for factory work than another child at fifteen. Where the 
 physical condition of the child seems to indicate too frail a consti- 
 tution to carry on the work required of it we may demand a certifi- 
 cate from some practicing physician that the child is strong enough 
 for the work. 
 
 "Before making up the forms and blanks for operation of the 
 department we corresponded with practically all the factory depart- 
 ments in the United States, and naturally secured a great mass of 
 literature on the subject. We have adopted a system of blanks 
 which, while not perfect, apparently covers every condition. The 
 inspectors are required to fill out in detail the inspection blanks, and 
 they are in turn filed in the department ofiice. In this manner a 
 history of each case can be found. The system has proved prac- 
 tically satisfactory, and it is particularly effective in detecting cases 
 of re-employment of children who have been discharged from one 
 factory and receive employment in another. 
 
 "While ignorance is never an excuse for the violation of the 
 law, at the same time it is so frequently pleaded that we mailed 
 to each manufacturer of the state a copy of the law, prepared by the 
 department in book form, containing an index pointing to the vari- 
 ous heads of the act; a copy of both a native-born and foreign-born 
 affidavit; a summary of the new law, for posting in factories, and a 
 scale drawing of the proper fire escape. They were accompanied 
 by a letter calling attention to certain salient features, and volun- 
 teering further assistance. These letters have brought on a very 
 considerable amount of correspondence, and show a disposition upon 
 a large part of the manufacturers of the state to comply with the law. 
 
 "A criticism has been made that at times when a child is taken 
 from a factory instead of going to school it runs the streets. We 
 have adopted a course of notification designed to obviate this evil. 
 Orders are made for the discharge of a child from an order book in 
 three sections ; one is for the stub, giving a description of the case ; 
 another contains a notice to the manufacturer to discharge the child 
 within five days after the receipt of the order, and a third is a return 
 slip, apprising the department of the date upon which the child left 
 
 [528] 
 
operation of the New Child Labor Law in New Jersey 115 
 
 their employ. Each case is given a number, and a sister book is 
 kept, wherein the same number is used in each instance, and when a 
 discharge notice is sent out a notice is mailed to the nearest truant 
 officer or other educational authority, informing him that a child 
 of a certain name and address will be discharged from a mill on a 
 given date. While we have not the authority to follow up a case 
 further, at the same time the proper enforcement of the compulsory 
 educational law insures the attendance at school. 
 
 "The department has brought, under the old law, twenty-three 
 suits for the improper employment of children, and has secured nine- 
 teen judgments, being successful in all but one case which have been 
 finally disposed of at this time. Our present inspections certainly 
 indicate the fact that there are less children under fourteen years of 
 age working in the factories of New Jersey than at any other time 
 in the history of the department. The crowded conditions of the 
 school rooms, shown by reports from various sections of the state, 
 would also bear out this contention. 
 
 "The department has endeavored to recognize and protect the 
 various interests of the parties with whom it has to deal. While 
 strictly enforcing the child labor law, at the same time it has aimed 
 to do so in such a manner as to permit every child over fourteen 
 years of age the right to work under the provision of the law. It 
 has also endeavored to administer provisions intended for the better- 
 ment of labor conditions in such a manner as to protect the unde- 
 niable rights of capital, enforcing the law with as little incon- 
 venience and hardship as possible to the manufacturers. We have 
 been able to accomplish a number of good results without even the 
 necessity of an order. Whenever possible this course will be pur- 
 sued, as it will be our aim to administer the act insuring to the 
 laborer his just claims without any undue hardships or inconvenience 
 to the employer." 
 
 During the year which closed October 31, 1904, the department 
 inspected 1,788 manufacturing establishments, making, in addi- 
 tion to special visits and inspections 2,404 regular inspections. There 
 were 272 orders issued and 397 children discharged as below the 
 legal age. 
 
 Shortly after the appointment of Colonel Bryant as chief of 
 the department of labor Mr. John L. Swayze was made assistant 
 attorney-general of New Jersey. In this capacity he acted with 
 
 [529] 
 
ii6 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 Colonel Bryant in the various suits which were brought for viola- 
 tion of the child labor laws. Most of these were test cases, and 
 some interesting points came up in the decisions. In the case against 
 the Johnston & Murphy Shoe Company of Newark, for the employ- 
 ment of a girl under fourteen, the defendants' superintendent, 
 Charles Gibbons, testified that sometime previous to the date of the 
 alleged violation, the shoe company let its fitting work out on con- 
 tract to James Waldon, who occupied a room in the building. Last 
 January the firm took the work over, and the contractor's employees 
 were retained. Mr. Gibbons said that as soon as he found out 
 that the girl was under age she was discharged. The court said 
 that lack of knowledge as to an employee's age did not excuse em- 
 ployers from the penalty of violation, if there was violation, and 
 gave judgment for fifty dollars fine. 
 
 Another case was that against Barton & Ackerman, silk 
 throwsters, charged with employing Henry Ball, a boy under the 
 legal age of fourteen years. The only witness stmimoned in behalf 
 of the state was Mr. Wells, the deputy inspector, but Mr. Swayze, 
 after court had opened, requested one of the defendants to take the 
 stand. Mr. Ralph Shaw, counsel for the firm, objected to this, claim- 
 mg that a defendant could not be called upon to give testimony 
 against himself. Judge Lewis held that the procedure in criminal 
 courts did not hold good in this instance. The court fined the firm 
 fifty dollars, and allowed counsel ten days in which to file an appeal. 
 
 The third case was that against the parent of an Italian boy 
 named Imperatare. The boy was employed by James Button in 
 the Essex mills under an affidavit signed by his father setting forth 
 that he was bom in Aquila, Italy, in February, 1888. The depart- 
 ment secured a certificate from the Ufficio di Stato Civile, or Bureau 
 of Vital Statistics of the Commonwealth of Scontrone, Italy, show- 
 ing that the boy was bom in that province in February, 1891. 
 
 As a result of these suits, which have been largely advertised, 
 factory owners are taking extraordinary precautions to make sure 
 that those they employ are of the age required by law. In many 
 instances employers have secured certificates not only from children 
 applying for positions, but from those who are already employed 
 prior to the enactment of the new law. The sentiment throughout 
 the state seems to have changed. Where there was almost open 
 disregard there is now a manifestation of watchful care lest the 
 
 [530] 
 
operation of the New Child Labor Law in New Jersey 117 
 
 law may be violated and its penalty incurred. The wholesome 
 respect for the law itself is due to the conviction that it will be 
 earnestly and fearlessly enforced. 
 
 One of the largest factories is now working under a rule, 
 recently adopted, that will prove very effectual in prohibiting the em- 
 ployment of children under the age of fourteen. The managers of 
 the concern, after carefully considering the matter, called before 
 them all the contractors in their employ and all heads of depart- 
 ments, and informed them that if at any time while the present 
 state law is in operation a child under the age of fourteen is employed 
 in the factory, the responsibility will be laid upon the man in whose 
 department the child is employed ; the company will assume no part 
 of it. If the state officers find the law violated and the company is 
 fined the money will have to be paid by the person in charge of the 
 department in which the child was illegally allowed to work. 
 
 As has been said. Commissioner Bryant's report only covers 
 September and October of 1904, so far as the new law is concerned. 
 Now that it has been in operation for six months, the law itself and 
 the quality of administration may be said to have been fairly tested. 
 For the purpose of getting information on these points, and also 
 on the problems of compulsory education, which are so inextricably 
 bound up with that of child labor, I prepared a list of questions as 
 follows, which were sent to the superintendents of schools in all 
 the various cities, and also to others who are dealing daily 'with 
 the children of the poor, such as child-caring and charity organiza- 
 tion societies, probation officers, truant officers, and priests whose 
 parishes include large parochial schools, and some of the best in- 
 formed clergy of other denominations, and labor leaders : 
 
 Do you know of any children under fourteen in your city 
 
 who are at work in a factory? 
 Do you know of any families who complain of need because 
 
 of the enforcement of the child labor law ? 
 Do you believe that the child labor law is being thoroughly 
 
 enforced in your city? 
 Is the compulsory education law fully enforced? 
 Are the schooling facilities in your city adequate for the 
 
 children of school age? 
 Are there any factories in your district which employ chil- 
 
 [531] 
 
ii8 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 dren over fourteen at night? If so, in what industry, 
 
 and what is the effect on the children? 
 Can you suggest any deficiencies in the child labor law 
 
 which might be remedied? 
 Have you seen any actual results from its operation this 
 
 winter ? 
 
 Replies to these questions indicate that so far as their observa- 
 tion and experience extends, the persons to whom the inquiries were 
 addressed are sitbstantially convinced that the child labor laws are 
 being enforced with remarkable thoroughness. Replies have been 
 received from the school superintendents of Asbury Park, Atlantic 
 City, Bayonne, Bridgeton, Camden, East Orange, Elizabeth, Jersey 
 City, Millville, Montclair, Morristown, Newark, Orange, Passaic, 
 Paterson, Perth Amboy, Plainfield, Rahway, Trenton, Union, and 
 West Hoboken. 
 
 Only a few of the school superintendents know of any children 
 under fourteen who are at work in a factory. Mr. W. M. Swingle, 
 of Orange, says he has been told that there are children under four- 
 teen at work in factories, and has investigated several cases, and 
 found children under age. The superintendent of the Montclair 
 schools says that he thinks there are a few children under fourteen 
 at work in factories. The superintendent of the Elizabeth schools 
 answers the questions, thus : "No. They have been closely watched." 
 The superintendent of schools in Jersey City replies: "At present, 
 none. A few cases have come to my notice during the past year. In 
 these the law was enforced and the children required to attend 
 school." The chief attendance officer of Newark says: "I have no 
 personal knowledge of any children under fourteen at work in fac- 
 tories. As soon as we hear of any we force them to leave the shop 
 and return to school." The Paterson superintendent says that there 
 are very few children under fourteen in factories. The Perth Amboy 
 superintendent instructed the school principals to put the question 
 to teachers. The latter say they know of "some such cases." The 
 superintendents of Bridgeton, Orange, and Perth Amboy are the 
 only ones that do not believe the law is being thoroughly enforced. 
 The Paterson superintendent says that it is enforced, but not per- 
 fectly. The Trenton superintendent says: "Yes, a few. Three or 
 four." Perhaps it is well to say in this connection that very few 
 
 [532] 
 
operation of the New Child Labor Law in New Jersey 119 
 
 people are aware that the law is not retroactive, and that faulty affi- 
 davits as to age which were filed under the old law previous to the 
 first of September, 1904, cannot be questioned by the commissioner. 
 
 The answers as to the enforcement of the law which have come 
 in from other sources are, with two exceptions, to the effect that 
 the law is being enforced and that the persons who have replied do 
 not know of any children under fourteen who are at work in fac- 
 tories. Father O'Connor, of Harrison, does not think the law is 
 being thoroughly enforced, though he notes a great increase in 
 school attendance. The Rev. Henry Willmann, who is the chairman 
 pro-tem. of the Organized Aid Association of Jersey City, does not 
 think the law is being thoroughly enforced, but only knows of one 
 case of a child under fourteen who is at work, and says that he has 
 had a number of applications for certificates of birth in his capacity 
 as rector of a church. Mr. A. W. McDougall, the secretary of the 
 Newark Bureau of Associated Charities, says that from personal 
 knowledge of cases he has reason to believe that the law is thor- 
 oughly enforced. He says that he has seen good practical results 
 from the operation of the law, and adds: "This society is heartily 
 in accord with the present administration of the child labor law, 
 and can testify to its effectiveness. We only hope the department 
 will remain as effective as it is now." Father Whelan, Bayonne, 
 says : "During the month of February, 1905, yes. Up to that time 
 I did not hear of any effort, but then it was rigidly enforced." 
 
 With regard to the second query, "Do you know of any fami- 
 lies who complain of need because of the enforcement of the 
 child labor law?" the affirmative answers are as follows: Super- 
 intendent of schools of East Orange, "two." Superintendent of 
 Jersey City, "A few such cases have come to my knowledge." 
 Chief attendance officer, Newark, "I have at least one or two fami- 
 lies every week who complain, but many of the complaints are 
 groundless." Superintendent of Orange, "One or two such com- 
 plaints have been made." Superintendent of Montclair, "Yes, some 
 families complain." Superintendent of Passaic, "Yes, many." 
 Superintendent of Paterson, "Certainly, yes." Superintendent of 
 Perth Amboy, "Think there are a few." The Plainfield superin- 
 tendent says, "None with foundation in fact for such complaints." 
 The Rev. Henry R. Rose, Newark, "Yes." The Rev. F. A. Foy, 
 Avondale, "Only one. Italian family of seven children. Girl of 
 
 [533] 
 
I20 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 thirteen, quite large, looks fifteen." The secretary of the Organized 
 Aid Association of Plainiield, "Two cases (parents are lazy)." The 
 secretary of the Bureau of Associated Charities of Newark, "Yes, 
 we have had several families. In the majority of cases, however, 
 the enforcement of the law was not the real cause. It was a ne'er- 
 do-well father, or older brothers who shirked, etc." Father O'Con- 
 nor, "Yes. Parents addicted to drink." Rev. H. Willmann, "I 
 know several families in need because of the enforcement of the 
 law." Poormaster Barck, of Hoboken, "Yes." 
 
 In this connection it is interesting to note that a bill was intro- 
 duced in the assembly by an assemblyman from Hoboken, which 
 would have weakened both the child labor law and the compulsory 
 education law if passed. It provided that a child of school age 
 might be exempt from school attendance "if the circumstances sur- 
 rounding such child would probably result in such child or its 
 family becoming public charges." It is supposed that this bill 
 was introduced on behalf of the relief authorities of Hudson County, 
 but the bill died in committee. 
 
 In response to the question, "Have you seen any actual results 
 from the operation of the child labor law this winter?" most of the 
 answers are simply "Yes." The superintendent of the Trenton 
 schools presented the questions to the principals of the different 
 schools, and has summarized their reports. He says: "Many chil- 
 dren are in school who would otherwise have been at work. Many 
 have returned to school who were at work. Many have been refused 
 employment and then advised to return to school by the managers 
 of industrial concerns." 
 
 The superintendent of the Orange school says: "I know of 
 several cases where the children have been discharged and are now 
 in school." The superintendent of the Elizabeth schools says that 
 many children were dismissed from Singer's factory, and other 
 places. The superintendent of the Millville school reports "Fuller 
 schools." The Paterson superintendent says : "Yes, of course. Our 
 inspector has been active." The Passaic superintendent reports "In- 
 creased attendance at school." The Newark attendance officer 
 says : "The effect of the law has been to make factory and workshop 
 owners more careful in their employment of children. It has acted 
 as a deterrent." Father O'Connor reports : "Great increase in school 
 attendance." Father Gessner reports: "The result is very good, so 
 
 [S34] , 
 
operation of the New Child Labor Law in New Jersey 121 
 
 far as I can see. The only fault I have to find is that there are too 
 many children around the corners who ought to be in school." The 
 Rev. James I. Vance says: "Yes, some children have been kept 
 from the mills." The Montclair superintendent says: "Fourteen 
 or fifteen girls under sixteen years were employed from 7 a. m. 
 until 9 p. m. for four nights a week during three or four weeks." 
 
 Father Whelan, of Bayonne, says: "During February, 1905, 
 I interested the inspector to visit the Standard Oil children who 
 worked there every day, Sunday included. He did good work in 
 enforcing the fifty-five hours law for those under eighteen, and 
 thus stopped Sunday work. He had some children withdrawn 
 from the silk factory." 
 
 Mr. E. J. Falsey, the vice-president of the Mercer County Cen- 
 tral Labor Union, says that there has been a large increase in school 
 attendance. He does not know of any children under fourteen who 
 are at work in a factory, and says that while the law may be im- 
 proved upon, he believes that it would be best to wait until the 
 time ripens before making any changes. He adds : "I feel confident 
 that the department of labor has done the best they could under 
 the new law, and the enforcement of this law is only too well shown 
 by the opposition which is shown from time to time. The depart- 
 ment of labor has done remarkably when you take into consideration 
 the conditions that existed when it was inaugurated. Would like to 
 see sixteen years for girls." 
 
 With regard to the possible deficiencies in the child labor law, 
 the following suggestions were made : 
 
 Henry Snyder, superintendent of schools, Jersey City, "The 
 provisions of law for the support of destitute families should be 
 more ample. If the law keeps children from work, and requires 
 them to attend school, it should also provide them with proper main- 
 tenance, if the parent or parents are in indigent circumstances. This 
 help should be given in such a way as to maintain the family organi- 
 zation and relations, if the parental or family influence (in the 
 cases of the families in question) is wholesome. In some cases 
 pleas have been made to us to allow children of widows to remain 
 away from school in order that they might by their earnings help 
 in the support of mothers and other children. This course is 
 sometimes urged upon us by well-meaning people, who think the 
 law is unnecessarily severe. We have invariably refused, because 
 
 lS3Sl 
 
122 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 the law does not permit us to accede to such requests, and because 
 (which is more important) a policy which helps some individuals 
 by injuring others, viz., those children who labor, cannot be judi- 
 cious. We should aim rather to benefit all. To do this it is neces- 
 sary to give public or private aid to some children and families. 
 And, as I have already said, the law should permit public aid to be 
 given, or, rather, should require public aid given (if private aid is 
 not available) in such a way as to maintain the family circle." 
 
 James A. McCall, chief attendance officer, Newark : "The main 
 deficiency apparently is that it is not really a child labor law, but 
 a factory law, as it covers factories and workshops only. It should 
 undoubtedly cover all forms of child labor." 
 
 O. I. Woodley, superintendent of schools, Passaic: "I think 
 educational qualifications at fourteen years of age before receiving 
 a permit to leave school is desirable, a transfer to be issued when 
 the child is able to do certain specified things called for in the 
 course of study. Many of those who leave our grades here at four- 
 teen years of age know so little that in no way can they subsequently 
 become well informed and useful citizens. There is so much dis- 
 honesty concerning the ages that this entire matter could be greatly 
 simplified if the educational qualifications were regarded. Parents 
 are actuated by the desire for money, while teachers of schools 
 are actuated by the desire to -have every child possessed of the 
 power to be a part of the life in which he is to live." 
 
 W. E. Chancellor, superintendent of schools, Paterson: "Fac- 
 tory inspectors on high salaries, and perfect tenure." (Sic.) 
 
 H. M. Maxson, superintendent of school, Plainfield : "The law is 
 not at hand ; but if it exempts any class of children (gas, factory or 
 telegraph and messenger boys) I deem it imperfect." 
 
 Robert Waters, superintendent of schools. West Hoboken: "I 
 think the clauses in the school law, if enforced, are sufficient." 
 
 Rev. Henry R. Rose, Newark : "Right of petition to the court 
 of common pleas has been suggested to me as a course that should 
 be allowed, where to keep children from work will mean the pauper- 
 izing of their parents." 
 
 Miss Anna H. Van Meter, secretary of the Associated Charities 
 of Salem: "No. I approve of a child labor law. Yet, even in 
 this small place more children go to ruin from laziness than work." 
 
 Rev. T. J. Moran, Catholic Protectory, Arlington: "More 
 
 [536] 
 
operation of the New Child Labor Law in New Jersey 123 
 
 severity in enforcing school laws on the part of those having the 
 authority, and more severity in keeping boys and girls of school 
 age oif the streets on part of the police. Without these nothing 
 can be done." 
 
 Rev. F. A. Foy, Avondale : "In view of the hardship of the law 
 as it stands, in certain cases would it be well to rest discretionary 
 powers in the commissioner of labor so as to permit children under 
 fourteen who are more than usually developed physically (i. e., when 
 the development is as great or greater than the average child at 
 fourteen years) for their age, to work in factories, provided the 
 family is destitute and needs the wages of the child? Application 
 might be made by the overseer of the poor or by any incorporated 
 child-caring or charitable society, to the commissioner, who might 
 prescribe the nature of the proofs required (viz., physicians' certifi- 
 cate as to physical conditions, etc.), and the commissioner could also 
 investigate for himself. He should be charged with taking into 
 view all the circumstances, educational and physical, touching the 
 application, as a basis for his exercise of discretionary power. A 
 special clause should free such a child (after favorable action by 
 the commissioner) from the operation of the compulsory education 
 law. I don't think it could be construed as 'class legislation' 'under 
 the New Jersey decisions, and it would therefore be constitutional." 
 
 Harry L. Barck, Jr., overseer of the poor, Hoboken: "The 
 truant boy may do better in a factory." 
 
 Mr. A. W. McDougall, secretary of the Bureau of Associated 
 Charities of Newark: "I think there should be an education quali- 
 fication." 
 
 Otto W. Davis, the superintendent of the Charity Organization 
 Society of Paterson, says that he does not know of more than four 
 or five families who have complained of need because of the enforce- 
 ment of the child labor law in two years, and that there are prac- 
 tically no children in Paterson who are employed in factories at 
 night. He adds : "The only complaint which I have to make regard- 
 ing the child labor law is on the side of the compulsory education. 
 There is no systematic attempt in this city to compel children under 
 fourteen to attend school. We have only one truant officer going 
 about in strips and making great fun for the boys as they dodge 
 him around the corners. If the compulsory education law was any- 
 where as nearly as well enforced as the law prohibiting children 
 
 [537] 
 
124 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 working under fourteen years, the situation would be much more 
 commendable. As it is, children are sent home from the mills by 
 the inspector only to go to work elsewhere or play around the streets, 
 in spite of the fact that all children discharged by the inspector 
 are reported to the superintendent of schools. I believe our in- 
 spector, Mr. Wells, deserves much credit for his faithfulness in per- 
 forming his duties. 
 
 "The only cases I know of where children are working under 
 the age limit are those of certain boys where the efforts of both 
 truant officer and the parents have failed utterly to compel the boy 
 to go to school, and where he is in danger of going to the bad on 
 account of being left in the street. I have just come from visiting 
 such a case this afternoon. The parents did not want the boy to 
 work, and have done everything in their power to get him to go to 
 school, but all in vain. He has even been locked up for truancy, 
 all to no avail. He was rapidly going to the bad when set to work 
 and is now doing nicely. I confess that in such a case as this I am 
 at a loss to know what is best to do : obey the law and ruin the boy, 
 or save the boy and slight the law." 
 
 Mr. James E. Bryan, the superintendent of public schools in 
 Camden, says : "We are studying this whole matter, but do not feel 
 in position, after so short a time, to give information yet." 
 
 Mr. Richard Stevens, probation officer for Hudson County, 
 endorses the labor department, but believes that "factory inspector 
 should have power to grant permission in certain cases for children 
 under fourteen to work, with safeguards against abuse." He says 
 the compulsory education law is not fully enforced. 
 
 Miss Kremm, the secretary of the Elizabeth C. O. S., says that 
 the child labor law answers all present needs, and is well supported, 
 but that schooling facilities are inadequate. She adds : "A number 
 of children have applied at this office, asking the society to use its 
 influence to place them again at work. In all but one case we have 
 refused. One case we were satisfied to interest ourselves in, but 
 the labor commissioner said that no exception could be made. We 
 have had to assist families which were dependent on the earnings 
 of children under the age limit." 
 
 Mr. J. H. Christie, superintendent of Bayonne schools, says 
 that the law is thoroughly enforced in factories. Bayonne has no 
 truant officers, but is preparing for them. The schooling facilities 
 
 [538] 
 
. operation of the New Child Labor Law in New Jersey 125 
 
 are not adequate, and he complains of the lack of a place for "in- 
 corrigibles." He knows of no families in need because of the opera- 
 tion of the child labor law. 
 
 Apart from the failure to prohibit night work for children be- 
 tween the ages of fourteen and sixteen, the only point in regard to 
 which the law itself has been seriously criticised is that it lacks a 
 provision requiring the actual educational test of scholarship. There 
 are undoubtedly some cases of children who have reached the age 
 of fourteen without even learning to read and write. If so it is due to 
 one of the following reasons : First, because the child's attendance 
 at school has been very irregular, to the point perhaps of actual 
 truancy. This of course implies that the compulsory education law 
 has not been properly enforced, either because of the lack of sufficient 
 school facilities or of any provision for the employment of a truant 
 officer. Second, that the child is abnormally dull and slow, which 
 probably implies that it belongs to the backward or atypical class, 
 for whom special classes should be provided; or, third, that the 
 child is a recent immigrant, and has not been in the country long 
 enough to get the benefit of our public school system. The prac- 
 tical expediency and value of an educational test in connection with 
 the child labor law seems to be a debatable one. However this 
 may be, it is certain that at the present time there are comparatively 
 few manufacturing communities in New Jersey where the question 
 has any immediate practical bearing upon the child labor problem. 
 The enormous industrial development of the past decade in northern 
 New Jersey, with the remarkable increase in population, has strained 
 the resources of the important cities to the debt limit allowed by law. 
 The amount of bonded indebtedness is definitely restricted, and in 
 spite of the fact that the cities are steadily and continuously putting 
 up new schools, there are a number of communities which have not 
 yet caught up with the increase in the children of school age, and 
 are consequently hampered, if not prevented, from the strict enforce- 
 ment of the compulsory education law. The appointment of truant 
 officers is a very recent matter in all but three or four favored com- 
 munities, and it is generally felt by those who have given the matter 
 any study, that the next important step in welfare work for the 
 children of New Jersey is the extension of the truancy system and 
 the establishment of parental schools. At the instance of the State 
 Board of Education Judge Scott, of Paterson, presented a bill to 
 
 fS39] 
 
126 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 the recent legislature providing for the establishment of county 
 schools of detention, for the care of habitual truants and dependent 
 and delinquent children under sixteen whom it may seem necessary 
 to hold in custody by virtue of the order of any of the courts of 
 common pleas. The act provided for complete school equipment. 
 Unfortunately the bill failed of passage. 
 
 The child labor act has been recently supplemented by a bill 
 including all the provisions of the old law relating to the inspection 
 of bakeries. In this bill night work for children under sixteen is 
 prohibited, and it is hoped that with this as an entering wedge it 
 may be possible next year to pass a bill prohibiting the employment 
 of children at night under sixteen in all factories or workshops. 
 The glass factories seem to be the only ones which now employ chil- 
 dren at night. 
 
 The city of Newark passed a municipal ordinance last year 
 licensing newsboys, which has been vigorously enforced, and works 
 very well. 
 
 When Governor Murphy appointed the eleven deputy inspectors 
 in the department of labor he wrote each one of them as follows : 
 
 "Your first duty will be to study the law so as to become familiar 
 with what it requires on the part of those whom it affects, and what 
 is your duty under it. 
 
 "The law must be enforced, not in a way to annoy, but in a 
 fair and considerate manner. But it must be enforced, and your 
 duty under it must be faithfully and continuously performed. I 
 have appointed a chief commissioner who is in full sympathy with 
 its provisions and who will give you instructions concerning the 
 detail of your work. These instructions he will expect you to fol- 
 low implicitly. 
 
 "It is believed that the proper enforcement of the law will 
 prove of great advantage to the people of the state, and I count 
 upon your loyal and unfailing support in the discharge of your 
 duties." 
 
 No state or country has yet succeeded in devising a child labor 
 law and a factory inspection system so perfect as to work auto- 
 matically. With the co-operation of the educational authorities and 
 the philanthropic forces of the community, and the backing of a 
 strong public sentiment, the cases of disobedience should, however, 
 be few and exceptional. On the whole I think it may be doubted if 
 
 [540] 
 
operation of the New Child Labor Law in New Jersey 127 
 
 there is any state in the Union where the employment of children is 
 more carefully, thoroughly, justly, and wisely regulated than in New 
 Jersey at the present time, excepting for the unfortunate fact that 
 children between the ages of fourteen and sixteen are still employed 
 at night. The department has been taken out of politics and put on 
 an honest basis in the hands of a firm and able administrator. 
 
CHILD LABOR LEGISLATION— A REQUISITE FOR 
 INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY 
 
 By Jane Addams^ 
 Hull House, Chicago. 
 
 We continually assert that we are living in an industrial age and 
 on many occasions we openly boast of our industrial achievements ; 
 it is, for instance, almost impossible to make an acceptable Fourth, 
 of July oration without impressive mention of the railroads and 
 telegraph lines "which bind together a mighty continent." Although 
 in our moments of expansiveness we so fully admit this successful 
 industrialism, at other times we seem to be ashamed of it and con- 
 tinually insist that we must find our culture, our religion and our 
 education quite outside of it, as if the inner world developed in com- 
 plete independence of the outer. This may be one reason that our 
 culture, our religion and our education so often seem weak and 
 feeble compared to our industrialism. We fail to realize that be- 
 cause we are living in an industrial age we must find our culture 
 through that industry, and that to seek culture in some other age 
 that is not our own is to wear a borrowed and ill-fitting garment; 
 that if we fail to apply our religion to the industrial situation and 
 refuse to be guided by it through the problems which current indus- 
 trialism develops, that it perforce becomes meaningless and remote^ 
 and that even more is this true in regard to education. A school 
 which fails to give outlet and direction to the growing intelligence 
 of the child "to widen and organize his experience with reference to 
 the world in which he lives" merely dresses his mind in antiquated' 
 precepts and gives him no clue to the life which he must lead. 
 It was formerly assumed that a child went to school unwillingly, 
 and that he there entered into an unending struggle with his teacher 
 who was often justified in the use of coercion. The new pedagogy 
 which is so ably represented in New York, holds that it is a child's - 
 instinct and pleasure to exercise all his faculties and to make discov- 
 
 [542] 
 
A Requisite for Industrial Efficiency 129 
 
 eries in the world around him, that it is the chief business of the 
 teacher merely to direct his activity and to feed his insatiable curi- 
 osity. In order to accomplish this he is forced to relate the child 
 to the surroundings in which he lives, and the most advanced schools 
 are using modern industry for this purpose. 
 
 Educators have ceased to mourn the changed industrial con- 
 ditions in which children were taught agricultural and industrial 
 arts by natural co-operation with their parents, and they are en- 
 deavoring to supply this disadvantage by manual arts in the school, 
 by courses in industrial history, and by miniature reproductions of 
 industrial processes, thus constantly coming into better relations 
 with the present factory system. 
 
 The advocates for child labor legislation, as all the sessions 
 of this conference have testified, are most heartily in sympathy with 
 this new standpoint, and in several notable instances the advanced 
 educator is he who is most conspicuously striving for adequate 
 legal protection for the child. The members of this conference are 
 in no sense those who advocate a life of idleness or of meaningless 
 activity for the growing child, nor do they believe in a spurious 
 or "leisure class" culture. On the contrary I hope to be able to 
 show that because we recognize the significance and power of con- 
 temporary industrialism that we hold it an obligation to protect 
 children from premature participation in its mighty operations, not 
 only that they may secure the training and fibre which will later 
 make that participation effective, but that their minds may finally 
 take possession of the machines which they will guide and feed. 
 
 There has been for many years an increasing criticism of the 
 modern factory system, both from the point of view of the worker 
 and from the point of view of the product itself. It has been said 
 many times that we cannot secure good workmanship nor turn out 
 a satisfactory product unless men and women have some sort of 
 interest in their work, and some way of expressing that interest in 
 relation to it. The system which makes no demand upon originality, 
 upon invention, upon self-direction, works automatically, as it were, 
 towards an unintelligent producer and towards an uninteresting 
 product. This was at first said only by such artists and social re- 
 formers as Morris and Ruskin, but it is being gradually admitted 
 by men of affairs and may at last incorporate itself into actual fac- 
 tory management, in which case the factory itself will favor child 
 
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130 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 labor legislation or any other measure which increases the free 
 and full development of the individual, because he thereby becomes 
 a more valuable producer. We may gradually discover that in the 
 interests of this industrial society of ours it becomes a distinct loss 
 to put large numbers of producers prematurely at work, not only 
 because the community inevitably loses their mature working 
 power, but also because their "free labor quality," which is so valu- 
 able, is permanently destroyed. Exercise of the instinct of work- 
 manship not only affords great satisfaction to the producer, but also 
 to the consumer who is possessed of any critical faculty. 
 
 We are told that the German products hold a foremost place 
 in the markets of the world because of Germany's fine educa- 
 tional system, which includes training in trade schools for so many 
 young men, and that there is at the present moment a strong party 
 in Germany opposing militarism, not from the "peace society" point 
 of view, but because it withdraws all of the young men from indus- 
 trial life for the best part of three years, during which time their 
 activity is merely disciplinary, with no relation to the indus- 
 trial life of the nation. This anti-military party insists that the loss 
 of the three years is serious, and the nation cannot successfully hold 
 its advanced place if it must compete with those nations who do 
 not thus withdraw their youth from continuous training at the 
 period of their greatest docility and aptitude. 
 
 It is said that among the workingmen of England, many of 
 whom are engaged in supplying those cheap markets composed of 
 semi-savage people which it is the pride of Great Britain to open 
 to her manufactures, there is growing up a protest against the cheap 
 and inferior articles which they are constantly obliged to make. 
 The workers in the factories producing these unworthy goods are 
 beginning to feel robbed of the skill which would be demanded 
 if they were supplying the markets of civilized people and were 
 ministering to the demands of increasing taste. "Cheap and nasty 
 goods have an ctII effect upon the producer as well as upon the 
 consumer." It would be a curious result if these very markets 
 which the British empire has so eagerly sought would finally result 
 in so debasing the English workingmen that they would at last 
 be shut out from their legitimate share of the civilized markets 
 of the world. It would be easy to produce other illustrations to 
 demonstrate that in the leading industrial countries a belief is 
 
 [544] 
 
A Requisite for Industrial Efficiency 131 
 
 slowly developing that the workman himself is the chief asset, and 
 that the intelligent interest of skilled men, that power of self-direc- 
 tion and co-operation which is only possible among the free born 
 and educated, is exactly the only thing which will hold out in the 
 markets of the world. As the foremen of factories will testify again 
 and again, factory discipline is valuable only up to a certain point, 
 after which they must depend upon something else if they would 
 achieve the best results. 
 
 The smallest child I ever saw at work was in a southern mill, 
 — a little girl of five walked up and down her short lane in a spin- 
 dle room. The product the mill was turning out was cotton sheet- 
 ing of the coarsest sort, which was said to be designed for use in 
 the Chinese army. Quite naturally a child of five, holding her 
 snuff stick against her first "milk-teeth" and tying threads with her 
 clumsy baby hands, could not contribute to a product demanding 
 care and skill, and a mill which used up the labor power of its 
 community in such reckless fashion could never hope to compete 
 with the product turned out in another community in which a 
 large share of the mechanics had been carefully educated in the 
 public school and in which the municipality itself sustained a tex- 
 tile school. 
 
 Monopoly of the raw material and newly-opened markets are 
 certainly valuable factors in a nation's industrial prosperity, but 
 while we spend blood and treasure to protect the one and to secure 
 the other, we wantonly destroy the most valuable factor of all, which 
 is intelligent labor. 
 
 We have made public education our great concern in America 
 and perhaps the public school system is our most distinctive achieve- 
 ment, but there is a certain lack of consistency in the relation of 
 the state to the child after he leaves the public school. At a great 
 expense the state has provided school buildings and equipment, and 
 yet other buildings in which to prepare professional teachers. It 
 has spared no pains to make the system complete, and yet as rapidly 
 as the children leave the school room the state seems to lose all 
 interest and responsibility in their welfare, and has, until quite 
 recently, turned them over to the employer, with no restrictions as 
 to the number of hours he shall permit them to work, nor as to the 
 sort of employment which he shall give them. The Webbs long ago 
 used in illustration of this contradictory attitude of the state the 
 
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132 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 story of an employer who might ask the state to equip his factory 
 with machinery of recent invention that he might use it for his 
 own profit and with but the incidental benefit to the community; at 
 the end of a few years finding it worn out, he would again apply 
 for 'a new equipment of a later device and value, throwing the 
 old back upon the state which had previously given it to him. The 
 Webbs insist that this is analogous to the employer asking the 
 state for children, who have been educated in the public schools, 
 demanding that they be especially drilled in habits of obedience and 
 promptness and in those practical studies which make them the 
 most useful to him ; he puts them to work, and if they are worn 
 out at the termination of a few years by labor beyond their strength, 
 the state will have to care for some of them in its hospitals and 
 poorhouses, but it takes them back without a word of protest against 
 the employer who demands a fresh lot, educated in accordance with 
 his requirements, which he may again overwork without any inter- 
 ference from the state. At no point does the community say we 
 have allowed you to profit by the labor of these children whom we 
 have educated at great cost, and we demand that they do not work 
 £0 many hours that they shall be exhausted, nor shall they be allowed 
 to undertake the sort of labor which is beyond their strength, nor 
 shall they spend their time at work which is absolutely devoid of edu- 
 cational value. The preliminary education which they have received 
 in school is but one step in the process of making them valuable 
 and normal citizens, and we cannot afford to have that intention 
 thwarted, even though the community as well as yourself may profit 
 by the business activity which your factory affords. Such a posi- 
 tion seems perfectly reasonable, and yet the same citizens who will- 
 ingly pay taxes to support an elaborate public school system strenu- 
 ously oppose the most moderate attempts to guard the children from 
 needless and useless exploitation after they have left school and 
 have entered industry. 
 
 Mr. Edgar Gardner Murphy, a member of the National Child 
 Labor Committee, has said that child labor is a national problem, even 
 as public education is a national duty. The children of Alabama, of 
 Rhode Island and Pennsylvania belong to the nation quite as much as 
 they belong to each state, and the nation has an interest in the chil- 
 dren at least in relation to its industrial efficiency, quite as it has an 
 interest in enacting protective tariffs for the preservation of American 
 
 [546] 
 
A Requisite for Industrial Efficiency 133 
 
 industries. In a democratic country children in one station of life 
 are quite as valuable as those in another, not only from a human 
 point of view, which is true the world over, but from a strictly 
 national point of view, and in studying industrial conditions in the 
 light of their effect upon the children we may discover that the 
 children cannot be adequately protected by too much deference to 
 state lines, quite as it was found that a railroad commission must 
 represent interstate authority in order to deal with railroads which 
 were independent of state boundaries. There is a distinct manu- 
 facturing region composed of Western Pennsylvania, West Virginia 
 and Ohio in which similar labor conditions prevail, and yet Ohio has 
 a law which forbids a child under sixteen to work all night, in 
 Pennsylvania any child over thirteen may work all night, and in 
 West Virginia any child over twelve. The manufacturing estab- 
 lishments in these three states enjoy the same protective tariff and 
 railroad rates, concerning which the federal government is most 
 alert that no discrimination shall be made, and yet the nation is 
 quite unmoved if the children in West Virginia are crushed and 
 brutalized by being allowed to do night work four years ealier than 
 the children of Ohio. 
 
 Uniform compulsory education laws in connection with uniform 
 child labor legislation are the important factors in securing educated 
 producers for the nation, but there is another side to the benefits 
 of child labor legislation represented by the tivie element, the leisure 
 which is secured to the child for the pursuit of his own affairs, 
 quite aside from the opportunity afforded him to attend school. 
 Helplessness in childhood, the scientists tell us, is the guarantee of 
 adult intellect, but they also assert that play in youth is the guaran- 
 tee of adult culture. It is the most valuable instrument the race 
 possesses to keep life from becoming mechanical. The child who 
 cannot live life is prone to dramatize it, and the very process is a 
 constant compromise between imitation and imagination as the 
 overmastering impulse itself which drives him to incessant play is 
 both reminiscent and anticipatory. In proportion as the child in 
 later life is to be subjected to a mechanical and one-sided activity 
 and as a highly-subdivided labor is to be demanded from him, it 
 is therefore most important that he should have his full period of 
 childhood and youth for this play expression, that he may cultivate 
 within himself the root of that culture which can alone give his 
 
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134 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 later activity a meaning, and this is true whether or not we accept 
 the theory that the aesthetic feelings originate from the play im- 
 pulse with its corollary — that the constant experimentation found in 
 the commonest plays are to be looked upon as "the principal source 
 of all kinds of art." In this moment, when individual forces are 
 concentrated and unified as never before, unusual care must be 
 taken to secure to the children their normal play period, that the 
 art instinct may have some chance and that the producer himself 
 may have enough coherence of character to avoid becoming a mere 
 cog in the vast industrial machine. 
 
