mi^&BP'i T' 1 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Ro^cti ^iryii^'c€^C .J^c'^:^. ^^^ LONDON : rBMTUD BY WIIXIAM OtOWKS AND SONS, STAMFORD STRXRT, AND CHARING CROSS, ... I' S ■ PKEFACE. The interest excited by the recent letters of Dr. Livingstone concerning the country of the Cazembe and neighbouring regions of Central Africa, has induced the Council of the Koyal Geographical Society to publish, for the information of its Fellows and the public, the present volume of translations of narratives of Portuguese journeys into those little-known parts of the African interior. The first in order, and the most important, of these narra- tives, is that of Dr. de Lacerda, who led an expedition to Cazembe near the close of the last century. For the trans- lation of this (copiously annotated), the Council are indebted to Captain E. F. Burton, who is so well qualified, by his great experience in African travel and his philological acquirements, for such an undertaking. The second narrative, the route- journal of the Pombeiros P. J. Baptista and Amaro Jose, who traversed Africa from Angola to Tette, and crossed, therefore, the recent line of march of Dr. Livingstone be- tween Cazembe and Lake Bangweolo, has been translated by Mr. B. A. Beadle, Chancellor to the Portuguese Consulate in London, Captain Burton revising and editing this portion of the volume. Of the third narrative, that of Messrs. Monteiro and Gamitto, whose journey to Cazembe was undertaken in 1831, it has been thought sufficient to reprint a resume that had previously appeared from the able pen of Dr. Charles Beke. Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924081259271 CONTENTS. PAGF. Introduction of Dr. de Laoerda to the Public by the Translator . . . . 1 Preliminary Observations, &o., by Dr. Francisco Jos^ Maria de Lacerda 14 Information tonohing the proposed " Cazembe Expedition," and In- structions issued to his Party, by Dr. Francisco Jose Maria de Lacerda 33 CHAPTEE I. The Dbpaetuee. Preparations for the Journey — The Journey commenced — Desertion of Porters — The Lands of the Marave — Stay at Tete — The Maxinga Estate — Hostility of the Maraves — Village of Jaua — Arrival at the Lupata da Jaua . .. . .. .. .. Page 55-67 CHAPTEE II. The Makch fbom the Ldpata da Jaua to the Noetheen Aeuang6a ElVBE. Halt on the Caruzissira — Arrival at Java — Mines of Java — Rivalry of the Muizas Chinimbu and Mussidansaro — Sezao, or Sea- soning Fever — Halt on the Chigumunquire — Attacked by the Ma- raves — The Muizas Cannibals — Scarcity of Salt — Mutumbuca Tribe — Reach Caperemera's Village — Respect manifested by the Kinglets — Mode of Killing Elephants — Red Hair-powder — Antipathy of the People to the sound of Musical Instruments — Departure from Caperemera's Village — Desertion of Bearers — Village of Mazavamba — Halt near the Remimba River — Dearth of Provisions at Village of Capangura — Reach the Northern Aruangoa River .. Page 68-86 CHAPTEE III. The March fbom the Noetheen Aeuang6a Eivee, till the Death OF Db. de Laceeda. Halt near the Village of Caperampande — " Raising Pombe " — Visit from Mambo Mueungure — Corporal Punishment a cure for Caffre desertion — VI CONTENTS. Muiza Iroa-smelting Furnaces — Unreliableness of Caffre Information — Village of Morungabamliara — Wretchedness of the Villages and Huts ■ — Reach the Biver Zambeze — Village of Fumo Chipaoo — Amenities of the Chief — Caffre Greeting Ceremonies — Village of Fumo Monro- Atohin- to — Its Position fixed — Sura Wine — Mode of preparing Manioc-meal — News of the Cazembe — Offerings to the Manes of his Ancestors in celebra- tion of Arrival in his Country — End of Dr. de Lacerda's Journal — Re- marks by the Translator — Diary of the Journey .. Page 87-106 OHAPTEE IV. DiAKT OP THE Expedition sent by Her Most Faithful Majesty to ex- plore THE African Interior, and to the Court of the Cazembe, DISTANT 270 Leagues from Tete, kept by the Chaplain and Com- mander, Fb. Francisco Joao Pinto, in continuation of the Diary of Dr. Francisco Jose de Lacerda e Almeida, to be presented to the Most Illustrious and Excellent Senhor Francisco Guides de Car- valho e Mbnezes da Costa, Governor and Captain-General of Mozambique and the Coast of East Africa. Section I. From, dale of Arrival at the City till December 31, 1798. At the Court of Cazembe — "Mirambo" or Present — His Impatience at its Delay — DifBoulties from an Affaire de Cceur — Ceremonies of theOfScial Reception — Disputes as to Seniority in the Expedition — Summons of the Cazembe for the Expedition to attend the triumphal entry of a Caboceer — Quarrel in the Gamp and troubles arising out of it — Judgment pro- nounced by the Cazembe — Visit to the Palace — Cazembe's Curiosity as to our Camp bedstead — Refusal to " give pass " to the Expedition — Illness of the Cazembe. Section II. Continuation of the Diary from the beginning of the year 1799 to February 17, 1799. Dangerous state of the Cazembe — Propitiatory Human Sacrifices for his Recovery — Public Reception to celebrate his Convalescence — Audience conceded to Fr. Pinto — Revocation of Leave of Departure — Arrogance of the Fumo ^iiceva Page 107-123 CHAPTEE V. . Continuation of the Chaplain's Diary from February 17, 1799, to the Time of Preparing for the Return March.' Demand of further Presents to the Cazembe— Prince Muenebuto — The Murundas — Their Ceremonies, Customs, &o. — Country of the Murundas — Difficulties with Subordinates of the Expedition — Their Conspiracy Further Interview with the Cazembe — Opposition of the Fumo Anceva — Insulting Behaviour of the Subordinates — Departure for Mdro — Pio-ht in the Camp — Complaints and Threats from the Cazembe — Tete-a-tete with him — Mutiny among the Expedition at the Delay — The Fumo Anceva — The Cazembe's demand for Gunpowder — Intrigues of Jos^ Rodrigues Caleja ' .. p^gg 124-146 CONTENTS. vn CHAPTEE VI. The Return March, the Attack, and the Flight. Taking leave of the Cazembe — Start for Chungu — Arrival at the place of the Muenempanda — His Congratulations on our reaching his Estate — Pass through Chiliamono and Chiliapaco villages — Drunkenness of the Muizas — Heach the Northern Zamheze Eiver — Attacked by the Muizas — Their Repulse — Further Alarms en route — Pinched with Hunger — The Expedition reaches Tette — Letter of the Chief Sergeant Pedro Xavier Velasco to the Home Government . . . . . . Page 147-164 JOURNEY OF THE " POMBEIROS," FROM ANGOLA TO THE BIOS DB SENNA. PAGE A. Despatch from the Captain-General of Angola, Jose' d'Oliveira Barbosa 167 Despatch of the Governor of Tette to the Count das Galvgas .. 167 Documents enclosed : — 1. Copy of Route Journal of Pedro Joao Baptista from Muro- pue to Cazembe .. .. .. .. 169 Ditto Ditto Ditto from Cazembe to Tette . . 189 2. Questions put to Pedro Joao Baptista . . . . . . 198 3. Copy of Letter from Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Hono- rato da Costa .. .. .. .. .. .. 200 B. Despatch from Captain-General Jos^ d'Oliveira Barbosa . . . . 202 Documents enclosed : — 1. Copy of Letter of F. H. da Costa (translated in Part A.) 203 2. Copy of Route Journal of P. J. Baptista from the Lands of the Muatahianvo to those of the King Cazembe . . 203 3. Ditto from the Cazembe to Tette 219 4. Notes of the Days of Journey of P, J. Baptista .. 219 5. Account or Report of P. J. Baptista relative to his Journey 221 C. Notice of what passed in the town of Tette between P. J. Baptista, the Governor, and other Inhabitants. Written by himself . . 233 D. Deola,ration of Francisco Honorato da Costa in favour of his Pom- beiros, who effected the Journey . . . . . . . . 241 Legislative Documents referring to the Explorations . . . . 242 rbsum:^ op the journey of mm. montbiro and gamitto. By Dr. C. T. Beke 245 INTRODUCTION OF DR. DE LACERDA TO THE PUBLIC. BY THE TEANSLATOK. OuE earliest authorities upon the subject of Africa, the classical and sub-classical authors, were followed by the Portuguese, who betimes, in the sixteenth century, established factories on both coasts, eastern and western: their traders crossed the interior from shore to shore, whilst their missionaries founded large and prosperous colonies, such as Zumbo in the east and Sao Salvador in the west, with cathedrals, churches, chapels, and stone houses. The explorers did not neglect either the Lake Begions of Central Intertropical Africa, or even the basin of the Zambeze Eiver. Foremost in the heroic band— whom of late years it has been the fashion to ignore — stands that "martyr in the cause of science," Dr. Francisco Jos^ Maria de Lacerda e Almeida. His family was Paulista, that is to say, from the city of Sao Paulo in the Brazil, a place whose name, however little known at present, will be famous for all time, a town of some 5000 or 6000 dauntless souls who explored and conquered the vast area bounded by the Amazon and by La Plata, and stretching from the Atlantic to the Andes. It is doubtful whether Para or Bahia was the birthplace of Dr. ' de Lacerda; he graduated, however, as an M.D. (doctor of mathe- matics) at Coimbra, and presently he was appointed astronomer io H. M. F. Majesty. He left Lisbon'(January 8, 1780) in the Coragao de Jesus, with the object of surveying and laying down the Western limits of the great Luso-American dependency. Whilst travelling from Barcellos to the capital of Mato-grosso, B 2 INTEODUCTION. he was attacked (September 23, 1781) by Indians, who wounded' him with an arrow : the carrapatos, or poisonous ticks, also- afflicted him with an unpleasant complaint, the well-known "Samas." During 1784 he laboured in the interior with the- great Luso-Hispanian " Commission of Limits ;" in 1786 he left Cuyab4 (Mato- grosso), and, ascending the Ti^te Eiver, reached Porto Feliz, in the then captaincy, now the province, of SSo Paulo. He passed a portion of 1788 near the lakes or swamps of " Xaraos " (Xarayes) : here he was hunted by, and sometime* he hunted, the once formidable "Canoe Indians," or "Pay- aguas," who call themselves Eijiguaijigi, and who, according to some, gave name to the Paraguay river. He also visited the Cayap6s, a tribe not yet extinct, and other various clans of thfr great Guaycurii or Aycurii race, whom the Spaniards term Cabal- leros, or "Mounted, Indians." Finally, he travelled amongst the Moxos or Mojos, Indians of Bolivia, concerning whom we have details in Trubner's 'Bibliotheca Glottica' (London,. 1858). In 1790, Dr. de Lacerda returned to Lisbon, and published the results of his long and weary wanderings. His book, the ' Diario da Viagem do Dr. Francisco Jose de Lacerda e Almeida, pelas Capitanias do Para, Eio Negro, Matto-grosso, Cuyaba, e S. Paulo, nos annos de 1780 a 1790,' was lately republished at Sao Paulo — "Imprenso por ordem da Assembleia Legis- lativa da Provincia, &c. : na Typografia de Costa Silveira, Eua de S. Gonpalo. No. 14. 1841." Yet it is not easy to procure a copy, and I should have failed but for the kindness of my excellent friend, then Deputy from Taubate, and subsequently President of the province of Alagoas, Dr. Moreira de Barros, of S. Paulo. The work contains a valuable itinerary from Cuyaba, and tales of jaguars, pumas and serpents, which, however mar- vellous, may be taken on trust. One snake was so huge that the slaves, fancying it to be an old canoe, began to bum it. Although mere diaries, the records are remarkable for correctness : lati- tudes, longitudes, and altitudes are duly chronicled, the breadth of rivers is trigonometrically measured, and, in fact, all the labours required from the latest travellers are regularly through. ^ ^°°® INTRODUCTION. 6 Returned to Lisbon, we find Dr. de Lacerda complaining that his slaves at Sao Paulo had plundered his property and had destroyed his valuable papers ; hence the imperfections of the map which he presented to the Royal Academy of Sciences. I cannot discover the year in which he was transferred to Africa. We know that in 1797 he accompanied an expedition to explore the course of the Cunene River, which discharges itself westward into the Atlantic. There he failed : the recovery of his diaries, however, would interest geographers, as that intricate and confused section of African hydrography is still to be explored. A man of eminently advanced views, he returned with the mighty vision of a second and southern overland transit (viagem a contracosta) through Southern Africa, a whole generation before Lieut. Waghorn arose; whilst his proposal to erect a chain of presidios, or fortified posts, along the Coanza River, in order to explore the copper-mines of Angola, and to communicate with the Mozambique, was made before Dr. Krapf and the " Apostles' Street " were born.* The attempt was new though the idea was not. Fray Manoel Godinho, who travelled in 1663, describes an overland route from India to Portugal, and the literary Jesuit De Jarric declares that there was nothing to prevent our going from Monomotapa to Angola by land. These authors, however, bore the same relation to Dr. de Lacerda as the " Mombas Mission" to the first East African Expedition. After this exploration, and certainly before 1798, Dr. de Lacerda addressed to the enlightened Minister of State, D. Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho, certain memoranda touching an expedition from Angola to Mozambique. On March 12, 1797, he was appointed by Her Most Eaithful Majesty t to conduct ♦ The Missionaries of Chrishona, near Basle, proposed twelve mission-stations along the banks of the Nile, from Alexandria to Gondar ; whence other branch houses were to be established towards the South, Bast, and West of Africa, " as it shall please Providence to show the way, and to point out the requisite means." Each station, which is to be fifty leagues distant from the other, will be called by the name of an apostle — for instance, the station at Alexandria will be named that of St. Matthew : the station at Cairo, of St. Mark ; at Assuan, of St. Luke ; and so on. — Dr. Krapf i Travels, Researches, and Missionary Labours (pp. 133, 213), London : Triibner and Co., Paternoster Kow, 1860. t Donna Maria I., the daughter of D. Jose (Emanuel), bom 1734, married in 1760 to her uncle D. Pedro (who died in 1786), reigned from 1777 to 1816, the year B 2 4 INTRODUCTION. the exploration, and Portugal has ever been generous to her roving sons. Under D. Fernando Antonio Soares de Noronha, fifty-fifth Governor of Angola, he was made Governor of the Eios de Sena, in the Captaincy of the Mozambique. On March 28, 1798, he addressed to the Minister another highly interesting letter upon the subject of his intended march to the capital of the African king known as the Cazembe, with deposi- tions of certain backwoodsmen (sertanejos) who had volunteered to accompany him; with oral information received from the natives, and with copies of his orders to the expedition of which he was in command. On July 3, 1798, he began his journey. After opening up at least 270 leagues of new land he reached his destination, and he fell a victim to his own exertions on October 18, 1798. But he had marched to S. lat. 8° 15', and the Portuguese were no longer in ignorance of everything north of S. lat. 16° 20". The diary speaks for itself; it is a drama with the cata- strophe of a tragedy. Well worth perusal, it is what every African explorer should be taught to expect, and should learn to thank his stars if he live to tell the tale. To one who has undergone the ordeal it vividly suggests past horrors. Jero- nymo Pereira, the then Governor of Mozambique, will not hear the expedition spoken of in his presence, as too often happens in this our day. The villainous Colonel of Mani5a Militia sells to the explorer bad cloth at the very highest prices. The whites appointed to command the blacks are thoroughly dis- heartened and demoralised. They think only of "creature comforts " and vile lucre, they refuse to lend any assistance, and they privily tamper with the negroes, so as to ensure desertion, which may shorten their trials. The slaves levied for the Eoyal service fly from it in numbers, and the commander, undefended by soldiers, is compelled to trust himself to wild " Cafires," who throw down their loads, and without a word of notice disappear in the bush. There are infinite intrigues and of her death. In consequence of her insanity, the Prince of the Brazil subse quently D. Joao VII., was made Eegent on February 10, 1792, after which his mother took no part m pubhc affairs. It was therefore virtually under this tirinofi that the expedition was made. " n iJiiu\,a INTRODUCTIOK. • 5 quarrels between the whites, plots and battles between the blacks, and utter disunion between whites and blacks. The wUd Maraves and Muizas plunder and threaten, and are ever upon the point of closing the road. Then come the usual fever- fraught anxieties, the sleepless nights spent in looking forward to hopeless days, the desperate determinations, the stubborn endurance, and the irritation, soothed only by the hope of being able to assert oneself at some future day. Presently, as the party leaves the coast and the coast-people, matters appear to mend; the subjects of the African despot are a distinct improvement upon the lawless republican neighbours of civiliza- tion, and one chief after another proves himself something very like a friend. But it is all too late; the excitement of the march is over, the traveller reaches his goal, he falls into the apathy of success, he sinks under the strong reaction, and — dies. Unfortunate even in death, he is exhumed when his companions are returning to their homes, the party is attacked in the bush, and the mortal remains of the unfortunate explorer are scattered upon the inhospitable African ground. After Dr. de Lacerda's death, all, of course, went wrong. He had left orders for the chaplain, Fr. Francisco Joao Pinto, to command the rabble rout, and the ecclesiastic seems to have been wholly unequal to the task. He struggled, however, man- fully about sending men forward to Angola, and thus carrying out one object of the expedition ; but here he was contending against & force majeure — African custom. His party rebelled spiritually and temporally, it refused to attend Mass or to be placed under arrest : finally, sundry members deserted, and on their home-march so conducted themselves, that the unfortunate padre narrowly escaped with his life. The ill-fated expedition left the city of the Cazembe, which it did not even name, on July 22, 1799, and reached Tette after four months (Novem- ber 22). Altogether it had spent sixteen and a half months on this enterprise, and the second in command soon followed the first to a place whence explorers, as a rule, return not. Dr. de Lacerda was not only a scientific traveller, but also a sympathetic, zealous, and hard-working man. In his worst times of sickness he remembers his compass, he makes obser- 6 INTEODUCTION. vations of longitude by Jupiter's satelKtes, and he remarks the quality of ground, and its power of production. There is a simplicity about his writing now unusual and, his Diary not having been corrected nor prepared for the press, its style, which scholars pronounce to be unclassical, lets us into the author's heart. He " loves men," as. the Arabs say of the bene- volent, and he ever thinks of his party in the hour of hunger and hardship. Though bom when rational beings rarely doubted the propriety of enslaving negroes, he is a kind of philanthrope, and he avoids using harsh measures imless absolutely necessary. Even when furious with his treacherous companions and his false, cowardly friends, he speaks of the " lively grief caused by the death of my beloved wife, whom God was pleased to take to himself, in the flower of her age, on the first of April." He is strong in hope, and is somewhat Utopian in his ideas of what an African expedition and its leader ought to be ; were his sine qua non made requisite, no party would set out for want of the qualifications required. He has the habit of pious exclamations : he begins his diary with " Dirige Domine Deus mens," &c., and he thoroughly believes in the thraldom of Sathanas. He does not, perhaps, quite come up to the serious and reverend spirit which the 'Quarterly' finds in the 'Eomance of the Nile,' alias the ' Crescent and the Cross.' The fact is that his religiousness, which crops out at times, is somewhat weather-worn by exten- sive travel, and by theturn of mind philosophic and Plinian — he quotes " Timor fecit deos " — belonging to the days of the Great Eevolution. He is characteristically loyal, like every Portu- guese gentleman, especially in those pre-constitutional days, when the king was to a great extent lord and ruler ; and he thinks of his beloved Queen, not of " Her Majesty's Govern- ment " nor, by way of climax, of " the Public." He moralises much, and he is somewhat profuse in reflections, far more sound than novel; whilst perhaps the first personal pronoun is made to occur a little too frequently. He is grandiloquent as a Castilian ; he indites awfully long-winded sentences, and he drags in, like an Anglo-Indian, breakjaw native words. Finally, he has not forgotten his Hippocrates ; and he is not ashamed to quote his Horace. INTEODUCTION. 7 The party which accompanied him must be briefly sketched. The African portion consisted of one " Chinimba " of the Muiza tribe, an envoy and servant (bandasio) of the King Cazembe, -and of "Oatara," a grandee of the same potentate's Court. These two high officers were accompanied by their spies, and this is a system of haute police in which, as I have elsewhere shown ('Mission to Dahome') Africa excels.* One mouehard •died, the other, a confidential slave of the Cazembe, and sixteen- eighteen years old, accompanied the party the whole way, in order to look after his master's rights. Finally, there were 400 dafire porters, a floating item in the caravan, as they seem to have deserted whenever and wherever they pleased. The whites were much too numerous for marching without trouble or disunion. First, we have the inevitable chaplain, the Eeverend Father Francisco Jo5o Pinto, brother of the Commandant of Tette, who afterwards succeeded to the com- mand : he presently will speak for himself. There are two ■envoys sent to the Cazembe, No. 1 being Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco Yieira de Araujo, chosen by Dr.deLacerda to visit Angola, and to report success at home in Portugal. This gen- tleman with a name and a half is highly spoken of by both ■commandants ; he behaved remarkably well during the danger- ous retreat ; he saved the poor Padre by his generosity, and he may be called the good angel of the party. No. 2 is the Lieu- tenant of Sena, Jose Vicente Pereira Salema, chosen by the priest, and also named as envoy to Angola, where he too did not go. He seems to have been a respectable man. Besides what we may call the diplomats, there were three guides. The first was a Goanese, Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, popularly known as Dumbo-dumbo, or " the Terror "if his title * So, in Abyssinia, governors of important towns are narrowly watched and reported on by paid spies. t In 'Dr. Livingstone's Second Expedition' (chap. x. p. 205) we are told that Pereira, who glori^ in being called "the Terror," was the founder of Zumbo, tho latter being described as a Jesuit station; moreover that it was the departure point of two expeditions, that of Dr. de Lacerda and that of Monteiro and Gamitto. Zumbo, which has been conjeoturally identified with the Ptolemeian Agysimba, was built by the Jesuits during the last century, and upon an island. According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 140) it had its church and church-bells, stone houses, and other commodities ; it was the only inland town which can properly be so .called south of Harar in Moslem Abyssinia, and here was discovered the O INTEODUCTION. was Capitao Mor da Michonga, Chief Captain of the Bush- Like all men much acquainted with African travel, he was- versed in every native " dodge," he was rendered independent by a troop of slaves as cunning as himself, and being an "old soldier," he preferred running to fighting. His name seldom occurs until after Dr. Lacerda's death, when the priest frequently mentions him ; he ends by deserting his leader on the line of march, and by behaving much like a cur. No. 2 was Manoel Caetano Pereira, an African creole, and son of the- former ; he conducted himself badly, as regards the Chaplain- Commander, whom he also left in the bush. He had, how- ever, the shadow of an excuse, the taste of a Muiza arrow. To these we must add the third guide, Jose Eodrigues Caleja, originally Chief Sergeant of Ordnance, and afterwards made Eeceiver of the Eoyal Treasury. Although highly recom- mended, he proved himself the hardest bargain of the little- company. His name occurs with provoking constancy, his intrigues cut short the transit to Angola, and at last, after deserting the Padre, he does his best to compass his death. He is the bad angel, or devil, of the expedition, and every expedition of the kind has at least one. The military commandants and the officers of the party were as follows : — The Chief Sergeant,* Pedro Xavier Velasco, began well, but ended with " playing tricks on the clergy " ; and, by putting -himself unduly forward at Court, he became personally dis- tasteful to the Cazembe. His slaves, also, seem to have been a " bad lot." Four years after the end of the expedition, in 1805^ as senior survivor, he writes home to some Excellency, request- ing to be rewarded for his exertions. The Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira, who, in his turn, became Eeceiver of the Eoyal Treasury, is described by Dr. Lacerda as a man of bad head and worse tongue. Presently he refused to be arrested by the ecclesiastical leader. He seems, however, after showin"- celebrated theriao of Frei Pedro, mentioned in ' Dr. Livingstone's First Expe- dition ' (chap. xxxi). Agysimba must probably be souglit in the stone ruins of Zimbabye, lately discovered by Herr Carl Mauch. See the Diary, Sentember 7, 1798. J' f * In the seventeenth century the Sargento Mdr ranked before the Majors. . INTRODUCTION. 9' liimself peculiarly seditious to have " turned over a new leaf," and to have ended tolerably vrell. Little is said of the commander of the troops, the fort-lieutenant, and notary of Tete, — Antonio Jose da Cruz, except that he preferred singing "comic," called by the priest " profane," songs, instead of hearing mass, and that he ran the party into danger by making fierce ^love to the Cazembe's wives. In objecting to be present at the " Sacrifice," he was joined and abetted by the ensign of militia, Vasco Joaquim Pires, who also placed his immortal soul in dire peril. He died on the retreat unsacramented — "unhousel'd, disappointed, unanel'd " — and he was " put to bed " in the bush, a palpable- judgment and a pointing moral. We can hardly wonder at the poor priest taking such a view of the matter, when daily we see in the writings of our modern ecclesiastics the same presumptuous views of "miraculous interpositions," and the- same spiritual pride which is perfectly conversant with the hidden designs of Omnipotence and Omniscience. The Lieu- tenant Manoel dos Santos e Silva was at first Eeceiver of the Eoyal Treasury, which oJfice he lost in consequence of em- bezzling cloth and " cooking " accounts. He was the man who " wished to die," and almost every party has one. Finally,. there was the commissary and fort-adjutant of Sena, Jose Thomaz Gomes da Silveira e Silva, he was a good man under Dr. de Lacerda, but the successor describes him to be a ruffian, as proud of his birth as he was vile and unworthy of it. He openly wished that the priest had been burned. Knowing most of the Caffre tongues, and easily learning others, he was a good linguist, and good linguists are often bad characters — - mostly " too clever by half." The other minor names which occur are " Caetano Fabiao," the chief of squadron ; the pilot " Bernardino," brought in case of boating being required; an unimportant soldier, "Antonio Francisco Delgado '' ; the corporal " Paulo da Silva," and the soldier "Caetano da Costa" — the two latter were left behind, in the vain hope that they might carry out the views of the Government, and reach Angola. Including all those above mentioned, the escort was composed of fifty men-at-arms, undrilled, unused to musketry, and badly provided with poor 10 INTRODUCTION. weapons and ammunition. They were, therefore, worse than useless. The negroes must have thought these bastard whites a race baser even than their own. No wonder that such a party broke the hearts of two leaders. I seem again to see the scowling faces, and to hear the loud discordant voices of my letes noires •of a decade and a half ago — Muigni Kidogo, the slave, and the Baloch soldier Khudabakhsh — la'anahum Ullah ! The Diary, as we are informed at the end, had been forwarded to Portugal before November 1805. The despatches were used by Bowdich when compiling his once popular volume on the 'Discoveries of the Portuguese,' &c. According to the " Geographer of N'yassi," these documents have been since published entire in a little Portuguese work, entitled ' Con- sideraqoes politicas e commerciaes sobre os Descobrimentos e Possessoes dos Portugueses,' &c. Lisboa, 1830. By Jose Accursio das Neves. When at Lisbon, in 1865, 1 vainly at- tempted to buy the book, nor have I since b«en more fortunate. Finally (November 5, 1844), the despatches were printed in the ' Annaes Maritimos e Coloniaes,' ■ &c. (Imprensa Nacional, Lisboa), with observations upon the interior of Ben- guela, from a document communicated, June 2, 1844, to the Maritime Association of Lisbon, by its ex-president, the Viscount de Sa da Bandeira. That veteran statesman and venerable African geographer has also enriched the despatches with notes which I have been careful to retain. If Dr. de Lacerda did not carry out his whole project, his partial success considerably increased our knowledge of the African interior. This is amply proved by the quotations from his writings, which occur in the pages of our best comparative geographers, and by the high esteem in which he is held by that conscientious student the late Mr. James Macqueen.* Indeed, the expedition of Monteiro and Gamitto, which in 1831 left Tete and reached the capital of the Cazembe, can hardly be said to have added much to what was noticed by the * ' Notes on the Geography of Central Africa, from the Kesearohes of Uvins- ■stone, Monteiro, Gra?a, and others,' By James Macqueen Esa FEGS -' Journal,' vol. xxvi;, 1856. i-, . .^. . INTRODUCTION. 11 ■energetic and courageous Governor of the Rios de Sena. It is time that his pages should appear in an English dress, more especially as they are now buried in a book become rare and be- coming rarer. No time can be more opportune than the present for offering a translation to the public. Until Ur. Livingstone shall have returned from his third expedition, the writings of De Lacerda must continue to be our principal authority, and only from them the reader can at present learn where the English traveller is said to have been detained. Years ago I had translated the papers for my own instruction, and after reading Dr. Living- stone's last volume and hearing of his present journey and the latest reports, it struck me that the version might profitably be laid before the public. Since the visit of Dr. de Lacerda three Portuguese expeditions and one Arab have sighted the Cazembe. The first were the "Pombeiros," or native travelling traders (not " two black slaves "), Pedro JoSo Baptista, and Anastacio Jose, sent in 1802 by Honorato da Costa, superintendent of the Cassange Factory. The second (1831-1832) was that of MM. Monteiro and Gamitto ; it produced a large volume, which also I have analysed. Of the third I know nothing except from M. Yaldez, who remarks (chap. vii. vol. ii., 'Six Years of a Travelling Life in Western Africa ') : "I think the last visit of a white traveller to (the) Cazembe was in 1853, when my companion and friend Mr. Freitas was one of the gentlemen forming the expedition." The Arab journey is described in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society (1854, vol. xxiv. p. 261) by Sr. Bernardino Freire and F. A. de Castro, and curiously mis-commented upon by Mr. Cooley. I must own to having taken certain liberties with the earlier part of my text. The whole would hardly bear translation, on .account of the many repetitions in a work evidently not pre- pared for publication, the triteness of the ideas, the diffuseness of the language, and the prodigious lengthiness of the sentences. In many parts the order of narration has been changed. An abridgment is therefore offered to the reader, but it is one of words, not of sense ; the pith and marrow of the original have never been rejected ; in no case has a difficulty of diction been shirked or turned, and the diary of actual travel is trans- 12 INTEODUCTIOK. lated without curtailment. I have illustrated the obscure passages by reference to other and later writers, especially to the work of MM. Monteiro and Gamitto, ' Muata Cazembe.'* Finally, the reader must to a certain extent rely upon his author, and allow due weight to the results of study and experience. Had Dr. de Lacerda lired to print his book, he would doubtless have explained the meanings of all the native words scattered so profusely over the following pages. They have given me considerable trouble, which has not always been crowned with success.! After consulting the usual works, such as the well-known ' Ensaios ' of Captain Lopez de Lima,t I had recourse to my " African " friends, and I desire particularly to record my gratitude for the readiness with which Dr. John Kirk, formerly of the Zambeze Expedition, at present of Zanzibar, replied to my troublesome applications. May fortune attend his next venture ! there is no man who deserves it better. This journey of Dr. de Lacerda shows that the Portuguese never abandoned the idea of a " viagem a contracosta," and we can hardly characterise their claims to having crossed Africa as " hanging on a slender fibre." Without mentioning the infor- mation given by Godinho and De Jarric, or the well-known journey of the Pombeiros, we find that in 1845-47 the lands of "Mwata ya Nvo," on the highroad across the continent, were visited by Joaquim Eodriguez Grapa, and shortly after- wards by the late Ladislaus Magyar, if what he reported was a fact. In 1854 the servants of A. F. F. da Silva Porto crossed Africa in company with " three Moors," returning from Ben- guela. In the same year Mr. Messum wrote that he had heard of a great lake in the interior from a Portuguese major whom * ' Muata Cazembe,' &c. ' Diario da Expedicao Portugueza, nos annos do 1831 e 1832.' Lisbon, Imprensa Naoional, 185i. t Such words, for instance, as "Eaeaja," " Calamanhas " (CoUomanhas), " Douros Sortidos," and '• Oherves," have not been explained by me. I have in vain turned over every dictionary in the College Library of S. Paulo BrazO X 'Ensaios sobre a Statistioa das Possessoes Portuguezas na Africa' Occidental e Oriental,' por JosSJoaqnim Lopez de Lima. Lisboa, na Imprensa Nacional 18i6 I heard at S. Paulo de Loanda that several Portuguese ofScials had taken this excellent book in hand with the view of bringing it up to modern wants, but that all had died one after the other at the shortest possible interval. INTRODUCTION. 13 he had met at Benguela, and wHo had crossed over from Mozambique. He is probably not the only one of these mute inglorious transitists. Captain Briant, employed by Mr. Brook- house of Salem, Massachusetts, saw in 1843 men who had passed from shore to shore, and ascertained the possibility of establishing a profitable commercial intercourse ; whilst in 1863 Captain Harrington, employed by the same house, proved that the only difficulty was a narrow strip of desert subtending the south-west coast. ('African Eepository,' No. 12, December 1868, Washington.) And now to enter into the middle of things. The first letter addressed to J). Eodrigo de Sousa Coutinho contains the pre- liminary remarks upon the expedition proposed by Dr. de Laeerda, showing his conviction that a journey intended to cross Africa should begin at Mozambique and end at Angola. The original memorandum — undated, but certainly written before 1798 — is preserved in. the library of the Count of Linhares, and it is offered to the " Associapao Maritima," of Lisbon, by its ex-President, the Count de Sa da Bandeira. In conclusion, I would warn the reader that the Notes are all written by me, except where otherwise specified, and that I, not my author, assume the whole responsibility of having written them. PEELIMINAEY OBSEEVATIONS, &c.,* BT DE. FEAJJ^CISCO J0S]6 MARIA DE LACBRDA. The glory of the explorer, most illustrious and excellent Sir, surely transcends the lame of the conqueror, who is more often the bane of, instead of being a boon to, humanity. The memory of a Henry f laying at Silves the foundations of Asiatic disco- very,' which justified his noble motto, " talant de bien faire," is greater and dearer to us than the names of a Philip and an Alexander, who by intrigues and right of might forged the chains of slavery for Macedonia and Greece, and who usurped the proud title " Victor of Asia." $ These, . spurred on by ambition, plundered fellow-men of their most sacred birthright, liberty. That most generous soul, not satisfied with the splen- dours of his own mental lights, cast them, like sunbeams, athwart the gloom of ignorance, promoted by commerce and agriculture the material prosperity of barbarous peoples, and in- troduced to them the knowledge of the True raith.§ It is evi- dent whose name best deserves a niche in the Temple of Fame. These thoughts, long brooding in my mind, were aroused by hearing the (to me) most gratifying intelligence that your Excellency, with the view of establishing land-communi(jation between the Eastern and the Western coasts of Africa, and of cutting off the long and perilous passage round the Cape of * This letter, without date, is addressed to D. Bodrigo de Sousa Coutinho, the- Minister of State. The original MS. is in the library of the Conde de Linhares. D. Henrique the Virgin, of whom our classic poet sang — " The Lusitanian prince, who, heaven-inspired. To love of useful glory roused mankind, ' And in unbounded commerce mixed the world." t The 'sentiment is amiable, patriotic, and good, but is it true ? The answer will depend upon how we read history. To me Alexander is the first person of the triad which humanity has as yet produced ; the other two being Julius Cassar and Napoleon Bonaparte. Moreover, the earliest weapon of progress is invariably war, and whilst it is wielded progress must exist. § In our days we should pass over these words. But the old Portuguese were earnest in their reliance upon propagandism, and this often unselfish motive runs like a thread of gold through the coarse web of their luxury, cruelty, and covetous- ness. PEELIMINAEY OBSERVATIONS. 15' Good Hope, had proposed to explore the vast unknown interior,, and the unvisited regions lying to the East of Benguela. The experience of years spent in travelling over those countries prepared me to expect great advantages from the undertaking- suggested by your patriotism. I knew, also, that the enterprise- had been planned by sundry generals and governors, the first of whom was the illustrious D. Francisco Innocencio da Sousa Coutinho,* Governor of Angola, whose prudence and courteous- ness, whose wisdom and integrity, wUI never be forgotten by those he ruled. Honour cannot but result to you from carrying out a project which has attracted the attention of your illus- trious and excellent progenitor — a project right worthy of a minister who is actuated by zeal for his country's good, for the- glory of his nation, and for the benefit of his sovereign. These, Sir, are words from the heart, not from the tongUe.. These are the motives which induce me to place before a truth- loving minister the fruits of my long experience, in the humble hope that they will add a mite towards the success of the glorious design. I now proceed to offer a short geographical description of the- African interior, as far as is known to me, with a general notice of its natives — their customs, their character, their government,, their religion, and their feelings towards the whites, whom they always regard with suspicion.! I would also record something of the many valuable productions of the soil, and the notable advantages which wiU accrue, from the proposed exploration, to our commerce and to the Crown. And, lastly, I will offer the most practicable measures for ensuring the success of the journey. The great and fertile country known as Benguela | borders northwards upon Angola, being separated from it only by the Aco Eiver,§ near the Presidio or fortified frontier-post, Pedras de Ponguandongo.il To the south it extends to the country of the * The forty-ninth Governor of Angola in 1764, one of the most active and practical of hia order. t Instinctively, as -wild beasts hate their tame congeners. j The -word is said to mean " the defence." § Dr. Livingstone (' Missionary Travels in Southern Africa,' chap, xxi.) writes " Haco," after a branch of the Kimbonda or Ambonda family. Ij Dr. Livingstone (chap. xxi. p. 421) sketches and describes the column- shaped conglomerate spits of "Pungo Andongo" — the modem form of our text. Captain Lopez de Lima ('Bnsaios,' &o.) also -writes Pedras de Pungo Andongo. Usually the site is called the Pedras Negras de Pungo Andongo ; and for a long time it -was a Mnd of Botany Bay for political exiles. Mr. Oooley makes Pungo a Ndongo to mean the crest or impending heights of Ndongo or the interior of Angola (' Inner Africa Laid Open,' p. 6). " Pongo," curious to say, is a -word known in South America, e.g., Pongo de Manseriche ; this, however, as De la Oon- damine tells us, should be " Punou," a port. 16 PRELIMINAEY OBSERVATIONS. Ovampos, beyond Cabo Negro.* Westward is the South At- lantic Ocean, whilst to the east it stretches nearly 500 leagues ((1500 English geographical miles between 13° 24' and 37° east long. Greenwich) t to the coast of Mozambique. _ On both extremities, it contains much cultivated land, of which I will speak presently. The population is immense,:j: the tribes being under governments of different extent and authority, exercised by certain chiefs, called " Sovas," § and by their feudal vassals ■or dependent " Sovetas." Unusually strong and large-framed — indeed, approaching the gigantic — these negroes are much more valued in the Brazil than those of Angola. || They are ready and dexterous in hand- ling fire-arms, which we taught them to use ; they have guns in plenty, and they can put in order and repair any part except the barrels. They would laugh to scorn our military expedi- tions, were it not for our field-pieces, of which they stand in great fear. False and utterly treacherous, their friendship for the white man results from his importing articles now indispensable to them.TI They never lose the chance of robbing and murdering a visitor ; but, fearing the anger of the ruling powers, they con- fine these atrocities to the far interior, where the outrage cannot be punished. Even whilst plotting his destruction, they never drop the mask before the European, feigning entire subjection io him, and humbly addressing him as " Maneputo."** Cannibals * Here Bartholomew Diaz placed his PadrSo, or memorial pillar. It was in Lat. S. 15° 40' 42", and Long. E. (Greenwich) 11° 53' 20", between Mossamedes or Little Fish Bay, theBissungo Bitlolo of the natives, to the North (S. Lat. 15° 13'), and Great Fish Bay to the South (S. Lat. 16° 30' 12"). According to the 'African Re- pository ' (No. 12, of Deo. 1868, Washington), Little Fish Bay is ca,lled by the natives Gaconda, and Mossamedea was founded in 1840 by Major Garcia and three commercial houses of Loanda. t In these papers the league is the smaller measure of 20 (not 15) to the degree, three English geographical miles. The larger league still used in the Brazil is four miles long. Monteiro and Gamitto (' Muata Cazembe,' p. xxi.) count hy the league of 3000 paces — a very short standard. Mr. Cooley makes the Portu- guese league about =20,000 English feet (more exactly 20,250 feet =6750 yards). X The population of Africa cannot yet be computed as our popular writers have done. Every traveller finds some thickly inhabited country, which statisticians have neglected to take into consideration. Thus, to quote no other authority, the late Mr. Keith .lohnston's magnum opus, the 'Physical Atlas' (fol., 1856), copied in that excellent compendium, Mrs. Somerville's ' Physical Geography,' makes the 11,376,000 square miles of the " Dark Continent " inhabited by only €0,000,000. This is not half the area of British India I § Sova, Soba, or S6va, is equivalent to Marquis in Angola: other authors translate it " chefe de uma ou mats povoacoes, regnlo, chefe mais poderoso." II In the Brazil and Cuba, a very offensive expression, M**'**a de Congo, is, or rather was, appUed to most of the Angola Bozals (new importations). t We can hardly wonder at their treachery if they are so "much valued as slaves." ** Muene (Muigni in Kisawahili), lord, and Puto, i.e. Porto, Oporto, Portugal, PRELIMINAEY OBSERVATIONS. 17 all, especially the savage Ganguelas,* they devour those slain in their ceaseless, causeless wars ; they kill for food the old and valueless captives, whilst the young are carefully preserved for sale. Such are their usual inducements to warfare : it brings them slaves, whose traflSc enables them to purchase what they require, AH this vast country is, I have said, very populous. The traveller cannot cover a mile without passing some " Banza " or " Libata."t The climate ten leagues from the seaboard is benign and healthful as that of Portugal,! and the soil is so fertile that, despite the negligence o^ the cultivator, it produces a hundred-fold. There is an abundance of the larger and the lesser millet,§ here called Mapamballa (Masamballa), and Luco, also known as Mopango (Mosango), resembling the former, but a little longer in shape. All these afford well-favoured flour. It also supplies beans of sorts, twenty-four bushels (twelve guindas) being sold for a fathom of blue Indian cotton or dun- garee (zuarte),|| besides which there are peas, vetches, and lentils. Excellent wheat is grown, but only by the white and mulatto backwoodsmen (sertanejos),!! who are settled for trade in the far Europe. Primarily Puto means the King of Portugal or his governors ; according to the Diary, Jan. 19, 1799, the title is given to the king nearest Angola ; it appears also to be a name teken by certain African chiefs, e.g., by the son and heir of the Cazembe, as will presently appear (see Diary, Dec. 22, 1798). Finally, like " Sahib " in India, it is the title given to white men in Angola, and it corre- sponds with " Mfmno," addressed to a native. Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 413) tianslate it " Dono de espingardas," master of guns. * A large tribe between the Gango Eiver, a southern branch of the Coanza of S.- Paulo de Loanda and the Cubango, the westernmost head-stream of the great Chobe. Sometimes they are called with the personal affix Mu-" Ganguelas ; " they are said to be good archers and very ferocious. t The " Banza " is a large, the Libata or Libatta a small, village ; the '' Oubata,'" is a single hut. The European reader must bear in mind that all the settlements cover much ground and contain very few inhabitants. X This must be taken with many a grain, and it should be remembered that a Brazilian speaks. We may safely, however, assert that the interior is healthy, compared witii the seaboard. § Maize is locally known to the Portuguese as " Milho Burro." The greater Millet (milho grosso) is the Jowarri, Durrah, Ta'am, MtSmS, or Solevs Sorghvm. Monteiro and Gamitto, however, translate Milho Grosso by " Zea maiz." The lesser Milho (milho miudo) is the Bajri or Paniawm spieatum (Koib.). I can only sug- gest that Luco or Mosango means either the Pennisetvm, or the East Indian Nagli or Nanohni (in Portuguese Naxenim), the Arabic Dukhun, the Kisawihili Uwimbi (Elemine coracano). II The meaning of " pane zuarte," according to Monteiro and Gamitto (Appen- dix B), is a blue cotton, the best being that of Jambaceira. In those days it was worth 2$ 400. The " panno " or " pano " generally is the " Tobe " of Zanzibar, two fathoms in length, or its equivalent. % Sertanejo means a man of the Sertao (said to be an abbreviation of " desertao," desert), which, in the Portuguese world, usually denotes the far interior, where there is little population. It must not be confounded with " Sertaniata," which is applied to an explorer of the Sertao. C 18 PBELIMINAEY OBSEEVATIONS. interior. There is no want of water-melons,* melons, gourds, and pumpkins, of different kinds and sizes, sweet potatoes (batatas, the Convolvulus latata), manioc, and fine large sugar- canes. We find guavas, oranges, and lemons. The land will grow all manner of seed, and it would, if cultivated, produce the finest fruits. , .,.,... . Iron,-which abounds in the interior, is an article that interests us not a little-t The negroes smelt this metal from the stones everywhere containing it, and, considering the absence of tools and laboui'-saving appliances, it is astonishing how well and how cheaply they make their assegais, chains, and similar articles. They have also, as I have seen, sulphur from the vast mines of Dombo da Guinzamba, a league and a half from Bahia Farta, on the seaboard. There is an even greater abundance of excellent copper, which they convert into ornaments, collars, wristlets, and anklets. The many kinds of useful woods equal those of the Captaincy of S. Salvador da Bahia in the Brazil. In its present state, their export commerce consists principally of slaves, ivory, and wax, which is sent out in quantities, despite the destructive style of collection, the hives being thrown into the fire, in order that the combs may be taken. These blind barbarians recognise no divinity, nor do they show any remnant of true religion.