CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GOLDWIN SMITH LIBRARY Cornell University Library The original of tinis bool< is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924012538850 THE ATHEN^UM PRESS SERIES G. L. KITTREDGE and C. T. WINCHESTER GENERAL EDITORS Indeed he was a true model of worth ; a man fit for conquest, plantation, reformation, or what action soever is greatest and hardest amongst men; withal such, a lover of mankind and goodness, that whoever had any real parts, in him found com- fort, participation, and protection to the uttermost of his power. FuLKE Greville, Life of Sidney. The excellencies of this admirable essay are equally conspic- uous, whether we regard the purity and simphcity of its style, the streiigth and soundness of its reasoning, the rich fervor of its eloquence, or the variety and aptness of its illustrations. In short, nothing is wanting to malce the Defense^ of Poesy a piece of writing that, in a similar space, is not to be paralleled in our language. And regarding it as an essay on the natu/e, objects, and effects of poetry as an art, it is also beyond comparison the most complete work of the kind which we possess, even up to the present day ; — which is not a little singular, considering that it was written before we had achieved a poetry of our own, and at a period, too, when it appears that the art itself was held in but slight respect at all events, if not in mere contempt. Retrospective Review (for 1824) 10. 44. Sidney may be regarded as the earliest and the greatest assthetician — in Schiller's sense of that term — that England has ever produced. Flugel's Edition (1889), p. xlix. The Defense of Poetry is a work of rare merit. It is agolden little volume, which the scholar may lay beneath his pillow, as Chrysostom did the works of Aristophanes. ... It will be read "with delight by all who have a taste for the beauties of poe- try, and may go far to remove the prejudices of those who haAfe not. Longfellow, N. Amer. Rev. 34 (January, J832). 57. Mv ttxiliv m&nnj THE DEFENSE OF POESV OTHERWISE KNOWN AS AN APOLOGY FOR POETRY EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY ALBERT S. COOK PROFESSOR OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE IN YALE UNIVERSITY GINN & COMPANY BOSTON ■ NEW YORK ■ CHICAGO • LONDON n^ H vi PREFACE. Still less scruple has been felt iu departing from the old punctuation ; it has no right to be considered Bacon's ; it often makes absolute nonsense of a passage ; it sometimes produces ambiguities that may well cause perplexities even to intelligent readers ; and its retention can only be valuable to archaeologists as showing how little importance should be attached to the commas and colons scattered at random through their pages by the Elizabethan compositors." My obligations to various scholars will be found recorded in their proper places in the Notes ; but I take pleasure in bringing together, in the order of their citation, the names of Dr. J. A. H. Murray of Oxford, Mr. Ralph O. Williams of New Haven, Prof. T. F. Crane of Cornell University, Prof. Daniel G. Brinton of the University of Pennsylvania, Prof. Bernadotte Perrin of Adelbert University, and Prof Thomas D. Goodell of Yale University. A. S. C. New Haven, July 4, 1890. CONTENTS. PAGE Introduction ix Sketch of Sidney's Life ix Date of Composition and Publication xii Learning '. xv Style xxi Theory of Poetry xxviii Followers and Imitators xxxix Analysis xli The Defense of Poesy i Notes 59 Variants 134 Index of Proper Names 140 INTRODUCTION. I. Sketch of Sidney's Life. {Adapted from the Chronicle in Arber*s edition^ Philip Sidney " was son of Sir Henry Sidney by the Lady Mary his wife, eldest daughter of John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland ; was born, as 'tis supposed, at Penhurst in Kentj 29 November, 1554, and had his Christian name given to him by his father from King PhiKp, then lately married to Queen Mary' (Wood, Athena Oxonienses). He was the eldest of three sons and four daughters. Philip Sidney and Fulke Greville, both of the same age (nine years), and afterwards friends for life, enter Shrewsbury School on the same day, Oct. 17, 1564. Fulke Greville thus testifies of his schoolfellow : " Of whose youth I will report no other wonder but thus, that though I lived with him, and knew him from a child, yet I never knew him other than a man ; with such staidness of mind, lovely and familiar gravity, as carried grace and reverence above greater years. His talk ever of knowledge, and his very play tending to enrich his mind, so as even his teachers found something in him to observe and learn, above that which they had usually read or taught ; which eminence by nature and industry made his worthy father style Sir Philip in my hearing (though I unseen) Lumen familim suce" [the light of his family]. " While he was very young, he was sent to Christ Church to be improved in all sorts of learning . . . where continuing till he was about 1 7 years of age "... (Wood, Athence Oxonienses). This settlement at Oxford was made when X IXTRODUCTIOiY. hf was 13 years old. On May 25, 1572, the Queen grants Philip Sidney license to go abroad with three servants and tour horses. On May 26 he leaves London in the train of the Earl of Lincoln, Ambassador to the French King. August 9, Charles IX makes him one of the Gentlemen of his Chamber. August 24, the Massacre of St. Bartholomew ; Sidney, being in the house of the English Ambassador, Sir Francis Walsingham, is safe. He however soon leaves Paris, and journeys by Heidelberg to Frankfort, where he meets Hubert Languet, aged 54. He stays at Frankfort about nine months. They two then go to Vienna, where, after some trips to Hungary, Sidney leaves Languet, and spends eight months in Italy, chiefly in Venice, Padua, and Genoa. He returns to Vienna in November, spends his winter there, and, coming home through the Low Countries, reaches England on May 31, 1575, having been absent a trifle over three years, from the age of 17 till that of 20. In the same year introduced to Court by his uncle, the Earl of Leicester. July 9-27, 1575, is at the famous reception given by Leicester to the Queen, at Kenilworth. The Court moves to Chartley Castle, where Phihp is supposed first to have seen 'Stella' (Penelope, daughter of Lord Essex, then aged 1 3 ; afterwards Lady Rich) . The sonnets of Astrophel and Stella go on for the next five or six years. In 1577, at the age of 22, is sent as Ambassador with messages of con- dolence to Rodolph II, the new emperor of Germany, at Prague, and to the two sons of Frederic III, late Elector Palatine, viz., Lewis (now Elector) and John Casimir, at Heidelberg. In May of 1578, on the coming of the Court to his uncle's at Wanstead, Sidney writes a masque entitled The Lady of May. About this time Sidney becomes acquainted with Gabriel Harvey, and through him with Edmund Spenser. In August, 1579, Stephen Gosson pub- lishes The School of Abuse, and on Oct. 16 Spenser writes to Harvey Sidney's idea of it. Soon after (Dec. 5) INTRODUCTION. xi Spenser's Shepherd's Calendar is entered at Stationer's Hall. In 1580 Sidney writes to the Queen against her marrying the Duke of Anjou, and while virtually ban- ished from Court writes the Arcadia, and, jointly with his sister, translates the Psalms. Early in 1581 Sidney is a member of Parliament, and on Sept. 30 Languet dies at Antwerp. On Jan. 8, 1583 the Queen knights him, and soon after he marries Frances, daughter of Sir Francis Wal- singham. In this year he probably writes the Defense of Poesy. During the winter of 1584-5 he is a second time member of Parliament. His daughter EKzabeth, afterward Countess of Rutland, is born in 1585, and Sidney projects an expedition to America with Sir Francis Drake. On Nov. 7, 1585 he is appointed Governor of Flushing, on Nov. 16 leaves England for the last time, and on Nov. 21 assumes his office. In 1586 his father and mother both die. On Sept. 2 2 of this year the fight at Zutphen occurs. Accord- ing to the Earl of Leicester's account, Sidney " received a sore wound upon his thigh, three fingers above his knee, the bone broken quite in pieces." Sidney lingered twenty- six days, his last words being these, which were addressed to his brother : " Love my memory, cherish my friends ; their faith to me may assure you they were honest. But, above all, govern your will and affections by the will and word of your Creator, in me beholding the end of this world with all her vanities." He died when he had not quite attained his thirty-second year. On Oct. 24 his body was removed to Flushing, embarked there for conveyance to London on Nov. i, landed at Tower Hill on Nov. 5, and taken to a house in the Minories, without Aldgate, where it remained until the public funeral at St. Paul's on Feb. 16, 1587. "Volumes," says Fox Bourne {Memoir, p. 534), " would be filled were I to collect all the praise uttered in prose, and still more extensively in verse, by Sir Phihp Sid- ney's contemporaries or his immediate successors.'' Xii INTRODUCTION. 2. Date of Composition and Publication. As Sidney refers to the Shepherd's Calendar of Spenser (47 u), the Defense must have been written subsequent to the publication of that work, which was entered at Sta- tioner's Hall on Dec. 5, 1579. Moreover, the Defense was in some measure intended as a reply to Gosson's School of Abuse, which appeared about August, 1579, and which had certainly been examined by Sidney before the middle of October of that year, as appears from Spenser's letter to Harvey. After Sidney's departure from England to serve in the Low Countries, Nov. 16, 1585, he would have had no leisure for the composition of such a work. Accordingly it must have been written between 1579 and 1585. Arber thinks " that the vindication followed soon upon the attack,'' and is therefore disposed to fix the date of the Defense in 158 1. Fox Bourne says (^Memoir, p. 407) : " The Defense of Poesie, written after The Arcadia and Astrophel and Stella, and therefore probably not until the year 1583." In expla- nation of this, it must be remembered that the Arcadia was begun, and the most of it probably written, in 1580. Fox Bourne says of it {Memoir, p. 345) : " Having commenced his romance in the summer of 1580, I infer that Sidney had written about three-quarters of the whole, and all which has come down to us in a finished state, by the autumn of 1581." Some time must be allowed for the change in Sidney's style, the abandonment of a florid and sentimental manner of writing, and the acquisition of that sobriety and soUdity of diction which reflects a maturer manhood. This progress toward maturity is noted by Fox Bourne (p. 347) : " His journey to Flanders, in the early spring of 1582, must have interrupted his literary work. After that there was a marked change in his temper. Honest purposes were rising in hira which little accorded with many sentiments in the halt INTRODUCTION. xiii- written romance." The argument derived from the change in Sidney's style, the index of a corresponding change in his temper and views, seems to me irresistible, and I am there- fore incUned to place the Defense as late as 1583. The quiet happiness of the first months succeeding his marriage may have been especially favorable to such thoughtful composi- tion. Even more conducive to the philosophical meditation which the authorship of this tractate required may have been his friendship with a famous^ philosopher and highly gifted nature, who in that year came to ISngland and entered the circle composed of Sidney and his most intimate .friends. I refer to the poet and mystic, Giordano Bruno, a precursor of Bacon and martyr of the Inquisition. The preparation for the Defense necessitated a comparison of the doctrines of Plato and Aristotle touching poetry, and nothing could well have served as a more urgent stimulus to such philo- sophical study than familiar intercourse with Bruno, at home in Platonism and Neoplatonism, and a vigorous assailant of the exclusive authority of Aristotle. Who can fail to recog- nize the substantial identity of Sidney's reflection on the loveliness of virtue (30 20-22), not only with the common source in Plato, but also with the following sentiment taken from Bruno's Heroic Rapture, which was dedicated to Sidney (quoted in Frith's Life of Giordano Bruno, p. 125) : " For I am assured that Nature has endowed me with an inward sense by which I reason from the beauty before my eyes to the light and eminence of more excellent spiritual beauty, which is light, majesty, and divinity." The impulse given by Bruno would be precisely that which Sidney needed in order to urge him to clarify his ideas, and reduce them to the orderly form in which they are presented in the Defense. On the hypothesis that this intimacy with Bruno did mark a distinct stage in Sidney's spiritual development, we can more readily comprehend how he was led to undertake the xiv INTRODUCTION. translation of Duplessis Mornay's book on the Truth of the Christian Religion, a work abounding in the Neoplatonic views with which Bruno's philosophy is surcharged. The reason for assigning the Defense to the year 1581 has less weight when we discover that it is much more than a reply to Gosson, that the. " argument of abuse " occupies a comparatively small part of the whole treatise, and that the positive, constructive, and critical element of it is what constitutes its chief value. Were we to assume, with Gro- sart (see p. xxxviii), that Spenser, perhaps before Gosson's attack was issued, suggested such a positive and constructive work to Sidney, if he did not actually have a hand in the planning of Sidney's own tract, there would be still less ground for believing that Sidney hastened to reply, espe- cially as there had been at least one confutation of Gosson's pamphlet attempted in the year 1579, under the title of Honest Excuses. In Gosson's Apology of the School of Abuse (Arber's ed., p. 73), we read: "It is told me that they have got one in London to write certain Honest Excuses, so they term it, to their dishonest abuses which I revealed." This Apology was written in 1579, and within a year or so Thomas Lodge had written his Defense, unless we assume that this is identical with the Honest Excuses, as has been done by some. In any event, we may be sure that there was no lack of ephemeral strictures, conceived in the same kind as the School of Abuse itself. What was wanted was a dignified discussion of the whole subject, based upon a profound and dispassionate view of the prin- ciples involved, and this, so different in every way from a hasty compilation, spiced with virulent epigrams, or what passed for such, Sidney would have been in no haste to publish. To these considerations in favor of the later date may be added the opinion of Collier {Hist. Eng. Dran\ Poetry, 2. 422-3 and 3. 374), who believes it to have been written " about the year 1583.'' INTRODUCTION. XV The Defense was not published till 1595, and then by two different printers, Ohiey and Ponsonby. The former gave it the title, An Apologie for Poetrie ; the latter. The Defence of Poesie. It is doubtful which of these appeared the earlier (Fliigel's ed., pp. 65, 66). Sidney himself refers to the treatise as " a pitiful defense of poor poetry " (but cf. p. xxxix) . 3. Learning. Like Bacon and Shakespeare, Sidney was a diligent stu- dent of Plutarch, and scarcely less of the Morab than of the Lives. On the 19th of December, 1573, he wrote from Venice to his friend Languet, asking for a copy of Plutarch in French. The indications accordingly are that he did not then read Greek with much fluency. His words are (Fox Bourne, Memoir, p. 74) : " If you can pick them up in Vienna, I wish you would send me Plutarch's works trans- lated into French. I would wiUingly pay five times their value for them." Languet replied " that for all the money in the world he could not buy a copy of Plutarch, though perhaps he might borrow one" (Fox Bourne, p. 75). This answer is not a little surprising, seeing that Amyot's French translation of the Lives, from which the English rendering by North was afterward made, appeared in 1559, that of the Morals not being published, however, till 1574. North's version was issued in 1 5 79, but long before this time Sidney was no doubt able to read Greek with much greater ease, and in any case must have familiarized himself with the mat- ter of Plutarch. No one among the ancients was so abun- dant a source of illustration to the moralists and essayists of the sixteenth century. It is for his store of anecdote and his living traits of the great men of antiquity that Sidney chiefly uses him, though it is clear that he had likewise become strongly imbued with Plutarch's ethical sentiments, except in so far as they were condemned or superseded by the purer tenets of Christianity. xvi INTRODUCTION. Sidney's favorite among the Latin prosaists was unques- tionably Cicero. To hini, as to the men of the hterary Renaissance generally, Cicero was the unrivalled model of style. Sidney's ear was charmed by the harmonious ca- dences of the great rhetorician, while his imagination was fired by Cicero's ostensible fervor of patriotism, his oratori- cal indignation or zeal, his prodigality of information and allusion, and, perhaps beyond everything else, by the re- flected glories of the ancient Roman State. If the style of the master partakes somewhat too much of Asiatic grandil- oquence and floridity, and somewhat too little of Attic re- finement and moderation, we should not be greatly surprised if we find the pupil occasionally proving his aptness by a clever imitation of the blemishes, as well as the beauties, of his original. We must not be unjust to Sidney because the sounding brass of Cicero sometimes gave forth in his hands the tone of the clanging cymbal. It must be remembered that the mind of England had been largely nourished upon the Psalmists and Prophets of the Old Testament, and had thus acquired a certain liking for the splendor of Oriental imagery, as well as the pomp and harmonies of Oriental language. To this must be added the familiarity with the mediaeval romances which came in the train of the Crusades, many of which were fragrant with the breath of the East. Finally, a fresh wave of Orientalism was now pouring upon France and England from the land of chivalrous thoughts and high emprise, the Spain of the Moors and the Castilian kings, of Guevara and Montemayor. Instead of wondering, therefore, that Sidney could endure, much less imitate, the Asianism with which Cicero's style, notwithstanding its many beauties, is still infected, we should rather wonder that he possessed the vigor of understanding and sense of form which are unmistakable in his theory and in the best of his practice, and that he was able to make so firm a stand against those tendencies of his time which resulted in the pedantries and imbecilities of Euphuism. INTRODUCTION. xvii Languet, Sidney's early and revered friend, is to be held partly responsible for his application to Cicero, as well as for any undue attachment to the Latin writers in general. In response to Sidney's letter quoted above, penned when Sidney was but 19, Languet wrote : "You ask me how you ought to form a style of writing. In my opinion you cannot do better than give careful study to all Cicero's letters, not only for the sake of the graceful Latin, but also on account of the weighty truths which they contain. . . . But take care of slipping into the heresy of those who believe that Cicero- nianism is the summum bonum, and who will spend a life- time in aiming after it. . . . When you begin to read Cicero's letters you will hardly need Plutarch " (Fox Bourne, pp. 74-5). This was soon followed by more counsel of similar tenor : " Greek literature, again, is a very beautiful study ; but I fear you will have no leisure to follow it through, and whatever time you give to it you steal from Latin, which, though less elegant than Greek, is far better worth your knowing" (Fox Bourne, p. 76). Fortunately, as we shall see, Sidney was too wise to yield implicit obedience to his Mentor with reference to the neglect of Greek literature, and, even before writing the Defense, his eyes had been opened to the folly of excessive devotion to the niceties of Latin style. In 1580, when he had reached the age of 25, he wrote to his brother Robert : " So you can speak and write Latin not barbarously, I never require great study in Ciceronianism, the chief abuse of Oxford, qui, dum verba sectantur, res ipsas negligunt" [who, in their application to words, neglect the things themselves]. This sounds like an anticipation of Bacon's judgment {Adv. Learning, i. 4. 2, 3) : " This grew speedily to an excess ; for men began to hunt more after words than matter ; more after the choiceness of the phrase, and the round and clean composition of the sentence, and the sweet falling of the clauses, and the vary- ing and illustration of their works with tropes and figures, xviii INTRODUCTION. than after the weight of matter, worth of subject, soundness of argument, life of invention, or depth of judgment. . . . Here, therefore, is the first distemper of learning, when men study words and not matter." Yet, notwithstanding Sidney's discernment of this weighty truth, and the progress in sim- plicity made between the writing of the Arcadia and that of the Defense, it is but too evident that what may be called the vices of Ciceronianism still continued to corrupt his style in an appreciable degree, or else that the element of purer Atticism in it had not been an effectual antidote against the Asianism derived from other sources. In one respect the study of Cicero was an almost unmixed benefit to Sidney. More than any other author except Plu- tarch, Cicero seems to have acquainted him with the history of the ancient world. He was to Sidney a mine of informa- tion about all sorts of subjects — lives of men, traits of manners, and philosophies — besides supplying him with more than one epigrammatic sally which only needed to be translated into English, and deftly introduced, to adorn the page on which it appeared. With the two chief epic poets of antiquity, Homer and Virgil, Sidney had a familiar acquaintance. Virgil occupies the first place in his affections, but he is by no means insen- sible to the superior loftiness and naturalness of Homer. As a highly educated man of that day, he knew well his Horace and Ovid, the dramatists Plautus and Terence, the satirists Juvenal and Persius, the historians Livy, Suetonius, Justin, and even the authors of the Augustan Histories, mor- alists like Seneca and the Pseudo-Cato, and perhaps Lucre- tius and QuintiUan. Of these the first four were perhaps preferred to the others. More remarkable, because less usual at that day, was his knowledge of the Greeks. Be- sides Plutarch and Homer, who have already been men- tioned, he admires and repeatedly mentions the Cyropcedia of Xenophon. Of the three tragedians, he was apparently INTRODUCTION. xix best acquainted with Euripides, though typical plays of both Sophocles and ^schylus had been included in his reading. Of Plato and Aristotle I speak under another head, that of Sidney's Theory of Poetry. Here it is sufficient to say that the dialogues of Plato which he had apparently studied with most care are the Ion, Symposium, Phtsdrus, Sophist, Phado, and Republic, and that he was conversant with at least the Poetics and Ethics of Aristotle, and perhaps with the Rhetoric. The incidental mention of such authors as Solon, Tyrtaeus, and others, proves nothing as to Sidney's personal knowl- edge of their writings. Many of these names, like those of Orpheus and Musaeus, were freely introduced into literary works and learned discussions, merely on the strength of similar mention of them in ancient writings of a relatively late period, and the commonplaces concerning them are therefore to be expected in any sixteenth century pamphlet or treatise on the subject of poetry or literary history. But there are others, such as Herodotus and Theocritus, whom Sidney mentions in such a way as to lead us to believe that he knew them otherwise than from mere hearsay. Even the Greeks of the post-classical age were not beyond the pale of his curiosity, as is shown by his praise of the romance of Heliodorus. In his quotations from the ancients Sidney is frequently inaccurate. We should not infer that in this respect he is singular among the Elizabethans ; Bacon, not to mention others, does not always adhere strictly to the phraseology of his author. Such inaccuracy is of doubtful interpretation in an age not distinguished for scientific exactness. It may indicate either a deficiency or a plenitude of scholarship, and our decision in favor of the one or the other should depend upon collateral evidence. Evidence of this nature is not altogether wanting as respects the fulness and essen- tial justness of Sidney's learning. It is found in his general XX INTRODUCTION. mastery of a difficult subject, but also in his manner of hand- ling, and as it were playing with, some of the quotations he employs. Now he changes the form of a verb from the second person to the first, in order to appropriate to himself a citation from Horace. Again for two nouns he substitutes their antonyms, that he may adapt a line from Ovid to his purpose. In these and similar cases his learning seems to be so entirely at command that he can mold and twist it to suit all the vagaries of a sportive humor. Less conclusive is his amplification of the famous apostrophe in the' First Oration against Catihne (53 24, note). Here, in his en- deavor to illustrate a rhetorical artifice, he appears to extend the quotation in order to make the illustration more telling. Unless the EUzabethan text of Cicero differed materially from that now accepted, this variation must be laid to the account of dishonesty or to that of a treacherous memory. No one who has formed an opinion concerning Sidney's character would accuse him of deliberate dishonesty, and hence we have no alternative except to suppose that his verbal memory was at times untrustworthy. All things considered, the accu- racy of his learning could probably be impeached, and has perhaps often been surpassed, by the best of our contem- porary writers ; yet it is none the less true that the extent of his reading, and the degree to which he rendered the substance of books tributary to the expression of his own convictions and essential manhood, might well put to shame many who are rightly esteemed his superiors in technical and minute scholarship. Sidney refers to numerous contemporary humanists, Ital- ian, German, French, and English, whose names it would be tedious and unprofitable to enumerate, especially as they are all contained in the Index of Proper Names. An exception must be made in favor of the elder Scaliger, to whose Poet- i^cs Sidney's indebtedness is not inconsiderable. In Italian hterature his range is from Dante to Ariosto, and in English INTRODUCTION. xxi from Chaucer to his personal friend Spenser. How lively was his interest in Italian authors we may infer from his friendship with Giordano Bruno, and the terms in which the latter dedicates to him- two of his important works. Sidney read Spanish wi^ ease, as we may infer not 'only from his imitation of Montemayor, but from his use of Oviedo, though it is just possible that the latter may have been accessible to him in translation. ^Vith respect to poetry there appears to have been a substantial identity of opinion on many points between himself and Cervantes, and, in a less degree, be- tween himself and Lope de Vega. Of his love for all that illustrated the riches of the English tongue, and of his ardent desire that the glories of its literature should be still further enhanced, these pages furnish ample proof. Finally, Sidney was a diligent and enthusiastic student of the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments, both in themselves and in commentaries upon them. Not only did he endeavor to guide his life according to their precepts, but he delighted in them as literature. His appreciation of the poetry of the Bible is shown by his translation of the first forty-three Psalms, and not less by his glowing, yet reverent, estimates of the parables of Christ, the liymns of Moses and Deborah, the dramatic poem of Job, and the lyric or didac- tic compositions of Solomon. In the Sacred Writings he discovered something that corresponded to every element of his manhood, and while their beauty and sublimity enthralled his aesthetic sensibility, he was ready to acknowledge in them a diviner efficacy which transcended the efforts of the human spirit to fathom, as when he exclaimed upon his death-bed, " How unsearchable the mysteries of God's Word are !" (Fox Bourne, p. 512.) 