 Quite aside also from the individual development and from 
 the fact that play in which the power of choice is constantly pre- 
 sented and constructive imagination required is the best corrective 
 of the future disciplinary life of the factory, there is another reason 
 why the children who are to become producers under the present 
 system should be given their full child-life period. 
 
 The entire population of the factory town and of those enor- 
 mous districts in every large city in which the children live who 
 most need the protection of child labor legislation consists of peo- 
 ple who have come together in response to the demands of modern 
 industry and who are held together by the purely impersonal tie of 
 working in one large factory, in which they not only do not know 
 each other, but in which no one person nor even group of people, 
 knows all of them. They are utterly without the natural and minute 
 acquaintance and inter-family relationships which rural and vil- 
 lage life affords, and are therefore much more dependent upon the 
 social sympathy and power of effective association which is becom- 
 ing its urban substitute. This substitute can be most easily experi- 
 enced among groups of children. 
 
 Play is the great social stimulus, and it is the prime motive 
 which unites children and draws them into comradeship. A true 
 democratic relation and ease of acquaintance is found only among 
 the children in a typical factory community because they readily 
 overcome differences of language, tradition and religion, which form 
 insuperable barriers to adults. "It is in play that nature reveals 
 her anxious care to discover men to each other," and this happy 
 and important task children unconsciously carry forward day by dav 
 with all the excitement and joy of co-ordinate activity. They accom- 
 plish that which their elders could not possibly do, and they render a 
 
 [548] 
 
A Requisite for Industrial Efficiency 135 
 
 most important service to the community. Social observers comment 
 upon the influence of this group and gang spirit as it is carried 
 over into politics, but no valuable observations have as yet been 
 recorded of its relation to the present system of production, which 
 is so pre-eminently one of large numbers of men working together 
 for hours at a time, probably because the factory offers so little 
 opportunity for its exercise compared to the operations of self- 
 government even in its most unsatisfactory manifestations in a 
 crowded city quarter. 
 
 It would bring a new power into modern industry if the factory 
 could avail itself of that esprit de corps, that triumphant buoyancy 
 which the child experiences when he feels his complete identification 
 with a social group; that sense of security which comes upon him 
 sitting in a theatre or "at a party" when he issues forth from him- 
 self and is lost in a fairyland which has been evoked not only by his 
 own imagination, but by that of his companions as well. This 
 power of association, of assimilation which children possess in such 
 a high degree, is easily carried over into the affairs of youth if it 
 but be given opportunity and freedom for action as it is in the 
 college life of more favored young people. The esprit de corps of 
 an athletic team, that astonishing force of co-operation, is, however, 
 never consciously carried over into industry, and is persistently dis- 
 regarded. It is indeed lost before it is discovered, if I may be 
 permitted an Irish bull, in the case of children who are put to work 
 before they have had time to develop the power beyond its most 
 childish and haphazard manifestations. 
 
 Factory life depends upon groups of people working together, 
 and yet it is content with the morphology of the group, as it were, 
 paying no attention to its psychology to the interaction of its mem- 
 bers. By regarding each producer as a solitary unit -a tremendous 
 power is totally unutilized, but in the case of children who are prema- 
 turely put to work under such conditions an unwarranted nervous 
 strain is added as they make their effort to stand up to the indi- 
 vidual duties of life while still in the stage of group and family 
 dependence. We can all recall moments in our childhood when we 
 were not allowed to go "out to play" with other children and were 
 overcome with rage and helpless despair as we looked from the win- 
 dow at the playing group which we could not join. We can recall 
 moments of even more bitter isolation when we were "with the 
 
 [549] 
 
J36 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 others," but owing to some eccentricity of dress or some other 
 stupid mistake of a controlling adult, we still felt quite outside of 
 the group which we so fervently called our own. Some such remem- 
 brance may perhaps aid our imagination in behalf of the solitary 
 child working in a crowded factory. 
 
 We naturally associate a factory with orderly productive action, 
 but similarity of action without identical thought and co-operative 
 intelligence is coercion and not order, and the present factory disci- 
 pline needs to be redeemed as the old school discipline has been 
 redeemed. In the latter the system of prizes and punishments has 
 been given up not only because they were difficult to administer, 
 but because they utterly failed to free the power of the child. "The 
 fear of starvation," of which the old economists made so much, is, 
 after all, but a poor incentive to work, and the appeal to cupidity 
 hy which a man is induced to "speed up" in all the various devices 
 of piecework is very little better. The natural reaction against 
 these in the determined efforts of workmen "to limit the output" 
 Tias arraigned the entire system. It is the old revolt against inces-. 
 sant muscular labor divorced from any exercise of the instinct of 
 workmanship and devoid of the creative touch of the artist. 
 
 Let us realize before it is too late that in this age of iron, of 
 machine-tending, and of sub-divided labor, that we need, as never 
 hefore, the untrammeled and inspired activity of youth. To cut it 
 out from our national life, as we constantly do in regard to thousands 
 of working children, is a most perilous undertaking and endangers 
 the very industry to which they have been sacrificed. 
 
 We may in time learn to be discontented with the pleas which 
 we continually put forth on behalf of more adequate child labor 
 legislation, demanding, as we continually do, that the child be 
 secured his normal period of growth and his full chance to acquire 
 such education as the state is able to provide; we may in time add 
 to that, that we are imperilling our civilization because at the 
 moment of its most marked materialism we wantonly sacrifice to it 
 that eternal spirit of youth, that power of variation which alone 
 prevents it from degenerating into a mere mechanism; that in the 
 interests of industrial efficiency we will be obliged to extend legisla- 
 tion for the protecion of working children. 
 
CHILD LABOR FROM THE EMPLOYER'S POINT OF 
 
 VIEW 
 
 By Emil G. Hirsch, 
 
 Professor of Rabbinical Literature and Philosophy in the University of 
 
 Chicago. 
 
 Enlightened self-interest is declared by orthodox economics to 
 be the one central shrine at which every normal human being pays 
 spontaneous worship and receives, in return, rewarding and stimu- 
 lating inspiration. The Fetich there enthroned is incessantly in- 
 voked by the high priests presiding over its oracles, both when 
 what they declare to be foolish and iniquitous attacks are devised 
 on the inalienable privilege of the stronger to exploit the weaker, 
 and also when with unctious emphasis counsel is dispensed to the 
 ambitious with a view to luring them to earnest efforts. That at 
 the goal of the race run in keeping with this god's pronunciamentoes 
 wonderful prizes are awaiting the successful while disobedience 
 €ntails disaster, is the recurrent appeal and admonition of the school. 
 
 For the nonce, I shall range myself among the devotees of the 
 dogma. I accept it blindly and upon faith. Whether its psychology 
 "be sound shall not constitute my solicitude. I concede that men 
 are beasts of prey, with predatory instincts held in leash only by 
 cold calculations of possible consequences that might prove costly 
 and uncomfortable to themselves. I shall not even quibble whether 
 the doctrine of enlightened egotism be intended merely as descriptive 
 of the processes actually effective or be also meant as normative and 
 regulative, as a law imbedded in the very nature and harmony of 
 things. Such enquiry would lead too far afield into the domain of 
 ethics, and the ethical aspect of the problem before us lies outside 
 the immediate field of my observations. To economize time, I as- 
 sume that the principle of enlightened self-interest wears the crown 
 and wields the scepter in the modern counting-houses and factories. 
 It is the Egeria reverentially consulted by keen-minded merchant and 
 
 [551] 
 
138 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 alert manufacturer. The school has laid bare the motive of indus- 
 trial and commercial ambition. Shall, under its recognized domi- 
 nancy, child labor be tolerated? Has the premature employment of 
 children in mine and mill, in shop and on the stage, the credentials 
 of approval by the school's own central criterion? Shall self-inter- 
 est not prompt the employer of labor to close the door of foundry 
 and factory against children? 
 
 Profit and loss, let us concede, are the final determinants of 
 the soundness or the reverse of a commercial policy. Vulgarly 
 phrased, men are not in business for their health. Is child labor 
 profitable ? 
 
 But little reflection will disclose that it is not. In the equation 
 of modern industrial and commercial success, economy in time as 
 well as in material is a dominant factor. Work to be profitable 
 must be intense, and the degree of intensity must never be allowed 
 to decline. This is due to the extent in which specialization has 
 been carried out in the organizing of effort under the principle of 
 division of labor. The colossal appetite of our steam-driven ma- 
 chinery must not be left unfed for the smallest particle of time.. 
 If it is, waste ensues, and waste spells loss. The investment repre- 
 sented by the steam engine, the consumption of fuel, the labor re- 
 quired for its care and supervision, depends for its profits upon the 
 alertness with which the working force engaged upon production 
 responds and maintains the tempo of activity. Boys and girls with 
 undeveloped bodily frames are physically incapacitated from keeping 
 ap with the pace of productivity set as required by even the minimum 
 of profitableness in the organization and machinery of a modern mill 
 or mine. Their presence interferes with the speed and intensity of 
 application on the part of adult laborers. Though nominally the wage 
 account would seem when superficially examined to favor the em- 
 ployment of child labor on the score of its greater cheapness, when all 
 the factors are considered the result bears an altogether dift'erent 
 aspect. It is saving at the spigot and wasting at the bung. Coal,, 
 care of machinery, rent of structure, investment represented by the 
 plane, cost of administration, insurance, and so forth, all enter into 
 the computed cost of labor. The difference between the wage of 
 the child and that paid an adult does by no means cover and balance 
 the difference in profitableness between adult and child work. Grown 
 persons by maintaining the required degree of intensity reduce the 
 
 [552] 
 
Child Labor From Employer's Point of View 139 
 
 proportionate expense in fuel, machinery, rent, administration, to 
 a point where profit is probable. Child labor will not accomplish 
 this. The original cost of child labor is always higher than that 
 of adult labor. Enlightened self-interest advises the elimination of 
 the child from factory and mine. 
 
 Mentally the child is incompetent to sustain the required ten- 
 sion of interest without which co-operative labor is rendered almost 
 impossible. The child mind cannot be attentive as long as that of the 
 adult. It easily wearies ; it is under constant temptation of distrac- 
 tion. Play is the child's natural privilege. One cannot expel na- 
 ture — as a well-known Latin adage has it. Forced out of one door, 
 the child nature will re-enter by another. The child workers will 
 play. To maintain discipline among them is a task of exceedingly 
 great difficulty. Still, without discipline profitable co-operation in 
 our highly specialized system of production or distribution is impos- 
 sible. Cash boys and cash girls in our mammoth department stores 
 are for this reason not merely a source of irritation to managers 
 and patrons alike, they are also a source of avoidable loss. The 
 work they do could be done much more efficiently, under greater 
 freedom from vexatious delays and errors, by a force of adults not 
 half as numerous and therefore doubly as economic. 
 
 Again, under child labor waste of material must be expected. 
 Labor to be profitable must be intelligent. Intelligence will pay in 
 the end, though the first purchase price may be higher than is that 
 for stupidity and inexperience. The child cannot be expected to be 
 as intelligent as the adult. It is not as careful of the tools, nor 
 as cautious in the handling of the material. It allows much to go to 
 waste which the adult laborer always saves and turns to good ac- 
 count. Wise employers have begun to realize these drawbacks 
 inherent in child labor. The number of them that plead for the 
 privilege of employing children on the ground of the profitableness 
 of their labor is becoming smaller every year where wise legislation 
 has under compulsion demonstrated, as it always will, the reverse. 
 
 The opposition to restriction by the state now pretends or be- 
 lieves itself to be actuated by motives of social benevolence. Child 
 labor, though not altogther profitable to the employer, is said to 
 be advantageous to society, in as much as it enables many a family 
 to keep together and in economic independence that otherwise would 
 drift apart or, at all events, lapse into social dependency. That this 
 
 [553] 
 
I40 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 assumption is fallacious is not in great doubt. Child labor in com- 
 petition with the labor of the parents necessarily tends to reduce the 
 economic value of the latter. The family is not even economically 
 profited by forcing the young prematurely into the mills and mines. 
 If I dared venture into the moral bearings of this part of the subject, 
 I should insist with good reason that nothing tends toward dis- 
 rupting and undermining the family so perniciously as the premature 
 economic independence of its immature members. Were even the 
 economic fallacy not to be considered, according to which the wage 
 of the father and mother is not afifected by the labor of the child in 
 competition with the parents this element of danger might indeed 
 give the defenders of unrestricted liberty for exploiting child-life 
 some pause. At all events there is one aspect that should appeal to 
 the far-sighted enlightened employer. The employer is, or should 
 be, a taxpayer. The tax rate is also a factor in the financial equa- 
 tion of his ventures. Present abuse of children, the denial to chil- 
 dren of the opportunity to develop physically, mentally and morally, 
 must affect the physical status and the mental and moral condition 
 of the adults to-morrow. 
 
 Intemperance and crime make heavy drafts on the exchequer 
 of organized society or government. But what is in most cases 
 the producing microbe of intemperance ? Is it not disordered nerves ? 
 Crime, again, has come to be known as depending upon physical 
 conditions of body and mind. Exhaustion of childhood engenders 
 disorder in young manhood and womanhood, which produces intem- 
 perance and all its consequent evils, and in many cases in parents the 
 propensity to criminal and immoral indulgences. In consequence 
 jails and insane asylums, houses of refuge for the fallen, peniten- 
 tiaries must multiply. Their maintenance falls heavily on the tax- 
 payer. This item in the ledger emphasizes the unprofitable character 
 of child labor. Idleness in young years is not as prolific of im- 
 moral and criminal leanings as is premature employment. I have 
 suggested the baneful effect on the nerves of the young. Who will 
 dispute the equally pernicious influence on their morals by the 
 surroundings in the factory or the department store? Who will 
 deny that premature consciousness of earning capacity must foster 
 a spirit of insubordination to parental authority? All these are 
 elements that have made for the spread of moral contagion, which in 
 turn is an item of expense in the budget of our municipalities and 
 
 [SS4] 
 
Child Labor From Employer's Point of View 141. 
 
 counties, ultimately assessed on the employer. Let the young attend 
 school, let the schools be centres of rational preparation for life, keep- 
 the youth of the land out of the mills, the mines, the shops, and you 
 will keep them later out of the dance halls, the saloons, the brothels,, 
 the jails and the penitentiaries. Give us compulsory education in con- 
 junction with restrictions on child labor, and child saving by means of 
 police magistrates and reformatories will soon disappear. The adult 
 drunkards and thieves and prostitutes will become fewer, and the 
 tax rate decrease proportionately. Let us not forget that for the- 
 welfare of society, the promotion of greater reverence for parental' 
 authority and family affection is of prime importance. Yet the fac- 
 tory that lures the child away from home and school, and creates in 
 its mind the impression of economic independence from parents by 
 turning it into a bread-winner, cannot but exert an influence fatal to 
 home affections and virtues, and as an unintentional, but effective, 
 enemy of family ties open the floodgates to streams of corrup- 
 tion, menacing the health of the nation as well as the happiness of 
 its fathers and mothers and sons and daughters. Patriotism which- 
 looks to the preservation of school and home always pays by reduc- 
 ing the expense account for police and penitentiaries. 
 
 And so does justice always pay, and therefore ought to appeal 
 to enlightened egotism. Bitterness of social conflict and contrast 
 is wasteful. Whatever promises to eliminate distrust and rankling 
 sense of injustice from the relations of man to man, of employers 
 and employees, has a financial value. It helps to increase profits. 
 Social war and social armed truce are expensive. Abandonment 
 of child labor cannot but make for increase of social peace. This 
 bitterness, at all events, is removed which now must possess the- 
 child laborer's and his parents' hearts. The sons and daughters of 
 the more fortunate classes attend school. They may play in the 
 hours of relaxation. The children of the masses are deprived of the 
 opportunity to become educated, to cultivate mind and soul ; they 
 are robbed of the golden smiles of innocent play and pastime. No 
 wonder that they doubt that justice is inherent in the order of 
 things; no wonder that they rebel against a fate which robs their 
 children of childhood and thereby also of their full manhood and 
 womanhood. 
 
 For that is the bitterest of all injustices that despoiled childhood 
 invokes robbery of adolescence and virility, and strength and beauty,. 
 
 [555] 
 
142 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 the promises of later years. This is certainly not compensated for 
 by the wage paid the child. Granted for argument's sake the em- 
 ployer pays the child for its present time and effort, in what way 
 does he compensate it for the loss of its future health, happiness, 
 vigor of body, mind and soul ? He does not. He cannot. Thus he 
 receives what he does not pay for. He is unjust. Of this injustice 
 the laborer complains. Its toleration is one of the accusations which 
 he lays against the prevailing social order. He feels that upon him 
 is laid a burden which he should not carry. Laws against child labor 
 will lift that burden. They will thus make for increase in confidence, 
 for greater social goodwill. They will thus help to make economic 
 labor profitable to both employer and employee. 
 
 Another consideration enlightened self-interest should lay near the 
 mind of employers. Employers need "hands." Where are they to 
 come from if children are prematurely exploited? The children of 
 to-day ought to be the fathers and mothers of to-morrow. But 
 they cannot be if they are devitalized in their childhood. And that 
 is their fate where they are immolated on the altar of greed's Moloch. 
 As yet immigration has not opened the eyes of many to this serious 
 phase of the matter. But let Europe cease sending us its surplus 
 or its scum, its energy and its misery, the short-sightedness of a 
 policy which abuses the root and thus forestalls the growth of 
 branches will become apparent at once. Our barren timber-robbed 
 mountain crests monument a similar folly, but in a domain infinitely 
 less determinative of human happiness and individual and national 
 prosperity than that in which men and women are at stake. De- 
 prive the children of to-day of to-morrow's strong manhood and 
 womanhood and the employers will be deprived of strong men and 
 women for to-morrow, and the day after. The sons and daughters 
 of enfeebled men and women will be so stunted intellectually and 
 so stinted physically as to be but poor substitutes for the sturdier 
 men and women who worked yesterday. 
 
 We must have strong children to have strong men and women. 
 I repeat, this aspect of the case is not so readily recognized in this 
 country as perhaps it would be elsewhere. The kindness of for- 
 eign lands — among others, the Czar of Russia — contrives to send 
 across the sea every year thousands of people to feed the Moloch 
 in sweatshop, mill and mine. This readiness in foreign quarters 
 to supply the American market with so many "hands" is greatly 
 
 [SS6] 
 
Child Labor From Employer's Point of View 143 
 
 to be deplored. I for one hope the day is not far distant when 
 they will realize that it is better for them to keep at home both 
 their Jewish and non-Christian "hands." We are facing a stu- 
 pendous difificulty in the problem of immigration. But this vast 
 stream of immigration of cheap labor will decrease — must be ex- 
 hausted; and we shall then have to face the question: "Where will 
 the men and women come from if we exhaust our children and 
 despoil them of their divine right to future vigorous manhood and 
 womanhood ? 
 
 As the speakers before me have quoted words of Him who 
 certainly spoke truth out of the fullness of a loving heart, in accents 
 that have but rarely failed to touch the souls of those who strive 
 for right and justice, I may perhaps be pardoned in bringing my 
 words to a close with a parable from His teachers, the rabbis of old. 
 
 In the Talmud we are told that when Moses was to receive 
 the Law from God for his people, the Almighty demanded hostage. 
 Moses offered first the patriarchs, saying: "We are descendants of 
 Isaac and Abraham, are we not worthy of the Law Divine?" But 
 the Almighty refused to receive from them hostage. Then Moses 
 offered the prophets, saying: "We have certainly produced great 
 men. Are we not worthy of the Law Divine?" But the Almighty 
 rejected these, also, as insufficient security. Then Moses presented 
 the children of his people, and thereupon God granted him the Law. 
 
 The sense of this parable is plain. No nation can live on its 
 past. The crown of America is certainly studded with precious 
 gems — the great deeds and the great valor of the generations that 
 were, whose children we are. But the past is not sufficient. No 
 nation can live on the past alone, nor on its illustrious patriots, 
 though its great men are proofs of its vitality. And America has 
 produced great men, men of great thoughts, of deep purposes, who 
 sang and spoke in tones that might stir the world to its best. But 
 the nation that has produced these great men certainly must not 
 construe this production into a right now to forget its duty to 
 humanity. The nation which loves children and allows its children 
 to grow up as children should, with minds trained, souls purified, 
 and bodies kept in vigor — children that are protected in their child- 
 hood — under their parents' authority and made to know what respect 
 and obedience imply, that nation receives from God the Law of Life : 
 that nation will endure. 
 
 [557] 
 
THE SCHOOL AS A FORCE ARRAYED AGAINST CHILD 
 
 LABOR 
 
 By James H. Kirkland^ 
 Chancellor of Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 The list of the social forces that are arrayed against child labor, 
 as presented on the program of the annual meeting of the National 
 Child Labor Committee seems so overwhelming as to lead us to 
 suppose that the duration of this evil must be but brief. Yet, 
 when we remember the universality of greed, the persistence of 
 poverty, and the helplessness of childhood, we realize that this fight 
 will not be so speedily won and that we have need of every force 
 that can be utilized for the conflict. 
 
 If ever we, as Americans, lose enthusiasm with regard to the 
 form of our government and its administration, it is when we see 
 the slowness of the steps by which educational and moral reforms 
 are secured, the difficulties in the way of securing legislation that 
 has the universal approval of men of thought, and when we further 
 consider the unsatisfactory administration of such laws as have been 
 enacted. It is impossible, under our form of government, to secure 
 by one enactment such legislation as seems necessary for the pro- 
 tection of our children. As the chairman of our meeting has indi- 
 cated, it is not our hope to secure federal legislation on this matter ; 
 we realize that we must plead our cause not before one tribunal, but 
 before half a hundred. In Germany it was possible for Bismarck to 
 bring together the distracted units of Germany; one Cavour made 
 possible a united Italy ; but in America we must rally a multitude of 
 leaders before we can bring about a reform of any kind. We there- 
 fore appeal to public opinion. We are organized to influence public 
 opinion; we desire to present our claims to the thoughtful men and 
 wornen of this country, and through them we hope to secure in 
 every state such legislation as we believe necessary. 
 
 [SS8] 
 
Tlie School as a Force Arrayed Against Child Labor 145 
 
 Within past years we have traveled far in our ideas of the 
 state. We no longer believe that government to be best that governs 
 least. We no longer believe in the state whose seal of authority is 
 the badge of the pohceman, whose temples are its jails and peni- 
 tentiaries, whose sole duties are to protect life and property, and 
 secure the enforcement of the commandments, "Thou shalt not kill" 
 and "Thou shalt not steal." We realize that a government has no 
 higher duty, at certain times, than the preservation of its own 
 existence by whatever force may be necessary to make secure that 
 existence ; but we believe it is the duty of the state to guard its 
 higher life as well as its lower life, and that, in guarding its higher 
 life, there are some things better than armies and navies, and that 
 school-houses and churches and books are no less necessary instru- 
 mentalities for national existence than gunpowder and dynamite. 
 Representing, therefore, the school, we represent our nation and the 
 country's government — for the school is the state, after all, in its 
 parental capacity. We believe in popular education, in universal 
 education. We do not claim that this is a panacea for all ills or 
 a remedy for all wrongs. We do not expect to see all men made 
 wise, or just, or good. We realize that with the best we can do 
 there will be some failures in life. On every sea some barks must 
 go down. But we take the position that an opportunity must be 
 given to everyone, and that every child must have the privilege of 
 working out his own life, of developing the best that is in him — 
 and therefore we believe that every child must have the chance of 
 an education. We are opposed to child labor because it shuts out 
 that opportunity, and makes education impossible. 
 
 Therefore no legislation on this subject can be satisfactory if 
 it ignores the educational requirements of the child. The demand 
 for an age limit in child labor is justified by hygienic laws, but a 
 deeper philosophy lies underneath such enactments. Our problem 
 is not merely to keep the child under sixteen out of the factory or 
 mine, but to keep the child at work in school. The factory is better 
 than the slums; it may be that the factory is a better place than 
 the home, but it is never better than the school ; and it is just where 
 parental obligation has failed, just where the home has disappeared 
 from the life of the child, that the school must step in as another 
 home and the teacher must take the place of the parent who has 
 .deserted his charge. The school must provide for that child a new 
 
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146 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 opportunity, a new life. It is by no means sufficient to have an 
 enactment saying the child must be able to read and write before 
 being allowed to go to work in the factory or mine. It is not 
 unnatural for such a child, after he has gone to work, to forget 
 all that he has learned and to drift back into the class of hopelessly 
 illiterate. Reading and writing is a very small requirement, when 
 it stands as an edvicational test between childhood that must be 
 protected and manhood that should look after itself; and yet, in 
 every state in the Union, I suppose, there are children at work under 
 the age of sixteen who can neither read nor write. 
 
 The United States Department of Commerce and Labor last 
 year issued a bulletin making a special study of 1,381 children at 
 work in thirteen different states. In ten out of these thirteen 
 states there were found children at work who were unable to read 
 and write. Mind you, taking only that small group of states, — 
 and they were not selected especially to hunt illiteracy, — in ten of 
 them there were found children that were wholly illiterate — and 
 New York was one of them. Examining the statistics further to 
 see whether there were children at work who had never been to 
 school, it was found that there were some, likewise in ten out of 
 the thirteen states, who had never been to school before entering 
 upon work; while there were also a number of children who had 
 attended for only one or two years. I must acknowledge with regret 
 that of the states whose record was shown up in that examination 
 four of the thirteen belonged to the South, viz. : North Carolina, 
 South Carolina, Georgia and Alabama. There were 341 children 
 that fell to those four Southern States. Of that number 146 were 
 wholly illiterate, 57 had never attended school, while 198 others 
 had attended for less than three years. That means only about 
 fifteen months of school attendance in all, for the average term in 
 these states is only about half an ordinary school year. It is un- 
 necessary to remind you that a child can learn but little at school 
 in one year of five months. It takes a good many of those terms to 
 give enough information to become a permanent asset, a permanent 
 part of the child's character. The little knowledge gained in that 
 short time at school passes away in a few years after the child has 
 left the school, and such children are destined to be entirely illiterate 
 after spending a few years at work in the factory. 
 
 But the Southerners are not sinners above all. Let me remind 
 
 [560] 
 
The School as a Force Arrayed Against Child Labor 147 
 
 you of one of our pamphlets containing information obtained by 
 the Pennsylvania Child Labor Committee, whicli shows that in 
 the city of Philadelphia alone there are 16,000 children under the 
 age of thirteen who are not in school, although the law says they shall 
 be there. These children are at home waiting until they are old 
 enough to secure work, or at work with certificates that are falsified, 
 or perhaps, even, without certificates. 
 
 From the standpoint of the school we urge three contentions in 
 our consideration of this subject: 
 
 I. We contend that there should be always a definite educa- 
 tional requirement in every child labor law. The mere establishment 
 of an age limit is insufficient, and the requirement that the child 
 shall be able to read and write is pitifully small. A law requiring 
 that the child shall attend some school while at work is some im- 
 provement, but is open also to very serious objection, and in prac- 
 tical operation is seldom found satisfactory. A child cannot work in 
 a factory six or eight hours a day and do intellectual work at night ; 
 and a law permitting children to work during the vacation period 
 puts a premium on long vacations and short school terms.- 
 
 II. The second principle for which we contend is that those 
 who are interested in the education of the child shall have some 
 voice in the execution of the law that guards that education. The 
 making out of certificates should not be placed in the hands of 
 notaries who are to get their fees for this operation, nor should such 
 certificates be made out on the unsupported affidavit of parents, who' 
 may be unscrupulous in their desire to secure gain from the child's 
 labor; but the responsibility should be placed in the hands of the 
 men and women who are interested in the child and in its education. 
 
 III. The third point I would make is a plea for better schools 
 and more of them. I speak on that point as a Southern man. Of 
 all our problems, that is the problem that is most far-reaching. 
 
 We have another problem called peculiarly the Southern prob- 
 lem, but in my opinion the race question is not so universal a problem 
 nor so serious a menace to our general prosperity as is the distressing 
 fact of illiteracy and our insufficient educational opportunities. 
 There are many living in the South who know little of any race 
 problem through personal experience. There are many communi- 
 ties where peace and good will reigns and the two races are living 
 side by side working out their tasks with mutual sympathy, for- 
 
 [561] 
 
148 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 bearance, and friendship. But there is no State in the South, no 
 community that is not struggling with the problem of providing 
 better educational facilities. 
 
 We of the South are grateful for the co-operation and sym- 
 pathy that has been extended to us by other sections in working 
 out this problem. In such a task men are brought close together. 
 The bitterness of former differences will be most quickly forgotten 
 by those working together in a great and holy enterprise. The 
 founder of the institution with which I am connected — himself a 
 citizen of this city — in writing about its mission used these significant 
 words : 
 
 "If Vanderbilt University shall, through its influence, contribute, 
 even in a small degree, to strengthening the ties which should exist 
 between all geographical sections of our common country, I shall 
 feel that it has accomplished one of the objects that led me to take 
 an interest in it." 
 
 In that feeling of common interest and in that spirit of sacred 
 enterprise all sections of our country must unite to promote the 
 work of education and to repress the evils of child labor. This is 
 a task neither for sect nor section. The cause of childhood is 
 the cause of humanity. We lay, therefore, on the nation's heart 
 the burden of American childhood, — ignorant and helpless to-day, 
 but of infinite possibilities for to-morrow. 
 
II. Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the 
 National Child Labor Committee 
 
 Held in the City of New York February 14-16, 1905 
 
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING OF THE 
 NATIONAL CHILD LABOR COMMITTEE 
 
 Held in the City of New York, February 14-16, ipoj. 
 
 By Samuel McCune Lindsay, Ph. D., Professor of Sociology in the Uni- 
 versity of Pennsylvania and Secretary of the National 
 Child Labor Committee. 
 
 The National Child Labor Committee vfas organized in New- 
 York City April 15, 1904, as the outcome of a well-considered effort 
 to nationalize the anti-child labor movement on the part of the late 
 William H. Baldwin, Jr., Edgar Gardner Murphy, Felix Adler and 
 Mrs Florence Kelley, all of whom had been active in work of a 
 similar character along state and local lines. Mr. Murphy had 
 secured some legislation after a long and difficult struggle in the 
 state of Alabama, and in the course of that struggle had become con- 
 vinced that the problem was a national one rather than a state or 
 sectional question. The persons referred to invited a number of 
 representative citizens from different parts of the country to unite 
 with them in the formation of a National Committee, with head- 
 quarters in New York City. The committee, therefore, is a self- 
 constituted and self-perpetuating body, and up to the present time 
 an unincorporated society, whose program is partially embodied in- 
 the following official statement of objects : 
 
 Objects. 
 
 To promote the welfare of society, with respect to the employ- 
 ment of children in gainful occupations. 
 
 To investigate and report the facts concerning child labor. 
 
 To raise the standard of public opinion and parental responsi- 
 bility with respect to the employment of children. 
 
 To assist in protecting children by suitable legislation against 
 premature or otherwise injurious employment, and thus to aid in 
 securing for them an opportunity for elementary education and! 
 
 [565] 
 
152 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 physical development sufficient for the demands of citizenship and 
 the requirements of industrial efficiency. 
 
 To aid in promoting the enforcement of laws relating to child 
 Jnbor. 
 
 To co-ordinate, unify and supplement the work of state or local 
 child labor committees, and encourage the formation of such com- 
 mittees where they do not exist. 
 
 The committee at the present time is composed of the following 
 members : 
 
 Miss Jane Addams, Hull House, Chicago, 111. 
 
 Felix Adler, New York City. Leader of the Society for Ethical Culture; 
 Professor of Political and Social Ethics, Columbia University. 
 
 Rev. John G. Anderson, Tampa, Fla. 
 
 Rev. Neal L. Anderson, Montgomery, Ala. Member of Alabama Child Labor 
 Committee. 
 
 Mrs. Emmons Blaine, Chicago, 111. Member of Chicago City Homes Asso- 
 ciation. 
 
 John Graham Brooks, Cambridge, Mass. President of American Social 
 Science Association and of National Consumers' League. 
 
 A. J. Cassatt, Haverford, Pa. President of the Pennsylvania Railroad. 
 
 Edgar E. Clark, Cedar Rapids, Iowa. Grand Chief Conductor, Order of 
 Railway Conductors of America; member of the National Anthracite 
 Coal Commission. 
 
 Hon. Grover Cleveland, Princeton, N. J. Ex-President of the United States. 
 
 Hon. Robert W. De Forest, New York City. President Charity Organiza- 
 tion Society of the City of New York; Chairman New York State Tene- 
 ment House Commission of 1900; First Tenement House Commissioner 
 of the City of New York, 1902-03; Vice-President Central Railroad of 
 New Jersey; Attorney-at-Law. 
 
 Edward T. Devine, New York City. General Secretary, Charity Organization 
 Society of the City of New York; editor of Charities, and director New 
 York School of Philanthropy; Professor of Social Work in Columbia 
 University. 
 
 Mrs. Sarah S. Platt Decker, Denver, Col. President General Federation of 
 Women's Clubs. 
 
 Charles W. Eliot, Cambridge, Mass. President, Harvard University. 
 
 Arthxir F. Estabrook, Boston, Mass. Banker. 
 
 Hon. N. B. Feagin, Birmingham, Ala. Judge in the City Court; Leader in 
 Penal and Humanitarian Reform. 
 
 Hon. Homer Folks, New York City. Secretary State Charities Aid Asso- 
 ciation; formerly Commissioner of Public Charities of New York 
 City. 
 
 Hugh F. Fox, Plainfield, N. J. President New Jersey Children's Protective 
 Alliance. 
 
 [566] 
 
Annual Meeting of the National Child Labor Committee 153 
 
 Edward W. Fkost, Milwaukee, Wis. Attorney-at-law ; President Children's 
 Betterment League. 
 
 His Eminence James Cardinal Gibbons, Baltimore, Md. 
 
 Rt. Rev. David H. Greer, New York City. Bishop Coadjutor, Episcopal Dio- 
 cese of New York. 
 
 Hon. J. B. Gaston, Montgomery, Ala. Member of Alabama Child Labor 
 Committee. 
 
 William E. Harmon, New York City. Real Estate broker. 
 
 Hon. Clark Howell, Atlanta, Ga. Editor of Atlanta Constitution. 
 
 Robert Hunter, New York City. Chairman, New York Child Labor Com- 
 mittee. 
 
 John S. Huyler, New York City. President of Huyler's. 
 
 Mrs. Florence Kelley, New York City. Secretary of National Consumers' 
 League. 
 
 James H. Kirkland, Nashville, Tenn. Chancellor of Vanderbilt University. 
 
 Hon. Ben B. Lindsey, Denver, Col. Judge of Juvenile Court. 
 
 Stanley McCormick, Chicago, 111. Comptroller, International Harvester Co. 
 
 V. EvERiT Macy, New York City. Treasurer, People's Institute; Member of 
 the University Settlement Society; Trustee of Teachers' College. 
 
 Hon. Beverley B. Mumford, Richmond, Va. State Senator. 
 
 Edgar Gardner Murphy, New York City. Secretary Southern Education 
 Board; Chairman, Alabama Child Labor Committee. 
 
 Adolph S. Ochs, New York City. Publisher of New York Times, Philadel- 
 phia Public Ledger and Chattanooga Times. 
 
 Gifford PiNCHOT,Washington,D.C. Forester, U. S. Department of Agriculture. 
 
 Isaac N. Seligman, New York City. Banker. 
 
 Hon. Hoke Smith, Atlanta, Ga. Attorney-at-law; Ex-Secretary of Interior. 
 
 Samuel Spencer, New York. President Southern Railway. 
 
 J. W. Sullivan, New York City. Typographical Union. 
 
 Graham Taylor, Chicago, 111. Warden, Chicago Commons; Editor, T/i? Com- 
 mons. 
 
 Hon. Benjamin R. Tillman, Trenton, S. C. United States Senator. 
 
 Paul M. Warburg, New York City. Banker. 
 
 Miss Lillian D. Wald, New York City. Founder and head worker Henry 
 Street Settlement (Nurses' Settlement). 
 
 Talcott Williams, Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 Rev. C. B. Wilmer, Atlanta, Ga. Secretary, Georgia Child Labor Committee. 
 
 John W. Wood, New York City. Corresponding Secretary, Domestic and 
 Foreign Missionary Society of the Episcopal Church. 
 
 Some time was necessary to perfect the plans for organization. 
 Executive officers were not elected and headquarters opened until 
 July 19, 1904, and effective work was actually begun ip September, 
 1904. It was felt, however, that the wide scope of the work before 
 the committee required the early assembling of the entire com- 
 mittee in New York city, and in connection with such a meeting it 
 
 [567] 
 
154 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 was determined to hold the first annual meeting and to make this 
 the occasion for a general survey of the field of work upon which 
 the committee had entered. The program arranged for the three 
 sessions was as follows : 
 
 First Session. 
 
 Tuesday, February 14, 8 p. m., Assembly Hall, United Chari- 
 ties Building, Fourth Avenue and Twenty-second Street. 
 
 Presiding officer, Dr. Felix Adler, chairman of the National 
 Child Labor Committee. 
 
 General Topic : "The Forces Arrayed Against Child Labor and 
 their Better Utilization." 
 
 1. Letters read from Cardinal Gibbons and others. 
 
 2. Opening remarks by the presiding officer. 
 
 3. "The Church," Right Rev. William N. McVickar, D. D., 
 Bishop of Rhode Island. 
 
 4. "The School," James H. Kirkland, Chancellor, Vanderbilt 
 University, Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 5. "Organized Labor," Edgar E. Clark, Grand Chief Conductor 
 of the Order of Railway Conductors, Cedar Rapids, la. 
 
 6. "Employers of Labor," Rev. Dr. Emil G. Hirsch, Professor 
 of Rabbinical Literature in the University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 
 
 7. Concluding remarks by the chairman. 
 
 Second Session. 
 
 Wednesday, February 15, 3 p. m., Assembly Hall, United Chari- 
 ties Building. 
 
 Presiding officer. Homer Folks, vice-chairman of the Nfational 
 Child Labor Committee. 
 
 General topic : "Review of Legislation on Child Labor, Methods 
 of Enforcement and Present Problems in the Several States and 
 Territories." 
 
 1. Opening remarks by the presiding officer. 
 
 2. "The Test of Effective Legislation," Owen R. Lovejoy, as- 
 sistant secretary of the National Committee. 
 
 3. "Legislation and Methods in the Western States," Judge 
 Ben B. Lindsey, Juvenile Court, Denver, Col. 
 
 4. "Legislation and Methods in the Northern Central States,'' 
 Hon. Halford Erickson, Comrhissioner of Labor, Wisconsin. 
 
 5. "Legislation and Methods in the New England and Middle 
 
 [568] 
 
Annual Meettng of the National Child Labor Committee 155 
 
 States," Mrs. Florence Kelley, secretary of National Consumers' 
 League. 
 
 6. "Legislation and Methods in the Southern States," Rev. Neal 
 L. Anderson, Montgomery, Ala. 
 
 7. "Some Physiological Reasons Why the Premature Employ- 
 ment of Children Under Modern Industrial Conditions is a Menace 
 to the Race," Dr. L. Emmett Holt, New York City. 
 
 8. "The Work of Women's Clubs in Securing Child Labor Leg- 
 islation," Mrs. A. O. Granger, Cartersville, Ga., chairman, Child 
 Labor Committee, General Federation of Women's Clubs. 
 
 9. "What the State Owes the Child," Samuel McCune Lind- 
 say, secretary of the National Committee. 
 
 Third Session. 
 
 Thursday, February 16, 8 p. m., Cooper Union, Fourth Avenue 
 and Eighth Street. 
 
 Presiding officer. Dr. Felix Adler, chairman of the National 
 Committee. 
 
 General topic: "The Need of Protective Legislation for Work- 
 ing Children." 
 
 1. "The Evils of Child Labor," Felix Adler, chairman of the 
 National Committee. 
 
 2. "The Child Labor Situation in Southern Industry," A. J. 
 McKelway, Charlotte, N. C, assistant secretary of the National 
 Committee. 
 
 3. "Child Labor Legislation, a Requisite for Industrial Effi- 
 ciency," Jane Addams, Hull House, Chicago. 
 