^ Superstitious in the * When marching through East Africa from Zanzibar to the Lake Tanganyika, I found water-melons in many places ; but, as a rule, they were hard, colourless, and wanting flavour. „„ „ , ^ , ,, . ^ „ . t In a subsequent page of this Letter (195), Dr. de Lacerda thus reverts to this "iubjeot : — ., , ... " The iron equals the Swedish and the Bisoayan ; a Libambo, or running cham for twelve slaves, may be bought for two cloths, or a dollar and 200 cents. The Governor Coutinho judiciously built, in 1767, ironworks at the town of Oeiras in Golungo-Alto : they failed because each Governor — our Livy laments the factin his ' Decades '—delights to destroy the labours of his predecessor. As our ships carry iron to Asia, this metal will give valuable results if prepared in the interior, and brought to the coast by the Ounene River. The same ships homeward bound can load with bars, which sell everywhere. "Nor is the excellent copper, of which mines have already been discovered, less worthy of consideration. The negroes make of it their necklaces, manilhas (bracelets), fl,nd anklets (' vergas,' wires like carpet-rods, twisted round the legs -and -worn in many parts of Africa). " liiere is also a great quantity of sulphur. I myself saw a large digging in Dombeda Guinzarnba, five leagues south of Benguela, and one and a h^f from Bahia Faita on the coast. " The timber of the interior is like that of Bahia in the Brazil, equally good for building and for other purposes. Can any one despise such sources of wealth, which will not only stimulate our commerce, but will aJso render us independent of other nations 1" % The great Kafir race ignores the idea of a deity. In the 'Lake Eegions of Central Africa' (vol. ii., chap, xix.) I have attempted to account for this fact by their deficiency in the moral or sentimental development; and it is a question whether primeval man did not begin his worship of the ancestral umbre long ages PEELIMINAET OBSERVATIONS. 19 'extreme, they hardly possess a worship to which we may apply the name of faith; their veneration, in fact, is confined to reverence for certain ancient Sovas or chiefs, distinguished by valour or justice. Without doubt some are baptized, but they behave like the other heathen, their ignorance of the mystery being extreme, and their contempt for aU practical religion being consummate. They aspire, it is true, to baptism, as the means of cozening and deceiving unwary whites ; in fact, they •would assert that they are Christians, whilst remaining in their deplorable pristine state of no-religion, polygamy,* and 'barbarism. Let us now specify the advantages which such an expedition "would bring to commerce, to the Crown, and to the peoples themselves. It would extend our conquests over lands and tribes hitherto unknown. It would open a line of communica- tion between the Eastern and the Western Coasts, which might thus mutually support each other ; whilst in the case of one being attacked the other would offer a sure refuge to our colonists. Ships from Asia would discharge cargo at Mozam- bique, and goods could be carried overland to Benguela without the danger and the de^ay of doubling the Cape of Storms. Thus the Custom-house duty would increase, and the industry of the •whites, as well as of the blacks, would be fostered. For better transport than the riding oxen (bois cavallos) now used, camels t ibefore the ghosts became heroes and gods, who could vindicate for themselves adoration. * Yet the author tells us that they are a large-sized race, — polygamy therefore has not injured them physically. And if polygamous Africa is thinly popu- lated, polygamous China swarms with the species man, whilst monogamous Iceland is sparsely populated and monogamous Cyprus is almost a desert. t Note by the Viscount de Sa da Bandeira : — " In 1838, the Home Government imported into Angola camels from the Canary Islands ; but the experiment failed for want of care. [The same has lately happened to Ceara in the Brazil.] " The river transit of Angola, like that of Middle Brazil, is very limited. Yet steam communication has long been proposed between Loanda the capital, and the Falls of Cambambe, the highest point to which the Coanza Eiver is navigable. From that place a road for carts or beasts of burden, might be run through Pungo-Andongo with depots and markets on the way, to the uttermost Por- tuguese frontier. Thus there would be an easy exportation of ivory, wax, ■copper, and other licit articles, a traffic which would soon abolish the internal slave trade. [There is now no want of energy in the colony. When I visited S. Paulo de Loanda in August 1863, surveys for a railroad between the capital and Calumbo on the Coanza Eiver had been laid before the Government.] " Angola, however, still suffers from an inveterate legal abuse [the ' begar ' of India and Bind], corvee, or forced labour, a system which no longer prevails in Portuguese settlements, not even in Benguela. Men ' in libambo ' (as the local phrase is), or with necks in running chains, were compelled, by blows and threats, to carry cargoes hundreds of leagues, for a few paltiy reis. This process has de- populated the country, whose people have fled to the neighbouring regions, in- flicting great loss of revenue upon the Portuguese Government, [Compare Dr. Livingstone, ' First Exploration,' chap. xx. Also M. Valdez, vol. ii. chap, iv.] 2 20 PEELIMINAEY OBSERVATIONS. might be introduced, and perhaps the zebra might be tamed.* Besides which there are thousands of negro-porters (carregadores), each carrying, for many leagues and for small pay, a pack of cloth worth $120. The new possessors of Table Bay (the English) require careful watching, or our want of energy will enable them to extend themselves northwards.t Who will prevent these new colonists from selling the slaves of our southern interior, thus palpably injuring our trade, which has already lost one-third of its value ? Similarly the captives of our northern interior are exported via, Ambriz and the ports lying to the north of Angola.f " The Governor-General D. Francisco Innocencio de Sousa Coutinho first pro- hibited, in 1764, this ahnse, which was, however, re-established by his successor. In 1791, another Governor tried to stop the cruelties inflicted by white merchants upon their bearers, especially at the Fair of Cassange (Feira de Casanji). Antonio^ de Saldanha da Gama (afterwards Count of Porto Santo and 56th Governor), in' 1807, proposed a total abolition of the system to the Home Government. The latter, in April 3, 1796, had already directed the Governor of Benguela to prevent the traders forcibly taiing men from the Sovas or native chiefs, uiJesa by regular agreement, and on payment according to the value of the loads. Finally, a Por- taria (Eoyal Order) of January 31, 1839, abolished the custom, and allowed the- blacks to dispose of their labour like white men. " Only time, however, can do away with the system. It is useless for the law rigorously to suppress the abuse, when the local authorities are compelled to wink at it. Without it, indeed, the natives will not work at all. The trader also finds it a great economy. He pays, for instance, $4 to $6 per head of negro for long journeys, and perhaps as much to the District Commander, if the latter be not over-conscientious. It is evident that any other process would be impossible on account of the expense." [Dr. Livingstone, ' First Expedition," chap, xix., has discussed the question, but we see how greatly he erred when he asserted, " This system of compulsory carriage of merchandise was adopted in consequence of the increase in numbers and activity of our cruisers, which took place in 1845."] * This was written, N.B., long before the days of Mr. Karey. t Cape Town, founded by the Dutch in 1650, taken by the English in 1795,, restored in 1802, retaken in 1806, and given over to English possession ever since. The prophecy in the text has been lately fulfilled, owing to the discovery of the diamond diggings and gold mines. X Note by the Viscount de S^ da Bandeira : — " The author refers to the fact that, in his day, the greater part of the commerce of ' the Portuguese interior profited only the strangers frequenting the ports of Northern Angola. With respect to this old grievance there is a MS. memorandum of J . M. Garcia de Castro Barbosa (dated 1772-1779), attributing this influx of ' interlopers ' to the carelessness of the Angolan governors. These officers had abandoned the Portuguese factories in Loango, Cabinda, Sonho, Ambriz, and others south of Cape Lopo Gonoalves (AngHofe, Cape Lopez, lat. S. 0° .S6' 10", and long. B., Greenwich, 8° 40' 0''), which commanded the coast and the rivers,, especially the great Zaire or Congo Eiver. " To keep off these interloping strangers, we built during the last century the inland fort of S. Jose de Encoge (Presidio das Pedras de Enc6ge, on the Onze Eiver between the Bengo Eiver and Ambriz), and on the coast at Novo Eedondo (lat. S. 11° 36' 42") at Cabinda, and on the Loje or Ambriz Eiver, which lattei',, however, was presently abandoned. That of Cabinda, built in 1783, was destroyed in 1784 by a French naval force, because it embarrassed French slavers : hence the Convention of 1786 held between France and Portugal, whereby the latter was limited to trade in the ports below Cape Padron (Cabo do PadrSo, lat. PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 21 The cause of our trade's decay is simply this : the African has •no objection to walking 150 miles if he can get for his slaves more and better cloth than can be afforded by our traders ; whilst the latter here make smaller profits than their rivals. The proposed expedition would, doubtless, throw an obstacle in the way of the English, who, on their part, have offered con- •siderable rewards for discovering and opening up the interior. Moreover, the heart of the country, thus flanked on both sides by our possessions, will be more securely subjected to us, and -the natives, knowing that Mozambique and Sena can aid Angola and Benguela, and vice versa, will abstain from plundering and from ill-treating our now defenceless Sertanejos. Thus com- merce will be free, and life and property will be safe. Unex- pected assistance can also be afforded by establishing a few ■" Presidios," which have ever had the effect of repressing bar- barous insolence. I would now submit to your Excellency a thought which has long occupied my mind, and which, if confirmed, will produce incalculable advantages. S. 6° 8' 0"), tlie southern point of the Zaire Eiver mouth. In the treaty of July 28, 1817, between Great Britain and Portugal, the latter is confirmed in possession of the coast and the interior, between 8° and 18° of S. lat., or almost as far as Cabo Frio (S. lat. 18° 23' 0"). England also recoguises the reservation of Portu- guese rights upon Molembo (Malemba Bay, a few miles north of Cabiuda) and •Cabinda, or from 5° 12' 0" to 18° S. lat, which excludes Loango (4° 39' 30" S. lat.) but contains the mouth of the Zaire or Congo Eiver. This Zaire, indeed, is speci- fied by the Carta Oonstituoional as forming part of the empire. " Angola is now in the same condition as when she found it necessary to build these forts. The Loanda custom-house suffers by ships discharging cargo at a distance to avoid dues. When the Loje fort was built, the Sova of Mussul and other chiefs came to do homage at Loanda, whereby the revenue was increased. , For 3this purpose, and to impede slave-exportation, the Home Government directed, in 1838, the Governor-General to found a presidio in Mossamedes, or Little Fish Bay (15° 13' lat. S.). This also was tried and succeeded. Others were after- wards ordered to be built at Ambriz, on the Zaire, at Cabinda and at Molembo, with directions to admit foreign merclmndlse at moderate rates. The measure Tvas not carried out, although it would have equally benefited Angola, by •encouraging legal commerce, and the strangers who now suffer from the caprices of native chiefs. " Such forts are necessary for the protection of national and foreign commerce in all the territories recognised as Portuguese, and extending from Loango to •Cabo Frio. They will also prevent such disputes as have lately happened within the last twenty years between Portugal and Great Britain about Lourenco Marques Bay (near Delagoa Bay) and the Bolama Islands (near Sierra Leone) ; and with the French about the Sego Factory on the Casamansa Eiver (near Gambia). Nor must it be forgotten that the French have lately taken one of the Comoro Islands. (Mayotte), and another in the Mozambique Channel (Nosi Be), besides founding two new factories on the coast of Minas and on the Gabao (Gaboon) Eiver, although the latter is less than 2° north of Cape Lopo, and -traded with our islands of Principe (Prince's) and S. Thome (St. Thomas)." N.B.— The mouth of the Gaboon Eiver js in 0° 80' 30" S. lat., and " Cape Lopez " in 0° 36' 10"- Diff. 0° 5' 40" nearly 6 miles. 22 PEELIMINABY OBSERVATIONS. The Eio Sena* is celebrated for the volume and the magnifi- cence of its stream, and for the wealth of its auriferous basin. We know nothing of its source, except that it rises in Monomotapa.f and proudly precipitates itself into the Mozambique Channel^ where our fort Quilimane J lies. Now, in this part of Western Africa the most important stream- between the Zaire (Congo R.) and the Cape of Good Hope is the Cunene, an African word meaning " great," or " grand." § Eising in Candimbo, near CacondaNova,|| it flows to the south (-west?), and after absorbing the CubangolT and the Cutado ** Kivers, it passes, 30 leagues from its source, through the lands of the- SoTas of Lebando and Luceque. Here it is already so con- siderable a stream that it cannot be forded, and the Chief of Luceque derives revenue from his ferry-canoes. Thence bending- eastward, it reaches, after a total course of 50 leagues, the lands- of Humbe Grande or Monomotapa,tt where it is 540 fathoms- (600 toesas) broad. Beyond that point, nothing can be said of * The river running past Sena, i.e., the Zambeze. t Dr. Livingstone (First Exp., chap, xxx.) renders Miiene Mtape, the " Chief' Mtape," headman of the " Bambire, a tribe of the Banyai." Of these more here- after. The older Portuguese applied it to the whole extent of country lying behind the seaboard of Mozambique. The derivation is Mwene (or M'ana) and M'tapa,, or Mutapa (the name of the head district), and thus the title is " Lord of M'tapa."' The modem name is Chedima, and the king is known as Mambo-a-Cheduua. It has greatly fallen in importance since it was the rival of "Monoemuge" (Unyamwezi), the Lake Empire to the north. An account of it is given in Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 83). J A town on the northern branch of the Zambeze Delta. The word is Kilima- ni, " in " or " from the hillock," and the orthography greatly varies, as QuUi- mane, Quelimane, QuiUimane, &c. § The English have injured it by their usual system of nomenclature. They miscall it the " Nourse Eiver." The Portuguese also know it as Bio das Trombas (River of Kellers or Bar Swell), and lately as Eio dos Elephantes. II There are two Cacondas. In 1864 the native Jaga, or chief, attacked the then new " Presidio " of Caconda (now Caconda Velha), built in a.d. 1682, mur- dered all the Portuguese garrison, and destroyed the fort and the church. The outrage was punished in 1685, the Jaga was imprisoned at Loanda, and the present Caconda Nova, to the south of the older settlement, was built and placed under a Capitao-Mdr. t This Cubango Eiver must not be confounded with the stream passing by the district of the chief Cabango, Dr. Livingstone's Chihombo. The Cubango is the westernmost head stream of the Chobe, a great feeder of the Zambeze. Mr. Cooley throws his " Oobango " into the Lake Ngami ; Mr. James Macqueen has placed it accurately. At the head-points the basins of the Zambeze and the Cunene Eivers are separated by only a few miles. ** Can this be the " Quentanda Eiver," the N. N. easterly influent of the Cunene ? ■ft " Humbe Grande and Monomotapa," says the Viscount de Sa da Ban- deira, in his notes to Dr. Lacerda's letter, "being separated by a region 250 to 300 leagues broad, it is not probable that they are the same country as the author soems to believe." Humbe is the region lying to the north of and close to the central course of the Cunene. For a popular account of it, see ' Six Years of a Traveller's Life,' by M. Valdez, vol. ii. p. 355. The last traveller who visited it; was M. B. T. Broohedo. PRELIMINABY OBSEEVATIONS. 23 the great and famons stream, save that it takes an easterly course. Can this be the Eio Sena ?* I am persuaded,, by two reasons, that it is.t Firstly, after exploring part of this river, and con- sulting all the maps of the coast from the Adamastor stream to Benguela, I find none whose size entitles it to be considered the mouth of the mighty Cunene. Secondly, though the Rio Sena boasts of his auriferous sands, the Cunene is not on this point inferior. When accompanying the unfortunately aborti'^e expedition which was sent in 1787 to explore the course of the Cunene, I myself saw a negress who had been captured in the lands of Acabona, three leagues from the Cunene, and limitropha with Monomotapa. Her head-dress was composed of golden laminae, about the size of ordinary spangles (lantijoilas), pierced with a few curly hairs, rove through and knotted for security. When asked whence these things came, she replied, "from a very large river not far off; that after rain a large quantity could be found, but that no one prized them." J What river can this be but the Cunene ? And as it flows from; Humbe towards the Mozambique coast, where our Sena, as we know, discharges its waters, the latter is, in my humble opinion, the same Cunene under a different name. Should this . conjecture prove correct, and should the line be opened by Government, it will carry to Benguela cargoes landed by ships from Asia, and thus Mozambique as well as Benguela will: become an emporium second to none. The inter-coastal and overland route once practicable, native guides will be forth- coming, and nothing will be easier than the exploration of the stream above mentioned. I leave the other advantages to your Excellency's consideration : let me now consider the means of connecting the eastern with the western shores of our colonies ; * I cannot understand why Dr. Livingstone will call tlie river " Zambesi." Tlie orthography is distinctly "Zambeze." Mr. Cooley ('Geogr. ofN'yassij? p. 45), ■writes Zambezi, and translates it the "fish-river." But he derives the word from the Congoese and Angola " mbize " and " mhige " (Bi'i), which mean fish. In another place he mates Zambesi the river par excellence, and its derivatives, Chambesi, Liambesi, and Yabenzi, to mean " river of meat," or " of animal food " (' Nature,' Nov. 18, 1869), going far too far for a derivation. Dr. Livingstone (First Exp., chap, xi.) informs us that "Leeambye" is the "large river," or the river par exceUenee, and that Luambeji (Luambegi), Luamb&i, Ambezi, Ojim- besi, and " Zambesi " are all dialectic varieties, " the magnificent stream being the main drain of the country" — ^which signifies nothing. The Kev. Horace Waller, T.E.G.S., makes " Zambesi " to mean " the Washer," hence its frequent, recurrence under several forms in rivers liable to high fioods. t See the end of these observations for the note by the Viscount , SS da Bandeira. J " They (Africans) always try to give an answer to please, and if any one showed them a nugget of gold they would generally say hat these abounded in their country." — (Dr. Livingstone, First Exp., chap, xix.) 24 PEELIMINAET OBSERVATIONS. for which end it will be necessary to describe the terra cognita, that we may better understand how much of the incognita awaits discovery. All the Nano* country between Caconda Nova to the north, and the A50 (Aso) Eiver, is ruled by the four principal Sovas (neglecting the Sovetas) of Balundo do Ambo (or Hambo) of Quiaca, of Quitata, and of G-alangue.t The southern interior contains, besides the chieftains subject to those four, the powerful families of Quilengues, of Quipungo, of Gambos (Sambos ?) and of Avila. The latter is the formidable Oanina, whose sway extends over the broad lands of the Cobaes, the Mocoauhocas, and the Mococorocas of Cabo Negro, as far as the Hottentots : t these, once a subject people, were enabled,^ by the carelessness of his great officers (Ambas), to shake off his yoke. Here are about 80 leagues, more or less, known and subject to the Portuguese Crown, north of Benguela, and crossing Balundo, via, Quissangue, to the A50 (Aso) Eiver. South of Benguela we have 1 00 leagttes of safe country, held by our vassals of Quilomata, Lombimbe, Quilengues, Bemby, Quipungo, and Gambos (Sam- bos ?), to the Humbe country, divided by the great Cuneue Eiver. Travelling eastward from Benguela, by the road of Sapa-janjala, Caconda Nova, Monhembas, Galangue, and Obie, lands watered by the useful and well-known Coanza Eiver, we have another tract of 100 leagues. There must be 80 leagues more from the Coanza to the Sova of Levar,§ a peaceful line lately opened by * " Nanos," " Nannos," or " Nhanos," is said to mean " high land," from the craggy mountains between Quilengues and Caconda Velha. t A popular account of these and the other little-known districts is given in 1861 by M. Valdez, vol. ii. chap. 9. J Possibly the Kasakere or Bushmen east of the Cunene, as laid down in Dr. Livingstone's map. § Note hy the Vboount de SX da Bakdeiba: — " Levar is the ' Loval ' of M. Alexandre Jose Botelho de Vasooncellos (the fifth Governor of Benguela, at the end of the last century), who places it south of the Molua country; it appears to lie to the south-west of the Cazembe's frontier. That author and Dr. de Lacerda both agree that the road to it from Benguela passes through Balundo and Bih^ and crosses the Coanza Eiver. But their dis- tances greatly differ. From Benguela to the Coanza, Dr. de Lacerda makes 180 leagues; M. Botelho 148, and 191 to Quinhama, the headquarters of the Sova of Loval, a total of 339 leagues. Summing and dividing the two (viz. 180 -I- 148 = 328) we obtain from Benguela to the Coanza Eiver 164 leagues, and from the Coanza Eiver to Loval 135 leagues (180 -t- 339 = 519), a sum of 259." Writing from S. Felipe de Benguela, on August 1 , 1799, M. Botelho de Vas- conceUos, gives the following account of the kingdom of Loval and its road &om Benguela (p. 159, No. 4, ' Annaes Maritimos, 1844) : — " A Bahiano (Brazilian), Josd de Assump^ao e Mello, guided by a native of Loval, travelled there twice with profit, but with some hardships and danger. On his third march he was accompanied by one Alexandre da Silva Teixeira, of fia'.itarem, who afterwards related to me his journey as follows : " They left Benguela with their stores on September 22, 1795, and slept at Catumbella (four leagues) ; the next stages, all in this Government, were Quis- PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 25 our traders, who, being hospitably receiyed, might, if assisted, have gone farther. Thus, from Benguella, eastward, we have 180 leagues of well-trodden country, and about 50 west of Mozambique. Of a total of 500, but 270 remain for ex- ploration. As regards the personnel of an expedition we require a few educated officers, for the purpose of using instruments and field-pieces ; and, at most, 400 well-armed men, who should be trained not to draw the sword except in the last extremity. I have learned from experience that presents and offers of our Sovereign's friendship manage barbarian insolence far better than blows and violence ; the latter always make the people arm themselves against fancied conquest and captivity intended by white men. This force should not demand much from the Treasury. Throughout the explored interior, on both sides, there are many white and mulatto traders, acclimatized and trained to travel. These " Sertanejos " might be induced to join the expedition by the gift of purely honorary titles, which, by the bye, they greatly covet, such as " Impacap eiros," " Atalaias," " Aventureiros," and "Guerra Preta.'* The leader of 20 sange (20 leagues), Quibnlia ('Quibuile'? 24 leagues), Bailundo (35 leagues), Bilie (35 leagues), and tlie Quanza or Coauza Eiver (30 leagues), a total of 148. ■Crossing that stream in the lands of Sova Angurucu, they made 36 leagues to Sova AnguUo, and then they struck the bush to avoid certain barbarous chiefs whose jealousy would have stopped them from trading with others. After sis leagues they crossed the River Cutia (an eastern influent of the Coanza), 12 fathoms broad ; next at the same distance the Cice Eiver (Mr. Gooley makes it head the Coango), also 12 fathoms wide ; then to the source of the latter, 17 leagues, to the Munhango Eiver (13 leagues), to the head-waters of the Luena (28 leagues, Loena, eastern influent of the Leeba Eiver?), and to the frontier of Loval (35 leagues), governed by the Soveta Caquinga. Hence they made (50 leagues) the Great Libata (settlement) of the Sova Quinhama, which is nearly on the eastern frontier of Loval, a total of 191 leagues from the Coanza Eiver and 339 from Benguela. " Loval is 60 by 10 leagues more or less, and contains many tribes. In front (east) it is bounded by the Sova-ship of Luy Amboellas, and on the right (south) by the powerful Amboellas chiefs of Bunda and Canunga ; on the left (north) by lords, vassals to the great Sova of the Moluas (the MUuag, or people of Mu^ta ya Nvo), and in rear (west) by the Sovas Quiboque and Bunda. The Eios de Sena ■of Mozambique {i.e., the Zambeze Eiver, or its northern affluents) appeared to be near. The traders were hospitably received, business was prosperous, and they found less robbery than in our territory — the more we advance the less villainous are the people." Thus we see the Portuguese, in 1799, pressing into the heart of the country visited by l)r. Livingstone. * The " Impacjeiro" now generally written Empacasseiro, means, " not a sort of fraternity of freemasons," but a kind of militia, instituted in 1580 by Paulo Dias de Novaes, conqueror and first governor of Angola. The literal sense is " hunter of the Empacassa," the fierce wild cattle which extend down the west ■ " row " such a statement would now excite in the geographical world : we are stiU disputing about " lakes with two outlets." II ' Murusura is called Hemosura by Father Luis Marianno, called by Mr. Cooley " Luigi Mariano," the Sena Missionary, who published in 1627 ; and he makes, as I have said, the Shire Eiver flow from it. It 16 therefore a synonym of the Marave Lake, Dr. Livingstone's Lake Nyassa. In this century, Mr. Cooley has actually confounded it with the Eiver Luapula, the Mofo Lake, and the Tanganyika Lake. He makes " Hemosura " a mistake for " Murusura," meaning "the Sea" (p. 17), even as Moguro is a rivulet, and Eojuro grande a large body of water. In my ' Report to the Eoyal Geographical Society ' (vol. xxix. p. 272) I have explained these words (note on Diary, Sept. 10th). Dr. Livingstone ('Second Expedition,' chap. x. p. 214) says, that the Bazizulu (Zulus ?) are known to geographers, who derive their information from the Portu- guese, a3,"Morusuros." Mr. Cooley suggests that "the Portuguese call them Moziruro, meaning perhaps, M'zariro, the name of a powerful chief on the Eiver Save." This is mere conjecture. According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 349) Lunda, the Cazembe's capital, is on the southern or south-eastern edge of " Mofo, Grande Lago." Mr. Cooley has lately placed the Cazembe's city on the nortli-east bank of tlie Mofo, a laielet 2 or 3 miles broad, and not connected witli " Lake Moeri." In Mr. E. G. Eaven- stein's map, this Movo (Mofo) drains into the Zambeze basin, which also receives the waters of the Tanganyika, by means of the Luapula River (compare note on Diary, June 6, 1799). In Monteiro and Gamitto's map, the " Guapula ON THE PROPOSED "CAZBMBB EXPEDITION." 39 'behind the Murimhala* Eange, near Sena. Some of our people ■call it Nanjaeja-Matope (Nyanja ya M'tope), others " Shire." t Travellers making the Cazembe's city cross it in three days, nighting on islands. They also say that their Zambeze falls into this stream far below (south of) the city. | The Muizas are a mercantile tribe, who have penetrated into those countries, and wlfo have at times brought down their ivories to Quilimane § (Kilima-ni). Possibly they may tell the truth respecting the Xire (Shire) River ; but if we compare its mouth with the width of the stream in the Cazembe's country, there appears to me a contradiction. The former, however, is confined by mountains ; the latter flows through immense plains {Dumbos), which begin upon the Aroangoa Eiver ; |l hence. Eiver" three days' journey, or 30 direct miles, from tlie capital of Cazembe, lAows to the northwest. I have long ago recorded the Arab opinion that the Tanganyika Lake has at the south an influent, the Kunangwa or Marungu Eiver, not an effluent as the Luapula of Mr. Kavenstein. Dr. Livingstone (' Second Expedition,' chap, xxv.) says : " Flomng still further in the same direc- tion (to the west) the Loapula ibrms Lake Mofue or Mofu, and after this, it is said to pass the town of Cazembe, bend to the north, and enter Lake Tanganyika." In chap, xxvii. the traveller hears this from Babisa tobacco dealers, and says, " this iis the native idea of the geography of the interior." Dr. Livingstone's Third Expedition, however, sets all right, and gives us the first correct view ot tlie ■country. The Cazembe's town is placed north-east of a diminutive basin called Mofo or Mofwe, which connects, through the Londa (Luapnla) Eiver with Lake -Moero, the centre of three fed by the northern slope of the Muchinga range. * Dr. Livingstone ('First and Second Expeditions') describes Morumbala (" the lofty watch-tower ") near Sena, to be an oblong, wooded mountain-mass, ■" probably 3000 to 4000 feet high," and, as its hot sulphurous fountain on the plain at the north-eastern side (northern in ' First Expedition ') would show, of Igneous formation. In his map there is an island in the Nyassa Lake called " Muromba Hill," which has disappeared/rom the chart of the ' Second Expedition.' t This is clearly a confusion between the Lake Nyassa and the two Nyanjas .(to the North Mukulu or Muom'u, " the great," and to the south Pangano or " the small ";, on the road from the Zambeze Eiver to the Nyassa Lake. It must again be observed that in the Zangian tongues, Nyassa, Nyanza, Nyanja, and other forms, -all signify water. M'tope is a mud, the Portuguese "Lama," in Monteiro's map " Dambo Lodoso." X M. Eavenstein makes both streams, "Loapula" and " Schambese," -fall into the Chuia Lake (Portuguese, Chover, to rain ?). This is Dr. Livingtone's " Shuia," which has three outlets. I called it, in 1859, the " Chama Lake," from the dis- itrict which it occupies. § So in ' Annaes Maritimos ' (p. 291). I am at pains to know why Mr. Cooley ■(' Geography of N'yassi' p. 17) should translate this passage, " The Moviza, being great traders, go a long way into the country, and even penetrate at times to Luilhim" (for Kilima-ni on the coast). He adds, "in this name it is easy to recognise the Portuguese abbreviation of Lukelingo," which (p. 15) he calls 'the capital of lao. What a comfirmed confusion ! Lucheringa (not Lukelingo) is the name of a station on the way &om Kilwa to the Nyassa Lake. "I^o" (for XJhyio) is the land of the Wahiao, who, I have said, are now nearly annihilated by the slave- itrade. Their " capital " is on a par with the " town Zangafiica," west of the Tan- .ganyika Lake. Dr. Krapf ('Travels,' &c.,,p. 419) mentions "Keringo," a station .in their country ; but he knew too much of Africa to talk of a " capital." II From Tete to the Cazembe's country the ti'aveller crosses two streams of 40 DB LACERDA'S LETTBE AND INFOEMATIOK perhaps, the difference. Or it may be the Lucuase Eiver, * whose mouth is near Quilimane, but whose upper course is unknown — a doubtful point which I hope soon to resolve. Perchance, again, it may be some other stream which dis- charges its waters into the ocean between Mozambique and Quilimane. The Cazembe evidently desires int'ercourse with us. After vainly attempting to detain Manoel Caetano Pereira, with the assurance that he would send his own ivory-porters to bring up more cloth, he unwillingly dismissed hig visitor, and only on express condition that the latter would return ; and he threatened, if deceived, to slay all the Portuguese in those parts and to seize their property. During the six months of Manoel Caetano Pereira's stay, the king made him many pre- sents, amongst which was a large farm of manioc — there the staff of life. He promised restoration of stolen goods, with profit to the injured person j and gave him and his followers immunity from the laws to which his vassals are subject, such as cutting off the ears, hands, and pudenda of adulterers. They witnessed an instance of the latter amputation, and similar pains and penalties. This king, our good friend, is proud of intercourse with us. Shortly after the arrival of Manoel Caetano Pereira he sent a message to his father, the other king (Mwata yd Nvo), that as the latter had his jt meaning sons of, or born under, water, so he himself had been visited by whites from the other shore. It is this boast, J combined with want of cloth, which makes him so much desire our friendship. He sent to me, as nearly the same, and possibly quite the same, name. The southern is the Aru- angoa, Aroang6a, or ArangSa, which falls into the Zambeze about the Kebra- basa Eapids, and upon whose banks a Portuguese colony was built ; the northern is the Arangoa, or Loangwa, the head-water of the Eoango or Loangwa, which falls into the Zambeze at Zumbo. * In Dr. Livingstone's map we find the "Eiver Licuara," alias Likudre (' First Expedition,' chap, xxxii.), a northern influent of the Quilimane mouth of Zambeze ; but it appears to be an insignificant stream. t A word is here omitted in the original— in Kisawahili it would be " Wana M4ji." The negroes of the interior look upon the whiteness of European skins, and especially the straightness of hair — of which they sometimes say, " it is the mane of a lion, and not hair at all," and " only look at his hair I it is made quite- straight by the sea-water "—as the effect of marine or submarine life. The old Maharattas also regarded the Euglish as an amphibious race. X In my 'Mission to Dahome' I have shown that a similar vanity exists, and that its result is a modified form of human saciifice. King Gelele, wishing, to send a message to his father, summons a captive, carefully primes him witli the subject of his errand, generally some vaunt, adhibits a bottle of rum, and strikes off his head. If an important word be casually omitted he repeats the operation, a process which I venture to call a postscript. ON THE PROPOSED " CAZBMBE EXPEDITION." 41 envoy, the son of a Muiza cliief, whom he had conquered and put to death. This messenger brought in his train one Catara, a grandee of the Cazembe's kingdom, and two spies (sopozos), to see that neither I nor their master were deceived by him im the matter of my reply.* Of these, one died; the other, a youth of sixteen to eighteen years old and a confidential slave- of the monarch, survived. The envoy and CatAra both informed me that the Cazembe, or his ancestors, coming from about Angola, which they pronounced Gora,t overran his present territories; that from his capital to the small kingdom of Bloropoe is a journey of sixty days, or somewhat less for white men; J and, finally, that canoes from Angola and its vicinity came up to fetch slaves. On the way between the two countries are four rivers running to the left (south-west), and therefore falling into the Atlantic ; and one is so broad that it takes a day to cross. May this not be the Cunene, or, as it is called in some maps, the Eio Grande ? From the Moropue's kingdon* to the Cazembe's country pass cloths, and the "notions" (trastes) common on the western coast, as mirrors, tea-things kept for show, plates, cups, beads of sorts, cowries,§ and broadcloths of various kinds. I myself saw a scarlet "durante" (a narrow woollen stuff without nap) which the king had given to a Caffre slave of Manoel Gonpalo Pereira. The Cazembe sends his chattels to his " father," who remits them to Angola, taking in barter broadcloths, as baize, du- rante, fine serge (seraflna), and the articles specified above. They do not sell their captives to the Portuguese, who hold them of little account compared with ivory. The latter article, however, would be much more lucrative if transported by water, instead of the present tedious and expensive land-journey. || The Cazembe's country abounds in manioc, white gourds,. * This system of spies and of duplicate ofBcials is quite African, as I have- shown in the ' Story of a Mission to I)ahome.' t From Monteiro and Gamitto we learn (p. 498, &c.,) that the Alundas call the lands of the Muropue (or Mw&ta ya Nvo) " Angola "or " Gora ; " the latter evidently a European corruption of " Bunda Ngola " in full A-Ngola, the land of (the chief) Ngola. I The direct distance from the capital of the Cazembe to Kabebe, the capital or the Mwata ya Nvo is from 4 to 5 degrees = 240 to 300 miles. This place is built near and north of the Luiza Eiver, supposed to be an eastern branch of the Great Kasai. According to Ladislaus Magyar, the Portuguese call this capital also Lunda. The four rivers running, as was formerly supposed, to the south- west, will re-occur in the course of these pages. § Caurim or Cauril, plural Oauris. The popular word is " buzio,'' from which the French in the Brazil coin " des bougts." In Angola it is Zimbo, and it has a different name amongst every tribe. II The only cheap way of exporting ivory from the heart of Africa is vipon the- shoulders of slaves, the latter being of course sold on the coast. 42 DB LACEEDA'S LETTEB AND INPOEMATION ground-nuts,* " jugo," a small haricot like the ricinus,t white sugar-cane, the sweet potato (0. iatata), and the Dende, whose fruit makes oil.J Between the lands of the Cazembe and Moropoe there are many deserts wanting supplies. Our tra- veller found provisions deficient amongst the Muizas when taking on his return a different road (the westerly ?), nor did he reach the lake above alluded to. The cows are the king's private property : § only his dignitaries may herd black cattle. The entertainment of the Cazembe is magnificent. He has a number of domestic slaves, and he carefully .preserves his many wives, who are allowed to speak with his confidants only. His usual dress || is a large silk sheet (tobe) wound around the middle and girt with a bandoleer : it is plaited and folded above the girdle after the fashion of the Cabindas. He wears a cap ornamented with red feathers, and his legs are adorned with cowries, large white beads (velorio), the pipe-shaped beads (canutilho),1[ much valued amongst them, and beads of sorts.*-* The Cazembe rarely appears in public, the better to preserve * In the original " amendoim," wHch does not mean almonds, of ■whieli the Persian variety, or " bidam " (a Steroulia), is found upon the Zanzibar coast, but never far in the interior. Monteiro and Gamitto, however, say (p. 163) that on the banks of the Northern Aruangoa Eiver they observed " amendoeiras das que dao as amendoas chamadas durazias em Portugal." Here it is the Arachis hypogssa, the Pistache of old and the Arachide of modern French travellers, the pea-nut of the Northern United States, the Pindwe (a Loango word) of the Southern States and the Ginguba of Angola. t Bspecie de feijao carrapato. M. Constancio's Dictionary explains Carra- pateiro as Palma Christi, the castor-oil tree, from the resemblance of its fruit to the cattle-tick (carrapato). The vulgar Portuguese name of the shi'ub is " mamona." X The Dende, or Dendem, in Africa and in the Brazil, is the EUeis Guineensis, or palm-oil tree. I found a species oa the Tanganyika Lake which produced good oil, but the fruit was a bunch like grapes, not a spike, as on the West African Coast and about Bahia. § The same is the case in Benin city. (See my 'Visit to the Eenowned Cities of Wari and Benin,' ' Fraser's Magazine,' February, March, and April, 1863.) Ij So MM. Monteu'o and Gamitto describe the Cazembe's dress as a waist-cloth or swathe, called Muconzo, with one end made fast below the waist by a little ivory arrow to the body-cloth, and the whole wound round the middle in short, regular folds. A leathern belt, known as " Insipo," suj)ported the garment. Their frontispiece, " Muata Cazembe vestido de grande Galla," shows this swathe and its bandoleer. The chaplain of Dr. de Lacerda's expedition will presently describe it in these pages. If M. Constancio derives this word from the French " canutiUe," meaning " purl," '' filum argenteum vel aureum," the gold or silver wire, tubular and spiral, usedin embroidery. In MM. Monteiro and Gamitto it is a head material. They make it (p. 181) a synonym of " Dordra," a pipe-shaped bead, or rather bugle, one inch long by four to five linos in breadth. In p. 189 we read of '' Canutilho de todas as cores." In Venice " canutilho" is called Pipiotei. ** In the days of MM. Monteiro and Gamitto (1831-1832), the beads for Quilimane were white, black, green, and grey ; for Sena, white and black ; for Tete and Sofala, large white, black, and brick-red ; and for Inhambane and Lourenjo Marques, of all colours. ON THE PROPOSED "CAZBMBE EXPEDITION." 43 the respect of his people. He receives his nobles sitting behind a curtain, and presents to them, not tea, coffee, nor chocolate, whose equipage is always displayed, but millet-beer (Pombe),* and the wine (Sura) of the Mediuca palm.j The courtiers drink only what the king portions out to them, for fear of intoxication, which is an offence seyerely punished by its own peculiar judge.J The Cazembe has a number of well-disciplined troops, whose ■chiefs every night bring him the news, and receiTe his orders •and the watchword (Santo),§ which they pass like civilized nations. There are different eor^s de garde, patrols and rounds to keep the peace and to repress disorders and drunkenness. The city' is surrounded by a deep ditch, said to be several leagues in length : || during war time the vassals are lodged within the enclosure, so as to be out of danger, but it does not -appear that any neighbouring king claims superiority over, or even equality with, him. The offensive weapons are spears 6 feet long, and shorter assegais for throwing, with broad- bladed and well-worked viol-shaped and pointed knives (Pocue), "whose short neck acts as a handle.lT For defensive armour they have shields, flat parallelopipedons, externally of light thin tree-bark, large enough to defend the whole body : the inside is strengthened and kept in shape by neat wickerwork, and before battle these defences are soaked in water. The soldiers do not use bows and arrows, but the Muiza archers skirmish in the van of the army, which is formed in three lines.** The Cazembe prescribes the seasons for amusement, lest * Pombe is a word generally used throughout Zanzibar and the Sawahil. The kings of Yoruba also aifected, like the Cazembe, to conceal themselves fi'om public view, especially whilst eating, drinking, or snuiEng. When the King of Dahome drinks, a curtain is held before him by his women. t My friend Dr. Kirk informs me that tlie date-palm is there called Jindi. The Devil's-palm (fiaphia vinifera) is that most used on the East Afi'ican Coast. The best liquor is drawn from the oil-palm, but it injures the tree ; the cocoa-nut also gives, on the Western Coast at least, a first-rate wine : I do not like that ■drawn from the date. Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 403) mention a wild palm which "the natives know as " Mediqua." It is evidently that of the text. % In Dahome the punishment for drunkenness is very severe : it is regretable that such is not tlie case throughout West Africa. § So called in Portuguese, because it is or was generally the name of some saint. II This style of defence is also African ; the text would well describe Abeokuta. The curious reader may consult the first of my volumes on Abeokuta and the Camarones Mountains. Agbome, the capital of Dahome, is girt by a fosse, but it has no walls. f These short handles, unfit for the European grip, remind us of the swords and daggers of India and Abyssinia. ** Like the Roman hastati, principes, and triarii. I have described a similar organisation amongst the Watuta of the African Lake Eegions. (' Lake Begions,' uSci., vol. ii. p. 77.) 44 ^ DE LACEEDA'S LETTER AND INFORMATION there should be no work and all play, which would breed troubles amongst his subjects and demoralise the soldiers. Ivory selling is a royal prerogative, and only the nobles can dispose of small quantities with his express permission : hence, as i have said, all the cloth is presented by the traders to the king. He has copper and iron mines, and he is now at war with a chief whose country produces tin.* I showed our Caffre visitors gold, which they recognised, calling it in their tongue " money ; " all declared, however, that there was none in their lands. Perhaps they do not know how to extract the precious metal, or it lacks value amongst them. His officers are me- chanics, workers in cloth and in iron.f There is a great difference between the modest deportment, the way of eating (comedimento), the songs, the dances, and the drumming of these Caffres and those of our black neighbours near the Eios de Sena. A messenger from the kingdom of Bar6e,t whom I saw at Sena, harangued loudly for a good half- hour, with immoderate gesticulation, in order to give a short message. On the contrary the Cazembe's envoy spoke little, with great civility, and so softly, that not much was heard. Before the latter addressed us, his interpreter, a Caffre slave of Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, collected with his fingers, as is their custom, a little earth, with which he rubbed his breast and fore-arms, and this ceremony was repeated after he had trans- lated the message. § Our negroes drum a horrible thunder- storm, and he plays best who beats the hardest : besides which both men and women dance with extreme indelicacy. || The drums of our guests are tapped like zabumbas (tomtoms) gently and sweetly : this serves as an accompaniment to their songs and dances, which are as graceful and decorous as can be expected. The chief did not honour me by dancing before me : Catara and his spy did so before delivering their message. After this the people came to compliment them, some em- bracing him ; others touching with their little wands, in token * In the original " latao," which the dictionaries explain " brass, a mixture of copper and calaminaris stone" — but from African hills we do not dig brass. There is probably antimony, and Monteiro and Garaitto twice mention tin (estanho). Dr. Kirk suggests that " latao " may signify " pewter," but it cannot have that sense here. I have alluded to antimony near jMombasah in ' Zanzibar ; City, Island, and Coast.' t So in England, Wayland Smith, the blacksmith, was once adored. j Probably the Barae of Dr. Livingstone (to the west of Sena and north of Manila), the Bambire, or people of Barde. § This earth-rubbing is general amongst the more ceremonious tribes of Africa, as those of Benin, Dahome, the Congo, &o. Of course it is a token of high respect. II Again showing that the interior peoples are more civilized than the maritime, who, from foreign civilisation, pick up only the vices. ON THE PROPOSED " CAZBMBE EXPEDITION." 45 of their inferiority, tlie lance or spear which they held in h£ind. The Muiza jag the sides of their teeth, making them re- semble those of a saw* It must be hard work, without files, thus to spoil the work of Nature: they effect it, however, making the patient suffer severely, by means of a bit of iron, which they promised to give me.f I greatly admired their head-dresses (toques). The Cazembe's vassals proper, so to speak, neither chip their teeth nor use the toques, being soldiers, who have no leisure for such coquetries. With regard to religion, we could only learn that the Muizas and the Cazembe's people have hollow idols (fetishes ?)$ in which they store their medicines before drinking them. A Caffre of this country, being at a house in Tete where some Muizas had danced, and where they had been rewarded with cloth and beads, invidiously remarked that they had consulted their wizards. The Muizas (I must observe that here both whites and blacks understand the strangers) indignantly re- butted the accusation, telling the man that they had no such habits. They do not affect the ill-omened "palavers" (milandos negregados §) : in war time, when compelled by hunger, they are cannibals. Cat^ra and another, his slave or his companion, declared, on being shown the compass, that they had seen that thing in "Gora." When asked how far it was from the Cazembe's country to Angola, they answered, with a vivacity which ensured * I tave stated (' Lake Eegions of Central Africa,' vol. ii. p. 150) that, aooording to the Arabs, the Wahisha (Muizas) do not file their teeth nor raise a dotted line ■on the nose. Mr. Cooley, in his 'Keview,' (Stanford, London, 1864), objects to my making the latter assertion. Did it never suggest itself to this writer that African tribes, especially the wandering and commercial, often change tlieir customs, and that what was the fashion in 1832 is not so in 1859 ? Thus the Wanyika, behind Mombasah, gave up tattooing after the missionaries had lived amongst them for some years, and used to say, " Why should we spoil our skins ? " I fear, however, that this is an amount of progress not to be expected from the obstinate advocate of the Central- African " Sea." t A common bit of hoop-iron is generally used : the enamel must be removed by it from the sides of the teeth, but decay does not foUow. } Meaning that they have no God. All anthropologists are agreed upon this peculiarity of the Kafir race. So in the tongue spoken about Tete, and under- stood by the Maraves and Chervas, " Murungo," the word generally translated "God," means thunder: Dr. Krapf ('Travels,' p. 168) gives the same signi- fication to the Mulungu of the Wanyika race. So Dr. Livingstone (' Second Expedition,' chap, xxiii.) makes the people confound God and thunder in " Morungo." § Monteiro 'and Gamitto (' Muata Cazembe,' pp. 7 and 91) tell us that Milando means a debt, an obligation contracted but not satisfied, a theft, a murder, a " pleito " or question, e. g., " Milando do Pombo," a piooeas on account of adultery. The word appears to be the South African " Molatu," as given by Dr. livingstone, chap, xviii. — " I have no guilt or blame (Molatu)." 46] DE LACERDA'S LETTER AND INFORMATION my belief, that black men took three months and whites a little- less. They also mentioned the Lucuale Eiver, which, according to some maps, is an influent of the Cuansa (Ooanza). Gonfalo Caetano Pereira, knowing my wish to cross Africa, offered me his escort. I accepted it willingly, as he is the only trustworthy person ; and, in the hope of promoting the work with which Her Ma,jesty has honoured me, I made him Ga/pitao- Mor of the Bush (Mixonga). He thanked me thus — "If your Excellency desires to visit Angola, you need not trouble your- self with these questions and with writing down answers : cross the Zambeze, trust yourself to me, and I will see you to the end of your journey, at my own expense if I could afford it." Such is the good effect of a measure which costs nothing but care to employ it at the right time. The Africans and the Americans would do good service to Her Majesty, if their rulers would bestow honours upon those deserving, and not disgust the people by selling them to the worthless.