4. Style. Sidney has sometimes been called a Etiphuist. This term has been so loosely .employed that it would be unprofitable xxii INTRODUCTION. to examine the appropriateness of tlie designation without first defining what is to be understood by Euphuism. For- tunately, substantial unanimity has been reached by the competent investigators of the subject, and it is possible to utilize, without lengthy beating of the air, the labors of a scholar who is recognized as one of the foremost expounders of the modern theory of Euphuism. This authority. Dr. Frederick Landmann, has formulated the law of Euphuism in the following brief sentence {Euphues, Heilbronn 1887, Introduction, p. xv, note) : " I consider transverse allitera- tion in parisonic antithetical or parallel clauses as the indis- pensable criterion of the presence of Euphuism." This sentence is enigmatic in proportion to its brevity, and demands a commentary to make it intelligible. The commentary, which will be extracted from the same work, adds to the criterion already given a third peculiarity, which Landmann seems to regard as inferior in importance to the one, or rather two, comprised in the sentence already quoted (Landmann, pp. xv-xvi) : "We here have the most elaborate antithesis not only of well-balanced sentences, but also of words, often even of syllables. . . . Even when he uses a single sentence, he opposes the words within this clause to each other. When we find a principal and a sub- ordinate clause we may be sure that two, three or all of the words of the former are opposed to an equal number in the latter. This we call parisonic antithesis. . . . The sec- ond class of elements peculiar to Lyly's style are alliteration, consonance, rhyme, playing upon words, and the use of syllables sounding alike. These embellishments he uses to point out the respective corresponding words in his antithet- ical clauses. It is not continuous alliteration as we have it in almost every writer of the sixteenth century from Surrey to Spenser, which was condemned by ^Vilson, Puttenham, and others, but transverse, as it has been very aptly termed by ^^' eymouth ; e.g. ' Although hetherto Euphues I have ; INTRODUCTION. xxiii jArined thee in my Aeart for a /rustle /riende, I will jAunne thee Aeerafter as a /bothies ybe.' The third distinctive ele- ment of Euphuism is the tendency to confirm a statement by a long series of illustrations, comparisons, exempla and short similes, nearly always introduced by ' for as — ' ; these he takes from ancient history and mythology, from daily life, and, last but not least, from Pliny's fabulous natural history, translating Pliny literally in the latter case." Landmann's opinion concerning Sidney's style is based upon the Arcadia, and it is in this, rather than in the De- fense, that we should expect to find the distinctive marks of Euphuism. Notwithstanding, Landmann denies that Sidney belongs to this school (p. xxx) : " But we see that Sidney avoided Lyly's artificial combination of parisonic antithesis with transverse alliteration, as well as his absurd similes taken from Pliny ; in other words, the most characteristic elements of Euphuism." The statement concerning the similes from natural and unnatural history is confirmed by the quotation from Drayton, cited in the note to 54 12. In only one sen- tence of the Defense (2 24-27) is there any indication to the contrary, and this I surmise to have been intended as a parody of Gosson's manner (see the note on this passage) . The stylistic peculiarities of Sidney's romance Landmann comprehends under the term Arcadianism, which he thus describes (p. xxviii) : "The elements of style in Sidney's Arcadia are different from those of Euphuism. In brief, they consist in endless tedious sentences, one sometimes filling a whole page, in the fondness for details, and in the description of the beauties of rural scenery. Instead of Lyly's exempla and shortened similes with ' for as — so,' we here have minutely worked out comparisons and conceits couched in excessively metaphorical language, quaint circum- locutions for simple expressions, and bold personifications of inanimate objects. Besides, Sidney is fond of playing upon words, and is not averse to simple alliteration." xxiv INTRODUCTION. Having thus distinguished Arcadianism from Euphuism, Landmann affords us no further aid in determining to what extent, if at all, the style of the Defense is Arcadian. This, however, we can readily do for ourselves. Of the charac- teristics noted by Landmann, we may at once dismiss all except the very last. As shown in the note on 4 ii, Sid- ney is indeed fond of playing upon words, and occasionally indulges in alliteration. The instances of the latter are but few, and would never be remarked were it not for the verbal jingles which fall under the former head. At times this vainly repetitious form of Arcadianism is nothing but Cic- eronianism of a rather indefensible sort, and any censure passed upon Sidney for his transgression of good taste is but too apt to light upon the idol of the Renaissance humanists (cf. note on 64 32). It was hardly to be expected that this stumbling-block should be altogether avoided by men who thought it a venial fault to love language in some measure for its own sake, — so long at least as they were under the exclusive sway of the Latins. We must not forget that it was a besetting peccadillo of Shakespeare, and does it not too often excite the smile of pitying derision as we turn the majestic page of Milton? Nothing less than passionate reverence for the severe purity of the chastest Attic could avail to remove this blemish from modern writing. But at that time a familiarity with Greek models of composition naturally drew after it a practice scarcely less opposed to the more rigorous canons of artistic prose. The employment of such compound words as are fitted to heighten the style of dithyrambic and other elevated poe- try, was interdicted to prose on the authority of Aristotle. The formation of these compounds is alien to the genius of certain modern tongues, such as French. Yet even this native lack of plasticity was vanquished, for a time at least, by the Hellenizing impulse which swept over the six- teenth century. The stubbornness of French was forced tg INTRODUCTION. XXV yield to the pertinacity of Du Bartas, while the more pliable English, mindful of an earlier power which had been spell- bound into enacting the part of the Sleeping Beauty, re- sponded quickly to the efforts made by Chapman and others to imitate in their own tongue the magnificent rhythmical combinations which constitute so material a part of the Homeric and Pindaric charm. The reward of Du Bartas was a doubtful and ephemeral success ; the fashion he set soon went the way of all attempts to set aside natural law. French poetry promptly discarded these compounds, and it may be said that French prose never accepted them. Not so in England. Here they were soon rendered popular in consequence of their adoption by the dramatists, and even earlier began to appear in prose fiction. These com- pounds form one feature of Arcadianism, and one which Sidney never wholly outgrew. Accordingly we find them scattered throughout the Defense, just as they occur in the more florid prose of our own day (cf. note on 5u 25). Whatever may be urged against their employment, they are certainly an indication of formative energy, and the state- ment of a literary historian about Lucretius may be applied, with an obvious difference, to Sidney (Sellar, Roman Poets of the Republic, p. 382) : "His abundant use of compound words, . . : most of which fell into disuse in the Augus- tan age, [was a product]- of the same creative force which enabled Plautus and Ennius to add largely to the resources of the Latin tongue. In him, more than in any Latin poet before or after him, we meet with phrases too full of imagi- native life to be in perfect keeping with the more sober tones and tamer spirit of the national literature." It would be tedious to enumerate the specific marks of Sidney's prose as exhibited in his essay. This task may well be reserved for those who undertake a systematic study of his tractate with reference to the illustration of rhetorical principles or historical tendencies. The key to many 01 Us xxvi INTRODUCTION. peculiarities will, however, be found in one or two general considerations. First of all, Sidney's may be called an emo- tional prose. There is a prose of Hght only, and there is another of light and heat conjoined. That of Sidney belongs to the latter class. It seeks to persuade, and is in that sense oratorical ; Hallam even calls it declamatory. Yet while in its argumentative sequences it falls under the head of oratory, in its procession from the emotions and frequent appeal to them, in its imagery and melodious rhythm, it has something in common with poetry. In this union of quali- ties will be found ahke its merits and its defects. There is a somewhat different point of view from which the whole may be regarded. Though the author of the Defense had before him the finished prose of other nations and languages, he stood at the formative period of an artis- tic prose in English, and the conditions under which all men work at such epochs are less materially affected by their acquaintance with existing models in other tongues than may at first thought be supposed. They know and perhaps approve the better, but instinctively or deliberately follow the worse ; or, in the absence of approved precedent, they attempt to fashion an organ for the more purely intellectual faculties, and find themselves slipping back into the bal- anced constructions and regular cadences of verse. The era of the English Renaissance has in this respect many points of resemblance with the intellectual awakening of Greece after the Persian wars. The evolution of Greek prose finds its counterpart in the struggle to shape a literary medium in English for thought too purely rational and utili- tarian in its character to be fitly couched in the ornate dic- tion and measured rhythms of poetry. The description of the former by an accomplished living scholar will fairly characterize the stage through which the more ambitious Enghsh prose was at this time passing (Jebb, Attic Orators I. 18-21) : "The outburst of intellectual life in Hellas INTRODUCTION. xxvii during the fifth century before Christ had for one of its results the creation of Greek prose. Before that age no Greek had conceived artistic composition except in the form of poetry. . . '. As the mental horizon of Greece was widened, as subtler ideas and more various combinations began to ask for closer and more flexible expression, the desire grew for something more precise than poetry, firmer and more com- pact than the idiom of conversation. Two special causes aided this general tendency. The development of demo- cratic life, making the faculty of speech before popular assemblies and popular law-courts a necessity, hastened the formation of an oratorical prose. The Persian wars, by changing Hellenic unity from a sentiment into a fact, and reminding men that there was a corporate life, higher and grander than that of the individual city, of which the story might be told, supplied a new motive to historical prose. . . . But the process of maturing the new kind of composition was necessarily slow ; for it required, as its first condition, little less than the creation of a new language, of an idiom neither poetical nor mean. Herodotos, at the middle point of the fifth century, shows the poetical element still prepon- derant. . . . The prose-writer of this epoch instinctively compares himself with the poet. ... He does not care to be simply right and clear : rather he desires to have the whole advantage which his skill gives him over ordinary men ; he is eager to bring his thoughts down upon them with a splendid and irresistible force. ... At the moment when prose was striving to disengage itself from the diction of poetry, Gorgias gave currency to the notion that poetical ornament of the most florid type was its true charm. When, indeed, he went further, and sought to imitate the rhythm as well as the phrase of poetry, this very extravagance had a useful result. Prose has a rhythm, though not of the kind at which Gorgias aimed ; and the mere fact of the Greek ear becoming accustomed to look for a certain proportion xxviii INTRODUCTION. between the parts of a sentence hastened the transition from the old running style to the periodic." Jebb still further characterizes the Gorgian manner in his Introduction, pp. cxxvi-cxxvii : " That which was to the Athenians ... the element of distinction in the Sicilian's speaking was its poetical character ; and this depended on two things — the use of poetical words, and the use of sym- metry or assonance between clauses in such a way as to give a strongly marked prose-rhythm and to' reproduce, as far as possible, the metres of verse. . . . Gorgias was the first man who definitely conceived how literary prose might be artistic. That he should instinctively compare it with the only other form of literature which was already artistic, namely poetry, was inevitable. Early prose necessarily begins by comparing itself with poetry." If the Euphuistic and Arcadian prose of the sixteenth century be read in the light of this account of tlie Gorgian writing, it will be impossible to overlook certain points of similarity, and equally impossible to ignore certain resem- blances in the conditions under which the Greek and the English prose were respectively developed. But in insti- tuting such a comparison, there are important differences which must not be disregarded, though there is no space to touch upon them here. And whatever conclusions are reached respecting Euphuism and Arcadianism must cer- tainly undergo modification before proving applicable to the style of the Defense. 5. Theory of Poetry. The theory of poetry advanced by Sidney is, in its essen- tials, the oldest of which we have any knowledge, so old, indeed, that by Sidney's time the world had well-nigh for- gotten it, or had deliberately chosen to ignore it. This theory may be expressed in words borrowed from Shelley's Defense of Poetry, a work many of whose chief positions INTRODUCTION. xxix are almost precise counterparts of those assumed by Sidney : "A poet participates in the eternal, the infinite, and the one. . . . Poetry in a more restricted sense expresses those arrangements of language, and especially metrical language, which are created by that imperial faculty whose throne is curtained within the invisible nature of man." Is it indeed true that these words represent Sidney's conception, and, if so, how is this conception related to the chief rival theories which have been, or were then, current? This is the question we have briefly to examine. Sidney assumes that there is an architectonic science, in this following the lead of Aristotle, who in his Ethics (see the note on 12 32 of the Defense) demands this rank for what he calls Political Science, but what we are accustomed ^o term Moral Philosophy. Speaking as an ethnic, Aristode had virtually said : " Above all other learnings stands moral philosophy, for it points out the goal of all wisely directed human effort." Speaking as a Christian, Sidney in effect exclaims : " Above all secular learnings stands poetry, for it appropriates the purest ethical teaching, and presents it in a form universally attractive and intensely stimulating." Even in making this statement Sidney is following the lead of Aristotle, who had thus exalted poetry : " Poetry is of a more philosophical and serious character than history " (see note on 18 25). Had Aristotle been asked to determine the relative values of ethics, poetry, and history in a descending scale, he would perhaps have hesitated before giving a categorical answer ; had he been urged, he would hardly have done otherwise than arrange them in the order named. Sidney's reply is different. He practically divides the whole of ethics into religion and natural ethics, the latter being understood as moral philosophy unattended with any diviner sanction than such as is derived from the evident nature of things and the purest intuitions of the human spirit. To the former he assigns an indisputable XXX INTRODUCTION. preeminence, but removes it from the province of discus- sion by asserting that he is concerned with secular learning only. The latter, or natural ethics, human philosophy as bearing upon the conduct of Hfe, he makes distincdy in- ferior to poetry, because, unsupported by the sanctions of revealed religion, it is provided with no adequate motive force. Such a motive force may, however, be supplied by the imaginative presentation of the respective consequences of good and evil action, but, when thus supplied, it converts philosophy into something superior to philosophy : ethics has become poetry. Thus Homer had taught the whole Hellenic race; thus ^schylus had taught the Athenian democracy. It follows that every creative poet — for it is of creative poets that Sidney is speaking — must be in a /vtrue sense a philosopher, though it is by no means true that every philosopher is necessarily a poet. We may now return to our point of departure in Shelley's definition. "A poet," he says, " participates in the eternal, the infinite, and the one." But may we not with equal truth affirm that the philosopher participates in the eternal, the infinite, and the one ? And indeed the statement thus far is true of both, — the philosopher and the creative poet. Both, under the veil of phenomena, through the dim glass of appearance, descry the pure and radiant form of truth. To the vision of both — this time emplopng the beautiful words of Shelley in the Adonais — The One remains, the Many change and pass; Heaven's light for ever shines, Earth's shadows fly; Life, like a dome of many-colored glass, Stains the white radiance of Eternity. What, then, is the difference between them? It is this. When the philosopher has discovered the One in the Many, the principle of unity embracing the variety of phenomena, he must pause, or, if he seem to proceed, if he respond to INTRODUCTION. xxxi the urgent desire of men that he shall furnish them with a guide to life, a clue through the tangled maze of earthly vicissitude, he is reduced to the presentation of cold aiialyses, or the bare enunciation of a moral dictum, a cate- gorical imperative. Not so the poet. He also affirms, but he likewise stirs the feelings. He also affirms, but the form of his affirmation, in its exquisite blending of truth with symbol, in its representation of the hidden verity by a cun- ning arrangement of the lovely shows of things, delights every sense and faculty of the whole being. Poetry thus actualizes what in philosophy is only potential. Philosophy is a Merlin, but a Merlin shut away from the world in a hollow oak, through some charm " of woven paces and of waving hands " which effectually debars it from exercising its natural prerogative, the ordering of human lives accord- ing to the eternal idea of the good, the necessary, and the wue. But poetry is a Prospero whom the lightest airs of heaven obey, and whose empire is absolute over the hearts and consciences of men. The ugly and the vicious may grumble at its dominion, but are powerless, are even half- won to reverence for the viewless might by which they are fettered ; while all gentle spirits rejoice in being so sweetly attuned to the central harmonies of Order and Law, and in finding their heedless courses wrought, through a constrain- ing magic, into patterns of an endless and most felicitous beauty. We can thus understand how Sidney the Puritan was also Sidney the poet, and how religion and creative poetry were to him almost as sisters. Both assume this function of guidance, both exercise it to the noblest ends, and both achieve their purpose through the kindling of the imagina- tion and an appeal to the emotio nal natur e. The one, it is true, lays direct claim to "aT divine mission ; the other, though conscious of its divine origin, is often content to be regarded merely as the efflux of the exalted and enraptured xxxii INTRODUCTION. human soul. But is there not a point where the two coa- lesce? Who, were he to encounter for the first time the following passage from the Phadrus of Plato, dissociated from its context, could tell whether the author was speaking of poetry or religion — or perchance of philosophy tinged with emotion ? /" And he who employs aright these memories is ever being initiated into perfect mysteries and alone be- comes truly perfect. But, as he forgets earthly interests and is rapt in the divine, the vulgar deem him mad, and rebuke him ; they do not see that he is inspired. Thus far I have been speaking of the fourth and last kind of madness, which is imputed to him who, when he sees the beauty of earth, is transported with the recollection of the true beauty ; he would like to fly away, but he cannot ; he is like a bird fluttering and looking upward and careless of the world below; and he is therefore esteemed mad. And I have shown this of all inspirations to be the noblest and highest and the offspring of the highest 'Y(Jowett's tr., 2. 126). Or, suppose the word ' religion 'to be substituted for ' poetry ' in these sentences from Schiller's Essay on Pathos (Hempel's tr., 2. 486), and note whether any susceptibility is shocked, or any convictions antagonized, by the affirmations thus made : " In the case of man poetry never executes a special business, and no instrument is less fitted to perform some special service. Her sphere of action is the totality of human nature ; she can only affect single traits or acts by affecting human character generally. Poetry may be to man what love is to the hero. She can neither advise him, nor fight his battles, nor perform any other work for him ; but she may educate him to become a hero, she may call him to perform deeds, she may arm him with strength." Sidney's theory might be illustrated by the practice of the more illustrious of Dante's contemporaries and thirteenth century predecessors, especially by that of such poets as Wolfram von Eschenbach and Guido Guinicelli. The tech- INTRODUCTION. xxxiil nic invented or perfected by the troubadours, and which they had employed in amatory, satirical, or martial compo- sitions, had become, in the course of time, the instrument of philosophy. A definite meaning was now embodied by the poet in his verse, and this meaning comprehended much more than the incidents of a tale, or the longing for a beloved one. It was not exhausted when considered as an attack upon a personal enemy, or as an exhortation to deeds of physical valor. Dante himself, alike in his theory and his practice, furnishes the most convenient exponent of this conception of poetry as the teacher and guide of men, full of significance when apparently most sensuous, intend- ing the spiritual and transcendent when most occupied with colors, and odors, and sweet sounds. In both the New Life and the Banquet {Convito) Dante gives lengthy exposi- tions of a few poems, revealing by analysis the fundamental truths which determined the structure and even the orna- ment of each. In the New Life (Rossetti's tr., p. 8i) he protests against meaningless poetry : " Neither did these ancient poets speak thus without consideration, nor should they who are makers of rime in our day write after the same fashion, having no reason in what they write ; for it it were a shameful thing if one should rime under the sem- blance of metaphor or rhetorical simihtude, and afterwards, being questioned thereof, should be able to rid his words of such semblance, unto their right understanding. Of whom (to wit, of such as rime thus foolishly) myself and the first among my friends do know many." And in his Letter to Can Grande, in which he explains the scope and purport of the Divine Comedy, he says (Hillard's tr., pp. 393, 396) : " There are^ix things, therefore, that must be sought out in beginning any instructive work ; that is to say, the subject, the agent, the form, the end, the title of the book, and the nature of its philosophy. . . . Setting aside all subtlety of investigation, we may say briefly that the end of both (the xxxiv INTRODUCTION. whole and the part) is to rescue those who live in this life from their state of misery, and to guide them to the state of blessedness. The nature of the philosophy governing both the whole and the part is moral action, or ethics, because the object of the whole work is not speculative, but practi- cal. Therefore, even if certain places or passages are treated in a speculative manner, this is not for the sake of speculation, but of operation." The substantial identity of Dante's theory of poetry with that of Sidney, will, in the light of these and similar passages, scarcely be questioned (cf. 64 2 ff., 13 1 ff.). But it is perhaps more obvious to compare Sidney, the Puritan and poet, with Milton, the Puritan and poet. Does not Milton seem to be reviving the memory of Sidney, as well as tracing an ideal for himself, in the well-known pas- sage from the Apology for Smectymnuiis : " I was confirmed in this opinion, that he who would not be frustrate of his hope to write well hereafter in laudable things ought him- self to be a true poem, — that is, a composition of the best and honorablest things ; not presuming to sing high praises of heroic men or famous cities, unless he have in himself the experience and the practice of all that which is praise- worthy." When Sidney says of the poet, " For he doth not only show the way, but giveth so sweet a prospect into the way as will entice any man to enter into it " (see 23 15 ff.), are we not reminded of Milton's words in the Reason of Church Government: "Teaching over the whole book of sanctity and virtue through all the instances of example, with such delight — to those especially of soft and delicious temper, who will not so much as look upon truth herself unless they see her elegantly dressed — that, whereas the paths of honesty and good life appear now rugged and diffi- cult though they be indeed easy and pleasant, they will then appear to all men both easy and pleasant though they were rugged and difficult indeed." Milton, like Sidney, INTRODUCTION. xxxv had a keen aesthetic appreciation of the poetical parts of the Bible, as appears from his estimate of the Song of Solomon and the Book of Revelation, concluding with the following words {Reason of Church Government) : " But those frequent songs throughout the law and prophets be- yond all these, not in their divine argument alone, but in the very critical art of composition, may be easily made appear over all the kinds of lyric poesy to be incompar- able " (see 6 3 ff., 9 19 fif.). And Milton, like Sidney, in- veighs against those who persist in writing verse while still ignorant of the first principles of poetry conceived as an ethical force, or rather while deliberately inculcating the negation of all principle, and abandonment to the seduc- tions of vice. Thus again in the Reason of Church Gov- ernment, Milton denounces " the writings and interludes of libidinous and ignorant poetasters, who, having scarce ever heard of that which is the main consistence of a true poem, the choice of such persons as they ought to introduce, and what is moral and decent to each one, do for the most part lay up vicious principles in sweet pills to be swallowed down, and make the taste of virtuous documents harsh and sour " (cf. 45 20fr., 23 29fr.). These comparisons illustrate the consensus of opinion among men of different centuries, but substantially equal endowments, with respect to the ethical function of the highest creative poetry, and its kinship with religion. It can hardly be necessary to provide further proof that Sid- ney's position is not only defensible, but inexpugnable. As he himself says, poetry may be perverted and turned from its rightful use ; but this being true of every most excellent thing, we should not allow ourselves to be prejudiced by the fact of such abuse, otherwise, if we are logical, we shall approve of nothing, however blameless and salutary in its unpolluted state. xxxvi INTRODUCTION. Sidney owes much to Plato, but still more to Aristotle. Plato, in his joy over the new-found virtues of philosophy, was scarcely capable of recognizing poetry as a coordinate, much less a superior, power. He demanded a purer ethics as the guide of life than any which he found in the poetry then extant. That it taught moral lessons he could not deny ; but it was neither free from imperfections, nor did it contain, in his view, any sufficient self-regenerative or self- purifying principle. This must be supplied by philosophy. Failing to perceive that his own philosophy was merely a phase of poetry, dependent like poetry upon undemonstra- ble intuitions for its beauty and efficacy, he endeavored to sunder them by artificial distinctions, though such as must have had a certain validity to his own mind. But in the very act of dethroning poetry he gave it a new title to dominion. The spoils with which he endowed philosophy returned by inheritance to her elder sister and rival. Pla- tonism became the intellectual ally of Christianity, and Christianity generated a new poetry. Nay, Platonism itself reappeared in the intellectual awakening of modern Europe as the quickening impulse, in some instances as the very soul, of Italian and English poetry. Who can measure Michael Angelo's debt to Plato, or Spenser's ? In this debt Sidney shared, as his allusions clearly show. As Spen- ser would not have been the poet we know, had he been deprived of the influence of Plato, so neither would Sidney have been the essayist we know, had he not read and reread the burning pages where poetry strives to masquerade as philosophy, and betrays, by the very rhythm of her move- ments, her incapacity to keep the sober pace of reasoning prose. But as the framework of the Fairy Queen depends upon Aristotle's classification of the virtues, so the frame- work of the Defense of Poetry, or at least of its central and most important division, depends upon the opening para- INTRODUCTION. xxxvii graphs of Aristotle's Ethics and a few sentences from his Poetics, That there is a branch of learning sovran over all the rest, ' that poetry is superior to history, and that poetry contains a philosophic element, — such were the cardinal truths which Sidney learned from Aristotle. From these premises Sidney deduced that, as poetry superadds a peculiar attractiveness to the philosophic element it embodies, it must in its eifects be superior to philosophy, as it is, by the demonstration of Aristotle, to history, and that it must accordingly be entitled to the highest rank among secular learnings. This being granted, the further course of his main argument follows inj natural sequence. Sidney was not unacquainted with Dante, and there are even reasons for supposing that he may have perused one or more of Dante's prose treatises. If the evidence derived from the quotations from Dante on a preceding page is re- garded as slight, this may be supplemented by other con- siderations. In his Convito, which is largely based upon Aristotle's Ethics, Dante, like Sidney, enters into a defense of his mother-tongue. Sidney, near the close of his argu- ment, supplements this defense of EngUsh with a discussion of its prosody, apparently following the example of Dante in his De Vulgari Eloquio. Even more curious is the circum- stance that Dante attributes the same two senses to the word • rime ' as does Sidney (see note on 56 it) . In the Convito (Hillard's tr., p. 233), Dante thus distinguishes between these senses : " Strictly speaking, it [i.e. rime] means that correspondence of the ultimate and penultimate syllables which it is customary to use ; generally speaking, it means any speech which, regulated by number and time, falls into rhythmic consonance." These correspondences will hardly be thought accidental, and must incUne us to the belief that Sidney had Dante's prose writing in mind in composing his own treatise. The improbability that two xxxviii INTRODUCTION. authors, one in Italian and the other in English, should in- dependently arrive, in the treatment of themes then so novel in their respective tongues, at so similar a mode of intro- ducing the same subsidiary topics, is too evident to require comment. Grosart, in his edition of Spenser, suggests that Sidney may have utilized Spenser's unpublished treatise, The Eng- lish Poet. Thus he says (i. 99) : " If not bodily, yet largely, I like to think that we have The Ettglishe Poet utilized at least in Sidney's Apology or Defense of Poetry. It is also to be remembered it was posthumously pubKshed." And again (i. 453-4) : "I may be wrong, but I have a soup- (on of suspicion that if Sir Philip Sidney had hved to have published his Defense of Poesy himself, there would have been an acknowledgment of indebtedness to Spenser in its composition. Is it utterly improbable — as I ventured earUer to suggest — that Sir Philip should have incorporated or adapted the English Poet of Spenser in his Defense ? I trow not. Only thus can I understand its suppression when ' finished ' and ready for the press." Since we know nothing of the contents of Spenser's work, this surmise is incapable of confirmation, and the question thus raised must for ever remain indeterminable. ,To sum up our chief results, Sidney's fundamental doc- trine is true of the highest creative poetry, and in general of the noblest literature produced by the creative imagina- tion, whether executed in verse or prose. This doctrine is founded upon Aristotle's teaching, and leavened with the best of Plato's spirit, as interpreted and supplemented by Christianity and the literature produced under Christian influence. Of the latter Dante was probably recognized by Sidney as the foremost representative, and he may thus have come to be accepted as Sidney's guide in the concep- tion and arrangement of some of the minor topics of the Defense. Finally, his threefold division of poetry is taken INTRODUCTION. xxxix from Scaliger's Poetics (see note on On). A reference to the Analysis (p. xH ff.) will suffice to show the nature and extent of Sidney's originality, after allowance has been made for his .borrowings from predecessors. 6. Followers and Imftators. Sidney's Defense must have been extensively circulated in manuscript before its publication in 1595. Extensive quotations from it are found in Puttenham's Art of English Poesy, published in 1589 ; in Harington's Apology of Poetry, prefixed to the first edition of his translation of the Orlando Furioso, and published in 1591 ; and in Meres' Palladis Tamia, 1598. These have all been reprinted in Hasle- wood's Critical Essays upon English Poets and Poesy, Lon- don, 2 vols., the first volume bearing date of 1811, the second of 1 81 5. This edition is the one which has been cited in the notes to the present volume. Harington is outspoken with regard to his knowledge of Sidney (Haslewood, 2. 