 This program was carried out almost to the letter. Unfor- 
 tunately Dr. Felix Adler, the chairman of the committee, was pre- 
 vented from being present, and the first meeting was opened by re- 
 marks from the secretary, who took the chair and spoke in part as 
 follows : 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen : It is a very serious responsibility that 
 has fallen to the lot of the secretary of the committee in taking the 
 chair at the opening of the first annual meeting of our National Com- 
 mittee, and I am sure it is a source of great regret to us all, as it 
 is to the chairman himself, that Dr. Adler cannot be with us. He 
 is confined to the house through illness, and I know that his disap- 
 pointment is doubly great because he has looked forward with so 
 
 [569] 
 
156 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 much enthusiasm and interest to this meeting. All of you know 
 Dr. Adler personally, and know what moral earnestness he puts into 
 any work he undertakes. We cannot overestimate the rare skill 
 and the great enthusiasm he brings to our cause. You will under- 
 stand how carefully he has planned and with what thought he has 
 worked to make successful this, our first annual gathering in order 
 to push forward the great work which our committee has under- 
 taken. I am very sure that I cannot in any sense undertake to fill 
 his place on this occasion; but I can, perhaps, take the program as 
 outlined here and present to you the list of the speakers. 
 
 The assistant secretary, Mr. Love joy, will read a few of the 
 letters which we have received within the past few days from 
 prominent persons in all parts of the country, indicating the wide- 
 spread support and intense interest which is being given to the 
 child labor discussion. There are special reasons why we should 
 take time on this program to read a few from among many such let- 
 ters, and I will ask Mr. Lovejoy to read one from Cardinal Gibbons, 
 one from Mr. Edgar E. Clark, the Grand Chief Conductor of the 
 Order of Railway Conductors of America ; a telegram from the Chief 
 Factory Inspector of Pennsylvania, Captain Delaney ; and another 
 from a prominent lawj^er. 
 
 Mr. Lovejoy: 
 
 Secretary's Office, Cardinal's Residence, 408 Charles Strcef. 
 Baltimore, Md., February 12, 1905. 
 Mr. Samuel McCune Lindsay. 
 
 Dear Sir: I regret that I cannot attend the annual meeting of the 
 National Child Labor Committee in New York next Tuesday night. I shall 
 then be on my way to keep an engagement in Cincinnati. 
 
 I beg to assure you, however, that I am in accord with the purposes of 
 this meeting. I shall be glad to endorse any adequate and just means that you 
 may see fit to adopt to prevent the employment of children at an age when they 
 need the home and school for their proper development physically, socially and 
 morally. 
 
 If some course can be adopted whereby the fathers of large families 
 may be enabled to provide for the wants of their growing children without 
 feeling the necessity of turning their little ones into the shops as bread- 
 winners, I think a good step will have been taken to prepare the way for laws 
 prohibitive of child labor. 
 
 Wishing you all success in your deliberations, I beg to remain 
 Faithfully yours, 
 
 (Signed) J. Cardinal Gibbons. 
 
 [570] 
 
Annual Meeting of the National Child Labor Committee 157 
 
 Order of Railway Conductors of America. 
 Cedar Rapids, la., Feb. 10, 1905. 
 Samuel M. Lindsay, Secretary National Child Labor Committee, 105 East 
 
 Twenty-second Street, New York City. 
 
 Dear Sir: Confirming my telegram of even date herewith, I regret to 
 be obliged to say that imperative business matters render it impossible for 
 me to attend your meetings of the 14th, 15th and i6th and the dinner on the 
 evening of February isth, to which I have been kindly invited. I regret my 
 mability to be present. I should be deeply interested in the discussions which 
 will be presented on this all-important subject. I hail with delight the organ- 
 ization of this National Committee because I believe that it is the right step 
 in the direction of methodical and effective work. Much has been done in a 
 sort of spasmodic way. Organized labor, wherever it has got on its feet 
 with sufficient security to permit of its giving thought to any subject aside 
 from its own immediate struggle for existence, has raised its voice in opposi- 
 tion to child labor. This is not, as some charge, indicative of selfishness or 
 desire to promote self-interest on the part of the working men. Organization 
 among working men is a cropping out of that hope for better things which 
 is ever present and is evidence of a desire on the part of working men to see 
 their loved ones enjoy the fullest possible and a reasonable measure of the 
 comforts of life, and their interest in the subject of child labor is a reflection 
 of their desire to have their children, in turn, enjoy better conditions of health 
 an4 life and work than they enjoy themselves. 
 
 Child labor, as practiced in many places, especially where the largest num- 
 bers of children are employed, is the mortgaging beyond redemption of the 
 health and the moral and physical welfare of generations yet unborn. I look 
 for far-reaching and great good to come from this organized and systematized 
 effort to reasonably regulate the employment of children, and shall be glad at 
 all times to do what little may be within my power to do to assist in that work. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 (Signed) Edgar E. Clark, Grand Chief Conductor. 
 
 Harrisburg, Pa., February 14, 1905.' 
 Dr. Felix Adler, Assembly Hall, United Charities Building, Fourth Avenue 
 
 and Twenty-second Street, New York. 
 
 Regret my inability to be with you to-night. Am pressing for new legis- 
 lation before the present legislature, which, if passed, will enable this depart- 
 ment to more rapidly improve conditions of working children. In two years 
 we have dismissed from factories and workshops and sent to the schools 
 nearly four thousand children. Our whole heart is enlisted in the cause, and 
 we will, if spared, place Pennsylvania at head of column of states against 
 the cruel evil of child labor. Your own splendid work is aiding us greatly. 
 God bless you for it. 
 
 J. C. Delaney, Chief Factory Inspector. 
 
 [571] 
 
iS8 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 J. H. Ralston, F. L. Siddons, H. T. Newcomh. 
 Ralston & Siddons, 
 Attorneys and Counsellors at Law. 
 
 Washington, D. C, February 13, 1905. 
 Dr. Samuel McCune Lindsay, Secretary National Child Labor Committee, 
 105 East Twenty-second Street, New York City. 
 
 My Dear Mr. Lindsay: I have just received an invitation to attend the 
 first annual meeting of the National Child Labor Committee, and do not 
 wish to let it go without saying that if my engagements here were not quite 
 imperative I should attend the meeting. There is no exercise of the police 
 power of government which seems to me so necessary as that which would 
 ■protect young children against the invasion of their rights of development, 
 which is certain in any industrial community which does not forbid their 
 ■working for wages and command school attendance. 
 With sincere regards, I remain 
 
 Very sincerely yours, 
 
 (Signed) H. T. Newcomb. 
 
 The Chairman : The last letter to which we have listened has 
 for me a peculiar interest because it comes from an able writer and 
 well-known authority on transportation and railroad problems, one 
 who has given expert service to the government, is a trained econo- 
 mist, and I think I may add, a democrat of the old school, who looks 
 with apprehension upon any extension of governmental activity and 
 even upon undue exercise of the police power of government. Please 
 note that he says : "There is no exercise of the police power of 
 government which seems to me so necessary as that which would 
 protect young children against the invasion of their rights of devel- 
 opment." 
 
 The National Child Labor Committee has been organized but 
 a very short time. The meeting for the purpose of organization 
 was held in New York City last April, and several months elapsed 
 "before an executive ofKce could.be established and the machinery for 
 practical work set in motion. Therefore we have been at work 
 practically only three or four months, gathering data from all parts 
 of the country, collecting literature and information concerning 
 "the laws, the economic and industrial conditions together with the 
 sentiment prevailing in the different communities with respect to 
 the protection of children. 
 
 The National Committee stands sponsor for the interest of 
 29,000,000 children- — there being that many under sixteen years of 
 'age in the United States, — all in need of protection for their proper 
 
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Annual Meeting of the National Child Labor Committee 159 
 
 development, educationally, industrially, morally and physically. 
 The committee, in a measure, stands for those progressive move- 
 ments which undertake to look after and voice the interests of this 
 great part of our population. The committee was not organized 
 with the intention of supplanting or taking the place of the local 
 efforts made in the various parts of the country to do this work, but 
 rather to co-operate with and to strengthen the hands of the bodies 
 organized for this work, or those making this a special feature of 
 the work of their organization. Women's clubs throughout the 
 country have taken this matter up through various organizations 
 and through their national organization ; and the head of the Gen- 
 eral Federation of Women's Clubs, Mrs. Sarah S. Piatt Decker, of 
 Denver, a member of the National Committee, expected to be here 
 at this meeting, but was unavoidably detained at the last moment. 
 The Consumers' Leagues have undertaken this as a definite part 
 of their work ; in fact, it was through their efiforts that marked inter- 
 est in this cause was aroused throughout the country; and the 
 National Consumers' League, the efficient secretary of which, Mrs. 
 Florence Kelley, a member of this committee, has done a very 
 great deal toward making our work practical. Our committee has 
 not been organized to take the place of any other existing com- 
 mittee or any other organizations established for securing more 
 adequate laws or better enforcement of existing legislation ; nor 
 was it organized for the purpose of securing national legislation, 
 for we are far removed from the point where we can deal with 
 this matter legislatively in a national way. Our chief purpose is 
 to develop a national sentiment for the protection of children and 
 to make the power of public sentiment felt in all localities, to raise 
 the standard gradually in the different communities, and to have 
 a standard established where none exists at present; to meet indus- 
 trial and economic conditions in this country in the way acknowl- 
 ledged as best by those who know those conditions best. Therefore, 
 if we keep these two thoughts in mind, any reasonable opposition 
 to the work of this committee may be met — and I am glad to say 
 no such opposition has been expressed. On the contrary, on all 
 sides, from all parts of the country we have been favored with the 
 most enthusiastic endorsement of our work. That it will be an 
 arduous work, requiring time, patience and skill, we shall realize 
 more and more at this meeting as the representatives of the various 
 
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i6o The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 factors arrayed against the evils of child labor tell us about the 
 conditions existing in their particular fields. 
 
 ^ The first speaker on the program to-night comes from a state- 
 not selected for its size nor yet for the particularly high standard 
 which it maintains in the matter of child labor legislation. How- 
 ever, I am glad to say that powerful influences are at work in that 
 state — and of these influences the speaker at this meeting is a leader 
 — to introduce a higher standard. A bill is now pending before the 
 legislature which we hope will succeed in placing Rhode Island 
 on a par with the best legislation in this matter in New England, 
 if not in the country. While our speaker was not chosen because 
 of the size of the state which he represents, we did not choose a. 
 small man. We chose a man whose mind is as large as his body 
 and whose heart is larger than both, and whose voice is raised' 
 in every good cause that makes for righteousness, fair dealing,, 
 and earnest endeavor — a man who needs no introduction to this, 
 audience, and I have great pleasure in presenting Bishop McVickar, 
 who will now address us on the subject of "The Church and Child' 
 Labor." 
 
 Bishop McVickar: 
 
 Rhode Island is not the largest state in the Union, but as in- 
 the past Rhode Island has its part to play, and it has always played 
 its part well in all the great struggles through which our country- 
 has passed. It holds to its tradition. 
 
 I am glad to be here with you to-night, for although I feel the 
 responsibility, I hail the opportunity of representing God's Church 
 as well as Rhode Island in the matter which we have in hand. And 
 I am glad that the Church should be placed in the very forefront, as 
 the follower of Him who once called a little child unto Him and 
 set him in the midst of His disciples, bidding them remember that 
 whoso should offend one of these little ones, it were better for- 
 him that a millstone were hanged about his neck and that he were 
 drowned in the depth of the sea. And since that day the Church 
 has stood in the very front rank in defense of childhood, as of all' 
 other dependent ones. And I am glad therefore that the Church 
 should be associated, as it is on this program, with all other noble 
 forces for good ; and, first of all, side by side with the school. The- 
 great function of the Church, as set forth by its Master, was a teach— 
 
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Annual Meeting of the National Child Labor Committee i6i 
 
 ing function. It was sent to teach — to teach the fundamental prin- 
 ciples of right and truth. And I cannot forget that through all 
 those long ages, when darkness seemed to threaten the world, that it 
 was under the protection of the Church that learning as well as right 
 and truth found their home. 
 
 I am glad, too, to be associated with organized labor, and only 
 wish that my brother, who is on the program to represent that 
 body, were here to-night, instead of absent. I should like to thank 
 him personally for the part that organized labor has taken against 
 this great evil. Only the other day, when some of us in Rhode 
 Island appeared before the committee of our legislature, to plead 
 for the passage of a bill for the better protection of little children 
 from oppressive labor, one of the noblest pleas, one of the most 
 forcible ones, was made in the name of organized labor by a man 
 who was its true representative. 
 
 I am glad, too, to be associated also with one who stands here 
 to-night to represent the employer. We have no quarrel with any 
 class ; we have no quarrel with labor ; we have no quarrel with 
 capital. It is to the interest of labor that the character of its employ- 
 ment should be raised and its morale be heightened, and it is to the 
 interests of capital that the best sort of labor should be kept in the 
 market and on a high level. We have no trouble with any class, 
 nor with any individual except the one who represents the meanest 
 and most short-sighted greed — for it comes to that at last, and I 
 never realized this more completely than when I listened and heard 
 the various pleas for and against improved legislation for the pro- 
 tection of our children in Rhode Island ; and I realized for my 
 brothers who came to speak against the law that we were urging, 
 that they did it with shamed faces, and that in the last analysis even 
 they felt that it was essentially the dollar against childhood. 
 
 I shall never forget the first time this problem presented itself 
 to me. I went to visit a mill village in my diocese and there stood 
 up before me a class for "confirmation." As I looked at them it 
 seemed to me that they were very small ; rather young for the rite. 
 After the services, when I was with the minister and his family in 
 his own home, I said to him: "Weren't those very young children 
 to be presented?" 
 
 He replied: "They were not young. Why do you think so?" 
 
 "They looked so small and puny." 
 
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i62 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 Said he: "Ah, but that is not because they are so young, but 
 because they have not had a chance to grow." 
 
 And then the wife went on to say that she was the teacher of a 
 Sunday-school class of boys and girls, and among them were those 
 fourteen and fifteen years old who could not read or write, and she 
 added, "how can it be expected that they should ?" And then she told 
 me how, in that village, in the early morning, before daylight, the 
 whole family in the house would be up, and after a hasty meal, 
 father, mother, children, each and all of them, would go to the mill 
 and were there until the evening. Then, in order to conform to the 
 requirements of law, as to the education of children, an evening 
 school was conducted where, for two hours, these little children, 
 tired and fagged in mind and body, were gathered and the absurd 
 pretense was made of teaching them something, when their brains 
 were in no condition to take anything in. Then it seemed to me the 
 problem stood before me in all its horrors. I realized the truth 
 of the tales and descriptions that I had heard of the factory system, 
 of the mills and mines, where little children, made to work through 
 the long, weary hours, day or night, soon became haggard, stunted 
 and deformed, and caricatures of age, before they had more than 
 tasted of childhood ; old and wasted when they should be fresh with 
 the dews of childhood. It seemed to me, too, that the picture could 
 not be painted in color or form too darkly or too abhorrently. That 
 picture, in all its hideousness, is not to be taken alone from Rhode 
 Island. Rhode Island, while not foremost in its legislation for the 
 protection of children, does not stand entirely in the rear in this mat- 
 ter ; and when I speak of Rhode Island, it is simply to illustrate, what 
 in some other places may be found in more aggravated form. Rhode 
 Island has her faults, but she has her virtues, too, and she has her 
 conscience; and her conscience is thoroughly stirred to-day, and 
 we shall hear within the next week of her improved child labor 
 legislation in response to her recently awakened sensibility She has 
 her problems to meet, but she is going to meet them as she has met 
 her problems in the past. I don't want anybody here, least of all the 
 reporters, to say that I have held up Rhode Island to scorn. Not the 
 largest in extent of territory among the states, she still has a noble 
 history and she will ever be fulfilling that history. 
 
 And now, in conclusion, let me say again, tliat the Church takes 
 her place and raises her voice in this great campaign. The Church 
 
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Annual Meeting of the National Child Labor Committee 1 63 
 
 has been misunderstood at times. She has been thought to lag in 
 public movements, when people have tried to gain her influence for 
 some specific cause, and she has refused to come down into the 
 arena of party strife. But we all know that she ever stands for the 
 cause of righteousness; nor only that, but she stands for that 
 "Philanthropy Divine" of which the poet has spoken, which extends 
 its interest over all humanity, and most certainly so in her care of 
 the weak, and of those least able to care for themselves. 
 
 The Church does one other thing. She sends into the world 
 men and women, well equipped and inspired with the highest ideals, 
 to do her work in every department of life, — to be better men and 
 women, in business and society, better citizens in the state. That is 
 what the Church does, and I am thankful to say that the Church can 
 be depended upon for that. And it is to Christian citizenship that 
 the matter of child labor makes a strong appeal. What is to become 
 of the state if its future citizens are allowed to be stunted and con- 
 torted by unhallowed use, and forced to grow up stupid and illiter- 
 ate? It has been said by a wise writer that the experiment of 
 democratic government is still in its early stages. Our land has 
 passed through many crises, and God grant that it may pass tri- 
 umphantly through the crises which still confront it as those of the 
 past ! But if the republic is to continue to exist, and to go on and 
 develop, and become all that it is intended to become, its citizenship 
 must be of the highest order. Those from other lands, under differ- 
 ent rules, must be enlightened. Our citizenship must be educated, 
 its morale must be high. To-day, the problem that menaces this 
 country — one of its greatest — is as to its ability to assimilate the vast 
 tide of immigration which is inundating our shores unparalleled in 
 all history, whether America can assimilate that great mass, strongly 
 tinctured as it is with ignorace. Shall that ignorance be only added 
 to and darkened by the coming home-born generation? 
 
 My friends, I congratulate you upon the wave of awakened 
 feeling which is passing over this country at the present time, awak- 
 ened only within the last few years, scarcely more, and of which 
 this and like meetings are an abundant indication. 
 
 The Chairman : I am sure that we all, and particularly those 
 who are connected with the work of our National Committee, realize 
 the necessity of having the moral forces of the community back of 
 
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164 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 any great movement. What Bishop McVickar has said of this work 
 has been said also by representatives of other branches of the church 
 — Protestant and Catholic and Jewish. 
 
 But there is an institution in society to which the obligation 
 to protect childhood has been given over in a special sense — 
 the school, which stands sponsor for the education of the child in 
 all its various departments, from the kindergarten to the university. 
 ] think we are especially favored to-night in having for the repre- 
 sentative of that institution one who has stood for years as the 
 leader of the higher educational thought of the South, who is in 
 thorough sympathy and accord with the best life and best thought 
 of the South; and I am glad to say that he has consented to come 
 so far to speak to us to-night on the topic of "The School as a 
 Force Arrayed Against the Evils of Child Labor." [Dr. Kirkland's 
 address appears in full in this volume of proceedings.] 
 
 We have already heard from organized labor in the letter that 
 Mr. Clark has sent to us, expressing his regret at his inability to 
 be here to-night. I do not think there has been a single discordant 
 note in the reports that have come from organized labor in all parts 
 of the country and in their agreement in their position with respect 
 to the evils of child labor. President Gompers has written very 
 strongly on this subject, representing the American Federation of 
 Labor; John Mitchell, president of the United Mine Workers, has 
 written on several occasions in connection with the work of our 
 committee, endorsing every feature of its propaganda. 
 
 In addition to the letter received from Mr. E. E. Clark, which 
 was read at the meeting, Mr. Clark has sent a communication to 
 the committee which he would have presented had he been able 
 to be present and take part personally in the program. His com- 
 munication on the subject of "The Restriction of Child Labor" 
 sets forth briefly and forcibly the position of organized labor, and is 
 as follows : ' 
 
 The first instance in which any important number of working- 
 men acted in unison in opposition to wishes or edicts of an employer 
 probably had nothing behind it except a desire and determination to 
 secure relief from some condition which laid upon them a burden 
 that had become intolerable. That such unity of action could be 
 used offensively as well as defensively was not thought of at that 
 
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Annual Meeting of the National Child Labor Committee 165 
 
 time. The children of Israel, acting in unison, refused longer to 
 make bricks without straw and when Pharaoh provided them with 
 the straw they meekly returned to their work. 
 
 Out of such a beginning grew the idea of organized effort among 
 workers to not only defend themselves against oppression but to 
 secure advantages which had been dreamed of by the individual but 
 Tiad been looked upon as impossible of attainment. 
 
 The next step in the progress of the movement was a realiza- 
 tion on part of the more thoughtful ones of the fact that, in addi- 
 tion to the work of combatting injustice and striving for better con- 
 ditions for the present day, it was possible to accomplish much of 
 good for the morrow and the days which are to follow the morrow. 
 And so, organized labor has ranged itself alongside of every 
 effort to improve permanently the conditions under which those who 
 €arn their bread in the sweat of the brow perform, and are to per- 
 form, their labor. 
 
 Mistakes have been made by and in the name of organized labor. 
 The same is true of every element or feature that enters, or has 
 •entered, into the civilization of the human race, not excepting the 
 Christian religion, but, on the whole, organized labor has con- 
 tributed in no small degree to the higher standard of civilization 
 which now obtains, and it is steadily increasing its influence for good 
 m direct ratio with its growing intelligence and its intensifying 
 desire to build for the welfare of those that are to come after. 
 
 Organized labor has not been impelled by a selfishness of the 
 day and hour when it has sought to have the greatest possible degree 
 of safety thrown around those engaged in hazardous employment; 
 to have sanitary conditions succeed unsanitary ones ; to prevent the 
 <'mployment of women at night work or in callings which, from 
 iheir very nature are destructive of female health, and to prevent 
 as far as is reasonably possible the employment of children in work 
 and under conditions which of themselves cry abroad the heartless- 
 ness of commercialism in this day and age. 
 
 It is indeed a cheering sign to see an active and organized 
 interest in the subject of child labor on part of men and women, 
 who, having achieved success in their several fields of effort, are 
 willing to give of their influence and their time to this humane and 
 worthy cause. And I have no hesitation about pledging to that 
 effort the most cordial support of organized labor and giving 
 
 [579] 
 
i66 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 assurance that the movement will be given all the impetus possible 
 from that source. Organized labor has set its face and its efforts 
 against child labor, and, having laid its hand on the plow, will not 
 turn back. 
 
 The workingman, even though he may be uncouth and of rough 
 exterior, feels in his heart the same impulses of love for helpmeet 
 and offspring that are felt by the more polished and refined man of 
 higher intellect or gentler calling. The American workingman has 
 a strong desire to see his children enjo}' advantages which he him- 
 self did not, and could not, have. He knows that the elements 
 which must enter into a higher and better civilization are more 
 intelligence, more education, higher morals and a more perfect physi- 
 cal development. He knows that none of these are to be attained 
 or even hoped for by the child whose early and tender years are 
 spent in grinding, exacting, wearying toil ; whose joy of the present 
 and hope of the future are lost in the never ceasing din and whirl 
 of shop and factory; whose childhood knows none of childhood's 
 happiness and whose prospects for a healthy manhood or woman- 
 hood are pratically absent. The American workingman in his organ- 
 ized capacity opposes the employment of children during the years 
 when their days should be spent in study and in healthful exercise 
 and amusement out in God's sunlight. 
 
 It is a difficult thing to awaken a strong public sentiment on 
 a subject which does not appeal to the patriotism of the people or 
 which does not affect their immediate, individual interests. It is 
 by far too common for people to look upon every effort as one cal- 
 culated to advance the material welfare of someone, even though 
 that someone cannot be found. Too often support and assistance for 
 worthy causes are withheld or refused because it is erroneously 
 believed that some ulterior motive is behind the movement. Organ- 
 ized labor alone in a crusade against child labor would be obliged 
 to combat all the natural obstacles which must be met, and, in addi- 
 tion, would be charged with having no higher purpose than to 
 secure the removal of children from employment in order that their 
 places might be filled with grown people at higher rates of com- 
 pensation. But those who are now lending their energies and their 
 substance to this work cannot be charged with selfish motives or 
 commercial purposes, and, in this work at least, the philanthropist, 
 the economist, the employer, the sociologist and the trades unionist 
 
 [s8o] 
 
Annual Meeting of the National Child Labor Committee 167 
 
 can, and will, work to a common purpose and toward an end most 
 devoutly to be wished for. 
 
 It might appear at first thought as though all energies should 
 be first centered upon the localities and industries where child labor 
 is most prevalent and where the conditions are the worst. Of course 
 those are the places where there is greatest room for improvement, 
 but what is needed is a rousing of the whole people. This is a sub- 
 ject which seems to be within the jurisdiction of the several states, 
 eiich for itself. If one state should enact laws to put a stop to the 
 employment of children in that state, there is every probability that 
 the industries thus affected would transfer their operation to a neigh- 
 boring state, and so long as there is the possibility of the industry 
 being transferred across the state line, there to thrive as before, 
 the willingness of state legislators to enact desired laws may be 
 doubted. It, therefore, appears that in the states where the evil 
 exists in the smaller degrees there is room for effective work. If 
 laws are there enacted which would prevent such states from being 
 used as a refuge by industries now employing large numbers of 
 children, the probabilities of success in attacking the system through 
 the legislatures in states where it is now strongly entrenched would 
 be increased. There is practically no hope of better conditions 
 except through legislation. Appeals to the humanity of those who 
 employ children would fall on deaf ears. Organized labor, wherever 
 found, may be depended upon to give cordial and earnest support to 
 efforts to secure the desired, or the best possible, legislation. 
 
 That the employment of large numbers of children through long 
 hours day after day and week after week has a blighting effect, mor- 
 ally and physically, upon the coming and on succeeding generations 
 is apparent to the most superficial observer. No one but a degen- 
 erate can look upon this subject without feeling a stirring of the 
 heart. The one who, having had his attention called to it, fails to 
 express condemnation of it or withholds encouragement to every 
 proper effort to overcome the evils which are inherent in the employ- 
 ment of children, in effect, though perhaps thoughtlessly, re-echoes 
 the denial of responsibility for his brother's welfare. 
 
 The Chairman : Another important factor in the forces ar- 
 rayed against child labor is the employer himself. As Dr. Kirkland 
 has said, first of all we hold responsible the school. Where we have 
 
 [581] 
 
t:68 The Annals of the Amertcan Academy 
 
 the school to guard the children properly we place them in its care, 
 not letting them get beyond the pale of the school until they are fully 
 prepared in their development for the responsibilities of life. Wher- 
 ever there is proper parental responsibility we keep the child in that 
 care until it is fitted for the physical obligations of modern indus- 
 trial life. But, above all, we hold responsible the employer, and, I 
 assure you, in the course of our work we meet all kinds of em- 
 ployers. Not long ago the owner of a large western factory, the 
 employer of many people, took me through his plant. We came 
 upon a little girl who, he said, earned $7 a week at piece work. 
 Bent over her machine, she was working as fast as her arms could 
 move. On hearing our voices in passing, she looked up, and when 
 I saw her flushed face already indicating physical disability I asked 
 her employer: "How much will she earn five years hence if she 
 continues at this work ?" And the reply was : "I presume we shall 
 have to have another girl in her place by that time." This is a type 
 •of the uneducated and the short-sighted employer. 
 
 Another employer said to one of our secretaries in the course 
 of an investigation not long ago, pointing to a group of boys: 
 "Look into the faces of these boys, and you can see that they are 
 not fitted for anything else. You must be careful not to be too much 
 •of a providence to people who are born for another kind of existence. 
 I shall oppose every effort that is made for improved child labor 
 legislation in this state." This is an employer of another type — one 
 who has neither education nor heart. 
 
 On the other hand, there is a large number of employers who 
 take a different attitude. One of the largest employers of labor in 
 the District of Columbia recently addressed a child labor commit- 
 tee in favor of supporting a bill fixing the age limit at fourteen, and 
 in the course of his remarks he said : "I believe it is an outrage, with 
 cur present opportunities for education, to deprive a child of the 
 opportunity to enjoy these opportunities. With our present busi- 
 ness facilities I think it is also an outrage to put the burdens of 
 industry on young children. I want none of them in my employ." 
 With that sentence he stampeded the committee, and they were 
 unanimously in favor of the bill. 
 
 There are, also, employers who take a larger economic view, 
 and who realize that it is to their own interest to favor the giving 
 of larger opportunities to the child. But they are rare. One em- 
 
 [582] 
 
Annual Meeting of the National Child Labor Committee 169 
 
 ployer in Pennsylvania, where there are now three bills for im- 
 proved child labor legislation pending before the legislature, has 
 said: "I do not want any children under sixteen years of age in 
 my employ. I do not believe it pays to have children. It pays bet- 
 ter to pay higher wages to adult workers and get the greater con- 
 centiation of eflfort which adult labor can bring." 
 
 And because we meet with all kinds of employers we want to 
 hear, in their language, the attitude which they assume in general 
 in the fight we are waging against child labor, and we are glad 
 to have with us to-night one who can present this subject so sym- 
 pathetically from the employer's standpoint as Dr. Hirsch. [Dr. 
 Hirsch's paper appears in full in this volume.] 
 
 The list of forces arrayed against child labor, or that may be 
 arrayed against child labor, is by no means complete upon our pro- 
 gram. There is one force, perhaps greater than any one of these, or 
 even greater than them all, and that is the force of the great public 
 at large, the great force of public sentiment, the force to which you 
 and I — all of us here — may contribute. 
 
 I have sometimes felt, in looking over the list of those who 
 have joined our committee from all parts of the country — repre- 
 senting all shades of political creed and religious faith, and the 
 interests of the employer and the employed — that there could not be 
 brought together a more remarkable array of busy and representa- 
 tive persons, who have been willing to give part of their time and 
 thought to this great cause. I am much encouraged by the meet- 
 ing to-night, for I appreciate that in the midst of the busy season 
 in New York, with its many attractions, the presence of this large 
 audience is significant of a wider public interest in this question 
 •of child labor than many of us dared to hope for.' The thought 
 Avhich we all need to take home with us is: How can we translate 
 these beautiful sentiments to which reference has been made here 
 to-night into legislation and social work that will make child labor 
 impossible in every part of the country. We must remove the evils 
 of child labor by placing upon our statute books eiifective legisla- 
 tion and by seeing that such laws are respected and enforced. 
 
 The second session was opened by Mr. Isaac N. Seligman, who 
 took the chair in the absence of the vice-chairman of the National 
 Committee and who introduced the following speakers: Mr. Owen 
 R. Lovejoy, Judge Ben B. Lindsey, Mrs. Florence Kelley, Rev. 
 
 [583] 
 
1 70 The Annals of the Amencan Academy 
 
 Neal L. Anderson and Mrs. A. O. Granger. All of these addresses 
 are printed in full in this volume, and in addition to them a paper 
 by Hon. Halford Erickson, Commissioner of Labor of Wisconsin, 
 on "Child Labor Legislation — Methods of Enforcement in the 
 Northern Central States," and a paper by Mr. Hugh F. Fox, presi- 
 dent of the Children's Protective Alliance of New Jersey, upon 
 "The Operation of the New Child Labor Law in New Jersey." Mr. 
 Fox's paper was contributed through the Department of Philan- 
 thropy, Charities and Social Problems of The Annals of the 
 American Academy of Political and Social Science, and included 
 here as properly belonging with the subject matter of this meeting. 
 Mr. Erickson's paper was one of those read by title. The papers 
 of Dr. L. Emmet Holt, of New York City, on "Some Physiological 
 Reasons why Premature Employment of Children under Modern 
 Industrial Conditions is a Menace to the Race," and of the secretary, 
 Dr. Samuel McCune Lindsay, on "What the State Owes the Child," 
 were read by title and are reserved for future publication. 
 
 Both the first and second sessions were largely • attended by 
 representative audiences, which taxed the limits of the seating ca- 
 pacity of the assembly hall of the United Charities Building. 
 
 The third session of the annual meeting was perhaps the most 
 interesting of all the sessions of the annual meeting. It took place in 
 Cooper Union under the joint auspices of the National Child Labor 
 Committee and the People's Institute. Approximately sixteen hun- 
 dred people, made up of the rank and file of the thinking people 
 among the working classes of the lower East Side of New York, with 
 a sprinkling representation from all sections of the city, listened to in- 
 spiring addresses from the speakers on the program. Dr. Felix Ad- 
 ler, the chairman of the committee, was again detained by illness and 
 the secretary acted as the presiding officer. Dr. McKelway spoke on 
 "The Child Labor Situation in Southern Industry," and Miss Jane 
 Addams, of Hull House, on "Child Labor Legislation as a Requisite 
 for Industrial Efficiency." Both of these papers are printed in 
 full in this volume of proceedings. In addition to these, brief ad- 
 dresses were made by Judge Lindsey, who spoke with much fervor 
 upon "Positive Work for the Development of Youth in Social Vir- 
 tues, Industry and Knowledge," and also by Hon. Edgar T. Davies, 
 Chief Factory Inspector of the State of Illinois, who spoke of the 
 work of the Department of Factory Inspection in the enforcement 
 
 [584] 
 
Annual Meeting of the National Child Labor Committee 171 
 
 of child labor legislation and who illustrated from results already 
 obtained in Illinois what an active and efficient department of fac- 
 tory inspection may do to make such legislation effective. 
 
 The annual meeting of the National Child Labor Committee 
 adjourned at the close of the session held in Cooper Union, its mem- 
 bers feeling that the work before it constituted a large task which 
 could not be completed in a single year, nor, indeed, in several years 
 of persistent effort. But the general feeling also prevailed that the 
 forces of the community had responded to the call for special effort 
 in this direction in a way to encourage the belief that they were 
 numerou.s enough and strong enough to cope with these great evils 
 and to overcome both the greed of employers and the greed of 
 parents, who are willing to sacrifice the interest of their children for 
 the sake of personal gain. The advance already made in legislation 
 setting up an American standard on this subject and in the enforce- 
 ment of state legislation encourages us to believe that the day is not 
 far distant when the true interests of the children within the state 
 may be deemed paramount to every other consideration of com- 
 mercial prosperity. 
 
BOOK DEPARTMENT 
 
 Adams, T. S., and Sumner, Miss H. L. Labor Problems. Pp. xv, 579- 
 
 Price, $1.60. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1905. 
 The authors have aimed to furnish "a convenient collection of facts that 
 will facilitate the study and teaching of the American labor problem." In 
 this they have been very successful, and the book is admirably adapted for 
 the purpose. It is written in a broad and sympathetic way, with every effort 
 to state the facts fairly and clearly. Each chapter has a bibliography 
 appended, making possible more extended studies. Although a text-book,, 
 much new material relative to the success of profit-sharing and co-operation 
 is presented. By the use of thin paper the publishers have kept the volume 
 in small compass. 
 
 The importance attached to this great social movement by thoughtful 
 observers is reflected by the fact that the authors are connected with the 
 University of Wisconsin; Dr. Adams being the assistant professor of 
 Political Economy, while Miss Sumner holds an honorary fellowship in the 
 same department. 
 
 It is not a history of organized labor alone, but comprehends such topics as 
 child labor, immigration and other large phases of the subject. To those 
 who would know the facts and catch the spirit, of the labor movement, this 
 book is heartily recommended. 
 
 Alden, Percy. The Unemployed. Pp. iv, 199. Price, is. London: P. S.. 
 
 King & Son, 1905. 
 This little monograph is very interesting and suggestive and deserves atten- 
 tion outside of England, though written primarily for English readers. The- 
 author advocates the establishment of a government department, compulsory 
 labor bureaus, relief stations, a graded system of labor colonies, etc. 
 
 American Economic Association, Papers and Proceedings of the Seventeenth. 
 
 Annual Meeting. Part I. Pp. 226. Price (paper, $1.00). New York: 
 
 The Macmillan Company, 1905. 
 This volume treats of three subjects: Free Trade, Credit and Money, Open' 
 versus Closed Shop. These papers and discussions, particularly as regards 
 the last topic, are of great interest and value. 
 
 Anemia in Porto Rico, Report of the Commission for the Study and Treat- 
 ment of. Pp. 120, Ixxi. San Juan: Bureau of Printing and Supplies,. 
 1904. 
 
 No traveler in Porto Rico has failed to note the fearful ravages of anemia. 
 
 It is a matter of congratulation that it has now been demonstrated beyondJ 
 
 [586] 
 
Notes 175, 
 
 dispute that the cause is not mal-nutrition, but due to the presence of a 
 parasite. This admirable report indicates the possibility of overcoming the 
 disease. The report is printed in both Spanish and English. 
 
 Ashley, W. J. The Progress of the German Working Classes in the Last 
 Quarter of a Century. Pp. xiii, 164. Price, is. id., (60 cents.) London 
 and New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1904. 
 This little book is within easy reach of the class of people for whose use it 
 was expressly written. Like the other writings of Professor Ashley, it is 
 very readable. In brief, it is a collection of evidence as to the well-being 
 of German working classes. A contrast of the living conditions of English 
 workers with those in Germany, shows the former to be in a far poorer 
 state than the latter. It is the intention of the author to show that protec- 
 tion has been by no means bad for Germany, for he thinks the working 
 classes better off to-day than they were a generation ago, hence, by implica- 
 tion it ought to be a good thing for England. However, he does not commit 
 himself to any definite policy, proceeding only to scholarly examination of 
 evidence. The reader is thus left to draw his own conclusion as to which 
 is the better, free trade or protection; and if he has folowed the author even 
 fairly well, he is rather sure to conclude that the latter is the better policy 
 so far as the laboring class is concerned. 
 
 Ashmore, Sidney G. The Classics and Modern Training. Pp. vi, iS9- Price,. 
 
 $1.25. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1905. 
 The author, who is professor of Latin Language and Literature in Union 
 University, pleads for the classics which he thinks are not receiving due 
 attention at the present time. 
 
 Avery, Elroy McKendree. A History of the United States and its People- 
 front the Earliest Records to the Present Time. Vol. I. Pp. xxxii, 405. 
 Price, $6.25. Cleveland: The Burrows Brothers Company, 1904. 
 
 See "Book Reviews." 
 
 Bureau of American Ethnology. Twenty-second Annual Report. Part II. 
 
 Pp. 372. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1904. 
 This volume contains an extremely valuable contribution to our knowledge- 
 of Indian life. The chief paper is a description of the Hako, a Pawnee cere- 
 mony, by Alice C. Fletcher, who was assisted by an educated Pawnee, James 
 R. Murie; the music of the songs being transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy. 
 Capen, Edward Warren. The Historical Development of the Poor Law in 
 
 Connecticut. Vol. XXII. Columbian Studies in History, Economics and" 
 
 Public Law. Pp. 520. Price, $3.00. New York : Columbia University 
 
 Press, 1905. 
 This is a careful study of the Connecticut laws from 1634 down to 1903. The 
 state presents an excellent field for such investigation by virtue of the great 
 development of the towns as compared with state and county. Experience 
 has shown that while the town system brings local responsibility, the unit 
 is too small in many ways. Since 1837, therefore, the activity of the state- 
 has increased. To-day the towns really block the plans proposed to dis- 
 
 [587] 
 
174 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 trict the state, while the uneven quality of the work done for the various 
 needy classes is open to criticism. The history is interestingly set forth, 
 each statement of fact is verified by references, and the volume rendered 
 more useful by indices and bibliography. The volume should instruct not 
 only legislators of Connecticut, but of other states as well. Dr. Capen is to 
 be congratulated upon his excellent monograph. 
 
 Colquhoun, Archibald R. Greater America. Pp. xii, 436, with Maps and 
 
 Diagrams. Price, $2.50. New York: Harper Brothers, 1904. 
 Reserved for later notice. 
 Cosentini, Franfois. La Sociologie Genetique. Pp. xviii, 205. Price, 3f.7S. 
 
 Paris : Felix Alcan, 1905. 
 This little volume is a study of pre-historic social life and thought, and 
 gives in brief compass an excellent resume of what is known and believed of 
 early man and his institutions. A bibliography accompanies each chapter. 
 The author, a professor in the University of Brussels, takes at times rather 
 advanced positions, but his interpretation of the results of recent archaeo- 
 logical and ethnological researches is most interesting. 
 Deecke, W. Italy. Translated from the German by H. A. Nesbitt. Pp. xii, 
 
 485. Price, $5.00. New York : The Macmillan Company, 1905. 
 Professor Deecke's Italy is a monumental piece of painstaking German schol- 
 arship. It is a study, primarily economic, somewhat similar in scope to 
 Shaler's United States. It differs in that it is all done by one man, and is 
 all done carefully and well. The illustrations are good, the maps are excel- 
 lent, and the range of information, including geology and art, is sufficient 
 to satisfy the wants of the man of affairs and the student of economic con- 
 ditions. It is a piece of careful scientific work such as one rarely meets 
 outside of Germany, though the multitude of facts presented occasionally 
 makes hard reading. 
 Ferraris, Carlo F. L' Amministrasione Locale Inglese nel suo Ordinamento 
 
 Generale. Pp. 49. Roma: Nuova Autologia, 1904. 
 