* Before arriving at Tete, and examining these people, my intention was to set out from Zumbo, our westernmost settle- ment. I soon found that in Quilimane and Sena, as at Mozambique, people knew nothing of what had happened since- 1793, and that their information could not be relied upon.f Therefore, I did not bring from Mozambique certain necessaries,, such as white soldiers, good ammunition, arms, and similar supplies, of which nothing but the worst is here procurable, f (Signed) D. Feancisco Josifi Makia Tete, March 22, ITaS^ - DE LaCEEDA E ALMEIDA. ', * These are memorable -words, coming from a Brazilian. t The same proved to be the case at Zanzibar : -what these affirmed of the- interior those denied ; many misled me through ignorance, some for their own interests. t The following is the official Act : — '' On February 27th, 1798, in this town of Tete, at the house and in the- presence of His Excellency the Governor of the Province (Eios de Sena), Dr. Francisco Jose Maiia de Lacerda e Almeida, and all the citizens and inhabitanta of the, same town, appealed the Envoys of the King Cazembs, to salute His Excellency the said Governor on the part of his master, and to offer friendship and trade to him and to them. On his side he promised that, in case of the road being stopped, or of merchants being plundered by any neighbouring chief on th& way, his lord the King would send a force to clear it, we also sending our forces ; that the Portuguese would be allowed to build a settlement, and to plant manioe near the Ai-angSa Eiver, and that they should not send their goods one at a time but all together. [In fact, to form a caravan was a desideratum in East Africa.] This proposal was unanimously accepted, and a resolution -was passed that the inhabitants would be guided by His Excellency the Governor, -who took so lively an interest in the public good. Having thus agreed, they bound themselves ilk a bond before me the writer and signer of this instrument. (Signed) " Jose Sebastiao d'Athaidb, "Public Kotary." ON THE PEOPOSED "CAZEMBB EXPEDITION." 47 Section III. Deposition of the Bandasio * of the Cazemhe, sent ly his Manibo or liege lord, and then lodged in the house of Bionizio Bebello Cwrvo. The above declares that, when sent by the Mambo Cazembe his master to the Kinglet (regulo) Muropoe,t during three months' march, he crossed in small canoes four streams like this (southern) Zambeze. The first was the Eoapura,$ the second was the Mufira,§ the third was the Guarava,)| and the fourth was the Eofoi.ir In this distance, where the land belongs to the Varunda nation,** there are but four settlements, one on each Here follow the signatures of those present, twenty-four names : — Jose Sebastiao d' Athaide (writer and signer of the document). Dionizio de Araujo Bragan^a. Jose Luiz de Menezes. Manoel Jose Cardoso. Pascoal Jose Eodrigues. Plaoido Jose Eebello. Joaquim Jose d' Oliveira. Joao de Sousa. Vietorino Jose Gomes de Araujo. Josd Francisco de Araujo. Joao da Cuuha Pereira. Ignacio Gomes dos Santos. Sebastiao Eeduzinho Mascarenhas. Luiz Nunes de Andrade. Jose Luiz Eodrigues. Caetano Benedicto Lobo. Joao Joaquim de Mattos. Leandro Jose' de Aragao. Dionizio Eebello Gurvo. Joao Baptista Oetaviano dos Beis- Moreira. Manoel Antonio de Sousa. Gon^alo Caetano Pereira. Nicolao Pascoal da Cruz, and Sebastiao de Moraes e Almeida. * Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 14) explain " Bandaze " to be a domestic slave. t This is the usual African style of exalting the master at the expense of truth. } This stream has been before alluded to, under the name of Luapula. It was found by Dr. Livingstone to connect the Bangweolo, or Bemba, with the Moero Lake. § All African rivers have half-a-dozen names. We must, therefore, not be sur- prised if we do not find these words in other travels. The only check upon this march is that made by the two Pombeii'os, sent in 1802 by Sr. Francisoo- Honorato da Costa. The Mufira, alias Eufira, Luvira, or " Luvivi," is a stream 12 fathoms wide, and laid down as an aflSuent of the Euapura or Luapula, crossed by Pedro Joao Baptista on the 55th day. According to Mr. Cooley, it is the great river Luviri, called by the Arabs Lufira, which flows into the Luapula about 100 miles S.W. or S.S.W. from the City of the Cazembe. Dr. Livingstone first throws it into the Tanganyika Lake : he now makes it rise, under the name of Luviri, on the western watershed of Conda Irugo, to the south of which is Lake Bangweolo : it thus takes the name of Lufira (Bartle Prere's ' Lualaba ') and falls into Lake Ulenge, or Kamalondo. II This Guarava is evidently an influent of the great Lulua, or Lualaba, astream 50 fathoms wide, and formerly laid down as one of the head waters of the Leeambye or Upper Zambeze. It was crossed by Pedro on the 41st day of his march, and he found a large settlement there. H The Eofoi must be another eastern feeder of the Great Lulua or Lualaba. We find in Dr. Livingstone's last labours a Eopoeji influent, crossed by the Pombeiros. ** Pedro calls these people Viajantes Aiundas and Viajantes da Alundas.. Bowdich terms them the nation of the Varoondas. Mr. Oooley, with extreme error, explains, by the Congo languages, Alunda or Arunda — elsewhere he tells us that the Alunda never pronounce the letter E — to mean mountaineers or bushmen. It is clearly Alunda, Balunda, or Walunda, according to dialect, the great nation 48 DB LACEBDA'S LETTEE AND INFOEMATION river ; and the people lire on milho burro, maize (Zea Mays) and manioc. From the lands of the Maropoe to those of the Muene- puto (a chief so called from the Portuguese), either on the east or on the west, it is one month's journey, and whites (Muzengos)* come up with their slaves to purchase ivory and captives. The sea is large and salt, and from the sun-dried water they derive the salt brought for their Mambo.f On the other side of this sea-arm also appear large masted vessels, and houses as big as ours. The further bank of the river (Zaire Dr Congo) is occupied by the Congo kinglet,^ a neighbour of the whites. Whatever «loth he receives from them annually he divides with the said Mueneputo and the Muropoe. And the deponent further states that, after leaving the Cazembe's country en route for Tete, he passed the first night at the village of Muenepanda. After travelling through an uninhabited country and canoeing across the Ruena River,§ he spent the second night at Caunda, and the third day's journey brought him to the house of Maruvo. The next stages were Capangara, fourth day ; the bank of the Mamuquendaxinto ^Mamukwend-ashinto or -achinto) stream or streamlet, fifth day; Chydeira-mujepo, sixth; Chipaco, seventh; Chinheme- apes, eighth; the bank of the Eoarro Grande, || a river which he crossed in a canoe, ninth; the Zambeze G-rande (Eiver Chambeze), also requiring a ferry, tenth ; Mugruve, eleventh ; Camango, twelfth ; Xiara (Shiydrd), thirteenth ; Caramuga, fourteenth; Macatupa, fifteenth; Parusoca, sixteenth. He passed the night of the seventeenth on the bank of the Euanga ruled over by the MufitS ya Nvo : hence Lunda (Mr. Cooley's Koonda), the city of the Cazembe. (See Dr. Livingstone's first map.) * Muzungo is the Mundele, or Mondele, of the Congo, hence Dr. Livingstone's " Babindele, or Portuguese " (' First Expedition,' chap. xix.). That traveller uses " Bazunga " for Portuguese, and mistakes it for " half-castes ;" whilst he calls Englishmen Makoa (sing. Lekda). Muzungu is the general East African name for a white man, Uzungn being the land of the white man. 5Ir. Cooley (' Inner Africa Laid Open,' p. 35) explains Muzungu to mean " properly, wise men ;" at Zanzibar I have heard this derivation. Dr. Livingstone (' Second Expedition,' xvi. p. 331) takes it from " zunga," to visit or wander, perhaps a little too fanciful. t Many African tribes (e. g., the Bube of Fernando Po) hold salt to be a bad substitute for salt water. I have seen sea-water drunk even in the Cape Verde Islands. t The great and powerful Manicongo (Lord of Congo) was certainly not tribu- tary to the Muropiie ; nor have his smaller successors ever been dependent upon the latter. § Luena, or Euena, appears to be a general term for river in that part of Africa. This one is the Luena of Monteiro and Gamitto. Mr. Eavenstein writes Euena and causes it to fall into the Luapuln. Dr. Livingstone's first map makes it a widening of the river south-west of the Cazembe's city. His last journey makes it an eastern influent of the Luapula. II Probably the Euanceze of Monteiro and Gamitto, a northern influent of the Chambeze. ON THE PROPOSED " OAZEMBB EXPEDITION." 49 bape. Mr. Cooley lightly prefers Zimbawe, and translates it " royal residence." African kings often live in quarters, or even in detached towns, inhabited solely by their wives and families, their fetish men and their slaves. An instance of this is Fuga in Usumbara. § The reader wUl bear in mind that this is the " Eiver Chambeze," famed for oysters, of MM. Monteiro and Gamitto'a map, flowing to the left or south-west, and now known to fall into the Bangweolo Basin or Bemba. In his wonderful ' Inner Africa Laid Open,' p. 28, Mr. Cooley calls it the " New Zambeze," and to fit his theories he makes it turn to the north-east and fall into his fabulous " N'yassi, or the Sea." Dr. Livingstone crossed it in S. lat. 10° 34', further east than Lacerda, whose line again was 60 to 62 miles east of Monteiro arid Gamitto. {See note to August 21st.) 92 JOURNAL OP DB. DE LACEEDA. Chap. m. some villages — what villages ! — four or five huts, so small and low that one can hardly guess how the Muizas can lodge in them. It is well known that a cylinder or an upright conical pyramid forms the Caffres' houses. Amongst the Maraves the cylinder base may have a radius of 6 (long) palms (6 X 8=48 inch.=4 ft. diameter), and 4 to 5 of height. Upon this cylinder is placed the pyramidal roof, and as the radius of its base is broader than the cylinder, the projecting eaves defend the huts from the violent rains, increase the difficulty of enter- ing and make the interior very dark. Those of the Muizas are even smaller in base and height, and I wonder how several people can subject themselves to occupy a single tene- ment.* Still we see many animals inhabiting close and narrow caves. 9th. — The village referred to lies but a short way off the road; being indisposed, I did not visit it, though they tell me it is one of the largest we have passed. The Muizas sold but little millet-flour, because they possess little : this, too, in early harvest time! — what will they have in three months hence, and how do they manage in years of scarcity? The meal offered by the Maraves was very white ; amongst these negroes it is wheat-coloured, because they do not clean it of the bran lest the waste should leave them without food. _ Necessity obliges man to all things. For this small quantity they hoe the ground intq mounds, and upon these they plant millet and some beans. I judge that one of the bases of their support is the sun-dried and sliced sweet potato (Convolvulus latata) ;t of that they sold a fair portion, but they would not take up the fresh>- although it was either full-ripe or over-ripe. Sometimes they attempted to sell the old, reserving the fresh for their own use; Half a bushel (alqueire) of flour, a chicken, and a little basket of sweet potatoes, was the present sent to me by the powerful Morungabambara. We raised our hands in thanks to Heaven,, when, after abundant difficulty, we bought ten lean cockerels,, which seemed to us so many fat turkeys. We also obtamed some ground-nuts, of which we made oil as seasoning to our rice, lest the meat and dripping might injure our stomachs and salt produce painful thirst. The information touchmg salt existing in this country, as given by Manoel Caetano Pereira and by the Oaffres, is wrong : if there be any, it is so little that not a grain has appeared. What there is comes from the city « Monteiro and Gamitto (pp. 84, 362) give a sketch of these huts. They are not so uncomfortable as our author imagines being cool in hot weather, warm in the cold season, and air-tight at night-a defence against ague and fever, t I found this food a favourite about Msene, m Western Unyamwezi ; the leat also makes a tolerable salad. •€hap. III. BEACH THE ZAMBEZE. 93 ■of the Cazembe or from its vicinity, where, they tell me, are salt-mines as at Tete. 10th. — After 1 hour 20 minutes' march we reached the Zambeze (Ohambeze), measuring some 25 fathoms (brapos) in breadth, and at this season from 4 to 5 palms (2 feet 8 inches to 3 feet 4 inches). Here end the starveling lands of these high-haired and ringleted people. The number of Muizas passing to the dominions of Caperemera was, not without reason, agreeably to our proverb, " Where I am well, there is my home." * As the Caffres are perfectly happy when they can eat without labour, and as they must work hard to live poorly in their own lands, whereas in the Marave country they have abundance without much sweat of brow, we cannot marvel at their emigration. I do not regard those who stay at home with so much horror for being Anthropophagi, since "necessity," which, as they say, " has no law," compels them, after every opportunity of battle, to batten upon human ilesh, even if this abominable custom does not proceed from satisfying their wrath and revenge. On the other hand, again, I make their ignorance an excuse tor the unnatural action ; for what is the African know- ledge of good and evil ? — they seem to me, indeed, not to know that they have reason. If I had brought the geographical books which I left at Tete, I should now imitate the Barber Maese Nicolas and the Licentiate Pero Perez, f when they burned to ashes Amadis de G-aul and all the chivalrous library of the ingenuous knight Don Quixote. Thus would I have punished the authors for disfiguring the face of the earth, describing whatever their fancies (heated with rum and strong liquors im- bibed against the cold) painted during sleep; attributing to whole peoples and nations characters which they neither have nor ■ever had ; I would do the same with what they say of the PauHstas, to whom Portugal knows not how much she is indebted, or, if she knows, at any rate she does not recognise the debt ; and also with that which a celebrated modern Portuguese 41 know not whether as author or translator, but certainly as impostor and defamer) said so impudently with respect to the Americans, that he blushes not at being impeached for falsehood or credulity, since we are not in the Iron Age ; all, excepting those who have written or spoken things which approach the truth as declared by studious men of known veracity, not by secular (ignorant) minds that take no interest in the progress of science.| I would also burn the manuscripts in which I took * TMs is the "Omne solum forti patria," a truth so distasteful to the Earl of ^Chatham, and which railways and steamers realise to our miuds every day. t See Chap. VI. j This fearful sentence is left as a specimen of the difficulties of translation. 94: JOURNAL OF DE. DB LACBEDA. Chap. IIL down the depositions .of Manoel Caetano Pereira and the Muizas, touching the journey to the Cazembe, at least the partg proved so far from truth, if I had but time to expurgate them, or if there were anyone to do it for me. But in time justice shall be done ; meanwhile remains to me the consolation of being a poor geographer, yet one of the six most Teridiques,. since lying and geography, especially that of America, Africa, and Asia, " sunt duo in came una." My principal desire being to obtain exact notices of the size and the direction of all streams found between Tete and the Cazembe's country, and from the latter to Angola, I laboured to extract information from different Muiza Caffres, and from Manoel Caetano Pereira, making repeated and compared inquiries to avoid errors arising from strange languages. All uniformly and repeatedly assured me that the Zambeze (Cham- beze) and the Rufurue Eiver * — 15 fathoms broad and deeper than the Zambeze at the part where I forded it to-day — ran to the right pf one travelling to the Cazembe. Pereira confirmed this information; from which I infer that he knows not hi» right from his left hand ; and such must be the case, since he has almost always lived amongst the Caffres, and has inherited their intelligence, as experience is showing me. To-day I sent to inquire about the course of the Zambeze (Chambeze) from sundry Mussucumas, a tribe mixed in small numbers with the Muizas on this side of the Zambeze, some of them vassals to the Cazembe (these were my informants), and others independent.f All said that it trends to the river which runs by the city of the Cazembe,^ whatever be the truth ol their information, which at present I neither allow nor dis- allow. 11th. — To-day nothing remarkable occurred, except that the ridges and hillocks from Tete to the Zambeze (Chambeze) Biver are now ended. 12th. — During the march we covered some leagues of open plain, with as many of the usual ground, and we left on the right hand a great standing water. We halted in the large and populous village of the Pumo Chinimba Campeze. Here I was The " Pauliatas " I have already explained are the people of the Province of S. Paulo in the Brazil, who waged of old fierce wars with the Jesuit Spanish colonies, 'and were abused accordiagly by Charlevoix and his class. * Mr. Cooley (' Inner Aerica Laid Open,' p. 29) insists upon changing this to Bisuro, a " Mucomango word." In Kihi4o, or the language of the once powerful Wahifio tribe, " Mesi " (Maji in Kisawahili) is water, and Busuro, or Lusuro, is flowing water — a stream. , „ i » • t The Musukuma seems to be an unimportant tribe. "Usukuma, in Unyamwezi, means the " northern country." J Meaning that it joins the Luapula, and this we know to be correct Chap. III. AMENITIES OP FUMO CHIPACO. . 95- visited by sundry Muizas returning from the city of the Cazembe with ivory, intended for sale to the Caifres of the Eastern Coast. From two of the slaves I attempted to extract some information touching the Eiver Chire (Shire). They replied that their nation did not travel, and that it is only since the Cazembe conquered them in war that they ever leave their country, and even that now they never go further than the city of that king. Some Caifres sent' to buy fowls failed to procure any. A tribute of poultry is exacted by the Cazembe, to whom the people send as many as they breed. 13th. — We spent an hour in crossing the worst swamp yet seen. Many Muizas passed us yesterday, coming from the king^ with ivory and copper-bars for sale. I now think with reason that the great number of tusks which once went to Mozam- bique, and which certainly came from these lands, goes at pre:- sent to Zanzibar, or the neighbourhood, not only because they get more for their ivory, but also because Zanzibar is nearer than our possessions.* 14:th. — ^A short march placed me at the village of Fumo' Chipaco, the largest and the most populous of all. I judge that this must be one of the grandees, as Catara spoke of him with respect. He at once sent him to call upon me, with a civil message that, as a friend of his master, I was in my own country, and that he, as a slave of the Cazembe, was also mine ; moreover, that all things in his village, and in those under his command, were at my disposal. I was pleased by such atten- tion, and by a message which I never expected to hear from a. Caffre who had never seen any but Caffres.t As I cannot think of anything but my present undertaking,. I begged from him people to assist the 2nd Division, of which he had already heard from Catara. The latter lay sick at a village near the Eiver Zambeze (Chambeze). He answered that he would give me as many as I wanted, and that he woidd presently order his drums to sound the assembly and to collect all, when I could take what number I pleased. His answer about our provisions is also worthy of being recorded literally. " Tell the Mambo that he is in the village of Chipaco." vanity * This was the case two-thirds of a century ago, and of late years the Zanzibar- market has greatly increased. I stated, in 1859, that the north of the Nyassa or Kilwa Lake had been visited by hundreds of caravans (' Journal of the Koyal Geographical Society,' vol. xxLs. p. 272). Mr. Cooley, who quotes largely from Doctor de Lacerda, .but who apparently has read him partially (' Review,' p. 15), calls this a "monstrous assertion," simply because they would thus march over his purely imaginary "sea." Dr. Livingetoae has performed this feat during his last expedition, and apparently was not aware of the impossibility. t The contrary is the case ; the African borrowing from the European as much rudeness as he dares to affect. Witness " S'a Leone." 96 JOUBNAL OP DE. DE LACERDA. Chap. IE. and amour projpre ! Is it possible that, even in tlie depths of the jungle, thou canst not leave free from thy poison these wild, half-naked men ? But vices are born with us. We will see if his works belie these good signs. I hope not, as yesterday and to-day we have seen many human skulls and corpses cast out upon the road. These frequent examples must make men respect and fear this king ; as the latter, they knew, sought our friendship, they will not fail to assist us.* Some of those wretches had lost their lives for witchcraft, there being a belief in all this part of Africa, even amongst many whites (as I saw in Mozambique), that no man ever dies except by sorcery, j Whenever a Caffre accused of this crime denies his guilt — some coarsely confess their guilt — he undergoes the Mave ordeal.^ It consists in administering a tincture of some bark (the tree being called Muana), which is a violent purgative, and, as the dose is copious, the wretch generally dies in horrible pains. When I lay very sick on this side of Java (Jaua), the Muizas said that, had the Cazembe been in my case, many would have been slain. How blind, how heavy, and how afflicting, is this thraldom of Sathanas ! How gentle, how peaceful, is the yoke of Jesus Christ! If the supposed wizard is lucky enough to vomit, his innocence is feted with great joy, and his accuser is fined. The Maraves burn their sorcerers.S ISth. — Since crossing the Aruangoa Eiver my iUness kept me betlveen palanquin and bed. Wishing to receive at my ease the visit of Chipaco, and to return the visit which he paid me to-day, so as to despatch sixty men to-morrow, I entered my palanquin. His settlement is large, though it does not appear so. According to country custom the huts are so close, and without order, that my vehicle could hardly thread its way between them, and so smaU are the tenements, it was often carried over the lower part of the roofs. ■Chipaco alone supplied us with sweet potatoes and meal, besides that which we were obliged to buy from his subjects. He also offered to lead in person sixty Caffres for the assistance of our lag-behinds, and thus he hoped to avoid the chastisement of the Cazembe for idleness on the part of his " sons." His second in command, however, undertook this commission— such is the fear and respect with which they regard their king. * It is always a, pleasure, after travelling through the semi-republican tribes ■of Africa, to arrive at the head-quarters of a strong and sanguinary despobsm. t This ia the universal negro belief. « j , „ t Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 89) describe and sketch the "Mute OrdeaJ. Tliis poisoning the "Sassy (Saucy) Water," the, "red water," the "Calabar (or ordsal) brain" of the Western Coast, and the Taajina of Madagascar, is almost universal in Africa. , „ „ , i •„ *i,« t oto § I found this custom of burning magicians fearfully prevalent in the LaXe Eegions, especially among the Wafiiutu. Chap. III. CAPFEE GREETING CEREMONIES. 97 This Fumo, when visiting me, rose up brusquely, and re- tired, as if cutting short the conversation : I wondered at the proceeding, and thought that perhaps he had been offended by me unintentionally. But two Oaffres, who had thrice made this journey, informed me, in reply to my question if any cause of scandal had been given, that such is the custom of the grandees, and that I must not be astonished to see it in the king's city.* This gives me an opening to describe Caffre greeting cere- monies between slaves and freedmen, and between Maraves, Munhaes,t Muizas, and other natives known to us. With scanty difference it is almost the same. When Caffres meet and wish to salute one another they mutually clap palms in measured time and in silence, after which they enter into con- versation. When visiting they do the same : but if the master of the house be unwell, he does not beat hands, and his visitor, seeing the state of things, does it softly. It is not a fixed rule to clap palms, each, one slaps the part of the body which, according to position, he deems most suitable. Amongst some nations subjects, in the presence of their chiefs, lie on their sides — a sign of inferiority : our Caffres, and the labourers of the Crown lands, when not in revolt, do the same. The Maraves, and others who are not subject to us, never prostrate themselves, except when visiting our lands. In their own country it is a token of friendship for, or an acknowledgment of benefit, gift, or praise lirom, a white man. The Muizas on these occasions also rub dust on the breast and arms, and lastly, on the breast: the males beat palms with the hands upraised, as we do in prayer, whilst the women hold them horizontally. 16th. — With a mind somewhat at ease I continued my march, and, after crossing some rivulets, at the end of the day's work we forded sundry large streamlets ; besides others, the Kicena and Mocanda. The Caffres never pronoimce this initial " E " as if it were double-t Before arriving at these waters, whether great or small, the land slopes gently down, and, after passing * The great ' Times ' Correspondent, Dr. William H. Busaell, complained, we may remember, of the same abruptness in the citizens of the United States. It is generally the case in Africa, where it contrasts strongly with the elaborate nature of the greeting when men meet. t According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 47, &o.) the Munhaes, neighbours of the Marares, live on the west of the Great Zambeze, and are governed by the Mambo as Ohedima, whom the Portuguese call the Monomotapa. They are evi- dently the Banyai of Dr. Livingstone. X According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 205) the " E " is not pronounced, and the " L " often takes its place, as Luena and Levugo for Euena and Eevugo. This is general amongst the Maraves. I have elsewhere spoken of other tribes. H 98 JOUBNAL OF DE. DE LACBEDA. Chap. III. over the bed, it rises similarly ; so that the drains flow either between ribs or waves of ground, or through low hills.* nth. — To-day's march was of moderate length. Some Caffres brought us a few chickens, which, having no large porcelain beads (velorio), greatly to our sorrow, we were unable to purchase. I think to have heard that the best quality of beads comes to Mozambique, and that the Banyans, the true traders of that place, sell them to the Moors or Arabs of Zanzibar, or dispose of them by means of the Mujao t throughout the interior. In this journey I do not remember seeing any Caffre ornaments of small beads (Missanga), between the Mocanda and our present camp : all are made of the said large velorio, and few are of the so-called first quality which comes to Eios de Sena. 18th. — Our only novelty to-day was the slow and patience- trying work of clearing the path in many places ; happily the bush was not strong. We crossed the little Eiver Eu- cure. 13th. — However good the water may appear, it cannot be healthy from where the swamps begin. It always runs through stagnant formations, and is tainted more or less by the vegeta- tion that rots in it. We are often obliged to use dammed-up and standing water. 20th. — ^The vUlage of the Fumo Mouro-Atchinto J ends the district of Fumo Chipaco, which began at the Eiver Zambeze (Chambeze). Here I halted for three reasons. Firstly, to rest the party and prepare for a forced march of seven to eight days through the waste and desert country before us. Secondly, to collect supplies on this day and the 21st. Thirdly, to observe the immersions of Jupiter's satellites, if my illness permit, and the bush burnings which begin at 9 to 10 a.m., leave the air clear. Of late the atmosphere has been thick, and only about dawn it thins with the fall of dew (cacimba), which is cold and heavy. This chill is followed by an intense heat, the effect of sun and grass- smoke, and at 11 a.m. it is at its height. To-day we suffered from the smoke which was all round us, and, fortunately for us, the dried herbage was not very high. We crossed a Eiver Euanzeze. 21st.— The Caffres say that on both sides of and near the high road are small villages. They also assured me that to * This exactly describes the region traversed when approaching the Tanga- ''^t The WahiSo of whom I have spoken in ' Zanzibar : City, Island, and Coast ' fgee Diary, August ISth). , . „ j ,i ni, " t Evidently the proper name of the Mfumo. The country is oaUed Ohama, and when the next expedition went there, they found it under the Mfumo Mmza Messire-Chirumba. •Chap. III. POSITION OF MOUBO-ATCHINTO FIXED. 99 northward lies the Uemba n^ation,* between the Muizas and the MussucTima, who reach the banks of the Chire (Shire) or Nhanja.t Also they assure us that the Uemba and the Mussu- cuma are mortal enemies to, never sparing, the Cazembe's people ; but they are equally so with the Muizas, whom they inow by their combed heads. On the south are the Arambas and the Ambos, peaceful friends of the Cazembe, who trade, they declare, with the Caifres near Zumbo. Despite my serious weakness, I observed the immersions of Jupiter's first satellite, which gave me for the position of Mouro-Atchinto, 2 hours 36 minutes 40 seconds east of Lisbon (or 39° 10' 0"=30° 1' 58" long. E. Green.) The latitude was S. 10° 20' 35".t 22wc?, 23rd, 2Ath. — Many elephant-tracks in these lands ; the trees increase in height and thickness. ' 25th. — I halted at a village of a few huts, inhabited by some Muizas, who are obliged every three days to collect the Sura, wine extracted from a wild palm called Uchinda. I preferred it to that supplied by the Palmeira mansa, or cocoa-nut-tree.§ Sere I received news of the chief sergeant, Pedro Xavier Velasco, who was sent forward from the Mocanda ; possibly sickness has, contrary to my instructions, detained him so long. 26ih. — This day's country is hilly and stony, chiefly in the ascents and descents, but there is a kind of plain or plateau which forms the highest levels, || and which apparently con- tinues, seeing that nothing is in view but low hills. 27ih. — Feverish and weak, I marched over the desert and crossed some swamps. A Caffre guide assured me that iu the * The Aneinbas, Muembas, or Moluanes, are mentioned by Monteiro and 6a- mitto (p. 408, &o.) a,s a nomad tribe from the W N.W. of the Cazembe's country, which has seized part of the lands of the Muizas. Their chief is entitled the Chiti-Muculo. In the ' Mittheilungen ' we read that the Awembe and Miluana are mixed or half-bred MUua (the Sowahili Warua), congeners of the Alunda, the subjects of the Muata ya Nvo. t The Nyassa Lake. This passage shows how well the Nyassa Lake, and its drain the Shire, were known, even in 1798. X This was the lamented traveller's last observation. According to Dr. Living- stone (writing from Lake Bangweolo, July 1868), "one of them (the four brooks), the Ohungu, possesses a somewhat melancholy interest, as that on which poor Dr. Lacerda died ; . . . . his latitude of Cazembe's town on the Chungu being 50 miles wrong, probably reveals that his head was clouded with fever when he last observed." But at the tenth parallel of south latitude, Dr. Livingstone was close to Lacerda's path, and he also places the Chungu rivulet about south latitude 10°. The fact is, that Dr. Livingstone's map misled him. § I have always, on the contrary, found the toddy supplied by the cocoa-tree {Cocos nuaifera) the best flavoured of all pahn-wines. II A common formation in the African and Brazilian interiors is an upland plateau of earth, bounded by descents, from which wind and rain have swept away the humus, leaving the shoulders bare and stony. These places are always (the worst riding. H 2 100 JOURNAL OF DR. DB LACERDA. Chap, llli highlands to the left hand (westward) is the Great Lake which he and his master Manoel Caetano Pereira— who, however made it larger— had crossed on their last journey.* It mu^ be a continuation of that near which I nighted, perhaps anas- tomosing with the other water which we have passed, since the ownersof certain miserable huts where we are now, there catch, It IS said, large fish. I wonder at the scarcity of game in this, bush; whatever may be to come, I expected in this desert- march (Travessia) to see some animals at a distance.f But if ■we fare badly in this part, we are recompensed by the absence of the mosquitos with their burning sting and their infernal song. 28th. — At 1 P.M. I reached a village governed by the Fumo Monro, of the same grade of vassalhood, but nearer related (mais conjuncto) to the Cazembe. About half a league before our arrival a vast crowd of both sexes and all ages awaited m& with festive instruments : so anxious were they to see me that some were perched on tree-tops, and after I had passed they descended and accompanied me, singing, playing instruments, dancing, and at the same time clearing the road. Those who. were on the ground ceremoniously rubbed themselves witL dust, and showed their wonder of all they saw, not only by the expression of their countenances, but by holding the forefingeit in the mouth $ and by biting the hand. I did not see one Muiza here. In the afternoon Monro sent me his present of Pombe,. four large chickens, and a gazelle almost decomposed, with a message that he did not visit me in person, as he was preparing subsistence for my people. To-day's march was clear of trees ; but all suffered from want of water, which was not found till we- reached the Daro or halting-place (pousada). 29th. — As the Fumo did not keep his word touching sup- plies, I sent my people to buy what was offered, namely manioc flour, as good as any I have seen in Mozambique, millet still in spike, but very black from the smoke with which they drive away the insects. All the manioc meal (farinha), even in the Zimboe or Cazembe's city, is made in the same way. They soak the roots, * This is eyidently the Bemba or Bangweolo Late lately visited by Dr. Livingstone. It was foreshadowed in our map by the Shuia Lake, which I had named " Chama." — (' Memoir on the Lake Begions of Central Africa,' ' Journal of the Eoyal Geogi-aphical Society,' vol. xxix.). I must observe that there is a Lake " Suai," or " Zwai," near Gurague in AbyssLuia ; and so there is a Ka- ragwah or Karagwe, north of Unyamwezi. t The deep .&ican forest is everywhere imfit to support animal Ufe, unless it is broken by large clear spaces, where wild beasts can enjoy sun and air. i This is also a populM way of expressing extreme astonishment amongst many Asiatic peoples. Biting the hand is mostly a mark of regret or disap- pointment. "Chap. III. NEWS OF THE CAZEMBE. 101 peel and sun-dry them whole : they pound and grind them on a stone when wanted for use, and then they make the so-called massa, dough, or unleavened bread. Whilst traTelUng they carry the roots entire, and expend them as they are required. They also eat, but not often, the sweet manioc * roasted : I tried this plan, not liking the dough. In the afternoon a visit was paid to me by the Fumo ; he exaggerated the honour by assuring me — so infatuated is he with his dignity — that he will ex- .plain the extreme measure of leaving his village by considering us to be the Cazembe, the only person who can claim such devoirs. SOtJi. — Leaving a road formerly well trodden and populous, I followed another shorter and clearer path which was opened, they say, when the Cazembe changed the site of his settlement (Zimboe) for one more easily fortified. This line is at once shorter and clearer. To-day I had news of the chief sergeant Pedro Xavier Velasco reaching the Zimboe, where the Cazembe had immediately ordered one of his grandees to prepare sub- sistence and to meet me. They say that the king expects me with transports of delight.f May it be true ! But I doubt it, having observed that a Caffre's mouth never opens without a lie slipping out. It is a people wholly regardless of duty in matters of truth. October 1st. — Approaching the halting-place I travelled be- tween two high rough ridges stretching out of sight. I passed some villages lately deserted and founded on good sites, the soil being good and the forests like that of the Brazil, the trees being tall and large. It was said that the people had fled after suffering much from lions. J 2nd. — When begiuning the march I met two brothers of the Cazembe and a son of the Fumo Anceva,§ his relation, escorting a goodly store of manioc, sun-dried " bush-beef," and two she- .goats for our Caffres : the soldiers had their portion of the same separately.il My intention was to-day to travel as near as possible to the -Zimboe, but these messengers told me that being a Mambo, or chief, like the Cazembe, I could not advance until their * This is the Macaxeira or Aipim (/. ^tilissima) of the Brazil ; it contains no ■poisonous principle, and therefore it does not require to be soaked and pressed. t As the first European who ever visited the country, Dr. de Lacerda might expect a most ceremonious reception. X Monteiro and Gamitto also here found lions dangerous. § According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 236), the Fumo Anceva is a func- tionary who watches over and is answerable for strangers at the city of the Cazembe, and through him they must seek their audiences with the king. There "Is such an ofScer at all the African Courts, and a mighty pest, as a rule, he is. II This exactly describes the preparatoiy reception of a visitor by the Kings of Dahomey, Benin, and others. 102 JOURNAL OF DE. DE LACEEDA. Chap. IIL father, the king, had first rendered to his ancestral Manes (Mozimos) due thanks for my arrival in his country. Also that I should advance a little nearer the place, town, or house (Massanza *), where the Oazembe's father is buried, and there- express proper gratitude for the said benefit. Withal they would not agree for me to enter the place to-day, nor could I do otherwise than conform to their wishes. They begged me to pitch the camp outside, as they had to give me the message of their king. They said that the Cazembe was so much satisfied with my coming that he soon would plaster his body with chalkjt in sign of thankfulness to his "spirits," and wotild send to fetch me. I was also directed to leave at the burial-place of the royal ancestors a blue cotton (Ardian), 4 fathoms of cotton-cloth, and a small quantity of white and coloured stoneware beads. The- king did the same with Manoel Caetano Pereira. As far as I can see, travellers pay up the vows and offerings with which the king supplies the spirits for benefits received. At the same- moment the two officers sent a messenger to the king. Whilst they were preparing the hut and bed, between which I am now compelled to live, I called up these officers, but they would not answer a word to my questions. When, wondering^ at this profound silence, I was told by the interpreter that,, though they could listen to all I had to say, they could not speak till after delivering the royal Muromo.t Finally, when they brought me the message, I ordered, in token of respect, a mat to be spread for them, but they always seated themselves upon the ground, saying that I was a second Cazembe, and that such was their only place in my presence. At 6J A.M. returned the messenger, who was sent forward yesterday by the brothers of the Cazembe. These two officers- said that the king asked me not to move to-day as it was un- necessary for me to visit his father's burial-place (Massanza), that it would be enough for me to forward the cloth yesterday mentioned, and that to-morrow, after the ceremonies, I could continue my march. He presented to me two tusks in token of friendship. It is clear that I must agree to what the Cazembe asks, despite the injury which the delay will cause in my present state of health. But seeing that these exceedingly superstitious Caffres hold their dead to be gods, and reflecting that the faith * This burial-place of the Mu^Ks, or Cazembean kings, is called by Monteiio and Gamitto (p. 229) " Maxamo." t Tt was a wliite powder, called " Impemba." — " Uma sorte de giz (gypsum)." i In Portuguese Boca, or "mouth," signifying that it allowed free intercourse.. Chap. III. END OF DE. DE LACEBDA'S JOURNAL. 103 wliicla the Demon engraves upon tlie human breast must lie deep, I resolved, by a stately ceremonial, to obtain their good will for myself, and thereby to forward the views of the Crown. Wishing to give an idea of their rites, I sent Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco and Lieutenant Jose Vicente Pereira Salema with soldiers to the grave, and ordered them to fire three salutes with the usual interval, exaggerating as much as possible the obsequies in token of friendship, and carefully noting everything they saw. This had an excellent effect upon the crowd, and upon the guardian-priest (Muine-Maxamo),* who, externally, was not distinguished from other Caffres. The latter, after consulting his oracle, the ghost of the Cazembe's father, exclaimed that I who had bewailed with them the death of their king was a god who had come to them ; that I should go wherever it pleased me, all the country being mine, and so forth. His good will was confirmed by a present and by a message from me begging him to take particular care of the respectable house, where lay my friend the Cazembe's father, whose ashes I so much respected.t V 7^ 'V ^ '^ End of Dr. de Lacerda's Journal.% Eemaeks by the Teanslatoe. According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 370), the history of the Cazembe's people is wholly traditional. § It is said that the * Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 230) were received by the priest sitting cross- lesged on a lion's skin, and all whitened with Impemba. And they had to pay for this African apparatus. t According to Monteiro and Gamitto, the stages from Tete to Lrmda (the capital of the Cazembe) are as follows : — Days. Leagues. 1st. From Tete to the Aruangoa Eiver 25 .. 120 J 2nd. „ Arutogoa River to the Chambeze Eiver.. 22 ., 80J 3rd. „ Chambeze Eiver (a desert) to Lunda city 29 . . 90J Total 76 291J X Mr. Cooley, ' Geography of N'yassi ' (p. 34), says, " the expedition arrived at Luoenda (the Cazembe's city) on the 2nd of October, and Lacerda, worn out with fever, died on the 18th." For 2nd read 3rd. According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 327), the traveller was buried a day's march from the then capital, and there is still in the place a Muine-Max^mo, or Lord of the Tomb. When the expedition returned, the bones of the unfortunate explorer were, as will be seen, exhumed for the removal to Tete, but the Muizas attacked the carriers, and thus they were dispersed in the bush. § Mr. Cooiey in 1845 (' Journal of the Eoyal Geographical Society ') borrowed the history of the Cazembe from Pedro the Pombeii'O (' Annaes Maritimos,' No. 7, p. 296). In 1854 appeared ' Muata Cazembe,' the work of MM. Monteiro and Gamitto ; it is a far more reliable account than the former. Mr. Cooley had 104 EEMAEKS BY THE TRANSLATOR. Chap. III. " great potentate Muropiie, or Mwata yd Nvo," hearing of white men living towards the east, sent a Quilolo, or captain, named Canhemho,* to open intercourse with them. Under this captain's charge was placed one of the potentate's sons, for whom cruelty and insubordination rendered exile advisable. The Quilolo, with an army of Alondas (speaking the Campocolo language), subdued the Wasira (Messira),t lords of the soil. At last, discovering a plot laid against him by the turbulent prince, he resolved to return with him to the Muropiie and to report his success. This he did ; but when again sent east- ward with " Chambanpua," the big drum of terrible notes, this Captain, Oanhembo, was treacherously drowned in the Lualao Eiver by the prince, who was, in his turn, put to death by his father. The Muropiie then sent his Fumo Anceva, Oanhembo, the son of the murdered man, who, when the Wasira (Messira) rebelled, finally defeated them. In memory of their founder all the other kings took the name of Oanhembo. At first they were mere vassals of the Mwata ya Nvo ; presently they sought inde- pendence, and established a royal court. Oanhembo IV., sur- named Lequeza,| was the next ; and he received Dr. de Lacerda. Of his valour, humanity, and generosity, many tales are still current. He was succeeded early in the present century by Oanhembo V., who is described by the second Portuguese expe- dition as a barbarian and a coward ; in fact, a facsimile of the first Oanhembo's assassin. In these Diaries we find neither the name of the city nor the ruler. This is truly African, arising from the superstitious fear of either being known. The expedition seems to have left the country persuaded that the name of the old capital was "Ohungo," or Ohungu ('Diary,' July 24, 1799). According to Mr. Cooley, it is 10 miles south of the modem capital, and 20 miles north of the River Luo. Ladislaus Magyar declares that the true name of the Oazembe's capital is Tamba-la-meba, but I do not know how he heard it. The Arabs of Zanzibar spoke to me of it as "Usenda," possibly a corruption of Lucenda, Luenda, Lunda, or Londa. It is now assumed, I do not know why, that Lucenda is a pure error for Lunda.§ unfortunately published hia ' Inner Africa Laid Open ' in 1852, and, therefore, we detect in it all his old errors. * This may explain the King " Kiyombo of TJruwwa," whom the Kazeh Arabs spoke of (' Journal of the Eoyal Geographical Society,' vol. xxix. p. 255). t The ' Vacira' of the Chaplain (Feb. 18-21), and of 'Inner Africa Laid Open,' p. 39. t Pedro the Pombeiro called him Hunga Amuronga, but this is probably some title. § 'BiUletin,' Series V., torn. iii. p, 357. Chap. III. DE. DE LACERDA'S DIARY. 105 Diary of Dr. de Laoerda's Journey. station. •mi Date. Reuabes. 1 July 33 1798 From Nhaufa Fatiola Estate, north of Zambeze Kiver, to Mitondo; short day's march.— N.B. The average is stated to be 2i Portuguese leagues, per diem. 2 V 4, 33 To Inhacengeira (Nhassengeira ?) the last of the Crown properties, distant one league from Mi- tondo : here the land of the Maraves begins. 5 » 6, 33 To a nameless plain or prairie in the Marave country ; short march. 4 » 7, 73 To a similar halting-place ; shoi-t day. 5 » 8, 33 To the Mashinga estate, a gold-digging ; march ending 2 • 30 p.m. 6 14, 33 To a Marave village. 7 J» 15, >3 To a. large village not named ; march of two leagues. 8 " 16, 33 To near the Lupata (or gorge), the end of " King " , Bive's land ; short march. 9 » 18, 33 Marched with the CordUheira Marisana to the east, and on the west the Cordilheira Joanina ; short stage. Entered the Cordilheira Marisana ; halted at the 10 19, Caruzissira stream ; short march. *11 J) 21, 33 To the Lupata Jaua, full march. 12 3) 22, 33 Twice crossed (crossed two branches of?) the Aruangoa. 13 3) 26, 33 Crossed the eastern ridge and halted at the streamlet Chigmnunquii-e ; short march. 14 33 27, ,3 To a Marave village: marched from 8 a.m. till 15 31, ,, noon. To place not named. 116 August 7, ,3 Crossed the Euy and Bua Kivers ; halted on the bajiks of the Uzereze Eiver in the country of the King Mukando. 17 „ 8, 33 March with more of westing. 18\ 19/ 20 33 9-10, 33 To the Chitenga village. II3 Very short march. 21 12, 3, Passed gold-field and saltpetre ; also short march. -22 >» 13, 33 To the village of the Chief Oaperemera at 10-30 23 17, 3, A.M. A short march. 24 33 is; 33 Over the Cordilheira Oarlotina; the first long march. ■25 19, To the Irousuze Eiver ; forced march. 26 3* 20, 33 To the village of Mazavamba — the wildest and roughest of all the marches. 27 23, To a village near the Eio Eemimba. 28 24, 33 To the village of Capangura. 29 33 25, 33 To the (northern) Aruangoa Eiver ; march of two hours. 50 *3 26, 33 To a lagoon ; long march. * Bowdich (p. 58) makes Java 5 days' journey from Tete. t Bowdich {loc. cit.) makes " Booa" three marches from Java. 106 DE. DE LACBRDA'S DIAEI. Chap. HI. DiAEY OP De. db Laoeeda's Joitbnbt — continued. 31 August 27, 1798 32 29, „ 33 30, „ 3i 31, „ 35 Septembei 1, „ 36 j» i, „ 37 jf 5. „ 38 ?» 6, „ 39 jt 7. ,. Date. October 10, 11, 12, ^?' 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, „ REMAnKS, To near the village of Kapera Mpande. A short march to water. To the Serra Mushinga. In a spacious fertile valley. Over high and rocky ground ; settlements small,. and starving, under the Mambo Mucongure. A long march ; crossing a desert and a marsh ; much westing. Crossed the Serra Eodrigo in Ih. 45m. ; another marsh ; much westing. Bush very thick, had to be out away ; heat and cold excessive ; much westing. March like the three last, first over a ridge, then open country, then another ridge; halted at large stream near settlement ; land waxes richer., A long march to the village of Morungabambara, near the Ghambeze Eiver. After Ih. 20m. to the Ohambeze Eiver. The ridges and hills extending fi'om Tete to the Ghambeze are not found on this march. Plain country ; then usual style, large lagoon on right ; to the village of Mfurao Ghinimba Gampeze. - Took one hour to wade worst swamp yet seen. Short march to the large village of Mfumo Ohipako. A gentle descent to the Eicena and Mokanda streams ; after that an ascent. A moderate march. Had to cut a path thi'ough the shrubbery ; crossed. the streamlet Eukure. The water bad. Grossed a Euanzeze Eiver ; reached the village of Mfumo Monro Achinto, where last observa- tion was made; n. lat. 10° 20' 35". Time, 2h. 36 m. 40 sec. east of Lisbon. Many elephant-tracks ; forest of tall trees. To a small vUlage ; some of the people Muizas. To a plateau. Land still desert; a great lake in the highlands to the west (Bemba or Bangweolo). To the village of a Mfumo Monro ; no water on- road, which was clear of forest. A shorter and clearer road, lately opened to the Cazembe's new city. Between two high rough ridges; people driven from villages by lions. A short march towards the Massanza, or burial- place of the defunct Cazembe. Death of Dr. de Lacerda, near the capital of the Cazembe, on October 18, 1798. * Bowdich reduces the journey (Pereira being his authority) to 42 days fron» Muenepanda to Tete. The Diary (July 13, 1799) makes the march from the city to Tet« 270 leagues. ( 107 ) CHAPTEE IV. DiAET OP THE Expedition sent by Her Most FAiTHFUt Majesty to EXPLORE the African Interior, and to the Court of the Oazembb, distant 270 Leagues from Tbte, kept by the Chap- lain AND Commander Fe. Tranoisco Joao Pinto, in continuation of the Diary of Dr. Feancisco Josje de Laobrda b Almeida, to be PRESENTED TO THE MoST ILLUSTRIOUS AND EXCELLENT SeNHOR Feancisco Guides de Caevalho e Mbnezes da Costa, Goternok AND Captain-General of Mozambique and the Coast of East Africa.