123) : " For as for all, or the most part, of such questions, I will refer you to Sir Philip Sidney's Apology, who doth handle them right learnedly." The obligations of the others, how- ever, are no less evident, and it is instructive to observe how Meres makes literal excerpts from Sidney, while Put- tenham now adopts his method of treatment, and now em- ploys his illustrations, or slightly varies his phraseology. Among modems it is difficult to believe that Shelley was ignorant of Sidney's tractate, though the similarities of opin- ion may be due to familiarity with common sources in Plato and Aristotle, or to the deeper insight of which genius alone is capable. As to modem imitations in general, it will suf- fice to quote from the essay on the Defense in Vol. 10 of the Retrospective Review, published in 1824: "Should it occur to the reader, in the midst of his admiration of these passages, that he has met with something like, parts of them xl INTRODUCTION. before, we can readily believe that he is not mistaken ; for the truth is, that the Defense of Poesy has formed the staple of all the ' thousand and one ' dissertations on that art, with which our magazines and reviews have teemed during the last twenty years." ANALYSIS. Introduction. Anecdote of Pugliano, and transition to subject piopet, 1 1-2 17. I. Poetry the earliest of teachers, 2 18—5 7. A. Philosophy a borrower from poetry, 3 16—4 4. B. History a borrower from poetry, 4 5-15. C. The rudest and most untutored nations not without poetry, 4 16— S 7. II. Honorable names bestowed upon the poet, 5 8—9 6. A. The Romans called him a prophet or seer, 5 12—6 2. ^ B. David should accordingly be ranked as a poet, 6 3-26. C. The Greeks called the poet a maker, 6 27-33. D. This title rightfully belongs to him, 6 33—9 5. 1. Other arts are cherished as the handmaids of nature and compendiums of the rules she observes, 6 33—7 25. 2. The poet creates a second nature, devising it after an archetypal pattern in his mintd, 7 26—9 5. a. He creates the external world anew, 7 34—8 4. b. He creates man^anew, 8 5-25. c. His relation to the Heavenly Maker, 8 25—9 6. III. The definition and divisions of poetry, 9 6—11 31. i^A.. Definition, 9 12-16. B. First division : Hymns and Religious Odes, Hebrew and eth- nic, 9 17-33. C. Second division : Didactic Poetry, 9 34—10 5. D. Third division : Creative Poetry, or Poetry in the strictest and truest sense, 10 6-35. E. Subdivisions of poetry, 11 1-4. ^•-^. Verse not essential to poetry, 11 4-26. G. Verse the fittest raiment of poetry, 11 2.5-31. xlii ANALYSIS. IV. Creative Poetry examined with reference to its rank and virtue, 11 32-31 17. A. Creative Poetry in general as the guide and inspiration to the supreme end of earthly learning, virtuous action, 11 32 — 26 11. 1. The Chief or Architectonic Science, and its relation to the subordinate sciences, 12 1—13 6. 2. Consideration of the claims of the three principal competi- tors for the title of Architectonic Science, namely, (Moral) Pyiosophy, History, and Poetry, and award of the preeminence to Poetry, 13 6—26 11. a. Pretensions of Philosophy, 13 6-26. b. Pretensions of History, 13 27—14 23. c. Poetry confessedly inferior to Divinity, but far superioi to Law, both of which may therefore be eliminated from the discission, 14 24—15 14. d. Philosophy has only the precept. History only the ex- ample, IS 16-30. e. Poetry superior to Philosophy, since it embodies the philosopher's precept in an example, the abstract principle in a concrete illustration, 15 31—1622. / Examples from secular poets, 16 23—17 31, and from the parables of Christ, 1732—1810, of the power of Poetry as compared with' that of Philosophy, 16 23-18 10. g. Philosophy abstruse. Poetry intelligible to all, 18 11-19. h. Poetry more philosophical than History, because more universal in its content, 18 20 — 192. i. Record of fact to be distinguished from guidance o{ life, 193-7. j. The heroes of History, unlike those of Poetry, cannot be accepted Ss models, 19 18—20 7. k. The tales imagined by Poetry are no less instructive than those related by History, are indeed more effective, 20 8-28. /. Poetry shapes the raw material furnished by History, 2029-213. ■^^M. Poetry, not History, is the due rewarder of virtue and punisher of vice, 21 4—22 6. ^n. Poetry, unlike History, and especially Philosophy, not only instructs, but stimulates and impels, providing incentives to learning as well as the learning itself, 22 7-2S 2. ANALYSIS. Xliii o. Two examples of the powerful effects produced by poetically devised tales, 25 3—26 2. p. Poetry is therefore the noblest of all secular learnings, 26 3-11. B. The subdivisions of Creative Poetry with reference to theii several virtues, 2612—31 17. 1 . Mixed species may be disregarded, 26 19-30. 2. The pastoral, 26 31—27 11. 3. The elegiac, 27 12-18. 4. The iambic, 27 19-21. 5. The satiric, 27 22-30. 6. Comedy, 27 31—28 24. 7. Tragedy, 28 25-29 13. 8. The lyric, 29 14—30 11. 9. The epic, 30 12—31 17. V. First Summary, of arguments adduced, 31 18—32 7. VI. Objections against Poetry, and refutation of them, 32 8—44 2. A. Minor considerations, 32 14 — 34 237 1 . Sophistical tricks to obscure the point at issue, 32 14—33 9. 2. Reply to the objections brought against rime and metre, 33 10—34 23. a. Ririie and metre the musical framework of perfect speech, 33 16-24. b. Rime and metre the best aids to memory, 33 28—34 2a E. The cardinal objections and the answers to each, 34 24 — 44 2. 1. The four objections, 34 24—35 8. a. Other knowledges more fruitful, 34 26-29. U b. Poetry the parent of lies, 34 30. c. Poetry the nurse of abuse, 34 31—35 4. — —d. -Plato condemned poetry, 35 6-8. 2. The objections answered, 35 9—442. a. Refutation of first. Previous proof adduced, 35 9-20. b. Refutation of second. Impossibility demonstrated, 35 21-377. e. Refutation of third, 37 8—40 32. aa. Abuse no argument against right use, 378-38 2& bb. Poetry not incompatible with action and martiaJ courage, 38 29—40 32. r^. Refutation of fourth, 4033-442. w aa. Sidney's reverence for Plato, 4033-41 4. xliv ANALYSTS. bb. As a phUosopher, Plato might be thought a natural enemy of poets, 41 5-26. cc. The morals he taught by no means superior t| those inculcated by the poets, 41 26—42 3. dd. But Plato meant to condemn only the abuse of poetry, not the thing itself, 42 3-10. ee. Plato would have had a purer religion taught, but this objection has been removed by the advent of Christianity, 42 10—43 1. ff. Plato goes further than Sidney himself, in making poetry depend on a divine inspiration, 43 1-16, gg. The multitude of great men, Socrates and Aris- totle included, who have countenanced poe- 7 try, 43 16—44 2. VII. Second Summary, of objections refuted, 44 3-13. VIII. The state of English poetry, 44 14-56 35. A. Poetry, anciently and latterly held in estimation in other countries, and formerly even in England, is novif despised, 44 14—45 20. B. Hence only base men undertake it, 45 20—46 2. C. Poetry not to be learned and practised as a trade, 46 3—47 6. D. Estimates of English poetry, with respect to matter (and com- position in general), 47 6— 51 32. I . Chaucer, Sackville, Surrey, and Spenser praised with mod- eration, Sidney not ranking himself with poets (cf. 468-11, 55 6-10), 476-27. w 2. Defects of the English drama, 47 28-52 10. a. Disregards unity of place, 48 11-25. b. Disregards unity of time, 48 26 — 49 18. c. Disregards unity of action, 49 19—502. d. Mingles tragedy and comedy, SO 3-22. e. Broad farce usurps the place of comedy, SO 23— S2 4. 3. The lyric, which might well sing the Divine beauty and goodness (52 12-19), is fri^d and affected in celebrat- ing human love, 52 11-32. i^_^ E. English poetry with respect to diction, 52 33-56 36. 1. Affectations in diction, 52 33—53 6. 2. Excursus upon euphuism in prose, 53 7—55 10. a. The excessive employment of phrases and figures bor- rowed from the ancients, S3 10—54 4. ANALYSIS. xlv b. Superabundance of similes, especially of such as are drawn from the animal and vegetable kingdoms, 54 6-15. e. The means should not be suffered to obscure the end, 54 16-35. d. Apology for the digression, 55 1-10. ^^ 3, The English language favorable to poetry, 55 10—56 36. a. Equal to all demands upon it, 55 10—12. i. Its composite nature an advantage, 55 13-15. e. The grammarless tongue, 55 16-22. d. Its compound words, 55 22-27. ^ 4. English versification the best for modern poetry, 5528— 5636. a. Ancient and modern versification, 55 28—56 7. b. English best adapted to modern metre, 56 7-22. c. And to riming, 56 23-35. IX. Third Summary. General review, 57 1-27. Humorous peroration, 57 2&— 58 16. THE DEFENSE OF POESY. When the right virtuous Edward Wotton and I were at the Emperor's court together, we gave ourselves to learn horsemanship of John Pietro Pugliano, one that with great commendation had the place of an esquire in his stable ; and he, according to the fertileness of the Italian 5 wit, did not only afford us the demonstration of his prac- tice, but sought to enrich our minds with the contempla-i tions therein which he thought most precious. But withi none I remember mine ears were at any time more loaden, than when — either angered with slow payment, m or moved with our learner-like admiration — he exercised his speech in the praise of his faculty. He said soldiers were the noblest estate of mankind, and horsemen the noblest of soldiers. He said they were the masters of " war and ornaments of peace, speedy goers and strong 13 abiders, triumphers both in camps and courts. Nay, to so unbelieved a point he proceeded, as that no earthly thing bred such wonder to a prince as to be a good horseman ; skill of government was but a. pedanteria in comparison. Then would he add certain praises, by tell- so ing what a peerless beast the horse was, the only service- able courtier without flattery, the. beast of most beauty, faithfulness, courage, and such more, that if I had not been a piece of a logician before I came to him, I think he would have persuaded me to have wished myself a 25 horse. But thus much at least with his no few words he drave into me, that self-love is better than any gilding to make that seem gorgeous wherein ourselves be parties. 2 POETS THE EARLIEST TEACHERS. Wherein if Pugliano's strong affection and weak argU" ments will hot satisfy you, I will give you a nearer ex- ample of myself, who, I know not by what mischance, in these my not old years and idlest times, having slipped 5 into the title of a poet, am provoked to say something unto you in the defense of that my/melected vocation, whichjf I handlejedtb mpre_ good wilL t han g ood-reaaojis. bear with me^ since._the scholar is t n ^^ parHnrigH^fh^ followeth^the steps_^.hifi.jnaat£L. And yet I must say lo that, as I have just cause to make a pitiful defense of poor poetry, which from almost. 4he highest estimation of learning is fallen to be the laughing-stock of children,^ so have I need to bring some more available proofs, since the former is by no man barred of his deserved credit, 15 the silly latter hath had even the names of philosophers used to the defacing of it, with great danger of civil war - among the Muses. And iirst, truly, to all them that, professing learning, inveigh against poetry, may justly be objected that they aogo very near to ungratefulness, to seek to deface that which, in the noblest nations and languages that are known, hath been the first light-giver to ignorance, and first nurse, whose milk by little and litde enabled them to feed afterwards of tougher knowledges. And will they =5 now play the hedgehog, that, being received into the den, drave out his host? Or rather the vipers, that with their birth kill their parents? Let learned Greece in any of her manifold sciences be able to show me one book before Musaeus, Homer, and Hesiod, all three nothing 30 else but poets. Nay, let any history be brought that can say any writers were there before them, if they were not men of the same skill, as Orpheus, Linus, and some other are named, who, having been the first of that country that made pens deliverers of their knowledge to their 35 posterity, may justly challenge to be called their fathers POETS THE FIRST PHILOSOPHERS. i in learning. For not only in time they had this priority i — although in itself antiquity be venerable — but went before them as causes, to draw with their charming sweet- ness the wild untamed wits to an admiration of knowl- edge. So as Amphion was said to move stones with his s poetry to build Thebes, and Orpheus to be listened to by beasts, — indeed stony and beastly people. So among the Romans were Livius Andronicus and Ennius j so in the Italian language the first that made it aspire to be a treasure-house of science were the poets Dante, Boccace, " and Petrarch; so in our English were Gower and Chaucer, after whom, encouraged and delighted with their excellent foregoing, others have followed to beautify our mother-tongue, as well in the same kind as in other arts. 15 This did so notably show itself, that the philosophers of Greece durst not a lo npr timp appear to the world hut under themask s of poets. So Thales, Empedocles, and Parmenides sang their natural philosophy in verses ; so did Pythagoras and Phocylides their rhoral counsels ; so 20 did Tyrtaeus in war matters, and Solon in matters of policy; or rather they, being poets, did exercise their delightful vein in those points of highest knowledge' which before them lay hidden to the world. For that wise Solon was directly a poet it is manifest, having 25 written in verse the notable fable of the Atlantic Island which was continued by Plato. And truly even Plato whosoever well considereth, shall find that in the body of his work though the inside and strength were phi- losophy, the skin as it were and beauty depended most 3° of poetry. For all standeth upon dialogues ; wherein he feigneth many honest burgesses of Athens to speak of such matters that, if they had been set on the rack, they would never have confessed them; besides his poetical describing the circumstances of their meetings, as the 3S ♦ E VER Y COUNTRY HA TH _ ITS FOE TS. well-ordering of a banquet, the delicacy of a walk, with interlacing mere tales, as Gyges' Ring and others, which who knoweth not to be flowers of poetry did never walk into Apollo's garden. 5 And even historiographers, although their lips sound of things done, and verity be written in their foreheads, have been glad to borrow both fashion and perchance weight of the poets. So Herodotus entituled his history by the name of the nine Muses ; and both he and all lo the rest that followed him either stole or usurped of poetry their passionate describing of passions, the many particularities of battles which no man could affirm, or, if that be denied me, long orations put in the mouths of great kings and captains, which it is certain they 15 never pronounced. So that truly neither philosopher nor historiographer could at the first have entered into the gates of popular i'\i judgments, if they had not taken a great passport of i 'poetry, which in all nations at this day, where learning ao flourisheth not, is plain to be seen ; in all which they have some feeling of poetry. In Turkey, besides their lawgiving divines they have no other writers but poets. In our neighbor country Ireland, where truly learning goetTi very bare, yet are their poets held in a devout 85 reverence. Even among the most barbarous and simple """^Indians, where no writing is, yet have they their poets, who make and sing songs (which they call areytos), both of their ancestors' deeds and praises of their gods, — a sufficient probability that, if ever learning come among 3° them, it must be by having their "hard dull wits softened and sharpened with the sweet delights of poetry; for until they find a pleasure in the exercise of the mind, great promises of much knowledge will Uttle persuade them that know not the fruits of knowledge. In Wales, 3S the true remnant of the ancient Britons, as there are THE ROMANS CALLED POETS PROPHETS. 5 good authorities to show the long time they had poets which they called bards, so through all the conquests of Romans, Saxons, Danes, and Normans, some of whom did seek to ruin all memory of learning from among them, yet do their poets even to this day last ; so as it s is not more notable in soon beginning, than in long con- tinuing. But since the authors of most of our sciences were the Romans, and before them the Greeks, let us a little stand upon their authorities, but even so far as to see lo, what names they have given unto this now scorned skill. Among the Romans a poet was called vates, which is as much as a diviner, foreseer, or prophet, as by his con- joined words, vaticinium and vaticinari, is manifest ; so heavenly a title did that excellent people bestow upon is this heart-ravishing knowledge. And so far were they carried into the admiration thereof, that they thought in the chanceable hitting upon any such verses great fore- tokens of their following fortunes were placed ; where- upon grew the. word of Sortes Virgiliana, when by 20 sudden opening Virgil's book they lighted upon some verse of his making. Whereof the Histories of the Em- perors' Lives are foil : as of Albinus, the governor of our island, who in his childhood met with this verse, Arma amens capio, nee sat rationis in armis, °5 and in his age jerformed it. Although it were a very vain and godless superstition, as also it was to think that spirits were commanded by such verses — whereupon this word charms, derived of carmina, cometh — so yet serveth it to show the great reverence ^^n allegation, 'There is no art delivered unto mankind that hath not the works of nature for his principal object,' without which they could not consist, and on which they so depend as they become actors and players, as it were, of what nature will have set forth. So doth the astron- 5 omer look upon the stars, and, by that he seeth, set down what order nature hath taken therein. So do the geome- trician and arithmetician in their divers sorts of quantities. So doth the musician in times tell you which by nature agree, which not. The natural philosopher thereon hath 10 his name, and the moral philosopher ^tandeth upon the natural virtues, vices, and passions of man ; and " follow nature,," saith he, "therein, and thou shalt not err." The lawyer saith what men have determined, the his- torian what men have done. The grammarian speaketh is only of the rules of speech, and the rhetorician and logi- cian, considering what in nature will soonest prove and persuade, thereon give artificial rules, which still are com- passed within the circle of a question, according to the proposed matter. The physician weigheth the nature of 20 man's body, and the nature of things helpful or hurt- ful unto it. And the metaphysic, though it be in the second and abstract notions, and therefore be counted supernatural, yet doth he, indeed, build upon the depth of nature. =5 4^^ Only the poet, disdaining to be ti e d to. j.n3LiH£k„.aah.- jectio n, liftsd-Jl.P-J«itb.. the vigo r of his own_ invention, doth grow, in effect, into another nature, in making / tE^^either^et ter than nature bringethto rSL^JuUtP anewj torms such 'as(never were m natu r^ ^LStheJ^aB^s, 30 deim«gSds;'T5?clSprchimeras,"Tune^^ so arjfi.t^Jh1iandr^rn hand with "nature, not j^ad osed within the narrow warrant of Heir giftsT^itJreelj^raniJng witiSin ■lhF':OTdtfK;^bTTiis^ovrarm^ "feature never^j^et forth" the eatth'ih¥6'ncfi''!apesSy as divers poets have as 8 CREATES NATURE AND MAN ANEW. done; neithejL.'BdlJi -Dleasant rivers, fruitful trees, sw eet- smellirig flowers, nor whatsoever else may make tlie too- much-loved ^ar'th more ' lovely ; h er-WTJrld~TS~braie nnBe" poets only deliver a golden.^ 5 . "'But let "Hiose'Tlimgs alone, and go to man — for whom as the other things are, so it seemeth in him her utter- most cunning is employed — and know whether she have brought forth so true a lover as Theagenes ; so constant a friend as Pylades ; so valiant a man as Orlando ; so lo right a prince as Xenophon's Cyrus ; so excellent a man every way as Virgil's ^neas ? Neither let this he je stingly conceived, because the works of the one be psspnrial, thp p ther in im itatiO" "^ fjrtmn • for iSy" u nderstanding knoweth th.e,.skill of each a r tificer standet h 15 in that idea, or fore-conceit of the work , and not in thp_ wgrk j*s«lf . _And that tjje pfiet hath that id^a is mani-, fest, by deli verinp; them forth- in -S UcB excellency as he hatTxiSaaaguiM-ttoBw Which delivering forth, also, is not^ whol ly ima ginative, as we are wont to say by them 2o that build castles in the airj but so far stostantjajly it workgt h, hot only to make a Cyrus, which had been but a particular excellency, as nature might have done, but to^ bestQj aLa-Qyjcus u pon the world to make many Cyruses. - if they will learn aright_wiiy and how, that mak^ y mfide 25 hinij^ Neither let it be deemed too saucy a comparison to balance th e highest point of man's wit with, the- ef&cacy of nature ; but rather give right honor to the Heavenly Maker of that maker, who, having made man to His own likeness, set him beyond and over all the works of that 30 second nature. Which in nothing he showeth^gfinuch as in poetry, when with the force of. ■a -di<4R& -breath- he bnngeth thmgs forth far surpasamgJb£]u3ainss,jwTh .no ^SST^Sument to the_ incfedulou^ ofJhai,,.£lStjK;cursed ^"L^f A'^^"^' ::r since our erected witlnaketh us know ^aT" 35 perfection is, and yet our infected wiU keepeth us /xeirL^ POETRY AN ART OF IMITATION. 9 reaching unto it. But these arguments will by few be understdodT'anS' by fewer granted ; thus much I hope will be given roe, that the Greeks with some probability of reason gave him the name above all names of learn- ing. 5 Now let us go to a more ordinary opening of him, that the truth may be the more palpable ; and so, I hope, though we get not so unmatched a praise as the ety- mology of his names will grant, yet his very description, which no man will deny, shaH not justly be barred from lo a' principal commendation. ^ P oesy, therefore, is an art of ^ imitation, for so Aris- toBe termeth it in Jiis...word ^Lwdti^, that is -to sav.-a representi ng, count er feiting, or figuring forth ^ to speak metaphorically, a speaking picture , with t h i s en^l.^tn 15 teach^and delight. ■"WTRis Kavebeeri three general kinds. The chief, both in antiquity and excellency, werethgy that, did imi.ta.t.e ^ the inr.nnreiyah1e.,fi,^cellencies of (kid- Such were David in his Kalms ; Solomon in his Song of Songs, in his 20 Ecclesiastes and Proverbs ; Moses and Deborah in their Hymns ; and the writer of Job ; which, beside other, the learned Emanuel Tremellius and Franciscus Junius do entitle the poetical part of the Scripture. Against these none will speak that hath the Holy Ghost in due holy 25 reverence. In this kind, though in a full wrong divinity, j were Orpheus, Amphion, Homer in his Hymns, and , many other, both Greeks and Romans. And this poesy must be used by whosoever will follow St. James' coun- sel in singing psalms when they are merry ; and I know 30 is used with the fruit of comfort by some, when, in sorrow- ful pangs of their death-bringing sins, they find the con- solation of the never-leaving goodness. The second kind is of them that deal with matter s ^ nhiTosmiEicai:'''eit'her moral, as Tyfteeus, Ph ocylides, and 35 10 DIVISIONS OF POETRY. ^ Cato ; or riatiiral__qg T"^'" ''*'''"'' ""^ V ' rgjl's rifinrgi c s ; or "astronomical, as Ma nilius and Pontaaus ; or historical, as Lucan ;- whicli who mislike, the fault is in their judg- ment quite out of taste, and not in the sweet food of sweetly uttered knowledge. But because t his sec ond sort is wrappfid- within the fold of the proposed subject, and takes not the free, course _ of his own invention, whether they properly be poets or no let grammarians dispute, and go to the ir
  • th^e third be they which_ most properlydo imitate to tgash—and- delight ; and to^imitate^berrpw n othing of what is, hath been, or shal l bej ^ b'it rff^p'^ i ""^Y r^ned mtKieaxaa LiIiiicretion, mto th e ^divine consideratipn qf w hat may b e and should be. These be they that, as i the first and most noble sort may justly be termed vates, so these are waited on in the exeellentest lan- guages and best understandings with the foredescribed name of poets. For these, indeed, do merely make to imitate, and imitate both to delight and teach, and delight 1 to move men to take that goodness in hand, which with- out, delight they would fly as from a stranger; and teach to make them know. that goodness whereunto they are jnoved : — which being the noblest scope to which evei any learning was directed, yet; want there not idle tongues to bait at them. i VERSE NOT ESSENTIAL. 11 These be subdivided into sundry more special denomi- nations. The most notable be the heroic, lyric, tragic/ >/ comic, satiric, iambic, elegiac, pastoral, and certain others, some \ of these being termed according to the matter they deal with, some by the sort of verse they s liked best to write in, — for indeed the greatest part of poets have apparelled their poetical inventions in that numberous kind of writing which is called verse. Indeed but apparelled, verse being but an ornament and n n ca use ^oTTOetiy , since tKere have beeii'many most excel- lo ^F'poets that never versified, and now swarm many versifiers that need never answer to the name of poets. for Xenophon, who did imitate so excellently as to give - ' us effigiem Justi imperii— ^^e portraiture of a just empire under the name of Cyrus'' (as Cicero saith of him) — made is therein an absolute her oical |>Qem ; so did Heliodorus in his sugared invention of that picture of love in Theagenes and Chariclea ; and yet both these wrote in prose. W hich I speak tn sh^yfthut it ig nn^ ""'i ng_and- versinpr tha t maketh a poet-^ — nQ..jiiore than a long ^own maketh an 20 advocate.j yho. though he pleaded in armor, should be an advocate and no soldier — ^ut it is that fei ^ing notable images o f virtues, vices, or what else. with ^t |iat \ (f^gITBf gP^eac5mg|*wtiich must be the right describihg note'to K rinw^,jQfi t ,J;j y^.^ Although the senate* of 35 poets hath chosen verse as their fittest raiment, mean- ing, as in matter they passed all in all, so in manner to go beyond them ; not speaking, table-talk fashion, or like men in a dream, words as they chanceably fall from the mouth, but peizing each syllable of each word by just 30 proportion,' according to the dignity of the subject, TY- Now therefore it shall not be amiss, first to weigh this latter sort of poetry by hi s works^ and then by his nartsf; and if in neither of these anatomies he be con- demnable, I hope we shall obtain a more favorable sen- as 12 PERFECTION THE END OF LEARNIti'p. tence. This purifying of wit, this enrichin&rjfjnemory, 'enabling^of^judgment, and enlarging of conceit, which commonly we call learning, under what name soever it come forth or to what immediate ei«3 soever it be •^directed, thfi„fijjal,£nd.is to. lead and draw us to as high a perfectio n^ as our degenerate souls, made worse by their clay lodgings, can b e capable of. This, according to the inclination of man, bred many-formed impres- sions. For some that thought this felicity principally to lo be gotten by knowledge, and no knowledge to b^^ high or heavenly as acquaintance with the stars, Jlre themselves to astronomy ; others, persuading themselves '--Jp-^e demi-gods if they knew the causes of things, became natural and supernatural philosophers. Some 15 an admirable delight drew to music, and some the certainty of demonstration to the matjiematics ; but all, one and other, having this scope : —I to know, and by knowledge to lift up the mind from the dungeon of the body to the enjoying his own divine essence. J But when 2o-by the balance of experience it was found that the ' astronomer, looking to the stars, might fall into a ditch, that the inquiring philosopher might be blind in himself, and the mathematician might draw forth a straight line V with a crooked heart ; then lo ! did proof, the overruler 25 of opinions, make manifest, that all these are but serv- ing sciences, which, as they have each a private end in themselves, so yet are they all directed to the highest end of the mistress-knowledge, by the Greeks called opyvrtK- TovLKT^, which stands, as I think, in the knowledge of a .^soman's self, in the ethic and politic consideration, with the end of well-doin g, and not of well-knowing only : — even as the saddler's next end is to make a good saddle, but his further end to serve a nobler faculty, which is horsemanship ; so the horseman's to soldiery ; and the 3s soldier not only to have the skill, but to perform the PHILOSOPHER AND HISTORIAN AS RIVALS 13 practice of a soldier. So that t he ending end of a ll e arthly learning being virtuous action, t hose skills that" most serve to bring forth that have a most just title to be princes over all the rest ; wherein, if we can show, the poet is worthy to have it before any other competitbrs. 5 Among whom as principal challengers step forth the - moral philos ophers ; whom, me thinketh, I see coming toward me with a sullen gravity, as though they could not abide vice by daylight; rudely clothed, for to witness ^utwardly their contempt of outward things ; with books lo ^^their hands against glory, whereto they set their names ; sophistically speaking against subtility ; and angry with any man in whom they see the foul fault of anger.A' These men, casting -largess as they go of definitions^ divisions, and distinctions, with a scornful interrogative is do soberly ask whether it be possible to find any path so ready to lead a man to virtue, as that which teacheth what virtue is, and teacheth it not only by delivering forth his very being, his causes and effects, but also by making known his enemy, vice, which must 2a be destroyed, and his cumbersome servant, passion, which must be ipastered ; by showing the generalities that contain it, and the specialities that are derived from it ; lastly, by plain setting down how it extendeth itself out of the limits of a man's own little world, to the govern- 25 ment of families, and maintaining of public societies ? The historian scarcely giveth leisure to the moralist to say so much, but that he, loaden with old mouse-eaten records, authorizing himself for the most part upon other histories, whose greatest authorities are built upon 30 the notable foundation of hearsay ; having much ado to accord differing writers, and to pick truth out of partial- ity; better acquainted with a thousand years ago than with the present age, and yet better knowing how this world goeth than how his own wit runneth ; curious for 3S 14 THE POET SUPERIOR TO BOTH. antiquities and' inquisitive of novelties, a wonder to young folks and a tyrant in table-talk ; denieth, in. a great chafe, that any man for teaching of virtue and virtuous actions is comparable to him. " I am testis temporum, lux veri- 5 talis, vita memorice, magistra vita, nuntia vetustatis. The philosopher," saith he, " teacheth a disputative virtue, but I do an active. His virtue is excellent in the dangerless Academy of Plato, but mine showeth forth her honorable face in the battles of Marathon, Pharsalia, lo Poitiers, and Agincourt. He teacheth virtue by cer^^ . abstract considerations, but I only bid you follow WP footing of them that have gone before you. Old-aged experience goeth beyond the fine-witted philosopher; but I give the experience of many ages. Lastly, if he IS make the song-book, I put the learner's hand to the lute ; and if he be the guide, I am the light." Then would he allege you innumerable examples, confirming story by story, how much the wisest senators and princes have been directed by the credit of history, as 20 Brutus, AlphonsJis of Aragon — and who not, if need be ? At length the long line of their disputation maketh a I point in this, — .that the one giveth the precept, and the ,' other the example. Now whom shall we find, since the question standeth ^ 25 for the highest form in the school of learning, to be moderator? Truly, as me seemeth, the poet; and if not a moderator, even the man that ought to carry the title from them both, "and much more from all other serving sciences. (Therefore compare we the poet with 30 the historian and with the moral philosopher ; and if he go beyond them both, no other human skill can match \i him. \ For as for the djyine. with all reverence it is ever to be excepted, not only for having his scope as far beyond any of these as eternity exceedeth a moment, 35 but even for passing each of these in themselves. And DEFECTS OF PHILOSOPHY AND HISTORY. IS for the lavvyer, though Jus be the daughter of Justice, I and Justice the chief of virtues, yet because he seeketh to make men good xz&i&x formidine pxnce than virtutis amore ; or, to say righter, doth not endeavor to make men good, but that their evil hurt not others ; having no ^ care, so' he be a good citizen, how bad a man he be ,^ therefore, as our wickedness maketh him necessary, and necessity maketh him honorable, so is he not in the deepest truth to stand in rank with these, who all endeavor to take naughtiness away, and plant goodness lo even in the secretest cabinet of our souls. And these four are all that any way deal in that consideration of men's manners, which being the supreme knowledge, they that best breed it deserve the best commendation. The philosopher therefore and the historian are they is which would win the goal, the one by precept, the other by example ; but both not having both, do both hajt,_. For the philosopher, setting down with thorny argu- ments the bare rule, is so hard of utterance and so ■ mis ty to be conceived, that one that hath no other guide 20 but Eim shall wade in him till he be old, before he shall find gufficient cause to be honest. For his knowl- edge_standeth so upon the abstract and general that happy is that man who may understand him, and more happy that can apply what he doth understand. Qa.the 25 other side, the historian, wanting th£ precegt^Js so tied, not to wha t _shflald. be..,toi.t.. to _El)aLis,.to the particular ji truth of things and not to the general reason of things, that his example draweth no necessary consequence, and . therefore a less fruitful doctrine. >. 