 Fish, Carl Russell. The Civil Service and Patronage. (Harvard His- 
 torical Studies.) Pp. xi, 281. Price, $2.00. New York : Longmans, 
 Green & Co., 1905. 
 Reserved for later notice. 
 
 Flanders, Henry. An Exposition of the Constitution of the United States. 
 Fifth Edition. Pp. xii, 326. Philadelphia: T. and J. W. Johnson & Co., 
 1904. 
 This is a new and enlarged edition of a little book designed to afford a con- 
 venient manual for the use of students of the Constitution of the United 
 States. Each provision of the Constitution is intelligently explained under 
 an appropriate heading and in the light of its historical origin, authoritative 
 judicial interpretation and the well-established precedents. • It is in a sense 
 an elementary treatise on constitutional law, but is intended rather for the 
 lay reader than the professional student. As such it is one of the clearest 
 and most useful of the briefer manuals that has appeared. 
 
 [588] 
 
Notes 1 75 
 
 Jox, Wilson. Second Report on Wages, Earnings and Conditions of Em- 
 ployment of Agricultural Labourers in the United Kingdom. (Labour 
 Department, Board of Trade.) Pp. xii, 263. Price, 2s. pd. London: 
 Darling & Son, 1905. 
 
 Hobhouse, L. T. Democracy and Reaction. Pp. viii, 244. Price, $1.50. New 
 
 York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1905. 
 See "Book Reviews." 
 HoUis, John Porter. The Period of Reconstruction in South Carolina. 
 
 (Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, 
 
 Series XXHL Nos. I and 2.) Pp. 129. 
 This is a valuable monograph on the early history of the reconstruction 
 period in South Carolina and constitutes the first installment of a projected 
 comprehensive history of the entire reconstruction movement in that state. 
 The present monograph attempts to show the economic and political effects 
 of the Civil War on South Carolina, the chief features of the constitution 
 of 1865, the failure of reconstruction under that constitution, the events 
 leading up to the convention of 1868 and the operations of the Freedmen's 
 Bureau in South Carolina. 
 Horton, Isabelle. The Burden of the City. Pp. 222. Price, 50 cents. 
 
 Chicago : Fleming H. Revell Company, 1905. 
 This little volume is intended as a text-book in the Home Mission Study 
 Course. It is strongly evangelical, but is free from cant. The author has a 
 deal of shrewd insight into human nature and much knowledge of social 
 conditions. The style is interesting and the contents suggestive. Each 
 chapter has a bibliography. 
 Hubbard, Arthur J., and Hubbard, George. Neolithic Dew Ponds and 
 
 Cattleways. Pp. xii, 71. Price, $1.25 or 3s. 6d. New York and London: 
 
 Longmans, Green & Co., 1905. 
 This little volume deals with certain aspects of the life of neolithic man in 
 England as revealed in the fortified hill — encampments of the Southern 
 downs. The argument turns upon the question of the water supply of the 
 neolithic herdsman, who, exposed as he was to the attacks of wild animals 
 as well as of human antagonists, found it necessary to make provision for 
 watering his herds while securing them from attack. This was done, the 
 authors maintain, by the construction of fortified dew-ponds in close prox- 
 imity to the settlement, with which they communicated by means of well 
 made cattleways. The fact that these dew-ponds communicate with some 
 of the enclosures is adduced as additional evidence of their having been 
 contemporaneous with the earthworks. The entire water supply for man 
 and beast was derived from these dew-ponds, the construction of which 
 involved in some cases as much labor as that of the earthworks themselves. 
 The suggestion here indicated and dealt with in a candid spirit by the authors, 
 is an interesting one and one which commends itself for further investiga- 
 tion. The half-tone illustrations made from photographs are admirable, 
 and altogether the book is one to be read with interest and profit by everyone 
 at all interested in the evidence relating to our ancestors of the stone age. 
 
 [589] 
 
176 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 Juncos, Manuel Fernandez. Compendia de Mora para las Escuelas. Pp. 84. 
 New York: Silver, Burdett & Co., 1904. 
 
 Lahontan, Baron de. New Voyages to North America. Two volumes. 
 
 Pp. xcii, 797. Price, $7.50 net. Limited numbered edition, $18.00. 
 
 Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co., 1905. 
 This interesting account of the life of a French adventurer in America, with 
 its strange mingling of fact and fiction, its descriptions of Indian life and 
 customs, forms the fourth of the American reprints being issued by A. C. 
 McClurg & Co. The editorial work has been done by Reuben Gold Thwaites, 
 who contributes the introduction, while Victor Hugo Paltsits, of the Lenox 
 Library of New York, has prepared an extensive bibliography. The original 
 title pages, maps and illustrations are reproduced. 
 
 The English version of 1703 is the one here given and its rarity may be 
 inferred from the fact that no complete edition has appeared since 1735. The 
 present volumes will be a welcome addition to libraries and collections of 
 Americana. " The binding is uniform with earlier volumes of the series. 
 
 Lamprecht, Karl. What is History? Five Lectures on the Modern Science 
 of History. Translated from the German by E. A. Andrews. Pp. ix, 
 227. Price, $1.25. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1905. 
 Under this rather extravagant translation of the original title Mr. Andrews 
 introduces to the English reader a series of five lectures delivered by Pro- 
 fessor Lamprecht, and published in Germany at Freiburg in 1904 as "Moderne 
 Geschichtsivissenschaft." 
 
 In the first lecture Professor Lamprecht discusses the gradual evolu- 
 tion of historic writing through the stage in which interest centres largely 
 or exclusively in individuals or special phases of human activity, into the 
 stage where these are subordinated and the emphasis is laid upon the col- 
 lective culture or civilization of that vast corporation of individuals which 
 make up a nation at any particular time. Examples of the former are geneal- 
 ogies, epics and political histories of the type of Ranke and Sybel. Of the 
 latter the histories of civilization afford a crude example. Till the seventies 
 the new tendency was still in its infancy, but during the last decades the 
 rise of sociology and anthropology has given it a new impetus. Historians 
 began to recognize the duty of studying the complex phenomena of the socio- 
 psychic life. The first step in this direction naturally led to the analysis of 
 the phenomena associated with the existence of great communities of men, 
 that is, nations. Next came the study and determination of socio-psychic eras 
 within this domain. The first good instance of this appears in Burckhardt's 
 "History of the Culture of the Renaissance," in which the great psychic dif- 
 ference between the Middle Ages and the period of higher culture is admir- 
 ably set forth. More recently the attempt to make a statement of the course 
 of a whole series of cultural ages was made by Lamprecht himself in his 
 "German History." 
 
 The other lectures deal with some of the basic problems connected with 
 this method, particularly the mechanism of the great socio-psychic movement. 
 This affords the author an opportunity of correcting and modifying some of 
 
 [590] 
 
Notes 177 
 
 the theories and statements of his "German History," which time and Mr. 
 Lamprecht's critics have plainly shown to be untenable. 
 
 Space does not permit a searching analysis of the work. It is in the 
 main an elaboration of the views expressed by the author and his admirers 
 in the controversy over "Was ist Cultur-Geschichte ?" excited by the publi- 
 cation of his history of Germany and the queries it aroused. Unfortunately 
 the book abounds in abstruse terminology borrowed from psychology and 
 kindred sciences, giving to the ideas a decidedly original appearance, when 
 as a matter of fact they are only old friends in a new dress. 
 
 List, Friedrich. The National System of Political Economy. Pp. xliv, 366. 
 
 Price, $2.00. . New York and London : Longmans, Green & Co., 1904. 
 The fiscal controversy in England has been the occasion for the reappearance 
 of several classical treatises of a more or less polemic character, and there 
 is nothing particularly surprising or noteworthy therefore in the reissuing 
 of this book, the most celebrated of them all. Coming as it did just at the 
 time when the inductive or historical school was emerging out of the revolt 
 from the system of natural liberty, List's system is interesting reading to 
 the student of the development of economic thought, especially in that his 
 revolt carried him to a further extreme than was the case with those who 
 cared more for methods of investigation. "I would indicate," says List, "as 
 the distinguishing characteristic of my system, nationality." And herein he 
 differed sharply and decisively with the various systems of natural liberty, 
 and between these he was not very careful to discriminate. In this, too, as 
 SchmoUer and others have pointed out, he was a better spokesman for his 
 times than were Adam Smith and his successors. Whatever one's opinion 
 of his convictions, his courage of utterance commands the admiration of all. 
 His formative influence upon opinion in this country was not exceeded per- 
 haps by that of any other writer upon the same subjects. 
 
 An introductory essay by Professor J. Shield Nicholson is a sufficient 
 safeguard against the readers forgetting the inapplicability of his arguments 
 to England at the present time. 
 
 McClain, Emlin. Constitutional Law in the United States. Pp. xxxviii, 
 
 438. Price, $2.00. New York: Longmans, Green & Co., igoS- 
 In this book Justice McClain has attempted to cover the whole field of 
 American constitutional law, not only from a purely legal point of view, but 
 also more or less philosophically and historically, within the limits of a 
 college text-book of 365 pages. Appendices giving the text of Magna Charta, 
 the English Bill of Rights, the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of 
 Confederation, the Northwest Ordinance of 1787, and the Constitution, make 
 up a volume, all told, of 420 octavo pages. 
 
 The book does not make the conventional division between the Federal 
 government, on the one hand, and state and local governments, on the other, 
 but considers the powers of government, both state and national, from several 
 more or less logically distinct standpoints. This will be best indicated by an 
 enumeration of the eight main topics selected for treatment. They are: 
 "System of Government," "Organization of Government," "Legislation," "Exec- 
 
 [591] 
 
178 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 utive Power," "The Judiciary," "The States and Territories," "The Relation 
 of the Individual to the Government," "Civil Rights." 
 
 Covering in a cursory way so vast a field, the book is necessarily in 
 many respects unsatisfactory. It has, however, the decided merit of con- 
 taining a selected general bibliography, topical bibliographical references for 
 each chapter, an analytical table of contents, and a fairly satisfactory index. 
 These mechanical excellencies render the volume an extremely usable one. 
 
 McKinley, Albert Edward. The Suffrage Franchise in the Thirteen Eng- 
 lish Colonies in America. (Publications of the University of Pennsyl- 
 vania. Series in History, No. 2.) Pp. v, 518. 
 
 See "Book Reviews." 
 
 McVey, Frank L. Modern Industrialism. Pp. xiii, 300. New York: D. 
 
 Appleton & Co., 1904. 
 According to the author's statement this is an attempt to condense six vol- 
 umes into 300 pages. He thinks that the future state is foreshadowed in 
 present industrial society. The social problems of which America from her 
 richness has the greatest burden, must be solved in the light of its teachings. 
 He then states these teachings by telling the familiar story of the English 
 industrial revolution and the rise, of Germany and the United States. 
 
 Then follow descriptions of some conspicuous mechanisms of industry 
 and commerce with the resulting achievements. The last third of the book 
 is devoted to the problem of the relation of government to industry. In this 
 part the railway is considered at greatest length, but the discussion does not 
 equal that given by Johnson in "American Railways." 
 
 The book on the whole is well written, but its wide scope makes it but 
 a brief introduction to the subjects treated. Parts of it are suited for use- 
 in high schools and lower college classes. 
 
 Molinari, G. de. The Society of To-Morroxv. Pp. xlviii, 230. Price, $1.50 
 
 net. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1904. 
 The author of this prophecy of political and economic organization is not 
 an unknown "dealer in futures." In 1844 he published a forecast of the social 
 effect of railroad development on the mobility of labor and proposed a "bourse 
 du travail" to correspond with the stock exchange and to furnish laborers 
 with daily quotations of the highest prices of all classes of labor in different 
 parts of the country, while rapid and cheap transportation enabled him to 
 go where he could compete for the best paid work. Fifty years later the 
 Bourse du travail was established in France, but M. de Molinari's view of the 
 economic influence of the railroad on the laborer was not wholly realized. 
 "The Society of To-Morrow" is a peace essay, with appropriate introductions, 
 fore-words and hind-words by noted apostles of peace, and tries to picture 
 things as they will be when the competitive struggle becomes wholly intellect- 
 ual rather than physical. Hodgson Pratt, Frederic Passy and Edward Atkin- 
 son contribute to the volume which is rendered in good English by P. H. 
 Lee Warner, who translated it from the French. 
 
 [592] 
 
Notes • 179 
 
 Patterson, C Stuart. The United States and the States Under the Consti- 
 tution. Second Edition. Pp. xli, 347. Price, $4.00 net. Philadelphia : 
 T. & J. W. Johnson, 1904. 
 
 See "Book Reviews." 
 
 Quaintance, H. W. The Influence of Farm Machinery on Production and 
 Labor. (Publication of American Economic Association. Third Series, 
 Vol. V, No. 4.) Pp. viii, 106. Price, 75 cents. New York: The Mac- 
 millan Company, 1905. 
 
 Rand, McWally & Co. Neiu Imperial Atlas. Pp. 172. Price, $2.50. Chicago 
 and New York, 1905. 
 
 This is an excellent popular atlas containing colored maps of all countries 
 
 with large scale maps of the states and territories of the United States and 
 
 Canada. The statistics are based upon the latest censuses. There is a very 
 
 useful marginal index upon all the maps. 
 
 Reformer's Year Book, 1905. Pp. 272. Price, is. London : "The Echo," 
 
 190S- 
 This valuable little manual of things social in England, formerly known as 
 the Labor Annual, may be secured in America from "The Comrade," 11 
 Cooper Square, New York City. 
 Ripley, W. Z. Trusts, Pools and Corporations. Pp. xxx, 477. Price, $1.80. 
 
 Boston: Ginn & Co., 1905. 
 "Trusts, Pools and Corporations" proves to be a compilation of articles by 
 various writers, arranged primarily with a didactic purpose. It differs from 
 most compilations or reprints in this particular. In other words, it is an 
 attempt to apply the "case" method to the study of corporations, as a desirable 
 supplement to the theoretical and historical treatises thereupon. 
 
 It is by no means easy for such a book to avoid the appearance of having 
 been merely put together to sell. To be sure, the case method is no experi- 
 ment, and there is no hardihood shown in its application in the present 
 instance, and doubtless the book will prove a valuable adjunct to the equip- 
 ment of the student. But a further compilation and classification of cases 
 would have been more reassuring to the student. An excellent beginning 
 has been made, and it is to be hoped that Professor Ripley will carry the 
 idea further in a later edition, a work for which his eminent services on the 
 Industrial Commission have so well qualified him. 
 Scruggs, William L. The Colombian and Venezuelan Republics. New 
 
 Edition. Pp. vi, 380. Price, $1.75. Boston : Little, Brown & Co., 1905. 
 Information concerning Spanish .America is much needed and much in de- 
 mand. People are beginning to realize that there is a problem to master before 
 we really understand these neighbors who are looming steadily larger on our 
 international horizon. Mr. Scruggs helps us toward this solution in the new 
 edition of his book on Colombia and Venezuela. He gives us the ripe fruit 
 of over a quarter of a century of residence and observation in those coun- 
 tries. He tells us about everything he has learned, history, politics, geography 
 and travel, and includes boundary disputes and the latest episodes of the. 
 Panama situation. 
 
 [593] 
 
i8o The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 Smith, J. Russell. The Organization of Ocean Commerce. Pp. viii, 153. Price, 
 $1.50 paper; $1.75 boards. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1905. 
 (John C. Winston Company, Philadelphia, selling agents.) 
 
 See "Book Reviews." 
 
 Smith, William Benjamin. The Color Line. Pp. xv, 261. Price, $1.50 net. 
 
 New York: McClure, Phillips & Co., 1905. 
 The author is a professor at Tulane University. He believes that there are 
 but two possible solutions to the negro problem, amalgamation or extinction 
 of the weaker race. The greater part of the volume is devoted to proving 
 that the negro is hopelessly inferior in every way to the Caucasian, and that 
 he is doomed to certain extinction. The author sees no ray of hope, even 
 if Booker Washington's plans were generally adopted. "But that the average 
 of the negro, both moral and physical, has fallen and is falling measurably 
 under all endeavors to lift him up is a fact that shines out clear in the light 
 of the foregoing statistics." The argument is largely rhetorical and con- 
 tributes nothing to our knowledge of what is going on. Any evidence 
 favoring the negro is either ignored or explained away. The full-blooded 
 negro is bad enough, but far worse is the mulatto. With the author's 
 desire to prevent the blending of the races the whites both north and 
 south are in hearty accord. No evidence is presented, however, to show 
 to what extent such an amalgamation is taking place. The book abounds 
 in extreme statements, and save to those who are certain that they know 
 the future, will create doubt rather than conviction. As a plea of an intel- 
 ligent partisan the book has value, but otherwise is not to be compared with 
 the recent volume of Mr. T. N. Page, who holds very similar views. 
 
 Sociological Papers. Issued by the Sociological Society (England). Pp. 
 xviii, 292. Price, $4.00. London and New York: The Macmillan Com- 
 pany, 1905. 
 The Sociological Society is to be congratulated upon its first volume. Most 
 of the papers included were presented before the society during 1904, and are 
 accompanied by numerous communications from various students upon the 
 subjects discussed. The book is welcome not merely because of the excel- 
 lent papers, but also because of the light it throws upon the headway soci- 
 ology is making in England. The new society, which already has a goodly 
 membership of prominent men, aims to further the study of social phenomena. 
 In the introductory chapter Mr. James Bryce advocates increased atten- 
 tion in university and other circles to social problems. The paper of Mr. 
 Francis Galton on Eugenics (in sturpiculture) has attracted favorable notice. 
 The author holds that the human stock is as susceptible to improvement as 
 any other. It is indicative of the English situation that Mr. V. V. Branford 
 finds it necessary to devote some twenty-four pages to an historical apology 
 for the word sociology, but the account is interesting. Professor Patrick 
 Geddes contributes a stimulating discussion of "Civics, as Applied Sociology," 
 while Dr. E. Westermarck tells of "The Position of Women in Early Civili- 
 zation." There is an account of an English agricultural village by Mr. Harold 
 Mann, in which it is shown that the standard of living is lower than in 
 
 [594] 
 
Notes i8i 
 
 London. There are also two good papers on the relation of sociology to the 
 social sciences, by Mr. V. V. Branford and Professor Durkheim. 
 
 The volume is well printed on excellent paper and will be of interest to 
 all students of sociology. 
 
 Stangeland, Charles E. Pre-Malthusian Doctrines of Population. (Colum- 
 bia University Studies in Political Science, Vol. XXI, No. 3.) Pp. 356. 
 Price, $2.50. New York: Columbia University Press. The Macmillan 
 Company, agents, 1904. 
 This volume bears the sub-title, '"A Study in the History of Economic 
 Theory," and such it is. It is a valuable contribution to the literature of the 
 subject. The author considers the population question as one of the most 
 important in economics, and he has collected with great care the ideas of 
 writers from times of early Greece down to Malthus. References are always 
 given and the writers quoted verbatim or paraphrased. 
 
 Arranging the doctrines chronologically, the author puts them in the 
 following groups : 
 
 I. The primitive attitude, usually taking the form of religious veneration 
 of the procreative powers. 
 
 II. The Greek view, which held the sexual relation in strict subordination 
 to the ends of the city state. 
 
 III. The Roman policy of stimulating population in order to expand the 
 state. 
 
 IV. The mediaeval Christian concept emphasizing celibacy. 
 
 V. The humanists, who sought the regulation of population in imitation 
 of classical views. 
 
 VI. The individualistic and the anti-ascetic attitude of the reformation. 
 
 VII. The mercantilist attitude, favoring increase of population as a pre- 
 requisite to national power. 
 
 VIII. The scientific attitude based upon a study of the relation between 
 population and the food supply. 
 
 The author shows that all of Malthus' ideas had been anticipated by 
 earlier writers. The volume will be welcomed by students. 
 
 Varlez, Louis. Les Salaires dans I'Industrie Gantoise. (Royaume de Bel- 
 gique Ministere de I'Industrie et du Travail.) Pp. cxlv, 239. Price, S-Sof. 
 Bruxelles : J. Lebegue et Cie., 1904. 
 Wack, Henry Wellington. The Story of the Congo Free State. Pp. 634, 
 
 XXV. Price, $3.50. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1905. 
 The king of the Belgians and the administration of the Congo Free State 
 have found an ardent champion in Mr. H. W. Wack, F. R. G. S., of the 
 New York bar. His book, "The Story of the Congo Free State," is a large 
 volume well and profusely illustrated, giving a general account of Congo 
 affairs and conditions. It seems to have been written by a stay-at-home. 
 The author claims that English rubber interests are opposed to the Bel- 
 gians and are pushing a false campaign of calumny against them. Mr. Wack 
 frankly admits that he went to the King of Belgium and secured the data 
 from official documents to write the "true" story of "a great colonizing under- 
 
 [595] 
 
i82 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 taking founded upon modern social science." He disclaims any desire to- 
 whitewash the situation, and says he is in no wise influenced by the cour- 
 tesies shown him by the Belgians. His refutation of the British charges is 
 so violent that, considering the sources of his information, the argument 
 is not convincing. The volume deserves attention, for many valuable facts, 
 are presented. 
 
 Wallace, Dillon. The Lure of the Labrador Wild. Pp. 339. Illustrations 
 
 and maps. Price, $1.50 net. Chicago: F. H. Revell Company, 1905. 
 This fascinating journal of the expedition into the unknown regions of 
 Labrador, conducted by the lamented Leonidas Hubbard, Jr., who lost his 
 life on the trip, has already passed into its second edition. The story is 
 simple and pathetic, yet withal appeals to some of the deepest instincts of 
 man. It is one of the most interesting accounts of exploration we have seen, 
 and will be enjoyed by all who read it. 
 
 Avery, Elroy McKendree. A History of the United States and its People- 
 front Their Earliest Records to the Present Time. Vol. I. Pp. xxii 
 and appendix, 405. Price, $6.25. Cleveland: Burrows Brothers Com- 
 pany, 1904. 
 
 This is the first volume of a history of the United States, to appear in 
 twelve volumes. The period covered by the present volume is the "Period of 
 Discovery." 
 
 "Twenty years ago," the prospectus says of the publishers, "they recog- 
 nized the urgent need for a really excellent popular history of the United 
 States, one that should be: first, trustworthy, without being a mere mass 
 of documents ; second, complete or extended enough to be more than a 
 mere skeleton, devoid of all flesh and blood of personal interest; third, so 
 lucidly written that its clearness of expression should make it as interesting 
 as a novel; fourth, liberally mapped; fifth, instructively illustrated, beauti- 
 fully printed and sumptuous. Dr. Avery has devoted years of study to 
 supplementing clearness of telling with correctness of statement and a true 
 philosophic historical perspective." 
 
 So much for origin. As to method: "Dr. Avery has built his narrative 
 upon the foundations laid down by others, often, however, being forced; 
 to go or to send to the fountain head." It is stated elsewhere that the 
 twenty-second chapter was originally written by James Mooney, of the- 
 Smithsonian Institute. That the material for the second chapter also came- 
 from that institution; and that the chapters on the Coronado Expedition 
 and those on the Spanish Explorations, "besides the general critical read- 
 ings they received were further examined by George Parker Winthrop, 
 librarian of the John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I.; Frederick 
 Webb Hodge, editor of the American Anthropologist, and Frank Heywood 
 Hadden, of Lawrence, Kans., all specialists upon this subject. What we- 
 have, in short, at least in chapters specifically mentioned above — and they- 
 
 [596] 
 
A History of the United States and Its People 183- 
 
 are the best in the volume, chapters I and II amounting to a real contribu- 
 tion — is the results of the scholarship of others cast into the literary mould! 
 of Dr. Avery's style. Dumas the elder compared his relationship with his- 
 numerous collaborators to that of Napoleon with his marshals. Dumas, how- 
 ever, never raised his "marshals" from their humble condition of anonymity. 
 Dr. Avery and his publishers have, in the cases above noted, been more 
 generous. What with all this candor — somewhat scattered, it must be- 
 admitted — and the complaisance of the specialists whose services were invoked,, 
 the most captious critic is effectually estopped from raising any question as 
 to the propriety of the system of history writing just described. 
 
 The volume before us is to be judged however not as a contribution to 
 historical scholarship, but as a work designed "to meet the wants of men 
 and women of general culture." From this standpoint it has, without doubt, 
 certain excellencies. It is written in an interesting style. At few points- 
 could the publishers have improved upon their part in the work. 
 
 On the other hand, not a few adverse criticisms must be recorded. Iti! 
 the first place, while the style has a certain pleasing smoothness, the reluc- 
 tance of the author to interrupt this compels him to fail, at crucial points, 
 to state explicitly what he is talking about, and the result for the reader is 
 perplexity. If it is sometimes fittingly eloquent, at other times the effect 
 hardly befits the dignity of history written for "cultured men and women."' 
 "But the nascent West need not pale its glory before that of the dead or 
 dying Orient" (page 65) is not eloquence to say the least. Again the' effort 
 to compress information by an allusion to what has not been told (pages 
 60-61) is always disastrous. 
 
 In his discussion of moot points. Dr. Avery shows an admirable desire to- 
 hold an even hand between contending theories. This virtue of impartiality 
 has, however, its limits. For example, the point of greatest weakness in* 
 Varnhagen's defense of Vespucci is not exposed at all. Good nature, too, 
 is not an unqualified virtue. Why should Marcou's generally derided theory 
 of the origin of the word "America" be mentioned at all (page 240). 
 
 But the greatest defect of Dr. Avery's treatment of the "Period of Dis- 
 covery" remains to be mentioned: its lack of proportion. The author claims 
 to rest his work upon the best results of scholarship dealing with his sub- 
 ject. It is not demanded that he should have conceived the brilliant 
 idea illustrated by Professor Cheyney in the idea of beginning the "History 
 of the United States" with a discussion of the European conditions that led" 
 to the discovery of America. But it is certainly little less than provincial tO' 
 devote ten pages (Chap. Ill) to fabled discoveries of America and twenty- 
 three pages (Chap. IV) to the resultless discovery by the Norsemen, while 
 disposing of the Eastern question and its bearing on the discovery of" 
 America in less than one page (108), and the work of Henry the navigator 
 in two more (109-111). 
 
 Our verdict regarding Dr. Avery's bibliography must also be that it might 
 be improved. We still judge from the standpoint of the "men and women of" 
 general culture" who are going to read this book. What are these helpless folk 
 to do with a list of writings in which a silly magazine article demanding that: 
 
 [597] 
 
184 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 America be renamed in honor of Columbus hobnobs with Santarem's "Re 
 searches?" In certain cases Dr. Avery has pointed out the importance of an 
 author's contribution to his subject. This idea should be utilized farther; and 
 inferior works, if they are to be mentioned at all, should be noted in smaller 
 type than more important works. Also, when the work on a subject is in 
 French or German, it ought to be mentioned. 
 
 We are pleased to learn that the publishers have decided to omit imagi- 
 native pictures. We should recommend that Dr. Avery make a similar sacri- 
 fice of irrelevant poetical quotations. The cover, the prospectus explains, 
 was designed along patriotic lines. It is unfortunate. For it mars an other- 
 wise splendid piece of book making. 
 
 Edward S. Corwin. 
 University of Pennsylvania. 
 
 The Cambridge Modern History. Planned by Lord Acton and edited by A. 
 W. Ward, G. W. Prothero and Stanley Leathes. The Wars of Relig- 
 ion, Volume III. Pp. xxviii, 914. Price, $4.00. New York: The Mac- 
 millan Company, 1905. 
 
 This volume of the Cambridge modern history covers approximately 
 the years from 1555 to 1648. The first decade of the latter half of the six- 
 teenth century is marked by a series of events that clearly indicate the tem- 
 pestuous character of the century that follows. In 1555 occurred the abdica- 
 tion of Charles V; four years later, in 1559, the treaty of Cateau-Cambresis 
 ended the long war between the two great Catholic powers, France and Spain. 
 Italy was freed from her invaders, and Savoy gained her independence; Eng- 
 land had lost Calais; Mary Tudor had just died, and parliament declared 
 Elizabeth the supreme head of the Church of England and substituted the 
 Book of Common Prayer for the Mass, while Mary Stuart proclaimed her- 
 self the lawful heir. More significant still was the change in the character 
 of Protestantism into an aggressive, militant Galvanism, relying for its 
 strength upon the people, and threatening not only the old faith but monarchi- 
 cal institutions themselves, in France, in Scotland, and to a less degree in 
 the Netherlands. In the face of this new danger Catholic France and Spain 
 drew very naturally together, while the church prepared for the conflict 
 by a careful reformulation of its tenets in the third session of the Council 
 of Trent, and by establishing the other instruments of the Catholic Reforma- 
 tion, — Society of Jesus and the Inquisition. Thus reformed, and with a 
 new zeal it came to the aid of the political powers arrayed against the new 
 Protestantism. The task before it "was the suppression of the threatened re- 
 volt in France, Scotland and the Netherlands and the dethronement of 
 Elizabeth as a heretic and a usurper" (page 260). 
 
 The vicissitudes of fortune attendant upon this task constitute the sub- 
 ject-matter of the volume. Unfortunately the central theme has impressed 
 itself upon only a few of the contributors and as a consequence we are con- 
 fronted with a series of studies closely related to one another in subject but 
 not in treatment. The editors might render an effective service by furnishing 
 
 [598] 
 
The Cambridge Modern History 185 
 
 the different contributors with reprints of the following from the original 
 plan. "For each of these (volumes) some historical fact of signal importance 
 has been chosen as a central idea around which individual developments are 
 grouped, not accidentally, but of reasoned purpose" (Vol. I, page 6). 
 
 The volume on "The Wars of Religion" presents too much accidental 
 selection and grouping. This will strike the reader forcibly at the very outset 
 in Mr. A. J. Butler's tedious narrative of the eight wars between Huguenots 
 and Catholics in France. Nor does the chapter on "France under Henry IV," 
 by Mr. Leathes, improve matters materially. One of the essentials of 
 good historical writing is a careful exercise of judgment in the mat- 
 ter of selection. Facts should be chosen with reference to their relation 
 to the treatment as a whole not merely because they happen to lie upon 
 the surface or appear with the first turn of the spade in the research 
 digging. Mr. Butler also contributes a chapter on the "End of the 
 Italian Renaissance," which is remarkable for its involved style and 
 its purism. Aristo could on occasion "Petrarchize ;" his wit is of the 
 "Burnesque" order rather than of the "Boccaccesque," while Forlengo is 
 particularly felicitous in writing "Macaronic" poems. This chapter, along 
 with the one on Poland, by Dr. Brosch on the "Ottoman Empire at its 
 Height," which is exceptionally good, and the two excellent studies by Mr. 
 Ward on the Empire of this period, constitute the portions of the volume 
 not immediately dominated by the great forces that give unity to the age in 
 western Europe. 
 
 The story of these forces as they developed in the Netherlands is simply 
 and entertainingly told in three chapters by the Rev. George Edmundson, but 
 the writer frequently fails to grasp the significant economic and racial factors 
 in the conflict, nor does he appear at all conscious of any but local phases 
 of the subject. The larger European interests of which the struggle in the 
 Netherlands formed an integral part are not kept in mind, the treatment in 
 this respect differing strikingly from Mr. Lawes' in the chapter on Mary Stu- 
 art. Mr. Laughton's chapter on the "Elizabethan Naval War with Spain," 
 while apparently the work of a specialist, suffers by comparison with Sydney 
 Lee's on the "Last Years of Elizabeth" and the "Elizabethan Age of English 
 Literature." In these we find a welcome respite from the interminable dates 
 and battles of the military and political history, and approach more closely 
 to the life and thought of the nation. The style is very felicitous, and we are 
 made to feel the abounding intellectual and physical energy of the Elizabethan 
 era. But of all the chapters in the volume, that by the late Professor S. R. 
 Gardiner stands out conspicuously as the work of a master. The research 
 and constructive thought of a lifetime apoear condensed and crystallized in 
 his chapter on England under James I, and that clarification which comes 
 from the highest kind of specialization is everywhere conspicuously present. 
 The important subject of Spain during this period is done by Martin Hume 
 with considerable success. Italy, which escaped in a large measure from the 
 internecine wars of the era, is treated in two chapters; Tuscany and Savoy, 
 by Mr. Armstrong, and Rome under Sixtus V, by Count Ugo Balzani, the 
 latter's account of the reorganization of the Congregation having special merit. 
 
 [599] 
 
1 86 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 As a whole the treatment of the era is strikingly uneven. The paramount- 
 excellence of some of the chapters is so evident that the weakness of the 
 others is made especially evident. The usual bibliographies are found at the 
 close, but as in the previous volumes no attempt at a valuation of the works 
 is made. There are occasional slips, especially in the matter of citing later 
 editions, as if the original were meant. The announcement by the editors 
 that after the issue of Volume XII, the narrative will be supplemented 
 by a volume of maps and by another containing geneaologies and other 
 auxiliary information, with a general index to the entire work, will be 
 generally welcome. 
 
 William E. Lincelbach. 
 University of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Conant, Charles A. IVall Street and the Country. A Study of Recent. 
 
 Financial Tendencies. Pp. x, 247. Price, $1.25. New York: G. P. 
 
 Putnam's Sons, 1904. 
 
 In these days when the public mind seems charged with doubt and sus- 
 picion respecting all financial and capitalistic institutions, and many persons 
 in their eager desire to crush certain forms or methods of industrial organ- 
 ization and procedure would hurry forward into universal socialism, this little- 
 volume of essays should obtain an extensive reading. Herein are six studies 
 of as many important phases of recent economic or financial developments. 
 They relate to: (i) "The Future of Undigested Securities;" (2) "The Trusts 
 and the Public ;" (3) "The Function of the Stock and Produce Exchanges ;" 
 (4) "The Economic Progress of the Nineteenth Century;" (5) "Putting 
 China on the Gold Standard," and (6) "The Growth of Trust Companies." 
 Those who infer from the title given the volume that they can learn from its 
 contents much concerning the intimate transactions of "Wall street," of its 
 intricate mechanism, of its "bull" and "bear" operations, the "short" and 
 "long" sellers, and the tricks of the pit and the curb in "corners" and panics 
 will be disappointed. The title is transcendental and suggestive of the sub- 
 ject-matter. 
 
 Mr. Conant's main objective, so far as his discussion relates to recent 
 stock exchange operations and capitalistic combinations, is to demonstrate - 
 that two plus two makes four and will continue so to sum up despite recent 
 novel and perplexing developments that seem to suggest a different conclu- 
 sion. Recent stock operations, such as the marvelous increase of industrial' 
 securities and the astonishing growth of trusts and gigantic corporations, 
 have not been irrational nor hostile to the public welfare. On the contrary, 
 trusts, although novel, are normal results flowing from immense increases 
 in disposable capital and declining interest rates. Industrial stocks are not 
 a whit different from any other corporate securities and they are subject 
 to the same laws of value that are conveniently summed up in the law of" 
 supply and demand. The trust is an effective device for increasing the- 
 efficiency or productiveness of the people's disposable capital. Mr. Conant's 
 analysis and discussion of most points, especially where popular opinion! 
 
 [600] 
 
The Monroe Doctrine 187 
 
 inclines strongly to repressive measures, is illuminating and judicial in tone. 
 He shows clearly that "publicity" is not a panacea for the evils of stock 
 jobbing. Certain beneficial results can be secured from public inspection and 
 exhibits, but the primary cause of the evils most loudly complained of in 
 this connection, is due to the investor's overweening desire for abnormal 
 profits or interest or dividends. No amount of publicity or governmental 
 paternalism can prevent men and women making stupid investments when 
 they are seized with a mania for "getting rich quick." All that govern- 
 ment can do successfully in such premises is to prohibit and punish gross 
 fraud or perversion. 
 
 Mr. Conant's admirable discussion is, however, subject to some adverse 
 criticism. He contemplates the recent phenomena of stock manipulation 
 chiefly if not entirely from the point of view of the investor and the pro- 
 motor of capitalistic enterprises. But while, in the large, the interest of 
 these classes is likewise that of the public, yet we know that there is more 
 or less conflict between the general welfare and unrestrained private ven- 
 ture; and no matter how much we may deplore increasing governmental 
 interference in current industry and commerce, the necessity therefor seems 
 imperative. Mr. Conant expresses marked skepticism respecting the wisdom. 
 of federal control of corporations, because corruption would so concentrate 
 at Washington (page 73), and regards as satisfactory the present state con- 
 trol (page 213). As one considers the frightful corruption that for years 
 has reeked in the legislative precincts of the state capitols of Delaware, 
 Illinois, Missouri, Pennsylvania and Rhode Island we doubt the sufficiency 
 of his argument. His assertion that the state inspection laws of New York 
 and Massachusetts insures the "solvency and sound management" of trust com- 
 panies is hardly consistent with not a little of his argument adverse to gov- 
 ernmental regulation. Moreover, we suspect that there are solid grounds 
 for the general consensus of opinion that the national banks are subject 
 to more thorough-going and effective supervision than the banks of any 
 state government in the Union ; and a consideration of the essential prin- 
 ciples of effective administration will indicate that the national administration 
 must needs excel state or local administration from the very nature of the 
 conditions under which they exist. 
 
 F. I. Herriott. 
 Drake University, Des Moines, la. 
 
 "Edgington, T. B. The Monroe Doctrine. Pp. viii, .144. Price, $3.00. Boston : 
 
 Little, Brown & Co., 1905. 
 
 The first half of this volume is a somewhat conventional discussion of 
 the origin and more important applications of the Monroe Doctrine. The 
 second half, which is suggestive and decidedly original, deals largely with 
 conditions as they now exist in the Latin-American republics and the duties 
 impo.sed upon the United States by its assertion of the Monroe Doctrine. 
 The author devotes much space to a refutation of the "Calvo Doctrine," 
 meaning thereby the denial by a well known Argentine publicist of the right 
 
 [601] 
 
1 88 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 of European powers to intervene in Latin-America in support of the pecu- 
 niary claims of their subjects. Mr. Edgington not only favors receiverships 
 where default is made in the payment of foreign debts, but he goes further 
 and advocates a form of political receivership for the suppression of revolu- 
 tions and for the settlement of disputed presidential elections. He sees no 
 reason why the affairs of an American republic may not be straightened out 
 by a receiver in precisely the same manner as the affairs of a railroad cor- 
 poration. 
 
 Some of the discussions, especially in regard to coaling stations and the 
 collection of international debts, do not indicate a very strong grasp of the 
 principles of international law. Vattel appears to be his main reliance, 
 though Hall is quoted twice. The book contains errors of fact as well as of 
 judgment. There is a good deal of unnecessary repetition, not only of ideas 
 but of phrases and in some cases of whole paragraphs. The most serious 
 imperfections are due to a lack of experience in handling sources, especially 
 a lack of acquaintance with public documents. The material is drawn largely 
 from the "Annual Cyclopedia," the "American and English Encyclopedia of 
 Law," and the daily newspapers. There are several references to the 
 "Messages and Papers of the Presidents" and to the "Statutes at Large," 
 one to Wharton's "Digest," several to the "Foreign Relations," but only to 
 one volume, that of 1902, and references to two senate documents. The 
 frequent references to "Senate Document, 330," containing the report of the 
 Second International Conference of American States, should be to "S7th 
 Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Doc, 330," and the references in chapter 27 to the 
 Foreign Relations are to the volume for 1902. 
 
 Notwithstanding grave defects the book is interestingly written and 
 suggestive. The author is a member of the bar of Memphis, Tenn. 
 
 John H. Latane. 
 Washington and Lee University. 
 
 Oilman, Nicholas Paine. Methods of Industrial Peace. Pp. x, 436. Price, 
 
 $1.60. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1904. 
 