* Section I. — From date of Arrival at the City till December 31, 1798. November 6, 1798. — At 2 p.m., as the Second Division was on the liae of march, arrived two soldiers, with official letters for the commandant of the first division, Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira de Araujo, stating that His Excellency the Grovernor of the Eios de Sena, Dr. Francisco Jose Maria de Lacerda e Almeida, had expired at the court (capital) of the King Cazembe, on October 18, 1798, and had appointed me to the charge of the expedition, with instructions to carry out all that he had begun by order of the Grown. At 4 o'clock p.m., the- principal individuals and members of the second division being present at the halting-place (Daro), I directed the lieutenant of that division, Antonio Jose da Cruz, to read out my nomi- nation as commandant ; and by virtue of it I installed myself in lieu of Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos e Silva, who, from October 22nd, had commanded the second division, succeeding, by wish of the deceased governor, Gonpalo Caetano Pereira and Jose Rodriguez Caleja. At 8 P.M. came to my straw hut (mopassa) the above- mentioned Lieutenant Manoel, to inform me that his late col- leagues, together with Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira, desired to deprive me of the commandantship, although it had been * This title will stow the varied errors of Mr. Oooley ('Geography of N'yassi,' p. 40), that on the unfortunate Governor's death, "his followers, pamo-strack, fled precipitately, and the whole property, including a good sum in gold, remained in the Cazembe's hands." In another place he asserts that Dr. de Lacerda " died, immediately on his arrival, and never entered the place," — what manner of " bull " is this? While in a third place we are told ('Geography of N'yassi,' p. 36),. that the Cazembe refused Lacerda permission to proceed westward. 108 FB. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. IV. transferred to me in the name of the Crown; and to take it themselves — the captain as senior commissioned officer, and the other as being experienced in the country. I recommended Lieutenant Manoel to allay, as well as he could, the rising mutiny, and to inform the mutineers that, if necessary to prevent disturbances, I would resign the command, but that they must understand the case to be the same as the rebellion at Cape Corrientes.* These and other reasons, principally their incapacity to undertake so important a business, and to report of it to Lisboa and to Angola when the opening of the road shall have been effected, persuaded them to desist from their project. Ith. — The second division set out for a more populous country, to collect supplies which were much wanted. From this place, within two days' journey of the Cazeinbe's city, I sent a bearer with a « mouth "t of 200 cloths (each 2 fathoms) and 200 strings of beads (mutaia %), to report our arrival, and to obtain the king's beneplacet for our entrance. ^th to lO^A. — The permission arrived, but the hour being late, (it was resolved to wait till the next day. Xlth. — At 8 A.M. the second division marched in the usual order to enter the city. After thirty minutes on the road we met the Fumo Anceva, secretary, treasurer, and " landlord "§ of foreigners, who, being considered merchants, give him his name — Nanceva, being corrupted to Anceva. He was seated, a little off the road, in his chair, which resembled a plain taboret, and dressed in his mucanzo (muconzo), the finest cloth amongst them. We at once sent to compliment him, and he told us that we might advance. We proceeded, and he followed us on foot, making use of Oaffres when he had to be carried over mud and streams. When we reached the place where the Muzungos of our party — they so call white men and all who are not Caffres — were halted, the Fumo Anceva appeared in his great houses, which the commandant of the first division had hired for me for a piece of Indian cotton, until others could be built. There he complimented me on the part of his master, and delivered to me a present of two ivories and two Oaporretes, or Caffre lads, * There is no other allusion to this mutiny. t This has been explained before. The usual opening present to the King of iBahome is rum. X This word will bs found afterwards, written " Mutava." § Meaning Mehmandar, or host of stranger visitors. So at Dahome there is -an English landlord, a French landlord, and so forth, and all strangers are offi- cially looked upon as buyers and sellers, who must pay for the privilege of 'buying and selling. Chap. IV. AT THE COURT OF THE CAZEMBE. 109 16 years old. This offering is called "mouth" (boca), because all Caffres, except famiMar friends who often see one another, never receive nor send messages, nor even speak, vyithout a gift. The gifts were committed to the lieutenant-receiver, Manoel dos Santos e Silva, who carried them to the account of the Boyal treasury. In the afternoon, by the advice of the more experienced who had preceded me, I forwarded unasked a "mouth" of 36 cloths, informing the king that we had arrived at his court. 12th. — The Cazembe sent a big sow for the Muzungos (white- men) to see, saying that she came from Angola, by which they understand their trading-places near our establishment. When we asked if she had ever farrowed, they replied " no," and that the hog had died at once. The Cazembe presented his new guests with a skinned and divided racaja*, and he recognized me as commandant, which was necessary before I could be so considered in his country. l^th. — The Cazembe having sent for our inspection various^ lots of woollen cloths, such as calamanhas,t lastings (durantes), fine serges (sarafinas), shaloons (saetas), opaque stone-ware beads (pedras de cor), and coloured ditto (pintadas), inquired if such articles were found in our country. He also made us a present of some blue drinking-glasses. Notwithstanding all this kindness, all those who from 3 p.m. came to our camp with wood, flour, legumes, and comestibles for sale, were seized and maltreated by the Fumo Anceva, and from that time natives were prohibited from selling anything to the strangers. $ nth. — With the aid of the first guide of the bush (praticO' dos mattos), Gonqalo Caetano Pereira, I began to prepare on the part of the Crown a present (mirambo) for the Cazembe, and persuaded by him that such an offering should be quite satis- factory, I invited the Fumo Anceva to be present. Our landlord did not fail us. Dr. de Lacerda had told him that the Second Division would bring up fine things, which the King of Manga § — so they call all the lands of the Muzungos — was sending to the Cazembe. The Fumo therefore pretended discontent with everything, and declared that the whole, being sent by the- * I cannot explain the meaning of " Eacaja, esfolada e partida." t Calamanlias, also spelt CaUomanhas. X This is a general proceeding in Central Africa, where the King wishes to be- the only customer. § In this part of Africa " MaAga" means the region of Whites. Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 185) translate it " Keino de Portugal." In ' Zanzibar ' (vol. i. p. 20) I have explained it to mean literally rock, rooky ground — hence the Arabs are- locally called Wamanga. 110 FB. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. IV. Crown of Portugal as a present, belonged to his master the Cazembe.* It was therefore necessary to haggle about the quality of each item composing the Mirambo ; as for the quantity, he wanted everything, even our private luggage. 15th to nth. — The Cazembe, impatient at the delay of his present, and loth to believe that impertinences of his officer were the cause of obstruction, ordered the latter to give me two tusks, by way of "mouth," begging me not to make him wait any longer. The Fumo, however, kept the tusks and forgot the message ; and until the battle of the gift was decided, we had to suffer not a little .from the grossness and brutality of the Mini- ster. On the same day, accompanied by some who better knew the country custom, I gave the Secretary his private present of 36 plain cloths (pannos de fato), 1 fine coloured cloth (getim), 4 little ingots (pendes) of calaim (East India tin, mentioned by Do Oouto and others), 200 strings of glass beads assorted, 5 cloths, 20 strings of white opaque beads, . also assorted, and 4 "porcelanas" of small cowries. Although he had been promised a gift after my presentation at Court, he feared the contrary, and now he was out of his misery : his return gift was an ivory. But though afterwards he became more placable, he did not cease persisting in attempts to swell the present of his king by asking for everything he saw. 18th to 2Qth. — The Fumo Anceva broke his promise about bearing away the " dash " made to his king. 21s^. — With much trouble the Fumo was persuaded to carry ■off our offering to the Cazembe, who was satisfied with it. The conciseness of a Diary prevents my enumerating the multitude ■of things of which it consisted, and, moreover, all appear in the Receiver's account. It was to be supposed that the Cazembe, according to country custom, having received such a gift, would acknowledge the receipt by a " mouth," or counter gift of ivory and slaves — he did not return even a message. To the Muene- mpanda, commander-in-chief and especial favourite of the Ca- zembe, I gave 36 plain cloths (de fato), 1 looking-glass, 1 piece •of fine " getim," t 4 zinc bars, 200 strings of beads, 5 pannos de velorio, also assorted, 10 douros sortidos, 4 porcelanas of cowries. He was pleased with his gift, and returned a copper bar and a * The same was done to the second expedition. AtDahome it is a legal fiction that everything belonging to strangers is the property of the King as long as it is in his city. Also there is a considerable tendency to look upon all foreigners as slaves. t In Monteiro and Gamitto fp. 453) "gffim" is explained as "pintada de o6res,mas depreciada por mi." Pannos of velorio are the equivalents in beads to fine cloths. Douros may be an error for Dordraj explained by the same explorers (p. 189) to be synonymous with Canutilho. ■Chap. IV. DISSATISFACTION OF THE CAZEMBE. Ill small ivory (dente de marfim miudo),* a name given to all between 7| to 14 lbs. 22wc? to 23rd — A similar present was made to the King's nephew, the Sana Muropue,t who, more generous than the Muenempanda, returned an ivory weighing upwards of 64 lbs. 24ih. — My position compels me to make the greater presents, because the Cazembe's friendship is in every sense necessary to me. The haste with which I left Quilimani to join, as chaplain, the expedition at Tete, having allowed me no time for prepara- tions, I indented upon Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos e Silva, the Keceiver of the Crown property, for some articles to be repaid in money, after our return. For this both he and I were severely censured and criticised by Jose Eodrigues Caleja and his acolytes. 25th. — The first guide (pratico dos mattos), Gon^alo Caetano Pereira, with the Receiver, Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos e Silva, the notary Antonio Jose da Cruz, and Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira, came to' inform me that the Cazembe was so dissatisfied with his presents that the Eoyal stores and the Receiver's office were in danger of being plundered. I at once gave orders secretly to make up 400 ball-cartridges, in case of need.t By the Receiver's advice, I resolved to advance pay to all on the list, that, should the report prove true, the Crown stores might not suffer so much : all the soldiers were allowed to draw three months' advance pay ; the officers had already received more. On this occasion I drew my salary as chaplain for six months, no other falling due, and a prepayment of ten, amounting to 395 plain cloths (pannos de fato) = 197'500 dels, of this country, or 98.750 of Portugal. A great Chiraro (officer) complained before the Cazembe that the Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira had dishonoured him through his wife, and demanded satisfaction : the King, in, reply, bade him chastise the woman for troubling the whites, and thus the injured husband lost his damages.§ The reason of the Cazembe's reply was that before the arrival of the expedition, which was known to march without women, he had recommended his officers to look after their wives, and had told them that if any went astray, either with a white or with the Caffre of a white, there would be no " palaver." * The Portuguese divide their ivory into two Muds, grosso, meao (middle), miudo, and sera, the latter being " Scrivellos," from 1 lb. to 2 lbs. in weight. t He is one of the great officers at the Court. j In these oases it is generally the civilian — say missionary, doctor, or chaplain — who first shows fight. § These palavers (Milandos) are of almost daily ooonrrence in the countries of t;he Cazembe and of the Mwitd, j& Nvo. And the "panel-dodge" is perfectly ■well known in Eastern and Western Africa, especially at Abeokuta. 112 PE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OP THE JOURNAL. Chap. IT 2%{h. — To-day the Cazembe gave his first official reception to the whites of the Second Division. He was sitting on his Hytanda,* a low, plain, country-fashioned taboret, lined with red cotton (Xaile), a stuff brought from the north. The recep- tion place was the principal entrance of his palace, under twa large and roughly-made umbrellas of Tucorim,t the common Balagate. The open space, which is large, was filled with an immense crowd, and in front of the people were seated his. grandees, his son, and his brother — all upon the bare ground. Those whom the king addressed or looked at, acknowledged it by clapping their hands, with cries and shouts of joy, which others accompanied with short bursts of the marimba $ and other instruments. Those not so honoured remained silent. The grandees, moreover, rubbed earth upon their arms and breasts, in token of humility and vassalage. When we arrived, the king was sitting, as I have described, outside his palace, with a little brazier before him, surrounded by various horns contain- ing charms against witchcraft. For us" a certain post had been appointed, thirty paces from the presence ; there we were con- ducted by our guide, the Fumo Anceva, and we were soon surrounded by a mighty crowd of gazers. The Fumo then, retired and knelt down four paces behind his master, to receive orders. At once, out came Catara, the Micrunda Caffre who had met us at Tete, and began to " pemberar," that is to say, to dance, in token of joy, as is the custom, pausing in his steps when near the king, who was some eight steps distant. With his knife he pointed to the directions where Angola and Tete are supposed to be, signifying that the Cazembe was very happy in^ being visited by whites from both countries. Our soldiers who were of the party went through some evolutions, and fired, to the great pleasure of the king. I sent to compliment him, but the Caffre interpreters of Grongalo Caetano Pereira, when giving my message, presented as a "mouth" seventy cloths and a mutava (200 strings) of velorio beads. The Cazembe only replied that it was well, and with signs of satisfaction ordered the offering to be taken up. He returned three tusks, each weighing more than 32 lbs, and two slaves, after which he soon disappeared. Thus ended our first audience, if it can be so called. Before the * In the Sawfihil country the Kitanda is a cot, a "lit de Bangle," t Tucorim, in Monteiro and Gamitto (Appendix B), is a etuff like Botiam, but much inferior, striped whitish and white. X The Marimba is a well-known negro instrument, a rude piano, Dr.. Livingstone has given a sketch of one (' First Expedition,' p. 293). Chap. IV. DISPUTES AS TO SENIORITY. 113 soldiers had set out for this ceremony there had been some dis- pute touching command between Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira and the Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos. The latter pleaded seniority, and as he resolved to precede the former, whose nomination as Captain had not been confirmed by His Excel- lency the Captain-General of Mozambique, and whose commission had not arrived, the dispute rose to such a height that the two officers abused each other violently in presence of the troops ■waiting to march. The Lieutenant went so far as to call the Captain " cullion," and the latter showed so little proper spirit that he at once put up with the disgrace, and next day he became a friend of his insulter. Such was the character of most oi' the members of the expedition. JVovewiber 29th to December 2nd. — Since our arrival here Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos suspended the issue of velorio beads, with which, from the beginning of the journey, the people bought their provisions : at their request, I ordered the said beads to be issued. 3rd. — The Eeceiver, who had been directed on the march by the late Governor to have his accounts drawn out and ready to be presented on our arrival at the Court, forgot all about it, judging that his superior having died, nothing would be re- quired. "When I called for the balance, after time enough he gave me a list of the remaining effects in the Eoyal treasury. But having heard of certain laches, I directed him in eight days to produce his detailed accounts, as the list of existing articles did not content me.* 4ih. — I was informed that Gonpalo Caetano Pereira had, by means of his Caffres, reported to the Fumo Anceva, intending the Cazembe to hear of it, that I had appropriated the presents sent to the king. He thus alluded to my having transferred to the public account the king's gift on the 11th ultimo, which was in return for the present of the 7th November, and the three tusks and two slaves sent to myself on the 28th ultimo in return for my private gift of the same date. Having ascertained that this bad man had been guilty of such an un- worthy proceeding, in order to stop his calumnies, I sent the private presents alluded to, that of the Fumo Anceva (17th ultimo), that of the Muenempanda (21st), and that of the Sana Muropiie (22nd), to the Eeceiver, with orders to place them in the Eoyal treasury, and I took from him an equivalent of the effects which I had expended. 5th. — The Cazembe summoned the Expedition, and the * Here begin the ignoble money-disputes, which are enough to ruin any expedition. 114 FE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. IV. soldiers to assist at a triumphal entry which he was giving to one of his Caboceers who was returning from war.* Sickness prevented my obeying the summons. The king appeared seated under his principal gateway, as when he gave us audience. All being assembled, the chief in whose honour the fete was given appeared with a few heads of those whom he had killed in battle and some captives. When the latter bad been paraded, he began the usual dance of gladness, and as he approached the king's feet the monarch, in token of having been well served, lowered the knife which he was holding. As the chief con- tinued to dance, he was interrupted by a sign made by the Cazembe to our soldiers, whose firing at the end of the cere- mony caused him the liveliest pleasure. 6th to 8th. — A violent quarrel arose in our camp (mussassa) between the slaves of Gonpalo Caetano Pereira and those of the chief sergeant, Pedro Xavier Velasco : the former would insist on following up the latter, who, persuaded by their masters, were retiring. I ordered Captain Joao de Cunha Pereira to end the tumult by sending the negroes to their quarters (in- tembas),t and, when nothing was done, I gave directions to fire with ball, so that a death or two might terminate the fray. There were no bullets, but some small shot, with which the soldiers fired a few tim«s, and some of them retired wounded with arrows. At that moment appeared a Xiraro t Caffre of the Cazembe, who, being very drunk and mixed up with the Caffres of Gon- •palo Caetano Pereira, received one or two grains in his ribs, and fell apparently dead by reason of his intoxication. Upon this the original quarrel ended, and a second trouble began. The negroes, parents and acquaintances of the fallen man, raised him in their arms, and, weeping, brought him to me, saying that we had killed him. The Caffre vassals of the Cazembe, our fellow- travellers to this place, who had received at Tete the greatest civility, were the loudest in their threats. But they were Muizas, who for that supposed death promised us real destruc- tion in order to get our heads. Things looking ill, I sent the chief sergeant, Pedro Xavier Velasco, who then was most in favour, to take or to forward an account of the accident. The king heard it all calmly, saying that he would pronounce judg- ment on the next day, before all the whites, who were directed to be present. § * The second expedition was treated to a similar spectacle, and I witnessed it at Dahome. It is probably a part of the official programme, t In Unyamwezi, " tembe " is a large house. { Shiraro, an officer. § There is sure to be some dispute of this kind : the same happened to me in -Chap. IV. , VISIT TO THE CAZBMBE'S PALACE. 115 9th. — All the whites who were able — I was still sick — went to the court. The Cazerabe, after hearing the case and approT- ing of Pedro Xavier Yelasco's conduct, said that the strangers were in his country, and must live in peacq, leaving their quarrels to be fought out when they re'turn home : moreover, that, if they turned a deaf ear to this salutary advice, he would act otherwise another time. Gonpalo Caetano Pereira had the indiscretion to Say that on his side the dispute had not ended, but the Cazembe, pretending not to hear him, dismissed the assembly, telling the Caffres who had threatened us that they were running the risk of a miserable death. On the same day and occasion Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, Jose Kodrigues Caleja, and Antonio Jose da Cruz spoke privily to the Cazembe about opening the Angola road, though, knowing their imprudence and their wish to do everything in a hurry^ I had long before forbidden the subject. It was clear to me that they found the Cazembe irresolute. At first he gave leave; then, warned by the Fumo Anceva, he withdrew his words, under pretest of the difficulties of the rOad ; so that he neither granted nor promised anything. I arrested Vasco • Joaquim Pires, ensign of militia, for his intrigues on the occa- sion of yesterday's quarrel ; but he so managed that the Fumo Anceva hastened to beg his release in the name of the Cazembe, •whom they thus drew into aU our affairs. I at once ordeired him to be set at liberty. 10th to 19th. — The Eeceiver of the Eoyal Treasures, Manoel dos Santos, handed me in a badly drawn up account. 20th and 21st. — After examining the account, I transferred the Eeceivership from Manoel dos Santos to Jose Eodrigues Oaleja, who was ordered to take charge of the effects belonging to the Eoyal Treasury. The Fumo Anceva failed not quickly to come and tell me that his master the Cazembe wished Manoel dos Santos to remain in ofSce; and when I would not consent, seeing that the Eoyal Treasury had suffered enough, he replied if the lieutenant stole it was no matter, he would be answer- able for the theft. Suspecting the message to be fictitious, I promised to go at once with my reply to the Cazembe : it was too late, however, to see the king, and the business remained for the next day. 22nd. — ^According to promise, I went to the palace accom- panied by Lieut. -Colonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira de Araujo ; the ■chief sergeant Pedro Xavier Velasco; the guide, Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, and the Serjeant of ordnance, Jose Eodrigues Dahome, and the people atben^pted to make a ''palaver' because I stopped it ■with a Btlck. I 2 116 PE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap. IT. Caleja. We were at ones admitted into a circular house, a form affected by all the Qaffres of the interior ; here the Cazemhe was seated, with many courtiers outside. All was disposed that we, might be alone ; nevertheless, his brother, the Sana Muropiie, his son, Muenebuto,* and some imprudent domestics remained to gratify their curiosity. AH this ceremony was because the king had heard that we had brought a camp-bedstead of Macao-work, and he wanted to see it set up. Whilst we were satisfying him, he never ceased eyeing the curtains, which were of very light and trans- parent silk. When the bed was ready, the Cazembe wished to dismiss us. I told him that a representation had to be made, and that I ought not to leave his presence without making it. As he bade me speak, I began by telling him that I came to answer the "palaver" (milando) of the day before. Then the Fumo Anceva, who was near, took up the thread of my discourse, and made known to the king what he had delivered to me yesterday as a message in the Eoyal name. I took the opportunity of showing the enormity of the offence, and the unworthiness of the offender to be protected by his master, adding, that till now the Cazembe had pot known what had happened, and that the message in his name was the result of an imderstanding between the Keceiver and his minister : thus the latter exposed himself to be disbelieved when bringing even a true message.! The Fumo replied that I had done well regarding the interests of my Sovereign, and that I might punish the criminal and secure the Eoyal Treasury as I best pleased. 23rt. 3Qth to Oct. 1st. — We reached a Muiza village, which we were obliged to pass. The savages began to snatch from our Caffres' hands what they could take quickly and could readily carry off: they also seized two hoes (enchadas) and a large knife, the work of the Cazembe's people (Murundas), and, being drunk, refused to return the plunder. As it was already late, we went to pass the night at a village hard by, where, provisions being scarce, we were obliged to treat for them with our insulters. October 2nd, — But little food appeared, and that little ex- tremely dear. As we sighed for the next day's march came Condua, the brother of Chinhimba, who, finding the day too far gone, promised to procure us restitution on the morrow. 'Srd. — In want of provisions we advanced, whilst Gonjalo Monteiro and Qamitto (p. 58) say " Chipita ou Salvo-conducto.'' Chap. VI. ' ATTACKED BY THE MUIZAS. 153 Caetano Pereira, who remained behind, recovered the two hoes, but not the knife. After a short distance we reached a village, where they robbed us of two other hoes and a tusk. They also wounded a Caffre with a poisoned arrow : the Muiza poison is so virulent that it spreads over the body, and after a few days causes death, if the arrow be not carefully removed, and if a counter-poison, which prudent Caffres always carry on such journeys, be not applied. At the sight of our slave's blood there was great confusion ; some desired a prompt vengeance, others, terrified, wanted to escape dangers exaggerated by imagination. I hastened to see what was the matter, and at once the Muizas collecting, pointed their arrows at us for intimidation. When asked why we were insulted, they replied hardily that they had done so because they liked to do it, as we were passing through their lands, and that if we wanted war we had only to begin it — they were ready. Our men replied that they were travelling peaceably, but that if attacked they would defend themselves. The Muizas at once began to throw hard clods instead of stones, ours replied, and all the women fled the village. The carriers, standing in a body fifty paces off, grounded their loads to see the end of the affair, which began to be vigorous. Whilst I was trying to stop this stone-play, waiting for Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, who had remained behind, a Muiza, with great assiduity and diligence, threw at me a succession of clods. Seeing no hope, I discharged a gun at him, but missed. Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco, who was near, also fired with the same consequence. Hearing the sound of shots, and the confused noise of combat, Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, whom we were waiting for — he would assuredly have been lost if cut off from us — hastened up. Meeting in his path a crowd of the enemy, he pointed his gun, which somewhat frightened them. As, however, they continued their war dance, and he would not fire, one of his Caffres discharged a blunderbuss which was ready, and mortally wounded in the side a Muiza, whom he afterwards found to be the son of the village Fumo.* The terrified savages opened the road to Gonjalo Caetano Pereira, who at once joined us. We held a council, knowing that we could no longer travel in quiet through the tribe, who are a united people. At the time appeared two of the enemy, making signs that they came to speak with us, and praying not to be maltreated. On our promise they approached, and begged a medicine to * How remarkably this adventure resembles the accident wMoh stopped Paul du Ghaillu in 1864. 154 PE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OP THE JOURNAL. ' Chap. VL extract the slugs (zagalotes) with which the Fumo's son had been wounded. We asked why they had molested peaceful travellers ; they put the blame upon their drink.* This excuse did not satisfy us. We said that if their Fumo's son was wounded, the same had happened to two of our slaves, who- were brought forward, and we refused the medicine required to withdraw what had entered into the body, as they expressed themselves. They retired discontented, and their companions, seeing this, threatened us from afar. Our slaves, and the six soldiers of the party, chased them to their houses, where a third Checunda was wounded. This brought on another skirmish, and our men sacked the now well-nigh deserted village. I and Lieutenant- Colonel Pedro Nolasco, wished to go in person, collect provi- sions, and burn down the place, hoping thus to terrify the Muizas, and to recover the respect for the name of white man (Muzungu) which Jos6 Eodrigues Caleja had lost. Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, however, would by no means consent to such a proceeding. We marched to a neighbouring place where there was water, intending to rest the people, and to continue our journey in the afternoon. Gonpalo Caetano Pereira found a Muiza of the village of Mucunjure, the lord of these lands, and sent him to inform his master of what had happened, forwarding a small tusk, by way of " mouth." Having dined, we advanced in our usual order, but with the precaution of being preceded by a few musketeers. After a short march we heard a disturbance ahead. All stopped, and I, going forward, found that Manoel Caetano Pereira, who was with the soldiers in the van, had been treacherously wounded by an ambushed Muiza.t The soldiers hastened forwards; unhappily their muskets missed fire, and thus the savages retired safely. The wound proved not dan- gerous, and was easily cured ; the arrow-head had struck against a bone, and thus the poison was not diffused. The Caffre of G-onfalo Caetano Pereira, who, in firing the blunderbuss, had rendered his right hand useless, being braver and more judicious than the rest, proposed returning to raze the offending villages to the ground. I also approved of this, but Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, who, reasonably enough, counted upon having to see the (Fumo's) wounded son, and thus to * This may be true : Africans, like the American indigenes, are abnost always dangerous during a carouse. But the "Commandant" did wrong, I mean unwisely, in refusing the medicine. f Had the medicine been given, perhaps this would not have happened. Of course the friends of the wounded savage rushed on ahead, and, knowiag th& country better than the caravan, succeeded in revenging themselves. Chap. VI. EENEWED HOSTILITY OP THE MUIZAS. 155 pacify Mucunjure, would not agree to this. He was the better obeyed on account of his having many slaves ; we, therefore,, necessarily following his advice, continued the inarch, and arrived without accident at the halting-place (Daro). Here we at once received a reply from Mucunjure, who sent to Gonjalo Caetano Pereira that the latter, although the people of the village maltreated us without right, had done badly in wounding the Fumo's son.* Gonjalo Caetano Pereira replied that the Muizas- having attacked us without a cause, we at last fired upon them. With this new message we despatched an ivory, by way, of blackmail. Mucunjure thought it too little ; never- theless, he sent to say that on the morrow he would hear the whites, and if they were in the right he would punish the Muizas. Another tusk was sent to him, but as it did not come up to his wishes, he received a copper bar, which proved satisfactory. He sent to say that on the next day he would supply us with a guide to a certain place, where we would be able to buy provisions at will. Meanwhile midnight had passed. Another Caffre of Gongalo Caetano Pereira, who had been sent to the Fumo, shrewdly suspecting from certain expressions, and from the preparations which he saw, that the people intended to attack us, reported it to his master. The latter, being under the idea that all the Caffres respected him as the Head White Man, and convinced by the Fumo's words, not only disbelieved his Caffres, but also the more to ridicule and vilify his informant, did not communicate to me the man's suspicions, which I should have examined with all circumspection.f 4th. — Preparing early for the march, we awaited the pro- mised guide till 7 a.m. As he did not appear, and the sun waxed warm, we set out for the place where we expected to buy food, not having any for that day. Suspecting no evil from the Fumo, we looked forward to meeting his guide upon the road,, in which, indeed, he failed us, the better to carry out the treachery meditated by him. Presently appeared four Caffres, saying that they were sent by the Fumo to conduct us ; whilst giving this pretended message, crowds of Muizas issued from their ambush, attacked us when they saw no guns, and seizing a chain-gang (gargalheira) of negroes, pursued them into the bush, without allowing them to drop their loads. * Africans, like the Bedawin of Arabia, make a great difierence between com- paratively harmless and mortal weapons. The Muizas were throwing only clods or stones, but the slave fired a gun, and this in the savage mind justifies a serious t So it is that the oldest African travellers are sometimes taken unawares by th& inconsequence of the child-like natives. 156 FR. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. VI. Oar slaves, terrified by the war-drum, fell into confusion, but soon recovered themselves enough to rob all our stuffs, which they carried in their " quitundos." * These are baskets in bandbox shape, made of scraped and thinned wood. I thus lost all my clean clothing (aceio), and what remained of my pro- visions : the only thing that could be saved was a box contain- ing some shirts, which the plunderers had either forgotten, or had not yet touched, seeing me walk towards it. Withal, caring little for the loss thus inflicted upon me, I hurried up in the hope of saving my papers. Finding them scattered over the ground, my grief and disgust were such, that, forgetting danger and death, I busied myself in recovering them. Amongst these last were the order for Jose Rodrigues Caleja's arrest, with the countersignature of Manoel dos Santos at the foot. When I had collected what I could, my Caffres, who hitherto had not been seen, came up and reported that the Muizas had carried off three of the gang, cutting their neck ropes, which were of leather. I requested them carefully to look alter my papers, and the bandboxes containing them. At this moment appeared Gongalo Caetano Pereira, who told me that he was going off into the bushes to find a path to the Aruangoa River, as he now considered the road throughout the Muiza country closed ; and that to march the men fi:eely he would leave behind 600 arrobas ( x 32 = 19,200 lbs.) of ivory, carrying away only the little wanted for the journey.j To raise his courage, I asked him if he intended to abandon his capital without a blow. He said, " Yes," that he was now doing so ; that on all sides nothing could be seen but Muizas collect- ing to surround us; that if this were once effected we could not escape, but must necessarily perish ; finally, that I also should make ready at once to retire if I would avoid destruction. I communicated Gonpalo Caetano Pereira's determination to Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira de Araujo, and told him to prepare to abandon the property and retreat. Pedro Nolasco, wishing to save his charge, could not make up his mind. Hurrying about the field, I missed Gonpalo Caetano Pereira and his son, who had departed : this I told to Pedro Nolasco, biddifig him to push his work quickly, as we were alone in that place. He did what he could, and he retired, leaving much ivory * These boxes are used throughout Unyamwezi and Africa west of Zanzibar, ■where they are generally made of tree-bark. The Kisawahili name is Kihndo, in the plural Vilindo. t G. 0. Pereira was the only man that " knew the bush," and this action of his may be looked upon as a signal for a general sauve gui peut. Of coui'se nothing could be more prudent, that ia to say, more cowardly. Chap. VI. EETIEEMENT OP THE MUIZAS. 157 to the Muizas, and the trunks and boxes to the sacking of onr slaves, who did not dislike an operation that ended in relieving them of their loads. After marching some fifty paces, I remembered the Archives of the Secretariat, committed by Pedro Nolasco to the slaves of D. Francisca : not hearing what had become of them, I retraced my steps to the place where all remained, armed only with my gun and pistol. I at once found tbe document-trunk, half broken open by the Caffres, who, finding nothing but papers and books, had abandoned it, taking only a little volume bound with red silk. I ordered the soldier, Antonio Francisco Delgado, who was still in the neighbour- hood, to finish opening it, and I committed to his care a large book, to be brought to me with all the other papers. I then joined Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco, who awaited me where I left him. We followed the path taken by Gonpalo Caetano Pereira and his son. After ten paces or so we heard it said that the Muizas were on our traces, which obliged us to hurry. Coming to a rivulet, with water to the waist, I had the sorrow to see myself abandoned, not a Caffre of all who crossed being willing to carry me over. At last, after many entreaties, two men raised me, but fell with me in the water, wetting my gun, which never left my hand.* Whilst we were in the middle of the stream the Muizas shot their arrows at us, and would have wounded or killed me had not Canhae, a Caffre of Pedro Nolasco, who, being sick, could not keep up with his master, put them to flight by a well- directed shot, wounding one of them. In the first affray and in this second none of our party was hurt, whereas of the Muizas some sixteen suffered from our guns and bows. Although the enemy had retired, we made a forced march. As we were passing a little village, the inhabitants, who knew our misfortunes, get fire to the grass, thinking to stop us, but, at all risks, we forced our way through it. Till 4 p.m. this kind of warfare continued : it was renewed successively by all the villages near which we travelled, although we had left the road and had buried ourselves in the bush and the grasses. Seeing, a little ahead, a village which appeared deserted, and being in urgent want of food, we halted opposite it, and sent a soldier, with some Caffres, to find if it contained provisions, and, if so, to let us know, that we might advance in a body, help ourselves, and then burn the place.f The soldier, however, * Dr. Krapf used his gun-'barrels and the leather case of his telescope for carry- -ing water to drink. (' Travels,' p. 324). t Of course this buccaneer proceeding was only making matters worse. It re- minds me of the good missionary who asked the " combustion " of Tajui'rah on the Bed Sea, because the chief had taken toU out of his dollars. 158 FR. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. VI. finding jpombe beer, proceeded to get drunk, whilst the CafFres packed up a store of provisions in their " enhabudos." * When their " sitting upon pombe " (funcpao de pombe) was finished, they burned the remainder of the provision, which was ample, and the village,- too — such was their terror — merely to avoid the ■delay which would be required to collect rations, and in order at once to continue their march. The Caffre owner of the place, seeing this destruction from afar, threatened us with a night attack.! We marched till sunset, the Cafires thinking only of escaping as quickly as possible from the lands of the Muizas, where they considered themselves unsafe. Gronpalo Caetano Pereira, comfortable in his hammock, did nothing but advance, halting only to rest his bearers. The moment he saw us he ordered them on, without regard to myself and to Pedro Nolasco, who were on foot, our Caffres having purposely left our hammock-poles on the field of insult. When we could no longer endure such a march, we cleared with fire a sleeping place, and issued the necessary orders for the Caffres to keep watch. This day was dinnerless, because the cook, in order to lighten himself, had thrown away all that he had prepared. At length, unable to bear my hunger, I ordered for supper a few beans, intended for seed, which had escaped plunder in a little bundle of napkin stuff. All fell into a deep sleep, and thus the Muiza of the burnt village had an opportunity of shooting during the night as many arrows as he pleased ; six persons were wounded, j All then awoke, full of fear and confusion ; the Muizas retired before our gunshots, which did not take effect, owing to the darkness. They contented themselves with saying that they would close all the roads and kill every man. 5^^. — We made a forced march. The Caffres, terrified by the events of the last night, and wishing to push us on, pretended at each step that the Muizas were coming; thus we had neither halt nor dinner.§ This disorder was caused chiefly by Cronpalo Caetano Pereira being entirely ruled by his men. As the Caffres would not carry me, I had to walk the greater part of the way ; when Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco, to whom * Leather bags made of the sMns of small animals, as goats and game. f This kind of threat is almost always carried out : at any rate, one should ever te in readiness for a night attack under such circumstances. { In this case the travellers had no one to blame but themselves. They might have bought the provisions, or they should at least have left the value upon the ground. .And burning the village was an act of wanton mischief. § The forced retreat may be compared with that of Paul du Ghaillu at the end ■ of his second expedition. Happily for him he was young, whilst the poor priest was not. Such searches in a tropical climate soon kill all but thoroughly sound and seasoned men. Chap. VI. PURTHBE ALARMS EN ROUTE. 159 the hammock-men belonged, ordered them to take me up, they dropped me after a few paces, and went on, saying that they were tired, and leaving behind my conveyance, which more than once I vainly ordered them to bring up. Such are the tame slaves (Checundas), who at times threatened to abandon us, and to take to the bush. &h. — Food being much wanted, we resolved to send some Caffres to spy out a village where we could buy it ; this was for the general good, but they were too frightened to go. Seeing ourselves compelled to do as they pleased, we went on, not knowing how to support ourselves and the wild slaves (escravos burros). After a short descent, a new alarm threw all into confusion. When we asked the cause, they replied that we were surrounded- by enemies; on examination, it proved that some twenty Caffres of a village which we had not seen, fearing lest we might plunder their provisions and burn their tents, were frightening us with cries and war drums. We were com- pelled to hurry away, and they made signs of following us, when a gun-shot, which wounded one of their number, com- pelled them to let us pass. Our Caffres could not believe that the Muizas feared them, and all that the enemy wished was to get rid of us as soon as possible. Gongalo Caetano Pereira was attacked by a severe fever, which caused us no little alarm; had he died, his Caffres would hold it a bad omen, and would have deserted with the rest of the Checundas, who doubtless would not have been slow to follow. To-day I could not dine, there being no time, and I could not sup, having only a single bit of roasted manioc, given to me by Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco. As the Caffres would not carry me, I judged better to reserve the food for breakfast, so as to gain strength before the next march. My sufferings at night were great, but it proved a wise precaution, the journey being long and hurried. The flight of a slave with a large basket left me without any clothes, except those which I was wearing, together with a shirt, a short quilt (godrim),* and piUow-case. 7ih. — We marched without accident, but in hot haste, seeking some vUlage where provisions could be procured. The bush was so sterile that it did not yield a wild fruit. There were signs of game, but the Caffres of Tete, who are most vile and worthless in the bush, preferred hunger to the light work of hunting. This day, Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco sup- ported me by sharing his breakfast and dinner. To lighten a * Godri is a Hindi word, meaning a coverlet quilted with cotton. The other words in the text are " lengol " and " fronhas." 160 FE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. TI. Caffre, who was blaspheming under a camp-bed (barra),* I allowed him to break it up, reserving for bed-clothes a sail- cloth ; and I already thought of cutting the quilt to pieces. The hammock-bearers let me fall, to see if, by so doing, they could induce me wholly to dispense with their services. 8th. — We struck out with more spirit, having now issued from the unknown bush, and having hit upon the road that led us to the Cazembe's country. Many slaves ran off to find food, thinking that without it we should die, and others were left behiad unable to move. At noon we reached the camp (mussassa) of an elephant-hunter ; he had nothing to sell, not even meat, our Caffres, who had preceded us having secretly bought up the little there was with the cloth of which they had robbed us on the 4th instant. All this day I had to walk with unutterable toil, and Pedro Nolasco again fed me, as I had absolutely nothing, 9th. — Before setting out, I sent off, in different directions, three Caffres, with pieces of the quilt-chintz, to buy food ; I took this precaution to avoid a repetition of yesterday's affair : with much difficulty we made a start ; weakness rendered the march heavy, especially in my case, having with great labour to make it on foot. Arrived at the banks of the Aruangoa Hiver, we found vestiges of Mutumbuca f villages, and we sent our Caffres to buy provisions, which they always kept for themselves, declaring that none could be found. To escape this cheat, I crossed the river and exchanged a little negress for a basket of unshelled ground-nuts (a kind of almond also found in the Brazil), another and a smaller basket of millet-heads (corn-cobs), and a "quissero" (a little vessel woven with thinned and scraped tree-bark) f of groimd millet (Holcus sorghum). With this purchase, I returned contented to my companions, and distributed to them a small part. As it was late, my dinner was raw ground-nuts (mandome cru), which I was able to beg : Gronpalo Caetano Pereira seeing me present, offered me, for ceremony, some of his, but it was not accepted, lest he might feel the want of it. lOih. — We advanced with more spirit towards the river ford, in order to escape from the country of the Muizas, whose memory to us was not grateful. Hardly had we reached it, when we were told that Muzaranba, a certain Mutumbuca '' * What, in the name of goodness, were they doing with a bed ? No wonder that the slaves and Caffres refused to carry them. t See Diary of August 20, 1798. j It resembles the quitundo or kilindi, which I have before described. €bap. YI. pinched with HUNGER. 161 kinglet, was waiting to plunder us, whilst further on was the Mucanda. The news made us take the precaution of marching down the stream, till we arrived opposite the country of the Sengas,* where we could ford the Aruangoa and march straight upon Tete. This determination was not taken till the Caffres, "who were summoned to our council, had agreed to it. Some opined that we ought to leave our actual camping-place at the shortest notice ; but, as it was late, the journey was reserved for the morrow. 11th. — Right early we set out, flying from the new danger which seemed imminent and nearest ; this made us hurry the pace still more. In the great confusion of the line of march, sundry slaves fled, and some carried off their loads of ivory. I was borne in my hammock by the extraordinary efforts of Pedro Nolasco, who took pity on the wounded soles of my feet. 12thr-13th. — ^Already hunger was upon us, and at each step the Caffres threatened desertion, when Providence threw in our way, at the foot of the road, a freshly-killed she-buffalo. By no means would I insinuate that this circumstance was miraculous or mysterious, knowing that Providence is ever directing its creatures to the ends which it purposes, by ways which we may not comprehend. I have referred to it only to show the delight with which we hailed the good event of the present march. We ordered the Caffres to cut it up, but they refused, fearing a " Muando," or palaver with the hunter ; and, to prevent our remaining near the buffalo-cow, they pressed us to advance. We persisted in wishing to purchase the game, and at that moment appeared the hunter, who sold it to us in exchange for a negress. It was then divided, and the feast somewhat appeased our people's hunger. lUh. — Having meat but no vegetables, we made for some settlement where we could buy them. After half an hour's march we found one : when, however, we wanted to purchase, a Cafire came out and told us that his village had nothing for sale, but that on the other side of the river provisions were abundant ; he ended by offering himself as guide. We accepted, and presently we sent him, with our Checundas, to the place referred * According to Monteiro and Gramitto (p. 47) the Syngas live to the east of the -Chevas (Shevas), and near the mouth of the Aruangoa Eiver. Dr. Livingstone .