3° / Now doth the peerless poet perform both j for what- r' soe ver the philosopher saith should be dofl £,-iie- giveth a perfect_2ieture_Qlitin_JQJtne_43ne-by-whom he presup- posejh it was do ne, so as_ hg_cpupleth the general notion with the particular example. A perfect picture, I say ; 3s 16 THE FORCE OF POETICAL TEACHING. for h e yieldeth toj be-powers - of ,the mind, a n imagg-Xii— that whereof the philos qjjher^^bsstowe.tb, but j^ wordish descriptiorC wlnch^otJi. neither stEike,.-pierce,nOT possess the sight ij£ the._soul_so much ,as. that -otllSiLdoth. For 5 as, in outward things, to a man that had never seen an elephant or a rhinoceros, who should tell him most exquisitely all their shapes, color, bigness, and particular marks; or of a gorgeous palace, an architector, with declaring the full beauties, might well make the hearer lo able to repeat, as it were by rote, all he had heard, yet should never satisfy his inward conceit with being wit- ness to itself of a true lively knowledge ; but the same man, as soon as he might see those beasts well painted, or that house well in model, should straightways grow, IS without need of any description, to a judicial compre- hending of them : so no doubt t he philosopher, with his learned definitions, be it of virtues or vices, matters of publicTpoRcy or private •gov«mTOentjTEjIenisiieth the memory with many infallible grounds of wisdom, ffihich 20 nolwithstaijling lw^3ai-£~before "_the imaginative^ and judging power, if they be not illuminated or figured forth by the speaking- picture of poe^T Tully taketh much pains, and many times not without poetical helps, to make us know the force love of our as country hath in us. Let us but hear old Anchises speak- ing in the midst of Troy's flames, or see Ulysses, in the fulness of all Calypso's delights, bewail his absence from barren and beggarly Ithaca. Anger, the Stoics said, was a short madness. Let but Sophocles bring you Ajax on a 30 stage, killing and whipping sheep and oxen, thinking them the army of Greeks, with their chieftains Agamemnon and Menelaus, and tell me if you have not a more familiar insight into anger, than finding in the schoolmen his genus and difference. See whether wisdom and 35 temperance in Ulysses and Diomedes, valor in Achilles, PICTURES OF VIRTUES AND PASSIONS. Yl friendship in Nisus and Euryalus, even to an ignorant man carry not an apparent shining. And, contrarily, the remorse of conscience in GJdipus ; the soon-repenting pride of Agamemnon ; the self-devouring cruelty in his father Atreus ; the violence of ambition in the two 5 Theban brothers ; the sour sweetness of revenge in Medea ; and, to fall lower, the Terentian Gnatho and our Chaucer's Pandar so expressed that we now use their names to signify their trades ; and finally, all virtues, vices, and passions so in their own natural states laid to m the view, that we seem not to hear of them, but clearly to see through them. But even in the most excellent determination of good- ness, what philosopher's cou nsel can so readily direct a prince, as the feig^ned Cyrus in Xenophon? Or 3 virtnnns is than in all fortunes, as ^neas in Virgil ? Or i^, whole. coriiniiSmvealth, as the way of Sir Thomas Miiir' t Tlt n pi a? " l say the way, because where Sir Thomas More'" erred, it was the fault of the man, and not of the poet ; for that way of patterning a commonwealth was most m absolute, though he, perchance, hath not so absolutely performed it. For the question is, whether the feigned image of poesy, or the regular instruction of philosophy, hath the more force in teaching. Wherein if the phi- losophers have more rightly showed themselves philoso- =5 phers than the poets have attained to the high top of their profession, — as in truth, Mediocribus esse poetis Non Dii, non homines, non concessere columnse, — it is, I say again, not the fault of the art, but that by few 3° meji that art can be accomplished. Certainly, even our Saviour Christ could as well have given the moral commonplaces of unchar-itableness and humbleness as the divine narration of Dives and Laz- 18 THE POPULAR PHILOSOPHER. arus; or of disobedience and mercy, as that heavenly discourse of the lost child and the gracious father ; but that his through-searching wisdom knew the estate of Dives burning in hell, and of Lazarus in Abraham's 5 bosom, would more constantly, as it were, inhabit both the memory and judgment. Truly, for myself, me seems I see before mine eyes the lost child's disdainful prodi- gality, turned to envy a swine's dinner; which by the learned divines are thought not historical acts, but in- lo stmcting parables. >. For conc lusion, I say the p hilosopher teacheth. but he yf teacnetn obscurely, so as the learned only can under- s tancl him ; that is to say, he teacheth them tl^nt nr^ already taught. But thp p"Pt_k_ tlip fc^^nrl fn rthp \i-n- 15 derest stomactisj 1^e"' )^ p£ trji^irfde'^ tlie" right p opular ptftlg5 ^ih"er . Whereof ^sop's tales give good proof; whose pretty auegories, stealing under the formal tales of beasts, make many, more beastly than beasts, begin to hear the sound of virtue from those dumb speakers. 20 But now may it be alleged that if this imagining of matters be so fit for the imagination, then must the his- torian needs surpass, who bringeth you images of true matters, such as indeed were done, and not such as fantastically or falsely may be suggested to have been 25 done. Truly, Aristotle himself, in his Discourse of Poesy, plainly determineth this question, saying that poetry is i^iAoo-o^cuTEjooi/ and o-7ro«8atoTepov, that is to say, it is mpre philosophical and more studiously serious than histor y. 1 rtirreasonl£]^5ecause^po esy deale th with Ka BoKm, th at^^ 30 to say withj he u niversal ^onsiderad on,"aircO he histo v with Koff €KaaTov, the particular. " Now," saith he, "the universal" wmgRT whar!rfir-T3ri)e said or done, either in likeHhood or necessity — which the poesy considereth in his imposed names ; and the particular only marketh 35 whether Alcibiades did, or suffered, this or that : " thus NO PERFECT PATTERNS IN HISTORY. 19 far Aristotle. Which reason of his, as all his, is most full of reason. - For, indeed, if the question were whether it were better to have a particular act truly or falsely set down, there is no doubt which is to be chosen, no more than whether s you had rather have Vespasian's picture right as he was, or, at the painter's pleasure, nothing resembling. But if the question be for your own use and learning, whether ^ it be better to have it set down as it should be or as it was, then certainly is more doctrinable the feigned Cyrus lo in Xenophon than the true Cyrus in Justin ; and the feigned ^neas in Virgil than the right ^neas in Dares Phrygius ; as to a lady that desired to fashion her counte- nance to the best grace, a painter should more benefit her to portrait a most sweet face, writing Canidia upon 1.5 it, than to paint Canidia as she was, who, Horace swear- eth, was foul and ill-favored. If the poet do his part aright, he will show you in "" Tantalus, Atreus, and such like, nothing that is not to \ be shunned ; in Cyrus, ^neas, Ulysses, each thing to be 2a ' followed. Where the historian, bound to tell things 1 as things were, cannot be liberal — without he will be ; poetical — of a perfect pattern ; but, as in Alexander, or / Scipio himself, show doings, some to be liked, some to / be misliked ; and then how will you discern what \.oj{ follow but by your own discretion, which you had with- out reading Quintus Curtius? And whereas a man may say, though in universal consideration of doctrine the poet prevaileth, yet that the history, in his saying such a thing was done, doth warrant a man more in that he shall 30 follow, — the answer is manifest: that if he stand upon that was, as if he should argue, because it rained yester- day therefore it should rain to-day, then indeed it hath some advantage to a gross conceit. But if he know an example only informs a conjectured likelihood, and as 20 STRATAGEMS IN POETRY AND HISTORY. so go by reason, the poet doth so far exceed him as he is to frame his example to that which is most reasonable, be it in warlike, politic, or private matters ; where the historian in his bare was hath many times that which we 5 call fortune to overrule the best wisdom. Many times he must tell events whereof he can yield no cause ; or if he do, it must be poetically. , , For, that a feigned example hath as much force to teach as a true example — for as for to move, it is clear, lo since the feigned may be tuned to the highest key of passion — let us take one example wherein a poet and a historian do concur. Herodotus and Justin do both tes- tify that Zopyrus, king Darius' faithful servant, seeing his master long resisted by the rebellious Babylonians, 15 feigned himself in extreme disgrace of his king ; for verifying of which he caused his own nose and ears to be cut off, and so flying to the Babylonians, was received, and for his known valor so fjr credited, that he did find means to deliver them over to Darius. Much-like 20 matter doth Livy record of Tarquinius and his son. Xenophon excellently feigneth such another stratagem, performed by Abradatas in Cyrus' behalf. Now would I fain know, if occasion be presented unto you to serve your prince by such an honest dissimulation, why do you 25 not as well learn it of Xenophon's fiction as of the o.ther's verity? and, truly, so much the better, as you shall save your nose by the bargain ; for Abradatas did not counterfeit so far. So, then, the best of the historian is subject to the 30 poet ; for whatsoever action or faction, whatsoever counsel, policy, or war-stratagem th£>iistnnari^ is finiin H tn ^pcite, that may the ^oet, if he list, with his jmitation niake his ownj ^beautifying it 'botTi for further teaching and more delighting, as it pleaseth him ; having all, from Dante's 35 Heaven tc his Hell, under the authority of his pen. VIRTUE EXALTED AND VICE PUNISHED. 21 Which if I be asked what poets have done? so as I might well name some, yet say I, and say again, I speak of the art, and not of the artificer. Now, to that which commonly is attributed to the praise of history, in respect of the notable learning 5 is gotten by marking the success, as though therein a man should see virtue exalted and vice punished, — truly that commendation is peculiar to poetry and far off from history. For, indeed, poetry ever setteth virtue so out in her best colors, making Fortune her well-waiting 10 handmaid, that one must needs be enamored of her. Well may you see Ulysses in a storm, and in other hard plights ; but they are but exercises of patience and magnanimity, to make them shine the more in the near following prosperity. And, of the contrary part, if evil 15 men come to the stage, they ever go out — as the tragedy writer answered to one that misHked the show of such persons — so manacled as they little animate folks to follow them. But the historian, being captived to the truth of a foolish world, is many times a terror from well-doing, =c and an encouragement to unbridled wickedness. For see we not valiant Miltiades rot in his fetters ? The just Phocion and the accompUshed Socrates put to death like traitors ? The cruel Severus live prosperously? The excellent Severus miserably murdered ? Sylla and Marius 25 dying in their beds? Pompey and Cicero slain then, when they would have thought exile a happiness ? See we not virtuous Cato driven to kill himself, and rebel Caesar so advanced that his name yet, after sixteen hun- dred years, lasteth in -the highest honor? And mark but 30 even Caesar's own words of the forenamed Sylla — who in that only did honestly, to put down his dishonest tyranny — liter as nescivit : as if want of learning caused him to do well. He meant it not by poetry, which, not content with earthly plagues, deviseth new punishments 35 22 MOVING HIGHER THAN TEACHING. in hell for tyrants ; nor yet by philosophy, which teach- eth occidendos esse ; but, no doubt, by skill in hist6ry, for that indeed can afford you Cypselus, Periander, Phalaris, Dionysius, and I know not how many more of 3 the same kennel, that speed well enough in their abomi- nable injustice or usurpation. I conclude, therefore, that he excelleth history, not 0( only in furnishing the mind with knowledge, but in set- ting it forward to that which deserveth to be called and lo accounted good ; which settings forward, and moving to well-doing, indeed setteth the laurel crown upon the poet as victorious, not only of the historian, but over the philosopher, "howsoever in teaching it may be ques- tionable. For suppose it be granted — that which I sup- 15 pose with great reason may be denied — that the philos- opher, in respect of his methodical proceeding, teach more perfectly than the poet, yet do I think that no man is so much (/>tXo<^tXoo-o-^_^ccon ipiisKecrHn9 of poetry. _ For, as the image of each action~stirreth and instructeth the mind, so the lofty IS image of such worthies most inflameth the mind with desire to be worthy, and informs with counsel how to be worthy. Only let ^neas be worn in the tablet of your memory, how he governeth himself in th country; in the preserving his old fat>er, and earryin| 35 away his religious ceremonies; in obeying the god's com-' FIUST SUMMARY. 31 mandment to leave Dido, though not only all passion- ate kindness, but even the human consideration of vir- tuous gratefulness, would have craved other of him ; how in storms, how in sports, how in war, how in peace, how a fugitive, how victorious, how besieged, how besieging, 5 how to strangers, how to allies, how to enemies, how to his own ; lastly, how in his inward self, and how in his outward government ; and I think, in a mind most preju- diced with a prejudicating humor, he will be found in excellency fruitful, — ■ yea, even as Horace saith, melius jo Chrysippo ef Crantore. But truly I imagine it falleth out . with these poet-whippers as with some good women who ' often are sick, but in faith they cannot tell where.-' So the na me of poetry is odious to them, but neitherTnT cau se nor effects, neither the sum tha t contains him nor 15 the particularities descending from him,^gi,xfi__an.y..ia.st I 1 hagdte-tu theif car ping dTspra ise. A 'Since, tlien, poetry is of all human learnings tlie most ^ ancient and of most fatherly antiquity, as from whence other learnings have taken their beginnings ; since it is so 20 V finiversal that no learned nation doth despise it, nor barbarous nation is without it j ''mce both Eoman and Greek gave divine names unto it, the one of " prophesying ," the other of " making." and that indeed that name of " making " is fit for him, considering that whereas other arts retain them- 25 selves within their subject, and receive, as it were, their being from it, the poet only bringeth Ms own stuff, and doth not learn a ijonceit out of a matter, but maketh matter for a conceit j^'since neither his description nor his end containetji any evil, the thing descri bed cannot be evil i since his effects 3° be so^ood as to teach goodness, and delight the learners of it f since therein — namely in moral doctrine, the chief of all .knowledges — he doth not only far pass the historian, but for instructing is well nigh comparable to the philoso- pher, and for moving leaveth him behind him ; since the 35 32 WANDERING WORDS OF SMILING KAILERS. VHoly Scripture, wherein there is no unoleanness, hath whole J parts in it poetical, and that even our Saviour Christ vouoh- ' safed to use the flowers of itf/since all his kinds are not only in their united forms, but in their several dissections 5 fully commendable j I think, and think I think rightly, the laurel crown appointed for triumphant captains doth worthily, of all other learnings, honor the poet's triumph. But because we have ears as well as tongues, and that the lightest reasons that may be will seem to weigh lo greatly, if nothing be put in the counter-balance, let us hear, and, as well as we can, ponder, what objections be made against this art, which may be worthy either of yielding or answering. First, truly, I note not only in these /ua-ofiovcroL, poet- is haters, but in all that kind of people who seek a praise by dispraising others, that they do prodigally spend a great many wandering words in quips and scoffs, carping /^and taunting at each thing which, by stirring the spleen, may stay the brain from a through-beholding the worthi- 2° ness of the subject. Th^se kind of objections, as they (^are full of a very idle easiness — since there is nothing of so sacred a majesty but that an itching tongue may rub itself upon it — so deserve they no other answer, but, instead of laughing at the jest, to laugh at the jester. f=5 We know a playing wit can praise the discretion of an ass, the comfortableness of being in debt, and the jolly commodity of being sick of the plague. So of the con- trary side, if we will turn Ovid's verse, Ut lateat virtus proximitate mali, 3° " that good lie hid in nearness of the evil," Agrippa will be as merry in showing the vanity of science, as Erasmus was in commending of folly; neither shall any man or matter escape some touch of these smiling railers. But for Erasmus and Agrippa, they had another foundation ADVANTAGES OF VERSE. 33 than the superficial part would promise. Marry, these other pleasant fault-finders, who will correct the verb before they understand the noun, and confute others' knowledge before they confirm their own, I would have them only remember that scoffing cometh not of wisdom ; 5 so as the best title in true English they get with their merriments is to be called good fools, — for so have our grave forefathers ever termed that humorous kind of^ jesters. Eutj hat which giveth greatest scope to their jiconiing 10 humor is riming and vexing. __It, Js alrea dy sa.id,__ and as I think truly said, it is not riming and ver sing ^ t)ia,t maketh poesy. One may't)e a poet withoutversing, and a vefSltter "wrmout poetry. But yet presuppose it were inseparable — as indeed it seemeth Scaliger judgeth — 13 truly it were an inseparable commendation. For if oratio next to ratio, speech next to reason, be the greatest-^ gift bestowed upon mortality, that cannot be praiseless which doth most polish that blessirig of speech ; which considereth each word, not only as a man may say by 20 his forcible quality, but by his best-measured quantity ; carrying even in themselves a harmony, — without, per- chance, number, measure, order, proportion be in our time grown odious. But lay aside the just praise it hath by being the only 2s fit speech for music — music. I sav. the most divine s triker of the senses — t hus mu fh js n-nHianhtprllv ta.i p- that if reading be foolish wit hout remembering. jo eiaQry "1 beinglHe only treasurerorKowledge. thoaa jKOJds-wfcieh fare^'fi tt^nbr memory are likewise mo st convenient for 30 knowledge! Now that verse far exceed'Sth prose in the knilliug l!lp of the memory, the reason is manifest ; the words, besides their delight, which hath a great affinity \to memory, being so set, as one cannot be lost but the whole work fails ; which, accusing itself, calleth the 35 34 ARRAIGNMENT OF POETRY. remembrance back to itself, and so most strongly con- firmeth it. Besides, one word so, as it were, begetting another, as, be it in rime or measured verse, by the former a man shall have a near guess to the follower. 5 Lastly, even they that have taught the art of memory have showed nothing so apt for it as a certain room divided into many places, well and throughly known; now "that hath the verse in effect perfectly, every word having his natural seat, which seat must needs make the lo word remembered. But what needeth more in a thing s(5 known to all men? Who is it that ever was a scholar that doth not carry away some verses of Virgil, Horace, or Cato, which in his youth he learned, and even to his old age serve him for hourly lessons ? as : 15 Percontatorem fugito, nam garrulus idem est. Dum sibi quisque placet, creclula turba sumus. But the fitness it hath for memory is notably proved by all delivery of arts, wherein, for the most part, from grammar to logic, mathematic, physic, and the rest, the 20 rules chiefly necessary to be borne away are compiled in verses. So that verse being in itself sweet and orderly, and being best for memory, the only .handle of knowl- edge, it must be in jest that any man can speak against it Now then go we to the most important imput ations 25 laid_to the pool -poets; for aught I can yet learn they are these. / First, that there being many other more fruitful knowl- edges, a man might better spend his time in them than in this. 30 Secondly, that it is the mother of lies. Thirdly, that it is the nurse of abuse, infecting us with many pestilent desires, with a siren's sweetness drawing the mind to the serpent's tail of sinful fancies, — and herein especially comedies give the largest field to ear, THE POET NEVER LIETH. 35 as Chaucer saith ; how, both in other nations and in ours, before poets did soften us, we were full of courage, given to martial exercises, the pillars of manlike Kberty, and' not lulled asleep in shady idleness with poets' pastimes. And, lastly and chiefly, they cry out with an open mouth, 5 as if they had overshot Robin Hood, that Plato banished them out of his Commonwealth. Truly this is much, if V there be much truth in it. j ^^^^^ First, to the first, that a man might better spend his time is a reason indeed ; but it doth, as they say, but 10 petere principium. Fgjuf Jt ]a£,jij[ affirm, that_noJeam; i ng is so p [ood as that Mb trir-rfffrrhpth- and -moveth -to V^ virtue, and t ha t none can both teach and move thereto so much as poesy, then i s the conclusion manifest tha t ink and paper cannot be to a more profi table uuLOQse 15 emglgyed^ 7K3 certainly, thouglTainaii should grant their first assumption, it should follow, me thinks, very unwiUingly, that good is not good because better is better. But I still and utterly deny that there is sprung out of earth a more fruitfiil knowledge. 20 To the second, therefore, that they should be the principal liars, I answer paradoxically, but truly, I think truly, that of all writers under the sun the poet is the least liar ; and though he would, as a poet can scarcely be a liar. The astronomer, with his cousin the geometri- zs cian, can hardly escape when they take upon them to measure the height of the stars. How often, think you, do the physicians lie, when they aver things good for sicknesses, which afterwards send Charon a great number of souls drowned in a potion before they come to his 3' ferry ? And no less of the rest which take upon them to affirm. Now for the p oet, he nothing affirmeth, jrad therefore never lieth. Por, as I take it, to lie is to affirm that toBetrue which is false ; so as the other artists, and especially the historian, affirming many things, can, in 35 36 THE POET NEVER AFFIRMETH. the cloudy knowledge of mankind, hardly escape from many lies. But the poet, as I said before, never affirmeth , The poet never maketh any circles about your imagina- (V tion, to conjure you to believe for true what he writeth. 5 He citeth not authorities of other histories, but even for his entry calleth the sweet Muses to inspire into him a good invention ; in troth, not laboring to tell you what is or is not, but what should or should not be. And therefore though he recount things not true, yet because lo he telleth them not for true he lieth not ; without we will say that Nathan lied in his speech, before alleged, to David ; which, as a wicked man durst scarce say, so think I none so simple would say that ^sop lied in the tales of his beasts ; for who thinketh that vEsop wrote it IS for actually true, were well worthy to have his name chronicled among the beasts he writeth of. What child is there that, coming to a play, and seeing Thebes writ- ten in great letters upon an old door, doth believe that it is Thebes ? If then a man can arrive at that child's- jo age, to know that the poet's persons and doings are but pictures what should be, and not stories what have been, they will never give the lie to things not affirmatively but allegorically and figuratively written. And therefore, as in history looking for truth, they may go away full-fraught 25 with falsehood, so in poesy looking but for fiction, they shall use the narration but as an imaginative ground-plot of a profitable invention. But hereto is replied that the poets give names to men they write of, which argueth a conceit of an actual truth, and so, not being true, 3oproveth a falsehood. And doth the lawyer lie then, when, under the names of John of the Stile, and John of the Nokes, he putteth his case? But that is easily answered : their naming of men is but to make their picture the more lively, and not to build any historj^ 35 Painting men, they cannot leave men namelqgs.. We see MAN'S WIT ABUSETH POETRY. 37 we cannot play at chess but that we must give names to our chess-men ; and yet, me thinks, he were a very par- tial champion of truth that would say we lied fof giving a piece of wood the reverend title of a bishop. The poet nameth Cyrus and ^Eneas no other way than to s show what men of their fames, fortunes, and estates should do. Their third is, how much it abuseth men's wit, training it to wanton sinfulness and lustful love. For indeed that is the principal, if not the only, abuse I can hear alleged, lo They sa y the comedies rath er teach than rep^phend amorous coriceitS;^_^They say the lyric is larded with pas- sionate sonnets, the elegiac weeps the want of his mistress, and that even to the heroical Cupid hath ambitiously cUmbed. Alas ! Love, I would thou couldst 15 as well defend thyself as thou canst offend others ! I would those on whom thou dost attend could either put thee away, or yield good reason why they keep thee ! But grant love of beauty to be a beastly fault, although — it be very hard, since only man, and no beast, hath that 20 gift to discern beauty; grant that lovely name of Love---'' to deserve all hateful reproaches, although even some of my masters the philosophers spent a good deal of their lamp-oil in setting forth the excellency of it; grant, I say, whatsoever they will have granted, — that not only 25 love, but lust, but vanity, but, if they list, scurrility, pos- sesseth many leaves of the poets' books ; yet think I when this is granted, they will find their sentence may with good manners put the last words foremost, and not say that poetry abuseth man's wit, but that man's wit abuseth 35}? poetry. For I will not deny, but that man's wit may make poesy, which should be eiKao-Tuc^, which some ~| learned have defined, figuring forth good things, to be <^avTa<7TtK7j, which doth contrariwise infect the fancy with , unworthy objects ; as the painter that should give to 3s 38 ALL GOOD THINGS ABUSED. the eye either some excellent perspective, or some fine picture fit for building or fortification, or containing in it some notable example, as Abraham sacrificing his son Isaac, Judith killing Holofernes, David fighting with 5 Goliath, may leave those, and please an ill-pleased eye with wanton shows of better-hidden matters. But what ! (shall the abuse of a thing make the right use odious? ^ Nay, truly, though I yield that poesy may not only be abused, but that being abused, by the reason of his sweet (•o charming force, it can do more hurt than any other army \ of words, yet shalHtbejoJacJjjaajEOJidudiag-lhat-the. abuse shouig-givere proach to t he abuged^at^eflntiarir wise it is'a^o3['i^soii,±liai vvhaisasxer,i!fiing -abused, r~ doth most ha rm, being rightl y used -^ and upon the right \ 15 use each thing rec,eiveth. his. titlec:r:d&thjTipst good- Do \ we not see the skill of physic, the best rampire to our often-assaulted bodies, being abused, teach poison, the most violent destroyer? Doth not knowledge of law, whose end is to even and right all things, being abused, 20 grow the crooked fosterer of horrible injuries ? Doth not, to go in the highest, God's word abused breed heresy, and his name abused become blasphemy? Truly a needle cannot do much hurt, and as truly — with leave of ladies be it spoken — it cannot do much good. With a sword 25 thou mayst kill thy father, and with a sword thou mayst defend thy prince and country. So that, as in their call- ing poets the fathers, of lies they say nothing, so in this their argument of abuse they prove the commendation. They allege herewith, that before poets began to be 30 in price^ our nation hath set their hearts' delighL_upon action, and not upon imagination ; rather doing things worthy to be written, than writing' tWhgs fit to be done. What that before-time was, I think scarcely Sphinx can tell ; since no memory is so ancient that hath the prece- -^ dence of poetry;^^ And certain it is that, in our plainest THE COMPANION OF CAMPS. 39 homeliness, yet never was the Albion nation without poetry. Marry, this argument, though it be levelled against poetry, yet is it indeed a chain-shot against all learning, — or bookishness, as they commonly term it. Of such mind were certain Goths, of whom it is written 5 that, having in the spoil of a famous city taken a fair library, one hangman — belike fit to execute the fruits of their wits — who had murdered a great number of bodies, would have set fire in it. " No," said another very gravely, " take heed what you do ; for while they are 10 busy about these toys, we shall with more leisure con- quer their countries." This, indeed, is the ordinary doctrine of ignorance, and many words sometimes I have heard spent in it ; but because this reason is gen- erally against all learning, as well as poetry, or rather all 15 learning but poetry ; because it were too large a digres- sion to h andle, or at least too superfluous, since it is manliest that all gqvernrnerit: of action is to be gotteri"^^ by knowledge, axTjd knowledge bsst by .,gaiiifi£ing jtnany \ knowledges, wKiShis reading ; _I jgilly, witiu-Horace, -tog?? hi m tngit is ot that opiniQiL,..