 Professor Oilman's book is likely to be the precursor of a large number 
 of works in the important field of industrial relations. It is based on that 
 community of interest between labor and capital which has been so much 
 emphasized in recent magazine literature, and the subjects treated are: "Com- 
 bination of Employers," "Of Employees," "Collective Bargaining," "The Slid- 
 ing Scale," "The Incorporation of Industrial L^nions," "Conciliation," "Legal 
 Regulation of Labor Disputes in Monopolistic Countries," "Regulation in 
 New Zealand" and "The Essential Conditions of Industrial Peace." With 
 these he also offers chapters on "The Aims and Methods of Trade Union- 
 ism," "The Rights and Duties of the Public," "Industrial War," and a gen- 
 eral review of the importance of association in modern industry. The author 
 admits, without reservation, the usefulness and the necessity of combina- 
 tions of employers and of employees. The object of the book is not to propose 
 reforms to either side in the dispute, but to suggest principles of action which 
 
 [602] 
 
Democracy and Reactton 1 89 
 
 will allow of the efficient working together of the two elements, "to aid in the 
 better comprehension and the wider diffusion of the principles and the 
 methods of industrial peace." By industrial peace Professor Oilman under- 
 stands "the condition of things in which the ordinary processes of industrial 
 production go on regularly and quietly." 
 
 In a book designed to suggest means of co-operation between labor and 
 capital there is no room for discussion of the economic principles governing 
 the distribution of the proceeds of industry. Professor Oilman does not 
 criticize our present economic system; his whole aim is to secure peace and 
 quiet. In this respect the work differs from many modern discussions of the 
 labor question. Most of these latter are called forth by the need of a clearer 
 understanding of the justice or injustice incident to our existing methods. 
 The author of "Methods of Industrial Peace" passes this question by and 
 interests himself primarily in keeping things going. The various chapters 
 are of unequal value. "The Methods and Aims of Trade Unionism" and "The 
 Sliding Scale" are scantily treated, while "Collective Bargaining" is given 
 a much more thorough discussion. "Combinations of Employees" and "Com- 
 binations of Employers" are also somewhat hastily and summarily dismissed. 
 In fact, if a general criticism might be ventured on the whole work, it would 
 be that too much ground has been covered and that in consequence too little 
 intensity of treatment is shown. On the other hand, the author exhibits 
 an admirable breadth of view and impartiality which must appeal to all 
 readers. His object has been not to offer a monograph but a general 
 treatise, and in this respect the book is a distinct success. We may hope that 
 the individual chapter headings in Professor Oilman's work will eventually 
 become the titles of a series of treatises ; a wide circle of readers for such 
 a series would seem to be assured, particularly if the same spirit of impartial 
 investigation and fair-mindedness is shown. 
 
 James T. Young. 
 
 University of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Hobhouse, L. T. Democracy and Reaction. Pp. viii, 244. Price, $1.50. 
 
 New York: O. P. Putnam's Sons, 1904. 
 
 The purpose of the book is to show that democracy is following the 
 general course of every historic movement, advance, inaction, retrogression, 
 and to sound the alarm of a rapidly approaching danger — popular imperial- 
 ism. In the effort to establish the policy of protection in England the author 
 sees reaction.' In the prosecution of the Boer War and in the subsequent 
 attitude of England toward the South African republics he sees a plunge 
 toward imperialism in which the people are searching for world-wide power, 
 With the principles of the forefathers lost, the work of the past accepted 
 with barely a note of recognition; the middle class entered within the gates 
 of privilege, and against farther reform, the author finds himself forced to 
 the conclusion that conservatism for economic reasons has taken hold of 
 the Liberalist so firmly that it cannot be shaken off, and that in place of a 
 kingly despotism a new democratic or popular despotism has grown up. 
 
 [603] 
 
19° The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 A rather close student of Bentham and Cobden, Mr. Hobhouse looks 
 ■out upon the twentieth century world through a prismatic glass which dis- 
 torts his whole vision. After a brief outline of the ideals of the Cobdenites 
 an energetic attack is made upon the foreign policy of England, showing 
 that the general attitude of the people toward government is detrimental to 
 1:he interests of advancing civilization, charging at the same time general 
 intellectual decay. "The whole current of thought has joined that of class 
 interest and the united stream sweeps onward in full flood to the destruc- 
 tion of the distinctive landmarks of modern civilized progress." 
 
 In the last chapter, Liberalism and Socialism, the author attempts to 
 "break away from his general morbidness, b\it the reader is even here destined 
 to disappointment. Socialism is said to be based on the victories won by 
 liberalism, but whether it is by approaching the realm of the Socialist we 
 are to reach a "saner social value," or by some other means one is left in 
 •doubt. While well written, the book is full of expressions, which lead one 
 to believe it the work of a disappointed politician, rather than that of a fair 
 critic. Although the author shows clearly that there has been a great change 
 in economic, social and political ideals since the days of Cobden, he never- 
 theless fails to prove beyond a reasonable doubt, his thesis, that English 
 ■democracy is in the throes of reaction from democratic principles, and already 
 upon the threshold of popular imperialism. 
 
 Ward W. Pierson. 
 University of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Xinley, David. Money: A Study of the Theory of the Medium of Exchange. 
 
 Price, $1.25. New York : The Macmillan Company, 1904. 
 
 Professor Kinley is one of the few American writers on the subject of 
 money who have considered it necessary to familiarize themselves with the 
 practical details of exchanging before addressing themselves to the dis- 
 cussion of the principles which underlie exchange transactions. There has 
 "been a surprising amount of unreality about recent discussions of the theory 
 of money, and while the present volume is not wholly free from the pre- 
 vailing infection, it is in some respects an improvement over much that has 
 preceded. 
 
 In his general outline, Professor Kinley follows the conventional scheme. 
 He begins with the social importance of money, then passes through a dis- 
 cussion of its evolution, considers the question of coinage and currency and 
 its circulation, and of the services and nature of money. At this point, begins 
 the author's own contribution to the subject. This is contained in the chap- 
 ters on the Movement and Distribution of Metallic Money, The Static Dis- 
 tribution of the Precious Metals, The "Value of Money, Stability of the "Value 
 of Money, Significance and Causes of Changes in the "Value of Money, and 
 Credit and Prices. Following these, there are several chapters on Measure- 
 ment of "Variations, Bimetallism, etc., in which accepted opinions are rep- 
 resented. 
 
 Professor Kinley's discussion, of the distribution of the precious metals 
 is disappointing. Most of the modern writers upon this subject have 
 
 [6o4l 
 
Money 191 
 
 attempted to prove the unreality of the famous law elaborated by Ricardo ; to 
 the effect that "Gold and silver are, by the competition of commerce, dis- 
 tributed in such proportions amongst the different countries of the world 
 as to accommodate themselves to the natural traffic which would take place 
 if no such metals existed, and if the trade between countries was purely a 
 trade by barter." In illustrating the operation of this law, Ricardo assumes 
 what was then and is now the fact, that an increase of imports into a country, 
 if not immediately offset by an increase of exports, would result in an 
 exportation of gold which would continue until the increase in the supply 
 of gold used as money in the countries from which the nation in question 
 derived its imports, and its own decrease in money supplies would equalize 
 values in foreign trade. 
 
 Professor Kinley attempts to invalidate this proposition by the argu- 
 ment that an increase of imports results in an increase of exports. "As a 
 matter of fact a larger volume of foreign goods offered for home products 
 will draw out a larger quantity of these products in exchange. The home 
 products will fall in price. The exchange will alter so that both countries 
 will get some of the advantage arising from the lowered cost of the goods 
 exported by A. The price level will fall to a point at which there will be 
 new equilibrium of exchange between the imports and the home products. 
 Meantime a larger amount of goods has been sent from B to A. The price 
 level will fall there also, with the net result that there occurs a fall in the 
 price level of both countries, such that their, average prices bear to each 
 other the same relation that existed before, without any movement of specie." 
 
 Professor Kinley's assumption in this argument that increasing imports 
 tend of themselves to produce an increase of exports, is not borne out by any 
 recorded facts of foreign trade. On the other hand, the experience of the 
 United States in recent years is a conclusive refutation of his argurnent. It 
 almost invariably happens that an increase in imports resulting as they usually 
 do from high prices in the importing countries, produces a decrease of exports. 
 The importing country, in other words, has become a good place to sell in, 
 but a poor place to buy in. The result is, an export of specie until the 
 equilibrium is restored. Professor Kinley attempts to further modify Ricar- 
 do's proposition by introducing the influence of credit, but as he himself 
 shows in later chapters, the only service of credit is to increase the efficiency 
 of a given quantity of money, to reduce, in other words, the amount of specie 
 which must be moved out or into a country in order to produce a sufficient 
 change in prices to equalibrate its international transactions. 
 
 It is unfortunate that American economists in writing upon this subject 
 seem to forget that David Ricardo passed a long and successful business life 
 in the minute observation and careful study of the International Exchanges, 
 and that his conclusions were the results of personal observation. Ricardo 
 discussed movements with which he was familiar, and whose nature has 
 changed but little in the hundred years which have elapsed from that date. 
 In most branches of economics, great advances have been made since 
 Ricardo's time. In the science of International Exchange, however, latter 
 day critics should continue to sit at the feet of their master. 
 
 [605] 
 
192 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 Professor Kinley's discussion of the Changes in Value of Money, also- 
 leaves much to be desired. His studies of business phenomena have doubtless 
 convinced him, as they have every intelligent observer, that falling prices 
 are synonymous with industry depression and that prosperity always accom- 
 panies advancing prices. In view of this business axiom, we are surprised 
 to see in Professor Kinley's work a recrudescence of the exploded theory 
 that the workingman may be benefited by falling prices because the pur- 
 chasing power of his wages may increase more rapidly than their amount 
 declines. There are some fields in which the "crude guessing of unmethod- 
 ized experience" which Cairnes held in such scorn, furnish a better guide than 
 the ratiocinations of the deductive thinker. The recorded experience of the 
 business world from the time when business began is that falling prices 
 always go hand in hand with business depression. No amount of reasoning 
 will alter this fact, the recognition of which lies at the basis of any useful 
 theory of exchange. 
 
 When we arrive at Professor Kinley's discussion of Credit and Prices, the 
 effects of the results of his well-known studies in Credit and Currency are at 
 once manifest. We have here a working theory of credit, a theory, that is to 
 say, whose understanding would be of service to the business man because 
 it explains the facts of modern business. While Professor Kinley properly 
 refuses to grant to credit supreme influence in the determination of prices, 
 he recognizes its importance, and shows that an increase in the amount of" 
 deposit currency or other forms of credit, is certain to be followed by an 
 increase in prices. Walter Bagehot, thirty years ago, laid down the proposi- 
 tion that a man borrows for one of two reasons, either to buy or to keep- 
 from selling, and in consequence, an increase of loans invariably results in 
 either an increase of effective demand or a decrease in supply. 
 
 Professor Kinley fully recognizes this connection between credit and' 
 prices, and his discussion of the subject is one of the best which has appeared 
 in recent years. The author's next book on "Credit and Banking" will be- 
 awaited with great interest. No one is better qualified to discuss this sub- 
 ject, and in its elaboration Professor Kinley will be unhampered by his devo- 
 tion to the unrealities of politico-monetary science. The campaign of '96 has 
 long since past into history, but its reverberations can still be heard in the- 
 discussions of monetary theory. 
 
 University of Pennsylvania. 
 
 E. S. Meade. 
 
 Macy, Jesse. Party Organization and Machinery. Pp. xvii, 299. Price, $i.2S._ 
 
 New York: The Century Company, 1904. 
 
 Government is not simply what the constitution and the laws say it shall" 
 be, but what we, the people, make it in the ordinary course of things from 
 day to day. Hence the increasing attention given in recent years to a con- 
 sideration of the nature and functions of political parties in the actual con- 
 duct of government. Without definite and facile organs for the expression 
 and realization of public opinion, organs that will bring governmental activi-- 
 
 [606] 
 
Party Organization and Machinery 193 
 
 ties into harmony with the general desire, democracy, in such a vast domain 
 as ours, would be impossible as a form of government. Political parties are 
 the instruments by which democracy expresses itself and effectuates its pur- 
 poses. 
 
 In his account of the present organization and machinery of political 
 parties in the United States Professor Macy has given us an interesting and 
 instructive discussion of one of the most remarkable developments in the 
 history of governments. Following a brief introduction, in which he points 
 out the most significant changes that have taken place in the modes and 
 mechanisms of government by public opinion, he dwells upon the "political 
 cycle," namely, the quadrennium of our national political life and its marked 
 influence upon the conduct of local party activity. The national party as the 
 great "unifying agency" in the American commonwealth, is then dealt with. 
 Thereupon follow chapters dealing with presidential leadership, with con- 
 gressional leadership, and with the work and organization of the national 
 and congressional committees in the practical conduct of party affairs. The 
 major portion of the text, however, is taken up with the presentation of 
 Professor Macy's exhibits and discussion of the machinery and methods of 
 state party organization in a number of typical American states. We are 
 shown the immense influence of local interests and problems upon party pro- 
 cedure and the converse that of party methods upon local or state interests in 
 such states as Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Indiana, Missouri and in the 
 South. In the last third of the volume he discusses the effect of the city upon 
 the party system, party finance, the party in power and the party in opposi- 
 tion, party accessories and party loyalty and the party as a teaching agency. 
 
 Professor Macy deals with his subjects sympathetically. He is no flabby 
 optimist; no more is he a pessimist. Unlike M. Ostrogorski, he does not 
 suffer from cynicism regarding republican institutions and contempt for the 
 perversions of democracy. He describes things as he finds them. Party 
 organization may be perverted here and there, but in the main it is a natural' 
 evolution, an institution that serves the purposes of democracy, and to regard 
 it or its phenomena as chiefly an abomination worthy only of winged darts, 
 of sarcasm and slashing judgments is far from scientific or beneficial. Instead 
 of making a spectacular exhibit of the late M. S. Quay's peculiar sway, and 
 winning applause from the numerous critics of his regime as is now fash- 
 ionable in our popular magazines, he shows us the structure and methods 
 of operation of the machinery that made his rule possible and that makes 
 possible similar careers for those on whom may fall his mantle. It is par- 
 ticularly as to these phases of state party organization that Professor Macy 
 has given us much new information. Messrs. Bryce, Ford and Woodburn 
 deal chiefly with the national party organization and machinery and some- 
 what with municipal party life and but little directly except incidentally with 
 the work and procedure of the state organizations. It is the last that receives 
 extensive and original treatment in the text before us. The mode of presenta- 
 tion is concrete; we are given no a priori delineations, but rather matter-of- 
 fact descriptions of the several local schemes of organization, their constitu- 
 tions, by-laws and their practical effect upon party procedure and general, 
 
 [607] 
 
194 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 politics. It is to be regretted that the limitations of the series in which the 
 volume appears has prevented Professor Macy from dealing in extenso with 
 many phases of important developments, methods and problems that the 
 space at his command permits only to be briefly touched upon. 
 
 F. I. Heeriott. 
 Drake University, Des Moines, la. 
 
 McKinley, Albert Edward. The Suffrage Franchise in the Thirteen English 
 Colonies in America. (Publications of the University of Pennsylvania — 
 Series in History No. 2.) Pp. v, 518. John C. Winston Company, Phila- 
 delphia, selling agents, 1905. 
 
 Mr. McKinley in a series of thirteen distinct narratives attempts the his- 
 tory of the suffrage in the American colonies, devoting to each a complete 
 essay, varying in length from ten to seventy pages. These limits are set 
 because "in the New England colonies, the systems of which have been care- 
 fully studied, he has limited himself narrowly to the suffrage qualifications; 
 in other cases, as in the Carolinas and New York, more attention has been 
 given to these circumstances under which the suffrage was exercised." Sec- 
 ondly, the limits are necessary because "the material for the study has been 
 gathered almost exclusively from the printed records of the several colonies 
 and from the various editions of colonial laws." The abundance of available 
 printed sources has evidently had much to do with one state's getting seven 
 times the space devoted to another. 
 
 The author recommends Bishop's History of Elections for the analytic 
 side, which he sets aside for "the dynamic or developmental aspects of the 
 subjects." Using this as the basis of our judgment, as we should to be 
 fair, the book is a splendid piece of work. The development is treated always 
 in its bearing upon England's peculiar designs in the colony and, on the other 
 hand, with reference to the natural economic features of the settlement and 
 its future possibilities. We feel that sometimes rather strained efforts' are 
 made to show continuous development in matters of origin, as in making 
 representative government spring from a petition for slaves (page 168) ; but 
 in general there is shown the most conservative scholarship. 
 
 The author very sanely, as judged by the demands of the student reader, 
 has scattered his bibliographical material in copious footnotes. However, 
 some word of warning as to the absolute reliability of those few chapters 
 constructed almost entirely from the older, secondary authorities (state his- 
 tories) would not be amiss. In general no fault can be found with the selec- 
 tion of facts nor regarding the use made of them. The very open display of 
 material is highly commendable. 
 
 Despite a few slips, such as the ambiguous use of "trust" on page 170, 
 the expression is very clear and the treatment simple in its chronological 
 scheme. The swing of the narrating carries the reader on easily through 
 masses of evidence very simply and skilfully manipulated to show the ever- 
 increasing share that the individual citizen acquired in matters governmental. 
 The book in thus showing the share of the common man in his local 
 
 [608] 
 
The United States and the States Under the Constitution 195 
 
 government, the nature of the official classes and the inadequacy of the gov- 
 ernmental machinery to express the popular will, makes a valuable contri- 
 bution to any scientific study of the American Revolution with its com- 
 plementary era of state constitution-making. The volume closes with an 
 admirable summary of the several qualifications of the suffrage up to and 
 especially of the immediate, pre-revolutionary era. 
 
 The immense amount of material consulted, the care in the verification 
 of its vast number of mere facts, and the patience shown in the organization 
 of the mass of data, calls forth the highest praise for the author's scholarship. 
 A very valuable and concise index adds much to the utility of the book 
 alike to student and general reader. Besides furnishing the lecturer and 
 student a handy collection of facts, the book ought to answer a general need 
 in this day of agitation for election and nomination control, primary reform, 
 etc. 
 
 John L. Congee. 
 University of Michigan. 
 
 Patterson, C. Stuart. The United States and the States Under the Constitu- 
 tion. Pp. xli, 347. Price, $4.00 net. Second Edition. Philadelphia: 
 T. & J. W. Johnson, 1904. 
 
 In rewriting and bringing up to date an earlier work upon this subject, 
 published in 1888, Professor Patterson, with the collaboration of Mr. Reeder, 
 has rendered to all students and teachers of American political institutions a 
 distinct service. Although the relation of the United States to the states 
 has been many times determined by the adjudication of the courts, it is, 
 nevertheless, a relation which is constantly undergoing adjustment. This 
 has been particularly true during the last two decades when industrial and 
 social developments have been so rapidly converting questions, which were 
 formerly state and local problems, into national ones. The task of harmoniz- 
 ing this development with our constitutional law is the task of the lawyer 
 and the judge, and it is because Professor Patterson has presented in a way 
 to be understood by the layman the law as it stands to-day that his work is 
 peculiarly timely and valuable. 
 
 The volume has, perhaps, too many of the ear marks of the law book 
 to be read from cover to cover. After the manner of law books, its plan is 
 analytical and topical. It contains the usual extensive table of cited cases, a 
 fair table of contents and a somewhat less satisfactory index. The book is 
 made extremely usable, however, for college and university work by the 
 presence of voluminous footnotes, chiefly citations of the decided cases upon 
 which the subject matter of the text is largely based. 
 
 The most valuable single portions of the book are probably Chapter IV, 
 upon the regulation of commerce, which reviews the legislation and decis- 
 ions up to and including the Northern Securities case; Chapter III, upon 
 the relation of state and federal governments with reference to taxation, 
 and Chapter X, upon the judicial power in state and nation. Other chapters 
 deal with territories, implied powers, impairment of contracts, federal suprem- 
 
 [609] 
 
196 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 acy and the reserved rights of states, and personal and property rights. 
 Under this latter head several pages are devoted to the discussion of the 
 important subject of foreign corporations in the several commonwealths and 
 their status under the Constitution. 
 
 Professor Patterson's book does not claim to be an exhaustive philo- 
 sophical treatise, but, like the recent book of Professor Freund on "The 
 Police Power," and that of Judson on "Taxation," he has collected in usable 
 form a large amount of legal information upon an important subject. His 
 book will be much referred to by all students of American institutions. 
 
 WiLLARD E. HOTCHKISS. 
 
 University of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Smith, J. Russell. The Organization of Ocean Commerce. Pp. viii, 153. 
 
 Price, $1.50 paper; $1.75 board. University of Peimsylvania, 1905. 
 
 (John C. Winston Company, Philadelphia, selling agents.) 
 
 A notable contribution to the literature of economics is "The Organiza- 
 tion of Ocean Commerce," by Dr. J. Russell Smith, instructor in Commerce 
 in the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania. This subject has 
 been treated by most economists since John Locke, but the discussion has 
 been almost wholly concerned with the problem of commercial policy upon 
 which there has never been any general agreement. For this reason, the 
 scientific side of the subject which is concerned with the management of 
 ocean transportation as a business, has been entirely neglected by English 
 and American writers, although the Germans have paid some attention to it. 
 
 The present volume is unique among discussions of commercial problems 
 in that throughout its one hundred and forty-one pages, the reader will search 
 in vain for expression of opinion or large generalizations. The author con- 
 fines himself exclusively to the presentation of facts and the description of 
 processes. His study is exhaustive and much of it deals with materials 
 which are inaccessible to the general reader. The result is a careful, accu- 
 rate and minute analysis of over sea commerce, which cannot fail to be of 
 the greatest interest, not merely to the student of commerce, but to those 
 who are actually engaged in the business of ocean transportation. 
 
 The book is divided into three parts, viz. : Traffic, Routes and Shipping 
 and Harbors and Port Facilities. Part I contains the most original and the 
 most useful portions of the work. The author discusses at great length the 
 service performed by the tramp steamer and the line vessel under the head 
 of "speed, efficiency and economy." He shows the different kinds of com- 
 modities which are carried by the two classes of steamers, and predicts an 
 extention of the field of the ocean liner. Of particular interest in the dis- 
 charge of the charter traffic is the vivid description of the management of 
 chartered vessels to take advantage of the opportunities of profitable traffic. 
 The subject of Traffic is concluded with a review of ocean freight rates whose 
 irregularity and impedity of character is illustrated by a comparison with 
 railway charges. 
 
 Part n deals mainly with trade routes. These are divided into steam 
 and sailing routes and exhaustive enumerations of each class are presented. 
 
 [610] 
 
The Organization of Ocean Commerce 197 
 
 The subject of coal supply and coaling stations receives separate treatment, 
 and there is an estimate of the probable effects of the Panama Canal upon 
 ■ocean trade routes and coaling stations. The author was for two .years con- 
 nected with the Isthmian Canal Commission, and enjoyed exceptional oppor- 
 tunities for the study of the effects of the canal upon commerce. He has 
 also drawn extensively, in this part of the subject, upon the work of Pro- 
 fessor Emory R. Johnson, a member of the commission. The reader will 
 be relieved to find that Dr. Smith has refrained from contributing to the 
 subsidy discussion. His treatment of government control is occupied with 
 government regulations for the protection of life and property in the con- 
 struction of the ship in its loading and in regulations of departure and 
 arrival; and in surveys of coasts, forecasting of weather, charts of ocean 
 routes, protection by navies and signal codes. 
 
 Part ni deals with harbors and port facilities, and concludes with a 
 description of the handling of freight. Chapter XIH will be of great interest 
 to residents of American seaports, in view of the discussion of the English 
 methods of raising funds for port improvements. Dr. Smith seems to favor 
 the plan there adopted, of the seaport town borrowing money for the neces- 
 sary harbor improvements, and then collecting toll to pay the interest on the 
 debt. It is difficult, however, to understand how this method could be applied 
 to the improvement of certain Atlantic Coast harbors which have figured 
 permanently in harbor legislation, unless the municipalities and states directly 
 affected would consent to pay a considerable proportion of interest on the 
 cost of construction, from the proceeds of taxation. 
 
 It may be remarked that Dr. Smith apparently fails to attach sufficient 
 importance to the ownership of docks by railway companies. The tendency 
 toward this form of ownership has been rapid in the United States in recent 
 years. In at least one instance, the Illinois Central docks at New Orleans, 
 the railroad company has gone so far as to offer the free use of its wharves 
 and warehouses to all shippers over its line. 
 
 Dr. Smith's conclusions as to tendencies and commercial organization 
 are, first, that safety to navigation will be increased; second, that knowledge 
 of maritime and commercial conditions will be obtained in greater detail than 
 in the present; and third, that the general change from sail to steam, and the 
 increase in the size of steam vessels, and the power of engines, will result 
 in the steady increase of speed and in shorter routes. As a result of these 
 three factors, and also because the steamship line is now being operated in 
 close alliance with railroads and because the percentage of raw materials in 
 ocean traffic is rapidly increasing, trade will, in Dr. Smith's opinion, increase 
 both in volume and steadiness of traffic. 
 
 At present the business of ocean transportation is the most irregular and 
 uncertain in the world. Dr. Smith's discussion leads, however, to the con- 
 clusion that as the result of the facts above mentioned, and also, because of 
 the increasing diversity of ocean commerce, it will eventually become an indus- 
 try which, in respect to regularity and dependability, will be comparable to 
 railway transportation. 
 
 Dr. Smith has produced one of the most satisfactory pieces of economic 
 
 [611] 
 
igS The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 investigation which has appeared in recent years. He has described in 
 great detail the organization of the business of ocean transportation, and 
 what is of even greater value, he has explained and discussed the operation 
 of the principles which underlie the operations of this important industry. 
 The book will be of practical value to all those who are engaged in the busi- 
 ness with which it deals, as well as to students of commerce and commercial 
 geography. 
 
 E. S. Meade. 
 University of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Veblen, Thornstein. The Theory of Business Enterprise. Pp. viii, 400. 
 
 Price, $1.50. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1904. 
 
 The author presents his theory of the modern economic situation from 
 the view-point of business traffic. The book lacks the desirable quality of 
 terseness and the writer at times wanders from the main line of his subject. 
 A commendable feature is the formulation of many of his statements in 
 symbols of mathematics, which are not incorporated in the text, but in foot- 
 notes. Modern business is no longer based so much upon mere commerce 
 or trade as upon the processes of industry. We deal now in capital, in 
 stocks and bonds, as well as in goods themselves. Industry is no longer so 
 much a quest for livelihood as it is a seeking for profits. 
 
 The concluding chapters of the book dwell at some length upon the 
 influences which this "machine process," as he terms the industrial situation, 
 has upon the thought and civilization of the world. 
 
 While we may agree that the modern world does have a skeptical, 
 materialistic, matter-of-fact attitude of mind, it seems rather strong to say 
 this view is due to the machine process entirely. Is the Church not losing 
 its influence largely because other institutions are coming in which do its 
 old work more effectively than the church formerly did? In one sense it 
 undoubtedly is due to that influence, for modern business is an outgrowth of 
 the present industrial processes, and business methods have been adopted by 
 these later and more effective institutions. 
 
 Business enterprise, to cite the author, may make our literature affected 
 and archaic and may promulgate spendthrift aspirations. To imply that 
 business enterprise will cause man to give up his spiritual beliefs is hard 
 to accept. 
 
 John C. Duncan. 
 University of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Willoughby, Weston Woodbixry. The American Constitutional System. Pp. 
 
 xvi, 323. Price, $1.25. New York: The Century Company, 1904. 
 
 This book contains within small compass a clear and usually exact state- 
 ment of the constitutional aspects of the political organization of the United 
 States, including the nature of the federal government, its relations to the 
 states and other territory under its sovereignty, the political status of various 
 classes of persons subject to it, and the relations of the states to each other. 
 
 [612] 
 
The American Constitutional System 199 
 
 Nearly one-third of the volume is devoted to the interesting but now 
 somewhat academic question of the nature of the federal bond: whether it 
 formed a confederacy or a nation; and to a discussion of the theory of the 
 reconstruction acts. Professor Willoughby's analysis of the first of these 
 subjects is not the most satisfactory part of his work. His inference from 
 the circumstances of the adoption of the constitution is that the people desired 
 and believed they were obtaining a legally indissoluble union by an agreement 
 between sovereign states. Laying down the premise that this was logically 
 impossible because sovereignty (according to recent definitions) cannot be 
 divided, he further infers that if this dilemma of definition had been fairly 
 presented to the people in 1788 they would have said : "If the orthodox defini- 
 tion compels us to elect between sovereignties we will choose that of the states." 
 He therefore concludes that no truly sovereign national state received its 
 organization by the adoption of the constitution, but that this result was 
 reached by a peaceful revolution of public opinion during the next generation. 
 
 The real excellence of Professor Willoughby's work appears most plainly 
 when he leaves this speculative field and deals with the actual political 
 operation of the constitution as interpreted by the United States Supreme 
 Court. Here he has been highly successful in stating the conclusions of a 
 sound constitutional lawyer in a form readily comprehensible by intelligent 
 laymen — an achievement not common. The scope of this part of the work 
 may be best indicated by mentioning some of the subjects discussed, which 
 include the supremacy of federal law, federal and state autonomy, federal 
 and state powers, federal supervision of state duties, the acquisition of terri- 
 tory, the political and civil status of territorial inhabitants, citizenship, new 
 states and interstate relations. As particularly interesting may be men- 
 tioned the author's views of the right of the United States to protect 
 aliens, resident in a state (pp. 107-110) ; his discussion of the doctrine 
 of "inherent sovereignty" as the source of implied federal powers (pp. 
 146-150, 196-197) ; the chapters on the acquisition of territory (XI- 
 XII) ; and those tipon the constitutional status of inhabitants of terri- 
 tories, including our "dependencies" (XIII-XIV, XVII). Regarding the 
 last mentioned subject there is room for such reasonable divergence of 
 opinion that it is difficult to find acceptable common ground upon which to 
 base criticism. Perhaps all that can be demanded of a partisan in this field 
 is that his argument be fairly consistent, and it is from this standpoint that 
 Professor Willoughby attacks the position of the majority justices in the. 
 insular cases, particularly that of Mr. Justice Brown. In this, as in much 
 of the controversial writing upon the question, it seems to the writer that 
 Mr. Justice Brown has been misapprehended. When the latter affirms that 
 the constitution was adopted by the states for the states, and that therefore 
 it may well be thought that some at least of the prohibitions upon Congress 
 were meant to apply only to its action in the states, it is surely not con- 
 vincing to claim, as did Mr. Carlisle (approved by Professor Willoughby), 
 that this logically involves the conclusion that Congress has no power at all 
 outside of the states. Nor can it be asserted that the Justice is "indubitably 
 incorrect" (p. 222) when he says that when Congress has once formally 
 
 [613] 
 
r2oo The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 •extended the constitution to territories it cannot withdraw it. One may dis- 
 agree with this dictum, and yet candidly admit that there is a sufficient 
 analogy to the case of the admission of a state or the naturalization of an 
 -alien by Congress (neither of which could be revoked) to make this position 
 a good way short of "indubitably" wrong. Another objection of Professor 
 Willoughby to the Downes case, which seems unfounded, is that a tariff on 
 goods between the states and a territory affects the states to some extent and 
 so must be subject to the constitutional limitations upon Congress when 
 legislating for the states. It should be noticed, however, that Congress is 
 not forbidden thus to affect the states, so long as "duties are uniform 
 throughout the United States." If Porto Rico be outside of the United 
 States, as the court decided it was, within the meaning of "United States" in 
 this clause, and if duties be levied equally upon all goods going from this 
 island to any state, it would seem that uniformity is as much observed as in 
 the case of duties on goods from England. As to duties on goods going from 
 the states to Porto Rico the objection would be not lack of uniformity but 
 that it was an export tax, a position inconsistent with a number of earlier 
 dicta of the court which had declared "export" and "import" to be used 
 in the constitution with reference to foreign countries only. {Brown v. 
 Houston, 114 U. S. 622, 628; Pittsburgh Coal Co. v. Louisiana, 156 U. S. 590, 
 •600.) 
 
 The author makes a slip (p. 152) in stating that the first eight amend- 
 ments were an unnecessary precaution. As he points out elsewhere (p. 141) 
 a power given to the United States is absolute, unless restrained by the con- 
 stitution itself, and in the exercise of such powers property could easily be 
 taken arbitrarily, or jury trials dispensed with, but for the amendments. The 
 Tea Exclusion and the Oleomargarine Tax Cases just decided show how abso- 
 lute the granted powers are construed to be. {ButtHeld v. Stranahan, 192 
 U. S. 470; McCray v. U. S., 195 U. S. 27.) 
 
 James Parker Hall. 
 University of Chicago Law School. 
 
NOTES ON MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 Municipal Indebtedness 
 
 A Symposium 
 
 City of New York.— By the Editor from material furnished by the Depart- 
 ment of Finance. 
 
 Boston. — Edward M. Hartwell, Secretary Statistics Department, Boston, 
 Mass. 
 
 Baltimore.— Solomon Blum, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 
 
 Cleveland.— F. E. Stevens, Secretary Municipal Association, Cleveland, Ohio. 
 
 Cincinnati.— Max B. May, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Pittsburg.- Edwin Z. Smith, Pittsburg, Pa. 
 
 New Orleans.— James J. McLoughlin, New Orleans, La. 
 
 Milwaukee.— John A. Butler, Chairman Executive Committee, State Civil 
 Service Reform Association, Milwaukee, Wis. 
 
 "Washington, D. C— George S. Wilson, Secretary Board of Charities, Wash- 
 ington, D. C. 
 
 Providence. — Sidney A. Sherman, Ph. D., Providence R. L 
 
 Grand Rapids.— Delos F. Wilcox, Secretary of the Civic Club, Grand Rapids, 
 Mich, 
 
 ■Seattle. — Professor J. Allen Smith; University of Washington, Seattle, 
 Wash. 
 
 Duluth. — W. G. JoERNS, Duluth, Minn. 
 
 CITY OF NEW YORK 
 
 By the Editor from Material Furnished by the Department of Finance. 
 
 Total Indebtedness. — The total gross funded debt of the City of New 
 York (Greater City), at January i, 1905, was $558,265,517.60. The amount 
 thereof held by the commissioners of the sinking fund for investment was 
 ■■?i57,330.352.85, leaving the net funded debt on said date $400,935,164.75. In 
 addition to the funded debt, so-called, there were revenue bonds issued in 
 -anticipation of the collection of taxes outstanding, amounting to $34,457,000. 
 
 Proportion Used in Profit-Bearing Enterprises. — The amounts of the 
 gross funded debt, as above, created for what are termed profit-bearing enter- 
 prises, such as water supply purposes, docks and wharves and rapid transit 
 -construction, are as follows : For water purposes, $76,745,992.76 ; for docks and 
 wharves, $56,228,200; for rapid transit construction, $43,616,000. 
 
 [615] 
 
202 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 Sinking Fund Provision. — All funded debt created by the city is payable 
 from sinking funds created by raising annually by taxation installments, which, 
 with accumulation of interest thereon, will provide the amounts necessary 
 for the redemption thereof. 
 
 Amount of Sinking Fund. — In addition to investments in stocks and 
 bonds for account of the sinking funds of the City of New York, as shown 
 above, to wit, $157,330,352.85, there was on January i, 1905, cash belonging 
 to the sinking funds, amounting to $865,660.21. 
 
 Effect of Constitutional Limitations on Indebtedness. — Under the con- 
 stitution of the State of New York, municipalities are limited in incurring 
 indebtedness to an amount not exceeding 10 per centum of the assessed valua- 
 tion of its taxable real estate. This limitation covers not alone its net funded 
 indebtedness, but also obligations incurred under contracts for public improve- 
 ments, etc., as well as liability incurred by the city on account of acquisition 
 of real estate for public purposes and judgments obtained against the muni- 
 cipality. 
 
 Plans for Public Works Which Will Involve Increasing Indebtedness. — 
 The City of New York is committed to and has under consideration vast 
 public improvements consisting of an extension of its water supply system, 
 bridges over rivers and over tracks of railroads to abolish grade crossings, 
 extension of its subway rapid transit railroads, extension of its park system,, 
 larger school facilities, enlargement of its fire and police departments, libraries,, 
 museums, buildings and hospitals for its health, charity and correction depart- 
 ments and the opening, grading, sewering and paving of streets throughout 
 the city. 
 
 BOSTON 
 
 By Edward M. Hartwell, Secretary Statistics Department, Boston, Mass. 
 
 I. Total Indebtedness. 
 Gross debt : 
 
 City debt $82,446,606.00 
 
 County debt 3,448,000.00 
 
 Cochituate water debt 8,224,000.00 
 
 $94,118,606.00 
 
 Sinking funds for: 
 
 City debt $23,202,184.92 
 
 County debt 888,512.52 
 
 Chochituate water debt 7,600,689.44 
 
 ■ $31,691,386.88 
 
 Net debt: 
 
 City debt $59,244,421.08 
 
 County debt 2,559,487.48 
 
 Cochituate water debt 623,310.56 
 
 $62,427,219. 12- 
 
 [616] 
 
Municipal Indebtedness 203 
 
 2. Purposes for Which Created. 
 
 City debt by objects: 
 
 Bath houses, gymnasia, etc $446,300.00 
 
 Bennington street sewer damages 258,300.00 
 
 Bridges 1,067,416.66 
 
 Cambridge Bridge 1,050,000.00 
 
 Cambridge River Basin 800,000.00 
 
 Charlestown Bridge 1,555,000.00 
 
 Ferries 669,000.00 
 
 Improved sewerage 1,087,650.00 
 
 Metropolitan Park assessments 544,400.00 
 
 Miscellaneous 1,385,700.00 
 
 Public buildings, exclusive of school houses . . . 6,729,632.46 
 
 Public grounds, etc 195,200.00 
 
 Public parks 14,827,300.00 
 
 Playgrounds 1,156,610.98 
 
 School houses and sites 10,869,725.00 
 
 Separate systems of drainage 1,200,000.00 
 
 Sewers 7,366,260.00 
 
 Stony Brook 1,265,919.79 
 
 Sewerage charges, repayment of 15,000.00 
 
 Widening, extending, grading and building streets, etc., 
 viz. : 
 
 Miscellaneous $9,184,990.11 
 
 Laying-out and construction of 
 
 highways 9,937,201.00 
 
 Blue Hill and other avenues 2,402,000.00 
 
 Rapid Transit 4,416,000.00 
 
 Rapid Transit, East Boston Tunnel 3,018,000.00 
 
 Boston tunnel and subway 1,000,000.00 
 
 $29,958,191.11 
 
 $82,447,606.00 
 Less matured 1,000.00 
 
 $82,446,606.00 
 
 County debt for Court House 3,448,000.00 
 
 Cochituate water debt, for water supply 8,224,000.00 
 
 Total $94,118,606.00 
 
 [617] 
 
204 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 3. Proportion Used in Profit-Bearing Enterprises. 
 
 Ferries $669,000.00 
 
 Rapid Transit : 
 
 Tremont street subway 4,416,000.00 
 
 East Boston tunnel 3,018,000.00 
 
 Washington street tunnel 1,000,000.00 
 
 Water works 8,226,000.00 
 
 $17,329,000.00 
 
 $17,329,000.00=18.41% of $94,118,606.00. 
 
 4. Sinking Fund Provisions. 
 
 Chapter XXXV, Section 3, Revised Ordinances of 1898 reads as follows, 
 touching certain duties of commissioners of sinking funds : 
 
 Sec. 3. Said commissioners shall in their annual estimates, require for 
 every sinking fund an appropriation sufficient, with the accumulations of the 
 sinking fund, to meet at maturity, the debt for the payment of which it was 
 created, requiring for a debt payable in five years from the time incurred, an 
 appropriation of not less than 23^ per cent. ; for a debt payable in ten years, 
 an appropriation of not less than 8 per cent, of the amount of such debt ; for a 
 debt payable in twenty years, an appropriation of not less than 3% per cent, of 
 the amount of such debt ; for a debt payable in thirty years, an appropriation of 
 not less than 2 per cent, of the amount of such debt ; and for a debt payable in 
 forty years, an appropriation of not less than I J4 per cent, of the amount of such 
 debt; provided, however, that said commissioners shall, when other payments 
 have been applied, or transferred, to the sinking fund of any debt, require for 
 that sinking fund an appropriation less by the amount of such payments than 
 they would otherwise have required. In 1903-04, the sinking fund require- 
 ments were met by an appropriation of $1,702,324. 
 