(' Second Expedition,' chap. ix. p. 198) says : '' The country north of the mountains here in sight from the Zamhesi is called Senga, and its inhabitants Asenga or Basenga, but all appear to be of the same family as the rest of the Manganja and Marave." In M. Erhardt's map there are two chief ferries over the fanciful lake, and the northern, or the western, shore is called Zenga, answering to the Tsenga of Dr. Livingstone's map. The inhabited island in the Bemba or Bangweolo Lake explains, I have said, part of the " Mombas Mission Map.'' M 162 PE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OP THE JOUENAL. Chap. VI. to, that they might return and let us know the prices. Mean- while the whole party proceeded to procure shelter in the bush, which the dry grass and the small tree-motts or clumps afforded on the river-banks, very distant from that village. At 5 p.m. our- Caffres returned, saying that they had found plenty of pro- visions, for which the owners wanted ivory and slaves. This good news gave us courage, and we reserved our purchases for the next day. 15th. — Gonpalo Caetano Pereira and Pedro Nolasco sent two ivories ; I, having none, despatched a pair of slaves, with whom the purchase was speedily effected, whereas the tusks were rejected as cracked (por ter raxa). We were kept waiting for some time as the grain was not husked, and the Checundas left things in this state, caring for little beyond their own invest- ments. Seeing my small store of food gradually disappear, and fearing lest that just bought should not come till after a long delay, I sent a third slave and all my rags to be bartered for a. supply from another place. Here I tore in strips the only sheet left to me. 16th. — The purchased provisions came ; they did not suffice^ the cause being the thieving of the buyers ; so I sent to lay in more : at this same time dried flesh of elephants, buffaloes, and other wild beasts was bought and exchanged for slaves. nth and 18^^. — The Gaffre purchasers having returned,, bringing the provisions, we continued our journey without accident. 19ft. — When about to leave our nighting-place, two Caffre hunters came up, shouting and saying that our people had robbed their medicines (mezinhas) and tobacco ; and that if the stolen goods were not returned, they would maltreat and wound the whole party. With such threats those two Caffres halted a body of some three hundred people. We satisfied the com- plainants, there being no other remedy, and we continued our march, seeking a fit place for buying a new store of food. 20th. — At 10'30 P.M. three lions passed near our encampment, and threw everything into the greatest confusion with their terrible roarings. Though perceiving us, they granted us the immunity of guests, and glutting their ferocity by falLtng upon a camp of hunters, they carried off a Caffre.* 21st-23rd. — Having bought provisions, we continued our journey, and at noon we crossed the river, the Caffres being unwilling to march opposite the land of the Sengas, which they now found to be far off. * The next " Cazemte Expedition " also suffered from lions. Chap. VI. THE EXPEDITION BEACHES TETB. 163 24:th. — At 9 A.M. we met a small herd of elephants that opened out, and allowed us free passage. 25t}ir-27th. — Again we found ourselves under the necessity of laying in provisions, and here we resolved to huy up all, Gronpalo Caetano Pereira having met with a village Fumo, who was acquainted with him. 28thr^0th. — The Caffres, knowing all about our journey, studied only the various ways of robbing us : for this purpose, every ridiculous little Fumo demanded his blackmail, or " dash " (chipata), which is paid only to the great chiefs or to the king. Our men, however, were so down-hearted, that any threat com- pelled us to disburse. Oct. 31si and November 1st. — As we passed a village, a Caffre, protesting that we had frightened his herd, and that a bul- lock had broken its leg, made a prize of an ivory, and hid it. Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, to whom the tusk belonged, com- plained to the Fumo, who promised restitution. Nov. 2nd and 3rd. — The tusk not appearing, and another having been stolen during the night, we agreed that the Fumo's promise was a deceit, and that he probably had a hand in the plunder. We resolved no longer to wait for his justice, though he pressed us so to do, and, not wishing to lose another tusk in the same way, we set out. 4ith-lth. — At 11 A.M. we reached the " Bar," or gold dig- gings of Jose Victor de Sousa e Vasconcellos, one of the in- habitants of Tete : we met the owner, who gave us hospitality, and informed us of the safe arrival of that part of the Expedition in which was Jose Kodrigues Caleja with his followers. %th. — We left the " Bar," and marched towards Marenga. QthrASth. — We arrived at Marenga, where Gonpalo Caetano Pereira has his abode and gold diggings, and here we^ halted to rest the people and to lay in stores. IMh-l^th. — ^At 8 A.M. we left Marenga forJTete, and found no provisions in the way, where before they had been abundant and cheap. 19t'h-22/nd. — I took leave of Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasoo Vieira de Araujo, who at once started for Tete, and I set out with Gonpalo Caetano Pereira for Bamba, where we dined. I waited till night-fall before entering the Villa [de Tete, having a repugnance to appear by daylight without decent ecclesiastical attire. Finally, at 6 p.m., I entered^and met various friends, who congratulated themselves on my return. They had hardly expected it, since Josd Eodrigues Caleja, besides taking away my credit, by depicting me as anTobject of public indignation, had assured^them that I should ■^n ever be M 2 16i LETTER OF P. X. YELASCO. Chap. VI. seen again. He certainly was persuaded that his outrages on the road would suffice to cause my destruction. (Signed) Francisco Joao Pinto. LETTEE OF THE CHIEF-SERGEANT PEDRO XAVIER VELASCO TO THE HOME GOVERNMENT. " QniLLiMANE, November 14, 1805. "Most Illustrious and Excellent Sie, " I already have had the honour through two channels and on several occa- sions of a personal interview with your Excellency. On these occasions I took the opportunity to place before you the part takeu by me, under His Excellency the late Governor Dr. Francisco Jose Maria de Laoerda e Almeida, in the discovery of the African interior, and in undertaking to forward the communication of Angola with, the kingdom of Portugal. This was an entei'pribe on which he was sent by our Sovereign, and in which he was efficiently seconded by your Excellency. I also reported the constant and singular zeal, activity, and honour in the Royal service displayed by me during the discovery riferred to. Thus only, confiding solely in your Excellency's kindness, can I hope for a word of favour to His Highness the Prince Regent, who, seeing and appreciating my zeal, and knowinghow to reward and encourage his fuithful vassals, may be pleased to place me under an obligation by showing some proof that my humble services are recognised. " Now, however, Excellency, four years have passed without any notice being taken of'^hose papers, nor do I even know if they have h;id the fortune to meet your kindly regard, a circumstance which has discouraged and depressed me to the utmost. Still, supposing that perhaps my ill fortune may have caused them to be lost on the way by shipwreck, or by their carelessness to whom they were committed for the purpose of being laid before your Excellency, I have again resolved, after taking copies of the papers drawn out in an official form, to submit them to you, hoping that you will be pleased to remember me. On the other side, I see myself compelled to announce to your Excellency that having, in the course of our journey, arrived at the kingdom of the King Cazembe (as is proved by the said documents), it was announced to me in the month of October of the current year, by the natives, that the King Cazembe had departed this life, and that his son, after succeeding to the kingdom, had sent to inform me how much he wished and anxiously desired communication with us. In proof of this his sentiment, he favoured me with a present, accompanied by reliable assurances on the part of his messengers that he has also sent to the town of Tete an offering to His Highness and to sundry individuals there. Therefore, prompted by activity in the Royal service, I must say to your Excellency that His High- ness's treasury suffers much by the want of such intercourse, since those roads which were discovered on the former occasion are now closed. Thus nothing more remains for me to inform your Excellency, except that your extreme goodness and incomparable rectitude may deign to cast upon me a compassionate regard, and support me with the powerful hand of your protection, in favouring what your Excellency better understands concerniijg my prayer — a fivour for which I shall never find expressions capable of conveying a just proof of my grateful heart. " I am, with that respect which I submissively offer to the most exeel- ■ lent person of your Excellency, whom God guard for many years, "Of youi' Excellency the most obedient Servant, " Pedko Xavieb Velasoo." JOUENEY OF THE "POMBEIEOS," FROM ANGOLA TO THE BIOS DE SENNA (RIYERS OF SENNA). {Translated from the Portuguese, hy B. A. Beadle, Esq., OhancelUer to the Portuguese Consulate, London.'] This Journal is very disconnected, and is manifestly written by an illiterate man. Some of his phrases are most difficult to under- stand : however, I have given great attention to them, and have succeeded in all cases, I believe, in giving his meaning; the original being disjointed, the translation is necessarily the same, to some extent. — Tbanslatoe's Note. CONTENTS. A. — Despatcli from the Captain-General of Angola, Jos^ d'OUveira Barbosa, dated the 25th of January, 1815, enclosing another from the Governor of Tette for the Count das Galveas, dated the 20th of May, 1811, con- taining the following documents : — 1st. — Copy of the Boute Journal, made by Pedro Jqao Baptista. 2nd. — Questions put to the said P. J. Baptista. 3rd.— Copy of the Letter from Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Hono- rato da Costa. B. — ^Despatch from the said Captain-General Jos6 d'Oliveira Barbosa, with the same date, enclosing copies of the following Documents : — 1st, — Letter from F. H. da Costa to the Governor of Tette, dated the 11th of November, 1804 (translated in part A). 2nd, — Route Journal of P. J. Baptista, from the lands of the Muatahianvo to those of the King Cazembe, kept in 1806. 3rd. — Ditto from the Cazembe to Tette in 1811. 4th. — Notes of the days of journey of P. J. Baptista. 5th, — Account or Report of P. J. Baptista, relative to his Journey. C, — Notice of what passed in the town of Tette between P. J. Baptista, the Governor, and other inhabitants. Written by himself. D. — Declaration of Francisco Honorato da Costa in favour of his Pombeiros (home-born slaves) who effected the Journey.* Legislative documents relating to the Explorations. " (Note in Portuguese.) All these documents are published without the least alteration, either in their orthography or anything else. ( 167 ) (A.) Host Illustkious and Excellent Sir, I have tlie honour to bring before your worthy notice the letters which were forwarded to me from Tette by the Governor of the Eios de Senna (Eivers of Senna), which came by land, in consequence of the discovery of communication between the two coasts of Eastern and Western Africa, so much desired. And on this occasion are embarked in the frigate 'Principe Dom Pedro' the fomheiros (bondsmen) Pedro Joao Baptista and Amaro Jose, of Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da ■Costa, Director of the Fair of Mucary, to whose enterprise and labours is owing the happy result of this work. They take with them the note-books of the journey, to be presented in the Office of the Secretary of State for this Department. God keep your Excellency. St. Paul de Assumppao de Loanda, 25th -January, 1815. To the Most Illustrious and Excellent Marquis -d'Aguiar. (Signed) Jos^ d'Oliveiea Babbosa. Most Illustkious and Excellent Count das Galveas, His Eoyal Highness our Lord the Prince Eegent having, in the year 1799, determined to see the opening up of the route from his capital of Angola to these rivers of 'Senna completed, in j order that his people, both in Western and Eastern Africa, may turn their commerce to more lucrative account than they have yet been able to do; and also that news may circulate from one coast to the other with greater speed than it could do by means of vessels, and having entrusted the opening up of the Eastern side to the late Governor of these rivers, Francisco Jose de Lacerda, and on the Western side to His Excellency D. Fernando de Noronha, Captain-General of Angola, the latter committing it to Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da Costa, Commander of the Fair of Casange, it so happened that the former (Lacerda) died in the Cazembe's country, whilst the latter (Da Costa), by means of his slaves, succeeded in opening up the western road as far as the same point. These slaves, however, have been for five years at that place, without the means of reaching this town to give the above information. Observing this place to be somewhat destitute of trade, through the bad understanding that has existed with several of the petty kings surrounding it, and desiring by some means to extend its trade, I invited to my residential quarters, in May 1810, Gonpalo 168 DESPATCHES OF J. D'O. BAEBOSA. Caetano Pereira, an aged man, and one experienced in these- inner parts. Conversing with him about the extension I wished this captaincy to acquire in its commerce, I asked him to point out to me some place to which our traffic could be sent. He replied that formerly the subjects of the King Cazembe fre- quented this town, but that from the time when we attempted the opening up of communications with those interior places, they had ceased to come, and he said he did not know the reason of it. Some declared it was in consequence of the disorders our people created in the (lands of the) said Cazembe after the- death of Governor Lacerda, and others that it was because that nation had carried on war with the Muize people ever since those days. I then requested Pereira to give me three of his slaves to send as an embassage to the said King Cazembe, in order to see if it would induce that nation to come and trade again with this town, as it had formerly done. He gave me them, and I sent them as envoys to the said King Cazembe ; and he, seeing the said slaves on their arrival, decided to send me an embassage composed of a chief and fifty of his vassals, by which he sent me word that there had been in his kingdom for the last four years those two persons who had come from Angola, whom he ordered to be given up. They reached this town on the 2nd February of the present year, bringing me a letter from their master, of which letter I have the honour to enclose you a copy. On my asking the above men if they wished to return voluntarily by the way they had come, they replied yes ; but that it was nece^ary the means required for their transport should be provided by me. I ordered for them 700 cloths with 250 reis fortes each. I reported everything to my Captain-General, and asked him whether the Eoyal Council of that capital would place that amount to my account, offering in case of their refusaL to defray the expense myself. To this despatch sufficient time has not yet elapsed for me to receive a reply. I might make some reflections to your Excellency on this- discovery, as I do not find a large amount of intelligence in these explorers ; but, at the same time, I admit that, according to their capabilities, they did a great deal. As they return by the same route, I have instructed them as to the way in which they should proceed on their journey, the inquiries they should make as to the mood in which they find some of the petty kings, as to whether they will really allow us to travel freely through those parts, and what are the presents we should offer them, on all of which points they have been tutored by me. They promise to carry out the above objects exactly, with all necessary clearness, and to deliver to His Excellency the Captain-General of Angola whatever they may come into possession of bearing on ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. 169 the opening up of the country, all of which I acquaint your Exceiiency with, that you may be good enough to lay it before His Eoyal Highness our Lord the Prince Regent. I have also the honour of remitting to Your Excellency the Diary which the explorers have offered me, numbered 1 ; as also a list of questions which I put to them, numbered 2 ; and a letter which the Lieutenant-Colonel, the master of the above explorers, wrote me, numbered 3. God keep your Excellency's Illustrious and Excellent Person. Eesidential Quarters of the town of Tette, 20th May, 1811. To the Illustrious and Excel- lent Count das Galveas, of the Council of H.K.H., Minister and Secretary for Marine and Colonies. (Signed) Constantino Peeeiea de Azevedo, Governor of the Eivers of Senna. No. 1. (Copy.) 1806. In the name of God, Amen. The route which I, Pedro JoamBaptista, followed in my journey from the Muropue to the King Cazembe Caquinhata, by order of the Most Illustrious and Excellent Captain-General of the Kingdom of Angola, for the opening up of the way to the East Coast of Africa by the Eivers of Senna, a work entrusted to Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da Costa, Director of the Fair of Casange, with goods worth two contos of reis, to expend in gifts to chiefs on the way, in order to facilitate the obtaining permission for the opening up of the road to Tette. [let.] Sunday, 22nd of May of said year. — We started at 6 A.M. from the Muropue's great farm, having stayed in the house of his son, named after country fashion Capendo hianva, or accord- ing to his post, Soano Mutopo do Muropue. We passed a river called Ingeba, of four fathoms width, and a second river, Luiza, which both run into the river Lunhua. During the journey we came to the guide's place, whom the Muropue had given to us to conduct us to the Cazembe, the name of this place being Cutaqua. We paid the guide ten chuabos and gave him a glass of " bixega." We arrived at the above place at nightfall. We met many people going to the said farm of the Muropue, carrying mandioca flour for their masters. We marched with the sun in our rear. [2nd.] Wednesday, 8th of June. — We got up at seven, and started from the guide's place. We passed three narrow running streams, whose names we do not know, which run into 170 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA the river Zuiza (Luiza ?), and we came to the farm of the black named Oaquiza Muegi, a slave of the Muropue, near a small stream, the water of which they drink. He sent us to lodge in his houses, and we gave him two " chuabos."* We arrived there ^t noon, and met no one, neither did we do anything. We marched with the sun as before, [3rd.] Thursday, 9th of same Month. — We got up at 2 A.M., and started from Caquiza Muegi's farm. We passed five small streams, and on the march we stopped at the farm of the Quilolo of the Muropue, named Muene Cahuenda, to whom we gave as presents six chuabos and two white twisted glasses with bell-shaped mouths. We arrived at our halting-place at four in the afternoon, and built our huts near the narrow stream, of which they drink the water, called " Izabuigi." We marched latterly with the sun on our left. We met with, no one. [4th.] Friday, IQth. — We got up at dawn, and started from Muene Cahuenda's farm. We passed four streams — names not known — and continuing on our journey passed a river three fathoms wide, called Mue-me, and came to our desert halting- place, beyond and near the stream called Canahia, which ■empties into the said river Mue-me ; on the other side of the river Canahia we found houses already made by the travellers of the country called Canoguesa, who were come to bring their tribute to their Muropue. We arrived at three in the after- noon. We travelled with the sun as before, and met ten blacks Tvho had gone to buy salt at the Salina. [5th.] Satwrday, 11th. — We got up at five a.m. and left our desert-lodging. We passed three narrow turbulent rivers on the way, and came to another desert halting-place, near the narrow stream called "Quipungo." The farm of some of Muropue's black people was near, but we did not speak to any of them. We arrived at the said halting-place at noon, having marched with the sun on our left. We made a halt there to get necessary provisions. [6th.] Sunday, 12th. — We left our desert-lodging, having got up at cockcrow. We passed three narrow rivers, which run into the river called Calalimo — the names of them we do not ]jiiow — and came to another desert lodging made of thick bushes staked to keep off wild beasts, near the said river Calalimo, * In page 237, the Chuabo, or Xoabo, is explained to mean an East-Indian •.cloth ; in other places it appears to be a measui'e. — E. F. B. PROM MUEOPUE TO CAZEMBB. 171 "whicli is ten fathoms wide, more or less; we arrived at the said stopping-place at noon, and had a little rain. We met no one. [7th.j Monday, 13ft. — At 2 A.M. we left the desert, and passed over eleven small streams. We marched up the valley of the before-mentioned river Calalimo, and during this journey we came to a halting-place near a river called Camu-sangagila, on the other side of which we reached our halting-place at night- fall, and passed the night out, although the rain was falling. We marched with the sun on our left. [8th.J Tuesday, 14ft. — We started from our desert halting- place, near the river Camu-sangagila, which we left at 8 a.m. We passed five running streamlets, and during the march we came to the farm of a black named Muene Cassa, near a rivulet, name not known, on the further bank of which we talked with the said black about this our journey, that we were going to Cazembe, being sent by Muropue. The farm, was at some dis- tance from our halting-place. We gave a small mirror as a present, and a chuabo of red " serafina " (a kind of tissue). We arrived at three in the afternoon, and marched with the sun as before. [9th.] Wednesday, 15ft. — We started from the farm of Muene Cassa at 7 a.m., passed the (nine ?) narrow streams, and during the march we came to the halting-place direct,* still near the river Calalimo. We arrived at the said place at 2 P.M., having met with no one. We marched with the sun as before. [lOth.J Thii/rsday, 16ft. — We got up and started at early dawn. We passed three narrow running streams by bridges, and came to another desert halting-place near a small river. We arrived there at mid-day, and built near the same river. Some men were in our ^rear belonging to Soana Mulopo, sent by him to buy salt ; we met no one. [11th.] Friday, 17ft. — We got up and started at 5 a.m. from the lodging above named. We forded a running river called Eoando, two fathoms wide, which runs into the river Lunheca. During our march we passed another narrow river called Eova, which may be, more or less, thirteen fathoms wide. * Direito, direct, may be an error for deserto, desert, deserted, — B. P. B. 172 KOUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA This also runs into the Lunheca. The farm of a black, called Fumo Ahilombe of the Muropue, was some distance from us, but that did not cause us any trouble. We arrived there at noon, and built near the same river, meeting with no one. [12th.J Saturday, 18th. — At 5 a.m. we got up and started from the farm of Fumo Ahilombe. We passed six narrow rivers which run into the Kova, and during the march we came to the desert halting-place, beyond and near the river called Cazale. This stream may be, more or less, twenty fathoms wide, with water up to our waists. It runs into the river Lunheca. We reached the said place about nightfall. We met several people loaded with dry fish, which they were going to sell at the Muropue's farm. We marched with the sun on our left, and saw nothing of importance. [ISth.J Sunday, 19th. — ^We left our desert halting-place above mentioned at 6 a.m. We passed no river, and, continuing our journey, we came to the farm of the Luilolo (Quilolo) of the Muropue, called Caponco Bumba Ajala, and we conversed with him about the journey we were making by order of the Muropue to the Cazembe. He answered that it was well, and directly ordered us some eatables on behalf of his master the Muropue. We gave him a present of four chuabos and a mirror. We reached the said city at 4 p.m., near the river called Muncuzu. We met no one. [14th.J Monday, 20th. — We started at two a.m. from the farm of Capomo (Caponco ?). We passed a stream, and during our march crossed in a canoe a river, called Caginrige. The pilots of the Quilolo Muene Mene, who is Lord of this port, took us across. This river may be about fourteen fathoms wide ; it runs into the Lunheca. We reached the farm of the said Quilolo Muene Mene, and talked with him about the journey we were making to Cazembe, by order of Muropue ; he also answered that it was very good, that the road was quite clear. We gave him for this a muzenzo, containing a hundred blue stone- beads and five chuabos of assorted serafina, and further forty other white stones, and for his pilots two chuabos of Indian cloth. We made our kraal some distance from the farm to keep out of the way of the thieves who rob at night. We reached there at 3 p.m., and met no one. We stayed at this place six days to collect provisions with which to proceed. ri5th.] Tuesday, 5th July. — We rose at the first cockcrow, and left the farm of Muene Mene. We passed four narrow rivers FEOM MUEOPUE TO CAZEMBE. 173 "wMch run into the river Caginrige, and we came to the farm of a black, known to our guide as Soana Ganga. We spoke with him about our journey to Oazembe. We reached there at 2 P.M., having met no one. We gave him no present. We marched with the sun on our left. [16th.] Wednesday, Gih. — We started from Soana Ganga's farm at 7 A.M. We passed two narrow running streams which empty themselves into the said river Caginrige. We came to the farm of the Quilolo of the mother of Muropue called Lun- congucha, and the Quilolo is named Muene Camatanga. We spoke with him of the journey we were making to the Cazembe, to which he answered, that as many as liked could travel that way. We gave him a present of iive chuabos and a small mirror, and fifty milkstone beads. We reached this place at noon. We marched with the sun as before, and met no one. [17th.J Thursday, 7th. — We started from Muene Cama- tanga's farm at 6 a.m. We passed three streams which run into the said river Caginrige. During the journey we came to the farm of the Quilolo, the same before mentioned as Muene Casamba, whither Camatanga himself directed us, in order that his vassal, who had given us the guide, might supply us with necessary provisions for our journey to Cazembe, made by order of the Muropue. In this same farm we made a month's stay, to prepare the said provisions and allow the (manioc) flour, which had been steeped in water, to get dry. We met no one. For the above service we gave two chuabos of woollen stuff. [18th.J Friday, 9ih of August. — We started from Muene Ca- samba at 3 A.M. We again passed the river Caginrige, and during the march we passed another narrow river, the name unknown, which also runs into the said river Caginrige. We came to a desert halting-place, near another small river, which we reached at 4 p.m. We built our circle (kraal) during rain ; we met no one. [19th.J Satitrday,^ 10th. — We got up and left our desert halting-place at half-past five in the morning. We passed a running river, narrow, with stony bed, name not known, and came to another halting-place, called Canpueje, near a running stream, where we found houses already made by the travelling Ariindas. We reached there at 2 p.m., and saw nothing. [20th.] Sunday, 11th. — We left our desert halting-place, from which we rose at 2 a.m. We passed three narrow rivers. 174 EOUTE JOTJENAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA . ' During the journey we came to another desert halting-place, near a stream, the name of which we do not know. We reached the said place at four in the afternoon ; we met no one. [21st.] Monday, 12th. — We left our stopping-place at 6 A.M. We passed a narrow running stream called Maconde, and during the march we came to another halting-place called Lunpaja. The farm of the Quilolo, called Anbulita Quisosa, was near, but we did not talk with him about our journey. We reached the said place at noon ; we met no one, and marched with the sun on our left. ■" [22nd.] Tuesday, 13th. — We got up and left our desert resting-place at 5 a.m. We passed no riyer, and came to the farm of the son of the Quilolo Cutaganda, near the river called Eeu. We spoke with him concerning the journey we were making to Cazembe. We gave as a present to the said Quilolo two chuabos of blue serafina and 200 cowries. We arrived at the farm at 3 p.m. We marched with the sun as before. [23rd.] Wednesday, lHh. — We left the son of Cutaganda at seven in the morning. We forded the river Eeu, which is about twenty fathoms wide. We came to the desert halting- place, near a stream, name not known. We arrived at 2 p.m., having met with no one. [24th.] Thursday, lf>th. — We started at 6 a.m. from our desert stopping-place. We passed three narrow rivers which run into the river Keu above named. We came to another desert stopping-place near a stream called Qusbela (Quibenla ?), which also runs into river Keu. The farm of the black, named Muconcota, a chief of Muropue, being far distant, he himself came to our lodging-place that we might give him something as a present. We gave him seven chuabos of serafina of different qualities. We reached there at three in the afternoon. We marched with the sun as before, and met with no one. [25th.] Friday, l&th. — We left our desert halting-place at 5 A.M. We passed four narrow rivers which run into the river Qusbela. During the journey we reached a desert-lodging near a running stream called Capaca Melemo. We arrived at the said lodging at noon without rain. We had in our company some blacks, who were going to buy salt at the Salina. We met with no one. FROM MUEOPUE TO CAZEMBE. 175 [26th.J Saturday, Ylth. — We started from our desert-lodging near the riTer Capaca Melemo at 6 A.M. We forded four small rivers, and continuing our journey we passed another river called Kopoeja, which may be about thirty fathoms wide. It runs into the river called Lubilaje. We came to another desert halting-place near the same river Lubilaje, on the other side of which we reached our lodging at three in the afternoon, without rain. We marched with the sun the same as before ; we met with no one. [27th.] Sunday, 18th. — We made a halt at the farm of a black named Quiabela Mucanda, which is near the abo-^e-named river Eopoeja. He stopped our road, in order that we might give him something because he was a potentate of the Muropue's. Besides this he also gave us food to eat on behalf of said Muropue, and brought for us as a parting gift a dead stag and three quicapos of green manioca flour for our use. We gave him as a present ten chuabos and a small looking-glass. He said that we might continue our journey, and that had we not given him anything, he would have taken our goods from us by force of arms. [28th.] Thursday, 31st of August. — We started at cockcrow from the city of Quiabela Mucanda. We passed two running streams, which emptied themselves into the said river Kopoeja. During our march we came to another desert stopping-place, called Cancaco, on the other side of a stream. We arrived at said place at noon, without fear of any Eegano (chief) like the above-mentioned. We marched with the sun on our left ; we met no one on the way. [29th.] Friday, 1st of September. — We halted in consequence the illness of our guide, who had his hand swollen from blows received from his own slave. Saturday, 2nd of said Month. — We started from our desert- lodging at two in the morhing. We passed a river called Quipaca Anguengua, of small width, and during our march we came to another desert near a river called Eupele of four fathoms width, which runs into the river Lubile. We arrived at three in the afternoon. We marched with the sun as before ; we met with no one. [30th.] Sunday, Srd. — We left our desert lodging at 5 a.m. We passed no river, and came to another desert-lodging near a river called " White," because of its white sand ; it discharges itself into the river Lububuri, a small river near. We reached 176 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA ^ the said lodging at noon. We built our kraal on tlie other side of the river, and met with no one. • [31st.] Monday, Ath. — We got up at 7 a.m., and started from our desert halting-ground ; we passed no river during the journey. We came to another desert near tlie said river Lububuri, which we did not cross. We arrived at two in the afternoon, having marched with the sun as before, and having met no one. [32nd.] Tuesday, 5th. — We started from our desert-lodging near the river Lububuri at six in the morning ; we passed no river. We reached the river Lububuri, which we forded, the water being up to our waists ; this river is about forty fathoms wide, and has a stony bottom. We saw some people, the slaves of the potentate named Cha Muginga Mucenda; we spoke to these people, whose language is similar to that of the town of Cazembe. We arrived near the said farm at 2 p.m., we said nothing about our object, and built our huts on the other side of the river, near it, but distant from the farm. We met with no one. [33rd.] Wednesday, 6th. — At seven in the morning we started from near the river Lububuri ; we passed no river. Dur- ing the journey we came to the farm of the said Cha Muginga Mucenda ; we treated with him regarding our object, that we were on our way to the King Cazembe, to seek for a white brother of our king, who had travelled by sea, and to see if he was in the said Cazembe's dominions. This potentate is a chief of the Cazembe, who renders obedience both to the Muropue and to the Cazembe: the said Cazembe has left him to cultivate all kinds of provisions, wherewith to supply all travellers coming from the Muropue to Cazembe, taking tribute, and called by them " Mulambo," as also for those who come from Cazembe to Muropue, taking the tribute sent by the said King Cazembe to his King Muropue. On the day of our arrival he presented us with a murondo of pomb'e. This city of Cha Muginga Mu- cenda, being the boundary on that side of the territories of Muropue, the territory on this side being those of Cazembe, we gave him a present of ten chuabos and two small looking- glasses. He answered that he was preparing some food for us to take to Cazembe, because that, halfway along the road, until we came to the Salina, we should get nothing to eat. At this same place we halted six days, for the purpose of collecting extra provisions. We reached this same farm at noon, and we built some distance from it, near and on the further side of a river called Camonqueje. We met no one. PROM MUROPUE TO CAZEMBE. 177 [34th.] Thursday, 1th. — We arose at 6 A.M., and started from Cha Muginga Mucenda's farm ; we left our huts, passed no river, and on the journey we came to a desert-lodging called Musula Aponpo. We arrived at this lodging-place at 2 p.m., and built our huts to the east of the river " Lubury." We marched with the sun on our left. After we had built, some slaves of Cha Muginga Mucenda, coming with salt from the Salina, passed and saw our lodging-place. We marched with the sun as before, and met no one. [35th.J Friday, 8th. — Started at 5 A.M. from the desert lodging Musula Aponpo. We passed a narrow running river named the son of the river Lunfupa (Lufula ?). During our journey we crossed the said Lunfupa, the water up to our waists; this river is about lifteen fathoms wide, it runs into the river Luaba (Lualaba ?). We reached this at noon, and saw nothing to disturb us ; we built our huts beyond and near the river's side, and met with no one. [36th.j Saturday, 9th. — We set out at 2 a.m. from the desert lodging near the river Lunfupa. We passed a narrow running river, name not known, and came to another desert-lodging near a large river-plain called Quebonda, with a small stream in it : here we found some black hunters with the game they had arrowed ; they were going the same way as ourselves, to the Salina to buy salt ; they did not inform us whence they came.' We met no one. [37th.J Sunday, 10th. — ^We arose at the iirst cockcrow, and started from the Quebonda plain, We were till midday crossing this plain. During our journey we came to a halting-place on the top of a hill, called Inpume, near the river, two fathoms wide, called Camoa, which runs into the Lualaba. We reached the before-mentioned lodging at three in the afternoon; we built our huts on the further top of the same hill ; we had no rain. We met some blacks of Cha Muginga Mucenda, coming from the Salina; they told us that the potentate Quebule, a relation of the Cazembe, governor of the salt district, was well. [38th.] Monday, 11th.— We left our lodging on the hill Inpume at 5 a.m. ; we passed no river. During our march we came to another desert-lodging, near the stream called Oatomta, and the lodging called Muary Agoia, being in the lands of Cazembe. We marched now with the sun in our front, and arrived at the above lodging at noon. We met some blacks coming from the salt districts, but saw nothing unusual. N 178 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTIST A [39th.] Tuesday, 12th. — We started from our desert-lodging Oatomta at 6 a.m. ; passed a narrow stream. During the journey we came to another desert-lodging, near a river two fathoms wide, called Huita Amatete, which runs into the Eiver Lua- laba. The said lodging being a Ipng way off from the farm of a black named Muire, a potentate of Cazembe, this man came to our lodging at nightfall: we conyersed with him about our journey to King Cazembe, made by order of Muropue. He answered that the Cazembe was well, and also his relation, the potentate Quibury, Lord of the Salina ; be offered us no provisions. We arrived at this lodging at 3 P.M., without rain. We marched with the sun in our front ; met no one and saw nothing of note. [40th.] Wednesday, 13th. — We started from the farm of Muire at 5 a.m. We passed a small stream called Mulonga Ancula, which runs into the Lualaba. On leaving this place, Muire obliged us to present him with something ; we gave him a chuabo of Indian cloth and twenty small Canddo (Canudo, bugles ?) beads ; he went away contented. We con- tinued our journey, and reached the desert halting-place called Luiana (Quiana ?) Acananga, near a running stream termed the Son of the Abulonga (Mulonga) Ancula Eiver. We halted at 2 P.M.; marched with the sun as before, and met many salt-buyers trayelling to the Muropue. We built our kraal near the same stream ; had no rain, and met no one. [41st.] Thursday, lith. — We started at four in the morning from our desert-lodging Luiana (Quiana ?) Acananga. Dur- ing the journey we crossed a narrow stream from the east, called Luigila, which forms a large river-plain, where it dis- charges into the river Lualaba. In this river-plain they get salt; in order to obtain which, they cut the grass which is there found, and burn it ; they then throw the ashes into small pans which they make, and proceed to prepare " luada " water. They make their general measure of a small pan, by which they sell the salt at the rate of ten pans for a chuabo. We reached this place at three in the afternoon, and built our huts the other side of the vaUey. The sun was as usual; there was no rain; we met with no one, and saw nothing remarkable. [42nd.] Friday 15th. — Halted ; our guide being ill. Saturday, 16th.— We got up at 7 a.m., and started from the river-plain ; we found ourselves descending into another river-plain. Passing no river during the journey, we came to PROM MUEOPUB TO CAZEMBE. 179 "the said river-plain ; we reached the said lodging at noon ; we went into the houses already made by the salt-buyers ; we met with no one. The river Lualaba, where the potentate ■Quibury was on the other side, being very distant, we had nothing to say with his chiefs there. We saw nothing re- markable. [43rd.] Sunday nth. — At 5 A.M. we got up, and started in the river-plain, and found ourselves descending it. We passed no river. During the march we crossed the Eiver Xiualaba in a canoe. This river is about fifty or more fathoms wide ; it discharges itself into the Lunheca. We came to another chief of the same potentate, Quibury of the Cazembe. The guide sent and gave notice of our arrival. He (the chief) directed that we were to lodge near his walls. We did not speak with him. We arrived at said place at midday without rain, having marched with the sun in our front. We met no one. [Mth.J Monday, 18th. — We halted at the farm of the chief ■Quibury, at six o'clock in the day. He sent for us, and we conversed with him about our project ; that we had come from Angola, sent by his friend our King, whom they call Mueneputo, to see his superior, the King Cazembe ; also that we were sent by Muropue, with orders to the said King Cazembe to treat us without malice; that we were going to seek the brother of our said King, who had gone by sea, to find if he were in the territory of said King Cazembe ; and that we should ask permission to go on to the town of Tette to see if he was there, for which purpose Muropue had given us this his guide Cutaqua- seja, that he might deliver the message entrusted to him by Muropue to King Cazembe. We so acted knowing that all the ■chiefs would not let travellers with merchandise going to the lands of others pass ; that if travellers who came to their places did not trade with them, they would, little by little, rob them by false pretences just like thieves. The Chief Quibury answered that white men were to be found in Cazembe who had come there to trade; that he did not know whence they had come, or through whose dominions ; that he heard a white soldier had been found who had left those white traders ; and that when we saw King Cazembe it would be well for us to treat with him. He presented us with two handfuls of fresh-killed bush-meat. We halted with him eight days, arranging all this. We pre- sented him with twenty chuabos, one hundred milk-stones, a small mirror, and a Portuguese musket. He then allowed us to proceed on our journey. N 2 180 EOUTB JOURNAL OP P. J. BAPTISTA [45tli.j Tuesday IQth. — :At 7 a.m. we started from the farm of Quibury, a relation to the Cazembe. We passed no river. We found ourselves going down in the same direction as the river Lualaba. During the journey we came to the halting- place near a stream called " Chafim," which runs into the said Lualaba. We arrived at the halting-place at noon. We marched with the sun in our front ; and built near this side of the said stream. We met many common animals, and saw nothing rare or strange. [46th.J Wednesday, 20ih. — At 5 a.m. we left our desert- lodging near the stream " Chafim." We crossed the " Chafim," and during the march we came to another desert halting- place near a stream called Bacasacala. Arrived there at two- in the afternoon, without rain ; we built our circle to the east of the stream ; marched with the sun as before, and met with no one, [47th.J Thursday, 2lst. — At 6 a.m. we left the halting-place near the stream Bacasala (Bacasacala?). We passed a narrow running stream, and came to the top of a hill, the farm of the slaves of Quibury. We arrived at the said halting-place at 2 P.M. We built our circle near a small stream, without rain. We met no one. [48th.] Friday, 22nd. — At five in the morning we started from the place of the slaves of Quibury. Passed three small rivers, narrow, whose names we do not know. During our march we came to the place of the Chief of Quibury, named Camungo. We did not find this chief at this farm, only his "sons," he having gone to the chase. They allowed us to enter into their houses ; and we gave them a present of two chuabos of Indian cloths. We spoke with them about the journey we were making to Cazembe. We reached this place at noon, without rain. We marched with the sun in front. We met no one. [49th.] Saturday, 23rd. — We got up at dawn, and left the farm of the black, Camungo. We passed a small river, and came to the desert-lodging. We began building when rain fell, and we continued on in the rain to finish our circle near a small stream, the name of which we do not know. We reached the lodging at two in the afternoon. We marched with the sun as before. At midnight two lions came near our lodging, and Icept us awake by their roaring all night. By God's will they (lid us no harm. We met no one, and saw nothing of import- ance. FROM MUROPUB TO OAZEMBE. 181 [50th.] Simday, 2ith. — We got up at 5.30 a.m., and started from our desert-lodging, We passed three narrow rivers. We came to another halting-place, the farm of the potentate Anpala being distant half a league. We arrived at the lodging at two in the afternoon. We built on this side of a river called Ancula, without rain. We met some black salt-merchants, who were going to buy provisions at the farm of the potentate Anpala. We went with the sun in the same position as before. [51st.] Monday, 25th. — We started at cockcrow from our lodging near the river Ancula. We found ourselves going up with the said river Ancula. We passed a narrow stream, and, during the march, came to another desert-lodging near and on this side of the river Ancula. We entered the hunters' circle. We arrived at midday, without rain. We marched with the sun in our front. We met no one. [52nd.] Tv£sday, 26th. — We rose at 6 a.m., and started from the river Anonla (Ancula ?). We passed two small rivers, whose names we are ignorant of ; and during the journey we came to the farm of a black called the son of the potentate Pande, by name Muana Auta, to whom we did not speak, as he had gone to his father's farm. They ordered us to go in the houses of the people of the said 'potentate Pande. We reached there at midday, near the river EiLomba (Eilomba?). We presented two chuabos and a hundred cowries. It being afternoon, I went hunting, and shot a deer. The slaves of our guide found a dead buffalo, which had been killed by a lion. We met no one. [53rd.] Wednesday, 21th. — At two in the morning we started from the farm called Muana Auta. We passed a stream called Quimane. During the journey we came to the place of the potentate called Pande, whom we did not see there the day we arrived ; and he only entertained our guide, who came to us with a demijohn of drink called " ponbe." The bearer brought in word that he was occupied with messengers from King Cazembe, and that he would see us when he had more leisure We arrived in the said farm at two in the afternoon, and built our circle ziear a river called Murucuxy, on the other side of it. We marched with the sun in our front, and met no one. [54th.] Thursday, 28th. — A halt, caused by the said poten- tate ; as also, on Friday, Saturday, and Sunday, in order to treat with him about our journey to King Cazembe, he being a chief. We told him we were going to King Cazembe, from Muropue, who had sent us with a guide capable of conducting 182 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA us to the town of Tette, to deliver a letter to the Most Illustrious - Governor of that town, sent by the king whom they call Musneputo. We presented him with twenty chuabos of good woollen cloths, and he offered us two quicapos of millet and thirty slices of dry buffalo flesh, and told us we might continue our journey, and go on prosecuting our plan. [55th.J Monday, 1st of October. — We rose at 6 a.m., and set out from the farm of Pande. We passed two narrow streams during the journey. We came to the farm of a black named Oahiumbo- Camara. We did not speak to him on the day of our arrival ; only two blacks came to our lodging to see us. We gave them no present. We reached there at two in the afternoon, and were not persecuted for gifts. We went into the houses of the travellers who go to Cazembe. We marched with the sun in our front, and met no one. [5 6th. J Tuesday, 2nd. — We left the city of the black Oahiumbo Camara at cockcrow. We crossed a river, near- which we passed the night. During the journey we came to the desert halting-place called Quidano (Quidaxi ?), near a river, whose name we do not know. We reached there at midday. We built on this side of it, finishing our circle in the rain. We met no one. In crossing a large river-plain we saw numerous zebras feeding there ; when we approached they fled. r57th.J Wednesday, 3rd. — We got up at two in the morning,, and started from our desert-lodging " Quidano." We passed a narrow river, and during the journey we came to the ancient farm of a black named Luncongi, now depopulated. We- arrived at our lodging at four in the afternoon, without rain. We built our circle near a small stream, whose name we do not know. We journeyed with the sun in our front, and met with no one. [58th.] Thursday, Ath. — At 7 o'clock a.m. we got up and started from the depopulated farm of Luncongi. We passed no river ; and during the journey we came to the new farm of the same potentate Luncongi, on the other side of a river named Luvire, which we crossed by canoe — it may be about twelve fathoms wide, and discharges itself into the Luapula. We entered the houses of the farm, and spoke with the said black Luncongi about our journey to Cazembe. We presented him with a chuabo. He told us King Cazembe was well ; that he was willing to get food for our guide who had brought us ; and FROM MUEOPUE TO CAZEMBE. 