^,^— „— Jubeo stultum esse libenter; for as for poetry itself, it is the freest from this objec- tion, for poetry is the companion of the camps. I dare undertake, Orlando Furioso or honest King Arthur will 25 never displease a soldier ; but the quiddity of ens, and prima materia, will hardly agree with a corselet. And therefore, as I said in the beginning, even Turks and Tartars are delighted with poets. Homer, a Greek, flourished before Greece flourished ; and if to a slight 30 conjecture a conjecture may be opposed, truly it may seem, that as by him their learned men took almost their first light of knowledge, so their active men received their first motions of courage. Only Alexander's example ^0 ALEXANDER AND HOMER. may serve, who by Plutarch is accounted of such virtue, that Fortune was not his guide but his footstool ; whose acts speak for him, though Plutarch did not ; indeed the phoenix of warlike princes. This Alexander left his 5 schoolmaster, living Aristotle, behind him, but took dead Homer with him. He put the philosopher Callisthenes to death, for his seeming philosophical, indeed mutinous, stubbornness ; but the chief thing he was ever heard to wish for was that. Homer had been alive. He well lo found he received more bravery of mind by the pattern of Achilles, than by hearing the definition of fortitude. And therefore if Cato misliked Fulvius for carrying Ennius with him to the iield, it may be answered that if Cato misHked it, the noble Fulvius liked it, or else he 15 had not done it. For it was not the excellent Cato Uti- censis, whose authority I would much more have rev- erenced ; but it was the former, in truth a bitter punisher of faults, but else a man that had never sacrificed to the Graces. He misliked and cried out upon all Greek JO learning ; and yet, being fourscore years old, began to learn it, belike fearing that Pluto understood not Latin. Indeed, the Roman laws allowed no person to be carried to the wars but he that was in the soldiers' roll. And therefore though Cato misliked his unmustered person, 25 he misliked not his work. And if he had, Scipio Nasica, judged by common consent the best Roman, loved him. Both the other Scipio brothers, who had by their virtues no less surnames than of Asia and Afric, so loved him that they caused his body to be buried in their 30 sepulchre. So as Cato's authority being but against his person, and that answered with so far greater than him- self, is herein of no vaUdity. But now, indeed, my burthen is great, that Plato's name is laid upon me, whom, I must confess, of all philoso- 35 phers I have ever esteemed most worthy of reverence j; PHILOSOPHERS UNGRATZFUL PRENTICES +1 an5 with great reason, since of all philosophers he is the most poetical ; yet if he will defile the fountain out of which his flowing streams have proceeded, let us boldly examine with what reasons he did it. _^ — First, truly, a man might maliciously object that Plato, 5 being a philosopher, was a natural enemy of poets. For, indeed, after the philosophers had picked out of the sweet mysteries of poetry the right discerning true points of knowledge, they forthwith, putting it in method, and making a school-art of that which the poets did only lo teach by a divine delightfulness, beginning to spurn at their guides, Uke ungrateful prentices were not content to set up shops for themselves, but sought by all means to discredit their masters ; which by the force of delight being barred them, the less they could overthrow them 15 the more they hated them. For, indeed, they found for 1 Homer seven cities strave who should have him for their citizen ; where many cities banished philosophers, as not fit members to live among them. For only repeating certain of Euripides' verses, many Athenians had their k lives saved of the Syracusans, where the Athenians themselves thought many philosophers unworthy to live. Certain poets as Simonides and Pindar, had so prevailed with Hiero the First, that of a tyrant they made him a just king ; where Plato could do so little with Dionysius, 25 that he himself of a philosopher was made a slave. But ■ who should do thus, I confess, should requite the objec- tions made against poets with like cavillations against, philosophers ; as likewise one should do that should bid one read Phaedrus or Symposium in Plato, or the Dis- 30 course of Love in Plutarch, and see whether any poet do authorize abominable filthiness, as they do. — '"^ Again, a man might ask out of what commonwealth Plato doth banish them. In sooth, thence where he him- self alloweth community of women. So as belike this 35 \ 42 SUPERSTITION VERSUS ATHEISM. » banishment grew not for effeminate wantonness, since little should poetical sonnets be hurtful when a man might have what woman he listed. But I honor philo- sophical instructions, and bless the wits which bred them, 5 so as they be not abused, which is Hkewise stretched to poetry. Saint Paul himself, who yet, for the credit of poets, allegeth twice two poets, and one of them by the name of a prophet, setteth a watchword upon philoso- phy, — indeed upon the abuse. So doth Plato upon 0^ lo the abuse, not upon poetry. Plato found fault that the poets of his time filled the world with wrong opinions of cZ. the gods, making light tales of that unspotted essence, and therefore would not have the youth depraved with such opinions. Herein may much be said ; let this suf- 15 fice : the poets did not induce such opinions, but did imitate those opinions already induced. For all the Greek stories can well testify that the very religion of that time stood upon many and many-fashioned gods ; not taught so by the poets, but followed according to their 2o nature of imitation. Who list may read in Plutarch the discourses of Isis and Osiris, of the Cause why Oracles ceased, of the Divine Providence, and see whether the theology of that nation stood not upon such dreams, — which the poets indeed superstitiously ob- 2s served ; and truly, since they had not the light of Christ, did much better in it than the philosophers, who, shaking off superstition, brought in atheism. Plato therefore, whose authority I had much rather justly construe than unjustly resist, meant not in general 30 of poets, in those words of which Julius Scaliger saith, Qua authoritaie barbari quidam atque hispidi abuti velint ad poetas e republica exigendos ; but only meant to drive out those wrong opinions of the Deity, whereof now, without further law, Christianity hath taken away 35 all the hurtful belief, perchance, as he thought, nourished ^ POETS HONWiED BY THE WISEST. 43 by the then esttjemed poeta/ Anc^^'JTjan need go no further - than to Plato himself to 'Know his meSmi^af ; who, in his dialogue called Ion, giveth high and rightly' diyine com- \ mendation unto poetry. So as Plato, banishing the abuse, not the thing, not banishing it, but giving due honor unto -4^ it, shall be our patron and not our adversary. For, indeed, I had much rather, since truly I may do it, show their mistaking of Plato, under whose lion's skin they would make an ass-like braying against poesy, than go about to overthrow his authority ; whom, the wiser a lo man is, the more just cause he shall find to have in admiration ; especially since he attributeth unto poesy more than myself do, namely to be a very inspiring of a 1/ divine force, far above man's wit, as in the forenamed ^ dialogue is apparent. 15 Of the other side, who would show the honors have been by the best sort of judgments granted them, a whole sea of examples would present themselves : Alex- anders, Caesars, Scipios, all favorers of poets ; Laelius, called the Roman Socrates, himself a poet, so as part ot 20 Heautontimoroumenos in Terence was supposed to be made by him. And even the Greek (Socrates, whom Apollo confirmed to be the only wise man, is said to have spent part of his old time in putting ^sop's Fables into verses I'Jand therefore full evil should it become his =5 scholar, Plato, to put such words in his master's mouth against poets. But what needs more? Aristotle writes the Art of Poesy ; and why, if it should not be written ? Plutarch teacheth the use to be gathered of them ; and how, if they should not be read ? And who reads Plu- 30 tarch's either history or philosophy, shall find he trim- meth both their garments with guards of poesy. But I list not to defend poesy with the help of his underling historiography. Let it suffice that it is a fit soil for praise to dwell upon ; and what dispraise may set upon 35 44 SECOND SU,V;i^2RY. it, is either easilvfliV^rcome, or transformed into just commendationi;>'''^ So t^J^nce the excellencies of it may be so easily and sojagtly confirmed, and the low-creeping objections so soon <-^Trodden downjvit not being an art of lies, but of true doc- trine j ^^t of effeminateness, but of notable stirring of cour- age; mot of abusing man's wit, but of strengthening man's wit i^ot banished, but honored by Pkto ; let us rather plant more laurels for to engarland our poets' heads — which honor lo of being laureate, as besides them only triumphant captains were, is a sufScient authority to show the price they ought to be held in — than suffer the ill-savored breath of such wrong speakers once to blow upon the clear springs of poesy, But since I have run so long a career in this matter, 15 me thinks, before I give my pen a. full stop, it shall be but a little more lost time to inquire why England, the :^ mother of excellent minds, should be grown so hard a stepmother to poets ; who certainly in wit ought to pass all others, since all only proceedeth from their wit, being 20 indeed makers of themselves, not takers of others. How can I but exclaim, Musa, mihi causas memora, quo numine laeso? Sweet poesy ! that hath anciently had kings, emperors, senators, great captains, such as, besides a thousand =5 others, David, Adrian, Sophocles, Germanicus, not only to favor poets, but to be poets ; and of our rearer times can present for her patrons a Robert, King of Sicily; the great King Francis of France ; King James of Scot- land ; such cardinals as Bembus and Bibbiena ; such 30 famous preachers and teachers as Beza and Melancthon ; so learned philosophers as Fracastorius and Scaliger ; so great orators as Pontanus and Muretus ; so piercing wits as George Buchanan; so grave counsellors as — besides many, but before all — that Hospital of France, than NO POETS IN IDLE ENGLAND. j 4S whom, I think, that reahn never brought forth a more accomphshed judgment more firmly builded upon virtue ; I say these, with numbers of others, not only to read others' poesies but to poetize for others' reading. That poesy, thus embraced in all other places, should only s find in our time a hard welcome in England, I think the very earth lamenteth it, and therefore decketh our soil with fewer laurels than it was accustomed. For hereto- fore poets have in England also flourished ; and, which is to be noted, even in those times when the trumpet of lo Mars did sound loudest. And now that an over-faint quietness should seem to strew the house for poets, they are almost in as good reputation as the mountebanks at Venice. Truly even that, as of the one side it giveth great praise to poesy, which, like Venus — but to better 15 purpose — hath rather be troubled in the net with Mars, than enjoy the homely quiet of Vulcan ; so serves it for a piece of a reason why they are less- grateful to idle England, which now can scarce endure the pain of a^^= pen. / Upon this necessarily foUoweth, that base men » with servile wits undertake it, who think it enough if they can be rewarded of the printer. And so as Epami- nondas is said, with the honor of his virtue to have made an office, by his exercising it, which before was contemptible, to become highly respected ; so these 25 men, no more but setting their names to it, by their own disgracefulness disgrace the most graceful poesy. For now, as if all the Muses were got with child to bring forth bastard poets, without any commission they do post over the banks of Helicon, till they make their 3° readers more weary than post-horses ; while, in the mean time, they, Queis meliore luto finxit prsecordia Titan, are better content to suppress the outflowings of their 46 POETRY NO HUMAN SKILL. wit, than by publishing' them to be accounted knights of the same order. '^ But I that, before ever I durst aspire unto the dignity, am admitted into the company of the paper-blurrers, do 5 find the very true cause of our wanting estimation is want of desert, taking upon us to be poets in despite of Pallas. Now wherein we want desert were a thank- worthy labor to express ; but if I knew, I should have mended myself. But as I never desired the title, so have lo I neglected the means to come by it ; only, overmastered by some thoughts, I yielded an inky tribute unto them. v^ Marry, they that delight in poesy itself should seek to know what they do and how they do ; and especially look themselves in ah unflattering glass of reason, if they be 15 inclinable unto it. For poesy must not be drawn by the ears, it must be gently led, or rather it must lead ; which was partly the cause that made the ancient learned afifirm it was a divine gift, and no human skill, since all other knowledges He ready for any that hath strength of 20 wit, a poet no industry can make if his own genius be [/ not carried into it. And therefore is it an old proverb : Orator fit, poeta nascitur. Yet confess I always that, as the fertilest ground must be manured, so must the highest-flying wit have a Daedalus to guide him. That !S Daedalus, they say, both in this and in other, hath three Y wings to bear itself up into the air of due commenda- tion : that is, art, imitation, and exercise. But these neither artificial rules nor imitative patterns, we much cumber ourselves withal. Exercise indeed we do, but 30 that very fore-backwardly, for where we should exercise to know, we exercise as having known; and so is our brain delivered of much matter which never was begot- ten by knowledge. For there being two principal parts, matter to be expressed by words, and words to express 35 the matter, in neikher we use art or imitation rightly. CHAUCER, SACKVILLE, SURREY, SPENSER. 47 Our matter is quodlibet indeed, though wrongly perform- ing Ovid's verse, Quicquid conabar dicere, versus erat; never marshalling it into any assured rank, that almost the readers cannot tell where to find themselves. , c^ Chaucer, undoubtedly, did excellently in his TmihSs^ and Cressida; of whom, truly, I know not whether to i marvel more, either that he in that misty time could see so clearly, or that we in this clear age walk so stumblingly after him. Yet had he great wants, fit to be forgiven in lo so reverend antiquity. I account the Mirror of Magis- trates meetly furnished of beautiful parts; and in the Earl of Surrey's lyrics many things tasting of a noble birth, and worthy of a noble mind. The Shepherd's Calendar hath much poetry in his eclogues, indeed worthy is the reading, if I be not deceived. That same framing of his style to an old rustic language I dare not allow, since neither Theocritus in Greek, Virgil in Latin, nor Sannazzaro in Italian did affect it. Besides these, I do not remember to have seen but few (to speak boldly) zc printed, that have poetical sinews in them. For proof whereof, let but most of the verses be put in prose, and then ask the meaning, and it will be found that one verse did but beget another, without ordering at the first what should be at the last ; which becomes a confused =5 mass of words, with a tinkling sound of rime, barely accompanied with reason. - Our tragedies and comedies not without cause cried out against, observing rules neither of honest civility nor of skilful poetry, excepting Gorboduc, — again I say of 3° those that I have seen. Which notwithstanding as it is full of stately speeches and well-sounding phrases, climbing to the height of Seneca's style, and as full of notable morality, which it doth most delightfully teach, 48 UNITIES OF PLACE AND TIME. and so obtain the very end of poesy ; yet in truth it is very defectious in the circumstances, which grieveth me, because it might not remain as an exact model of all tragedies. For it is faulty both in place and time, the 5 two necessary companions of all corporal actions. For where the stage should always represent but one place, and the uttermost time presupposed in it should be, both , by Aristotle's precept and common reason, but one day ; there is both many days and many places inartificially lo imagined. ^„,--'''JBut if it be so in Gorboduc, how much more in all the rest? where you shall have Asia of the one side, and Afric of the other, and so many other under-kingdoms, that the player, when he cometh in, must ever begin with 15 telling where he is, or else the tale will not be conceived. Now ye shall have three ladies walk to gather flowers, and then we must believe the stage to be a garden. By and by we hear news of shipwreck in the same place, and then we are to blame if we accept it not for a rock. 20 Upon the back of that comes out a hideous monster with fire and smoke, and then the miserable beholders are bound to take it for a cave. While in the mean time two armies fly in, represented with four swords and bucklers, and then what hard heart will not receive it 2s for a pitched field ? ■^ Now of time they are much more liberal. For ordinary it is that two young princes fall in love ; after many traverses she is got with child, delivered of a fair boy, he is lost, groweth a man, falleth in love, and is ready to 30 get another child, — and all this in two hours' space ; which how absurd it is in sense even sense may imag- ine, and art hath taught, and all ancient examples justi- fied, and at this day the ordinary players in Italy will not err in. Yet will some bring in an example of Eunuchus 35 in Terence, that containeth matter of two days, yet far UNITY OF ACTION.,^ 49 short of twenty years. True it is, and so was it to he played in two days, and so fitted to tiie time it set forth. And though Plautus have in one place done amiss, let us hit with him, and not miss with him. But they will say. How then shall we set forth a story which containeth 5 both many places and many times? And do they not know that a tragedy is tied to the laws of poesy, and not of history ; not bound to follow the story, but having liberty either to feign a quite new matter, or to frame the history to the most tragical conveniency? Again, 10 many things may be told which cannot be showed, — if they know the difference betwixt reporting and represent- ing. As for example I may speak, though I am here, of Peru, and m speech digress from that to the description of Calicut ; but in action I cannot represent it without 15 Pacolet's horse. And so was the manfter the ancients took, by some Nuntius to recount things done in former time or other place. Lastly, if they will represent a history, they must nof^ as Horace saith, begin ab ovo, but they must comeTo 20 the principal point of that one action which they wilt represent. "T By example this will be best expressed. I have a story of young Polydorus, delivered for safety's sake, with great riches, by his father Priamus to Polym- nestor, King of Thrace, in the Trojan war time. He, 25 after some years, hearing the overthrow of Priamus, for to make the treasure his own murdereth the child ; the body of the child is taken up by Hecuba ; she, the same day, findeth a sleight to be revenged most cruelly of the tyrant. Where now would one of our tragedy- 30 writers begin, but with the delivery of the child? Then should he sail over into Thrace, and so spend I know not how many years, and travel numbers of places. But where doth Euripides? Even with the finding of the body, leaving the rest to be told by the spirit of Poly 35 so MINGLING OF TRAGEDY AND COMEDY. dorus. This needs no further to be enlarged ; the dullest wit may conceive it. But, besides these gross absurdities, how all their plays be neither right tragedies nor right comedies, mingling 5 kings and clowns, not because the matter so carrieth it, but thrust in the clown by head and shoulders to. play a part in majestical matters, with neither decency nor discretion ; so as neither the admiration and commisera- tion, nor the right sportfulness, is by their mongrel tragi- lo comedy obtained. I know Apuleius did somewhat so, but that is a thing recounted with space of time, not represented in one moment ; and I know the ancients have one or two examples of tragi-comedies, as Plautus hath Amphytrio. But, if we mark them well, we shall 15 find that they never, or very daintily, match hornpipes and funerals. So falleth it out that, having indeed no right comedy in that comical part of our tragedy, we have nothing but scurriUty, unworthy of any chaste ears, or some extreme show of doltishness, indeed fit to lift 20 up a loud laughter, and nothing else ; where the whole tract of a comedy should be full of delight, as the tragedy should be still maintained in a well-raised admiration. y^'^xA our comedians think there is no delight without -'"'^^Taughter, which is very wrong; for though laughter may 2S come with delight, yet cometh it not of delight, as though delight should be the cause of laughter ; but well may one thing breed both together. Nay, rather in them- selves they have, as it were, a kind of contrariety. For delight we scarcely do, but in things that have a con- 30 veniency to ourselves, or to the general nature ; laughter almost ever cometh of things most disproportioned to ourselves and nature. Delight hath a joy in it either permanent or present; laughter hath only a scornful tickling. For example, we are ravished with delight to 35 see a fair woman, and yet are far from being moved to DELIGHT OR LAUGHTER? SI laughter. We laugh at deformed creatures, wherein cer- tainly we cannot delight. We delight in good chances, we laugh at mischances. We delight to hear the happi- ness of our friends and country, at which he were worthy to be laughed at that would laugh. We shall, contrarily, 5 laugh sometimes to find a matter quite mistaken and go down the hill against the bias, in the mouth of some such men, as for the respect of them one shall be heartily sorry he cannot choose but laugh, and so is rather pained than delighted with laughter. Yet deny I not but that 10 they may go well together. For as in Alexander's picture well set out we delight without laughter, and in twenty mad antics we laugh without delight ; so in Hercules, painted, with his great beard and furious countenance, in woman's attire, spinning at Omphale's commandment, 15 it breedeth both delight and laughter ; for the representing of so strange a power in love, procureth delight, and the scomfulness of the action stirreth laughter. But I speak to this purpose, that all the end of the comical part be not upon such scornful matters as stir 20 laughter only, but mixed with it that delightful teaching ^ which is the end of poesy. And the great fault, even in that point of laughter, and forbidden plainly by Aristotle, is that they stir laughter in sinful things, which are rather execrable than ridiculous ; or in miserable, which are 25 rather to be pitied than scorned. For what is it to make folks gape at a wretched beggar or a beggarly clown, or, against law of hospitality, to jest at strangers because they speak not English so well as we do ? what do we learn? since it is certain : 30' Nil habet infelix paupertas durius in se, Quam quod ridicules homines fecit. But rather a busy loving courtier ; a heartless threatening Thraso; a self-wise-seeming schoolmaster; a wry-trans- 52 AFFECTATION IN 10 VE POEMS. formed traveller : these if we saw walk in stage-names, which we play naturally, therein were delightful laugh- ter and teaching delightfulness, — as in the other, the trage- dies of Buchanan do justly bring forth a divine admiration. But I have lavished out too many words of this play- matter. I do it, because as they are excelling parts of poesy, so is there none so much used in England, and none can be more pitifully abused ; which, like an unman- nerly daughter, showing a bad education, causeth her lo mother Poesy's honesty to be called in question. ^ Other sorts of poetry almost have we none, but that lyrical kind of songs and sonnets, which. Lord if he gave us so good minds, how well it might be employed, and with how heavenly fruits both private and public, in •15 singing the praises of the immortal beauty, the immortal goodness of that God who giveth us hands to write, and wits to conceive ! — of which we might well want words, but never matter; of which we could turn our eyes to nothing, but we should ever have new-budding occasions. 20 But truly; many of such writings as come under the banner of unresistible love, if I were a mistress would never persuade me they were in love; so coldly they apply fiery speeches, as men that had rather read lovers' writings, and so caught up certain swelling phrases — which 25 hang together like a man which once told me the wind was at north-west and by south, because he would be sure to name winds enough — than that in truth they feel those passions, which easily, as I think, may be bewrayed by that same forcibleness, or energia (as the 30 Greeks call it) of the writer. But let this be a sufificient, though short note, that we miss the right use of the material point of poesy. ^ Now for the outside of it, which is words, or (as I may term it) diction, it is even well worse, so is that honey 35 flowing matron eloquence apparelled, or rather disguised, EUPHUISM IN PROSE. • 53 in a courtesan-like painted affectation : one time with so far-fet words, that many seem monsters — but must seem strangers — to any poor Englishman; another time with coursing of a letter, as if they were bound to follow the method of a dictionary; another time with figures and s flowers extremely winter- starved. —'^ But I would this fault were only peculiar to versifiers, and had not as large possession among prose-printers, and, which is to be marvelled, among many scholars^ and, which is to be pitied, among some preachers. Truly lo ' I could wish — if at least I might be so bold to wish in a thing beyond the reach of my capacity — the diligent imitators of Tully and Demosthenes (most worthy to be imitated) did not so much keep NizoUan paper-books of their figures and phrases, as by attentive translation, as 15 it were devour them whole, and make them wholly theirs. For now they cast sugar and spice upon every dish that is served to the table ; like those Indians, not content to wear ear-rings at the fit and natural place of the ears, but they will thrust jewels through their nose and lips, 20 because they will be sure to be fine. Tully, when he was to drive out Catiline as it were with a thunderbolt of eloquence, often used that figure of repetition, as Vivit. Vivit? Immo vera etiani in senatum venit, etc. Indeed, inflamed with a well-grounded rage, he would 25 have his words, as it were, double out of his mouth; and so do that artificially, which we see men in choler do naturally. And we, having noted the grace of those words, hale them in sometime to a familiar epistle, when it were too much choler to be choleric. How well 30 store of similiter cadences doth sound with the gravity of the pulpit, I would but invoke Demosthenes' soul to tell, who vidth a rare daintiness useth them. Truly they have made me think of the sophister that with too much subtility would prove two eggs three, and though he 3s 54 DANCING TO ONES OWN MUSIC. might be counted a sophister, had none for his labor. So these men bringing in such a kind of eloquence, well may they obtain an opinion of a seeming fineness, Tjut y' persuade few, — which should be the end of their fineness. s Now for similitudes in certain printed discourses, I think all herbarists, all stories of beasts, fowls, and fishes are rifled up, that they may come in multitudes to wait upon any of our conceits, which certainly is as absurd a surfeit to- the ears as is possible. For the force of a lo similitude not being to prove any thing to a contrary dis- puter, but only to explain to a willing hearer ; when that is done, the rest is a most tedious prattling, rather over- swaying the memory from the purpose whereto they were applied, than any whit informing the judgment, already 15 either satisfied or by similitudes not to be satisfied. ' — For my part, I do not doubt, when Antonius and Crassus, the great forefathers of Cicero in eloquence, the one (as Cicero testifieth of them) pretended not to know art, the other not to set by it, because with a plain 20 sensibleness they might win credit of popular earsj which credit is the nearest step to persuasion, which persua- sion is the chief mark of oratory, — I do not doubt, I say, but that they used these knacks very sparingly; which who doth generally use any man may see doth 2S dance to his own music, and so be noted by the audi- ence more careful to speak curiously than truly. Un- doubtedly (at least to my opinion undoubtedly) I have found in divers small-learned courtiers a more sound style than in some professors of learning ; of which I 30 can guess no other cause, but that the courtier following that which by practice he findeth fittest to nature, therein, though he know it not, doth according to art, though not by art ; where the other, using art to show art and not to hide art — as in these cases he should do — flieth 35 from nature, and indeed abuseth art. THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE PRAISED. 55 But what ! me thinks I deserve to be pounded for stray- ing from poetry to oratory. But both have such an affinity in the wordish consideration, that I think this digression will make my meaning receive the fuller understanding : —^^ which is not to take upon me to teach poets how they s 05 should do, but only, iinding myself sick among the rest, to show some one or two spots of the common infection grown among the most part of writers ; that, acknowl- edging ourselves somewhat awry, we may bend to the right use both of matter and manner : whereto our Ian- 10 guage giveth us great occasion, being, indeed, capable of any excellent exercising of it. I know some will say it is a mingled language'^ Arid why not so much the better, taking the best of both ^ the other? Another will say it wanteth grammar.