 5. Amount of Sinking Fund. 
 
 The amount of the sinking funds (see i above, viz.: $31,691,386.88), 
 includes two items : 
 
 (a) Sinking funds $30,383,612.58 
 
 (b) Betterments and assessments pledged . . 1,307,774.30 
 
 — $31,691,386.88 
 
 6. Effect of Constitutional Limitations on Indebtedness. 
 
 The limitations on indebtedness are statutory (see Revised Laws of 
 Massachusetts, 1902) and not constitutional. Their general effect seems to 
 be recourse to the legislature for permission to borrow outside the debt-limit; 
 thus of the gross debt of city and county, viz.: $94,118,606, that outside the 
 limit is $54,851,400, and $40,267,206 inside the limit. 
 
 [618] 
 
Municipal Indebtedness 205 
 
 7. Plans for Public Works Which Will Involve Increasing Indebtedness. 
 These are best indicated by the following statement : 
 
 Loans Authorized, but not Issued, January 31, 1905. 
 
 Object. 
 
 Inside 
 
 limit. 
 
 Outside 
 limit. 
 
 Borrowed 
 to date. 
 
 
 $425,000 
 
 
 
 Cambridge Bridge 
 
 No limit to amount. 
 Amount reamred. 
 No limit to amount. 
 
 
 
 
 415,000 
 375,000 
 
 Atlantic Avenue Extension 
 
 
 
 38,500 
 
 150,000 
 
 30,000 
 
 32,000 
 
 170,000 
 
 Hospital for Consumptives 
 
 
 
 Bath Houses, Gymnasia, etc 
 
 
 
 Street improvements 
 
 1 
 
 Playground 
 
 
 
 Northern Avenue, etc 
 
 No limit to amount. 
 
 
 Land and buildings for School , . 
 
 094,800 
 
 
 Brockton Street Bridge 
 
 
 
 Soldier's Field Bridge 
 
 
 Not to exceed 
 $120,000 for Bos- 
 ton and Cam- 
 bridge. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 81,840,300 
 
 
 $2,050,000 
 
 BALTIMORE 
 
 By Solomon Blum, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 
 
 At the present time the financial situation of Baltimore is of peculiar 
 interest; not only because of the unsettlement occasioned by the fire, but 
 because of the extensive improvements which an enlightened civic spirit 
 demands for the increasing needs of a greater municipality. 
 
 The total revenue of the city for the year ending December 31, 1904, was 
 $12,217,846. Of this taxation yielded $6,714,421; licenses, $522,289; franchises, 
 $444,307; special assessments, $17,122; fees and fines, $20,286; quasi-private 
 receipts, $4,250,492. 
 
 The tax on general property yielded more than $5,250,000, while the 
 tax in arrears, including interest,' yielded $1,001,879. The tax on securities 
 yielded only $279,799. Included in quasi-private receipts were $2,799,754 taken 
 from the Western Maryland Railroad special funds for the Burnt District 
 Commission. Water rents yielded $828,788. The total taxable basis of 
 Baltimore is approximately $500,000,000. The borrowing capacity of the city 
 has no legal limit, but before a loan may be issued the legislature must pass 
 an enabling act; the council must enact an ordinance, and the proposed loan 
 must be approved by a vote of the people. Though there is no legal limit 
 to the possible debt contracting power of the city, the policy has been 
 adopted of limiting the net funded debt to 7 per cent, of the whole taxable- 
 basis, in order to conform to the New York law, which allows saving insti-- 
 
 [619] 
 
2o6 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 tutions to invest in only such municipal bonds as conform to this proportion. 
 According to this rule, Baltimore may have a net funded debt of about 
 $35,000,000. The total funded debt is $39,962, 882; deducting $14,392,804, the 
 amount in the sinking funds; $8,627,500, invested in the water works; 
 $1,220,000, cost of the electrical subway; and other items amounting to $2,518; 
 the net debt of the city is $15,721,059. The city may therefore contract a 
 further debt of about $19,250,000. 
 
 A loan of $6,000,000 for dock improvements has been authorized, but not 
 yet issued. At the May elections a $1,000,000 park loan, a $2,000,000 loan 
 for street improvements in the annex, and $10,000,000 for a sewerage system 
 will be voted for. Even with these loans avithorized, the city will still be 
 within the 7 per cent, limit. 
 
 The problem, however, is how to float these loans without increasing 
 greatly the burden upon the taxpayer. It is obvious that with a general 
 property tax of $2.11^ per hundred dollars, and a state tax of $.2354 per 
 hundred dollars, Baltimore is no condition to stand greatly increased taxa- 
 tion. It does not seem necessary, however, that there should be a heavy 
 burden upon the taxpayers. The dock improvement loan will be met by 
 rentals of the docks; the park loan by the park tax from the car company 
 (which is 9 per cent, of the gross receipts of the company) ; the annex loan 
 will be met by an increase in the taxable basis in that part of the city, and 
 by the contemplated improvements. There remains then the $10,000,000 sew- 
 erage loan. This loan will probably be issued in five years' installments, so 
 that the city will not have to bear the full amount until the end of this period. 
 It is not too much to expect that at the end of that period the increased 
 taxable basis will fully meet all the necessary interest and sinking fund 
 requirements. Furthermore, permission will be asked of the legislature to 
 levy, if necessary, a reasonable sewer rate upon the houses connected with 
 the system. 
 
 All these loans, except the sewerage, are to be issued at yA per cent, 
 and are to run fifty years. The sewerage loan is to run for seventy-five years. 
 One feature that is particularly commendable is that a specific sum is to be 
 set aside yearly for sinking fund purposes. It has been heretofore the cus- 
 tom to set aside a certain proportion of the tax rate for the various sinking 
 funds. This led to disproportion between the size of the sinking funds and 
 the amount to be redeemed. These loans must appeal to anyone who is in 
 the least conversant with the needs of Baltimore. Not only are they neces- 
 sary, but they are possible, with very little added burden upon the taxpayer. 
 The credit of the city is good. Last year the city was able to borrow at the 
 low rate of 2.87 per cent. This rate is higher than it seems ; for the city 
 pays the state tax on its bonds, and exempts them from city taxation. More- 
 over, a corporation owning Baltimore city stock, is exempt, to the extent of 
 its holdings, from city and state taxation. These securities are consequently 
 much sought after by Maryland corporations. 
 
 [620I 
 
Municipal Indebtedness 207 
 
 CLEVELAND 
 By F. E. Stevens, Esq., Secretary Municipal Association of Cleveland. 
 
 The present total indebtedness of the city is $21,739,402. This indebted- 
 ness was created in the making of various public improvements such as the 
 market houses, fire and engine houses, public baths, water works, boulevards 
 and in short for municipal construction and improvements of all kinds per- 
 mitted by law to be undertaken by the city. That portion of the debt used in 
 profit-bearing enterprises consists of $3,950,000 for water works, $150,000 for 
 cemeteries and $160,000 for market houses. 
 
 Provision for the retirement of bonds and the payment of interest is 
 intrusted to a board of sinking fund trustees of four members appointed by 
 the mayor. This board fixes upon the amount of tax levy to be employed 
 in the creation of a sinking fund. It exercises its discretion in the invest- 
 ment of funds arising from taxation and when bonds are issued, it is first 
 given the opportunity of purchasing these bonds as an investment. The par 
 value of sinking funds, March 1st, was $2,824,098. During recent years the 
 average rate of levy for sinking fund purposes has been 2.5 mills on the 
 dollar of tax valuation. The rate fixed for the current year is 2.9 mills. In 
 addition to the amount raised by taxation for sinking fund purposes a por- 
 tion of the earnings of the profit-making enterprises is applied to the payment 
 of interest and the redemption of bonds. 
 
 The constitution of the state provides that the legislatiire shall restrict 
 the power of taxation and contracting debts by municipal corporations "so 
 as to prevent the abuse of such power." No specific limit of indebtedness is 
 imposed by the constitution, but the legislature has provided that city coun- 
 cils may order the issuing of bonds for the raising of funds to an amount 
 not in excess for any one year of I per cent, of tax value. By popular vote 
 bond issues are authorized in excess of these limitations. 
 
 The bonded indebtedness of the city will be increased within the current 
 year by almost $3,000,000. Of this amount $375,000 is to be employed in the 
 extension and improvement of parks, $100,000 for the construction of a 
 municipal hospital, $20,000 for a city farm school, $500,000 for the elimination 
 of grade crossings and $20,000 for a public bath house. The remainder will 
 be employed in sewer construction, the opening and improving of streets and 
 additions to the water works system. The valuation of taxable property 
 within the city, December i, 1904, was $205,831,745. 
 
 CINCINNATI 
 
 By Max B. May, Esq., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 On January I, 1905 last, the total bonded indebtedness of the city of Cin- 
 cinnati was $36,818,140.38, of which $35,483,142.42 were general bonds ; $i,334.- 
 997-95 were street improvement bonds. The general bond issue is largely 
 made up of the following items : Consolidated sinking funds 3.65's, refunding 
 old 6's and 7's issued for construction of Cincinnati Southern Railway; $11,- 
 400,100 Cincinnati Southern Railway; terminals, $1,500,000; Cincinnati South- 
 
 [621] 
 
2o8 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 em Railway construction bonds, old issue of 6's and /s still outstanding, 
 $5,484,000. Total bonds issued for Cincinnati Southern Railway, $16,353,000. 
 The Cincinnati water works bonds varying at 3, 3.65 and 3.5's, $6,828,600. 
 The remaining bonds are for various municipal improvements, such as for 
 schools, park purposes, hospital, workhouse and House of Refuge, sewer 
 viaducts, bonded indebtedness of annexed villages of Clifton, Avondale, West- 
 wood, Linwood, Winton Place, Riverside and Evanston. Inasmuch as the 
 Cincinnati Southern Railroad is leased at an annual rental of $1,090,000 and 
 the city will derive revenue from the water works when completed, nearly 
 $2,400,000 or two-thirds of the bonded indebtedness is used in profit-bearing 
 enterprises. 
 
 Under the new municipal code, in addition to all other taxes authorized 
 by law, there must be levied and collected annually a tax upon property 
 sufficient to pay the interest and provide a sinking fund, for the extinguish- 
 ment of all bonds and funded debts, and for the payment of all judgments, 
 which money cannot be used for other purposes. This sinking fund is managed 
 by a board known as sinking fund trustees, composed of four citizens ap- 
 pointed by the mayor, not more than two of whom may be of same political 
 parties. The sinking fund trustees shall invest all money received by them 
 in bonds of the United States, the State of Ohio, of any municipal corpora- 
 tion, schools, townships or county bonds in the state, reserving necessary 
 funds for expenses and all interest received shall be reinvested. On January 
 I, 190S last, the sinking fund contained $5,574,211.37, of which $4,813,506.74 
 were bonds, $206,060.35 interest funds and $554,644.28 cash redemption fund. 
 
 Under the law council has the authority to issue in any one year bonds 
 for municipal purposes, which shall not exceed I per cent, of the total tax 
 duplicate, which is about $220,000,000, but at no time shall there be outstand- 
 ing a total bonded indebtedness under these provisions in excess of 4 per 
 cent, of tax duplicate. However, by submission to special vote, additional 
 bonds may be issued, but the total amount of such bonds outstanding shall 
 not exceed 8 per cent, of tax duplicate. 
 
 Naturally this statutory limitation serves a very salutary purpose and 
 tends to check the recklessness and extravagance of council. Every large 
 city must increase its indebtedness, and Cincinnati in the near future will 
 expend large sums of money to complete its water works and additional 
 sums for park purposes, new city hospital and street improvements. 
 
 PITTSBURG 
 
 By Edwin Z. Smith, Pittsburg, Pa. 
 
 The population of the city of Pittsburg, according to the United States 
 census of 1900, was 321,616. The increase since that time is estimated at 
 about 30,000; so that the present figure is not less than 350,000. The total 
 bonded indebtedness of the city is $21,002,001.87 and is therefore at a rate 
 of $60 per capita of population. The purposes for which this indebtedness 
 was created are as follows 1 
 
 [622] 
 
Municipal Indebtedness 209 
 
 Railroad compromise bonds, refunding an old debt incurred by 
 
 the municipality for bonuses offered to incoming railroads.. $2,182,901.87 
 Funded debt of the old city (long standing bonds issued for 
 
 various municipal improvements) 621,000.00 
 
 Water extension; for enlargement of city water supply and 
 
 delivery 725,300.00 
 
 Construction of municipal building ; refunded 170,000.00 
 
 Construction of Fifth Avenue Market House 25,000.00 
 
 Street improvement funded debt 5,214,700.00 
 
 Debt of borough of East Birminghain, assumed on annexation . . 62,000.00 
 
 Improvement of water system 1,400,000.00 
 
 Boulevard improvements 350,000.00 
 
 Public Parks improvements 1,225,000.00 
 
 Construction of building for Department of Public Safety 350,000.00 
 
 Purchase of bridges across the Monongahela River 1,050,000.00 
 
 Temporary loans for use of Board of Health in stamping out 
 
 small-pox epidemic 240,000.00 
 
 Loan of igoo ; for a variety of purposes, viz. : water filtration, 
 street improvement assessments, land for poor farm, land 
 and buildings for engine houses and police stations, water 
 mains, erection and repair of bridges, boulevards, purchase 
 of turnpike road, and park extensions and improvements . . 6,300,000.00 
 Funded debt for 1904; for payment of certain judgments and 
 
 assessments against city 1,086,100.00 
 
 $21,002,001.87 
 
 The rate of interest paid upon the various bonds issued ranges from 
 7 per cent., the rate paid upon the oldest series of bonds to 3^ per cent, and 
 4 per cent, upon the later issues. No part of this indebtedness was incurred 
 in behalf of municipal profit-bearing enterprises, unless the water system 
 could be thus designated, the returns from this source somewhat exceeding 
 the interest and expenditures. It is not, however, organized as an enterprise 
 for profit. 
 
 The sinking fund provisions for Pittsburg are those contained in Article 
 XI of the act passed by the legislature of Pennsylvania in 1901, and embody- 
 ing the system of government of cities of the second class, viz. : those having 
 a population exceeding 100,000, but less than 600,000. Under this article, the 
 sinking fund is controlled by a commission composed of five persons appointed 
 by the mayor, and holding office for five years in classes. As funds accumu- 
 late they are to be invested in the purchase of bonds of the city, or if these 
 cannot be procured to advantage, then in bonds of the United States or State 
 of Pennsylvania. Bonds of the city bought in for redemption are to be 
 stamped conspicuously and shall never be reissued or sold. At maturity 
 those held by the city are to be cancelled, and those representing the balance 
 of the loan outstanding paid off and retired. Whenever any new bonds shall 
 be issued, they shall be made payable in annual installments equal to the 
 
 [623] 
 
2IO The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 taxes levied for the purpose and shall be paid annually from the funds so 
 provided. A number of other regulations guide the. sinking fund commission 
 in the fulfillment of its duty. At the present time, the sinking funds have to 
 their credit $1,255,543.73 i" cash, and hold bonds as investments under the 
 sinking fund law to the amount of $5,889,438.14. 
 
 The limitations placed by the constitution of the state upon municipal 
 indebtedness have never inconvenienced or unduly restricted the city of Pitts- 
 burg, as its assessed valuation has increased so rapidly that there has always 
 been a fair margin upon which to base the necessary loans. The only muni- 
 cipal project now in view which will involve increased indebtedness, is the 
 plan for an extensive sand filtration plant for the purification of city water. 
 Of the bond issue noted above under the designation of the "loan of 1900," 
 $2,500,000 was for a filtration system and was at that time supposed to be 
 sufficient. The construction of the filter plant was, however, postponed by 
 litigation and other circumstances for about four years, and when revised 
 from estimates then made, it was found necessary to add largely to the 
 appropriation. An election was therefore held in February, 1904, by which 
 an additional issue of $5,000,000 of bonds for this purpose was authorized, 
 and the contracts for the principal part of the work have been let. This last 
 issue is not included in the list set out above, for the reason that it has not 
 yet been sold, the original issue of 1900 furnishing enough money to begin 
 the work. As, however, the indebtedness has been authorized and the work 
 entered upon, the amount of the bond issue, to wit, $5,000,000, may be fairly 
 added to the total given above, thus making the total bonded indebtedness 
 of the city of Pittsburg $26,002,001.87 with its water filtration system com- 
 plete. 
 
 NEW ORLEANS 
 
 By James J. McLoughlin, Esq., New Orleans, La. 
 
 For many years the city of New Orleans was one of the worst managed 
 cities, financially, in the country. The evil times of reconstruction left her 
 not only stripped of wealth, but also burdened with a crushing debt. Most 
 of this debt had been incurred by the "carpet-bag" governments, prior to 
 1874, and although it was morally certain that the city had received no 
 benefits at all commensurate with the outstanding obligations, yet the forms 
 of law had been observed in its creation, and she was held legally responsi- 
 ble for every cent. In the year 1879 a new state constitution limited muni- 
 cipal taxation to i per cent., but the courts decided that this limitation could 
 not be applied to pre-existent debts, and whenever a creditor applied to court 
 for the enforcement of a debt created prior to 1879, the court directed the 
 levy of a special tax to pay it. In 1882 these special jvidgment taxes amounted 
 to 1654 mills on the dollar. 
 
 Realizing the desperate condition of affairs, the people of New Orleans 
 bent to the task, and after great privations — some of them being a closing of 
 the public schools for five months every year, a practical abolishment of 
 
 [624] 
 
Municipal Indebtedness 211 
 
 police protection for many years, a neglect of all public improvements and 
 scores of other deprivations which now are considered the very necessities of 
 municipal life — after suffering all this for a period of nearly ten years, we 
 have risen from the slough of despond, without the repudiation of a single 
 dollar of debt, honest or dishonest, without the scaling of a single bond, 
 and without passing a single interest coupon. To-day, our city's credit is 
 of the highest, her bonds are all above par — the highest at 140 per cent. — 
 our current obligations promptly met, our schools well sustained and millions 
 of dollars being spent yearly for public improvements. Our rate of taxation 
 for municipal purposes, including interest and sinking fund on our bonded 
 indebtedness, is only $22 per $1,000. 
 
 In 1882 our total debt, floating and bonded, was $20,059,315.50. On 
 December 31, 1904, it was $24,632,656.11, of which $24,158,937 represents 
 the bonded indebtedness. Three million nine hundred thousands dollars 
 of these bonds were issued to pay for the water works and drainage 
 system, which are now under construction, and to complete which, the bal- 
 ance of an issue of $12,000,000 will be devoted. This bond issue has been 
 authorized by constitutional enactment, and its result will be the conver- 
 sion of an antique town into a modern city. The remaining $20,258,937 
 of bonds were issued to take up older issues, to settle judgments and 
 floating indebtedness, and the grand total represents an assumption at par 
 and accrued interest of all that terrible burden of debt, tainted with every 
 kind of fraud and dishonesty, left us as a legacy from the reconstruction 
 period. Thus for generations the people of New Orleans will be toiling to 
 pay for the few short years of that saturnalia of crime that, after the armies 
 had left the field, afforded to the vultures and campfollowers the opportunity 
 to drain the life blood from a stricken people. 
 
 The floating indebtedness, $472,693.59, consists of $19,178.80 of unpaid 
 obligations created prior to 1879, which have never been presented for pay- 
 ment — and are probably destroyed, and will never be heard from — and $453,- 
 514.79 certificates issued in recent years for street paving, public improve- 
 ments, etc., which under our system of law are retired in annual installments, 
 from taxes, and are not bonded, as they rarely ever run longer than three 
 or four years. 
 
 Of our bonded debt, none is invested in profit-bearing enterprises, ex- 
 cept that the city owns a number of market houses, that were built years ago, 
 and probably the certificates that paid for them were funded years ago into 
 bonds. These market houses, worth probably about $1,500,000, produce an 
 annual revenue of about $150,000. The water works system belongs to a 
 private corporation, but within a few years the city will own her own water 
 system, as it will be constructed out of the $12,000,000 sewerage and water 
 bonds, referred to above. This will give her some revenue, as she will save 
 the $108,000 she now annually pays for water for public purposes, and in 
 addition to that she will derive a revenue from sale of water to private 
 consumers. The present company nets $140,000 annually from its operation 
 with defective pipes, and poor machinery. 
 
 At present our bonded indebtedness has practically no sinking fund 
 
 [625] 
 
212 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 Owing to the poverty of the city, when the debts were refunded, and the 
 pressing need for every dollar raised to pay the interest, we were unable to 
 provide any sinking fund. A part of our debt is what are known as '"Prem- 
 ium Bonds." These bonds are of the par value of $20 each, and are payable 
 in fifty years from their date (1875) ; the interest, 5 per cent, per annum, is 
 not paid annually, but when the bond is paid. By a species of lottery scheme, 
 some $200,000 of these bonds are redeemed each year, and when redeemed, a 
 number of money prizes, some as high as $S,ooo, some as low as $20, are 
 distributed by lot amongst the holders of the redeemed bonds. Thus the 
 holder of a premium bond may have his investment terminated any year, 
 and when terminated, he is sure to receive his principal and accrued interest 
 since 1875, and in addition thereto he may receive a prize of substantial value. 
 Until the last of the premium bonds is paid, which will be in 1925, there 
 will be no sinking fund for the other bonds, but then the fund which now 
 goes to the extinguishment of the premium bonds will be applied to the 
 payment of the other issues, all of which mature after 1925. 
 
 The constitution of Louisiana limits our city indebtedness to its present 
 amount, practically by devoting the present tax of i per cent., known as 
 the public debt tax, to the present bonds (with the exception of the sewerage 
 and water bonds), and forbidding any other debt that may prejudice the 
 holders of these consolidated bonds. It also limits taxation for municipal 
 purposes to i per cent, per annum, and by special laws the city is forbidden 
 to incur any debt for alimony purpose beyond her annual tax levy. 
 
 Five years ago by a vote of the property taxpayers, subsequently ratified 
 by an amendment to the constitution of the state, the people of New Orleans 
 authorized the issuance of $12,000,000 of bonds to pay for a sewerage, water 
 and drainage system for the city, to be provided for by an annual tax of two 
 mills on every dollar of property in New Orleans, and it is of these that the 
 $3,900,000 mentioned above were issued. These bonds mature in 1950 and 
 bear 4 per cent, interest. As they mature after all other outstanding bonds, 
 they will, after the other bonds are paid, inherit the surplus arising from 
 the older 1 per cent, tax now devoted to these older bonds. In addition to 
 the two mill special tax, these sewerage, water and drainage bonds receive 
 by law certain surpluses resulting from certain departments of the gov- 
 ernment, and are considered so good an investment that to-day they sell at 
 107 on the stock market. 
 
 The assessed valuation of New Orleans is increasing rapidly, and as the 
 rate of taxation for bonded debt is fixed, — two mills for the sewerage bonds, 
 and ten mills for all the others combined — the revenue available for debt 
 purposes increases annually, and will be used for reduction of the debt when- 
 ever possible. In this connection it may be well to note that all the funds 
 pertaining to the public debt are handled exclusively by a body known as 
 the board of liquidation of the city debt, which is composed of bankers and 
 business men, in the majority, with three or four city officials in the minority. 
 This board is free from any control by the city authorities. It is a constitu- 
 tional board, and even the legislature cannot control it. It is self-perpetuating, 
 and all vacancies (except those of the city officials on it) are filled by the 
 
 [626] 
 
Municipal Indebtedness 
 
 213 
 
 remaining members. Free, therefore, from all political influence, and pos- 
 sessed of unlimited powers in the handling of its funds, it has done more 
 than anything else to establish confidence, in the minds of capitalists, in our 
 municipal securities. 
 
 The assessed valuation of New Orleans in 1880 was $91,117,918; assessed 
 valuation for 1904 was $158,584,194. Beyond the sewerage, water and drain- 
 age system now under construction. New Orleans has no plans under way 
 for public works which will involve increasing indebtedness, beyond the 
 usual street paving and public improvements paid for annually out of the 
 taxes collected annually, of which by law 20 per cent, must be devoted to 
 works of public improvement. 
 
 Appended herewith is an extract from the report of the board of liquida- 
 tion, dated December 31, 1904, to which is added the Stock Exchange quota- 
 tions for the bonds named, on March 31, 1905, all of which tend to show 
 that the city of New Orleans stands to-day before the world as on the road 
 to that prosperity which is the lot of every community that places honor 
 above expediency, and that will sacrifice her all, rather than repudiate a 
 single dollar of her public obligations. 
 
 Board Liquidation City Debt. 
 
 Name, 
 
 Amount. 
 
 Maturity. 
 
 Interest. 
 
 Annual 
 Interest. 
 
 Stock 
 Exch'g 
 Quota- 
 tion, 
 March 
 31, 'oS. 
 
 Constitutional Bonds, 
 
 Coupon ?g, 788, 000 
 
 Constitutional Bonds, 
 
 Registered r*ertfs. 212,000 
 
 Premium Bonds 
 
 Public Improvement Bonds 
 
 Floating Debt Bond 
 
 Ooid Bonds 
 
 Street Improvement 
 
 Total Bonded Debt 
 
 Five per cent interest on $4,002,940 
 Premium Bonds from July is, 
 1875, to Dec. 31, 1904, inclusive 
 
 $10,000,000 
 
 4,002.940 
 
 3,900,000 
 
 233,000 
 
 117,000 
 
 10,000 
 
 $18,262,940 
 
 5,895,997 
 $24,158,937 
 
 1942, July T. 
 Annually. 
 1950, July 1 
 1948, O.t. I. 
 T927, July I. 
 
 IQII, Aug I. 
 
 4 % 
 
 5 % 
 4 % 
 4 % 
 7 % 
 
 7.30 % 
 
 $400,000 
 
 156,000 
 
 9,320 
 
 8,190 
 
 730 
 
 $574,240 
 
 T09 
 
 243 
 107 
 
 [62 7] 
 
214 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 MILWAUKEE 
 
 By John A. Butler, Chairman Executive Committee, State Civil Service 
 Reform Association, Milwaukee, Wis. 
 
 The total bonded indebtedness of Milwaukee on March ist of this year 
 was $7,092,750. The indebtedness like that of other cities is incurred for 
 the conduct of public enterprises of various kinds : Schools, bridges, water 
 works, public library and museum, public parks, sewerage, street improve- 
 ments, public baths, fire and police departments, viaducts, etc. 
 
 Water bonds comprised in the above indebtedness are as follows : 
 
 Water of 1886, due January i, 1906, 4 per cent $25,000 
 
 Water of 1887, due January i, 1907, 4 per cent 39,000 
 
 Water of 1890, due January i, 1900, 4 per cent 125,000 
 
 Water works of 1893, due July i, 1903, 5 per cent 56,250 
 
 Water works of 1895, due July i, 1904, 5 per cent 50,000 
 
 Water works of 1896, due July i, 1916, 5 per cent 60,000 
 
 Water Department, construction of 1890, due July i, 1900, 4 per cent. . - 25,000- 
 City water of 1892, due July I, 1912, 5 per cent 20,000 
 
 $400,250' 
 
 The city sets aside each year 5 per cent, of the original amount of issue 
 for retirement; for instance it issues $1,000,000, which will run twenty years 
 and retires $5,000 each year. That amount must be provided for in the tax 
 levy, together with the interest necessary for the amount of bonds outstanding. 
 The amount set aside for interest and sinking fund for 1905 was $800,000. The 
 constitutional limit on indebtedness is 5 per cent, of the assessed valuations, 
 but the city is restricted to 5 per cent, of the average assessed valuation of 
 the last five years. 
 
 The plans for public works which will increase the indebtedness, com- 
 prise the construction of two viaducts which are expected to cost about 
 $800,000. It is also proposed to issue dredging bonds. The government is 
 expected to appropriate something like $350,000 for this purpose, and the city 
 a like amount. There is "talk" of a lighting plant, which will require an 
 initial bond issue of about $150,000. The city has just sold $620,000 of bonds 
 to R. L. Day & Co. and Easterbrook & Co., of Boston, and its securities are- 
 in uniform demand as an investment. 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
 By George S. Wilson, Secretary Board of Charities, Washington, D. C. 
 The total indebtedness of the District of Columbia at the close of the- 
 fiscal year ended June 30, 1904, was as follows : Bonded debt, $12,492,700.00 ; 
 floating debt, $1,349,661.69; total, $13,842,361.69. 
 
 The bonded indebtedness was created for the purpose of making general 
 public improvements in the line of grading and paving streets and construct- 
 ing sewers, etc. While this indebtedness was created at different times and; 
 
 [628] 
 
Municipal Indebtedness 215, 
 
 for various purposes, the entire indebtedness was rearranged about the time 
 of the organization of the present form of government in 1878, and bonds 
 were issued for the entire amout, without any distinction as to the purposes 
 for which the indebtedness had been created. Hence, since that time, there 
 has been no separation of items of indebtedness, such as water bonds, sewer 
 bonds or street improvement bonds, the entire amount being represented by a 
 single issue, known as "the bonded debt of the District of Columbia." The 
 bonds bear an annual interest of 3.65 per cent. The floating indebtedness 
 arises from cash advances made to the district by the United States treasury 
 under authority of Congress, and represents the proportionate part of appro- 
 priations, actually advanced for expenditure, payable from the revenues 
 of the District of Columbia in excess of the revenues collected by the District. 
 Under existing legislation this indebtedness, and any increase thereof which 
 may be made, must be repaid to the United States treasury within five years 
 from July l, 1906. An annual interest charge of 2 per cent, on this character' 
 of indebtedness is paid by the District. 
 
 No part of the indebtedness of the District of Columbia was created for 
 profit-bearing enterprises. 
 
 The interest and sinking fund on the bonded indebtedness is provided by 
 annual appropriations made by Congress, payable one-half by the United 
 States and one-half by the District of Columbia. With a few exceptions, all 
 appropriations made for the District of Columbia are met one-half by the 
 United States and one-half from the revenues of the District of Columbia. 
 
 With the annual appropriations made by Congress, the Treasurer of the- 
 United States, as ex-oMcio commissioner of the sinking fund of the District 
 of Columbia, retires, by purchase in open market, bonds to the extent of the- 
 appropriations at his disposal, so that the bonded indebtedness is diminished,- 
 year by year, by the amount of such retirements. In this way there is, there- 
 fore, no accumulation of cash or other assets in the sinking fund. 
 
 The one limitation on the District's bonded indebtedness is that prohibit- 
 ing an issue of a greater amount than $15,000,000. This limitation is a legis- 
 lative enactment, and of course Congress can modify it at any time. There 
 can be no constitutional limitations of any kind in the District of Columbia, 
 except the United States constitutional limitations. Congress, acting under 
 the constitution, has exclusive jurisdiction in all matters in the District 
 of Columbia. 
 
 Several large enterprises, in the way of public works, are, at the present 
 time, being carried on, and others are contemplated in the immediate future, 
 which will affect the indebtedness of the District of Columbia. The more- 
 important of these public improvements are: a sewer system, a filtration 
 plant, a municipal building and the elimination of grade crossings. During 
 the past few years there has been considerable agitation in the District, in 
 favor of a bond issue to provide for large permanent improvements that are 
 deemed immediately necessary. Congress has so far failed to approve of 
 such a measure, but instead thereof, when it has seen fit to authorize certain 
 improvements, involving expenditure of large sums of money, it has made 
 appropriations for them in the same manner as for the annual running. 
 
 [629] 
 
2i6 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 expenses of the District government. The result has been a considerable 
 deficit, and Congress has provided for this by authorizing the Secretary of the 
 Treasury to make advances from the United States treasury sufficient to meet 
 any deficit in the revenues of the District of Columbia, and has provided 
 that these advances shall be repaid within five years from July i, 1906, with 
 an annual interest rate of 2 per cent. Thus has been created the floating 
 debt of the District of Columbia. It would seem to be the purpose of Con- 
 gress to provide for all public improvements in this manner, apparently expect- 
 ing that all necessary improvements can be paid for within a comparatively 
 short period. 
 
 PROVIDENCE 
 
 B Sidney A. Sherman, Ph. D., Providence, R. I. 
 
 The total indebtedness of the city of Providence at the close of the finan- 
 cial year ending September 30, 1904, was $18,231,8,34.38. Various sinking 
 funds amounted to $4,759,128.59, leaving a net debt of $13,472,705.79. 
 
 The largest single items in this great debt were $5,445,500 for sewers, and 
 $5,647,000 for water works. There was also $2,150,000 for highways, $i,68g,ooo 
 for schools and $1,265,613.55 for parks, besides several smaller items. 
 
 The water works are the only profit-bearing enterprise which this city 
 has undertaken, but they are so good an investment that the city ought to be 
 encouraged to take up other public utilities, like the gas works, electric light- 
 ing, and eventually the street railways. Of the net debt of thirteen and a half 
 millions, four and a quarter is for water, making a little less than one-third 
 of the whole. The total receipts of the water works were $676,752.22. The 
 cost of maintenance was $172,312 and interest on bonds $225,265. A few 
 thousand out for other items left a net balance of $275,961.55, which was paid 
 to the sinking fund. The total cost of construction has been seven million 
 dollars, so that the debt is being extinguished and a 4 per cent, on the cost is 
 being paid at the same time, besides maintaining the system. 
 
 Against the water debt is a sinking fund of $1,389,718.17; for highways 
 the sinking fund is $718,066.08; for schools, $573,471-35; for sewers, $1,491,- 
 763.39. and for parks, $254,265.39, making, with minor amounts, a total 
 sinking fund of $4,759,128.59, as stated above. 
 
 Chapter XXXVI, of the general laws of the state. Section 21, provides 
 that, "No town shall, without special statutory authority therefor, incur any 
 debt in excess of 3 per centum of the taxable property of such town." The 
 total valuation of Providence is $208,000,000, and 3 per cent, of that sum 
 is $6,240,000. The net debt is more than twice that amount. It is the practice 
 of the city council, when desiring to incur a new debt, to apply to the general 
 assembly for permission to do so, and as far as I remember the permission 
 has always been granted ; so that the law is at most mildly deterrent. 
 
 The indebtedness will be further increased by something like a million 
 dollars by the construction of a sand filtration plant for the water works. 
 Plans for a hospital for contagious diseases and for a large addition to the 
 
 [630] 
 
Municipal Indebtedness 217 
 
 Technical High School, will, if carried out, also increase the debt by perhaps 
 a hundred thousand dollars. 
 
 As our population is approximately 185,000, our net debt is $73 per capita. 
 Notwithstanding this large debt, the credit of the city is very high, and its 
 bonds always sell at a premium. 
 
 GRAND RAPIDS 
 
 By Delos F. Wilcox. Secretary of the Civic Club, Grand Rapids, Mich. 
 
 The total funded debt of the city at the present time is $2,204,000, which 
 has been created for the following purposes : For water works, $1,025,000 ; 
 school sites and buildings, $219,000; bridges, $150,000; public lighting plant, 
 $125,000; market site, $75,000; street improvements, $460,000; special loan 
 to meet deficit in current expenses ten years ago, $150,000. 
 
 It should be noted that the street improvement loans are wholly met by 
 special assessments, no burden falling upon the general tax rolls at all except 
 for special assessments that cannot be collected. An analysis of the purposes 
 for which the debt was created shows that $1,225,000, or about 55 per cent, 
 of the total debt has been incurred for enterprises that might be classed as 
 profit-bearing, if they showed no loss in operation. Our water works have 
 thus far been unable fully to take care of themselves, largely on account of 
 the impure supply, and to some extent on account of the competition, feeble 
 though it is, of a private company. The city market scarcely pays its running 
 expenses and the interest on the bonds. The lighting plant is used only for 
 lighting the streets, but has shown a considerable saving to the city over the 
 expenses of lighting by contract. Two years ago the legislature established 
 for the city a board of sinking fund commissioners, composed of the mayor, 
 the city clerk, the city comptroller, the city treasurer, the chairman of the 
 committee on ways and means of the common council and two citizen 
 freeholders elected by them. This board has charge of the sinking fund 
 which is provided for the payment of a part of the public debt. The common 
 council is required to levy every year a tax of not less than one-fifth mill 
 or more than four-fifths mill on each dollar of valuation for the benefit of 
 the sinking fund. Under this requirement the minimum levy of about $15,000 
 amounts to considerably less than the interest on the city bonds, strictly 
 so-called, the water works debt, the school debt and the street improvement 
 debt being excluded. The city attorney has held that the interest on the debt 
 is a part of the debt and, therefore, that the levy referred to need not neces- 
 sarily be applied to the redemption of the principal. No provision whatever 
 is made in the sinking fund for the water bonds or for the school bonds. 
 Only about $57,000 water bonds have ever been paid during the thirty years 
 since the city first established its water works. The school bonds are paid 
 out of taxation from year to year as they fall due. A movement is on foot 
 to have the sinking fund act amended so as to give the sinking fund commis- 
 sioners responsibility for all the debt of all the city departments, and make 
 provision for the retirement of the bonds as they mature. 
 
 There is no direct constitutional limit upon the debt of cities in Michigan, 
 
 [631] 
 
2i8 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 but the legislature is required to make provision for the incorporation of 
 cities and to "restrict their powers of taxation, borrowing money, contracting 
 debts and loaning their credit." Under its charter the city has no general 
 authority for borrowing money. There is no limit, however, to the amount 
 of water bonds that may be issued, if the people vote for them. School bonds 
 also may be issued to an unlimited extent by the Board of Education, subject 
 to the approval of the common council. The city also has authority to 
 make loans for a few other specific purposes. 
 
 On April 3d the people will give an advisory vote upon the question of 
 issuing $104,000 additional school bonds for the purpose of extending manual 
 training to the high schools and relieving the overcrowding. An authorita- 
 tive referendum will be taken on the issue of $700,000 water works bonds 
 for the following purposes: (a) For new pumping machinery, $110,000; (b) 
 for a new water supply, $440,000; (c) for a filtration plant, $150,000. 
 
 The unsatisfactory condition of the water supply of Grand Rapids has 
 been a source of endless trouble to the city and the project now on foot is 
 to remove the water works intake to a point on Grand River above the local 
 sources of pollution, collect all the ground and spring water that can be 
 found in the vicinity, taking the balance that is needed from the river and 
 purifying it by a system of filtration not yet determined on. A bill to repeal 
 the charter of the Hydraulic Company, which has been supplying water in a 
 feeble way for more than fifty years, has just passed both houses of the 
 legislature and is awaiting the governor's signature. The removal of this 
 decrepit company from the local field will greatly simplify the political aspects 
 of the. water question in Grand Rapids. At the present writing, however, it 
 seems very doubtful whether the proposed bond issues for a pure water 
 supply will carry. 
 
 SEATTLE 
 By Prof. J. Allen Smith, University of Washington, Seattle, Wash. 
 Seattle has a bonded debt of $4,635,000 created for the purposes indicated 
 in the following table: 
 
 Amount. When Created. Purpose. 
 
 $1,090,000 1891 andi893. .. .To fund warrants issued from 1889 to 1893. 
 
 240,000 1892 On account of insufficient tax levy in 1892. 
 
 275,000 1892 To pay judgments against city. 
 
 220,000 1892 Property condemned in widening and straight- 
 ening streets after the fire of 1889. 
 
 645,000 1890- 1893 Construction of main sewers. 
 
 100,000 1902 Public library site. 
 
 175,000 1905 City jail. 
 
 1,050,000 1891 and 1892 .... Purchase, betterment and extension of water 
 
 plant. 
 
 840,000 1903-1905 Construction of municipal light and power plant 
 
 to furnish light for both public and private 
 use. 
 
 [632] 
 
Municipal Indebtedness 219 
 
 The city jail bonds above mentioned and $250,000 of the municipal light 
 and power bonds have just been sold. Taxes must be levied for the payment 
 of all interest on the bonded indebtedness of the city, and funds must be 
 provided for the payment of bonds by tax levy during the seven years pre- 
 ceding their maturity. 
 
 In addition to this general municipal indebtedness there were outstanding, 
 January I, 1905, local improvement bonds aggregating $1,447,926.19. These 
 are merely a lien upon the property benefited and not a- debt for which the 
 city is liable. This local indebtedness will be increased by a large amount 
 during the present year if the plans now being matured for street improve- 
 ments are carried out. 
 