183 \fiih. this idea we remained all day on Friday. He brought for the guide four pieces of fresh meat, and for us twenty, saying that in his farm there was a great deal of hunger. [59th.J Friday, 5th. — We started at 6 a.m. from the farm of Luncongi ; passed two rivers, the names not known, which run into the river Luvire. During the march we came to the halting-place, near the same river Luvire. We came down with the same river, and arrived at the halting-place at three in the afternoon. We built our circle amid plenty of rain. We marched with the sun in front, and met no one. [60th.j Saturday, 6th. — We started from the solitary halting- place at cockcrow, and without rain. We passed no river, and during the march, we came to the place of a small potentate named Muene Majamo Amuaxi. We told him about our journey, that we were going to King Cazembe, and pre- sented him with nothing. We arrived at this place at two o'clock. We built our huts near and on the other side of the river called Musumbe. We met no one, and saw nothing rare or important. [61st.] Sunday, 1th. — At seven o'clock in the morning we left the city of the Muene Majamo. We passed no river, and came to the place of a potentate called Muaxy. We conversed with him, saying that we were going to King Cazembe, by order of the Muropue. He said that the heir to the state of Cazembe was well ; and that he on his part entertained us on behalf of King Cazembe. We halted one day for him to give us pro- visions. We reached this farm at midday, and he sent us word to occupy the houses of his slaves. We journeyed with the sun in front, and met no one. Presented him with seven chuabos and a small mirror. He gave us five quicapos of small millet, and sixty pieces of flesh, telling us to continue our journey. [62nd.] Monday, 8th. — ^At 5 a.m. we started from the farm of the potentate Muaxy. We passed a stream of narrow width, its name not known, and during the journey we arrived at the desert-lodging near a small narrow river, with stony bottom, name of it not known. We reached this place at 4 p.m., without rain. We built our circle on this side of the river, and we met three blacks who were going to buy salt at the farm of Muaxy above named, having come from the court of King Cazembe. We marched with the sun in our front, and saw nothing new. I [63rd.] Tuesday, 9th. — At 2 a.m. we started from oursolitary 184 ROUTE JOURNAL OP P. J. BAPTISTA lodgiDg. We passed five streams — names unknown — and fomid ourselves ascending a hill called Cunde Irugo. In the course of the march we crossed a river named Cavulancango, at 6 a.m. we started from the said Cavulancango, which is about seven fathoms wide, the water being up to our waists when crossing ; it runs into the river Luapula. We reached the said lodging at noon, and built our circle on the other side, near the river. We met six black slaves of Cazembe going to the city of Muaxy. We said nothing to them. Marched with the sun as before. [64th.J WedmesdMy, lOth. — At 6 a.m. we started from near the river Cavulancango. Passed no river. Were ascending the hill Cunde Irugo. During the march we came to another stopping-place, near a narrow river called the Son of Cavulan- cango. On the top of the said hill we reached our lodging, at two o'clock, without rain. We entered the circle of the travellers on the other side of the river. Marched with the sun as before. [65th.] Thursday, l\(h. — We arose at 2 a.m., and left our desert-lodging. Passed two running streams, and on the march came to another desert-lodging on the top of the said hill. We arrived during rain at six in the afternoon, built our circle, and met no one. reeth.J Friday, \2{h.—A.i seven in the morning we got up, and left the top of the hill. We passed seven narrow streams which run into the Luapula. We came to another desert near a narrow river, where we found a circle made. We met nobody, and walked with the sun in our front. [67th.] Saturday, l^th,. — At 2 a.m. we left our desert- lodging. We passed two streams, and pushing on crossed a river called Lutipuca, five fathoms wide, running into the Luapula. During the journey we arrived at the place of a chief of Cazembe, named Sota. We did not find him in the farm, he having gone to pay tribute to Cazembe. We' halted at two o'clock, without rain, and gave no presents. [68th.] Sunday, 14ih.—We started from_ Sota's farm at dawn. Passed the river Lutipuca a second time on foot. On the journey we came to a desert-lodging near a stream' — name of it not known. Arrived at noon at said lodging. We now march with the sua on oui- right. We met with no one. [69th.] Monday, 15ih.—At 5 a.m. we left our desert- lodging. Passed no river on the march. We came to FROM MUROPUE TO CAZEMBE. 185 another desert-lodging near the river Lutipuca. We fol- lowed it downwards, and arrived at it at noon, without rain. Marched with the sun on our right. Met no one, and saw nothing new. [70th.] Tuesday, 16th. — We got up and started from our lonely halting-place. During the march we came to the farm of a small potentate of Cazembe, named Munxaqueta. We talked with him concerning our journey to King Cazembe, and he sent word to us to stay in the houses of his people. We reached this place at two in the afternoon. We presented him with four xuabos of serafina cloth. He told us he was pleased with the present, and directed us on our road. We did nothing else. [71st.] Wednesday, \lth. — We got up at cockcrow, and left the farm of Munxaqueta. We passed through a magnificent river-plain with little water, it is about ten leagues in length, full of zebras, buffaloes, deer, stags, and many other animals not known to us by name. We came to the farm of another potentate named Muaxies, and of his brother named Quiocola : we spoke regarding our journey to King Cazembe. We reached this place at 4 p.m. We presented the two potentates with twelve chuabos. They said King Cazembe was well. We met no one, and marched with the sun as before. [72nd.] Thwrsday, 18tli. — Got up at five in the morning, and left the farm of Munxaqueta. Had no rain. We crossed the said river-plain, and on the west of it canoe'd over the river Luapula. Gave the pilots or boatmen two chuabos of woollen stuffs. We came to the farm of a black named Tambo (Amtapo ?) Aquilala, and spoke with him about our journey to King Cazembe from the Muropue. We arranged our own matters, arrived in this place at 4 p.m. Built near the farm. The river Luapula is about fifty-seven fathoms wide. We do not know where it discharges itself. Met no one. [73rd.] Friday, 19th. — Got up at 6 A.M., and started from the place of Tambo Aquilala. Passed no river, but followed down the course of the river Luapula, and came to the farm of Cazembe's sister, named Pemba,* near the same river. She directly sent us to lodge in the houses of her people. We did not speak with her on the day of our arrival. Eeached the farm at two in the afternoon, having met no one. * In tlie other journal it is also a sister. See page 217. — E. F. B. 186 EOUTE JOURNAL OF P. J, BAPTISTA [74th.J Saturday, 20^fc— Halted in the Cazembe's sister's farm, by her own order. At two in the morning, she sent for us^ and we went inside her walls. She asked whence we came. We replied, from Angola and the court of Muropue, who had given us the guide. That we had come to speak with her brother King Cazembe, to get permission to go on to the town of Tette. She replied it was very good on the part of Muropue to send white people to speak with her brother ; that none of Muropue's predecessors had done so ; that it was a very great fortune for her brother Cazembe's heir to the State. She offered us a large she-goat, forty fresh lish, two bottles of a drink called " pombe," and six quicapos of dry mandioca flour. We presented her ■with thirty -two xuabos, a blue glass, and a " mozenzo " of a hundred white stones. She said she was much pleased with our gifts. We waited there that site might send notice of our arrival to her brother. King Cazembe, as it is obligatory on her part when travellers come to report them to her brother. With this end we waited six days at her farm, when the carriers came in search of us. [75th.] Satwday llfh. — Got up and left the farm of Cazembe s sister at 7 a.m. Had no rain. We followed down the course of the Luapula. Passed a river of two fathoms' width, name unknown, which runs into the Luapula. During the journey we came to the farm of a black named Murumbo : we reached it at midday. We met no one, and marched with the sun on our right. We lodged in the houses of the farm, and saw nothing rare or important. [76th.J Sunday, 28th. — We got up at 2 A.M., and started from the farm of Murumbo. We marched down with the above- named river on our left. We passed two rivers, Lufubo and Capueje, which run into the above-named river. During the journey we came to the farm of a black named Gando, near a river called Gona, here we gave no presents. We reached it at six in the afternoon. We marched with the sun as before. [77th.J Monday, 29th. — -At 5 a.m. we got up and started from the farm of Gando, near the river Gona. We passed two rivers, one called Belenje, the other's name not known ; during the march we came to the place of a black named Canpungue. W^e reached this place at three in the afternoon, and met a good number of King Cazembe's people carrying firewood. We pre- sented this black, Canpungue, with a chuabo of " Zuarte " or Indian cloth ; he told us to continue our journey, as the Cazembe was expecting us. FROM MUEOPUE TO CAZEMBE. 187 [78th.J Tuesday, SOth. — At seven a.m. we started from the place of the black, Canpungue — had no rain ; we passed no river, and during the journey came to the place of a black named Luiagamara, of the Cazembe. Eeaching this place at four in the afternoon, we lodged in the houses near a river called Canengua, narrow, and running into the river called Mouva, near which Cazembe's city is situated. We gave no- present to the owner of this place ; we halted there, and sent forward a day's notice of our arrival ; we waited a little time, when the King Cazembe's messenger arrived, bringing us, as guest-gift, four murondos of a drink called " ponbe," one hundred pieces of fresh meat, with some manioc flour for our consump- tion, and also a message from King Cazembe, asking us to- remain at present where we were, that he would send for us later. Day breaking directly, and it being two o'clock in th& morning, he sent for us by his chief, with orders that on our arrival near the walls of his chiefs (ancestors ?), we should fire oft" all our guns, as a signal that we had arrived at his capital. He- ordered us to lodge with one of his gatekeepers, named Fumo Aquibery. We did nothing respecting our journey on this day : he sent us for our people, however, some provisions, manioc- flour, fish, fresh meat, and " pombe," she-goats, and meats already prepared ; he said he would see us with great pleasure. When morning broke, he sent word for us to come and tell him what brought us there. We found him seated in the public highway, where he was accustomed to deliver his judgments to his- people, surrounded by all the gre.at potentates of his councils. He was robed in his silks and velvets, and had beads^ of various kinds on his arms and legs ; his people surrounded him, and he had all his instruments of barbarous grandeur round about him. He sent to say that the guide who had come with us from his Muropue should speak. The guide said, " I bring you some white men here from the king they call Muenuputo ; they come to communicate with you. King Cazembe; treat them well, without malice, and execute the wishes entrusted to them: grant them. King Cazembe, per- mission, together with some guide, who you may see able to conduct them, to go to the town of Tette, to deliver a letter to- the Most Hlustrious Governor of that town, they being entrusted with this mission in Angola, whence they came." Muropue also- strongly recommends you will do all necessary to despatch the travellers where they wish to go, and afterwards send -them back to Muropue, in order that he may return them whence they came." The King Cazembe said that he esteemed it much,, and not a little, his Muropue's having sent travellers from afar ; that for a long time past he had entertained the idea of opening i88 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA the road to Senna ; that he was very pleased to see travellers from Muropue, none of whose predecessors had similarly acted before; that he would do all in his power — ^not only pro- vide a guide, but go with us himself as far as the War- camp, to fight the highwaymen and robbers who meet with and intercept people on the road coming to communicate with him. King Cazembe. We had gone with King Cazembe as far as a farm of his people, about half a league from Ca,zembe, with numerous troops to escort us on the road ; after this, a perturbation spread among his people, who did not wish to fight, so the attempt was frustrated ; we returned to the farm with him against his wish. He began to cast out his chiefs ; he cut the ears of some, others he mulcted in slaves and manilhas (bracelets); and on the second month he handed us over to his chief named Muenepanda to accompany us with more people. On our reaching a desert-lodging called Quipire, he turned back, saying that the town of Tette was a long way off; that the force he (Muenepanda) had to oppose to the potentates he might meet on the road was very small ; that he did not wish to run any risk. We returned with him, and after waiting another half month, the black, named Nharugue, belonging to Gonpalo Caetauo Pereira arrived, and we started and marched in his company till we reached this town of Tette. King Cazembe is very black, a fine, stout young man, with small beard, and red eyes ; he is very well accustomed to white traders, who come to his court to buy and sell such articles as seed, manioc flour, maize, millet, haricot beans, a good many " canas " (sugar-cane ?), and fish which the people catch in the river near there called Mouva. Ivory comes from the other side the river Luapula, and is brought as tribute by the people ; green stones (malachite) are found in the ground, called " catanga " ; traders from the Muizas people come and buy ivory, in exchange for tissues and merchandise ; another nation, named Tungaldgazas, brings slaves and brass bracelets, cowries, palm-oil, and some goods which King Cazembe has, come from the Cola (Angola ?), a land of Muropue, also fine large beads. There is a good deal of salt in that part, which they get from the ground ; there is also another kind of rock-salt which is brought as tribute from the salt district, on the road to Muropue's territory, called Luigila, where he has a chief and a relation, named Quibery, who takes account of the Salina, and sends tributes of salt to his Muropue, besides buying it of the travellers who come from Muropue. I have made no entry of the rainy days we stopped, or of those when we were detained by sickness. I saw nothing more at the Court of King Cazembe which I have forgotten to write ; I saw nothing but that ali-eady stated. FROM CAZEMBB TO TBTTE. 189 Documents relative to the Journey from Angola to the EivERS OF Senna. No. 1. (December)— 1810. Route Journal which I, Pedro Joao Batista, made on my journey from Cazembe to the town of Tette, [1st.] — Lodging at Casocoma, a farm of our " Cazembe of the Road " (guide), who led us ; he is called, after country-fashion, Catara. This day we left the city of King Cazembe, at seven in the morning. We crossed a river called Lunde, not very broad, which runs into the other river Mouva, near which lives the said Cazembe. We marched with the sun in front, and met no one. [2nd.] — Started from the farm of Catara Casocoma, at two in the morning; passed a stream, and on the march came to the place of a black named Quihono, slave of the daughter of the Cazembe, named Quitende. We lodged in their houses ; we halted there, and waited for Cazembe's road-escort, which had stayed behind. A delay of three days was caused by the same. We met no one, and saw nothing new. [3rd.] — Started from the farm of Quihono at iive in the morning; crossed no river. During the march came to the desert-lodging near a narrow river called Capaco ; and having crossed another river called Bengeli, four fathoms wide, which runs into the river Mouva before-mentioned, we met two blacks loaded with dry fish, going to the large farm of the said Cazembe. We saw nothing more. [4th.] — ^Left our desert-lodging at eight in the morning; did not pass any river during the march. We arrived at a de- serted farm of a black named Muiro, near the same before- named river we came down by. Eeached this place at 4 p.m., marched with the sun in front ; we halted in the old houses of the farm. We stayed at this place one day, waiting for an ivory belonging to Catara. [5th.] — Left the deserted farm of Muiro at two in the morning. 190 EOUTE JOURNAL OP P. J. BAPTISTA During the journey we came to and passed a rivernamed Luena, about seventeen fathoms wide: it discharges itself into the river named Carucuige. We arrived at the desert-lodging near the same river Luena, built our circle, and met with no one. [6th.] — From the lodging in the desert near the river Ben- lengi, say Luena, we started at cockcrow, and came to another desert (lodging ?) called Muchito Agumbo. We reached this at two in the afternoon, travelled with the sun as before ; we did not meet with any one. [7th.] — Left our lodging in the desert Muchito Agumbo at seven in the morning ; passed three small streams. During the journey we came to the place of a black named Cangueli and to the lands of a potentate of Cazembe, named Muenepanda. We reached there at three in the afternoon, near a narrow river whose name we do not know, which runs into the river named Panpaje ; there we halted by order of the said King Cazembe, who wished to send some provisions to Catara. [8th.] — Rose at dawn, and, without rain, started from the place of the black Cangueli. During the journey we came to the desert-lodging near a narrow river named Muangi, on the ■other side of which we reached the said lodging at noon. Marched with the sun in front, and did not meet any one. [9th.] — At 4 A.M. we set out from the desert-lodging near the river Muangi. We passed two streams, names xmknown. During the march we came to another desert-lodging near a narrow river called Camicomba. We reached the same at two in the afternoon; built our circle near said river; met with no one ; marched with the sun as before. " [10th.] — ^From near the river Camicomba we started at six in the morning. Passed no river. During the march we came to another desert near a running stream named Caquietatume. We arrived there at three in the afternoon. We made a stay of two days there, awaiting ivory from the Cazembe. We met with no one. [11th. J — At cockcrow we got up and started from the desert near the river Caquila. Passed a river named Lufunbo, three fathoms in width. During our march we came to another desert near a river, the name of which we do not know. We reached there at four in the afternoon ; built our huts near said river, whose further side we had followed down. No rain. Met with no one. FROM OAZEMBB TO TETTE. 191 [12tli.] — At six in the morning we set out from our desert halting-place. Passed no river, and during the journey we came to the desert-lodging called Luipiri. We reached the same at Ave-Maria (nightfall) without rain. We occupied the houses already built by the traTelling Muizas. We met with no one. [13th.] — At dawn we got up and startedfrom the desert-lodging Luipiri. Passed seven small streams ; names unknown. During the march we came to the village of a deceased potentate named Luibue, whom Cazembe had killed in battle, and to the place of a potentate named Muiro Aquito, relation of the deceased Luibue. We arrived at two in the afternoon. We spoke with him about the journey we were making to the town of Tette, and stayed there as his guests. He gave the Cazembe of the road (guide) two quiapos of maize and two fowls, and told us we could continue our journey; that the way was open. CJatara gave, as a present, five blue stones. Nothing more passed between us. [14th.] — At two in the morning we started from the place of the potentate Muiro Aquito. Passed three streams, names un- known. During the journey we came to the place of a potentate named Luiama Cabanba, with the soubriquet " Sapue." We reached there at midday, and built on this side of and near a stream, of which they drink the water. He came to visit us, but brought nothing to entertain us with. [15th.] — At five in the morning we started from the place of Sapue. Passed five streams, and during the march arrived at the potentate Luiama's own farm. Arrived there at midday. Spoke with him regarding the journey we were making to Tette. He answered it was well. We built near a river called Lucuetue, and halted to buy some provisions, and, by order of King Cazembe, to receive from him various runaway slaves who had escaped on the last journey of Catara's. He, however, did not deliver them, excusing himself by saying they were in the lands of others of his subordinate relations, who were a long way off. [16th.] — We started from the farm of Luiama at eight in the morning, without rain. During the journey we came to the place of a black named Lupupa. We reached there at two in the afternoon ; built our circle near a river called Eungo. We marched with the sun as before ; met no one. We did nothing with him. We made only half a journey, because they wished us to give something to the said Lupupa. We gave a " capu- tem," and they went away. 192 EOUTE JOUENAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA [17th,J^ — At five in the morning we got up and started from the place of the black Lypupa. Passed no river, and during the journey we came to the farm of the said people, whose chief is called, after the country-fashion, Camango. We spoke with him, telling him we were going to Tette in the company of Gonpalo Caetano's black. To him we gave nothing. We arrived at this farm about nightfall ; built close to it, and near a narrow river, whose name we do not know. Had no rain. Marched with the sun in our front. [18th.] — At 6 o'clock a.m. we set out from the place of Camango. We forded a river named Lunbanzenge, with water up to our waists. During the march we came to the farm of a black named Cacomba, on this bank of the river which we crossed. We arrived at noon, and built near the said black's farm. We halted there, waiting for Catara, who was staying behind. We met no one. [19th.J-^Started at six in the morning from the farm of Mobengi. Crossed the river Hiabenge on foot. During the journey we arrived at (the place) of a black named Quiota, who came and paid us a visit at our lodging in his own interest, thinking we would give him something, named Luipata. We gave him nothing = Halt.* Started from the farm of Cazembe, which we left at 5 A.M. We crossed a stream, and came to the city of a potentate named Mobengi Acalams. We spoke with him about our going to Tette. We presented him a hundred small milk-stones and a bag of salt. We reached this place at noon, and when we had begun building he sent us a she-goat and two alqueires of maize. We halted there a day, awaiting Catara. We met no one. [20th.J — ^From our lodging at Mobengi's place we started at 6 A.M. ; crossed the river Heabengi on foot. During the journey we came to the place of a black named Luiota, who came to visit us in his own interest at our lodging, that we might give him something, named Luipata. We gave him nothing. At nightfall we reached this place, not having passed any one. We marched with the sun in our faces. [21st.J We started out from the place of Luiota at two in the morning without rain. We crossed three streams, names unknown. During the march we reached the place of a black * Evidently this is a maa'ch (No. 20), but for some reason, possibly a clerical error, it is not counted. FROM CAZEMBE TO TETTE. 193 named Muazabanba, with whom we treated concerning our journey to Tette, that they called Nhunque. The Cazembe of the road gave him a "bixo" (slave-boy); he gave as presents two " alqueires " of maize. We reached this place at four in the afternoon, having marched with the sua in our front, and having met no one. [22nd.] At early dawn we left the farm of Muazabanba, with- out rain ; crossed three streams, names unknown. During the journey we came to the place of the potentate named Capeco, the farm of that barbarian being some way off. We presented him with two bags of salt, which he took against his wish, wanting cloth. We reached said place at three in the after- noon, and built near a narrow river, name unknown. The sun in the same position on our march, during which we met no one. [23rd.] At 6 a.m. we left the place of Capeco Calubunda, crossing two streams during the journey, and thence we left the lowlands we were travelling through, and went on ascending hills of rock. We came to a desert-lodging near a stream. We got there at four in the afternoon; marched with the sun in our front, and passed no one. [24:th.] Started at 7 a.m. from the desert-lodging, crossed two narrow rivers; one named Benzi, the other Macala. We came to the city of the people of a chief named Muceba ; we spoke not with them of any gifts. We reached this place at four in the afternoon, built near a stream named Ca Meguigo ; travelled with the sun in our front, and met no one. [25th.] From the farm of the people of Muceba we started at early dawn, crossed two streams, and during the journey we came to the farm of Muceba's head- wife; she is not in the place, only her "sons" are. We spoke to them about our journey to Tette. They begged something for Luipata (a present). We replied we had not brought anything to give as Luipata ; they did not cease to oppose us. We reached this place at four in the afternoon, built our circle near a river, name unknown, whose water they drink ; we met no one. [26th.J We left the head-wife's farm* at six in the morning- We crossed a river named Huombia, and came, to the place of a slave of the said Muceba, named Luinhiba do Cazembe. We arrived with him at midday, without i-ain. In this place Catara gave a bixo de Luipata (negro boy as gift) to the said 194 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA black that the present might be passed^ on to Muceba, lord of the lands. We met with two blacks, people of Muceba's, and saw nothing, that caused us trouble. [27th.] From the farm of Luinhiba we started at six in the morning, crossed a river called Quibanga, and during our march we came to the great farm of the said Muceba. We conversed with him about our journey to Tette, and presented him with a "Caputim ;" while the Cazembe of the road gave him a black woman. We reached this place at three in the afternoon, and we built near the river, of which they drink the water, having met no one. [28th.J Started from the farm of the chief Muceba at 8 a.m. ; crossed a river "called Luvira. We continued our march till nightfall, and slept at a desert-lodging near a stream, name unknown. [29th.J Left the desert-lodging at daybreak; passed two farms, called Calembe and Gapelebanda. We came to another farm of a black named Muaza Muranga, where we arrived at Ave-Maria time ; built near a river named Eoanga the Little. We treated of nothing with them. Marched with the sun in our front, and met no one. [30th.] At first cockcrow we arose and started from the place of Muaza Muranga ; crossed no river ; and during the march we came to the river Aruangoa, which we crossed on foot — this river is said to be thirty fathoms wide. We arrived ai midday, and we occupied the houses already built by the ti-avellers from Tette. Having a little time to spare, we were found in the same place by a number of blacks, loaded with tobacco, going to the other side (of the river). We met no one, and journeyed with the sun as before. [31st.] At dawn we left the river Aruangoa, and marched down in the same direction as the river. During the march we came to the farm of a black named Capangara ; had a good deal of rain. Arrived in this place at four in the afternoon, and built our circle near a narrow river called Eubinba. We marched last with sun on our left, and met no one. [32nd.] Started at 8 a.m. from Capangara's farm, crossed no river. Came to the chief, named Muazabanba, spoke with him about our journey to Tette ; Cataro, the Cazembe of the road, gave a " bixo ; " we two chuabos of red serafina. We FROM CAZEMBE TO TETTE. 195 reached this farm at midday without rain ; built our circle near the river called Matize, of which tliey drink the water; met with no one, and travelled with the sun on our left side. [33rd.] From Muazabanba's place we started at five in the m.orning ; passed a narrow river called Lucingi, came to the farm of some blacks, whom we do not know. Arrived at three in the afternoon, having met no one ; we marched with the sun as before. [34th.J We left the farm of the before-mentioned blacks at six in the morning, passed two small streams, whose names we do not know, and reached the farm of a black named- Quiceres Quiamorilo. We arrived here at two in the morning (after- noon ?), without rain ; built near a running stream, name not known, met some blacks loaded with tobacco ; marched with the sun as before. [35th.j From Quiceres Quiamorilo's farm we started at 6 A.M., crossed one river, and during the march came to the farm of the village of Capelema, belonging to two blacks, one named Capanga, the other Quicuta.' We said nothing to them, and built near the river called Camba, not very wide, of which they drink the water. Marched with the sun as before, and met no one. [36th.J Left the farm of Capangara at dawn. Passed a river we are ignorant of the name of, and during our march ctoie to the farm of a potentate, Capelemena, whom we did not find there, he having gone to his houses. We only found there his. head-wife and also his " sons." They began directly asking for "Luipata." The Cazembe of the road gave a "bixo." We reached this farm at noon, and built near a narrow river named Lucunzie. Marched with sun on our left, and met no one: [37th.] Left the farm of Capelemena at eleven in the morning, and came to the farm of the sister of the before mentioned ; we reached this place about nightfall. We treated of nothing with her. We crossed no river, met no one, and built near a small stream. [38th.] At 7 A.M. we got up, and started from the farm of Capelemena's sister ; we followed down the course of the river Lucunzie, and during the march came to the town of a potentate named Mocanda Caronga, and place of. the black named Quitanga Quiamuomba. We reached this place at midday, without rain, built near it, and met no one. 2 196 ROUTE JOUENAL OP P. J. BAPTISTA [39tli.] At cockcrow we started from the farm of Quitanga, passed no river, and during our march came to another farm of the people of said Mocanda. We spoke with them about our journey to Tette, and gave tliem nothing. Arrived at three in the afternoon ; marched with the sun as before. Met no one. [40tli.] At two in the morning we left Mocanda's people; crossed the great farm of the same Mocanda, and during the journey came to another of his people's farms, which we reached at four in the afternoon, without rain ; travelled as before, and did not meet any one. We gave no presents to the said blacks. [41st.] At 6 A.M. we got up and left the place above men- tioned ; crossed one river, name unknown. During the journey we came to the farm named Ponda. We reached it at seven in the evening, built near a narrow river named Luca; marched with the sun on our left, and met no one. [42nd.] We started from the farm of Ponda, at seven in the morning. We passed one stream, name unknown. During our march we came to the farm of the people of the potentate Gurula, which we crossed. We reached there with drizzling rain at noon. Built near a stream, and met no one. [43rd.] Started from the people of Gurula at five in the morning, crossed a river named Bue, and continuing our march we crossed three narrow rivers, and arrived at the city of a black named Luiangue. We got there at three in the after- noon, built during a good deal of rain, and near a river named Daramenca. Marched with the sun as before, and met no one. [44th.] From the farm of Luiangue we got up and started at dawn; passed a hill named Inamirombe, boundary of the chief Mocanda Caronga's lands. We came to the farm of a black named Cairaire ; we arrived there at two in the afternoon. We said nothing to any of them about our journey, and met no one. [45th.] Left the farm of Cairaire at six o'clock in the morning; crossed a narrow river, and during the march we came to the farm named Capata. We reached there at four in the afternoon. The people gave us houses to lodge in, so that we had not to build our circle. Marched with the sun on our ](;ft, and met no one.' [46th.J At six in the morning we left the farm Capata, FROM OAZEMBE TO TETTE. 197 without rain; crossed five narrow streams, names unknown; passed the old farm of Gonjalo Caetano; during our march came to another old deserted farm. We arrived at midday, with rain ; built near a stream, name unknown ; met no one, and saw nothing of rarity. [47th.J At two in the morning we started from the old farm; crossed a river called "Quiamuombo" the Smaller. During the journey we came to a desert, and built near a stream, whose name we do not know. We reached this lodging at noon, without rain. Met four blacks loaded with maize. We marched with the sun as before. [48th.J At two in the morning we started from our desert- lodging ; crossed a river four fathoms wide, name unknown, and, coming to another desert at five in the afternoon, we built near a, stream, the name unknown. We met no one. [49th.J Started from our desert - lodging at six in the morning, crossed a river three fathoms wide, name not known. During the march came to the farm of a black, whose name we do not know. We arrived there at two in the afternoon ; built in the rain, near the " Lovras " (probably " Lavras," or gold- washings) of the said black. We marched with the sun on our left, and saw nothing rare. [5 0th .J We left the farm of the black above-mentioned at two in the morning. We crossed three narrow rivers, whose names we do not know. During the journey we came to the farm of two blacks, named Catetua and Catiza ; we reached there at two in the afternoon, with rain. We marched with the sun as before. We met no one. [51st.] At two in the morning we started from the farm of Catetua, crossed three rivers, each three fathoms wide. We came to the farm of Dona Francisca, named Maxinga. We reached there at three in the afternoon, without rain, and lodged in the houses of the said blacks. We marched as before, and met no one. [52nd.] From Maxinga we started at 6 a.m. without rain ; crossed a river on foot, which had water up to our breasts; we do not know the name of it. During the march we reached the farm of some blacks, whose names we are ignorant of. We arrived there at midday, having met with no one ; we lodged in the houses of the farm. 198 QUESTIONS PUT TO P. J. BAPTISTA. [53rd.] At six o'clock in the morning we left the farm of the blacks. We crossed a river, whose name we do not know, and came to the farm of Gongalo Caetano, named Musoro- anhata. We did not find him there ; only the father-in-law of the same G-onpalo, by name Pascoal Domingos, who ordered us to occupy the houses of the slaves of the above-named. We reached this place at two in the afternoon without rain; we met with no one. [54th.J Started from Musoro-anhata at eleven in the morning ; crossed two small streams, whose names we do not know. During the march we came to the farm of Manoel Caetano, whom we found at home; he gave us shelter. We reached there at three in the afternoon with rain; we met no one.. [55th.] At two in the morning we set out from Manoel Caetano's place, crossed two streams, and came to the farm of the said Gonpalo Caetano Pereira. We arrived at noon; met some Hacks sent by him. We occupied the houses of bis Caffres by his order. We stayed in this place twenty days to rest ourselves ; marched with the sun as before. [56th.] At dawn we started from Gonpalo Caetano Pereira's farm ; crossed a narrow river, name unknown. During the march we came to the farm of a soldier named Macoco. We reached there at four in the afternoon; met a great many people. r57th.] Left the farm of the soldier Macoco, at seven in the morning. We crossed no river. During the journey we came near the river Zambeze; we crossed it in a canoe to this town, which we reached on Saturday, the 2nd of February, 1811. [No. 2.] On summoning to my residential quarters the two men, discoverers of the road from Angola to this town, I put the following questions to them : — I asked their names. One answered, his name was Pedro Joao Batista, and his comrade's Anastacio Francisco. Asked them whence they came, and by whose orders. They replied, they came from the interior of Angola, by order of His Excellency D. Fernando de Noronha, Captain-G-eneral of QUESTIONS PUT TO P. J. BAPTISTA. 199 Angola, who charged their master, Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da Costa, Cominander of the Fair of Casanje, to send them on a discovery, from that Western Capital to the Eastern Coast, from which master they brought a letter for the Governor of these Rivers. On being asked when they set out from the inner regions of Angola, they replied, they left the plantation named the Fair of Casanje at the end of November 1802 ; but that on the eighth day of the journey they met with resistance, not being allowed to pass beyond the farm of the chief Bonba, where they stayed till the year 1805, without being able to go either forward or back, to advise their master at their starting- place, that he might send them some goods, so that the chief would allow them to pass freely. However, as soon as they were able to give such information to their master, he assisted them with goods, to allow of their passing ; and that, pursuing their journey, they made a digression and went into the territory of another chief, named Mexico, which digression cost twenty days. That in the said farm, people wished to make war against them, and seize the goods they had with them, because, previously to their arrival, a merchant of the same fair had gone to this farm, and had taken, on credit, a certain number of slaves, a certain quantity of wax, and some ivory, and had not yet paid the said chief. However, they state that they con- tented him with a quantity of cloths, and he allowed them to leave freely. Continuing their journey thence they went to the farm of Catende, a petty king, now subject to the Grand Moropo, in which eight days were occupied from the previous farm ; and going on from this they went to the farm of Chaanbuje, distant l!rom the preceding three days; thence they proceeded to the town of Luibaica, distant four days from the last ; and thence they went to another farm, named Banga-Banga, in which they occupied two days; thence they went to the farm of the Moropo's mother, named Locon- queixa, in which journey they spent two days ; thence they went on to the capital of the Grand Moropo, and it is from this place that they began to keep the route-journal, which they delivered to me, up to this town of Tette. On asking them if, in this digression, since they had started from the inner regions of Angola to their arrival at Moropo's, they had found provisions and water on the road, they answered that they had found everything, and had paid for such things with their goods. On asking them if, since setting out from Mexico's farm to Moropo, as also from this to Cazembe, and aiterwards to this town, they had encountered any marauders, who had attempted 200 LETTER OP F. H. DA COSTA. to rob them of the goods they were carrying, they answered no, that on the contrary, they had met with much liberality in many farms. On asking them when they had arrived at Cazembe, and for what reason they did not continue their journey to this city, tbey answered that they arrived there in the year 1806, and that having no resources whatever to bring them on to this town, because of King Cazembe's being at war with the King of the Muizes, a country through which they would have to pas?, they remained in Cazembe till the end of the year 1810, when they then came on to this town. On asking them with M'hat amount of hospitality the King of Cazembe had treated them, they replied, that during the whole of the four years he had supplied them with all they needed, both food and clothing, so that all the time they wanted ibr nothing. , On asking them if they wished voluntarily to return by the same route, or whether they would prefer going by sea, as I could send them to Mozambique, so that they might inform their master of their proceedings, they answered that they wished to go back by the same route, as they were desirous of making a more complete and circumstantial route journal than the one they had presented to me ; but that to enable them to do this, I should have to provide them with goods from His Eoyal Highness, to maintain them on their journeys, to provide and pay the chiefs for safe-conducts, whom they would have to pass, and also to purchase some slaves to accompany them on the route, and carry them should either of them fail ill on the road. [No. 3.] (Copy.) Illusteious Sib, — The Most Serene Prince Eegent, our Lord, strongly urged upon the Most Illustrious and Excellent Dom Fernando Antonio de Noronha, Actual Governor and Captain- General of this State and Kingdom of Angola, on which this Fair of Casanje is dependent, the exploration and opening up of the Eastern with this Western Coast. His Excellency also ordered me to penetrate, if I could, as far as the Cazembe, where it is known that the illustrious Lacerda, worthy predecessor of your Excellency, had died ; and suggested I should write and communicate to your Excellency tliis most important object, so interesting to the whole nation, and so much desired by His Eoyal Highness, to whom all his faithful subjects are. LETTER OP F. H. DA COSTA. 201 with the greatest consideration, so ambitious to render services, and to unite in working together for the glory of such an excel- lent Sovereign. The importance of this communication led me to send all my slaves on so serious an enterprise, though I was obliged to be without them so far away in the interior, and distant from the capital of Angola. This will be delivered to your Excellency by my said slaves. I have striven in this matter since 1797 to obtain from Sucilo Bamba, Cambambi, Camapaca, and Mujumbo Acalunga, potentate and ruler of all Songo, a passage into the interior, to negotiate with all in general, and with the potentate Jaga Capanje, ruler of the lands in which this fair is situated. And for this reason, I turned to discover the means of communicating with your Ex- cellency through the above-named potentate. Ruler of all the Songo, concerning the expenses it was indispensable for me to incur with him; although I dissembled with him as to the principal purport of this business, by explaining to him the grief in which I was living, through my ignorance as to the existence of one of my brothers, who having taken a different route at sea, it was reported had travelled by land to Senna, and thence had gone to Cazembe, where he died. That I was in doubt as to whether such was the case or not ; that if it was as stated, it would at once remove all anxiety, and I should, after lamenting his loss, proceed to console myself for it, as is necessary in this life ; and should then go on to inquire what bad become of his property, and who had succeeded him in his rights. In this way, I succeeded in obtaining from him a passage through his dominions, and sent my slaves, accom- panied by his own vassals, to a coimtry named Louvar, in which the potentate Luinhame governs. Me informed, I say, that he was corresponded with and amicably treated, and in- formed me that he had just sent to ask for a daughter as his wife, to unite more closely the bonds of amity with those of relationship. He offered to send and ask that friend (now father-in-law, said to be to the west of the river LuambejOj which I believe runs to the eastern coast, but am not certain of yet, and who is a relation of Cazembe's, and owes, they say, allegiance to Cazembe) to have my messengers passed safely and peacefully by his people, that they may reach Cazembe. I write to the latter, requesting him to let these men come on to your Honour with my letter, by means of which I expect to obtain an exact knowledge of my said brother's fate, and who has succeeded to his rights according to the means that appeared best to me to adopt. Persons who have been sent to that capital to get information, recom- 202 DESPATCH OF J. D'O. BAEBOSA. mend that these inquiries should be conducted with all care and the greatest possible secrecy, so that the prejudices which the blacks entertain against the whites may not be disturbed ; they imagine that the latter never do anything except for their own profit, and to their (the blacks') prejudice, that the whites have no sincerity, and only turn their actions to their own advantage against them. Another great reason for the strife and jealousy existing among the black nations is, that the whites endeavour to profit by their superiority of situation and power, to subject to them other nations inferior in force and position. They are jealous lest the blacks should enjoy the same privileges, and thus be able to remove the yoke in which they are bound. They supply them, themselves, with some few things that they think neces- sary, adding whatever they think proper to their cost ; prevent- ing the others obtaining the same articles firsthand from whence they obtaia them, and which they have thus the power of supplying them with. You wiU kindly credit the profound respect I entertain for you, and honour me with your, to me, much esteemed corre- spondence, to effect the long-coveted discovery, in pursuance of the Koyal orders given to the Most Illustrious Governor and Captain-General of Angola, at whose suggestion and recom- mendation I decided to try and obtain those of your Honour for the same end. With all consideration, I most cordially kiss your Honour's hands, whom God keep many happy years. Fair of Casanje em Carmo de Quiriquibe, 11th November, 1804. The Most Illus- trious Governor of Senna and Tette. Your most obedient and respectful servant, (Signed) Feancisco Honoeato da Costa, Director of the Fair of Casanje. (B.) Most Illusteious and Excellent Sie, — I have the satisfac- tion of laying before your Excellency the letter from the Governor of the Rivers of Senna, which came by land, in consequence of the discovery of a communication between the two coasts of Eastern and Western Africa, with copies of the letter addressed to me by Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da Costa, Director of the Fair of Mucary, to whose fatigues and exertions this discovery is due, and the diaries of the journeys and other intelligence bearing on the same subject. The Pombeiro slaves belonging to the above-men- ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. 203 tioned director, named Pedro Joao Baptista and Amaro Joze, are embarked on board the frigate " Prince Dom Pedro," to be delivered to the Secretariat of State, so that they may personally give any other information to your Excellency. The above-said Lieutenant-Colonel, through my intervention, prays that His Eoyal Highness will remunerate him for his services to the extent that he deserves. God keep your Excellency. St. Paul's of the Assumption of Loanda, 25th January, 1815 = The Most Illustrious and Excellent Antonio de Araujo de Azevedo = (Signed) J.os^ de Oliveika Baebosa {Gaptain-Qeneral of Angola). [No. l.J This is another copy of the letter of F. H. da' Costa, tran- scribed in Part A, No. 6, page 236, and translated in pp. 198- 202 of this Appendix. [No. 2.] * One thousand eight hundred and six. — In the name of God, Amen. — Eoute Journal, which I, Pedro Joao Baptista, make on my journey from Muatahianvo to King Cazembe Caquinhata.— 1st day of the march and lodging, whence we started from the great farm of the said Muatahianvo, from his son's house, named, after the land fashion, Capenda Hianva, where we were lodging, or according to his post, Soana Mulopo of the Muata- hianvo, from which we set out at six o'clock in the morning. We crossed two rivers, one named Igiba, of four fathoms' width, the other Luiza, both of which run into the river Lulua ; during the journey we arrived at the place of the guide whom the said potentate Muatahianvo had given us to the Cazembe, named, after the country style, Cutaguaseje. We reached this place at dusk. Met a number of people, who were going to the Banza (abode) of the Muatahianvo, carrying to their masters provisions of dry manioc iiour, called "Bobo." Marched with the sun in our rear, and saw nothing unusual. [2nd.] Lodging of Cutaguaseje. Set out at seven in the morning. Passed three narrow runnng streams, whose names I do not know, which run into the river Luiza. Con- * This is the same Diary, with trifling variations, printed in pp. 169-188,- E. F. B. 204 EOUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. tinuing the journey, we again crossed the said river Luiza, and arrived at the place of the black named Caquiza Muexi, a slave of the Muatahianvo, near a river, the water of which they drink. He ordered us to lodge in the houses of the owner of the farm. We arrived at midday, without rain, and met with no one. [3rd.] Lodging place of Caquiza Muexi. We started at two o'clock in the morning. Crossed five streams, whose names I do not know. During the march came to the farm of the Quilolo of Muatahianvo, named Muene Canenda. We reached this place at four in the afternoon, and built near the river Isabuigi, of which they drink the water. Marched with the sun on our left. We stayed here three days, the guide's female slave being ill. Saw no great variety of birds or animals. [4th.] Lodging of the farm of the Quilolo Muene Canenda. Started at dawn, without rain. Crossed four streams, whose names I do not know. Continuing our journey, we crossed a river named Mue-me, and came to the end of the desert, on the other side and near the river Canaia, which runs into the river Mue-me : here we found the houses built by the travellers of the country, named Canonguessa., who were > going to pay tribute to Muatahianvo. We reached there at three in the after- noon, having marched with the sun as before. Met some people who had gone to buy salt in the Salina, called " da Quigila." [5th.] Desert-lodging, whence we started at five in the morning. Passed three narrow rivers, which were rough in orossing. Came to another desert, near the narrow river called Quipungo, the farm of some blacks, whose names we do not know, slaves of Muatahianvo, being a little way off. We reached this lodging at midday, without rain. Met no one, and liad no dealings with those in the farm. We saw no rarity, ■and to procure provisions we halted here two days. [6th.] Desert-lodging, whence we started at cockcrow. Crossed ten (three?) narrow rivers, which run into the river named Calalema, which rivers we do not know the names of, and came to another desert-lodging of thick bushes, staked all round, near the said river Calalema, which is about twelve (ten ?) fathoms across. We reached this place about two in the afternoon, with & little rain. Met no one, and marched with the sun as before. [7tb.] Desert-lodging. Started from the same at cock- crow. Crossed eleven narrow rivers, names unknown, and fol- BOUTE JOURNAL OP P. J. BAPTISTA. 