^ Nay, 15 truly, it hath that praise that it wanteth not grammar. For grammar it might have, but it needs it not; being so easy in itself, and so void of those cumbersome dif- ferences of cases, genders, moods, and tenses, which, I think, was a piece of the Tower of Babylon's curse, that m a man should be put to school to learn his mother- tongue. But for the uttepng sweetly and properly the conceits of the mind, which is the end of speech, that-^' hath it equally with any other tongue in the world ; and is particularly happy in compositions of two or three words 35 together, near the Greek, far beyond the Latin, — which is one of the greatest beauties can be in a language. Now of versifying there are two sorts, the one ancient, the other modem. The ancient marked the quantity of each syllable, and according to that framed his verse ; 30 the modern observing only number, with some regard of the accentlfthe chief life of it standeth in that like sound- ing of the words, which we call rime; Whether of these be the more excellent would bear many speeches ; • the ancient no doubt more fit for music, both words 3S 56 QUANTITY, ACCENT, AND RIME. and tune observing quantity ; and more fit lively to ex- press divers passions, by the low or lofty sound of the well-weighed syllable. The latter likewise with his rime striketh a certain music to the ear ; and, in fine, since 5 it doth delight, though by another way, it obtaineth the same purpose ; there being in either, sweetness, and - wanting in neither, majesty. /Truly the English, before any other vulgar language I know, is fit for both sorts. For, for the ancient, the Italian is so full of vowels that lo" it must ever be cumbered with elisions ; the Dutch so, of the other side, with consonants, that they cannot yield -the sweet sUding fit for a verse. The French in his whole language hath not one word that hath his accent in the last syllable saving two, called antepenultima, and little 15 more hath the Spanish ; and therefore very gracelessly may they use dactyls. The English is subject to none of these defects. Now for rime, though we do not ob- serve quantity, yet we observe the accent very precisely, which other languages either cannot do, or will not do 20 so absolutely. That cassura, or breathing-place in the midst of the verse, neither Italian nor Spanish have, the French and we never almost fail of. Lastly, even the very rime itself the Italian cannot put in the last syllable, by the French named the mas- 25 culine rime, but still in the next to the last, which the French call the female, or the next before that, which the Italians term sdrucciola. The example of the former is buono : suono ; of the sdrucciola is femina : semina. The French, of the other side, hath both the male, as 30 bon : son, and the female, as plaise : taise ; but the sdrucciola he hath not. Where the English hath all three, as dice : true, father : rather, motion : potion ; with much more which might be said, but that already I find the triflingness of this discourse is much too much 35 enlarged. THIRD SUMMARy\ 57 So that since the ever praiseworthy poesy is full of virtue- breeding delightfulness, and void of no gift that ought to be in the noble name of learning; since the blames laid against it are either false or feeble \ since the cause why it is not esteemed in England is the fault of poet-apes, not poets; s since, lastly, our tongue is most fit to honor poesy, and to be honored by poesy | I conjure you all that have had the evil ' luck to read this ink-wasting toy of mine, even in the name of the Nine Muses, no more to scorn the sacred mysteries of poesy I no more to laugh at the name of poets, as though lo they were next inheritors to fools j no more to jest at the reverend title of " a rimer " ; but to believe, with Aristotle, that they were the ancient treasurers of the Grecians' divin- ity ; to believe, with Bembus, that they were first bringef s- in of all civility | to believe, with Scaliger, that no philoso- is pher's precepts can sooner make you an honest man than the- reading of Virgil ; to believe, with Olauserus, the translator of Cornutus, that it pleased the Heavenly Deity by Hesiod , and Homer, under the veil of fables, to give us all knowl- edge, logic, rhetoric, philosophy natural and moral, and 20 quid non ? to believe, with me, that there are many f mysteries contained in poetry which of purpose were writ- ten darkly, lest by profane wits it should be abused ; to believe, with Landino, that they are so beloved of the gods, f that whatsoever they write proceeds of a divine fury | lastly, 2J to believe themselves, when they tell you they will make you immortal by their verses. Thus doing, your name shall flourish in the printers' shops. Thus doing, you shall be of kin to many a poeti- cal preface. Thus doing, you shall be most fair, most rich, 30 most wise, most all; you shall dwell upon superlatives. Thus doing, though you be libertino patre natus, you shall suddenly grow Herculea proles. Si quid mea carmina possunt. 58 HUMOROUS PERORATION. Thus doing, your soul shall be placed with Dante's Beav. trice or Virgil's Anchises. But if — fie of such a but ! — you be born so near the dull-making cataract of Nilus, that you cannot hear the 5 planet-like music of poetry ; if you have so earth-creep- ing a mind that it cannot lift itself up to look to the sky of poetry, or rather,- by a certain rustical disdain, will become such a mome as to be a Momus of poetry; then, though I will not wish unto you the ass's ears of lo Midas, nor to be driven by a poet's verses, as Bubonax was, to hang himself; nor to be rimed to death, as is said to be done in Ireland ; yet thus much curse I must send you in the behalf of all poets : — that while you live ' you live in love, and never get favor for lacking skill of 15 a sonnet ; and when you die, your memory die from the earth for want of an epitaph. NOTES. 1 1. Edward Wotton. One of Sidney's dearest friends, whom he remembered in the will made on his death-bed, and who was one of the four pall-bearers at his funeral. 1 2. Emperor's. Maximilian II. (1527-1576). 13. Horsemanship. This was in the winter of 1574-75, when Sidney had just arrived at the age of 20. That Sidney profited by these lessons in horsemanship is apparent from his own statement in the 41st sonnet of Astrophel and Stella, written, as Pollard, one of his latest editors, thinks, in April or May, 1581 : Having this day my horse, my hand, my lance Guided so well that I obtained the prize. Both by the judgment of the English eyes And of some sent from that sweet enemy France, Horsemen my skill in horsemanship advance, Town-folks my strength. The year before he had given this advice to his brother Robert: " At horsemanship, when you exercise it, read Crison Claudio, and a book that is called La Gloria del Cavallo withal, that you may join the thorough contemplation of it with the exercise; and so shall you profit more in a month than others in a year, and mark the bitting, saddling and curing of horses " (Fox Bourne, Memoir, p. 278). Cf. also Sonnets 49 and 53 oi Astrophel and Stella. 1 6. Wit. A favorite word with Sidney. Used in the singular, 7 34, 8 26, 8 34, 10 14, 12 X, 13 35, 32 25, 37 8, 30, 31, 43 14, 44 7, 8, 18, 19, 46 1, 24, S0.2; in the plural, 3 4, 4 30, 5 31, 39 8, 42 4, 44 32, 52 17. Cf. aXso Jine-witted, 1413. 1 10. Loaden. Cf. 13 28. Dr. J. A. H. Murray kindly informs me that this form of the past participle is found as early as 1545, in Brinklow's Lamentacyon (E. E. T. S. Extra Ser. No. 22), p. 82, in the translation of Matt. II. 28. From this time onward, for a hundred years, it is common, being" found several times in Shakespeare and Milton, as well 60 NOTES. as in more obscure authors. It is still in use at the close of the eighteenth century, as, for example, in Ann Radcliffe's Journey made in the Summer of 17^4. Sterne (^Sentimental Journey, Amiens) even treats it as the infinitive of a weak verb : " he had loaden'd himself." Perhaps it is at present restricted to the Scotch dialect. The Scotch steward in Robert Louis Stevenson's Master of Ballantrae speaks of a ship as being " too deeply loaden." The last three references I owe to Mr. Ralph O. Williams of New Haven. 1 12. He said soldiers, etc. That is frequently omitted at the begin- ning of object clauses. Cf. 1 14, S 14, 9 7, 15 34, 32 5, 37 3, 11, 12, 40 10, 41 10, 43 31, 50 10, 12, 23, 53 7, 11, 54 6, 55 3, 13, I6. 1 19. Pedanteria. Piece of pedantry. l2i. A piece. Or, as we say colloquially, " a bit." Cf. 45 18. Logician. See the Retr. Review, 10. 45 : " Sir Philip Sidney, in the opening paragraph of his essay, gives himself out as ' a piece of a logician ' ; and, in fact, the Defense of Poesy may be regarded as a logical discourse from beginning to end, interspersed here and there with a few of the more flowery parts of eloquence, but everywhere keeping in view the main objects of all logic and of all eloquence, — namely, proof and persuasion. It is, in fact, — contrary to the general notion that prevails concerning it in the minds of those who do not take the trouble of judging for themselves, — a sober and serious dis- quisition, almost entirely rejecting the ' foreign aid of ornament,' and equally free from dogmatism and declamation." 1 25. To have wished. A construction no longer favored. 1 26. A horse: Sidney's humor is quiet, but unmistakable. Other instances may be found in 2020-8, .11.11-13, 35 29-31, 3823, 4gllfi., 583-10. 127. Drave. Cf. 2 25, stale, 4 10 (Ponsonby's ed.), strave, 27 7, 41 17. 2 0. Unelected. Sidney, like Milton in his prose, is partial to adjec- tives (past participles), with the negative prefix un. See 308, 52 21. Unelected vocation. Cf. Sonnet 74 of .istrophel and Stella : I never drank of Aganippe well, Nor ever did in shade of Tempe sit, And Muses scorn with vulgar brains to dwell ; Poor layman I, for sacred rites unfit. Some do I hear of poets' fury tell, But, God wot, wot not what they mean by it. See also 46 3 ff. 2 10-13. As . . . so. For this construction, cf. 4 35, 15 7-8, 16 5-16, 24 22-23, 28 5-7, 29 32, 30 3-4, 8-9, 32 20-23, 36 12, 38 26-7, 39 32-3, 45 14-17, 46 9, 23, 52 0-7. NOTES. 61 2 15. Silly. Nearly = poor, as used in 2 11. Cf. Shak., ^ Hen. VI. I. I. 225-6: While as the silly owner of the goods Weeps over them and wrings his hapless hands. Names of philosophers. Meaning Plato : 35 0, 40 33. 2 16. The defacing of it. Sidney sometimes construes the verbal noun with a following of, as here, and sometimes directly with the object, the preposition being omitted. Examples of the former are: 41,4 11, 5 34-5, 6 13-14, 12 1, 13 26, 1.6 15-16, 32 32, 33 32, 44 C, 47 16-17, 49 34. For the latter, see 3 35, 4 2, 5 21, 6 12-13, 11 22-23, 12 19, 27 16-17, 30 26, 3034-35, 32 19, 55 22-23. 218. And first, etc. Puttenham's Art of English Poesy follows, for its first five chapters, with the exception of the second, much the same lines as Sidney in his opening. 2 23. First nurse. So Harington (Haslewood, 2. 121): "The very Hrst nurse and ancient grandmother of all learning." 2 24r-27. Sidney elsewhere condemns such similitudes (54 5 ff.), and is perhaps only employing them here for an humorous purpose, and in allusion to the excessive use of them by Gosson, who, in fact, introduces the adder in his School of Abuse (p. 46) : " The adder's death is her own brood." 2 25. Hedgehog. Prof. T. F. Crane of Cornell University refers me to KirchhoPs Wendunmuth, a German collection of fables (^Bibl. des litt. Vereins in Stuttgart, Bd. 98), where the story is given (7. 74). It is also said to be found in Camerarius' edition of .(Esop, Leipsic, 1564, and elsewhere (cf. Regnier's La Fontaine, i. 146, in Hachette's Les Grands 6,crivains de la France). I have also found it in a school edition (p. 90) of ^sop's Fables, published by Ginn & Co. in their " Classics for Children." 2 26. Vipers. Referring to Pliny's Natural History, 10. 82. 2 : "On the third day it hatches its young in the uterus, and then excludes them, one every day, and generally twenty in number. The last ones become so impatient of their confinement that they force a passage through the sides of their parent, and so kill her." Again used by Daniel, Apology for Rime (Haslewood, 2. 209) : " But this innovation, like a viper, must ever make way into the world's opinion through the bowels of her own breeding." Cf. Englische Sludien 14. 195-6. 2 29. Musaus, Homer, and Hesiod. Plato thus groups these names near the close of his Apology (41 ; Jowett i. 374) : " What would not a man give if he might converse with Orpheus and Musseus and Hesiod and Homer?" 62 NOTES. For MusiEus, see Mahaffy, /ftj/. Grk. Lit. i. 14: "This Musaeus was supposed to have been a pupil or successor to Orpheus." On Hesiod, cf. Mahaffy, I. 98-99: "It is an admitted fact that, about the begin- ning of the seventh century B.C., the heroic epics of the Greeks were being supplanted by the poetry of real life — iambic satire, elegiac confessions, gnomic wisdom, and proverbial philosophy. The Greeks grew tired of all the praise of courts and ladies and bygone wars, and turned to a sober — nay even exaggerated — realism, by way of reaction from the worship of Homeric rhapsody. The father and forerunner of all this school is clearly Hesiod." 2 30. That can say, etc. Thus Shelley, in his Defense of Poetry : " In the infancy of society every author is necessarily a poet, because language itself is poetry." And again : " They are the institutors of laws and the founders of civil society, and the inventors of the arts of life, and the teachers, who .draw into a certain propinquity with the beautiful and the true that partial apprehension of the agencies of the invisible world which is called religion." 2 32. Orpheus, Linus. These, like Musaeus, and perhaps Hesiod and Homer, are semi-mythical personages. In discussing the legends concerning them Mahaffy says (^Hist. Grk. Lit. i. 10) : "But the very fact of the forging of the name of Orpheus, Musaeus, and others proves clearly the antiquity of these names, and that the poetry ascribed to them was of a character quite different from that of the Epos. The very frequent allusions of Plato, on the other hand, who even in three places quotes the words of Orpheus, show clearly that he accepted Orpheus and Musaeus, whom he usually co-ordinates, as ancient masters of religious song, and on a par with Homer and Hesiod. This general acceptance of Orpheus as a real personage, with no less frequent sus- picions as to the genuineness of the current Orphic books, appears in other Greek writers; e.g. Aristotle cites the so-called Orphic poems, just as he cites the so-called Pythagorean bobks. Apart from these casual allusions, our really explicit authorities are the antiquaries of later days, to whom we owe almost all the definite knowledge we possess. Pausanias, in particular, not only speaks constantly of these poets, but refers to some of their. hymns which he had heard, and it is he and Strabo who afford us the materials for constructing a general theory about them.'' Of Linus, Mahaffy says (i. 14) : "There are other names which Pau- sanias considers still older — Linus, the personification of the Linus song mentioned by Homer, and from early times identified more or less with the Adonis song of the Phoenicians and the Maneros of the Egyptians." NOTES. 63 3 1-2. Not only . . . but. Cf. S 21-2, 26 12-14, 32 u-ir., 33 20-21. 3 5. Amphion. Cf. KoriLce, Art of J'oeiry 391-6: "Once in the woods men lived j then holy Orpheus, heaven's interpreter, turned them from slaughter and their foul manner of life; hence he was said to have soothed tigers and ravening lions; hence too it was said that Amphion, founder of the Theban citadel, moved rocks to the strains of his lyre, and led them by alluring persuasion whithersoever he listed." Addressing Stella, in Sonnet 68 of Astrophel and Stella, Sidney writes : Why dost thou spend the treasure of thy sprite With voice more fit to wed Amphion's lyre? In the third of his Sonnets of Variable Verse, Sidney again couples Orpheus and Amphion : If Orpheus' voice had force to breathe such music's love Through pores of senseless trees, as it could make them move ; If stones good measure danced the Theban walls to build, To cadence of the tunes which Amphion's lyre did yield, More cause a like effect at leastwise bringeth. O stones, O trees, learn hearing, Stella singeth. 3 7. Beasts. Cf. 18 18, 37 19. 3 8. Livius Andronicus. About 284-204 B.C. Cf. Simcox, Hist. Lat. Lit. I. 19: "The first Latin playwright, the first schoolmaster who taught Greek literature. . . . Perhaps his most considerable work was a school-book, an abridgment of the Odyssey in the saturniau metre." Ennius. 239-169 B.C. Cf. Simcox, I. 22: "Throughout the republi- can period he was recognized as the great Roman poet. Cicero appeals to him as summus poeta. Lucretius speaks of the doctrines of the world to come which he had enshrined in everlasting verse." 3 8 ff. Cf. Shelley, Defense of Poetry : " The age immediately suc- ceeding to that of Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio was characterized by a revival of painting, sculpture, and architecture. Chaucer caught the sacred inspiration, and the superstructure of English literature is based upon the materials of Italian invention." 3 13. Others. Cf. 47 6 ff. 3 18. Masks of poets. Cf. Mahafiy, Hist. Grk. Lit. i. 186-7 = " While education and consequently literature were being more and more dis- seminated, prose had not yet been adopted as a vehicle of thought, and thus the whole intellectual outcome of the nation took the form of verse. Much of what remains is indeed prosaic in idea. . . . The wisdom of Phokylides and of Theognis is not half so poetical as Plato's 64 NOTES. prose. But the Greeks awoke very slowly, as is well known, to the necessity of laying aside metre in writing for the public, and even when they did, we shall find their prose never shaking off a painful attention to rhythm.'' So likewise Moulton, Ancient Classical Drama, p. 121 : " In all literatures poetry is at the outset the sole medium of expression; with the advance of scientific thought a second medium is elaborated, but the transference of topics from poetry to prose is only gradual." 3 18. Thales. See Mahaffy, Hist. Grk. Lit. 2. 7 : " Neither Thales nor Pythagoras left anything written, and it is remarkable that Xeno- phanes, though he was a great adversary of the poets and of public opinion in general, and led the conflict between philosophy and poetry, nevertheless employed, not only the poetic form, but even the poetic habit of public recitation, to disseminate his views." Empedocles. Cf. Mahaffy, 1 . 1 25 : " Mr. Symonds, in his essay on the poet, goes so far as to call him the Greek Shelley, and gives some striking grounds for this singular judgment. As a poet, therefore, Empedocles must be ranked very high, and Cicero expressly tells us that his verses were far superior to those of Xenophanes and Parmen- ides, themselves no mean artists on similar subjects." See also Matthew Arnold's poem, Empedocles on Etna. 3 19. Parmenides. Cf Mahaffy, i . 1 23 : "It seems more likely that Parmenides came earlier, perhaps about the opening of the fifth cen- tury, and he still adhered in philosophy to the old didactic epic, which had been consecrated to serious teaching by Hesiod and his school." 3 20. Pythagoras. Cf 3 18, above. Phocylides. Of him Mahaffy says, Hist. Grk. Lit. I. 188: "He imi- tates Simonides in satirising women by comparing them to domestic animals, he speaks of Nineveh familiarly as a great city, he wishes to be of the middle class, and even ridicules the advantages of high birth, so that he can in no wise be regarded as an instance of the common statement, that all the poets of the lyric age were aristocrats." 3 21. Tyricetis. See Mahafiy, I. 162-3: " When the famous Leoni- das was asked what he thought of Tyrtaeus, he answered that he was . good for stimulating the soul of youth, and the extant fragments confirm this judgment. We have several long exhortations to valor (about 1 20 lines) , with pictures of the advantages of this virtue and the disgrace and loss attending on cowardice." Solon. Cf. Mahaffy, I. 175: "He is remarkable in having written poetry, not as a profession, nor as his main occupation, but as a relaxa- tion from graver cares. He was first a merchant, then a general, then a lawgiver, and, at last, a philosophic traveller; and all these conditions of life, except the first, are reflected in his extant fragments." NOTES. 65 Spurious remains of some of the above poets were accepted as genu- ine in Sidney's time, so that the Elizabethans had more confidence in their linowledge of them than the critical historians of this century are willing to profess. 3 24. Hidden to. Note the idiom. 3 26. Atlantic Island. With respect to Solon's authorship of the story related by Plato in the Critias, Jowett says {J'lato 3. 679) : " We may safely conclude that the entire narrative is due to the imagination of Plato, . who has used the name of Solon (of whose poem there is no trace in antiquity) ... to give verisimilitude to his story." 3 27. Plato. Cf. the first quotation under 3 18, 11 19 note, and Mahaffy, Hist. Grk. Lit. 2. 207-8 : " In his style he is as modern as in his think- ing. He employed that mixture of sober prose argument and of poeti- cal metaphor which is usual in the ornate prose of modern Europe, but foreign to the character and stricter art of the Greeks. This style, which is freely censured by Greek critics as a hybrid or bastard prose, was admirably suited to a lively conversation, where a sustained and equable tone would have been a mistake. . . . Yet his appreciation of the great poets, though his criticisms of them are always moral, and never aesthetic, was certainly thorough, and told Upon his style. Above all, he shows a stronger Homeric flavor than all those who professed to worship the epics which he censured. His language everywhere bears the influence of Homer, just as some of our greatest and purest writers and speakers use unconsciously Biblical phrases and metaphors." See also 24 26-7, 41 1. 4 2. Gyges' Ring. The story is told in the Republic, 359-360 (Jow- ett's translation, 3. 229-230) : " According to the tradition, Gyges was a shepherd in the. service of the king of Lydia, and, while he was in the field, there was a storm and earthquake which made an opening in the earth at the place where he was feeding his flock. Amazed at the sight, he descended into the opening, where, among other marvels, he beheld a hollow brazen horse, having doors, at which he, stooping and looking in, saw a dead body, of stature, as appeared to him, more than human, and having nothing on but a gold ring; this he took from the finger of the dead and reascended. Now the shepherds met together, accord- ing to custom, that they might send their monthly report concerning the flock to the king; and into their assembly he came having the ring on his finger; and as he was sitting among them he chanced to turn the collet of the ring towards the inner side of his hand, when instantly he became invisible, and the others began to speak of him as if he were no longer there. He was astonished at this, and again touching the 66 NOTES. ring he turned the collet outwards and reappeared ; thereupon he made trials of the ring, 'and always with the same result : when he turned the collet inwards he became invisible, when outwards he reap- peared. Perceiving this, he immediately contrived to be chosen one of the messengers sent to the court, where he no sooner arrived than he seduced the queen, and with her help conspired against the king and slew him, and took the kingdom." 4 8. Herodotus. "The history of Herodotus is half a poem; it was written while the whole field of literature yet belonged to the Muses, and the nine books of which it was composed were therefore of right, as well as of courtesy, superinscribed with their nine names." T. L. Peacock, The Four Ages of Poetry. 4 10. Stole or tisurped of poetry. So in Sidney's letter to his brother Robert, quoted in Fox Bourne, Memoir of Sidney, p. 276 : " Besides this, the historian makes himself a discourser for profit, and an orator, yea, a poet sometimes, for ornament; ... a poet in painting forth the effects, the motions, the whisperings of the people, which though in disputation one might say were true, yet v/ho will mark them well shall find them taste of a poetical vein." 4 11. Their passionate describing of passions. Sidney is fond of these verbal jingles, produced by the repetition of the same word or root-syllable. Cf. 8 27-28,34-35, 914-15, 104-5, 1127, 1310-13, 18 18, 18 20-21, 19 1-2, 23 3, 28, 25 20-21, 23, 26 10-11, 28 1-2, 30 24, 31 8-9, 32 5, 33 15-16, 35 7-8, 22-23, 37 21, 38 5, 45 27, 48 31, 51 5, S3 16, 53 30, 54 32-35, 56 35, 58 8. Specimens of rime are : 20 30. 44 20. Of assonance : 45 19-20, 54 8-9. Of alliteration : 16 28, 32 17, 32-33, 34 32-33, 39 24, 41 11. Cf. also 33 34. Many of the above repetitions fall under the head of allowable rhetorical figures, and some of them would scarcely be remarked on a first reading; but there can be no question that Sidney's prose would be improved by a retrenchment of the more conspicuous examples. 4 23. Ireland. Cf. 58 11-12, and see Spenser, State of Ireland (Hales' edition, p. 626) : " For where you say that the Irish have always been without letters, you are therein much deceived, for it is certain that Ireland hath had the use of letters very anciently, and long before England. . . . For the Saxons of England are said to have their letters and learning and learned men from the Irish, and that also appeareth by the likeness of the characters, for the Saxons' character is the same with the Irish. ... It is to be gathered that that nation which came out of Spain into Ireland were anciently Gauls, and that they brought with them those letters which they had learned in Spain, first into Ireland." NOTES. 67 427. Areytos. Prof. Daniel G. Brinton, of the University of Penn- sylvania, kindly gives me the following information: "This was the name applied by the Spaniards to the combination of song and dancing which was the usual ritual of the native tribes. They picked up the word on the Great Antilles, and it is derived from the Arawack aririn, ' to rehearse, repeat.' See Oviedo, Hist. Gen. tie las Indias, Lib. V. cap. I (Madrid edition)." A fuller account, probably from Oviedo, but not a mere transcript, is given by Purchas, Pilgrims, Lib. V. ch. 3 (edition of 1625; 3. 994) : " When their Caciques are dead they lay them on a piece of wood or stone, and make a fire about the same which may not burne them, but by degrees draw forth all the moysture in sweat, leaving only the skin and bones, and then in a place separate repose the same with the Ancestors which before had beene so dealt with ; this being their best Booke of Heraldrie to recount the Names and severall Descents in that Pedegree. If any die in battell, or so that they cannot recover his body, they compose Songs which the Children learne touching him, and the manner of his death, to supply that memoriall. These Songs they call Areytos. As for Letters they were so ignorant, that seeing the intercourse of Spaniards by Letters, they thought that Letters could speake, and were very cautelous in their carriage of them, lest the Letters might accuse them of ill demeanor by the way. When they will disport themselves, the Men and Women meet and take each other by the hand, and one goeth before which is called Tequina or their Master, with certaine paces measured to his singing in a low voice what commeth in his minde, and after him all the multitude answereth in a higher voice with like measures proportioned to the tune, and so continue they three or foiure houres, with Chicha or Mayz- wine among; sometimes also changing the Tequina and taking another with a new tune and song." The passage from Oviedo is as follows : " In this island, as tar as I have been able to learn, their songs, which they call areytos, constitute the only book or memorial which in these various tribes remains from father to son, and from the present to future times, as shall here be related" (p. 125). "These people have a good and courteous man- ner of communicating things past and ancient; this they do by means of their songs and dances, which they call areyto, and which is the same that is known among us as carol (ring-dance or chain-dance). . . . This areyto they perform in the following manner : When they desire recreation, as at the celebration of some notable festival, or merely for pastime on other occasions, they hold an asseihbly of many Indians 68 NOTES. of both sexes (now and then of men only, and again of women by themselves); and so likewise at the public festivals, as for a victory over their enemies, or at the marriage of their cacique or provincial king, or other case in which there is universal rejoicing, so that men and women mingle freely together. In order to the increase of their joy and hilarity, they take one another by the hand, or link themselves arm in arm, or seat themselves in a line or ring. The office of leader is then assumed by some one, either man or woman, who proceeds to take certain steps backwards and forwards, after the manner of a well- ordered contrapas. Immediately they all repeat it after him, and thus they go about, singing in that key, whether low or high, that the leader sounds for them, and imitating him in all that he does and says, the number of the steps keeping measure and harmony with the verses or words that they sing. And according to his direction, they all respond with the same steps, and words, and order ; and while they are respond- ing the guide keeps silence, but never ceases to indicate the dancing step. The response having been finished, that is, the repetition of what the leader has prescribed, he at once proceeds to another verse and other words, which the whole company repeat in turn; and so they continue without ceasing for three or four hours or more, until the master or leader of the dance finishes his story, and sometimes they even adjourn from one day to the next. And thus with this rude instrument (i.e. a. kind of drum), or without it, they rehearse in song their memoirs and past histories, and tell of the caciques who are no morcj how they died, who and how great they were, and other things which they do not wish to have forgotten" (pp. 127-28). Cf. also Puttenham, Bk. I. ch. 5. S 10. Even. Merely. S 13. Prophet. Cf. Shelley, Defense of Poetry : " Poets, according to the circumstances of the age and nation in which they appeared, were called, in the earlier epochs of the world, legislators or prophets. A poet essentially comprises and unites both these characters. For he not only beholds intensely the present as it is, and discovers those laws according to which present things ought to be ordered, but he beholds the future in the present, and his thoughts are the germs of the flower and the fruit of latest time." S 20. Sortes Virgiliance. Cf. the General Introduction to Lonsdale and Lee's translation of Virgil, p. 4: "As the Sibylline books were consulted for the indications of the divine will, so the poems of Virgil, even in early times, were opened at random to obtain directions from them. It is said that the emperor Alexander Severus was encouraged NOTES. 69 by lighting upon tl-.e passage in the siNth bool; of the ^'««(/ which bids the Roman ' rule mankind and niaUe the \Vorld obey.' . . . Per- haps the most famous instance is that of the passage in the fourth book of the Aineid, which it is said King Charles I. opened, and which runs as follows : And when at length the cruel war shall cease, On hard conditions may he buy the peace ; Nor let him then enjoy supreme command, But fall untimely by some hostile hand." 5 22. Histories of the Emperors' Lives. The so-called Augustan Histories. The six authors represented are yElius Spartianus, Vulcacius Gallicanus, Trebellius Pollio, Julius Capitolinus, Flavius Vopiscus, and ^lius Lampridius. The collection includes the lives of the Roman emperors from 117 to 284 a.d., but the authorship of the various biographies cannot always be made out with certainty. Simcox, Hist. Lat. Lit., says (2. 314-15) : "In general the majority of the writers of Augustan history huddle notes from different sources together with- out criticism. The only point they endeavor to form a real judgment on is the moral and political worth of the different emperors, and here they are not without insight." The life of Albinus is probably by Spartianus (Teuffel, Gesch. rom. Lit. § 392). S 23. Albimis. For Albinus in general, see Gibbon, ch. 5. The anecdote referred to by Sidney is related in the Augustan History, ch. 5 of the Life of Albinus : " He passed the whole of his boyhood in Africa, where he obtained such a tincture of Greek and Latin litera- ture as might be expected of a mind which had already begun to mani- fest a martial and haughty temper. As a proof of this disposition it is related that he used frequently to sing among his playmates, Arma amens capio, nee sat rationis in armis, afterward repeating ' Arma amens capio ' as a kind of refrain." The line is from the ^neid, 2. 314: "To arms I rush in frenzy — not that good cause is shown for arms." Albinus, who was governor of Britain, led an army over to Lyons against his rival, Septimius Severus, and was there slain. "The head of Albinus," says Gibbon, "accompanied with a menacing letter, announced to the Romans that he (i.e. Severus) was resolved to spare none of the adherents of his unfortunate com- petitors." 5 29. Carmina. The true etymology. 5 31. Altogether not. Not altogether. 5 32, Delphos. Instead of Delphi. Occasionally found in Latin 70 NOTES. writers, and common among the Elizabethans. Florio uses it in his translation of Montaigne, Shakespeare in the Winter's Tale, and Greene in his Pandosto, or History of Dorastus and Fawnia (1588), on which the Winter's Tale is founded. Sibylla's prophecies. See Fisher, Hist. Christian Church, pp. 73-4 : " The ' Sibylline Oracles 'is a collection of prophecies, partly Jewish, and antedating the birth of Jesus, and partly Christian. They relate to the Messiah and his work, and were invented with a pious intent to disseminate what their authors considered important religious truths. They are frequently quoted by early ecclesiastical writers." The best edition is that by Alexandre, Paris, 1869. 