 There were also outstanding on January i, 1905, Cedar River water 
 supply warrants to the amount of $1,100,000. They were issued for the pur- 
 pose of constructing a gravity system which would ensure an adequate supply 
 of pure water. These warrants constitute a special debt, the interest and 
 principal of which are to be paid out of the earnings under municipal opera- 
 tion. This is an example of the method which may be employed in this state 
 to evade the constitutional limitations on municipal indebtedness. The ordi- 
 nance authorizing the sale of these warrants made provision for a special 
 fund for their payment by setting aside for that purpose 75 per cent, of 
 the gross revenue from private consumers and obligated the city not to 
 reduce the charges for water to such an extent that 75 per cent, of such 
 revenue would be less than it was at the time these warrants were issued. 
 The supreme court of this state has held that inasmuch as these warrants 
 are to be paid out of the income which the city obtains from the operation 
 of the plant, they are not an indebtedness of the city within the meaning 
 of the constitution of Washington. The first case in which that body upheld 
 the right of a city to exceed the constitutional debt limit for municipal owner- 
 ship purposes was decided in 1895. (Winston v. Spokane, 12 Wash.) The 
 use thus made of the special fund device was expressly sanctioned by the 
 legislature in 1897 in an act which authorized cities to establish municipal 
 ownership of water works, light, power and heating plants and cable, electric 
 or other railways. The constitutional limitations are interpreted as applying 
 only to general municipal indebtedness. After a city has reached its debt 
 limit it may issue local improvement bonds or create a special debt for the 
 purpose of municipal ownership. 
 
 DULUTH, MINN. 
 
 By W. G. JoERNS, Esq., Duluth, Minn. 
 
 Indebtedness. — The total bonded debt of Duluth, excluding indebtedness 
 of the independent school district, was, on January i, 1905, $5,245,250, on an 
 assessed valuation of, in round numbers, $30,000,000, of which the real prop- 
 erty valuation comprises $23,000,000. Of this bonded debt $2,606,000 are so- 
 called "water and light" bonds, which are the bonded indebtedness on the 
 municipal water and gas plants and are a special lien on such plants. These 
 
 [633] 
 
2 20 The Annals of the American Academy 
 
 plants are more than self-sustaining, and under six years of municipal opera- 
 tion, in addition to securing and safeguarding an absolutely pure water sup- 
 ply, the water and gas rates have been reduced practically one-half. An 
 additional $140,000 of water and light bonds have just been voted by the 
 electorate for necessary extensions of the system to outlying districts, and 
 $100,000 of general fund bonds, heretofore authorized by special legislative 
 enactment for an aerial ferry bridge across the ship canal which forms the 
 entry from Lake Superior to the bay and harbor of Duluth, are awaiting the 
 final completion of the bridge. The bonded indebtedness of the independent 
 school district of Duluth, as already set out in the January, 1905, number of 
 the Annals, is $1,037,000, against which, as an offset, the present school assets 
 in buildings, sites, equipment, etc., are appraised at $1,868,000. 
 
 Deducting the water and light bonds aforesaid, we find the general bonded 
 indebtedness of the municipality to be $2,639,250. Of this amount $99,000 
 are for a so-called permanent improvement revolving fund, which forms a 
 special nucleus for street improvements and is, theoretically, at least, sup- 
 posed to be constantly replenished through special assessments levied for such 
 improvements; $312,000 are park bonds, and for this expenditure Duluth 
 has a substantial asset in a splendid system of parks. The remainder of 
 the indebtedness has been accumulated as the years rolled by, not a little as 
 the result of unwarranted waste and extravagance of the "boom" period ante- 
 dating the panic of '93, particularly in outlying districts that were later in- 
 corpprated into the city proper. 
 
 The interest rate on the bonds varies from 4 per cent., the going rate 
 of the later issues, to 6 per cent, for the earlier ones, especially those of 
 the outlying sub-divisions. The average rate is estimated at 4.69 per cent. 
 
 Duluth has no floating indebtedness. Under the provisions of her "home 
 rule" charter the city is run on a strictly cash basis, the only infringement 
 on which, even in form, is the issue from time to time of certificates of in- 
 debtedness in anticipation of tax apportionments, and this only under strict 
 charter regulation. Before the adoption of the new charter a large floating 
 indebtedness had accumulated, referable in part to bad financiering in the 
 city proper as it existed before taking into the corporate limits surrounding 
 additional territory, in part to defaults in the payment of assessments for street 
 improvements and, to an important extent, the accumulated indebtedness of the 
 newer sub-divisions which later became a part of the city. By special legisla- 
 tive provision in the charter enabling act the city was authorized to, and 
 did, in fact, fund this debt and the $733,000 of "refunding" bonds, which are 
 included in the city's bonded debt, are the result. 
 
 Sinking Fund. — The charter provides for the annual levy until the 
 payment of the total bonded indebtedness of the city is provided for, of "at 
 least one mill on the dollar of the assessed valuation of all taxable property in 
 the city" for sinking fund purposes, which, however, "shall be applied only 
 to the payment of the principal of bonds .... when the same shall be- 
 come due." In addition, all excess tax collections for interest and all revenues 
 of the city, not otherwise appropriated, shall be paid into the sinking fund. 
 Collections on all assessments levied prior to the adoption of the present 
 
 [634] 
 
Municipal Indebtedness 221 
 
 charter (March 8, 1900) are likewise being credited to the sinking fund. 
 This, as already suggested, with reference to the "refunding" bonds, is because 
 the city's general bonded debt stands in part for expenditures for street 
 improvements to which such assessments apply. The sinking fund on January 
 I, 1905, amounted to $110,819.97. The management and investment of the 
 sinking fund is vested in the mayor, comptroller, treasurer and city attorney 
 as ex officio sinking fund commissioners of the city, subject to the general 
 direction of the common council. 
 
 Limitation of Indebtedness. — Under the "home rule" charter enabling act, 
 municipalities are restricted in their debt-creating capacity within certain 
 defined limits. There is also a general statutory provision on the subject 
 that applies generally to the minor political subdivisions of the state. The 
 class to which Duluth belongs is restricted to 5 per cent, of the total value 
 of the taxable property of the city as returned for taxation, subject, however, 
 to the following special exceptions: (i) Where limit has been already 
 reached or debt exceeds 5 per cent, limit at time of incorporation, bonds may 
 be issued to pay floating debt, to be used solely for such purpose. (2) Cer- 
 tificates of debt for permanent improvement fund are not to be considered 
 as a part of the debt for the purposes of this limitation. (3) Water and 
 light bonds for water and light plants "already in existence" prior to incor- 
 poration and all additional issues for the extension, enlargement and improve- 
 ment of such plants are likewise excluded from the S per cent, limitation. 
 
 It follows from the foregoing that for some time at least no additional 
 public utilities can be acquired by the municipality without special legislative 
 sanction. There are no constitutional inhibitions on the general debt-creating 
 power of Minnesota municipalities. 
 
 New Public Works Involving Increased Indebtedness. — The aerial ferry 
 bridge, which is practically completed, and the proposed extensions of the 
 water and gas service, for which bonds were recently voted, have already been 
 referred to as involving an increase of the city's bonded debt. There is also 
 a movement on foot seeking legislative sanction for the acquirement of a 
 municipal electric lighting plant: There are strong indications, however, that 
 the private company and other special interests in sympathy with it may 
 succeed in controlling legislation on the subject and that the people will be 
 thwarted in their desire. 
 
INDEX OF NAMES 
 
 Abbbbviations. — In the Index the following Abbreviations have been used : pap., 
 principal paper by the person named ; com., communication by the person named ; 
 &.J review of booli of which the person named is the author ; n., note by the person 
 named ; r., review by the person named. 
 
 Acton, Lord, 336, 598 
 
 Adams, M. B., 437-458, pop. 
 
 Adams, T. S., 586, 6. 
 
 Addams, Jane, 457, 510, 512, 517, 542- 
 
 550, pap., 566, 569, 584 
 Adler, Felix, 417-429, pop., 565, et sea. 
 Alden, P., 586, 6. 
 Allen, W. H., 196. 198 
 Alschuler, S., 241 
 Anderson, F. M., 124, B. 
 Anderson, N. L., 491-507, pop., 566, 569, 
 
 584 
 Andrews, E. A., 590 
 ApoUonio, T. B., 157, 167 
 Argyll, Duke of, 124 
 Aristo, 599 
 
 Armstrong, W. J., 599 
 Armstrong, Dr., 408 
 Ashley, C. S., 367, 368 
 Ashley, W. J., 587, 6. 
 Ashmore, S. G., 587, B. 
 Atl£inson, E., 592 
 Atlay, J. B., 129, 130 
 Auckland, Lord, 142 
 Aulard, A., 141 
 Avery, E. McK., 587, 596, B. 
 
 Babbitt, D. R., 132 
 
 Bachellor, Senator, 525, 526 
 
 Bagehot, W., 606 
 
 Bailey, L. H., 4 
 
 Baily, Dr. P., 191 
 
 Bajkic, Wellimir, 343 
 
 Baker, W. H., 367 
 
 Baldwin, W. H., Jr., 565 
 
 Balzani, TJ., 599 
 
 Barere de Vienzac, B., 140 
 
 Barker, H. A., 396 
 
 Barlow, J. R., 364 
 
 Barnardo, Dr., 124, 411 
 
 Bartlett, A. C, 241 
 
 Batt, J. H., 124, B. 
 
 Bechaux, A., 124, B. 
 
 Belgium, King of, 595 
 
 Bentham, J., 604 
 
 Betz, L., 367 
 
 Bilgram, H., 87-100, pap. 
 
 Billings, E., 384 
 
 Bishoi), C. A., 608 
 
 von Bismarck, Carl Otto, 558 
 
 Bissell, R. M., 241 
 
 Black, S. L., 367 
 
 Blackwell, Elizabeth, 121 
 
 Blaine, Mrs. Emmons, 566 
 
 Blondel, G., 124, B. 
 
 Brooks, J. G., 566 
 
 Blouse, M. A., 367 
 
 Blum, S., 385, 615, 619 
 
 Bodley, J. E. C. 335 
 
 Bohl, H., 367, 368 
 
 Boies, H., 135 
 
 Bonaparte, O. J.. 362 
 
 Bonaparte, Napoleon, 140, 141, 597 
 
 Booth, Mrs. Ballington, 341 
 
 Bourgeois, 142 
 
 Bourguin, M., 124, B. 
 
 Boutmy, E., 335, B. 
 
 Brackett, J. R., 193 
 
 Brandenburg, B., 125, B. 
 
 Brandenburg, Mrs. B., 125 
 
 Branford, V. V., 594, 595 
 
 Bray, P. C, 369 
 
 Brosch, Dr., 599 
 
 Brousseau, Kate, 138, B. 
 
 Brown, C. C, 361, 364 
 
 Brown, G. S., 367 
 
 Brown, Justice, 613 
 
 Brown, W. G., 138 
 
 Browning, Elizabeth B., 409 
 
 Browning, O., 140, 142 
 
 Bruns, H. D., 362 
 
 Brunswick, Duke of, 142 
 
 Bryant, L. T., 525, et seq. 
 
 Buchanan, J. R., 335, B. 
 
 Budde, B., 336, B. 
 
 Bute, S., 342 
 
 Bunsen, C. K. J., 331 
 
 Burckhardt, J. L., 590 
 
 Burnham, D. I-I., 230 
 
 Burnham, George, Jr., 362 
 
 Butler, A. J,, 599 
 
 Butler, B. P., 353 
 
 Butler, E. B., 241 
 
 Butler, H. W., 237, 238 
 
 Butler, J. A., 157, 177, 393, 615, 628 
 
 Bryce, J., 594, 607 
 
 Caesar Borgia, 129 
 
 Cairnes, J. E., 606 
 
 Candelier, E., 337 B. 
 
 Cannan, E., 135 
 
 Cannon, J. G., 127 
 
 Capen, E. W., 587, B. 
 
 Capen, S. B., 362 
 
 Carlisle, J. G., 613 
 
 Carlyle, T., 142 
 
 Carpenter, Mary, 409 
 
 Carter, A. C, 125, B. 
 
 Carver, T. N., 126, 336, 346, B. 
 
 Cassatt, A. J., 566 
 
 Cathrein, V. S. J., 336, B. 
 
 di Cavour, Count C. B., 558 
 
 Chalmers, A. K., 273-289, pap. 
 
 Chamberlain, Joseph, 124 
 
 Chancellor, W. E., 126, 536. 
 
 Charles I, 249 
 
 Charles II, 248 
 
 Charles V, 598 
 
 Chausse, Alcide, 364 
 
 Cheyney, E. P., 419, 597 
 
 Christian, Mrs. Wm., 370 
 
 Clark, B. E., 566, 568, 570, 571, 578, 
 
 579 
 Clark, J. B., 126, B. 
 Clark, Wm., 131 
 Clay, H., 133 
 Clay, Mrs., 353 
 Clement IX, 136 
 
 [637] 
 
Index of Names 
 
 Cleveland, F. A., 363 
 Clereland, Grover, 566 
 Cobden, Richard, 604 
 Cole, G. E., 235, 240, 241 
 Collins, Ellen, 257 
 Colquhoun, A. R., 588 
 Columbus, C, 598 
 Comerford, F. B., 247 
 Conant, C. A., 126, 600, 6. 
 Conger, J. L., 608-609, r. 
 Conner, J. E., 346-347, r. 
 Cook, S., 367 
 Corwln, E. S., 596-598, r. 
 Cosentiul, F., 588, 6. 
 Crapsey, A. S., 132 
 Crawford, A. W., 218-234, pap. 
 Creighton, J. B., 374 
 Crollus, W. C, 367 
 Cronin, Dr., 293 
 Crosby, D. J., 369 
 Crunden, F. M., 369 
 Curtis, F., 127, 6. 
 Cutting, E. F., 196 
 Czar of Russia, 556 
 
 Dante, 254 
 
 Danton, G. J., 142 
 
 Darlington, T., 293 
 
 Darrow, C. S., 241 
 
 Darwin, L., 127, 6. 
 
 DaTidson, T., 128, 6. 
 
 Davies, E. T., 584 
 
 Davies, J. H., 337, 6. 
 
 Dawes, C. G., 41 
 
 Dawson, T. C, 128, 338, 6. 
 
 De Bray, A. T., 128, 6. 
 
 Decfeer, Mrs. Sarah S. P., 512, 566, 573 
 
 Deecke, W., 588, B. 
 
 Deermlng, 353 
 
 de Forest, R. W., 192. 193, 566 
 
 Delaney, J. C, 570, 571 
 
 Deming, H. E, 203-217, pap. 345, 364 
 
 Devlne, E. T., 128, 143, 6., 191, 192, 193, 
 
 338, 6., 566 
 Dewey, D. R., 132 
 Dexter, E G., 128, S. 
 Dickens, Charles, 410 
 Dodge, T. A., 353 
 Dorner, A., 338, 6. 
 Dorsey, A.. 339, 6. 
 Drennen, W. M.. 367 
 Drown, T. M.. 363, 364 
 Dumas, M., 597 
 Dunbar, C. F., 129, 339, 6. 
 Duncan, J. C, 612, r. 
 Durkheim, E., 695 
 Dyer, L., 129, S. 
 
 Eckels, .T. H., 40 
 
 Eden, W. M., 142 
 
 Edeington, T. B.. 339, 601, 7). 
 
 Edison, T. A.. 45 
 
 Edmundson, G., 599 
 
 Ehrenberg, R., 137, 6. 
 
 Eliot, C, 224 
 
 Eliot, C. W., 167, 566 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen, 248, 598 
 
 Ellery, Wm., 149 
 
 Rllwood, C. A., 143-144, r. 
 
 Ely, R. T.. 340, S. 
 
 Emerson, R. W., 521 
 
 English, E.. 335 
 
 Erickson, Halford, 467-479, pap., 568, 
 
 584 
 Estabrook, A. F., 566 
 
 Fairlie. .T. A., 299-310, pap. 
 
 Farwell, J. V., Jr., 241 
 
 Favre-Peret, 48 
 
 Feagin, N. B., 566 
 
 Ferraris, C. F., 588 
 
 Fetter, F. A., 144, 6. 
 
 Fewkes, J. W., 336 
 
 Fish, A., 193 
 
 Fish, C. R., 588 
 
 Fisher, H. A. L., 141 
 
 Fisher, W. L., 243 
 
 Flanders, H., 588, h. 
 
 Fletcher, 142 
 
 Fletcher, Alice C, 587 
 
 de Fleury, A. H., 141 
 
 Folk, J. H., 235 
 
 Folks, Homer, 193, 566, 568 
 
 Folwell, P. A., 364 
 
 Ford, H. J., 607 
 
 Forlengo, 599 
 
 Forrest, N. B., 353 
 
 Foster, J. F., 227 
 
 Foucquet, 141 
 
 Fox, H. F., 199, 522-541, pap., 566, 584. 
 
 Fox, W., 589 
 
 Francis, Dr., 290 
 
 Franklin, Gov., 149 
 
 Franklin, C. K., 129 
 
 Freund, E., 610 
 
 Friedenwald, H., 129, 148, h. 
 
 Frost, E. W., 567 
 
 Frye, W. P., 127 
 
 Gall, P. J., 351 
 Galton, F., 594 
 Gardiner, S. R., 599 
 Garfield, H. A., 387 
 Garner, J. W., 154-156, r., 353-354, r. 
 Gass, P., 131 
 Gaston, J., 130, 6. 
 Gaston, J. B., 567 
 Geddes. P., 594 
 Gettlemann, V. F., 337 
 Gender, Wm., 177 
 Ghent, W. J., 129, 6. 
 Gibbon, E., 355 
 Gibbons, J. Cardinal, 567, 570 
 Gide, Charles, 347, 6. 
 Giffen, Sir Robert, 274 
 Gilman, N. P., 602, 6. 
 Ginsberg, E., 342 
 Glaser, P., 342 
 Glenn, .T. M.. 196 
 Glier, L., 135 
 Gomme, G., 324-326, com. 
 Gompers, S., 578 
 Goodnow, F. .T., 129. 348, I). 
 Goodwin, E. H., 374 
 
 Granger, Mrs. A. O., 516-521, pap., 569,. 
 584 ' * I- » ^ 
 
 Grant, U. S., 353 
 Green, J. R., 273 
 Greene, E. B., 149-152, r. 
 Greer, D. H., 567 
 Griggs, .T. W., 523 
 Grosser, H. S.. 157. 161 
 Guthrie, G. W., 345 
 Gwinnett, B., 149 
 
 Haeel, 328 
 
 Hadden, F. H., 596 
 
 Hall, L., 149 
 
 Hall, F. S., 157, 1,59, 360, 374 
 
 Hall, .T. P., 612-614, r. 
 
 Hall, W. E., 129, 6., 602 
 
 V. Halle, E., 138 
 
 Halpern, G., 130, S. 
 
 Hamilton, Alexander, 3.39 
 
 [638] 
 
Index of Names 
 
 Hamlin, Mrs. Conde, 369 
 
 Hamline, J. H., 241 
 
 Hammond, M. B., 138 
 
 Hanataux, G., 141 
 
 Hanna, H. S., 157, 168 
 
 Hanna, Mark, 87 
 
 Harlan, J. M., 243 
 
 Harmon, W. E., 567 
 
 Harris, Sir J., 142 
 
 Harris, N. D., 130, 6. 
 
 Harrison, C. H., 237, 243, 368 
 
 Hartwell, B. M., 863, 615, 616 
 
 Hattorl, T., 340 
 
 Hauriou, M., 130, B. 
 
 Haussmann, Baron, 230 
 
 Hawkesbury, Lord, 142 
 
 Hay, J.,130 
 
 Hayes, T. G., 368 
 
 Head, J. M., 367 
 
 Henry, Prince, 597 
 
 Henry IV, 599 
 
 Heraclitus, 343 
 
 Herrick, C. A., 130, 349, B. 
 
 Herriott, F. I., 600-601, r., 606-608, r. 
 
 Herrmann, E. F., 237 
 
 Hewes, E. W., 126 
 
 Hewett, ,T. N. B., 336 
 
 Heymann, 358 
 
 Hlggs, H.. 140, 141, 143 
 
 Hill, Octavia, 257 
 
 Hirsch, B. G., 551-557, pap., 568, 583 
 
 Hobhouse, L. T., 589, 603, B. 
 
 Hodge, F. W., 596 
 
 Hollis, J. P., 589, B. 
 
 Holsey, L. H., 132 
 
 von Hoist. H.. 142 
 
 Holt, L. E., 569. 584 
 
 Horton, I., 589, B. 
 
 Hosmer, J. K., 131, B. 
 
 Hotchkiss. W. E.. 609-610, r. 
 
 Howard, B. E.. 328-334, com. 
 
 Howe, W. B., 364 
 
 Howell, C. 567 
 
 Rowland, A. C. 354-355, r. 
 
 Howland, W. B.. 369 
 
 Hubbard, A. .T.. 589, B. 
 
 Hubbard, 0., 589, B. 
 
 Hubbard, L., .Tr., 596 
 
 Hughes. J.. 337 
 
 Hugo, C, 302 
 
 Hume, D., 136. 
 
 Hume, M.. 599 
 
 Humphrey, N., 275 
 
 Hunt, Agnes, 131, 340, B. 
 
 Hunt, Harriet K.. 121 
 
 Hunter, R., 131. 567 
 
 Huxley, T. H., 126 
 
 Huyler, J. S., 567 
 
 Jaeobi, M. P., 121 
 
 James 1, 599 
 
 James, B. J., 362 
 
 Jenkinson, C., 142 
 
 Jenks, J. W., 357 
 
 Jephson, H., 408 
 
 Joerns. W. G., 157, 186, 400, 615, 633 
 
 Johnson, Andrew, 353 
 
 .Tohnson, A. S.. 144-148, r. 
 
 Johnson, B. E., 153-154, r., 592, 611 
 
 Johnson, H. V., 367 
 
 .Tohnson, J. A., 367 
 
 Johnson, S. V., 131, B. 
 
 Johnston, Mrs. M. F., 369 
 
 Jones, E. D., 1-20, pap. 
 
 Jones, S. M., 367 
 
 Judson, P. N., 610 
 
 .Tuncos, M. F., 590 
 
 Kasson, J. A., 340, B. 
 
 Katz, B., 343 
 
 Kay, Dr., 280 
 
 Keay, Miss Francis A., 157 
 
 Keen, Miss Dora, 157, 164 
 
 Kelley, Mrs. Florence, 480-490, pap., 510, 
 
 565, 567, 569, 573, 583 
 Kellor, Frances, 131, B. 
 Kelsey, C, 138-139, r., 350-352, r. 
 Kennedy, J. T., 190 
 Kent. Wm., 241 
 Keyes, R. A., 241 
 Kilpatrlck, J., 352 
 King, Hoyt, 235-247, pap. 
 King, I., 132, B. 
 Kingsley, Charles, 337 
 Kingsley, S. C, 402 
 Kinley, D., 604, B. 
 Klrkland, J. H., 558-562, pap., 567, 568, 
 
 578, 581 
 Kirkup, T., 340 
 Koch, C. F., 330, et sea. 
 Kramer, A. L., 101-116, pap. 
 Kruesi, W. B., 347-348, r. 
 
 Laband, 328, et seg. 
 
 de Lahontan, Baron, 590, B. 
 
 Lamb, F. S., 369, 371 
 
 Lamprecht, K., 590, B. 
 
 Larrabee, Wm., 135 
 
 Latane, J. H., 601-602, r. 
 
 Laughton, J. K., 599 
 
 Lavisse, E., 132, B. 
 
 Lawes, 599 
 
 Lawson, J., 132, B. 
 
 LawBon, V. F., 7 
 
 Lea, H. C, 355 
 
 Leathes, S., 336, 598, B. 
 
 Lecky, W. E. H., 276 
 
 Leelaire, B. J., 147 
 
 Lederle, E. J., 293 
 
 Lee, Fitzhugh, 353 
 
 Lee, J., 369 
 
 Lee, P. R., 388 
 
 Lee, S., 599 
 
 Lehmaier, J. S., 374 
 
 Leopold, King, 142 
 
 Levasseur, B., 48 
 
 Lewis, Judge, 530 
 
 Lewis, E., 406 
 
 Lewis, H. W., 404, 405 
 
 Lewis, M., 131 
 
 Lindsay, S. M., 515, 565, et aeq. 
 
 Lindsey, B. B., 508-515, pap., 567, 568, 
 
 583, 584 
 Lines, E. S., 193 
 Lingelbach, W. E., 598-600, r. 
 List, P., 591, B. 
 Liverpool, Lord, 142 
 Locke, J., 610 
 Lodge, H. C. 140, 142 
 Love.1oy, O. B., 459-466, pap., 568, 570, 
 
 Low, Seth, 226 
 Louis XIV, 136, 141 
 Louis XV, 141 
 Lydston, G. F., 350, B. 
 
 Mac Donald, J. R., 341, B. 
 
 Macdonald, M., 140, 142 
 
 Machault, 141 
 
 Machlavelli, N., 129 
 
 Mac Veagh, Franklin, 239, 369 
 
 Mac Vicar, J., 367 
 
 Macy, J., 132. 355-356, r., 606, B. 
 
 Macy, V. E., 567 
 
 Maitland, F. W., 143 
 
 [639] 
 
Index to Names 
 
 Malmesbury, Lord, 142 
 
 Malthus, T. E., 595 
 
 de MandeviUe, B., 136 
 
 Hann, H., 594 
 
 Manning, W. H., 369, 371 
 
 Mansell, Elizabeth V. H., 200 
 
 Marcou, 597 
 
 Marlejol, J. H., 132, 6. 
 
 Marr, 282 
 
 Marx, Karl, 387, 341, 6. 
 
 Mason, Otis, 121 
 
 Maurice, J. F. D., 337 
 
 Maxwell, W. H., 364 
 
 May, M. B., 157, 173, 389, 615, 621 
 
 Mayo, A. D., 132 
 
 von Mayr, G., 342, 6. 
 
 McCatEerty. J. B., 367 
 
 McClain, E., 591, 6. 
 
 McClellan, G. B., 377, 379 
 
 McCormick, S., 567 
 
 McCrea, A. E., 369 
 
 McCune, H. L., 157, 182, 396 
 
 McDermott, E. R., 132, S. 
 
 McDougall, A. W., 193, 533, 537 
 
 McParland, J. H., 361, 369, 370 
 
 McKelway, A. ,T.. 430-436, pop., 569, 584 
 
 McKlm, C. F., 230 
 
 McKinley, A. B., 592, 608, 6. 
 
 McKinley, William, 133, 6. 
 
 McLoughlin, ,T. J., 157, 176, 390, 615, 
 
 624 
 McManaman, .T. .7., 241 
 McVey, F. L., 133, 592, 6. 
 McVickar, W. N., 568, 574, 578 
 Mead, S. C, 374 
 
 Meade, E. S., 604-606, r.. 610-612, r. 
 de Medicis, Catherine, 132 
 Meyer, Alfred, 342 
 Meyer, Anna N., 117, et seq. 
 Mill, H., 342. B. 
 Mill, J. S., 89 
 Miller, Justice. 155 
 Millspaugh, Mrs. C. F., 369, 370 
 Miltoun, F., 133, S. 
 de Miraheau. Comte. 141 
 Mitchell, ,TohTi. 74, 578 
 Mohammed, 354 
 de Molinari, G., 592, S. 
 Monroe, James. 346 
 Montague. F. C, 140. 141 
 Mooney, .T.. 596 
 Morgan, W. D., 367 
 Morris, Robert. 543 
 Moxey. E. P.. 32-42, pop. 
 Mueller, Senator, 243 
 Muller, 32S 
 Mumford. B. B.. 567 
 Murie, J. R.. 587 
 Murphy, F. G.. 434. S46. 565, 567 
 Murphy, Franklin. 522, et seq. 
 Murnliv. M. .T.. 3R4 
 Murphy. Sir Shirley. 277 
 
 Napoleon III. 230 
 Nelson. M., 241 
 Nesbitt, H. A.. 588 
 Newcomb, F. T., 572 
 Nicholson, J. S., 591 
 
 Oher. F. A., 134. 6. 
 
 O'Brien, F. .T.. 364 
 
 Oehs, A. S.. 567 
 
 Olmstead, P. L,., 230, 369, 371 
 
 Olmstead. F. Ij.. Jr.. 230, 391 
 
 Osgood, H. L.. 149, 6. 
 
 Ostroeoraki, 607 
 
 Outerbridge, A. E.. Jr.. 43-.50. pop. 
 
 Page, T. N., 343, h., 594 
 
 Paine, R. T., 149 
 
 Palmer, A. E., 159 
 
 Paltsits, V. H., 590 
 
 Parker, G. A., 369, 371 
 
 Passy, F., 592 
 
 Paterson, Dr. P., 191 
 
 Patten, S. N., 349-350, r. 
 
 Patterson, C. S., 593, 609, b. 
 
 Pattison, E. P. D., 142 
 
 Peabody, G. F., 369 
 
 Pearson, 354 
 
 Peel, Sir Robert, 432 
 
 Pendleton, B. H., 389 
 
 Perkins, D. H., 228 
 
 Pfafferoth, 328 
 
 Phelan, J. J., 367 
 
 Pieper, L., 342 
 
 Pierson, W. W., 603-604, r. 
 
 Pinchot, G., 567 
 
 Pingree, H. S., 368 
 
 Pitt, Wm., 140, 142 
 
 Pratt, H., 592 
 
 Prinzing, Fr., 342 
 
 Prothero, H. W., 336, 598. b. 
 
 Pryor, Mrs., 353 
 
 Purdy, L., 364 
 
 Quaintanee, H. W., 593 
 Quay, M. S., 607 
 Quincy, Josiah, 368 
 
 Rabanay, C, 130, 6. 
 
 von Ranke, L., 590 
 
 Ratzel, P., 153 
 
 Reeder, 609 
 
 Reich, E., 343, 6. 
 
 Reynolds, A. R., 240 
 
 Ehett, R, G., 367 
 
 Rhodes, .7. P., 352, 6. 
 
 Richardson, A. C, 157, 170 
 
 Richardson, C, 361, 362 
 
 Richardson, H. H., 406 
 
 Richelieu, 141 
 
 Rlcardo, D., 605 
 
 Eldgely, W. B., 32, 40 
 
 Rintelen, 328 
 
 Ripley, W. Z., 593, b. 
 
 Riviere, L., 344, 6. 
 
 Roberts, P., 152, 6. 
 
 Robespierre, 140, 141 
 
 Robinson, C, 134, 6. 
 
 Robinson, C. M.. 361, 370 
 
 Rogers, Miss, 293 
 
 von Ronne,. 328. et Beq. 
 
 Roosevelt, Theodore, 127 
 
 Root, E., 130 
 
 Rose, J. H., 140 
 
 Rost, H., 342 
 
 Howe, L. S., 311-321, pop., 364 
 
 Ruskin, John, 543 
 
 Russell, I. C, 134, 6. 
 
 St. Gaudens, A., 230 
 Sakuma, H., 322-324, com. 
 Santarem, 598 
 Scherer, J. A. B., 134, b. 
 Schmidt. 330, 331 
 Sehmoller, G.. 135, 6., 591 
 Schoff, Mrs. Frederic, 202 
 Schulze. 328 
 Scott, Judge, 539 
 Scott, S. P., 354 6. 
 Scott, Mrs. W. B. D., 371 
 Scruggs, W. L., 593. b. 
 Seeberger, L. A., 240 
 Sellgman, I. N., 567, 583 
 
 [640] 
 
Index of Names 
 
 Selz, J. H., 241 
 
 Semple, Ellen C, 153, 6. 
 
 Sewal, Mary W., 118 
 
 Shaltesbury, Lord, 433 
 
 Staler, N. S., 135, l>., 343, 588 
 
 Shambaugh, B. F., 135, 6. 
 
 Shaw, Albert, 344, 6. 
 
 Sbeppard, G. B., 374 
 
 Sherman, L. Y., 241, 240 
 
 Sherman, S. A., 15Y, 181, 615, 630 
 
 Sherman, W. T., 352 
 
 Shuey, K. L., 369 
 
 ShurtlefE, 24T 
 
 Slebert, W. H., 135, 6. 
 
 Silverman, J., 193 
 
 Simon, Sir John, 273, et seq. 
 
 Simonds, O. C, 369, 371 
 
 Singleton, S. M., 240 
 
 Sites, C. M. L., 301 
 
 Sixtus V, 599 
 
 Smith, Adam, 135, T>., 591 
 
 Smith, C. S., 136, 6. 
 
 Smith, E. Z., 157, 175, 615, 622 
 
 Smith, Hoke, 567 
 
 Smith, J. A., 157, 185, 399, 615, 632 
 
 Smith, J. E., 594, 610, B. 
 
 Smith, O. J., 136 
 
 Smith, W. B., 594, B. 
 
 Smyth, J. A., 367 
 
 Snyder, H., 535 
 
 Sorel, 142 
 
 Spearman, P. H., 136 
 
 Spencer, Herbert, 119, 276 
 
 Spencer, S., 567 
 
 Sprague, O. M. W., 129, 339 
 
 Stangeland, C. B., 595, B. 
 
 Staples, 149 
 
 von Stein, H. F. K., 323 
 
 Steinmetz, S. E., 345, B. 
 
 Stevens, F. E., 157, 170. 387, 615, 621 
 
 Stevenson, George, 61-66, pap. 
 
 Stewart, Graeme, 247 
 
 Stewart, O. W., 241 
 
 Stockwell, H. G., 21-31, pap. 
 
 Stone, A. H., 138 
 
 Stone, N. I., 341 
 
 Strong, T. N., 362 
 
 Struckmann, 330, et seq. 
 
 Stuart, Mary, 598. 599 
 
 Sullivan, .T. W., 567 
 
 Sumner, H. I... 586, B. 
 
 Swayze, .T. L.. 524. et seq. 
 
 von Sybel, 142, 590 
 
 Sydow, 330 
 
 Taine, H. A., 141 
 Tapp, S. C, 136. B. 
 Tatham, Dr.. 275 
 Taussig, F. W., 339 
 Taylor, G., 567 
 Terllnden, Ch., 136, B. 
 Thomas, Cyrus, 336 
 Thomas, M. Carey, 373 
 Thomas, S. A., 395 
 Thompson, J. W., 139-143, i: 
 Thorpe, F. N., 137, 355, B. 
 Thwaites, E. G., 590 
 Tillinghast, J. A., 138 
 Tillman, B. E., 567 
 Tillson, G. W., 364 
 Tomkins, C, 374 
 Tourgot. A. E. J., 141 
 Tracy, E. S., 587 
 Tudor, Mary, 598 
 
 Tuley, M. F., 241 
 Turnau, 333 
 
 Vandeleur, J. S., 147 
 
 Van Dyne, F.. 154, B. 
 
 Varlez, L., 595 
 
 Varnhagen, K. A. L. P., 597 
 
 Van Tyne, C. H., 148-149, r. 
 
 von Vattel, E., 602 
 
 Veblen, T., 137, 612, b. 
 
 Veditz, C. W. A., 347 
 
 Veiller, L., 248-272, pap. 
 
 Vespucci, A., 597 
 
 Vidal, G., 137, 6. 
 
 Villard, H., 354 
 
 Viollet, P., 143 
 
 Voglestein, Theodor, 356-358, r. 
 
 Voorhees, P. MacG., 523 
 
 Wach, 331 
 
 Wack, H. W., 595, B. 
 
 Wald, Lillian D., 290-298, pop., 567 
 
 Walker, P., 137, 356, B. 
 
 Wallace, D., 596, B. 
 
 Wallon, 140 
 
 Warburg, P. M., 567 
 
 Ward, A. W., 336, 598, B., 599 
 
 Ward, J. S., Jr., 197 
 
 Warne, F. J., 67-86, pap. 
 
 Warner, P. H. L., 592 
 
 Warren, A., 137, B. 
 
 Washington, B. T., 594 
 
 Weaver, John, 220 
 
 Webb, Beatrice, 545, 546 
 
 Webb, Sydney, 545, 546 
 
 Wende, E., 388 
 
 Westermarck, E., 594 
 
 Westington, 404 
 
 Weyl, W. E., 152-153, r. 
 
 Wharton, Francis, 602 
 
 Wheaton, H., 130 
 
 White, A. T., 263 
 
 Whitney, Ell, 430. 431 
 
 Whltten, E. H., 326-327, com. 
 
 Wilcox, D. P., 137, B., 157, 183, 362, 
 
 615, 631 
 Wilkin, R. J.. 193 
 Wilcox, W. F., 138 
 Willert, Prof., 140, 141 
 Williams, T., 567 
 Williamson, Mrs. B. E.. 522 
 Willmann, H., 533. 534 
 Willoughby, W. W., 138, 348, 612, B. 
 Wilmer, C. B., 567 
 Wilson, G. S., 157. 179, 615, 628 
 Winch, W. H., 138, B. 
 Wines, F. H., 193 
 Winthrop, G. P., 59B 
 Wismiiller, P. X.. 342 
 Witiza, King, 355 
 Wood, J. W., 567 
 Wood. Leonard, 317 
 Woodbnrn, .T. A., 607 
 Woodruff, C. R., 345, B., 3.-,9. 362. :'.ir> 
 
 370 
 
 Yerkes, C. T., 243 
 Young, J. S., 138. 346, B. 
 Young, .1. T.. 348, r.. 602-603. r. 
 Yudelson, Sophie, 117-123. com. 
 
 Zorn, 328. et aeq. 
 
 Zueblin, C, 369 
 
 Zug, C. K.. 51-60, pap. 
 
 [641] 
 
Index of Subjects 
 
 INDEX OF SUBJECTS 
 
 LTitles of articles are printed in small capitals] 
 
 .Administration. "L'Annee Administra- 
 tive, 1903," by M. Hauriou, J. Gaston 
 and C. Kabanay, note, 130 
 
 "Jahrbuch fur Gesetzgebung, Ver- 
 waltung u. Volkswirtscbaft im 
 Deutscben Eeicb," Vol. I, by G. 
 ScbmoUer, note, 135 
 -Appbaisembnts, 21-31. Definition and 
 purposes of 21-23 ; appraisements tor 
 proof of loss by fire, 23-24 ; In con- 
 junction witb audits, 24-25 ; audit of 
 earnings, 25-26 ; over-valuation of 
 plants, 26-28 ; appraisement methods, 
 28-29 ; consolidations, 29-31 
 3ANK Defalcations : Thbib Causes 
 AND Cdees, 32-42. Causes summar- 
 ized, 32 ; views of Comptroller of the 
 Currency, 33 ; temptations to which di- 
 rectors and officers are subject, 34-36 ; 
 influences to which clerical force Is 
 subject, 37 ; remedies summarized, 38 ; 
 discussion of remedies, 39-42 
 Biography. "Dr. Barnardo : The Foster 
 Father of 'Nobody's Children,' " by J. 
 H. Batt, note, 124 
 Business. The Business Career in its 
 Public Relations," by A. Shaw, note, 
 344 
 
 "The Theory of Business Enter- 
 prise," by T. Veblen, review, 612 
 Business Stagnation, the Cause of, 
 87-100. Over-production not a cause, 
 87, 88 ; deficiency in mechanism of 
 exchange a real cause, 89-90 ; dis- 
 cussion of this, 91-99 ; conclusions, 99. 
 •Charities. Associated Charities of Bos- 
 ton, 403 
 
 Boston Children Friends' Society, 
 
 402 
 Boys' and Girls' Aid Society of Cal- 
 ifornia, 404 
 "The Burden of the City," by Isa- 
 
 belle Horton, note, 589 
 Charities and Correction In Balti- 
 more and Maryland, 193 
 Charity Organization Society of 
 
 New York, 189 
 Newark Bureau of Associated Char- 
 ities. 192 
 "The Practice of Charity," by B. T. 
 