205 lowed up the course of the river Oalalema. During the journey, we came to a desert-lodging near a stream named Oamus- sanga Gila, on the other side of which we came to the said lodging at nightfall, and had not time to build our huts to sleep in. Met no one, and saw nothing unusual. [8tli.] Desert-lodging, near tlie river Camussanga Gila. Started thence at five in the morning, crossed six running streams, and, during the journey, came to the farm of a black slave of Muatahianvo, named Muene Cassa, near and on the other side of a stream, the name of which I do not know, the farm above-mentioned being situated a long way off from our lodging. We reached here at three in the afternoon. Met no one. Marched with the sun on our left side, built near the said place, and had no dealings with those in the farm. [9th.J Lodging of the farm of Muene Cassa. Started from this place at dawn, crossed nine small rivers, and, during the march, came to a desert-lodging, still near the river Oalalema;. reached this river at four in the afternoon. Met no one^ Marched with the siin, as before, and saw no beasts. [10th.] Desert-lodging. Started from this place at seven in the morning. Crossed three running rivers by bridges. Came to another desert, near a small river, name unknown. We reached there at midday, and built near the same river.. Some of Soana Mulopo's people came along in our rear, sent by him to buy salt. Met no one, and marched with the sun as^ before. [11th.] Desert-lodging. Started from it at five in the morn- ing. Crossed on foot a running river, named Eoando, two fathoms wide, which flows into the river Lulua. During the march we came to another narrow river called Rova, and arrived at the end of our march near the said Eova, which is about thirteen fathoms wide, and also runs into the river LuMa, the farm of a black named Tumo (Fumo ?) Ahilanbe, of Muata- hianvo, being a long way off. We arrived at midday, without rain, and built near the said river. Marched with the sun oii our left. Met no one, and saw no beasts. [12th.] Desert-lodging. Started at early dawn. Crossed six narrow streams, which run into the river Eova. During the march we came to the desert-lodging, on the other side and near the river called Cazalle, which is about twenty fathoms in width, with water to our waists ; it runs into the 206 EOUTB JOURNAL OP P. J. BAPTISTA. LuMa. We reached this river at dusk. Met several people loaded with fish, which they were going to sell at the Banza of the Muatahianvo. Marched with, the sun on the left. Saw nothing new. [13th .J Desert-lodging above named. Set out at six in the morning. CAssed no river, and, continuing our march, came to the place of Quilolo of the Muatahianvo, named after the country Capoco Bumba Ajala. We spoke to him about our journey, which we were making, by order of his Muatabianvo, to the country of the Cazembe Caquinhata ; he answered it was well, and ordered us to lodge in his " sons' " houses; he gave us as guests four moitetes of flour and a mutete of lish. We reached this farm at four in the afternoon, near a narrow stream or river named Mucuza. Met no one, and marched with the sun as before. [14th.] Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Capoco, from which we started at two in the morning. Passed a dry stream, and, continuing our journey, crossed the river Caginrige by canoe, the boatmen of the Quilolo Muene Mene, who was lord of the port, having put us on the other side of it ; this said river is about fourteen fathoms wide, and runs into the river LuMa. We arrived at the farm of Mene, the said Quilolo of Muatahianvo, and treated with him regarding our journey to Cazembe by order of the said Muatahianvo: he answered nothing, and only said that the way was open. We made our circle there, far off from the farm, and paid the boatmen two beirames of Zuarte (Indian cloth), and gave the owner a small looking-glass with gilt papered edges, and fifty beads of roncalha. We reached this at three in the afternoon. Met no one, and marched with the sun as. before. [15th.] Lodging at the place of Muene Mene. Started at the first cockcrow. Crossed four narrow rivers running into the said river Caginrigi, and came to the farm of the black known as the owner, and named by our guide Soana Ganga ; spoke with him regarding the journey we are making to Cazembe. We arrived at two in the afternoon. Met no one, saw nothing uncommon, and marched with the sun on our left. [16th.] Lodging of the farm of Soana Ganga. Started at seven in the morning. Crossed two narrow rivers running into said river Caginrigi ; came to the farm of Muatahianvo's mother, Luconqnessa ; found there his Quilolo, named, after the country- ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J, BAPTISTA. 207 fasliion,MTiene Camatanga. We spoke with him about our journey, that we were going to Cazembe Caquinhata by order of the Muata- hianvo ; he replied, that people going from Angola to Cazembe was yery gratifying ; we gave him a beirame of linen and ten tile- colored beads, besides fifty small blue stones for his " quipata," which is a gift to the lord of the land. We reached this city at midday, without rain. Met a good many people going to buy salt. Marched with the sun as before. [ITth.J Lodging at the farm of Muene Camatanga, from which we started at six in the morning, crossed three streams, which run into the river Caginrigi. During the march we arrived at the farm of the Quilolo of said Camatanga, named Muene CasSamba, whither Camatanga had directed us to go, in order to obtain provisions for our desert march, by order of Muatahianvo. With collecting these provisions we were detained fifteen days. Met no one, and saw nothing unusual. [18th.] Lodging at Muene Cassamba's farm. Started from this place at two in the morning, again crossed the river Cagin- rigi. During the march crossed another river running into the same Caginrigi. We came to the desert-lodging near another narrow river, the name unknown. We reached said lodging at* midday ; built our huts during rain. Met no one, and marched with sun on our left, and no beasts. [19th.] Desert lodging. Started from it at half-past 6 a.m. passed a narrow river with stony bed, and came to another desert called Canpueje, near a running stream, where we found houses, built by the Alundas travellers. Arrived there at two in the afternoon ; saw nothing uncommon. [20th = 21st of former Journal, p. 174.] Desert-lodging, Canpueje. Started hence at cockcrow, crossed a narrow river named Maconde. During the journey came to another desert- lodging called Lunsaja, the "libatas" (settlements, villages) of the Quilolo Anibulete Quissosa, of the Muatahianvo, being a short way off. Did not speak with him about our journey. Reached this at four in the afternoon, and built near a narrow running river, name unknown. Marched with the sun on our left, and met no one. ' [21st.] Lodging of the desert, Lunsaja, from which we started at five in the morning, passed no river, and during the march came to the farm of the son of Cuta G-anda, near a river 208 BOUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. called Beu. We spoke with him about our journey to Cazembe. We reached the said city at three in the afternoon. Met no one, marched with the sun as before, and saw no beasts. [22nd.] Lodging at the farm of the son of Cutaganda. G-ot up at seven in the morning, crossed the river Reu on foot; it is about twenty fathoms wide. We came to the desert-lodging near a small stream, name unknown. We reached said stream at two in the afternoon. Met no one. Marched with the sun on our left side. [23rd.] Desert-lodging. Started from it at six in the morning, crossed three narrow streams, which run into said river Eeu, came to another desert near a river named Quibenla, which also runs into the river Eeu, the " libajtas " of the Quilolo Munconcota being very distant. Reached there at three in the afternoon, and saw nothing unusual. [24th.] Desert-lodging near the river Quibenla. Started at five in the morning, crossed four narrow rivers which run into said river Quibenla. During the march came to another desert-lodging, named Capaca Melemo, close by a running stream. Reached this at midday, without rain. Marched with the sun as before. Met no one. [25th.] Desert-lodging, Capaca Melemo. Left at six in the morning, crossed four narrow rivers. During the march came to and crossed a river named Ropoege, which is about thirty fathoms wide, and runs into the river Lubilage. We came to the desert-lodging close by the other side of said river. We reached this at three in the afternoon, without rain, marched with the sun on our left, saw no birds nor beasts worth noting. [26th.] Desert-lodging. Started at seven in the morning, crossed two streams running into the river Ropoege, and con- tinuing our march came to the desert-lodging called Cassaco, near and on the other side of a running stream. Reached there at midday, having met no one, and marched with the sun as before. [27th.] Desert-lodging, Cassaco. Started at cockcrow, crossed a camping-place near a flowing river, very narrow, named Quipaca Amguengua, and during the journey came to another EOUTE JOURNAL OP P. J. BAPTISTA. 209 desert-lodging, close by the river Eopele, four fathoms wide, running into the river Lububury. Reached this at three in the afternoon. Marched with the sun on our left ; met no one. Saw only some wild boars, who were feeding on this side of the said river. [28th.] Desert-lodging near the river Ropele, from which we started at first cockcrow, passed no river, and continuing our journey we came to the desert-lodging near the narrow river called Wliite River, it having white sands, which runs into the river Lububury. We reached said lodging at midday, built our barracks near the other side of the said river. Met no one. Marched with the sun as before ; saw neither birds nor beasts. [29th.] Lodging near the White River. Started at seven in the morning, crossed no river. During the journey came to the desert-lodging near the river Lububury, which we did not cross. Reached this place at two in the afternoon. Marched with the sun on our left ; built our huts on this side, and near the said river. A number of people going to buy salt in company with us. Met no one ; saw nothing unusual. [30th = 32nd in former diary, p. 176.] Desert-lodging near the river Lububury. Started at 6 a.m., passed no river, came to the river Lububury, which we crossed on foot, and which had water to our waists. It is about forty fathoms in width, and has a stony bed. We met with people and slaves there of the Quilolo of the Muatahianvo and Cazembe, named, after the land fashion, Chamuginga Mucenda. Reached said farm at two in the afternoon. Did not speak with them, and built our huts near and the other side of the said river, a long way from the farm. Met no one ; saw neither birds nor reptiles ; marched with the sun as before. [31st.] Lodging of the Cio (Citio, a farm?), near the river Lububury. Started therefrom at seven in the morning, crossed no river. During the march came to the " libata " of said Quilolo Chamuginga Mucenda. Spoke with him regarding our journey ; that we were going to Cazembe Caquinhata, by order of the Muatahianvo. He answered that the Cazembe was well. We reached this place at midday. He presented us as his guests with a Sanga of A16 and eight moitetes of (manioc) flour — four for us and four for our guide;— also a small she-goat. We built some distance from the farm, close by the narrow river named Camonguigi, but on the other side of it. Met no one ; marched with the sun as before ; saw neither birds nor beasts. p 210 ROUTE JOURNAL OP P. J. BAPTIST A. [32nd.] Lodging of the farm of Chamuginga Mucenda. Started therefrom at six in the morning, passed two halting- places but no river, and continuing our march came to the lodging named Mussula Apompo ; reached this at two in the afternoon, built our huts to the east of the said river. Marched with the sun on our left side"; saw nothing uncommon. Met no one. [33rd.] Desert-lodging Mussula Apompo. Started at six in the morning ; passed a narrow stream, named Son of the River Lufula, and continuing our journey we came to the same river Lufula, which we crossed, with the water to our waists. It is more or less fifteen fathoms wide, and runs into the river Lualaba. We reached there at midday, having marclied with the sun on our left. Met no one, and built on the other side of and near the said river. r34th.] Lodging of the desert near the river Lufula. Started at five in the morning, crossed a narrow river, whose name I do not know, and came to another desert resting-place, near a large river-plain named Quibonda, with a small stream on this side of it. Here we saw some black huntsmen, with the wild cattle they had killed with arrows ; they were going by the same route to the Salina, to buy salt. They did not inform us whence they came. Reached said lodging at two in the afternoon, without rain. Marched with the sun as before, and saw nothing rare. [35th.] Desert-lodging near the Quibonda, which occupied us till midday in crossing. Having started at the first cock- crow, crossed a stream, and during the march came to a lodging on a hill called Jupume (Inpume ?), near a narrow river named Camoa, of two fathoms in width, which runs into the river Lualaba. We reached this place at three in the afternoon, built our huts on the side of said hill at the top, without rain. Met no one ; marched with the sun on our left side. [36th.] Desert resting-place near the river Camoa, from which we started at five in the morning ; crossed no river, and during the march came to the desert-lodging near the small stream named Oatonta, the lodging being called Mucary Agoia. We are now in the Cazembe's dominions. We reached here at noon; marched this journey with the sun in our front. Met some blacks, who were coming to the salt districts ; saw no birds nor animals of any rarity. [37th.j Desert-lodging in the halting-place named Mucari EOUTE JOUENAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. 211 Agoia, from which we started at six in the morning ; crossed a narrow running stream, and, continuing our march, came to the desert-lodging near the riyer, of small width, named Huita Amalete, which runs into the Lualaba. We found, some dis- tance from the halting-place, some huts of the Quilolo of the Cazembe, named Muirp, lord of the copper-mines. It is in this farm they make the bars. We reached said halting-place at two in the afternoon ; spoke with them regarding our journey, that we were going to the King Cazembe, being sent by the Muatahianvo. He answered that the King Cazembe was well, and also his uncle Quiburi, lord of the Salina. He presented us with nothing. Marched with the sun in our front ; met no one, and saw no birds nor beasts. [38th.J Halting-place of the Quilolo of the Cazembe, Muire, from which we started at six in the morning ; crossed a narrow river named Mulonga Amcula, which runs into the river Lualaba. On leaving the said farm Muire asked us for a present. We gave him twenty small white bugles (missanga de Canudo), with which he was contented, saying he could not press us for more as he had given us nothing. Continuing our march we came to the desert-lodging named Quiana Acananga, near a running stream, son or tributary to the said river Mulauga (Mulonga ?) Amcula. Beached said lodging at two in the after- noon, without rain. Marched with the sun as before. Met several people coming from the salt district, going to Muata- hianvo. Saw nothing new. [39th.] Desert-lodging, Quiana Acananga. Set out from this at two in the morning ; crossed no river, and during the march we came to another desert-lorlging named Mabobela, near a very small stream. Reached this at four in the after- noon ; built near the same streamlet. Marched with the sun as before. Met no people, and saw many zebras, who were pasturing on the plain. [40th.J Desert-lodging of Mabobela. Started at cockcrow. Crossed no river. During the journey came to the place of a black named Buibui, chief "Mauta" of the Salina (salt district) Quigila ; we arrived there at two in the afternoon ; spoke with the people of the farm about our journey to King Cazembe Caquinhata. They answered, it was very fortunate to see white people, whom they call Muzungos, coming from Angola. We lodged in their houses. Marched with the sun in our front. Saw many birds named Hundas, a sort of duck. [41st.J Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Buibui, we p 2 212 EOUTB JOURNAL OP P. J. BAPTISTA. start^d therefrom at six o'clock in the morning ; continuing our journey, we came to and crossed the river Lualaba by canoe ; this river is about forty fathoms wide. We arrived at the great farm of the Quiburi, uncle of Cazembe, lord of the salt district (Salina) Quegila ; he received us with great pleasure and con- sideration, lodging us in the houses of his Quilolos. We gave to Quiburi a present of blue " roncallia " and two beirames of ash-coloured beads ; at the port we gave fifty beads of same blue " roncalha." We reached this place at four in the afternoon. Met several of Quiburi's people going to fish in the above river. Saw a great number of wild cattle and small game. He gave us as his guests a leg of wild bull, two quixinges of dough or paste, two sangas of A16 de Lucu, called Caxai ; he informed us that there was in Cazembe a white man intending to go to Angola, with letters from the Governor of Tette, who had died in Cazembe. (42nd.) Lodging at the farm of Quiburi of the Cazembe; left therefrom at three in the afternoon. Passed no river.. We marched down the course of the Lualaba; during the march we came to the desert-lodging, its name not known, near a stream called Chafim, which runs into the Lualaba. We reached this place at midday, without rain. Marched with the sun in our front. Built on the other side, near the said river. Saw a great many animals, — zebras, wild-cattle, muquetes, &c. [43rd.] Desert-lodging near the river Chafim. Set out from this place at five in the morning, and crossed no river. During the journey we came to another desert-lodging, near a stream named Bacassacala ; reached this lodging at two in the afternoon, without rain. Built on the east of the same stream. Marched with the sun as before ; met nothing. [44th.] Desert-lodging, Bacassacala. Left this at six in morning. Crossed no river. During the march we came to another desert-lodging near a narrow stream, the name of it not known. Arrived there at noon, without rain. Marched M'ith the sun as before in our front. Built on the other side of, and near said stream. Met no one ; saw nothing rare. [45th.] Desert-lodging. Started therefrom at six in the morning. Crossed a narrow stream. Continuing our march, we reached the top of a hill, the huts of the slaves of Quiburi being seen in the distance. Beached this lodging at two in the after- noon, with the sun as before. Built on the other side of the said stream, without rain. Met no one ; saw no animals. EOUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. 213 [46th.] Desert-lodging on the top of the hill. Left this place at five in the morning. Crossed three narrow streams, names not known. During the march we came to the place of the Quilolo of the Quiburi, named after the country Camungo. We_ did not find him in the farm, but only his " sons," he having gone to the chase; his "sons" made us lodge in their houses, under the countenance of the guide the said Quiburi had sent with us, and who came in the Cazembe's interest. We arrived in this place at noon, without rain. Marched with the sun in our front. Met two of Quiburi's blacks, loaded with provisions of millet and haricot beans for seed for the said Quiburi. Saw no birds nor animals of any novelty. [47th. J Lodging at the farm of Camungo. Set out at seven in the morning. Crossed a narrow stream, name not known. Continuing our march we came to the desert-lodging, and when we began building rain fell ; built close to the other side of a narrow river, name not known. We came to this desert-lodging at two in the afternoon. Marched with the sun as before in our front. At midnight two lions coming near the camp on the other side of the river roared through all the most blessed night, causing us to lose our rest ; but with Grod's help, no harm came to us. Met no one, and saw nothing new. [48th.] Desert-lodging, from which we started at cockcrow. Crossed three small rivers, names not known to me. During the journey came to the lodging of the ambassador of the Cazembe, who was going to take the Mulambo to the Muata- hianvo. We did not see him, as he took a difierent route. We put up at the lodgingfs of tlie said ambassador, named Ca- buita Capinda ; the huts of the Quilolo of the Cazembe, named, after the land-fashion, Ampala, being distant half a league, and near the river Ameula (Ancula ?) four fathoms wide, at the other side of which we arrived at 2 p.m. without rain. We marched with the sun in our front. Met with seven blacks, dealers in salt, who were going to buy provisions in the said Ampala's place. Saw eight animals named muquetes, who passed us one by one on the road. Saw no birds of any kind. [49th.] Lodging at the ambassador's, Cabuita Capenda, and lands of the Quilolo Ampala, from which we started at six in the morning. Followed up the river Ameula (Ancula ?). Orossed a narrow stream on foot. During the march came to another lodging of the said ambassador in the desert, on this side and near the river Ameula. We occupied said lodgings. 214 ROUTE JOURNAL OP P. J. BAPTISTA. Reached there at noon without rain. Marched with the sun as before. Met no one, and saw nothing new. [SOth.J Desert-lodging, near the river Ameula. Started at six in the morning. Crossed two narrow streams, and during the march we came to the farm of the son of the Quilolo named Pande, the same called, after the land-fashion, Muana Auta. We did not speak with him, he having gone to his father's " Banza." We occupied the old huts of the blacks, the Senzalas (negro quarters) being a short distance off, near this side of the river called Eilornba. We reached this place at noon without rain. Marched with the sun as before, and met no one. It being three o'clock in the afternoon, I went out hunting, and shot a deer. The guide's slaves, who came with him from the farm of the Quiburi, found a wild bull which a lion had killed, and had only eaten a part of the inside and the rump. Saw nothing else worthy of note. [51st.] Lodging of the farm of Muana Auta. Left this place at five in the morning. Crossed the small river Quimana, and during the march came to the Banza of said Quilolo Pande, whom we did not see on the day of our arrival : he only sent a message to our guide, Outaguaseje, saying he was occupied with Cazembe's messengers, and that when he was more quiet we should see him. We arrived at said Banza at two in the after- noon, and built near a narrow river called Murucuaxi, but on the other side of it. Marched with the sun as before, and met no one. [52nd.] Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Pande. Started at six in the morning without rain. Crossed two narrow streams. During the journey we came to the place of his NgoUa BoUe, named Cahiombo Camara, with whom we did not speak on the day we arrived. Only two blacks came to see us, but we treated of nothiug with them : the huts were some distance off. We arrived at this place at two in the afternoon, and lodged in the lodgings of Cazembe's ambassador, Oabuita. Marched with the sun in our front. Met no one. [53rd = 56th in the former diary, p. 182.] Lodging at the farm of Cahiombo Camara. Started from hence at cockcrow. Crossed the river, near which we passed the night. During the march we came to the desert- lodging named Quidaxi, on this side of and near a river, whose name I do not know. We reached this lodging at midday, and while commenciDg to EOUTE JOUENAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. 215 build, rain fell. Marched with the sun in our front ; crossed a river-plain, and saw a very large herd of zebras. Met no one. [54th.] Resting-place of Quidaxi. Started at .6 a.m. Crossed a narrow muddy river, and, continuing our march, came to the old farm of the Quilolo of Lucongi, without rain ; built near a narrow stream, name not known. Beached this place at two in the afternoon. Marched with the sun as before. Met no one ; saw no birds nor beasts of any kind. [55th.J Desert-lodging of the old farm of Lucongi, from which we started at seven in the morning without rain. Crossed no river, and during the march came to the new farm of Luncongi, on the other side of the river Luviri, which we crossed , by canoe ; this river is about twelve fathoms wide, and runs into the river Luapula. We lodged in the huts of the " Senzalas " (negro quarters). We reached this place at four in the afternoon. We spoke with the owner of the said huts about our intention of going on to King Cazembe, by order of the Muatahianvo: the said Luncongi replied that it was very good. Marched with the sun as before ; met no one. [56th.] Lodging at the farm of Luncongi. Started at six in the niorning. Crossed two rivers, their names unknown to me, which run into the river Luviri. During our journey we came to the desert-lodging near said Luviri, having followed down its course. Eeached said desert at three in the afternoon. Built in the rain. Marched with sun in our front. Met no one, saw neither bird nor animal of any kind. [57th.] Desert-lodging. Started from this place at cock- crow, without rain. Crossed no river, and, continuing our march, came to the farm of the Macota of the Quilolo Muaxi. Spoke with him about the journey we were making to Cazembe. We reached this place at three in the afternoon. Built near and on the other side the river Mufumbe, Met no one ; saw nothing new. [58th.] Lodging at the place of the Macota of Muaxi. Started at six in the morning. Crossed no river, and came to the farm of the said Quilolo Muaxi ; talked with him about our journey : he replied, that King Cazembe already knew of our coming. Reached this farm at noon, without rain. We lodged in the houses of his people, the Banza of said Muaxi being a little distance off. Marched with the sun in our front. Met no one, and saw neither bird nor animal of rarity. 216 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. [59tli.] Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Muaxi, left at five in the morning; crossed a narrow stream, name unknown. During the march we came to the desert-lodging near a small river with stony bed. Reached this desert at noon. Marched with the sun as before. Built on the other side near the said river. Met three blacks going to the farm of Muaxi to buy salt. Saw nothing new. [60th.] Desert-lodging. Left this at cockcrow ; crossed five narrow streams. We are approaching the great hill named Cunde Irungo. During the march we crossed the river named Cavula Cungo, which is about seven fathoms wide, with water up to our waists. It runs into the river Luapula. Reached said desert-lodging at noon, without rain. Built near and on the other side of the river before named. Met some people coming from Cazembe, going to the farm of the Muaxi ; they gave us no news. Marched with the sun as before. [61st.J Desert-lodging near the river Cavula Cungo. Started therefrom at six in the morning; passed no river, marched in the direction of the same hill, Cunde Irungo. Continuing our march we came to another desert halting-place near the river called the son (or tributary) of the river above mentioned. Reached this lodging at four in the afternoon, without rain. Lodged in the huts of the other travellers on the other side. Marched with the sun in our front. Met no person whatever. [62nd.] Desert-lodging of Cunde Irungo. Started at seven in the morning; marched to the top of the hill Cunde Irungo, crossed two small streams. During the march we came to another desert-lodging near the streamlet and the hill before mentioned. Arrived at noon, in rain. Built by the side of the stream. Met no one; saw nothing at all new or rare. [63rd = 67th in the former diary, p. 184.] Desert-lodging of the hill Cunde Irungo. Started At seven in the morning ; crossed a river named Lutipuca, six fathoms wide. During the march we came to another deserts-lodging near a stream whose name I do not know. We arrived at midday ; marched last with the sun on our right side. Met no one ; saw no birds nor animals. [64th.] Desert-lodging. Started at cockcrow. Crossed no river. Continuing our march we came to the lodging near the river Lutipuca before named, and marching down with this ROUTE JOURNAL OP P. J. BAPTISTA. 217 river we arrived at noon, without rain. Journeyed with the sun as before. Met no one. [65th.] Desert-lodging. Started at six in the morning. During the march we came to the farm of the Quilolo Mucha- quita, of the Cazembe. Spoke with hitn about our journey. He said he was very pleased to see Muzungos from Angola. He sent us to lodge in his people's houses. Reached this place at two in the afternoon. Met no person whatever. [66th.] Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Muchaquita. Started at cockcrow. We marched across a magnificent dry river- plain, no water whatever. It was about ten leagues in length, and was full of various animals, zebras, empacassas (wild cattle), deer, stags, and many other animals whose names I do not know. Continuing our march, we came to the farm of another Quilolo, named after the land Muachico, near that of his Maeota named Quiocola, the latter being some little distance from Muachico. We spoke with him about our journey, that we were going to visit the King Cazembe. We reached said farm at two in the afternoon, without rain. Marched with the sun on our right. Saw no one. [67th.] Halting-place at the farm of Muachico. Started at seven in the morning. Crossed the river-plain before men- tioned on the western side, and passed over the river Luapula by canoe. For the services of the boatmen we gave them a piece (muconzo) of straw cloth, thirty-three beads of white ron- calha, and one beirame of " patavar " beads. Said river is about fifty fathoms wide, more or less. Having crossed this stream, we came afterwards to the farm of the Quilolo, Lord of the Port, named, after the land, Amtapo Aquilala. Arrived at this farm at four in the afternoon. Met no one. Marched with the sun on our right side, and built some distance from the farm. [68th.] Lodging of the farm of Amtapo Aquilala. Left this halting-place at 6 a.m. ; passed no river, descended along the river Luapula. During the journey we came to the farm of Cazembe's sister, named, according to land-fashion, Pemba- femia : she directly requested we would occupy the houses of her Quilolos. We spoke to her about our undertaking; that we were proceeding to her brother, the King Cazembe. She said Muatahianvo's sending messengers from Angola pleased her much : similar messengers had never appeared in the Cazembe's lands before. She presented us with four moitetes of flour and four fresh fish. We arrived here at two in the after- 218 BODTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. noon, having marched with the sun on our right. Met with no one. [69th.J Lodging at the farm of the Cazembe's sister, Pemba. Set out at seven in the morning, without rain. Still marched down the river, crossed a narrow stream two fathoms wide, running into the same Luapula. During the march we came to the farm of the Quilolo named Murumbo. Arrived at noon. Met no one. Marched with the sun on our right. Lodged in the houses of the farm. Saw neither birds nor beasts. [70th.J Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Murumbo. Started at cockcrow, and, descending with the Luapula on the left, we crossed two rivers, the Lufubo and the Capueje, running into said Luapula. During the journey we came to the farm of the Catuata, who marched in our company, named according to land-fashion Quissacanhi, near the river, three fathoms wide, named Gonna. We went into the houses of said Catuata. We reached this place at 2 p.m., without rain. Marched with the sun as before, and met no person whatever. [71st.] Lodging at the farm of Quissacanhi, near the river Goima. Started at 5 a.m. ; crossed two running streams of small width, and during our march came to the farm of the black named Capunque, near the river Belengi, four fathoms wide, which runs into the Luapula. Arrived at three in the after- noon. Met a great many people coming from the Cazembe's great farm. Marched with the sun as before on our right; saw no animals. r72nd.] Lodging at the farm of Capunque, near the river Belengi. Started at six in the morning ; crossed no river, and continuing our march we came to the city of the Quilolo of Cabola, near the river named Cannegoa, three fathoms wide, which runs into the river Mouva. Arrived at four in the afternoon, and halted two days by order of said Cazembe. Marched with the sun on our right. Met a great many people coming from Cazembe's great farm. Saw nothing of any novelty or importance. [78rd.] Halting-place at the farm of the QuUolo Cabola, near the river Cannegoa. Started at eleven in the morning, crossed no river, passed Senzalas, and during the journey we came to the capital of King Cazembe. Having come down a stately river-pJain called Mouva, near which is built the said Cazembe's city, we reached the Banza at midday, and occupied the DAYS' JOURNEY PROM MUATAHIANVO TO MUCAEY. 219 house of the keeper of his gates, named Quibiry Quitambo Quiamacungo. Eeceiving word by his page that as a signal of our arrival in these dominions we should discharge what guns we could, as it was a great pleasure to him to see people in his lands from Angola, a thing of which he had not thought of, and which was very fortunate for him, as heir to the deceased Cazembe Hunga Amuronga, we discharged three guns, and he replied from within his walls with one, all being astonished at our coming, and overjoyed among themselves. He sent us a quantity of (manioc) flour, meat, fresh and dried fish, and A16, treating us with great hospitality all the time we re- mained there. He also enabled us to reach the Elvers of Senna. During the journey we were halted twenty-two days, and on the march seventyrthree.* (Signed) Pedeo Joao Baptista. (Countersigned) Antonio Nogtjeika da Eooha. [No. 3.] Eoute of P. J. Baptista from the Cazembe to Tette in 1811 has not been given here. [No. 4.] Number of Days' Joueney from the Muatahianvo TO the Fair of Mucary : — Days. From the Mussumba of the Muatahianvo to the farm of the Camata Camimga 1 From the Camata to Cacenda 2 From Cacenda to Gongo 3 From Gongo to the river Luiza 4 From the river Lniza to the farm of Quissenda 5 From Quissenda to Milemba 6 From Milemba to the Desert 7 From the Desert to the river Luigi . . 8 From the river Luigi to Cavenga 9 From Cavenga to Canssuida 10 From Canssuida to the farm of the people of MouricapeUe . . 11 From CapeUe, crossing the river Luhia by canoe, and to the farm of the Fumo Campeo 12 From the Fumo Campeo to the farm of the Muene Canceze . . 13 From CancQze to the deserted farm Mutembo ... .14 From Mutembo to the farm of the Quilolo Quirungo ... 15 From the Quirungo to the Desert 16 From the Desert to another Desert 17 From the Desert to Dembue 18 From the Dembue to the Desert near " Quiana of the water " . .19 From Quiana to the farm of the Muene Eifunda Garga (Ganga ?) . 20 From the Muene Eifunda to near the river Cacamuca ... 21 * The former diary (pp. 169-188) gives seventy-eight days ; but it includes various halts. — E. F. B. 220 DAYS' JOURNEY PEOM BOMBA TO MUCAEY. "" Days. From the river Cacamuca, crossing the large river Cassais by canoe, to the farm of the boatmen, having passed the old farm of the Chacabmnby, to the farm of his son, Soana Mona . . 22 From the Soana Mona, crossing the new farm of the Chacabungi, near the river Caemba 23 From Caemba to another farm, Maluvo 24 From Maluvo to the farm of the sister of the Chacabungi, named Moarihianva, near the river Lualele 25 From the river Lualele to the farm of the Muene Fanna ... 26 From the Muene Fanna crossing a second time the (Desert) river Lualele 27 From the river Lualele to the farm of the Chacaluilo . . .28 From the Chacaluilo to another farm of the Chacabuita ... 29 From the Chacabuita to the Desert 30 From the Desert to the farm of Muene Cavanda .... 31 From Cavanda to the farm of the Muana Muilombe .... 32 From Muana Muilombe to the farm Chabanza of the Chacabungi, •where the lands of the Muatahianvo terminate ... 33 From the Chabanza to the Desert . . .... . .34 From the Desert to another Desert . . .'*:'. . .35 From the Desert to the Desert near the river Luemba ... 36 From the river Luemba to the Desert 37 From the Desert to the river Banza, Desert 38 From the river Banza to near a small river, the name not known to me 39 From the small river we followed up the river Quihubue, Desert . 40 From the Desert we crossed said river Quihubue .... 41 From the Quihubue to the Desert, near to the other side of the small river 42 From the Desert, near the river Quihubue, to the farm of the people Quibonca of the Moana Gana Quisengue 43 From the Quissengue to the farm of the iSna Fumo .... 44 From the Inna Fmno crossed the river Quicampa, Desert . . 45 From the Desert to the people of the Bumba and farm of the Xatumba 46 From Xatumba to the farm of the Xacacequelle, near the principal site of the Bumba 47 From the Bumba to the river Quango 48 From the river Quango crossed the river Quafo, Desert ... 49 From the Quafo to the Desert Massangagila 50 From Massangagila crossed the river Jombo to the farm Pepumdi Songo 51 From the Pepumdi to the Muenene Quibungo 52 From Muenene Quibungo to another Munene Toro .... 53 From Munene Toro to the farm of the son of Bomba, supposed name Joaquim 54 From Joaquim of the Bomba to the Banza of the said Bomba . . 66 Number of Days' Joueney from the Chief Bomba to THE Fair of Mucary : — From the great farm of the Bomba to the river Cuie .... 1 From the Cuie to near the farms of his people 2 From those farms to another farm 3 From the latter farm to the Desert 4 p. J. BAPTISTA'S EEPORT OF JOURNEY. 221 From the Desert to the farm of a son of the Bomba, named Hiemba Munda 5 From Hiemba to the farm of the chief Pundi Hiabonga . . . & From the Pundi to the chief Motende 7 From the Motende to the Capacala 8 From the Capacala to the farm of the Quissoca, sister of the Bomba 9 From the Quissoca to near the riTer Jombo 10 From the Jombo crossed to the other side of it H From the Jombo to the farm Souveta of the Cabita Catempo . . 12 From the Cabita to the farm of the Mocampa 13 From the Mocampa to the Desert 14 From the Desert to the farm of Genzo, brother of the Banda Gongo 15 From the Gongo to the Desert 16 From the Desert to the Quileculo and farm of the Quihoata . . 17 From the Quihoata to the farm of the son of the Cabunxi and Catembo, named Cuinhiba 18 From the Cuinhiba to the farm of the Camba, brother of the Quibenda 19 From the Camba to the farm of the Quibenda 20 From the Quibenda to the Marimbe 21 From Marimbe to the Fair of Mucary 22 (Signed) Pedko Joao Baptista. (Countersigned) Antokio Nogdbika da Kocha. [No. 5.] In the name of God, Amen. Eemikiscbncbs op the Depaktukb fbom the Muatatanvo to the Dominions of the Cazembe Caquinhata, and what transpired with the QuUolos whom wo found on the road beyond the State and Kingdom of Angola; and the rest that 1 saw in these territories, untn we reached the lands of Cazembe, by the mystery of the Yirgin Our Lady ; and of our costly departure from said Pumbo to the town of Tete, bearing a letter for the Governor of the said town, despatched by my master, Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da Costa, Director of the Fair of Mucary, and arrival of a Pombeiro of the Chief Captain Gonyalo Caetano Pereira, named, after the country-fashion, (■ Marungue, now come to conduct us from the Pumbo of the Cazembe, who brought goods to buy ivory, slaves, and green stones (malachite) • how the same Marungue released us from said place, and with whom we started from thence, after being delayed there four years, having started for Tete and turned back twice; and it was in the year 1810 that we finally started for the town of Tete. On Sunday, twenty-second of May of said year, we started from the Mufumba of Muatayanvo, and came to the farm of the Cacoata, named Cutaquacexe, who acted as our guide. We were detained in this place sixteen days, caused by his per- forming his rites, and on Tuesday, seventh July, we started, and on the march passed the Qmlolos and peoples of the said Muatayanvo, until we came to the site of the Quilolo named. 222 p. J. BAPTISTA'S EEPOET OP JOURNEY. according to the land-fashion, Chamuginga Mussenda, who owns allegiance both to Muatayanvo and Cazembe, because, when the last Muatayanvo and Cazembe marched forth to subjugate the country in which the Cazembe's lands are situated, they left this Quilolo Chamuginga Mussenda near the river Luburi, to receive all persons coming from the Muatayanvo or the Cazembe, in procuring all kinds of provisions for the use of all people coming from either potentate. This farm is the boundary of the lands of the Muatayanvo on that side; crossing said river Luburi on the other side of it, are found the people of the Cazembe, who subject themselves to the Quilolo of Cazembe — Quibi, who was in the river-plain of the Salina called Quigila, who is recently dead. At the farm of Chamu- ginga Mussenda all travellers buy provisions of manioc-iiour, in order to go and buy salt and mucongos of straw-cloth, a few made-up articles, and wax. When we started from this farm of Chamuginga Mussenda, we travelled across others with valleys and hills, and saw, on the summit of the hills, stones which appear true (green ?), and where they dig the copper ; in the midst of this country is where they make the bars. There are two proprietors of the " Senzalas ;" the first is near the road we crossed, named after the land (in country fashion) Muiro, and the other is called Canbembe. Those owners are the head smiths, who order the bars to be made by their " sons " and their own " macotas " (slaves), and pay such bars as tribute to the Quiburi, or his successor, for that Lord of the Salina to send them to the Muatayanvo, or to whoever the Muatayanvo sends for them. These two proprietors were also at one.time sovereigns of the lands, as well as owners of the mines left them by their predecessors. They were, however, acquired by Cazembe by force, so that the lands are now in sub- jection to both the Muatayanvo and the Cazembe, having been conquered by the late Quilolo Quiburi, Lord of the Salina. Quiburi was a maternal relation of the Cazembe's, who had appointed him to govern the Salina and have the manage- ment of sending the tribute of salt, and the goods of the Muata- yanvo ; also to receive visitors or travellers who go from the Muatayanvo to the Cazembe. He sent the mulambo by his Cacoata to the Muatayanvo, to arrange with the said Lord of the Salina, that, in addition to the tribute presents of stuif, beads, salt, and other things, which they buy from the salt- dealers, should be delivered to the Cacoata to take to the Muata- yanvo. The Salina Quigila is near the river Lualaba, on this side of it. On the further side of the said river is established the Lord of the Salina, and in this same country there are no provisions of manioc-flour to be obtained, and what little there p. J. BAPTISTA'S REPORT OF JOURNEY. 223 is is bouglit -with the goods that come from the Muatayanvo. In the Pumbo only millet, large haricot beans, large maize, and Lucu, which they call Caixai, are to be obtained, and even these come from such retired farms that it is difficult to obtain a mouthful of meal or any description of food, and very costly. One must be provided with good beads, or some other article they value, to be able to get anything. They do not cultivate manioc, it not being the custom of the country : the previous sovereigns of this land did not grow this production, and this became the general habit in the said Pumbo. There is nothing they can make use of for dress; men clothe themselves in Mussamba basts, and women buy straw- cloth from the people before named in exchange for salt ; that is, in the dry season. In the rainy season, when the salt-traders do not come, they are put to great straits, and the traders cannot obtain the salt at such times, the river-plain itself being flooded. In order to get the salt they cut the straw and burn it ; after which they dissolve the ashes in water, and throw the lye into small pans which they make ; then they boil it, and this they exchange for what they consider wealth, namely, woollen cloth, Indian tissues, beads, and straw-cloths. The smiths (Ferreiros) also exchange their bars for flour and other provisions that are valued. From the lands of the smiths and the Salina to the other side of the river Lualaba, where the governor of the Salina, and the other Quilolos on the route to Cazembe also live, they cannot rely upon a sufficient quantity of provisions for travellers. Only millet is to be had ; and even at the proper time for cultivation it is expensive to obtain this, there not being sufficient men to carry provisions, manioc beans, and necessary things, which come as far as the river Lualaba. Thus they risk losing their lives from hunger. After having crossed the Luarula we reached on the other side of the river a farm of the sister of Cazembe named Pemba, and this lady received us with much consideration. She was much astonished to] see us, and pleased with Muatayanvo for having sent whites, called by them Mugungos (Muzungos), to visit her brother the Cazembe, a thing the previous Muata- yanvos had never done; that it was a blessing for her brother, Cazembe's successor, as they had no recollection of having been before visited by whites coming from the Muata- yanvo to the Cazembe. On Wednesday, the 15th of December, she sent for us and told us that when her father, Cazembe Hunga, was living, a great number of white people, with much goods, had come in company of the G-overnor, and requested permission from, the Cazembe to allow them passage to the Muatayanvo, and from the Muatayanvo to the fair of Cassange. 224 r. J. BAPTISTA'S EEPOET OF JOURNEY. The late Cazembe, however, did not grant the permission ; and it pleased God that he (the Governor before mentioned) should die in the Cazembe's lands ; the colonists and soldiers who had come in the said Governor's company then returned. (She also told us) that the Cazembe himself was well, and that in the said mussumba (place) there was a soldier who had letters to go to Angola. She sent directly to inform her brother Cazembe of our arrival, as also that it was her duty to send word of the arrival of any traveller going to the Cazembe, before such traveller's being allowed to go into the presence. She treated us with much kindness in supplying us with food. We pre- sented this lady with a blue twisted glass cup, a muzengo de al- mandrilha, and two beirames of lead-coloured beads. We waited there five days, pending the arrival of her messengers ; and on Saturday, the sixteenth, the Cazembe's messengers came to fetch us, bringing for our use a she-goat, five motetes of manioc flour, a motete of fresh fish, together with a black woman and her child, and with a message from the Cazembe that he was very pleased at our arrival, and that as a mark of his love he offered us the black woman. He was very gratified at his Muatayanvo's having forwarded to him white men from Mueneputo, as he had never seen any such before in his dominions. To the Cacoata (guide) who had brought us, he sent food to eat. We stayed one day with the said messengers, and on the next we started with them. Sunday, thirty-first of December, of one thousand eight hundred and six we arrived at the mussumba of the King Cazembe, at six o'clock in the afternoon. On that day we did not see him, and he only sent word for us to occupy the house of his Quilolo Quiota. On Monday, first of January, one thousand eight hundred and seven, he sent for us. We went and saw him ; but we said nothing about our undertaking. Only our guide spoke, saying, " I bring you here by order of the King Muatayanvo, messengers from Mueneputo, who have come to seek a white brother of the Mueneputo, who it is stated is to be found in your territory. Treat them well, without malice." The said Cacoata then delivered the present that Muatayanvo sent to the Cazembe and added nothing more. The Cazembe himself replied that he was very gratified at his lord the Muatayanvo's sending him messengers from Mueneputo, and that it was a very fortunate thing for him. We then retired to our houses. After doing so he sent for us privately, without letting the Cocoata hear of it, and he told us that he had for a long time known the object of our visit ; that he would treat of this wish of his friend the Mueneputo's more at leisure. As a signal of our arrival in his country, he wished p. J. BAPTISTA'S EEPOET OF JOURNEY. 225 us to fire off all the guns we could, which was a thing that pleased him very much. We discharged three guns, and he, within his walls, also fired one. On Wednesday, the third day of said month, he sent his two Quilolos, named!! after the land- fashion, Quiota Mutemba and Quitamba Quiamaungo, with a message that we were to explain particularly what brought us there, and to deliver the present that his friend the Muene- puto had sent by us for him. We delivered his present, which consisted of two quicapos of green serafina (cloth), two quicapos of yellow serafina, two ditto singelos or dresses of red tammy (durante), two small mirrors with gilt paper edges, a Portuguese fire-arm, and two blue cups, all of which we made over to his messengers, saying, " Here is the Saguate, or present, which your friend the Mueneputo sends to and offers you. He sent us also to visit you. King Cazembe, as he is always desirous of maintaining a good and reciprocal intercourse with you, which is equally useful and profitable both for you and us. He asks that you will allow his messengers and their Cacoata to pass freely, so that he may conduct us on the road to Senna, seeing that the brother of your friend Mueneputo is not here. The latter desires and wishes to keep up terms of friendship with you. King Cazembe. I hand you here the letter which I bring you from Mueneputo himself, and which he sends you in a friendly spirit for you to have read, and grant what he asks therein, regarding the journey to Senna." This letter the Cazembe received in the sight of his people, and retained. He replied that he knew how honourable all white men were, and that he would order the letter to be read at his leisure. On the fourth day of the said month, Thursday, he sent for us, and at his doorway we found a white soldier, native of Quilhiman, named Paulo de Santiago e Silva, and three blacks belonging to colonists of Tete and Senna, waiting to receive us by Cazembe's orders. When they did see us they received us with great joy, because we had come from Angola. The soldier had been detained two years, trying to find the way to Angola in the service of the Crown, and asking to be allowed to go, but was never granted permission. The Cazembe replied he was very pleased with the Saguate which his friend Mueneputo had sent him, and that he was quite ready to carry out all the wishes of his friend Mueneputo. That he desired not only to provide us with a guide, but that he would himself go with us as far as the river Aruangua, as there were enemies and robbers to be met with on the way, who were in the habit of plundering the whites who came from Tete and Senna, with the intention of transacting business of their Q 226 P. J. BAPTISTA'S EEPOBT OP JOURNEY. own in the Cazembe's lands. That he was convinced all the white people were children of Mueneputo, because the Governor of .