5 34. Number and measure. Cf. 11 30-31, 23 23, 33 22-24, 34 21. High-flying. Cf. highest-flying, 46 24. 6 1. Conceit. Invention, imagination. . So 12 2. Sometimes = con- ception, idea: 31 28, 29, 3629, 548, 55 23; cf. fore-conceit, 8 15. Some- times = apprehension, understanding : 16 11, 19 34, 23 10, 14, 30 13 (?). 6 2. In it. Sidney does not often end a sentence with small and insignificant words. Other examples are 628, 11 25, 12 7, etc. 6 6. Great learned men. Cf. 9 22-24. 6 9. Metre. Cf. Harington (Haslewood, 2. 132) : " Some part of the Scripture was written in verse, as the Psalms of David, and certain other songs of Deborah, of Solomon, and others, which the learnedest divines do affirm to be verse, and find that they are in metre, though the rule of the Hebrew verse they agree not on." See also Puttenham, Bk. I. ch. 4: "King David also, and Solomon his son, and many other of the holy prophets, wrate in metres, and used to sing them to the harp, although to many of us, ignorant of the Hebrew language and phrase, and not observing it, the same seem but a prose." 612-13. Awaking his musical instruments. Ps. 57. 8, 108. 2: " Awake, psaltery and harp." 6 15. Majesty. Cf. Ps. 45. 4, " And in thy majesty ride on prosperously because of truth and meekness and righteousness." Also, and especially, Ps. 18. 7-15; 97. 2-5; 104. 3; 144. 5-6. 6 16. Beasts' joyfulness and hills' leaping. Ps. 1 14. 4, " The moun- tains skipped like rams and the little hills like young sheep." 617. Almost. Pleonastic, or nearly so. See under almost, in the Phil. Society's Dictionary. Cf. 47 4. 619. Beauty. From Plato, Symposium 211 (Jowett's tr. 2. 62): " But what if man had eyes, to see the true beauty — the divine beauty, I mean, pure and clear and unalloyed, not clogged with the pollutions of mortality, and all the colors and vanities of hutaan. lite — tbvther NOTES. 71 looking, and holding converse with the true beauty divine and simple?" 6 19-20. Only cleared by failh. Perhaps with allusion to such pas- sages as 2 Cor. 3. 18, "But we all, with unveiled face reflecting as a mirror the glory of the Lord, are transformed into the same image from glory to glory." Or Heb. 11. i, "Now faith is the assurance of things hoped for, the proving of things not seen." Or Heb. 12. 27, " He endured, as seeing him who is invisible." Or Isa. 33. 17, "Thine eyes shall see the king in his beauty." 6 22-23. Ridiculous an estimation. Cf. 2 12, 44 16-18, 45 4-6. 6 24. Deeper. Note the form of the adverb, and cf. 15 4. 625. Deserveth. Plural subject with force of singular. Cf. 11 19-20. 6 28. noirjT^v. Poieten. Cf. the Variants. 6 30. IloiEi'j'. Cf. the Variants. 6 33. Maker, This word was especially used in Scotland to desig- nate a poet. 7 4. Actors and players. Cf. Emerson, Uses of Great Men : " As plants convert the minerals into food for animals, so each man converts some raw material in nature to human use. . . Each man is, by secret liking, connected with some district of nature, whose agent and inter- preter he is." 7 5. Astronomer. Cf. 12 9-12, 35 25. 7 7. Geometrician. Cf. 12 16, 28 5, 35 25. 7 8. Arithmetician. Cf. 28 6. 7 10. Natural philosopher. Cf. 12 14. 7 11. Moral philosopher. Cf. 13 T. 7 12. Virtues, vices, and passions. Cf. 11 23, 15 17, but especially 17 9-10. See also Sidney's letter to his brother Robert, quoted in Fox Bourne, Memoir, p. 277 ; " A moral philosopher, either in the epic part when he sets forth virtues or vices, and the natures of passions, or in the politic, when he doth (as he often doth) meddle sententiously with matters of estate." Follow nature. Cf., for example, Marcus Aurelius, Thoughts 7. 55 : " Do not look around thee to discover other men's ruling principles, but look straight to this, to what nature leads thee, both the universal nature through the things which happen to thee, and thy own nature through the things which must be done by thee." 7 18-19. Compassed within the circle of a question. Cf. Sidney's letter to his brother Robert, quoted in Fox Bourne, Memoir, p. 276 : " We leave all these discourses to the confused trust of our memory, because they, being not tied to the tenor of a question . . ." 72 NOTES. 7 20. Physician. Cf. 35 28. 7 22. Metaphysic. Metaphysician (?) . Cf. 1214, and Bacon's use oi politic ^ox politician. Adv. Learning I. I. i, I. 2. i, etc. 7 22-24. Though . . . yet. Cf. 9 8-9, IS 1-2, 38 8-11, 39 2-3, 5024-25. 7 30. The. Superfluous according to present usage. Cf. 28 2. 7 36. So rich. Cf. S 15, 6 22, 8 8-10, 32 22, 44 31-33, 52 13, but such famous, 44 29-30. 8 2. Too-much-loved. Cf. 55 25, and Warton, Hist. Eng. Poetry \. 394 : " Compound epithets, whicli .Sir Philip Sidney had imported from France, and first used in his Arcadial" 8 6. Go to man. Cf. Everett, Poetry, Comedy, and Duty, p. 312: " Poetry produces its creations to supplement the world. Art rears temples, which, in the words of Emerson already quoted, nature adopts into her race. Shakespeare creates a world of characters and events which takes its place by the side of the world of actual persons and events." 8 6. // seemeth in him. For the omission of that before a subject clause cf. 18 7. 88. Theagenes. Cf. 11 10-18. 8 9. Pylades. See Euripides' drama, Iphigenia among the Tauri (Morley's Universal Library, No. 54). Orlando. The hero of Ariosto's poem, the Orlando Furioso (Eng- lish translation by Rose, in Bohn's Illustrated Library) . 8 10. Xenophon's Cyrus. The hero of Xenophon's Cyropccdia, a historical romance (translation in Bohn's Classical Library) . 8 16. Idea, or fore-conceit. Cf. 10 14. 8 19. By. Concerning. Cf. 21 34, 22 1, 2. 8 26. Neither let it, etc. Cf. Shelley, Defense of Poetry : " It (i.e. poetry) creates anew the universe, after it has been annihilated in our minds by the recurrence of impressions blunted by reiteration. It justifies the bold and true word of Tasso, ' Non merita nome di creatore, 5e non Iddio ed il Poeta ' (None merits the name of creator except God and the poet)." 8 29. Over all the works. Alluding to Heb. 2. 7, " And didst set him over the works of thy hands." Cf. Coleridge, Biog. Lit. ch. 13: "The primary imagination I hold to be the living power and prime agent of all human perception, and as a repetition in the finite mind of the eternal act of creation in the infinite I am." 8 31. Force of a divine breath. Cf. 43 14, 57 2B. 9 4. Name above all names. Philippians 2. 9. 9 12. Art of imitation. Cf. 24 10, 42 16, 42 20, and Aristotle, Poetics, NOTES. 73 I. 2: "Not only the epic and tragedy, but comedy, dithyrambic poetry, and all such as is to be accompanied by the flute and the lyre — all these are (;iti;u^o-€ij). representations by means of imitation." 9 15. Speaking picture. Cf. 15 22; also 15 35. 9 16. Teach and delight. So 10 21, 10 29. Cf. 11 24, 20 8-9, 50 21, 52 3, and Don Quixote, Bk. I. ch. 47 : " The better end of all writing, which is to instruct and dehght together."' 9 17. Three general kinds. This division is taken from Scaliger, Poetics, 5. d. I, which I thus translate: "The kinds of poets may be reduced to three principal orders. The first is that of religious poets, such as Orpheus and Amphion, whose art was so divine that they are believed to have imparted a soul to inanimate things. The second is that of the philosophical poets, who are again of two sorts — natural, such as Empedocles, Nicander, Aratus, Lucretius, and moral, which is again divided into several species, such as political, represented by Solon and Tyrtseus, economical by Hesiod, and general by Phocylides, Theognis, and Pythagoras. The third are those of whom we shall presently speak." 9 22. Hymns. By the hymns of Moses Sidney probably means the Song of Deliverance after the passage of the Red Sea, Exod. 15. 1-19; his Song of God's Guidance, uttered just before his death, Deut. 32. 1-43; and perhaps the Ninetieth Psalm, usually ascribed to Moses. By that of Deborah he means the fifth chapter of Judges. 923. Emanuel Tremellius. A Biblical scholar (1510-1580 a.d.). Born a Jew, he was converted to Protestantism, and came to England, where he was settled for a time at Oxford. At the accession of Mary Tudor, in 1553, he left England. Franciscus j^unius. Francis Junius, or Du Jon, or Dujon, the Elder (1545-1602), not to be confounded with his famous son Francis, the Germanist and Old English scholar (1589-1677). He was associated with Tremellius in editing the Bible. The Third Part, which Sidney quotes, was issued in 1579. 9 24. Poetical part of the Scripture. In Part HI. of their edition of the Bible, these scholars include among the poetical books Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Song of Solomon. 9 27. Orpheus, Amphion. Cf. note on 9 17 above, and the index of proper names. Hymns. See Mahaffy, Hist. Grk. Lit. i. 129: "There are trans- mitted to us, under the title of Hom,eric Hymns, a collection of five longer and twenty-nine shorter poems in epic dialect and metre, each inscribed to some particular god, and narrating some legend connected 74 NOTES. with him, but in no sense religious hymns, as were those of Pamphus or the hymns of the choral lyric poets. The Homeric Hymns are essentially secular and not religious; they seem distinctly intended to be recited in competitions of rhapsodes, and in some cases even for direct pay." An English translation was made by George Chapman, and may be found in his works, of which a convenient edition was published in London in 1875. 929. St. James'. James 5. 13. In the Ponsonby edition of the Defense this counsel is attributed to St. Paul. The Olney edition has it correctly. The words are the well-known ones of the King James version, " Is any merry? let him sing psalms." 9 30-31. And t know is used. Sidney himself translated the first forty-three Psalms, leaving his sister, Sidney's sister, Pembroke's mother, as Ben Jonson called her, to complete the Psalter. A selection from the work of both is contained in Ruskin's Rock Honeycomb, Sidney's work in Grosart's Complete Poems of Sir Philip Sidney (Fuller Worthies' Library, 1873), Vol. II., and the whole Psalter in the Chiswick Press edition of 1823. I subjoin the twenty-third Psalm in Sidney's version, and two specimens of his sister's rendering (Psalms 119 B and 150) : PSAI.M 23. The Lord, the Lord my shepherd is, And so can never I Taste misery. He rests me in green pastures His ; By waters still and sweet He guides my feet. He me revives ; leads me the way Which righteousness doth take, For His name's sake ; Yea, though I should through valleys stray Of death's dark shade, I will No whit fear ill. For Thou, dear Lord, Thou me besett'st; Thy rod and Thy staff be To comfort me ; Before me Thou a table sett'st Even when foes' envious eye Doth it espy. NOTES. 75 Thou oil'st my head, Thou fiU'st my cup, Nay more, Thou, Endless Good, Shalt give me food ; To Thee, I say, ascended up, Where Thou, the Lord of all, Dost hold Thy hall. Psalm 119 B (9-16). By what correcting line May a young man make straight his crooked way ? By level of Thy lore divine. Sith then with so good cause My heart Thee seeks, O Lord, I seeking pray : Let me not wander from Thy laws. Thy speeches have I hid Close locked up in casket of my heart. Fearing to do' what they forbid. But this can not suffice ; Thou wisest Lord, who ever-blessed art, Yet make me in Thy statutes wise. Then shall my lips declare The sacred laws that from Thy mouth proceed. And teach all nations what they are ; For what Thou dost decree To my conceit far more delight doth breed Than worlds of wealth, if worlds might be. Thy precepts, therefore, I Will my continual meditation make. And to Thy paths will have good eye ; The orders by Thee set Shall cause me in them greatest pleasure take. Nor once will I Thy words forget. PSALM 150. O laud the Lord, the God of Hosts commend. Exalt His power, advance His holiness. With all your might lift His almightiness ; Your greatest praise upon His greatness spend. Make trumpet's noise in shrillest notes ascend. Make lute and lyre His loved fame express, Him let the pipe. Him let the tabret bless. Him organ's breath, that winds or waters lend. 76 NOTES. Let ringing timbrels so His honor sound, Let sounding cymbals so His glory ring, That in their tunes such melody be found As fits the pomp of most triumphant king ; Conclude by all that air or life enfold. Let high Jehovah highly be extolled. 10 1. Cato. The aphorisms bearing his name are now thought to belong to the third century A.D. Cf. Simcox, Hist. Lat. Lit. 2. 302 : " Another work of the same period, which had an enormous success in the Middle Ages, was the four books of moral aphorisms of Dionysius Cato, who has been, apparently, extensively edited by Christian copyists, who have left out and inserted as suited them. Still the old foundation is visible." Lucretius. About 98-55 B.C. The work to which reference is made is entitled On the Nature of Things. 10 2. Manilius. A Roman poet who lived in the reigns of Augustui and Tiberius, concerning whom little else is known. Even his namt is uncertain. He is an imitator of Lucretius, whose theories he opposes Cf. Cruttwell, Hist. Rom. Lit. p. 315 : " The subject is called Astronomy.^ but should rather be called Astrology, for more than half the space is taken up with those baseless theories of sidereal influence which belong to the imaginary side of the science. But in the exordia and perora- tions of the book, as well as in sundry digressions, may be found matter of greater value, embodying the poet's views on the great questions of philosophy." Pontanus. An Italian scholar of the Renaissance (1426-1503). His poems were published at Venice in two volumes, 1505-8. He is said, on good authority, to have coined the word alliteration, in the sense now assigned to it. Cf. Symonds, Renaissance in Italy 2. 466 : " It was not, however, .by his lighter verses so much as by the five Ijooks called De Siellis, or Urania, that Pontanus won the admiration of Italian scholars. In this long series of hexameters he contrived to set forth the whole astronomical science of his age, touching upon the mythology of the celestial signs, describing the zodiac, discussing the motion of the heavens, raising the question of planetary influences, and characterizing the different regions of the globe by their relation to the sun's path across the sky." 10 3. Lucan. The author (39-65 a.d.) of the unfinished epic Phar- salia. Quintilian says of him (10. i. 90) : "Lucan is ardent, earnest, and full of admirably expressed sentiments, and, to give my real opinion, should be classed with orators rather than poets." Cf. also Servius, in NOTES. 77 his commentary on the yEneid, i . 382 : " Lucan does not deserve to be included among the poets, because he appears rather to have com- posed a history than a poem." Cruttwell, Hist. Rom. Lit. p. 371 : "A strong depreciation of Lucan's genius has been for some time the rule of criticism. . . Yet throughout the Middle Ages, and during more than one great epoch in French history, he was ranked among the highest epic poets." One of his greatest admirers was Dante (^Inf. 4. 90), and one of his severest critics is Nisard, Poites latins de la decadence. 10 7. Fold of the proposed subject. Cf. 7 19. 10 8. Whether they, etc. Cf. Ruskin's Rock Honeycomb, Preface, p. 4, note : " Satirical primarily, or philosophical, verses, as of Juvenal, Lucretius, or Pope's Essay on Criticism, are merely measured prose, — the grander for being measured, but not, because of their bonds, becoming poetry." 10 14. Who having no law but wit. Such was Cicero's notion of art. Orator, 2. 9 : " Nor did that artist (i.e. Phidias), in forming the statue of Jupiter or Minerva, have in mind some individual whom he imitated ; rather was his soul haunted by a certain glorious beauty, upon whiqh he gazed intently, and by this means directed his art and his hand to achieve the perfect resemblance." Cicero was probably dependent for his opinion upon Plato, as, for example, in Timccus 28 (Jowett 3. 612) : " The work of the artificer who looks always to the abiding and the unchangeable, and who designs and fashions his work after an un- changeable pattern, must of necessity be made fair and perfect; bpt that of an artificer who looks to the created only, and fashions his work after a created pattern, is not fair or perfect." Cf. also Shakespeare's words, M. N. D. 5. 14-17 : And as imagination bodies forth The forms of things unknown, the poet's pen Turns them to shapes and gives to airy nothing A local habitation and a name. 1017. Lucretia. The story is told in Livy i. 58. 10 24. May be and should be. Cf. note on 18 25. 10 26. Excellentest. For other polysyllabic superlatives, cf. 15 11, 4623. 10 30. To move men, etc. Cf. 23 15 ff., 24 28 ff. 1033. Noblest scope. Cf. 13 1,15 13. 1034. Idle tongues. Cf. 32 14 ff. 1 1 2-3. Heroic . . . pastoral. By a sort of rhetorical device, Sidney. 78 NOTES. when he again introduces these species of poetry, does so in an order the reverse of this. Cf. 26 31, 2712, 2719, 27 22, 27 31, 2827, 29 U, 3012. 117. Apparelled. Not merely ' dressed,' but ' showily dressed.' Cf. 29 24, 30 23, but especially 52 35. Shakespeare has a similar use of the word, as in Err. 3. 2. I2 : " Apparel vice like virtue's harbinger." 11 8." Namberous. Note the form. 11 9. But an ornament. Cf. 33 11 ff. See also Harington (Hasle- wood, 2. 131) : "The other part of poetry, which is verse, as it were the clothing or ornament of it." 11 11. Many versifiers. Cf. 46 6. 11 13-16. Xenophon . . . heroical poem. Literally excerpted by Meres, Palladis Tamia (Haslewood, 2. 150). 1115. Cicero. See his letter to his brother Quintus, I. I. 8. 23: "This Cyrus is not portrayed by Xenophon with historical accuracy, but in the likeness of just rule." 11 16. Heliodorus. Fox Bourne says of Sidney {Memoir, p. 324) : " In his youth he had read diligently the Ethiopic History of Heliodorus, lately translated out of the Greek by Thomas Underdown." Cf. also Warton, Hist. Eng. Poetry 4. 299, and see Dunlop, History of Fiction, ch. I. The tale is found in Greek Romances, Bohn's Classical Library. Meres thus imitates Sidney (Haslewood, 2. 150) : "And as Heliodorus writ in prose his sugared invention of that picture of love in Theagenes and Chariclea, ... so Sir Philip Sidney vnrit his immortal poem The Countess of Pembroke's Arcadia in prose, and yet our rarest poet." Cf. Vauquelin, Art Poitique (1605) :;. 261-6. 11 17. Sugared. A word much used by the Elizabethans, in the sense of ' charming,' ' delightful.' 1119. Jt is not riming and versing that maketli a poet. Cf. Shelley, Defense of Poetry : " An observation of the regular mode of the recur- rence of harmony in the language of poetical minds, together with its relation to music, produced metre, or a certain system of traditional forms of harmony and language. Yet it is by no means essential that a poet should accommodate his language to this traditional form, so that the harmony, which is its spirit, be observed. The practice is indeed convenient and popular, and to be preferred especially in such composition as includes much action; but every great poet must inev- itably innovate upon the example of his predecessors in the exact structure of his peculiar versification. The distinction between poets and prose writers is a vulgar error. . . . Plato was essentially a poet — the truth and splendor of his imagery, and the melody of his language, NOTES. 79 are the most intense that it is possible to conceive. . . . Lord Bacon was a poet. His language has a sweet and majestic rhythm, which satisfies the sense no less than the almost superhuman wisdom of his philosophy satisfies the intellect. ... All the authors of revolutions in opinion are not only necessarily poets as they are inventors, nor even as their words unveil the permanent analogy of things by images which participate in the life of truth; but as their periods are harmonious and rhythmical, and contain in themselves the elements of verse; being the echo of the eternal music." See also Abbott, Introduction to Bacon's Essays, pp. 23-4 : " But Bacon was a poet, the poet of Science. His eye, like the poet's — in a fine frenzy rolling, Doth glance from heaven to earth, from earth to heaven — catching at similarities and analogies invisible to uninspired eyes, giving them names and shapes, investing them with substantial reality, and mapping out the whole realm of knowledge in ordered beauty." Cervantes says, Don Quixote, Bk. I. ch. 47 : " An epic may also be as well written in prose as in verse." Cf. Vauquelin, L'Art Poet. 2. 261-6. 11 23. Notable images. Sidney, like Aristotle in his Poetics, is fond of using the language of the sister art of painting when discoursing of poetry. Cf 9 15, 10 12 ff., IS 33, 16 13, 22, 19 C, 14, 36 21, 34-6, 37 3S ff. 11 2C. Fittest raiment, etc. Cf. 33 16-24. 1127. Matter . manner. Cf. 4634. 11 29. Chanceably. Cf. 5 18. 11 30. Peizing. Poising, weighing. Used by Shakespeare. 11 34. Parts. Cf 26 12 ff. Anatomies. Dissections. 12 15. Music. Cf. 23 25, 33 26, and see 20 10. 1218. Dungeon. Cf Plato, Phcedo 82-3 (Jowett I. 460): "The soul is able to view real existence only through the bars of a prison, and not of herself unhindered; she is wallowing in the mire of all ignorance; and philosophy, beholding the terrible nature of her con- finement, inasmuch as the captiv* through lust becomes a chief accom- pHce in her own captivity . . . philosophy, I say, shows her that all this is visible and tangible, but that what she sees in her own nature is intellectual and invisible." 12 21. Ditch. See Plato, Thecctetus 174 (Jowett 4. 324): "I will illustrate my meaning, Theodorus, by the jest which the clever witty Thracian handmaid made about Thales, when he fell into a well as he was looking up at the stars. She said that he was so eager to know what was going on in heaven, that he could not see what was before 80 NOTES. his feet. This is a jest which is equally applicable to all philosophers." Cf. Sonnet 19 of Astrophel and Stella : . . . Unto me, who fare like him that both Looks to the skies, and in a ditch doth fall ? 12 25. Serving sciences. Cf. 14 29. 12 28. Mistress-knowledge. Florio, in his translation of Montaigne, uses ffzirf^w as a quasi-adjective: "The mistress and worthiest part" (2. 13); "this sovran and mistress amity" (2. 19). 'Apxi-TeicToi/iK'l). For the English form of the adjective, see Fulke Greville, Life of Sidney (^Works 4. 21): "But the truth is, his end was not writing, even while he wrote, nor his knowledge moulded for tables or schools; but both his wit and understanding bent upon his heart, to make himself and others, not in words or opinion but in life and action, good and great. In which architectonical art he was such a master, with so commanding and yet equal ways amongst men, that wheresoever he went he was beloved and obeyed." 12 30. Ethic and politic. Cf. 13 24-26, 16 18, 20 3. 12 31. Well-doing. Cf. IS 13, 22 26. 12 32. Saddler's, etc. Cf. Aristotle, Ethics 1. i : "All moral action, that is to say all purpose, no less than all art and all science, would seem to aim at some good result. Hence has come a not inapt definition of the chief good as that one end at which all human actions aim. Now ends clearly differ from one another. For, firstly, in some cases the end is an act, while in others it is a material result beyond and beside that act. And, where the action involves any such end beyond itself, this end is of necessity better than is the act by which it was produced. And, secondly, since there are many kinds of moral action, and many arts, and many sciences, their ends are also many; medicine, for example, giving us health, boat-building a boat, tactics victory, and economics wealth. And, where many such arts are subordi- nated to some one, — as to riding is subordinated bridle-making, and all other arts concerned with the production of accoutrements for horses, while riding itself, and with it all other martial service, is subor- dinated to the science of military tactics, and in many other arts the same scale of subordination is to be found, — in all such cases the end of the supreme art or science is higher than are the ends of the arts subordinate to it; for it is only for the sake of the former that the latter are sought." 13 1. So that, etc. Cf. 26 7-8. 13 4. Princes. Cf. 26 9, and Don Quixote, Part II. ch. 16 (Duf- NOTES. 81 field's translation) : " Poetry, noble sir, to my seeming, is like unto a gentle maiden, young in years, and of extreme beauty, whom to enrich, beautify, and adorn, is the care of the many maidens who attend her — which be the other sciences, — and she must be served of all, while to all these she must lend her lustre. But this same maiden will brook no handling, nor be haled through the streets." 13 9. For to. Cf. 44 9, 49 27. 13 11. Set their names. Drawn from Cicero, Archias II. 26 (cf. Tusc. Disp. I. 15. 34) : "Those very philosophers even in the books which they write about despising glory, put their own names on the title-page. In the very act of recording their contempt for renown and notoriety, they desire to have their own names known and talked of." 13 12. Subtility. Cf. S3 35. Angry. See Trench's Plutarch, p. 132. 13 14. Definitions. Cf. 16 17, 23 21. 13 15. Distinctions. Cf. 16 34. 1329. Authorizing himself, etc. Cf. 35 35, 365. 14 2. In u great chafe. The phrase is found again in Sidney's masque, The Lady of the May. 14 4. Testis temporum. From Cicero, On Oratory 2. 9. 36 : " His- tory, the evidence of time, the light of truth, the life of memory, the directress of life, the herald of antiquity." 14 11. Abstract. Cf. 15 23. 14 16. Guide . . ., light. The antithesis will here be more striking if we substitute the Latin words, dtix, lux. 14 20. Brutus. 85-42 B.C. The Brutus of Shakespeare's Julius Ccesar. Cf. Plutarch, Brutus 4 : " During the time that he was in camp, those hours that he did not spend with Pompey he employed in reading and study; and thus he passed the day before the battle of Pharsalia. It was the middle of summer, the heats were intense, the marshy situa- tion of the camp disagreeable, and his tent-bearers were long in coming. Nevertheless, though extremely harassed and fatigued, he did not anoint himself till noon; and then, taking a morsel of bread, while others were at rest, or musing on the event of the ensuing day, he employed himself till the evening in writing an epitome of Polybius." Alphonsus. 1385-1454. Ticknor, Hist. Span. Lit. i. 317 (3d Amer. ed.) : " Alphonso the Fifth of Aragon, a prince of rare wisdom and much literary cultivation." Cf. Symonds, Renaissance in Italy 2. 252-3 : " In the second age of humanism . . . Alfonso of Aragon deserved the praise bestowed on him by Vespasiano of being, next to Nicholas V., the most munificent promoter of learning. His love of letters was genuine. . . . Vespasiano relates that Beccadelli's daily readings to his 82 NOTES. master were not interrupted during the campaign of 1443, when Alfonso took the field. . The Neapolitan captains might be seen gathered round their monarch, listening to the scholar's exposition of Livy, instead of wasting their leisure in games of hazard. Beccadelli him- self professes to have cured an illness of Alfonso's in three days by read- ing aloud to him Curtius's Life of Alexander. . . When the Venetians sent him one of the recently discovered bones of Livy, he received it like the relirc of a saint, nor could the fears of his physicians prevent him from opening and reading the MS. of Livy forwarded from Florence by Cosimo de' Medici, who was then suspected of wishing to poison him." 1421. Maketh a point. Cometh to an end or focus. 1429. Compare we, etc. Bacon follows Sidney in regarding this classification as exhaustive in respect to human learning. Cf. De Aug- mentis z. 1 ( Works 4, 293) : " Wherefore from these three fountains. Memory, Imagination, and Reason, flow these three emanations. His- tory, Poesy, and Philosophy; and there can be no others. For I con- sider history and experience to be the same thing, as also philosophy and the sciences." 14 32. The divine. Cf. 23 lS-14. 15 3. Formidine, etc. From Horace, .ff/irf. I. 16. 52-3; "Through jove of virtue good men shrink from sin : you commit no crime, because you fear punishment." IS 4. DotA not endeavor. Cf. 38 18. IS 10. Naughtiness. Wickedness. Cf 27 21, 31. IS 13. Manners. With the sense of the Latin mores, including morals as well as manners. Cf. his letter to his brother Robert, quoted in Fox Bourne, Memoir, p. 223 : " For he (i.e. Homer) doth not mean by mores how to look or put off one's cap with a new-found grace, although true behavior is not to be despised. . . . But mores he takes for that from whence moral philosophy is so called." 15 19. Bare. Cf. 24 5. 15 20. Misty. Cf 30 19, 36 1, 47 8. 15 24. Happy is that man, etc. Cf. 18 12-13, 25 11-14. IS 27. Particular truth, etc. Cf. 15 34-35, 18 29-35. 15 34. So as. So that. Cf. 5 5, 7 31-32, 18 12, 28 3-4, 29 5, 33 6, 35 34, 40 30, 43 4, 20, SO 8, and 20 1, note. 16 2. Wordish. Cf ii 3. 16 6. Who. Cf 42 20, 43 30; and see 43 16. 16 8. Gorgeous palace. Cf Shak. Rom. 3. ^. 85; Rich. If. 3. 3. 148 7>/«/. 4. 152. Architector. Architect. NOTES. 83 1612. Lively. Living. Cf. 36 34 (= lifelike), and its use as an adverb, 56 1. 16 21. If they be not illuminated, e.\.<:. Cf.SAi^ty, Defense of Poetry : " Ethical science arranges the elements which poetry has created, and propounds schemes and proposes examples of civil and domestic life : nor is it for want of admirable doctrines that men hate, and despise, and censure, and deceive, and subjugate one another. But poetry acts in another and diviner manner. . . . The great instrument of moral good is the imagination ; and poetry administers to the effect by acting upon the cause." And see also Emerson, Essay on Books: "The imagination infuses a certain volatility and intoxication. It has a flute which sets the atoms of our frame in a dance, like planets; and, once so liberated, the whole man reeling drunk to the music, they never quite subside to their old stony state. But what is the imagination? Only an arm or weapon of the interior energy; only the precursor of the reason." 16 26. Anchises. Cf. jSneid 2. 634-650. 1626. Ulysses. Cf. Orf(/««y 5. 149-158: "But the lady nymph went on her way to the great-hearted Odysseus, when she had heard the message of Zeus. And there she found him sitting on the shore, and his eyes were never dry of tears, and his sweet life was ebbing away as he mourned for his return; for the nymph no more found favor in his sight. . . . And in the day-time he would sit on the rocks and on the beach, straining his soul with tears, and groans, and griefs, and through his tears he would look wistfully over the unharvested deep." 15 28. Barren and beggarly. Homer frequently calls Ithaca ' rocky ' and 'rugged.' Cf. Odyssey I. 247. Modern writers confirm this description. 16 29. Short madness. The current form of the proverb is found in Horace, Ep. I. z. 62, but Sidney refers to Seneca, On Anger i. i. Ajax. In Sophocles' drama of that name. 16 35. Ulysses, Cf. Shelley, Defense of Poetry : " Homer embodied the ideal perfection of his age in human character; nor can we doubt that those who read his verses were awakened to an ambition of becoming like to Achilles, Hector, and Ulysses." 17 1. Nisus and Euryalus. Cf. Virgil, jEneid 9. 176-182, 433- 445 : " Nisus was guard of the gate, right valiant in arms, son of Hyrtacus; whom Ida, the hunter's hill, had sent to follow .(Eneas; quick was Nisus with the dart and flying arrows; by his side was his companion Euryalus; there was not a fairer than he among all the men of .lEneas, who had put on Trojan arms; the unshorn cheeks of 84 NOTES. the boy were just streaked with the early down of youth. One love the two did feel, together to the wars they rushed. . . . Euryalus falls and writhes in death, and the blood gushes o'er his lovely limbs, and his neck sinking down reclines on his shoulder. Even as when a bright flower cut down by the plough languishes in death, or when poppies droop their heads with weary neck, if perchance they are burdened with a weight of rain. But Nisus rushes into the midst; among them all he makes for Volscens alone, on Volscens alone are his efforts bent. Around him the foes collect, they close in fight, they push him back on either side. He presses on with no less zeal, he whirls his flashing sword, until he has buried it full in the shouting Rutulian's mouth, and in the act of death he takes his enemy's life. Then he threw himself on his lifeless friend, pierced with many a wound, and there at last reposed in tranquil death," 17 3. CEdipus. In Sophocles' play of CEdipus King. 17 4. Agamemnon. In j^schylus' play of that name. 175. Atreus. Cf. yEschylus' /^^ootiSotkok, 1555— 1580. 