 Devine, note, 338 
 "The Principles of Relief," by B. T. 
 Devine, review, 143 
 Child Labor. Child Labor Committee. 
 Proceedings of Annual Meeting, 565- 
 585 
 
 Child Labob fbom the Bmploteb's 
 Point of View. 551-557. Child 
 labor is unprofitable, 552 ; and 
 socially expensive, 553 ; future re- 
 duced supply of adult labor, 556 
 Child Labor in Southern Indus- 
 TBT, 430-436. Textile Industries 
 in the South, 430 ; child labor 
 mainly confined to cotton mills, 
 431 ; past legislation, 433 : North 
 and South jointly resnonsible for 
 nresent conditions, 433 ; laws of 
 Northern and Southern States 
 compared, 434 
 
 Child Laboe in the United States 
 AND its Gebat Attendant Evils, 
 417-429. Conditions in Bnglanil 
 in 1800, 417 ; explanation of child 
 labor abuse, 419 ; facts regarding 
 child labor in United States, 421 ; 
 arguments in favor of child labor 
 considered, 423 ; main reasons why 
 child labor should be abolished, 
 426 ; compulsory education neces- 
 sary, 428 
 
 Child Labob Legislation : A Re- 
 quisite fob Industeial Effi- 
 ciency, 542-550. Industrial edu- 
 cation necessary, 543 ; child labor 
 reduces industrial efficiency, 544 ; 
 compulsory education necessary 
 in America, 545 ; play necessary 
 to child, 547 ; play essential to 
 social grouping, 549 
 
 Child Labob Legislation and En- 
 fobcement in new england and 
 THE Middle States, 480-490. Il- 
 literacy in ten New England and 
 Middle States, 480; child labor 
 laws in these states, 481 ; defects 
 of New Tork law, 484 ; operation 
 of laws of New England States, 
 487-490 
 
 Child Labor Legislation and 
 Methods of Enforcement in 
 
 NOBTHEBN CENTEAL STATES, 467- 
 
 479. History of child labor legis- 
 lation In Wisconsin, 468 ; in Ohio, 
 Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, 472 ; 
 general features of the laws of 
 the several states, 474 ; objections 
 to affidavit system of age deter- 
 mination, 475 ; legislation that 
 must supplement child labor laws, 
 477 
 
 Child Labor Legislation in the 
 South, 491-507. Present status 
 of child labor legislation In the 
 South, 492-496; review of legis- 
 lation, 496-498 ; an Illustration, 
 499-500 ; difficulties in way of se- 
 curing effective legislation, 500- 
 505 ; practical suggestions, 505- 
 507 
 
 Child Labob Legislation and 
 Methods of Enforcement in 
 THE Western States, 508-515. 
 Child labor evil less acute in West 
 than in East and South, 508 ; 
 laws of Western States concern- 
 ing child labor In mines, 509 ; 
 compulsory education laws, 511 ; 
 Industrial education needed, 514 
 
 Children in American Street 
 Trades, 437-458. Life of news- 
 boy, 437 ; organization of news- 
 paper distribution in Chicago, 
 438 ; Chicago Newsboys' Protec- 
 tive Association, 441 ; age of 
 newsboys, 443 ; effects of pro- 
 hibiting child labor. 444 ; Immoral 
 Influences surrounding newsboys, 
 446 ; effects of Immoral and Ir- 
 regular life, 447 ; facts regarding 
 
 [642] 
 
Index of Subjects 
 
 school attendance of newsboys, 
 448 ; gambling, 450 ; juvenile de- 
 linquency, 452 ; girls selling 
 papers, 453 ; efforts to Improve 
 conditions in New York and other 
 cities, 454 ; statistics of age, 
 nationality, parentage, earnings, 
 school attendance and worlsing 
 hours of Chicago newsboys, 457- 
 458 
 The Operation op the New Child 
 IjAEOk Law in New Jersey, 522- 
 541. Recent legislation regarding 
 factory inspection, 522 ; report of 
 Mr. Swayze, December, 1903, 
 524 ; law of 1904, 525 ; enforce- 
 ment of law, 529 ; Investigation 
 of school attendance in New Jer- 
 sey, 531 ; effects of child labor 
 law, 533 ; suggested deflciencies 
 in law, 535 
 The School as a Foece Aebatbd 
 Against Child Labob, 558-562. 
 Necessity for compulsory educa- 
 tion, 559 ; summary of argument, 
 561 ; attitude of organized labor 
 toward child labor, 563-566 
 Test ov Effective Child Labok 
 Legislation, 459-466. Possibility 
 of enforcement is the standard of 
 effectiveness, 459 ; principles to 
 be recognized in testing legisla- 
 tion, 460 ; discussion of alleged 
 reasons for employing children, 
 464 
 The Woek of the General Fbdbb- 
 ATioN OF Women's Clubs Against 
 Child Labob, 516-521. Letter 
 sent out in 1903, 516 ; action 
 taken at Biennial Convention, 
 1904, 517 ; activities of women's 
 clubs, 519 
 The Church and Child Labor, 574-578 
 Organized Labor, Attitude of, to- 
 ward Child Labor, 579-584 
 "Citizenship of the United States," by 
 
 F. Van Dyne, review, 154 
 Civic Organizations, Activities of, for 
 Municipal Improvement in the United 
 States, 359-401 
 Coal Industry. "Monopolistic Combina- 
 tions in the German Coal Industry," 
 by F. Walker, review, 356 
 
 "The Anthracite Coal Communi- 
 ties," by P. Roberts, review, 152 
 Colombia. "The Colombian and Venezu- 
 elan Republics," by W. L. Scruggs, 
 note, 593 
 Commerce. "La Belgique et le Marche 
 Asiatique," by A. T. DeBray, note, 
 128 
 
 "The Organization of Ocean Com- 
 merce," by J. R. Smith, review, 
 610 
 "Ships and Shipping," edited by F. 
 Miltoun, note, 133 
 Criminology. "Considerations sur I'Btat 
 Actuel de la Criminalite en France et 
 les Characteres de la Criminalite 
 Moderne," by G. VIdal, note, 137 
 "Life in Sing Sing," by Number 
 1500, note, 341 
 Democracy. "The American City : A 
 Problem in Democracy," by D. F. Wil- 
 cox, note, 137 
 
 "Democracy and Reaction," by L. T. 
 Hobhouse, review, 603 
 
 Disease. "Anemia in Porto Eico," note,. 
 586 
 
 British Conference on the Spread of 
 
 Infectious Disease by Vagrants, 
 
 408 
 
 Economics. "The Distribution of 
 
 Wealtn," by T. N. Carver, review, 346. 
 
 "Energie und Recht," by E. Budde,. 
 
 note, 336 
 "L'Evolution dconomique du XIX 
 slecle," by E. Candeller, note, 337 
 "The Principles of Economics," by 
 
 F. A. Fetter, review, 144 
 "The Problem of Monopoly," by J.. 
 
 B. Clark, note, 126 
 "Success Among Nations," by E. 
 
 Reich, note, 343 
 "Economic Essays," by C. F. Dun- 
 bar, note, 339 
 "Outlines of Economics," l:y R. T_ 
 Ely, note, 340 
 Education. "Commercial Knowledge," 
 by A. Warren, note, 137 
 
 Education and Professional Ac- 
 tivities OF Women, 117-123. 
 Education, 117 ; women in teach- 
 ing profession, 120 ; medicine, . 
 121 ; law, 122 ; theology, 122-123 
 Educational Organization and Pro- 
 gress in American Cities, 157-188 
 "The Education of the Wage-Earn- 
 ers," by T. Davidson, note, 128 
 "A History of Education in the- 
 United States," by B. G. Dexter, 
 note, 128 
 "Meaning and Practice of Commer- 
 cial Education," by C. A. Herriek^. 
 review, 349 
 "Notes on German Schools," by W. 
 
 H. Winch, note, 138 
 "The Working Men's College," ed- 
 ited by J. H. Davies, note, 337 
 Ethnology. Twenty-flrst and Twenty- 
 second (Part I) Annual Reports of the- 
 Bureau of American Ethnology, note, 
 336 
 
 Twenty-second Annual Report (Part 
 II) Bureau of American Ethnol- 
 ogy, note, 587 
 "Neolithic Dew Ponds and Cattle- 
 ways," by A. J. and G. Hubbard,, 
 note, 589 
 "La Sociologle Genetlque," by F. 
 Cosentini, note, 588 
 Finance. "Wall Street and the Coun- 
 try," by C. A. Conant, review, 600 
 Geography. "The International Geog- 
 raphy," ed. by H. R. Mill, note, 342 
 "North America," by I. C. Russell,, 
 note, 134 
 Government. City Government in Ja- 
 pan, 322-324. 
 
 "City Government in the United' 
 States," by F. J. Goodnow, re- 
 view, 348 
 "The Government of Ohio," by W. 
 
 H. Siebert, note, 135 
 "Party Organization and Machin- 
 ery," by Jesse Macy, review, 606 
 THE Reorganization of Local Gov- • 
 eenment in Cuba, 311-321. Local' 
 government under American mili- 
 tary rule, 312 ; authority of central 
 government over municipalities, 
 under Spanish rule, 313 ; reduc- 
 tion in number of municipalities-, 
 under American rule, 314 ; munic— 
 
 [643] 
 
Index of Subjects 
 
 ipal elections, 314; changes in 
 local government under new con- 
 stitution, 316 ; central authority 
 over municipal finances, 317 ; is 
 Anglo-Saxon local government 
 practicable in Cuba, 318 
 
 "The Story of Anglo-Saxon Institu- 
 tions or the Development of Con- 
 stitutional Government," by S. 
 C. Tapp, note, 136 
 History. "What is History," by Karl 
 Lamprecht, note, 590 
 
 "The American Colonies in the 
 Seventeenth Century," by H. L. 
 Osgood, review, 149 
 
 "American History and its Geo- 
 
 fraphic Conditions," by Ellen C. 
 emple, review, 153 
 
 "New Voyages to North America," 
 by Baron de Lahontan, note, 590 
 
 "The Declaration of Independence, 
 an Interpretation and an Analy- 
 sis," by H. Friedenwald, review, 
 148 
 
 "A Short Constitutional History of 
 the United States," by F. N. 
 Thorpe, review, 365 
 
 "The Evolution of the Constitution 
 of the United States of America 
 and History of the Monroe Doc- 
 trine," by J. A. Easson, note, 340 
 
 "The United States and the States 
 Under the Constitution," by C. S. 
 Patterson, review, 609 
 
 "A Political and Constitutional 
 Study of the Cjimberland Road," 
 by J. S. Young, note, 346 
 
 "The Monroe Doctrine," by T. B. 
 Edgington, review, 601 
 
 "A History of the United States 
 and its People," by E. McK. 
 Avery, review, 596 
 
 "History of the United States from 
 the Compromise of 1850," by J. F. 
 Rhodes, review, 352 
 
 "The Provincial Committees of 
 Safety of the American Revolu- 
 tion," by Agnes Hunt, note, 340 
 
 "Gnss's Journnl of the Lewis and 
 Clark Expedition," edited by J. 
 K. Hosmer, note, 131 
 
 "The Messages and Proclamations 
 of the Governors of Iowa." edited 
 by B. F. Shambauffh, note, 1.35 
 
 "A Short History of Oregon," by S. 
 V. Johnson, note, 131 
 
 "The Period of Reconstruction in 
 South Carolina," by J. P. Hollis, 
 note. 589 
 
 "Histoire de France," Vol. VI, Part 
 I, by H. Lavisse. note. 132 
 
 "Constitutions and Other Select 
 Documents Illustrative of the 
 History of France, 1789-1901," 
 by F. M. Anderson, note. 124 
 
 "The French Revolution." Vol. VIII, 
 Camhrirt''e Modern History, re- 
 view, 139 
 
 "Ije Pnoe Clement TX pt la Guerre 
 de Caidie n6fi7-1fi69)," by Ch. 
 Terllnden. note. 136 
 
 "The Story of t>ie Cona-o Free 
 Stnte," by H. W. Wack, note, 
 595 
 
 "The Fns'lisb People," by E. Bout- 
 my. note. 335 
 
 "History of the Moorish Empire in 
 
 Europe," by S. P. Scott, review, 
 354 
 "The Wars of Religion," The Cam- 
 bridge Modern History, Vol. HI, 
 review, 598 
 "Machiavelll and the Modem State," 
 by L. Dyer, note, 129 
 HonsiNG Pboblbm in American Cities, 
 248-272. Experience of London, 248 ; 
 causes of over-crowding, 250 ; tene- 
 ment house problem in American cities, 
 251 ; physical effects of overcrowding, 
 253 ; solution of housing problem, 256- 
 260 ; model tenements discussed, 261 ; 
 financial side of problem, 264 ; prob- 
 lem of getting city population to live 
 in country, 266 ; investigations needed, 
 267-269 ; recent progress made, 271 
 Immigration. "Imported Americans," 
 
 by B. Brandenburg, note, 125 
 Indian. "Mythology of the Wichita," 
 
 by G. A. Dorsey, note 339 
 Industry. "Modern Industrialism," by 
 F. L. McVey, note, 592 
 
 "Methods of Industrial Peace," by 
 N. P. Gilman, review, 602 
 "Italy," by W. Deecke, note, 588 
 "Japan of To-day," by J. A. B. Scherer, 
 
 note, 134 
 Jew. "Die Judischen Arbeiter in Lon- 
 don," by G. Halpern, note, 130 
 Labor. "The Progress of the German 
 Working Classes in the Last Quarter 
 of a Century," by W. J. Ashley, note, 
 5S7 
 
 "Labor Problems," by T. S. Adams 
 
 and H. L. Sumner, note, 586 
 "The Story of a Labor Agitator," by 
 
 J. R. Buchanan, note, 335 
 "La Reglementation du Travail," 
 
 by A. Bechaux, note, 124 
 "The Unemployed," by P. Alden, 
 
 note, 586 
 "Women in the Printing Trades," 
 by J. B. MacDonald, note, 341 
 Labrador. "The Lure of the Labrador 
 
 Wild," by D. Wallace, note, 596 
 Law. Recknt Amendments to Elec- 
 tion AND Primary Laws. 326-327 
 "The American Constitutional Sys- 
 tem," by W. W. Willoughby, re- 
 view, 612 
 "An Exposition of the Constitution 
 of the United States," by H. 
 Flanders, note, 588 
 "Constitutional Law in the United 
 States," by Bmlln McClain, note, 
 591 
 "The Historical Development of the 
 Poor Law in Connecticut," by B. 
 W. Capen, note, 587 
 "A Treatise on International Law," 
 
 by W. E. Hall, note, 129 
 The .Tfdiciai, Office in Germany, 
 328-334. WliffibiHty, 328; exami- 
 nations. 329 ; nuhlic teachers of 
 law eligible to judicial office, 331 ; 
 independence of .iudieiary, 331 ; 
 removal and suspension from 
 otBoe. 333 
 London, Relation of, to Quasi-Public 
 Works, 324-326. Tramways, 324-325 ■ 
 river service, 326 ; gas suply, 325-326 
 Manufacture, Specialization in, 43- 
 50. Advantages of specialization, 43- 
 45 ; disadvantages considered, 45-46 ■ 
 effects of specialization, 47-50 
 
 [644] 
 
Index of Subjects 
 
 Manufactubbe, The, and the Domestic 
 Market, 1-20. American domestic 
 market, 1 ; manufactures forty years 
 ago and to-day, 2-3 ; struggle for con- 
 trol of raw materials, 3-6 ; elimina- 
 tion of intermediate markets, 6-8 
 approach of manufacturer to con 
 sumer, 8-10 ; direct selling, 10-11 
 control of dealer, 11-16 ; ownership of 
 retail establishments, 16-19 ; conclu- 
 sion, 19-20 
 
 MiNEHS' Union, The : Its Business 
 Management, 67-86. Organization of 
 United Mine Workers of America, 67 : 
 national convention, 69 ; objects of 
 organization, 70 ; officers, 71 ; their 
 powers, 72 ; executive board, 74 ; walk- 
 ing delegates, 7o ; membership in 
 Union, 77 ; local Union, 78 ; fln.ancial 
 organization, 80 ; relief organization, 
 82 ; joint conference of operators and 
 miners, 83 : influences exerted by 
 United Mine Workers, 8.'i 
 
 "Money : A Study of the Theory of the 
 Medium of Exchange," by D. Kinley, 
 review, 604 
 
 Municipal Functions in the United 
 States. Recent Extensions op, 299- 
 310. Public safety, 300-302 ; public 
 works, 302-304 ; municipal ownership, 
 304-308 ; franchises, 308-310 
 
 Municipal Government. Notes on, 157- 
 188: 3.59-401; 615-635 
 
 Municipal Indebtedness, 615-635 
 
 MrxiciPAL Nomination Reform, 203- 
 217. Political problem of municipal 
 democratic government, 203-204 : op- 
 erations of present "primarv" laws, 
 204-207 ; changes suggested. 208 ; 
 proper test for voting at primaries, 
 210 : evils of organization test, 211 ; 
 conditions which should control nomi- 
 nation of candidates, 213 ; conclu- 
 sion, 215-217 
 
 "Municipal Trade," by L. Darwin, note, 
 127 
 
 National Congress of Mothers. 200 
 
 National Municipal League. Proceed- 
 ings of Chicago Conference for Good 
 City Government and the Tenth An- 
 nual Meeting of the, edited by C. R. 
 Woodruff, note, .345 
 
 Park Systems, The Development of, 
 IN American Cities, 218-234. City 
 plan. 219-221 ; outer nark system. 
 221-2,30 : group plans, 230-232 ; water 
 fronts, 232-234 
 
 Penology. English Industrial Schools, 
 1870-1904, 409 
 
 A Model .Tail under Salaried Man- 
 agement, 406 
 New .Jersey State Home for Girls, 
 
 199 
 Reformatory and Industrial Schools 
 in Great Britain, 412 
 
 Philanthropy, Charities and Social Prob- 
 lems, Notes on, 189-202 ; 402-413 
 Sixty-first Annual Report of the 
 New York Association for Im- 
 proving the Condition of the 
 Poor, 196 
 
 Political Economy. "An Inquiry into 
 the Nature and Causes of the Wealth 
 of Nations," by Adam Smith, note, 
 135 
 
 "Ija Politique Protection! ste en An- 
 
 gleterre," by G. Blondel, note, 
 124 
 "A Contribution to the Critique of 
 Political Economy," by Karl 
 Marx, note, 341 
 "Principles of Political Economy," 
 
 by Charles Gide, review, 347 
 "The National System of Political 
 Economy," by F. List, note, 591 
 Population. "Pre-Malthusian Doctrines 
 of Population,' by C. E. Stangeland, 
 note, 595 
 "Allegemeines Statistisches Archiv.," 
 II, vi, by George von Mayr, note, 
 342 
 Race Problem. "The Neighbor," by N. 
 S. Shaler, note, 135 
 
 "How to Solve the Race Problem," 
 
 edited by Jesse Lawson, note, 132 
 
 "The Color Line," by W. B. Smith, 
 
 note, 594 
 "The Negro," by T. N. Page, note, 
 
 343 
 "L'Education des Negres aux Etats- 
 Unis," by Kate Brousseau, re- 
 view, 138 
 "Railways," by E. R. McDermott, note, 
 
 132 
 Real Estate as Security for Loans, 
 51-60. Special merits of mortgage 
 security, 51 ; methods of loaning on 
 real estate, 52 ; discussion of methods, 
 53-54 ; considerations affecting se- 
 curity, 55-58 ; conclusions summar- 
 ized, 59-60 
 Reciprocity. "A History of Two Reci- 
 procity Treaties," by C. Robinson, 
 note, 134 
 Reform Movement in Chicago, The, 
 235-247. Municipal Voters' League, 
 235 ; its influence upon personnel of 
 the board of aldermen, 236 ; relations 
 of Municipal Voters' League to Legis- 
 lative Voters' League and Citizens' 
 Association, 238 ; work of Citizens' 
 Association, 240 ; activities of Legis- 
 lative Voters' League, 241 ; its influ- 
 ence upon street railway legislation, 
 243 ; recent reforms accomplished, 
 246-247 
 Religion. "Grundriss der Religionsphil- 
 
 osophie," by A. Dorner, note, 338 
 "Republican Party," by F. Curtis, note, 
 
 127 
 Sanitation in Great Britain, Progress 
 OF, 273-289. Poor Law Commission of 
 1834, 273 ; sanitation and the death- 
 rate, 275 ; physical condition of school 
 children, 279 ; housing and sanita- 
 tion, 281 ; municipal building, 283 
 Schools, Medical Inspection of Pub- 
 lic, 290-298. Report of 1892-1894 on 
 London school children by Dr. Francis, 
 290 ; diseases to which school children 
 are particularly subject, 291 ; con- 
 tagious diseases in New York schools, 
 292 ; inspection of New York schools. 
 292 ; work of the physicians and 
 nurses in connection with medical in- 
 spection, 295 : results accomplished, 
 297 
 Securities of Purlic Service Corpora- 
 tions AS Investments, 101-116. Dif- 
 ference between public service corpor- 
 ations and industrial companies, 101 ; 
 duration of franchises, 103 ; security 
 of bonds, 104 ; interurban electric rail- 
 
 [645] 
 
Index of Subjects 
 
 ways, 105 ; gas and electric lighting 
 companies, 106 ; maintenance o£ 
 cliarges and fares, 109 ; securities of 
 proposed companies, 111 ; factors 
 affecting values of such securities, 
 112 ; future of public service corpora- 
 tions as investments, 115 
 Siam. "The Kingdom of Slam," by A. 
 
 C. Carter, note, 125 
 Slavei-y. "The History of Negro Servi- 
 tude in Illinois," by N. D. Harris, 
 note, 130 
 Socialism. "Socialism : Its Theoretical 
 Basis and Practical Application," by 
 V. Cathrein, note, 336 
 
 "Les Systemes Sociallstes et I'Evo- 
 
 lution Economique," by M. Bour- 
 
 guin, note, 124 
 
 Social Problem. "Diseases of Society 
 
 and Degeneracy," by G. P. Lydston, 
 
 review, 350 
 
 "The Psychology of Child Develop- i 
 
 ment," by I. King, note, 132 
 "La Terre et L' Atelier : Jardins ouv- 
 
 riers," by L. Riviere, note, 344 
 "Out of Work," by Prances Keller, 
 
 note, 131 
 "Working with the People," by C. S. 
 Smith, note, 136 I 
 
 Society. "Mass and Class," by W. J. 
 Ghent, note, 129 
 
 "The Society of To-morrow," by G. 
 de Molinari, note, 592 
 Sociology. "Sociological Papers," note, 
 594 
 
 "Rechtsverhaltnisse von eingebor- 
 
 enen Volkern in Afrika und 
 
 Ozeanien," S. R. Steinmetz, 
 
 note, 345 
 
 "South American Republics," by T. C. 
 
 Dawson, note, 338 
 "SuSErage Franchise in the Thirteen 
 English Colonies in America," by A. E. 
 McKinley, review, 608 
 Tariff. "The Tariff," by William Mc- 
 Kinley, note, 133 
 "Trusts, Pool and Corporations," by W. 
 
 Z. Ripley, note, 593 
 Underwriting, 61-66. Necessity for 
 underwriting, 61-62 ; two classes of 
 underwriters, 63 ; syndicate opera- 
 tions, 64-66 
 Venezuela. "The Colombian and Vene- 
 zuelan Republics," by W. L. Scruggs, 
 note, 593 
 West Indies. "Our West Indian Neigh- 
 bors," by F. A. Ober, note, 134 
 
THE ANNALS 
 
 AMERICAN ACADEMY 
 
 POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE 
 
 ISSUED BI-MONTHLY 
 
 VOL. XXV 
 
 JANUARY 1905— JUNE 1905 
 
 Editor : EMORY R. JOHNSON 
 ASSOCIATE EDITORS SAMUEL McCUNE LINDSAY, JAMES T. YOUNG 
 
 PHILADELPHIA 
 
 American Academy of Political and Social Science 
 
 1905 
 
 Copyright igos, by the American Academy of Political and Social Science 
 All rights reserved 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PRINCIPAL PAPERS 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Adams^ Myron E. Children in American Street Trades 437 
 
 Addams, Jane. Child Labor Legislation, — A Requisite for 
 
 Industrial Efficiency 542 
 
 Adler, Felix. Child Labor in the United States and its Great 
 
 Attendant Evils 417 
 
 Anderson, Neal L. Child Labor Legislation in the South. . . 491 
 
 Bilgram, Hugo. The Cause of Business Stagnation 87 
 
 Chalmers, A. K. The Progress of Sanitation in Great Britain . 273 
 Crawford, Andrew Wright. The Development of Park Sys- 
 tems in American Cities 218 
 
 Deming, Horace E. Municipal Nomination Reform 203 
 
 Erickson, Halford. Child Labor Legislation and Methods 
 
 of Enforcement in Northern Central States 467 
 
 Fairlie, John A. Recent Extensions of Municipal Functions 
 
 in the United States 299 
 
 Fox, Hugh F. The Operation of the New Child Labor Law 
 
 in New Jersey 522 
 
 Granger, Mrs. A. O. The Work of the General Federation of 
 
 Women's Clubs against Child Labor 516 
 
 Hirsch, Emil G. Child Labor from the Employer's Point of 
 
 View SSI 
 
 Jones, Edward D. The Manufacturer and the Domestic 
 
 Market i 
 
 Kelley, Mrs. Florence. Child Labor Legislation and En- 
 forcement in New England and the Middle States 480 
 
 King, Hoyt. The Reform Movement in Chicago 23s 
 
 Kirkland, James H. The School as a Force Arrayed against ' 
 
 Child Labor 5S8 
 
 (iii) 
 
iv Contents 
 
 PAGK 
 
 Kramer, Albert Ludlow. Securities of Public Service Cor- 
 porations as Investments loi 
 
 LiNDSEY, Ben B. Child Labor Legislation and Methods of 
 
 Enforcement in the Western States 508 
 
 LovEjoY, Owen R. The Test of Effective Child Labor Legis- 
 lation 459* 
 
 McKelway, a. J. Child Labor in Southern Industry 430 
 
 Moxey, Edward Preston. Bank Defalcations: Their Causes 
 
 and Cures 32 
 
 OuTERBRiDGE, ALEXANDER E., Jr. Specialization in Manu- 
 facture 45 
 
 RowE, L. S. The Reorganization of Local Government in 
 Cuba 311 
 
 Stevenson, George. Underwriting 6r 
 
 Stockwell, Herbert G. Appraisements 21 
 
 Veiller, Lawrence. The Housing Problem in American 
 
 Cities 248 
 
 Wald, Lillian D. Medical Inspection of Public Schools 290 
 
 Warne, Frank Julian. The Miners' Union: Its Business 
 
 Management 67 
 
 ZuG, Charles K. Real Estate as Security for Loans 51 
 
 Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the National Child Labor Com- 
 mittee 563; 
 
 COMMUNICATIONS 
 
 GoMME, G. The Relation of London to Quasi-Public Works 324 
 
 Howard, Burt Estes. The Judicial Office in Germany 328' 
 
 Sakuma, H. City Government in Japan 322^ 
 
 Whitten, R. H. Recent Amendments to Election and Primary Laws. . 326 
 YUDELSON, Sophie. The Education and Professional Activities of 
 
 Women 117- 
 
Contents 
 
 BOOK DEPARTMENT 
 Conducted by Carl Kelsey 
 
 REVIEWS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Avery, E. McK. A History of the United States and its People from 
 
 their Earliest Records to the Present Time, Vol. I. — E. S. Corwin S96 
 
 Brousseau, Kate. L'Education des Negres aux Etats-Unis.— C. Kelsey. 138 
 Cambridge Modern History, Vol. HI. The Wars of Religion.— PF. E. 
 
 Lingelbach 598 
 
 Cambridge Modern History, Vol. VHI. French Revolution. — /. W. 
 
 Thompson 139 
 
 Carver, T. N. The Distribution of Wealth.— 7. E. Conner. 346 
 
 CoNANT, C. A. Wall Street and the Country.— F. /. Herriott 600 
 
 Devine, E. T. The Principles of Relief. — C. A. Ellwood 143 
 
 Edgington, T. B. The Monroe Doctrine. — J. H. Latane 601 
 
 Fetter, F. A. The Principles of Economics. — A. S. Johnson 144 
 
 T^edenwald, Herbert. The Declaration of Independence, an Interpre- 
 tation and an Analysis. — C. H. Van Tyne 148 
 
 ■GiDE, C. Principles of Political Economy (Second American Ed.) — W. 
 
 E. Kruesi 347 
 
 •Oilman, N. P. Methods of Industrial Peace. — J. T. Young 602 
 
 GooDNow, F. J. City Government in the United States. — /. T. Young. . . . 348 
 Herrick, C. a. Meaning and Practice of Commercial Education. — 5". N. 
 
 Patten 349 
 
 Hobhouse, L. T. Democracy and Reaction. — W. W. Pierson 603 
 
 KiNLEY, D. Money. — E. S. Meade 604 
 
 Tydston, G. F. Diseases of Society and Degeneracy. — C. Kelsey 350 
 
 Macy, J. Party Organization and Machinery. — F. I. Herriott 606 
 
 McKiNLEY, A. E. The Suffrage Franchise in the Thirteen English 
 
 Colonies in America. — J. L. Conger 608 
 
 •Osgood, H. L. The American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century. — 
 
 E. B. Greene 149 
 
 Patterson, C. S. The United States and the States under the Con- 
 stitution. — W. E. Hotchkiss 609 
 
 Rhodes, J. F. History of the United States from the Compromise of 
 
 1850, Vol. V. — J. W. Garner 352 
 
 TioBERTS, P. The Anthracite Coal Communities. — W. E. Weyl 152 
 
 Scott, S. P. History of the Moorish Empire in Europe, 3 vols. — A. C. 
 
 Rowland 354 
 
 Semple, Ellen C. American History and its Geographic Conditions. — 
 
 E. R. Johnson 153 
 
 Smith, J. R. The Organization of Ocean Commerce. — E. S. Meade.... 610 
 
vt Contents 
 
 PAGE 
 
 ThorpEj F. N. a Short Constitutional History of the United States.— 
 
 /. Macy 355 
 
 Van Dyne, F. Citizenship of the United States.—/. JV. Garner 154 
 
 Veblen, T. The Theory of Business Enterprise. — /. C. Duncan 612 
 
 Walker, F. Monopolistic Combinations in the German Coal Industry. 
 
 T. Voglestein 3S6 
 
 WiLLOUGHBY, W. W. The American Constitutional System. — J. P. Hall. 612 
 
 Adams, T. S., and Sumner, Miss H. L. Labor Problems, .v 586 
 
 Alden, p. The Unemployed 586 
 
 American Economic Association, Papers and Proceedings of the Sev- 
 enteenth Annual Meeting 586 
 
 Anderson, F. M. The Constitutions and Other Select Documents 
 
 Illustrative of the History of France, 1789-1901 124 
 
 Anemia in Porto Rico, Report of the Commission for the Study and 
 
 Treatment of 586' 
 
 Ashley, W. J. The Progress of the German Working Classes in the 
 
 Last Quarter of a Century 587 
 
 AsHMORE, S. G. The Classics and Modern Training 587 
 
 Batt, J. H. Dr. Barnardo 124 
 
 Bechaux, a. La Reglementation du Travail 124 
 
 Blondel, G. La Politique Protectioniste en Angleterre 124 
 
 BouRGUiN, M. Les Systemes Socialistes et I'Evolution Economique . . . . 124 
 
 Boutmy, E. The English People 335 
 
 Buchanan, J. R. The Story of a Labor Agitator 335 
 
 Budde, E. Energie und Recht 336 
 
 Brandenburg, B. Imported Americans 125 
 
 Bureau of American Ethnology, Twenty-first and Twenty-second (Part 
 
 l) Annual Reports 336 
 
 Bureau of American Ethnology, Twenty-second (Part 2) Annual Report. 587 
 
 Candelier, E. L'Evolution economique du xix siecle 337 
 
 Capen, E. W. The Historical Development of the Poor Law in Con- 
 necticut 587 
 
 Carter, A. C. The Kingdom of Siam 125 
 
 Cathrein, V. Socialism; Its Theoretical Basis and Practical Applica- 
 tion 336 
 
 Clark, J. B. The Problem of Monopoly 126- 
 
 Cosentini, F. La Sociologie Genetique 588' 
 
 Curtis, F. The Republican Party. 2 vols 127 
 
 Darwin, L. Municipal Trade 127 
 
 Davidson, T. The Education of the Wage-Earners 12S 
 
Contents vii 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Davies, J. H., Ed. by. The Working Men's College 337 
 
 Dawson, T. C. South American Republics. 2 vols 338 
 
 DeBray, a. T. La Belgique et le Marche Asiatique 128 
 
 Deecke, W. Italy 588 
 
 Devine, E. T. The Practice of Charity, 2d Ed 338 
 
 Dexter, E. G. A History of Education in the United States 128 
 
 Dorner, a. Grundriss der Religionsphilosophie 338 
 
 Dorsey, G. a. The Mythology of the Wichita 339 
 
 Dunbar, C. F. Economic Essays 339 
 
 Dyer, L. Machiavelli and the Modern State 129 
 
 Ely, R. T. Outlines of Economics 340 
 
 Flanders, H. An Exposition of the Constitution of the United States. 
 
 5th Ed : 588 
 
 Ghent, W. J. Mass and Class 129 
 
 Hall, W. E. A Treatise on International Law. Sth Ed 129 
 
 Halpern, G. Die Jiidischen Arbeiter in London 13a 
 
 Harris, N. D. The History of Negro Servitude in Illinois 130 
 
 Hauriou, M. ; Gaston, J. et Rabanay, C. L'Annee Administrative, 1903. . 130 
 
 HoLLis, J. P. The Period of Reconstruction in South CaroHna 589 
 
 Horton, Isabelle. The Burden of the City 589 
 
 HosMER, J. K., Ed. by. Gass's Journal of the Louis and Clark Expedition 131 
 
 Hubbard, A. J., and Hubbard, G. Neolithic Dew Ponds and Cattleways. 589 
 Hunt, Agnes. The Provincial Committees of Safety of the American 
 
 Revolution 340 
 
 Johnson, S. V. A Short History of Oregon '. 131 
 
 Kasson, J. A. The Evolution of the Constitution of the United States 
 
 of America and History of the Monroe Doctrine - 340 
 
 Kellor, Frances. Out of Work 131 
 
 King, Irving. The Psychology of Child Development 132 
 
 Lahontan, Baron de. New Voyages to North America. 2 Vols 590 
 
 Lamprecht, K. What is History ? 590 
 
 Lavisse, E. Histoire de France, Vol. vi, Part i 132 
 
 Lawson, J., Ed. by. How to Solve the Race Problem 132 
 
 Life in Sing Sing 341 
 
 List, F. The National System of Political Economy S9i 
 
 MacDonald, J. R. Women in the Printing Trades 341 
 
 Marx, K. A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy 341 
 
 VON Mayr, G. Allegemeines Statistisches Archiv. II, Bd. VI 342 
 
 McClain, E. Constitutional Law in the United States 591 
 
 McDermott, E. R. Railways 132 
 
 McKinley, William. The Tariii 133 
 
 McVey, F. L. Modern Industrialism 592 
 
 Mill, H. R., Ed. by. The International Geography 342 
 
 MiLTOUN, F., Ed. by. Ships and Shipping 133 
 
 DE Molinari, G. The Society of To-Morrow 592 
 
 Ober, F. a. Our West Indian Neighbors 134 
 
 Page, T. N. The Negro ; The Southerner's Problem 343 
 
viii Contents 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Rand^ McNally & Co. New Imperial Atlas 593 
 
 Reformer's Year Book, 1905 593 
 
 Reich, E. Success Among Nations 343 
 
 Ripley, W. Z. Trusts, Pools and Corporations 593 
 
 Riviere, L. La Terre et 1' Atelier ; Jardins ouvriers 344 
 
 Robinson, C. A History of Two Reciprocity Treaties 134 
 
 Russell, I. C. North America I34 
 
 ScHERER, J. A. B. Japan of To-day. 2d Ed I34 
 
 Schmoller, G. Jahrbuch fur Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung u.Volkswirtschaft 
 
 im Deutschen Reich, 1904 13S 
 
 Scruggs, W. L. The Colombian and Venezuelan Republics. New Ed. . 593 
 
 Shaler, N. S. The Neighbor 135 
 
 ShambaugHj B. F., Ed. by. The Messages and Proclamations of the 
 
 Governors of Iowa, Vol. VI 135 
 
 Shaw, A. The Business Career in Its Public Relations 344 
 
 SiEBERT, W. H. The Government of Ohio 135 
 
 Smith, Adam. An Inquiry Into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth 
 
 of Nations. 2 Vols. Ed. by E. Cannan 135 
 
 Smith, C. S. Working with the People 136 
 
 Smith, W. B. The Color Line 594 
 
 Sociological Papers. (Sociological Society, England) 594 
 
 Stangeland, C. E. Pre-Malthusian Doctrines of Population 595 
 
 Stein METZ, S. R. Rechtsverhaltnisse von eingeborenen Volkern in 
 
 Afrika und Ozeanien 345 
 
 Tapp, S. C. The Story of Anglo-Saxon Institutions or the Development 
 
 of Constitutional Government 136 
 
 Terlinden, Ch. Le Pape Clement IX. et la Guerre de Candie (1667- 
 
 1669) 136 
 
 Vidal, G. Considerations sur I'Etat Actuel de la Criminalite en France 
 
 et les Characteres de la Criminalite moderne , 137 
 
 Wack, H. W. The Story of the Congo Free State 595 
 
 Wallace, D. The Lure of the Labrador Wild 596 
 
 Warren, A. Commercial Knowledge 137 
 
 Wilcox, D. F. The American City 137 
 
 Winch, W. H. Notes on German Schools 138 
 
 Woodruff, C. R., Ed. by. Proceedings of Chicago Conference for Good 
 
 City Government and the Tenth Annual Meeting of the National 
 
 Municipal League, 1904 345 
 
 Young, J. S. A Political and Constitutional Study of the Cumberland 
 
 Road 346 
 
Contents ix 
 
 NOTES 
 
 I. MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 Conducted by L. S. Rowe 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Educational Organization and Progress in American Cities 157 
 
 A symposium on Present Educational Conditions and Needs in New 
 York, Chicago, Philadelphia, Boston, Baltimore, Cleveland, Buf- 
 falo, Cincinnati, Pittsburg, New Orleans, Milwaukee, Washing- 
 ton, D. C. ; Providence, Kansas City, Mo. ; Grand Rapids, Seattle, 
 Diiluth. 
 
 The Activities of Civic Organizations for Municipal Improvement in the 
 
 United States — A Symposium : 359 
 
 The Co-ordination of Civic Effort, C. R. Woodruff 359 
 
 National Municipal League, C. R. Woodruff 362 
 
 American Society of Municipal Improvements, A. P. Folwell 364 
 
 League of American Municipalities, John Mac Vicar 367 
 
 The American Civic Association 369 
 
 The Aims and Work of the Conference of Public Education Associations, 
 
 Mrs. William E. D. Scott 371 
 
 Local Civic Organizations of New York, Philadelphia, Boston, Baltimore, 
 
 Cleveland, Buffalo, Cincinnati, New Orleans, Milwaukee, Providence, 
 
 Kansas City, Mo. ; Seattle, Duluth. 
 
 Municipal Indebtedness — A Symposium : 615 
 
 New York, Boston, Baltimore, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Pittsburg, New 
 Orleans, Milwaukee, Washington, D. C. ; Providence, Grand 
 Rapids, Seattle, Duluth. 
 
 II. PHILANTHROPY, CHARITIES AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS 
 
 Conducted by Mrs Emily E. Williamson 
 
 Associated Charities of Boston 403 
 
 Boston Children Friends' Society 402 
 
 Boys' and Girls' Aid Society of California 404 
 
 British Conference on the Spread of Infectious Disease by Vagrants... 408 
 
 Charities and Correction in Baltimore and Maryland 193 
 
 Charity Organization Society of New York 189 
 
X Contents 
 
 PAGE 
 
 English Industrial Schools, 1870 to 1904 409 
 
 A Model Jail Under Salaried Management ' 406 
 
 National Congress of Mothers 20a 
 
 Newark Bureau of Associated Charities, History of 192 
 
 New Jersey State Home for Girls 199 
 
 New York Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor, Sixty- 
 first Annual Report , 196 
 
 Reformatory and Industrial Schools in Great Britain 412