^enma himself had come to his dominions, accompanied by his regiment of soldiers and officers, as well as civilian colonists of said town of Tete, and had asked permission of his dead father, Cazembe Hunga Anmomga (Amuronga), to pass through and visit JMuatayarivo, in order to discover if they could go on to Angola. That the said Cazembe Hunga would not grant this permission, but that he, the son and successor to the State, would do all that in any way might be possible. When we saw he was ready to put us on the way to Senna, to content him still more we presented him two blue glasses, two muzengos of coral with hollow stems like a pipe, two muzengos of white romalha, two ditto of Bumbango, three ditto of Queta Oalongo, a quizapo of black serafina, and two small looking-glasses with gilt frames. We told him that bis friend Mueneputo had sent him a good piece of fine red cloth, and some good stone-beads, but that his King Muatayanvo had taken them all. He answered it did not matter ; that he would carry out the wishes of our king ; and that he would have as much as possible notwithstanding. On Tuesday, the twentieth of April, we started for the war- camp, with the Cazembe to take us to the before-mentioned river Aruangoa, the way being stopped so that no traveller should pass, it being the custom generally amongst all the heathen chiefs not to allow any traveller whatever to pass through their towns with goods to other chiefs without the strangers first stopping and trading with them. When we reached the war-camp a great disturbance took possession of them (the Cazembe's people) for fear that the eldest brother of the Ca- zembe, named, after the land-fashion, Capaca,whom the deceased father, Cazembe Hunga, had banished to the land called Cassange, was coming to take the State from Cazembe. On account of the treason that now prevailed amongst his people, the Cazembe proceeded to examine who was the instigator of the disturbance. Some threw the blame on to his mother, his mother accused some of the Quilolos, and the Cazembe banished to other lands his cousin Quibanba, chief Quilolo, and ordered his hands and ears to be cut. Other Quilolos he fined in goods, and any thing else he chose to ask for. He then returned from the road to Senna, and went to carry on war in the land called Tanga, and us he delivered over to his Ticara, who remained in his stead, and to his sister Cananga to attend to us, and assist us with all the things we might require. He was occupied in this war two and a half months, when we saw him again, and stayed with him two months longer. On our telling him that, as the way was not open to Senna, he p. J. BAPTISTA'S REPORT OF JOURNEY. 227 ■should let us return to the Muatayanvo, he answered nothing. He sent forces to join in war on the other side of the river Luapula. "When we tried to arrange about our journey, and asked him to let us go to the Muatayanvo, he began to mis- lead us with presents of " garapas " (juice of sugar-cane) and meat. For some days there appeared no means of escaping from our persecution; we were compelled to stay with him without being able to go either to the Muatayanvo or to Tete. When he saw our need for going was very great, he chose as our Cazembe of the road (guide) the oldest of all his Quilolos, named, after the land-fashion, Muenepanda, and his relation Soana Mulopo, named Tambo ; also two Quilolos, his brothers- in-law, named after the land Chabanza Mutemba, and another ■Quilembe, and other Quilolos, to assist in escorting us to Tete. We started with the Muenepanda and the others named, who made stoppages on the way to pray, and to attempt to divine whether they could proceed or not. On our reaching the farm of Cazembe's Quilolo, where we halted two days, waiting for our guide, the Muenepanda, two messengers from the Chiefs Quiana and Quebue came in our search, bringing an ox to induce the Muenepanda and his war-men to go back, to allow ■Chabanza to come past with ivory and other things which he had with him to buy goods for Cazembe at Tete ; they said the road was quite clear. In spite, however, of all these attempts to deceive, we continued our journey, and, crossing the river Lupulo, we met some other messengers bringing two oxen, who tried to turn the Muenepanda back, with the same false tale about the way to Senna being clear, and that there was no one to interfere with travellers, who could come and go on their journeys at any time, and in any direction. On the second day from this, the Muenepanda accepted the two oxen, and, at the lodging of Quipiri, which we were come to, he ordered all the ivory to be collected, and presented it to Qulanna's mes- sengers. He then turned back, saying that the way was quite clear, thus neglecting to carry out Cazembe's orders, which were to escort us to the river Aruangua, as arranged, and receiving private gifts from the above chiefs to induce' him not to make war in their countries. Muenepanda stayed at the above halting-place Quipiri, and we went on with Chabanza Mutemba, and all the guide's ivory, slaves, green stones, bars of copper, and ounce skins. We arrived at the farm of the Chief Quiana Catanba, where we were halted fifteen days without being able to get away; Quianna deceiving us by saying we must wait for the floods in the rivers to retire before we proceeded on our journey. This was an excuse to detain us till the arrival of his friends, to attack us and seize all the guide's goods. These Q 2 228 p. J. BAPTISTA'S EEPOET OF JOUENEY. robbers are brothers to those whom the Cazembe killed in the war which he carried on in the Tanga country ; he met these Huzas (Huizas ?) returning from the Chief Cassongo's lands with liis ivory, which was intended to purchase merchandize. At Quiana's place all our slaves and green stones were hidden away by the people when they saw we wished to escape from their place. By the aid of the Virgin Mary we had been warned by another chief, named, after the land-fashion, Quirando, who sent our guide Chabanza notice that, being a friend of the Cazembe's,. he knew that Quiana had ordered his fighting-men to this side of the river Hianbigi (Chambeze), intending tO' kill him (Chabanza), and advising him to retire from Quiana's place. We escaped thence, with the loss of many slaves and other things that the Cazembe had sent to purchase mer-, chandize in Tete. By the help of our Lady of the Con- ception none of us died, although we were robbed of a great deal. We returned to the mussumba of King Cazembe a second time, troubled and injured as we were, marching day and night, so that the fighting-men might not overtake us. We found the Quilolo Muenepanda very comfortably settled at hi& farm, and the Cazembe much enraged with him and the other Quilolos. After a long time had elapsed, by a providential circumstance the pombeiro of the Chief-Captain Gonqalo Caetano Pereira, arrived with merchandise, having come to buy slaves and ivory, by order of his master. He brought a letter for the soldier Paulo Santiago, to join the pombeiros of the said Gonpalo Caetano, who were detained there through the way not being clear. We started with this pombeiro for the town of Tete, with the Cacoata, or guide of the Cazembe, named, after the land, Catara Mirimba, and with otlier persons, taking ivory, slaves, green-stones, and copper bars, to barter for cloth, and to deliver us to the Governor. The trade of the Cazembe's country consists of ivory, slaves, green-stones, and copper bars, which they sell to the travellers from Tete and Senna, and to blacks of the Huiza nation, who are established on the road to Tete. These Huizas are the first travellers who ever traded with Cazembe, long before any pombeiro from Senhor Gonpalo Caetano appeared. They call these pombeiros " Mucazambos," meaning faithful men who are responsible for all things. Gonp alo Caetano being the first trader who discovered the Cazembe's land, and the Huizas are the people who in former days went to Tete to buy Indian goods, and Tanga cloths, which they call maxilas, a name also given to our Tipoias (hammocks) ; also quizengos of serafina, good printed calicoes, and plates, to present to the said Cazembe. Some Tangas (loin cloths) are made by the Huizas themselves. p. J. BAPTISTA'S REPORT OF JOURNEY. 229 Oolonist travellers from Tete and Senna give for each slave they buy in Cazembe's land at the present time five Indian sheetings, and for ivory six or seven sheetings and other extra articles for every large tusk, as Cazembe's people under- stand that ivory is more valued in Tete than slaves. When we took our leave, he presented us, in the presence of his Quilolos, or chiefs, ten slaves, and a large green-stone for his friend the Governor. He produced two eils of fine red cloth, telling us that a green-stone is named Cazembe, and that fine red cloth is an overseer or superintendent whom they call Calama. We received his letter in reply to the one we brought to him, Cazembe, and for ourselves his messengers were given five slaves ; four moleques (black boys), and a black woman for me, Pedro ; and to my partner Anastacio five slaves, two moleques, two molecas (girls), and a black woman ; and to buy provisions from his place to the Muatayanvo, he gave us six himdred " sambos," three hundred for me and other three hundred for Anastacio. I asked him if he had by chance any white rhinoceros-horns, when he sent directly to find some, and then gave two small ones to us. And during all the four years we were detained there, trying our utmost to get away to Muata- yanvo, as there was no road open to Senna, he gave us, to keep us patient, two slaves, one for me, the other for my comrade. JFor three years he used all possible diligence to open the way to the Rivers of Senna, it having been closed all that time. He did not allow us to incur any expenses on behalf of his friend Mueneputo, but took them all upon himself. He also carried out the orders of his King Muatayanvo. On the return from Tete to the Cazembe we were delayed nine months, caused by his collecting mulanbo (tribute) by means of his Quilolos, his mother, sisters, and brothers, and preparing a Cazembe of the road (the guide) to take charge of us, and bring us with the tribute into the Muatayanvo's presence. Cazembe, through his eagerness to obtain cloth, had left us to return to the Muatayanvo with only remnants ; and the result of his acting in such a way was that we left his country quite puzzled, not having even a piece of stuff, and neither beads nor shells to buy anything with on the road, except the " sambos " he gave us. We set out with his Cacoata (guide), named, after the land- fashion, Munhage, at a time when there was a great scarcity of food, and after losses from desertion and death on the way, caused by privations and detentions brought about by the Cazembe ; we had no remedy, nor could we prevent it. We set out for Muatayanvo's, in order not to displease him, and at the wish of the Governor of the Rivers of Senna, who directed that if the Cazembe should give us his ambassador to conduct us to 230 p. J. BAPTISTA'S EEPOET OF JOUENEY. the Muatayanvo's, we should treat him well, and with all loTe,. peace, and quietness on the way, in the general service that we are engaged in, as perhaps His Excellency might send some one from Tete with a letter on the general service. Cazembe' entertains great friendship for the Governor. Every month and year he sends his Cacoatas with slaves and whatever is most necessary to the Governor's house, his messengers coming- and going with us. And in the course of two years, if God does not see fit to prevent it, he entertains hopes that the Governor will send and repay him for his trouble in sending us on safely to Tete, a way that was very difScult to open and keep clear. It is now open, but at the present time he does not send his Cacoata, as he is waiting for the Governor's messengers to arrive and confer with him, and then his " Cacoata " would accompany us to the Governor. King Cazembe has tea-pots, cups, pans, demijohns, silver spoons and forks, plates of Lisbon earthenware, good hats, shoe- buckles, and gold money, doubloons and half doubloons. He has a Christian courtesy: he doffs his hat, and gives good day, good afternoon, or good evening. He keeps all the white man's furniture that belonged to the late Governor Lacerda, and other white people, inhabitants of the same town, who had come in Governor Lacerda's company, and which was left, as there were no porters to carry such things to Tete, through the flight of the Governor's people, which ensued on the alarm felt at his death ; he having come there with about a thousand cruzados' worth of goods from the- Eoyal Treasury, in addition to his own means and the means of the residents of Tete and other places, to expend in opening^ up the way to Angola. It is even now well remembered how he was supplied with all they had in their homes, and how for want of the means to transport their belongings to the Rivers of Senna, a great many of the colonist-travellers sold them. The only one who did not suffer any loss was Senhor Gonqalo Caetano Pereira, who had his men, and his son, an ensign in the militia, Manoel Caetano Pereira, who also took away some goods, in- including a sedan-chair which belonged to the Governor. The Cazembe is powerful in his capital, and rules over a great many people. His place is rather smaller than the Muatayanvo's: his orders are harsh, and he is feared by all the great chiefs, who are also lords of their own lauds ; they fought with him, but they are now in his power. Away from his dominions there are other potentates, highwaymen, and robbers, who are settled on the other side of the two rivers Hianbege (Chambeze) and Aruangoa, on the route to Tete. Cazembe has not yet been there, but he intends to so and attack them.- p. J. BAPTISTA'S EEPORT OF JOUENEY. 231 When there are no travellers trading at his capital, he will order slaves and ivory to be collected, and will go with his ambas- sadors to chastise such chiefs as stop the way to traders coming from Tete to his country ; and, whoever the chief may be who will not allow travellers to pass, he will proceed at once to array his fighting men, and march them to such pumbos. The robbers now begin to pay tributes of cattle, wishing to convey the false impression that they are his vassals, and some petty chiefs are already escaping to other lands some distance away. The territory of Cazembe is low and very cold. A disease is prevalent therein that is painful to the eyes. It is supplied with provisions all the year round and every year ; manioc flour, millet, maize, large haricot beans, small ditto, round beans, which they call Misso a Oabandi, Massango, which they term Impondo, and Caxai, alias Lucu, fruits, as bananas ; sugar-canes, potatoes, yams, gourds, almonds (ground-nuts), and much fish from the rivers Luapula and Mouva, which are near. He owns three salt districts — Oabomba, Muagi, and Carucuige — beside the Salina Quigila, which is on this border of the Muatayanvo. He possesses victuals, oxen, which the before-named chiefs pay as tribute, and some other oxen, which he sends and buys from the Huizas in exchange for slaves, small animals, and she-goats. He has neither sheep nor pigs ; except at the present time, a few pigs that came from the country called Tanga: he also requested the illustrious Snr". D. Francisca and the chief- captain, Gonjalo Caetano, to send others by us on our return from Tete. The Cazembe was the slave of the son of Muatayanvo, named, after the country-fashion, Mutanda, who was formerly governor of the salt district, by order of the Muatayanvo Mun- canza, who had appointed him. This Mutanda was king of the so-called Acosa nation. He afterwards went to take part in the wars, and left as his substitute his Quilolo and slave Quinhata^ to send the salt tribute and other necessary things bought with the salt to his " father," the Muatayanvo. This same Quinhata began to send a more important Mulambo (tribute), muconzos, beirames, and cloths, big pans of salt, and other things much esteemed by the Muatayanvo, than that of Mutanda, the '_' son," after his campaigns. He collected all the slaves taken in the wars and other things there valued ; and he also ordered salt to be prepared for the slaves to carry, and collected the Mulambo. These they took to his father, the Muatayanvo, giving him the news of the raids which he had been engaged in; adding that the Mutanda could not personally render obedience to his " father," because his^feet were injured. On the arrival of the said Mutanda's messengers, who delivered the Mulambo, his father Muatayanvo Muncanza, refused it, saying that what his 232 p. J. BAPTISTA'S RBPOET OP JOUENEY. slave Quinhata had sent was larger than his " son's," who had neither love nor obedience for him. The Mutanda's messengers returned with the Mulambo and the former was offended by his " father's " having returned it, while he accepted the assertions of his slave Quinhata. He ordered Quinhata to be captured, and to be thrown into the river Mucuregi. The messengers, re- turning to the Muatayanvo, told him that his "son" had ordered Quinhata to be Jiilled because he had sent a good Mulambo. The " father," on hearing this, immediately sent and expelled his " son " from the government of the Salina, giving the same to the son of the deceased Quinhata, named, after the land-fashion, Ganga Abilonda, who was invested with the white clay, knife, shield, javelins, together with other Quilolos to maintain him in his domains. He ordered him to govern the Salina and conquer all the lands he could ; that when he came to any country sup- plying good things, he should stay there, in order to go on conquering, little by little, as he might be able. He established himself in the Quixinga land, in which he now governs, sending tribute to his masters, the Muatayanvos, by his ambassadors, and by some of Muatayanvo's " Cacoatas " (guides), who go there to collect and buy slaves, goods, sambos dolos (counterfeit cowries), which they call "pande," a kind of large round shell, saracas, chintz, small plates, large cowries, brass basins, huartes, and borralhos. It is some years since the Cazembe went to visit the Muatayanvo in person. By the latter's own orders, when former Cazembes came to conquer the lands in which the present chief reigns, they agreed not to leave their lands because of the danger lest the people, in their absence, might rise and kill the persons they left to represent them (relations or friends), while the Cazembe went to visit the Muatayanvo. Therefore it became a general custom for the Cazembes not to go personally to the Mussamba of the Muatayanvo, but only to send ambassadors with their Mulambo. Some Cacoatas who come from the Muatayanvo's do not wish to return to him: these remain in Cazembe's lands, and if the Muatayanvo sends for them, the Cazembe laughs, and sends slaves in their stead. All the slaves we brought died of hunger; some fled from the Pumbo of the Cazembe, there being no prisons where we could secure them. When we were on this side of the river Luburi, with the men ill and dying on the road from the Salina Quigila as far as the said river Luburi, on Wednesday, 11th February, we had a great fright, and were all the night on the look-out, as the chief, Muene Samba, wanted to attack our Cazembe of the Eoad (guide), and kill us travellers also, who were in his company, because the Muatayanvo had killed the messengers of his friends, Quinhama and Muchima, and took p. J. BAPTISTA'S PROCEEDINGS AT TETTB. 233 their goods to him, the Muatayanvo. With the assistance of the Holy Virgin Mary, we left there without sustaining any harm, hy the Divine Providence ; and with these losses it became necessary to stay two months at the river Luburi, to get the people into condition, who had come in so pale, thin, and ill from hunger, we as well as they not being able to walk a step through the same cause. We saw nothing more in the terri- tories of the Cazembe that I have omitted to note ; neither on the road was there anything nor any misadventure which I failed to report. I continued to make my notes regularly, even when ill. (Signed) Pedeo Joao Baptista. (C.) 1811. In the name of God, Amen. The following relates to wliat passed between the Most Illustrious Governor of the Kivers of Senna, on the East Coast of Africa, regarding otu- arrival from the dependency and Kingdom of Angola, and of our delivery to the Governor of the letter sent by my master, Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da Costa, Director of the Fair of Mucari; of other matters current in that town, its trade, and the conquered lands now subject to the same town; the dis- coveries I made in the territory, and the persons who assisted me to make them. On Saturday, the second of February, 1811, we arrived in the town of Tette, at four in the afternoon, in the company of the Chief-Captain Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, who was to bring us into the presence of the Governor. On the day of our arrival, however, we did not see him, and the same gentleman, Gonpalo Caetano, placed us in the house of a native of the place, who was away from the town, whilst he stayed with his son-in-law, Jose Sebastiao de Ataide. We passed two nights on the road after leaving the Senhor Gonpalo. Caetano's farm. On Sunday, the third, the Governor sent a soldier to summon us. I went with Gon^alo Caetano, and delivered the letter to the Governor himself: he did not open it in our presence, but said that the way by land being open from the West Coast of Africa, at Angola, to the Rivers of Senna, was a very good thing. The 234 p. J. BAPTISTA'S PROCEEDINGS AT TETTE. Cazembe's ambassador, with whom we were, named Catara Mirimba, gave the following message : — " I bring to your Excel- lency these men, who come from Angola ;" at the same time the ambassador offered the present which Cazembe sent to the Governor: it consisted of two ivory tusks and a large green stone, which he did not deliver. His Excellency then asked me for the diaries kept from the Fair of Cassange to the Muathi- anvo, from the Muatahianvo to the King Cazembe, and from Cazembe to the town of Tette. To write these diaries, I at once asked for paper, which was given me, and I stated with all clearness what passed between us and the Muatahianvo on the subject of, our journey ; how he allowed us to pass on, and gave us the guide, who brought us to Cazembe, and the presents we gave to the Muatahianvo ; also about the potentates and peoples on the journey to the Cazembe, and in like manner about the Cazembe, and the long delay there ; how we were compelled to return twice, because of the Huizas chief being engaged in war with the Cazembe ; the latter having killed their " sons " in the iight on his return from the road to Senna. After resting twenty days, when I remained to write out the journal from Cassange to the Muatahianvo, His Excellency would give me no more paper, and said that from the particulars I had given him verbally about Cassange, he was well informed of all ; that he wanted only the two journals from the Muatahianvo to Cazembe, and from the Cazembe to the Eios de Senna. On delivering our letter, he told us that on no account he could provide us with all things required for our journey to Angola without the sanction of His Excellency the Governor-General ; but that he would send us to see the General at Mozambique, who might write to Eio de Janeiro, and request our Lord the Prince Eegent to allow him (the General) to send us with all the necessaries for our transport. He added that when the last Governor, Antonio de Noronha, or Antonio Norberto Barboza , de Villa (Villas ?) de Boas, made disbuj'sements, some persons of the general works proved that he repaid the Treasury, from which he had taken the means, from the factory of His Excel- lency at Mozambique, and he was condemned to make a general distribution of merchandise ; that under no circumstances could he do anything without orders (or permission) from Mozambique, because of the great stir there had been in consequence of our Prince Eegent having to leave his capital to escape being caught by the great Buonaparte. That in the state of ruin and confusion the Elvers of Senna were in, without protective means, he could do nothing, and did not even know who would govern these Elvers of Senna, whether they would be Portuguese or English ; and, in consequence of this'panic; he was deprived p. J. BAPTISTA'S PBOCEEDINGS AT TETTE. 235 of his control over the Eoyal Treasury ; that it was only to the late GoTernor, Jose Francisco de Araujo Lacerda, who died in Cazembe, that His Eoyal Highness had confided the task of exploring the route from the Western Coast of Africa (Angola) by land: the deceased had the Eoyal orders and everything- necessary for the undertaking, but he did not reach Angola, as it pleased God to take him to Himself, and he died in the country of Cazembe. In Goa there are now two Governors, one English and the other Portuguese ; and, according to news the traders bring, who come from Mozambique to the Eivers of Senna with goods, I mean with cloth to buy money — the name they give to gold-dust — and ivory, the English will come and take this place also, and there will be two Governors in the Senna rivers ; but who can tell what truth there is in it ? In addition to the above declaration the Governor made to us,, he asked if we would wear uniforms : and, telling me to sit down upon a chair, said no one would venture to do what we had done, in crossing overland from the West Coast of Africa by Angola, to the East Coast at the Eivers of Senna ; that His Eoyal Highness had always been seeking some one who could accomplish this, but all in vain, as he had not met with any one who would under- take this important task ; and that the six thousand cruzados, which Governor Lacerda had taken with him on his enterprise, had been lost. I replied, " I cannot be seated in your Honour's presence ; it may be seen from the letter we bring, who we are." The Governor then said, we had executed the task as well as the gentlemen themselves executed the orders of His Eoyal Highness : much more did we, being slaves, and having the patience and ingenuity to obey and carry out our master's orders, deserve being rewarded for the amount of trouble and work we had gone through for His Eoyal Highness ; and as Angola had its own Government, with full powers, we would be assisted, and our master, Francisco Honorato da Costa, as author of this undertaking, would not fail to inform them of what we had done for the Eoyal service. The Governor dealt with all these matters at his public residence, in the presence of two officers of the staff, and his Adjutant Eodrigo Jose de Aboim, the Captain of Militia Camello Jos6 de Lemos, Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, Jose Sebastiao de Ataide, Judicial Clerk, and two other men whose names I do not know. We replied, we could not go to Mozambique, as our guide, whom Muatahianvo had given us, was waiting at Cazembe for us ; and also that we had been away from our country nearly ten years, the time we had been occu- pied in this enterprise, and we did not know whether he who sent us was living or dead. The Governor answered that it did not matter, but that it 236 .' P. J. BAPTISTA'S PROCEEDINGS AT TETTE. would be impossible to provide means for our transport to Angola ; therefore he would ask them as an obligation to His Eoyal Highness. He sent me with a soldier to the house of the Illustrious Joaquim Oorrea Craveiro Sabarreiros, to keep and clothe me ; and my comrade Anaslacio Francisco to the house of the Illustrious Lady Dona Francisca Josefa de Moura e Menezes, to feed and clothe him. They treated us with great kindness, giving, as food every ten or twelve days for the black boys and negresses, a measure of millet, and to us they gave prepared food at both houses for dinner, &c. ; my comrade, however, getting much more and better food than I did. The said Craveiro gave me a white fustian garment, and a wrapper or gown of blue serafina ferret with copper buttons, a pair of boots, and two plates of Lisbon earthenware for my use. While we were lodging in these houses the G-overnor sent for us, and gave us a piece of Zuarte to make trousers of, and " cutoes ; " and to the Cazembe of the road (guide) they gave cloth and tine beads, to buy provisions with at Senhor Gonpalo Caetano's farm. The merchandise, however, they gave direct to Gronpalo Caetano, at his son-in-law's house, Jose Sebastiao de Ataide, sending it by a sergeant of the garrison, Luiz Jos6 Ferreira Lima, from the Governor's, to give them to the Cazembe of the road, to buy what they pleased. Senhor Gonpalo Caetano did not, however, give these things to the Cazembe of the road, but only supplied him with provisions from his Arimos (warehouses). After having given all these orders, he drew up a list of the names and dwellings of the inhabitants of that town, that they might, each man and woman, as an obligation to His Eoyal Highness, give fifteen or twenty pieces of cloth. The Governor himself con- tributed one hundred and thirty pieces towards our transport to Angola, and that we might carry letters very carefully to the Illustrious and Excellent Senhor General 'of Angola, and to the Director Francisco Honorato da Costa. They promised to give us only six hundred pieces of cloth, to which we answered, " If your Honour wishes to take compassion on us, and send us to Angola, six hundred pieces of the stuff of this country would not be sufficient for such a long journey, with presents to make to the chiefs on the way, and the cost of provisions for our use from the town of Tette to the Cazembe, from the Cazembe to the Muatahianvo, whom they call Muropue, and from the Muata- hianvo to the Fair of Mucary." He began to get out of humour with us, saying that when we came from Cassange we brought no cloth for the exploration of the road to the Rivers of Senna, to which we replied that the Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da Costa had despatched us with three contos (Es.3000$000) worth of woollen goods of fine quality, besides p. J. BAPTISTA'S PEOCBEDINGS AT TETTE. 237 bugles, and stone-beads of various kinds; fine red cloths, crimson beaver and druggets to present to the chiefs of the countries on the way to allow us to pass through. On our giving this explanation, he said we must not make comparisons with the goods that came from Angola on the West Coast. So he sent us away with only four hundred and sixty-eight pieces, which they call Xoabos (chuabos), Indian cloths much damaged, given by the inhabitants against their wishes ; they saying that there was no obligation on their part to subscribe, there being plenty of goods in the King's factory. These things were given to us already packed in two small bales, called by them Mutores. We do not recollect the particulars of these articles, neither had we a list of them to know what they consisted of; and we only opened them at the house of Senhor Gronjalo Caetanp at the recommendation of the Governor in a letter brought with us by a soldier named Domingos Sampaio, ordering Senhor Gonpalo Caetano to take account of the goods and deliver them to us when we started. Thus we were despatched wanting what was most necessary to give away on the road, they having supplied to us no cloth that would be appreciated by the two potentates, the Cazembe and the Muatahianvo : these two chiefs having done all they could to assist us to carry out the undertaking, and help us to cross. They gave us neither firearms nor gunpowder to aid us in our defence; only four hundred and sixty-eight, pieces of cloth, ten packets of small white, black and blue beads, bought out of the said cloths, and four bags of salt. By the help of G-od, without either muskets or powder, we started from the town of Tette on Friday, May the tenth, 1811, nothing else having been treated of in connection with our expedition ; noting the state of the said town, not only in consequence of the fear and panic created by Bonaparte, but also by the want of union existing among the townsmen. Even the Governor himself they accuse — I say they accuse falsely — of having been proved to have been the cause of the death of two Governors, the Illustrious' Governor Francisco de Araujo e Lacerda, whom it pleased God to take to Himself at Cazembe, being engaged in the same task of exploring the route from Tette to Angola, and the other. Governor Antonio Norberto Barbosa de Villas Boas, whom the colonists, officers, and soldiers, abandoned in the wars in the country named Caririra, belonging to an imperial potentate named, after the country- fashion, Moanna Mutapa Amutua. The latter is now persecuting the Governor of the above town aided by another nearer, who is called Prince of the land of Tette, or in country-fashion Changara : he is also persecuting the Governor to render him vassalage, and send him monthly tributes as the Sovereign of the lands. 238 P. J. BAPTISTA'S PEOCEEDINGS AT TETTE. The conquered districts held by the Government of Tette are four, Senna, Quilhimar (Quillimane), Zumbo with Marissa (Marrisca ?), and the country (of the) Maravez, on the other side of the Zambeze river, in which people live, and in which are the warehouses (arimos) of the inhabitants of the town, male and female. There is also another country to the west of the river Zambeze, called Sofalla, territory of the Muana Mutapa, who is under the Government of Mozambique. The trade of the town of Tette consists in ivory, gold dust called money, which the traders from Mozambique, Senna, and Quilhimar, come to buy with Indian stuffs. There is not a large trade carried on there in slaves, the price not being good enough to pay the seller. In former times they were worth more, but not at the present. They give for a "molecote," or slave-boy of six spans in height, a piece of zuarte eight fathoms in length, averaging (or capable of being cut into) twelve or fourteen cloths, and a piece of white " samater " of eight cloths, to make up the number of twenty-two cloths, which they call ■a, score (corja), the number they give for a slave. The traders of Mozambique, Senna, and Quilhimar always try to get slaves who came from the Cazembe, as they do not run away so much as those from our conquered districts about Tette. The town of Tette is built of stone, and it is with the same material found in the country that they build one-storied houses of stone and clay, and some ground-floor buildings thatched with straw : there are only four houses roofed with tiles, and they belong to Dona Francisca called Quibonda ; Dona Paula Mascarenhas ; Dona Philipa Antonia, sister of the Quibonda, and Senhor Graveiro. Salt is extracted from the streets in the Cassibo (Cacimbo, i.e., cloudy) season, as far as the fortress where the soldiers are quartered, and where the Governor's house, and the quarters of all the principal inhabitants, are situated. On the further side of the Zambeze lie the Arimos (warehouses) of the inhabitants, containing supplies of wheat, barley, rice, and even apples and quinces ; millet, called Maqa Ambala, and maize, known as Massa Aquindelle, fruits of different kinds ; canes, from which they make sugar, and " Gerebita," a liquor extracted from the dregs of the sugar. The climate is very hot, fevers and agues prevailing. Nearly all the inhabitants have mines, whence they get gold dust, called money ; they are near the small rivers, where they send their slaves to find it. On this side of the Zambeze, every day, there are slaves going and coming, belonging to the inhaljitants, who bring maize and wheat for making bread, besides other necessaries, and firewood. The said river Zam- beze is about four hundred fathoms wide : to Senna and p. J. BAPTISTA'S PROCEEDINGS AT TETTE. 239 Quilhimar (Quillimane) there are roads running down the river-Talley. In the said pumbo (town) there are only a few white Portu- guese, whose names are, the Illustrious Senhor Joaquim Correia CJrayeiro Sabarreiros, Lieutenant-Colonel of Militia ; Doctor in Chief Mathias Jose Rebello, native of Loandaj Alexandre de Araujo Laceria Coutinho Pereira, Town Major; Leandro Jose de Aragao, Ensign of the Garrison ; Michael Joaquim, Ensign of Militia ; Joaquim da Costa and Joao da Guarda, Lieutenant of Militia; Manoel Antonio, Captain of Militia; Vicente Antonio de Quadros ; Antonio Vergolino de (?), Ensign of the Garrison ; Caetano Benedito Lobo, Lieutenant of Militia ; Camillo Jose de Lemos, Captain of Militia ; Eodrigo Jose de Aboiim, Adju- tant and Captain of Militia; Christovao Franco, Chief Captain of the Mixonga (bush-land) ; Luiz Jose Ferreira Lima, Sergeant of the Garrison ; Jose Oias, Quartermaster of the Garrison. Those born in the same town, Joao Vicente da Cruz, Lieu- tenant of the Garrison; Ignacio Gomes dos Santos, Major of Militia ; Manuel Jose Cardoso, Chief Captain of the lands ; Luiz Nunes, Captain of Militia ; Joao Cardoso, Ensign of the Garrison ; Miguel da Costa e Santa Maria ; Jose Dias de Sonsa ; Dionizio Xavier da Costa, Ensign of Militia ; Jose Vicente de Aquino. Ladies of the same country: the Illustrious Senhora Dona Ertocisca Jcsefa de Moura and Menezes, who had been married , to two Governors of the town of Tette ; Illustrious Senhoras Dona Paula Mascarenhas ; Dona Eilippa Antonia de Moura and Menezes ; Dona Leonarda Oitavianna dos Eeis Moreira ; Dona, Thomazia Eitta de Moura and Menezes ; Dona Izabel Pereira de Araujo, Dona Anna Sebastiao de Sousa Braganpa, Dona Anna de Mello Botelho, Dona Izabel Anna de Sousa Braganpa, Dona Eita de Araujo Lacerda; Dona Maria da Costa, and Dona Anna da Costa. Beside these, there are people of another nation called the "Canaris" (of East Indian derivation), viz., the Illustri- ous Jose Pedro Diniz, Colonel of Militia; Gonpalo Caetano Pereira ; Jose Sebastiao de Ataide, Judicial Clerk ; Joao Caetano de Andrade Soccorro, Lieutenant-Colonel of Militia; Domingos Antonio Salvador Colajo, Commissioner ef the Eoyal Treasury; Joao Salvador Colapo, and other persons, whose names I do not know. There are also three persons, whites, whom they call Gentaos (heathens), who do not profess the Catholic faith ; they dress in white clothes every day, and wear on their heads red turbans, which they do not remove to make any salutation, as other people do ; one is named Tacraus Narus, tailor ; the second is a blacksmith, and the third a carpenter. On Saturday, 24th May, 1811, the Lieutenant-Colonel, I say 2iO p. J. BAPTISTA'S PROCEEDINGS AT TBTTE. the Governor, I say the Adjutant, Eodrigo Jose de Aboim, sent for us to receive the goods given by the ladies and gentlemen ■which they were deceitfully trying to rob us of. Senhor Eodrigo and Senhor Luiz Jose Ferreira Lima told us that some very showy pieces of white " botira," given us by Senhor Craveiro, Dona Francisca Quibonda, and Dona Paula Mascarenhas, which they much needed or coveted, must be changed for Indian calico. We said, that having received said pieces from the Governor's hands, it would not do to exchange them for two pieces only, as this "botira" would be useful to us to present to the Cazembe : the Governor having given us no cloth that would please the Cazembe, who had been the means of our coming here with his Cacuata, and who would be pleased with them, and let us go on to Angola. The before-named gentlemen replied yes (that it must be done as they said). On Monday, 25th of the same month, a soldier came to fetch us by the Governor's order, to go and see the articles. I went with my comrade A nastacio, and we saw in the Governor's quarto (room) Eodrigo Gamelo, Jos6 de Lemos, and Luiz Jose Ferreira Lima ; and, looking over the goods, we saw, without moving them, that the pieces that were there with the rest of the things were missing. Luiz directly went away, and when the skid Senhor Eodrigo came in we asked him about them ; he answered us very roughly and coarsely, saying, that if we had the impudence to question him, he would send us ta buy where the Senhor Honorato was ; and taking hold of me, he tried to throw me out of the window to the ground : and, as he could not lift me, he began to kick me, shouting uproariously all the time. At last, Senhor Camelo declared in our favour, saying that it was very wrong to exchange goods from the Eoyal Service ; he prevented my telling the Governor about it, as I wished to, because he was ill in bed, and his companion Luiz very much wished to prevent it, as it was he who had taken down on paper a note of the goods as he went from house to house ; they were both at the bottom of this exchange, which all the inhabitants considered to have been a very bad proceeding. Nothing else was done, neither did we witness anything more in the territory of Tette that I have forgotten to mention, except my involuntary neglect to carry out the orders of my master, Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da Costa, on this task of opening the road from the State and Kingdom of Angola to the Eios de Senna. God be ever praised that we departed from this town without the inconvenience which might have resulted from robberies and other crimes, which cause peace and quietness to be valued. (Signed) Pedko JoXo JBaptista. (Countersigned) Antonio Nogueika da Eooha. DECLAEATION OP P. H. DA COSTA. 241 (D.) The Governor of Angola transmits from the Grovernor of the Tiivers of Senna the despatches, arrived overland in conse- quence of the discovery of a communication between the two 'Coasts of Eastern and Western Africa, made by the pombeiros of Lieut. -Colonel Director of the Fair of Mucary, Francisco Honorato da Costa, to whose diligence and exertions is owing the happy result of this important and much-desired object. The before- said Lieut-Colonel prays that he may be justly recompensed for his services ; for the outlay he made from his own means on account of the expedition, and for the loss of the slaves engaged in the undertaking, giving up all his rights „or title to the survivors, that they may receive from His Eoyal Highness the reward of merit. He wishes also to be able to remunerate the native heathen chiefs who assisted him. I charge Pedro Joao Baptista to seek out the Illustrious Senhor Treasurer-in-Chief of the Eoyal Exchequer, Francisco Bento Maria Targini, at Eio de Janeiro, and to assure that gentleman of my respects, and to beg him to intercede and promote the intercession with the Prince Eegent our Lord, the Queen our Lady, and the other Eoyal personages their coun- sellors and illustrious ministers, to obtain a fair and due Tsmuneration for my great services effected entirely at my own cost, without assistance from any person, or a "real " from the Eoyal Treasury ; but on the contrary, with known opposition from those who have governed Ambaca, and who are undeserv- ing the name of Portuguese vassals, when the Eoyal Treasury has, without any result, lost all it expended, as well as the men who were entrusted with this enterprise. And so nothing was effected ; but if any of those who came from Senna and Mozam- bique had reached Angola, no person, no matter how subordinate his position, would have been unrewarded similarly in addition to what recompense I expect myself. I hope to obtain something ■on account of my slaves whom I employed, of whom some died, others deserted, while others accompanied and assisted me when .seriously affected with diseases which I have had difSculty in escaping. With the careful application of remedies and proper treatment persevered in by them, by the mercy of God I am alive to remunerate those who remain, and I wish also to reward the native potentates who assisted me, and who would by the in- centive of rewards be ready to aid with similar zeal any further •object of interest to the Eoyal Service ; I renounce entirely all my rights existing in them (the slaves), that they may be able 242 LBTTEES FROM THE PEINOE REGENT to enjoy any favours, honours or rewards of which they may be^ worthy, and which the Eoyal graciousness may be pleased to con- fer on them. Fair of Mucary, district of the kingdom of Angola, 27th October of 1814, (Signed) Feancisoo Honokato da. Costa. Legislative documents referring to these explorations : — [1st.] To Jose d'Oliveira Barbosa, Governor and Captain-General of the Kingdom of Angola. — Friend, I, the Prince Eegent, cor- dially greet you. Having had before my Eoyal presence your despatch accompanying the result of the exploration with which Francisco Honorato da Costa, director of the Fair of Mucari had been entrusted, who by means of unremitting atten- tion and at considerable personal expense, has at last succeeded in proving the existence of communication between the two coasts of Eastern and Western Africa, I could not allow such an. important service, rendered gratuitously, and so worthy of my attention, to pass unnoticed. Having already in consequence- granted some rewards to the said Francisco Honorato da Costa, as you will have known, I am equally pleased to bestow upon him a life pension of eight hundred milreis annually, which shall be regularly paid by the Board of Administration of my Eoyal Treasury in that kingdom of Angola. I also ordain that he shall remain, as long as he may wish to do so, director of the before-mentioned Fair of Mticari, from which place he can best continue to make journeys, which should be annually repeated from that point to the Elvers of Senna, for which pur- pose I have resolved that a company of pedestres (pedestrians) shall be formed there in any manner you may consider best. After hearing the opinion on the subject of the said Francisco Honorato da Costa, you will be able to determine the num- ber of men required to form such company, and also the persons best suited to fill such posts; bearing in mind how- ever that I have already reserved the post of captain in it for Pedro Joao Baptista, as a reward for the services he rendered in the first expedition and for the knowledge he obtained in it, which he will be able to make useful in the subsequent journeys. The expenses connected with the same will be made in future on account of my Eoyal exchequer, so long as I do not order to the contrary. All of which I think fitting to commu- nicate to you for your information, and that you may ati act upon it. Given at Our Palace of Eio de Janeiro, on the twenty-eighth day of August, eighteen hundred and fifteen. (Signed) The Prince. To Jose d'Oliveira Barboza. AND THE MARQUIS D'AGUIAR. ' 243 [2iid.] The Prince Eegent, my master, haying been pleased to confer on Lieut-Colonel Francisco Honorato da Costa the appointment of brigadier of militia, as an acknowledgment for the important services rendered by him in the exploration of the communication between the two coasts of Eastern and Western Africa with which he was entrusted, as has already been notified to your Honour, the said August Sovereign is pleased to order that notwithstanding the absence of his nomination (or diploma) you will facilitate his obtaining and enjoying all the advantages such appointment confers on him, both as regards his use of the proper imiform, and the honours and privileges annexed to the post of brigadier. I forward this to your Honour for your information. God keep your lordship. Palace of Eio de Janeiro, 31st August, 1815. (Signed) Maequis d'Agttiab. [3rd.] By a decree, a copy of which is enclosed to your Honour, my master the Prince Eegent was pleased to name Pedro Joao Baptista, captain of the company of pedestrians, which is to be raised at the Fair of Mucari, there not being now time sufficient to prepare the nomination (or diploma) of this officer. The same August Senhor orders that notwithstanding this de- ficiency your Honour will consider him as already in the enjoyment of all the advantages which the appointment just granted by H.E.H. confers on him. His pay of 10,000 reis per month is to commence, and he will make use of the proper uniform. I forward this to you for your information and execution. God keep your Honour. Palace of Eio de Janeiro, 31st August, 1815. (Signed) Maequis d'Aguiae. [4th.] Desiring to give a proof of the value in which I hold the services just rendered by Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Hono- rato da Costa, Director of the Fair of Mucari, in the interior of the kingdom of Angola, so worthy my Eoyal attention, having succeeded at his own expense, and by untiring diligence, in opening the communication between the two coasts of Western and Eastern Africa, I have been pleased to confer on him the rank of Brigadier of Militia, to continue there in charge of the same important undertakings. The Supreme Military Council, having so understood it, will transmit to him the 244 LETTERS OF THE PRINCE REGENT. necessary documents. Palace of Eio de Janeiro, 13tli May, 1815. (With the signature of the Prince Regent.) [5th.J Having by Eoyal decree, dated this day, ordered the forma- tion of a Company of Pedestrians, to be employed in the communication which has just been discovered between the two coasts of Western and Eastern Africa, I am pleased to confer the post of Captain of this Company on Pedro Joao iJaptista, who was employed on the first expedition. And, considering the service he therein rendered, I have also been pleased to grant him, in the exercise of that appointment, the stipend of ten milreis per month. The Supreme Military Council, having so understood it, will, in conformity, transmit to him the necessary despatches. Palace of Kio de Janeiro, 28th August, 1815. (With the Signature of the Prince Eegent.) EESUME JOUENEY OF MM. MONTEIRO AND QAMITTO. By DE. C. T. BEKE, Ph.D., F.S.A., F.R.G.S. ( 247 ) EESUME OF THE JOUENEY OF MM. MONTEIRO AND aAMITTO. By DE. C. T. BEKE, Ph.D., F.S.A., P.E.G.S.* The second mission from the Portuguese G-overnor of the Kios