176. Theban brothers. Eteocles and Polynices. See ..Eschylus' Seven against Thebes. Sour sweetness. Cf. Shak. Rich. II. 5. 5. 42. 17 7. Medea. See the Medea of Euripides. Gnatho. A parasite in Terence's comedy, The Eunuch ; cf. the English adjective gnathonic. 17 8. Pandar. In Chaucer's Troilus and Cressida ; cf. the English noun pander. 17 12. See through them. Cf. the compounds in 18 3, 32 19. 1 7 15. Feigned Cyrus in Xenophon. Cf. 19 10-11. 17 16. jEneas. Cf. 30 32 ff. 17 17. Utopia. Cf. Jowett's remarks in his translation of Plato, 3. 186-8: "The 'Utopia' of Sir Thomas More is a surprising monu- ment of his genius, and shows a reach of thought far beyond his con- temporaries. The book was written by him at the age of about 34, and is full of the generous sentiments of youth. He brings the light of Plato to bear upon the miserable state of his own country. . . . He is gifted with far greater dramatic invention than any one who -suc- ceeded him, with the exception of Swift. . . . More is as free as Plato from the prejudices of his age, and far more tolerant." 17 28. Mediocribus, etc. From Horace, Art of Poetry 372-3: " Mediocrity in poets is condemned by gods and men, aye, and book- sellers too." 17 32. Our Saviour, etc. Cf. Harington (Haslewood, 2. 131): "But, to go higher, did not our Saviour himself speak in parables? as that divine parable of the Sower, that comfortable parable of the NOTES. 8S Prodigal Son, that dreadful parable of Dives and Lazarus, though I know of this last, many of the Fathers hold that it is a story indeed, and no parable." 1734. Dives. Luke 1 6. 19-31. 18 1. That. Like the Latin emphatic ille. Cf. S3 18, S3 23. 18 2. Lost child. The parable of the Prodigal Son, Luke 15. 11-32. 18 10. Parables. Bacon, Adv. Learning 2. I. I: "Parables, which is divine poesy." 1815. Popular. Cf. 25 14-15, and Harington (Haslewood, 2. 125) : " Such are the pleasant writings of learned poets, that are the popular philosophers and the popular divines." 18 24. Fantastically. Fancifully, imaginatively. Qf. note on 37 34, and Shak. Macb. I. 3. 53, 139. 18 25. Discourse of Poesy. Cf. 43 28. The passage referred to is from the beginning of the ninth chapter (9. 1-3), which I thus trans- late : " From the foregoing remarks it must also be clear that the task of the poet as such is not to relate actual occurrences exactly as they took place, but rather to give an air of verisimilitude to what might happen, and to depict the possible in such a way as to make it seem either probable or necessary. The real distinction between the poet and the historian is not found in the employment of verse by the former, and of prose by the latter, for, if we suppose the history of Herodotus to be versified, it would be nothing but history still, only now in a metrical form. The true ground of difference is that the his- torian relates what has taken place, the poet how certain things might have taken place. Hence poetry is of a more philosophical and serious character than history; it is, we might say, more uni-versal and more ideal. Poetry deals with the general, history with the particular. Now the general shows how certain typical characters will speak and act, according to the law of probability or of necessity, as poetry indicates by bestowing certain names upon these characters, but the particular merely relates what Alcibiades, s. historic individual, actually did or suffered." See also 10 24, 49 6 ff. 18 34. The particular only marketh, etc. Cf. Shelley, Defense of Poetry : " There is this difference between a story and a poem, that a story is a catalogue of detached facts, which have no other connexion than time, place, circumstances, cause, and effect; the other is the creation of actions according to the unchangeable forms of human nature, as existing in the mind of the creator, which is itself the image of all other minds. . . Time, which destroys the beauty and the use of the story of particular facts, stripped of the poetry which should 86 NOTES. invest them, augments that of poetry, and for ever developes new and wonderful applications of the eternal truth which it contains." 19 1. Which reason, etc. Cf. note on 54 32. 1910. Was. Cf. 19 32. Doctrinabk. Instructive. 19 11. Justin. A writer of the second century A.D., author of an abridgment of the older history of Pompeius Trogus, who was nearly contemporary with Livy. The account of Cyrus is in Justin i. e,-%, and is probably based upon that in Herodotus. 1912. Dares Phrygius. An apocryphal history of the Trojan war passed current in the Middle Ages under this name, and was regarded as the authentic account of an eye-witness and participant, since Homer actually mentions a certain Dares, Iliad 5.9: " Now there was amid the Trojans one Dares, rich and noble, priest of Hephaistos." Scaliger, in his Poetics, still assumes that the history is true, and Sidney appar- ently follows him. 19 16. Horace. In his Fifth Epode, and again in the Eighth Satire of the First Book, Horace describes the witch Canidia. Both descrip- tions recall the witch scenes in Macbeth. The beginning of the description in the Eighth Satire is as follows, 23-28 : " I myself saw Canidia stalking along with her sable robe tucked up, naked were her feet, dishevelled her hair, she howled in company with the elder Sagana; their ghastly color made them both horrible to look on. Then they began to scrape the earth with their nails, and to tear with their teeth a black lamb." 19 19. Tantalus. Cf. Euripides, Orestes 5-10 : E'en Tantalus, the son of Jove the blest , (Not to malign his fate), hangs in the air, And trembles at the rock which o'er his head Projects its threatening mass ; a punishment They say, for that, to heaven's high feast admitted, A mortal equal with the immortals graced, He curbed not the intemperance of his tongue. And Cicero, Tusc. Disp. 4. 16. 35: "The poets, to express the great- ness of this evil, imagine a stone to hang over the head of Tantalus, as a punishment for his wickedness, his pride, and his boasting. And this is tlie common punishment of folly; for there hangs over the head of every one whose mind revolts from reason some similar fear." 19 21. Where. Whereas. So in 19 3, 24 22, 29 35, 41 18, 21, 25, SO 20j but ivhereas, 19 27. 19 22. Without. Unless. Cf. 33 22, 36 10. NOTES. 87 1925. Misliked. Disliked. Cf. 21 17, 24, 25, 40 19. 19 27. Quintus Curtius. A Latin writer who probably lived in the time of the Emperor Claudius, and who wrote a history of Alexander the Great in ten books, eight of which have been preserved. 20 1. So . . . as. So . . . that. Cf. 21 18, 25 5, 28 10, 33 34, 34 2-3. 20 13. Zopyrus. The story is related by Herodotus, 3. 153-160, and by Justin in i. 10. Cervantes refers to it, Don Quixote, Bk. 1. ch. 47. 20 20. Tarquinius. Related by Livj', i. 53-54. 20 22. Abradatas. Sidney means either Gadatas or Araspes ; cf. the Cyropadia, Bk. 5. ch. 3 ; Bk. 6. ch. 1. 21 4. To. As to. 21 5. Learning is gotten. Omission of the relative, as in 43 16. 21 7. Virtue exalted and vice punished. Cf. Bacon, Adv. Learning 2. 4. 1-2 : " In the latter it is (i.e. in respect of matter poesy is) . . one of the principal portions of learning, and is nothing else but feigned history, which may be styled as well in prose as in verse. The use of this feigned history hath been to give some shadow of satisfac- tion to the mind of man in those points wherein the nature of things doth deny it, the world being in proportion inferior to the soul; by reason whereof there is, agreeable to the spirit of man, a more ample greatness, a more exact goodness, and a more absolute variety, than can be found in the nature of things. Therefore, because the acts or events of true history have not that magnitude which satisBeth the mind of man, {joesy feigneth acts and events greater and more heroical. Because true history propoundeth the successes and issues of actions not so agreeable to the merits of virtue and vice, therefore poesy feigns them more just in retribution, and more according to revealed provi- dence. Because true history representeth actions and events more ordinary and less interchanged, therefore poesy endueth them with more rareness, and more unexpected and alternative variations. So as it appeareth that poesy serveth and conferreth to magnanimity, morality, and to delectation. And therefore it was ever thought to have some participation of divineness, because it doth raise and erect the mind, by submitting the shows of things to the desires of the mind; whereas reason doth buckle and bow the mind unto the nature ot things. And we see that by these insinuations and congruities with man's nature and pleasure, joined also with the agreement and consort it hath with music, it hath had access and estimation in rude times and barbarous regions, where other learning stood excluded." 21 11. Handmaid. Cf. 40 2. 21 12. Storm. Odyssey, Book V. 88 NOTES. 21 16. As the tragedy-writer answered. Cf. Plutarch, On Listening to Poetry {Morals 2. 54) : " As Euripides is reported, when some blamed him for bringing such an impious and flagitious villain as Ixion upon the stage, to have given this answer : But yet 1 brought him not off till I had fastened him to a torturing vifheel." 2122. Miltiades. Cf. Cicero, Republic I. 3. 5 : "They tell us that Miltiades, the vanquisher and conqueror of the Persians, before even those wounds were healed which he had received in that most glorious victory, wasted away in the chains of his fellow-citizens that life which had been preserved from the weapons of the enemy." 21 23. Phocion. Cf. Plutarch, Phocion 38 : " The proceedings against Phocion put the Greeks in mind of those against Socrates. The treat- ment of both was equally unjust, and the calamities thence entailed upon Athens were perfectly similar." 21 24. Cruel Severus. Septimius Severus. 21 25. Excellent Severus. Alexander Severus. For an account of both these emperors see Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chs. 5, 6, and 7. Sylla. Cf. Mommsen, Hist. Rome (English tr.) 3. 469 : " Little more than a year after his retirement, in the sixtieth year of his life, while yet vigorous in body and mind, he was overtaken by death ; . the rupture of a blood-vessel carried him off." Marius. Cf. Mommsen, 3. 391: "A burning fever seized him; after being stretched for seven days on a sick bed, in the wild fancies of which he was fighting on the fields of Asia Minor the battles whose laurels were destined for Sulla, he expired on the 13th Jan. 668 (i.e. 86 B.C.). He died, more than seventy years old, in full possession of what he called power and honor, and in his bed; but Nemesis assumes various shapes, and does not always expiate blood with blood." 2126. Pompey. Cf. Mommsen, Hist. Rome 4. 508: "As he was stepping ashore, the military tribune Lucius Septimius stabbed him from behind, under the eyes of his wife and son, who were compelled to be spectators of the murder from the deck of their vessel, without being able to rescue or revenge. On the same day, on which thirteen years before he had entered the capital in triumph over Mithridates, the man, who for a generation had been called the Great and for years had ruled Rome, died on the desert sands of the inhospitable Casian shore by the hand of one of his soldiers." Cicero. Cf Plutarch, Cicero 48 : "The tribune, taking a few soldiers with him, ran to the end of the walk where he was to come out. But Cicero perceiving that Herennius was hastening after him, ordered his servants to set the litter down; and putting his left hand to his chin, NOTES. 89 as it was his custom to do, he looked steadfastly upon his murderers Such an appearance of misery in his face, overgrown with hair, and wasted with anxiety, so much affected the servants of Herennius that they covered their faces during the melancholy scene. That officer despatched him, while he stretched his neck out of the Utter to receive the blow. Thus fell Cicero, in the sixty-fourth year of his age." 21 28. Virtuous Cato. Cato of Utica. 21 31. CcBsar's own words. Reported by Suetonius, Julius Casar 77 : " SuUam nescisse literas, qui dictaturam deposuerit." This, which would naturally be translated, " Sylla was an ignorant fellow to abdi- cate the dictatorship," might also be rendered, " Sylla was an ignorant fellow to abdicate the office of dictating to pupils." This, as my friend Professor Bernadotte Perrin, of Adelbert University, to whom I am indebted for this reference, says, is " an etymological joke, and si poor one." Sidney evidently gathers from it some such meaning as this : "Sylla was without learning (a man of untutored noblgness), and for this reason laid down the dictatorship." Cf. Bacon, Adv. L. i. •]. 29. Who. Caesar. His whole later career was an undoing of Sylla's work. The beginning of it is marked by Suetonius, yulius Ccesar 5 : " Having been elected military tribune, the iirst honor he received from the suffrages of the people after his return to Rome, he zealously assisted those who took measures for restoring the tribunitian authority, which had been greatly diminished during the usurpation of Sylla." 22 1. In hell. So by Virgil in the Sixth Book of the ^neid, and by Homer in the Eleventh Book of the Odyssey. 11 2. Occidendos esse. That they are to be slain. Cf. the note on Phalaris below. 22 3. Cypselus, Periander. Cf. Herodotus 5. 92; "And Cypselus, having obtained the tyranny, behaved himself thus : he -banished many of the Corinthians, deprived many of their property, and many more of their life. When he had reigned thirty years, and ended his life happily, his son Periander became his successor in the tyranny. Now Periander at first was more mild than his father; but when he had communicated by embassadors with Thrasybulus, tyrant of Miletus, he became far more cruel than Cypselus; . . . whatever Cypselus had left undone, by killing and banishing, Periander completed." 22 4. Phalaris. Cf Cicero, On Duties 2. 632: "Now, as to what relates to Phalaris, the decision is very easy; for we have no society with tyrants, but rather the widest separation from them; nor is it con- trary to nature to despoil, if you can, him whom it is a virtue to slay - - and this pestilential and iriipious class ought to be entirely exterminated from the community of mankind." 90 NOTES. Diouysius. Dionysius the Elder, tyrant of Syracuse. Cf. Cicero, Tusc. Disp. 5. 20-22, 57-63. 2211. Laurel crmun. Cf. 32 6, 44 9, 45 8. 22 12. Victorious. Note the double construction, with of and with over. 22 14. For suppose, etc. Cf. 35 12-14. 22 18. . 237. 57 34. Si quid, etc. Virgil, jSneid 9. 446 : " If aught my verse can do." 58 4. Cataract of Nilus. Cf. Cicero, Vision of Scipio : " The ears of mankind, filled with these sounds (i.e. the music of the .spheres), have become deaf, for of all your senses it is the most blunted. Thus the people who live near the place where the Nile rushes down from very high mountains to the parts which are called Catadupa are desti- tute of the sense of hearing, by reason of the greatness of the noise." Montaigne tells the story, Bk. I. ch. 22. 58 8. Mome. Dolt, blockhead. Cf. Shak., £r;-. 3. 1.32. Momus. The ancient personification of censure and mockery. 5810. Midas. Cf Ovid, J/^to». 11. 146-193. Bubonax. Probably for Bupalus. Cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist. 36. 12 : " Bupalus and Athenis were very celebrated in their art (i.e. sculpture), and were contemporary with the poet Hipponax, who certainly lived in the sixtieth Olympiad. . . . Hipponax was remarkably ugly, and the two artists, by way of a joke, exposed his portrait to the ridicule of the public. The indig- nation of Hipponax being aroused by this act, he directed against them the bitterness of his poems to such effect that, according to some writers, they hanged themselves in despair; but this opinion is false." We have seen that Sidney often misquotes, whether intentionally or otherwise. Here he has apparently confused the two names Bupalus and Hipponax, 'and thus blended them into the one, Bubonax. 58 12. In Ireland. Cf. Shak. A. Y. L. 3. 2. 186 : " I was never so berimed since Pythagoras' time, that I was an Irish rat." Also Ben Jonson, Apology of Poetaster : Or I could do worse, Armed with Archilochus' fury, with iambics Should make the desperate lashers hang themselves. Rime them to death, as they do Irish rats In drumming tunes. Add Mallory's note (Vale Studies in English 27. 137). VARIANTS. The following variants are based upon a collation of the reprints by Arber and Fliigel, which are presumed to be literal transcripts of the editions printed in 1595 by Olney and Ponsonby respectively. How far these do actually represent the two earliest texts I am in no position to state, but the errors, if any, must be few and unimportant. Except for the rejection of his as tlje possessive sign of the noun, I have rarely ventured, in the construction of the text, to reject the authority of both the early copies. These instances will all be found recorded in their proper places, and are mostly confined to cases where the retention of the older forms would have occasioned a manifest transgression of grammatical concord, or where a form, like Pindarus, 41 23, would have constituted a noticeable exception. It must be understood that no attempt has been made to note mere differences of spelling and punctuation. This would have been imprac- ticable without greatly increasing the bulk of the volume, and would have served no useful purpose that could not be quite as readily served by consulting the reprints which I have used. 11. Edward Woaon.V. E.W. 314. as in, P. as. 121. the. 0. a. 318. masks. P. mask. 128. be. 0. are. 3 24. hidden. O. hid. 21. Pugliano's. O.Puglianohis. 3 31. standeth. P. stands. 2 8. since. 0. sith (and always. 3 32. feigneth. P. feigns. except 23.7). 3 32. to speak. P. speak. 215. latter. P. later. 4 3. knoweth. P. knows. 219. inveigh. P. envey. 48. the. 0. omits. 2 23. by. P. omits. 4 10. stole. P. stale. 2 24-26. they now. P. you. 424. goeth. P. goes. 2 28. her. P. his. 4 27. areytos. P. arentos. 2 29. Hesiod. 0. Hesiodus. 4 32. exercise. 0. exercises. 2 34. to their. P. to the. 518. any. P. any of. 2 35. may. P. nay. 5 22. making. P, a^s it fe re 3 10. Boccace. P. Bocace. ported by many. VARIANTS. 135 5 26. although. O. which al- though. 527. that. P. omits. 5 33. the. P. by the. 63. further. P. farther. 64. vates. P. vatis. 67. of. O. omits. 620. fear. O. fear me. 6 28. called. P. named. 6 28. iroHjT^i/. O. a poet. 630. iroteii'. O. poiein. 635. any. O. my. 7 1. unto. O. to. 76. set. O. setteth. 7 7. afa. P. doth. 79. musician. P. musicians. 7 12. «»«/ passions. P. or pas- sions. 728. into, O. omits. 7 34. within. O. only within. S 7. cunning. P. comming. 813. aKy. P. every. 8 14. faf.4. O. the. 818. hath. P. had. 832. far. P. omits. 833. argument. P. arguments. 97. i54« more. O. more. 913. to. P. the. 9 13. /il/iTiiris. O. mimesis. 9 17. general. O. several. 919. inconceivable. P. uncon- ceivable. 923. Franciscus. P. F. 9 28. Greeks. P. Greek. 929. James'. P. Paul's. O. James his. 935. and. P. omits. 103. judgment, ©.judgments. 10 7. free. O. omits. 11 5. Jor^ of verse. O. sorts of verses. 11 18. wrote. O. writ. 12 7. ^/ay. O. clayey. 12 8. tf/. O. of the. 12 17. ^y. P- omits. 12 21. »Wo. P. in. 12 26. each. P. omits. 12 28. called. P. omits. 12 28. apxiTfKToviK'fi. O. arki- tectonike. 12 33. further. O. farther. 13 5. poet is worthy to have it before any. O. poet's nobleness by setting him before his. 13 6. as. P. omits. 13 7. thinketh. P. thinks. 13 23. contain. O. containeth. P. contains. 13 24. extendeth. P. extends. 13 27. giveth. P. gives. 13 31. of. P. omits. 13 33. thousand. P. looo. 13 35. goeth. P. goes. 13 Sb. runneth. P. runs. 14 3. virtuous. P. virtue's. 14 4^5. testis . . vitce. O. lux vitse, temporum magistra, vita me- morise. 14 17. confirming. O. confer- ring. 14 18. by story. P. by stories. 14 21. maketh. P. makes. 15 2. and Justice. P. omits. 15 2. seeketh. P. seeks. 15 12. in that. P. in the. 15 18. arguments. O. argument. 15 33. in. P. by. 16 8. an. O. the. 16 11. conceit. O. conceits. 1614. that. O. the. 16 17. definitions. O. definition. 16 17. virtues or. O. virtue. 16 28. said. O. P. say. Ed. of 1598, said. 17 7. Gnatho. O. P. Gnato. 17 10. states. O. seats. 17 23. poesy. P. poetry. 17 26. attained. O. obtained. 18 4. Laaarus in. O. Lazarus being in. 136 VARIANTS. 18 7. mine. O. my. 18 18. make. P. makes. 18 19. those. O. these. 1822. liringeth. P. brings. 18 27. (pl,\OfrO(lnaTepov. P. tplK- oaoipuTepasv. O. philosophoteron. 18 27. trirov^atiTepov. P. (Tttou- SaioTe/)ii»'. O. spoudaioteron. 1828. studiously serious. P. omits. 18 29. Ka.66\ov. O. Katholou. 18 31. /fofl' eKatTTov. O. Katheka- ston. 18 34. marketh. O. marks. 1911. ?'» Xenophon. O. of Xenophon. 19 17. foul and. P. full. 19 27. Quintus. P. Q. 19 33. it hath. P. hath it. 207. poetically. O. poetical. 20 11. 3 /o«/. P. an poet. 20 12. do concur. P. did. 20 12. do both. P. doth both. 20 34. pleaseth. P. please. 21 2. j'^/. P. so yet. 21 5. history. O. histories. 21 6. gotten. P. got. 21 9. setteth. P. sets. 21 19. historian. P. history. 21 29. sixteen hundred. O. P. l6oo. 21 33. literas. P. litteras. 22 2. occidendos. P. occidentos. 22 3. you. O. your. 22 6. injustice. O. unjustice. 22 9. deserveth. P. deserves. 22 12. poet. P. poets. 22 16. teach. O. doth teach. 22 18. i\otpi\6troos. O. philo- philosophos. 22 21. ioth. O. omits. 22 21. and the. P. and. 22 26. 7>'£(ris. P. 'yvims O. gnosis. 22 26, 27. TrpSfts. O. praxis. 22 27. cannot. P. can. 23 7. jz««. O. seeing. 23 14. conceit. O. conceits. 23 18. very. O. omits. 23 32. of the. O. of. 23 33. rhubarb. P. rhabarbrum. O. rubarb. 24 2. y^neas. O. and jEneas. 24 4. z/ffl/o?-. P. value. 24 14. and. P. of. 24 16. wisheth. P. wished. 2417. do. P. doth. 24 17. those. O. the. . 24 24. virtue. P. virtus. 24 26. Boethius. P. Poetius. 25 10. either. O. omits. 25 14. behaves. P. behave. 25 23. ever. P. only. 25 29. murder. O. P. murther (and always). 26 6. ensueth. P. ensue. 26 13. or. P. and. 26 14. a. O. an. 26 17. defectious. P. defectuous. 26 22. like. P. omits. 26 23. Sannazzaro, O. Sanaz' zar. P. Sanazara. 26 35. lords and. O. lords or. 27 5. fff»fe«ft'o». P.contentons. 27 12. it. P. in. 27 13. bewaileth. O. bewails. 27 17. lamentation. P. lamen- tations. 27 19. who. O. which. 27 24. till O. until. 27 33. argument. P. arguments. 27 33. answer after. P. after answer. 28 11. an. P. omits. 28 16. comedian. P. comedient. 28 17. evil P. the evil. 28 22. to. O. omits. 28 24. find. P. see. 2828. ulcers. O. vicers (mis- print ?) . VARIANTS. 137 28 35. avctorem. O. P. autho- rem. 29 6. blood. P. bloods. 29 16. giveth. O. gives. 29 19. mine. O. my. 29 22. it is. O. is it. 29 2T. such. P. such-like. 29 28. valor. P. valure. O. valour. 29 29. think. P. think one of. 29 33. be. O. be the. 30 2. matters rather. P. rather matters. 30 15. !V. P. him. 30 19. through. O. throughout. 30 22. setteth. O. sets. 3028. kind. P. kinds. 3033. he. P. be (misprint?). 30 35. the. P. omits. 312. human. O. P. humane. 31 8. most. O. not. 31 10. even. P. omits. 31 18. learnings. O. learning. 31 21. nor. O. nor no. 31 27. only. P. only, only. 3129. his end containeth. P. nor end containing. 31 31. and. O. and to. 31 31-32. of it. O. omits. 31 35. and. P. omits. 31 35. leaveth. O. leaves. 32 6. triumphant. O. triumph- ing. 32 11. be. O. may be. 32 14. /lurojioiffoi. P. fiviro/iov- ffoi. O. mysomousoi. 32 21. a. O. omits. 32 27. commodity. P. commod- ities. 33 11. humor. O. humors. 33 11. «> riming. P. in riming. 33 20. considereth. O. consid- ers. 33 29. treasurer. P. treasure. 33 34. one. O. one word. 33 35. accusing. O. accuseth. 34 10. "word. O. words. 34 10. needeth. P. needs. 34 11. a. P. omits. 34 15—16. as, Percontatorein. . , , sumus. O. omits. 34 19. 7nathematic. P. mathe- matics. 34 33. fancies. O. fancy. 34 35. ear. O. erre. 35 6. had overshot. O. outshot. 35 14. poesy. O. poetry. 35 32. affirmeth. O. affirms. 364. writeth. O. writes. 366. into. P. unto. 36 14. thinketh. O. thinks. 36 14. wrote. O. writ. 36 19. at that. P. to the. 36 24. tnay. O. omits. 36 25. but. O. omits. 36 30. proveth. O. proves. 36 31, 32. of the. O. a. 36 32. putteth. O. puts. 37 1. chess. P. chestes. 37 10. the only. P. only. 37 15. ■ ambitiously. P. amba- tiously. 37 24. forth. P. for. 37 25. - whatsoever. P. what. 37 32. ei/caffTiK^. P. piKatTTiKii. O. eikastike. 37 33. things. P. thing. 37 34. (pauTaffTixii. O. phantas- tike. 37 35. that. P. omits. 38 5. Goliath. P. Golias. O. Goliah. 38 10. do. P. to (misprint?). 38 15. receiveth. P. receives. O. conceiveth. 38 27. say. P. said. 38 31. upon. P. omits. 39 9. in. O. on. 3911. these. P. those. 39 10. digression. P. disgression. 138 VARiAyrs. 3931. -opposed. P. apposed. ■ 40 8. was ever. O. ever was. 40 18. never. O. never well. 40 20. fourscore. O. 8o. 40 30. sepulchre. P. sepulture. 40 30. Cato's. O. Cato his. 40 33. that. O. now. 40 33. Plato's. O. P. Plato his. 41 13. shops. P. shop. 41 17. strave. O. strove. 41 21. where. O. when. 4123. Pindar. O. P. Pin- darus. 41 28. cavillations. O. cavilla- tion. 41 34. doth. O. did. 42 6-8. who . . . prophet. P. omits. 42 8. setteth. P. sets. 42 29. construe. O. conster. P. consture. 42 31. atque. P. atq. 42 32. republica. P. rep. 43 1. the. P. omits. 43 4. unto. O. to. 43 5. unto. P. to. 43 14. forenamed. O. afore- named. 43 21. Heautontimoroumenos. O. P. Heautontimorumenon. 43 27. needs. O. need. 43 33. his. O. her. 43 34. that. P. to have showed. 44 9. our. P. the. 44 12. held. O. had. 44 12. ill-savored. O. ill-favor- ing. 44 15. it. P. omits. 44 19. proceedeth. P. proceeds. 4419. wit. P. with (misprint?). 44 19. others. O. other. 44 22. memora. P. memoria. 44 24. thousand. P. thousands. 45 6. find. P. sinde (editors misprint ?) . 45 7. lamenteth, decketh. P. laments, decks. 45 26. men. O. omits. 45 30. post. P. pass. i 45 34. outflowings. O. outflow- ing. , 46 9. but. O. but I. 46 19. hath. P. have. 46 21. is it. P. is. 46 26. wings. P. wrings. 473. conabar. P. conabor. 47 3. erat. O. P. erit. 47 4. any. O. an. 47 7. Cressida. O. Cresseid. P. Creseid. 47 11. reverend. O. reverent. P. reverent an. 47 IB. eclogues. O. P. eglogues. 47 19. Sannazzaro. O. Sana- zar. P. Sanazara. 4719. I do. O. dol. 47 26. tinkling. O. P. tingling. 47 27. reason. P. reasons. 4733. Seneca's. O. P. Seneca his. 48 1. truth. O. troth. 48 9. and many. P. and. 48 14. Cometh. P. comes. 48 19. and. P. omits. 48 29. falleth. O. falls. 49 3. have. O. hath. 49 4. hit. P. hit it. 49 5. containeth. P. contains. 4915. it. P. in (misprint?). 49 25. Trojan. O. P. Troyan. 49 28. Arber's original reads by Hecuba ; P. Hecuba. 49 35. leaving the rest, P. the rest leaving. 50 1. needs. O. need. 50 6. the clown. O. clowns. 50 as. comedians. P. comedi- ents. 5025. it. p. is'(misprint?). 51 4. and. O. or. VARIANTS. 5l9. sorry. O. sorry, yet. 54 11. 51 14. in. P. in a. 5423. 5117. procureth. P. procures. 5426. 5120. stir. O. stirreth. 54 28. 5171. mixed. P. mix. 55 3. 5133. n heartless. P. and a 55 3. heartless. 55 15, 5134. wry-. O. awry-. ' 5518. 5214.- fruits. O. fruit. 55 23. 522a. enough. O. enow. 55 34. 52 34. that. P. it that. 56 1. 53 2. far-fet. P. far-set. 565. 532. that many. O. they may. 5617. 5323. used. P. useth. 5627. 53 23. as. .O. omits. Italian. 5324. Vivit ? P. et vincit. 56 28. 53 24. vero etiavi. O. P. omit. 5633. 53 24. in senatum venit. O. already. senatum venit. P. in senatum 5634. venit, imo in senatum venit. 57 4. 5327- 38. in choler do. O.doin 5724. choler. 5733. 53 30. too. O. to too. 581. 53 30- 54 4. Hoii) well . . . their 584. fineness. O. omits. 587. 545. Now. O. Fow. 581.3. 54 7. may. O. omits. 5814. 139 ivhit. P. with (misprint?). knacks. O. tracks. than. O. than to speak. small-. O. smally. the. O. this. digression. P.disgression. I 16. wanteth. P. wants. in. O. of. conceits. P. conceit. more. O. most. tune. P. time. obtaineth, O. obtains. for. O. for the. the Italians term. P. is. O. omits. already I find. O. I find triflingness. P. triflings. it is. P. is. Landino. O. P. Landin. Herculea. O. Hercules. Beatrice. O. P. Beatrix. cataract. O. cataphract. of. P. omits. send. P. sent. get. P. yet (misprint.'). INDEX OF PROPER NAMES Abradatas2022, 27. Abraham 18 4, 38 3. Achilles 16 35, 24 2, 30 15, 40 11. Adam 8 34. Adrian 44 26. ^neas 8 11, 17 16, 19 12, 20, 24 2, 15, 30«16, 32, 37 5. TEsop 18 16, 36 13, 14, 43 24. Afric 40 28, 48 13. Agamemnon 16 31, 174. Agincourt 14 10. Agrippa, C, 32 30, 34. Agrippa, M., see Menenius Agrippa. Ajax 16 29. Albinus 5 23. Albion 39 1. Alcibiades 18 35. Alexander 19 23, 27 7, 39 34, 40 4, 43 18, 51 11. Alexander Pheraeus 29 2. Alphonsus of Aragon 14 20. Amadis de Gaule 24 12. Amphion 3 5, 9 27. Anchises 1625, 24 15, 58 2. Antonius 54 16. Apollo 4 4, 43 23. Apuleius 50 10. Ariosto, see Orlando, Orlando Fu- rioso. Aristotle 9 12, 1825, 19 1, 2226, 248, 40 5, 43 27, 48 8, 51 23, 57 12. Arthur 39 25. Asia 40 28, 48 12. Athenians 41 20, 21. Athens 3 32. Atreus 17 5, 19 19. Babylon 55 20. Babylonians 20 14, 17. Beatrice 58 1. Bembus4429, 57 14. Beza 44 30. Bibbiena 44 29. Boccace (Boccaccio), 3 18. Boethius 24 26, 26 24. Britons 4 35. Brutus 14 20. Bubonax 58 10. Buchanan 44 33, 52 4. Bupalus, see Bubonax, Caesar 21 29, 31, 43 19. Calicut 49 15. Callisthenes 40 6. Calypso 1627. Canidia 19 16, 16. Catiline 53 22. Cato 10 1, 34 13, 40 12, 14, 24, Stt Cato Uticensis 21 28, 40 15. Chariclea 11 18. Charon 35 29. Chaucer 3 12, 17 8, 35 l, 47 6. Christ 17 32, 32 2, 42 26. Cicero 11 16, 21 26, 54 17, 18 (see also TuUy) . Clauserus 57 17. INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 141 Cornutus 57 18. Crassus 54 17. Cupid 37 14. Curtius, Quintus 19 27. Cypselus 22 3. Cyrus 8 10, 21, 23, 11 15, 17 15, 19 10, 11,20,20 22,24 2,3015,37 5. Daedalus 46 24, 25. Danes 5 3. Dante 3 10, 20 34, 58 1. Dares Phrygius 19 12. Darius 20 13, 19, 27 7. David 6 5, 9 19, 25 28, 35, 36 12, 38 4, 44 25. Davus 28 13. Deborah 9 21. Delphos 5 33. Demea 28 12. Demosthenes S3 13, 32. Dido 31 1. Diomedes 16 35. Dionysius 22 4, 41 25. Dives 17 34, 184. Douglas 29 21. Empedocles 3 18. Ennius 3 8, 40 13. Epaminondas 45 22. . Erasmus 32 31, 34. Euripides 41 20, 49 34. Euryalus 17 1. Fracastorius 44 31. Francis of France 44 28. Fulvius 40 12, 14. Gadatas, see Abradatas. Germanicus 44 25. Gnatho 17 7, 28 13. Goliath 38 5. Gorboduc 47 30, 48 11. Goths 39 5. Gower 3 11. Gyges 4 2. Hecuba 49 28. Hehcon 45 3D. Heliodorus 11 16. Heraclitus 27 14. Hercules 24 2, 5113. Herodotus 4 8, 20 12. Hesiod 2 29, 57 18. Hiero I. 41 24. Hipponax, see Bubonax. Holofernes 38 4. Homer 2 29, 9 27, 39 29, 40 6, 9, 41 17, 57 19. Horace 19 16, 31 10, 34 12, 39 20, 49 20. Hospital 44 34. Hungary 29 26. Indians 4 26, 53 18. Ireland 4 23, 58 12. Isaac 38 4. Ithaca 16 28. James of Scotland 44 28. James, St. 9 29. Job 9 22. John of the Nokes 36 31. John of the Stile 36 31. Judith 38 4. Junius, Franciscus 9 23. Justin 19 11, 20 12. Lacedaemonians 29 30. Laelius 43 19. Landino 57 24. Lazarus 17 34, 184. Linus 2 32. Livius Andronicus 3 8. Livy 20 20. Lucan 10 3. Lucrstia 10 17, 18. Lucretius 10 1. Manilius 10 2. 142 INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. Marathon ]4o. Marius 21 25. Mars 45 11, 16. Medea 17 7. Melancthon 44 30. Melibceus 26 34. Menelaus 16 32. Meneiiius Agrippa 25 6. Midas 58 10. Miltiades 21 22. Mirror of Magistrates 47 11. Momus 58 8. More, Sir Thomas 17 17, 18. Moses 921. Muretus 44 32. Musseus 2 29. Muses 2 17, 4 9, 36 6, 45 28, 57 i Nathan 25 27, 36 11. Nilus 58 4. Nisus 17 1. Nizolian 53 14. Normans 5 3. CEdipus 17 3. Olympus (for Olympia) 30 7. Omphale 51 15. Orlando 8 9. Orlando Furioso 39 25. Orpheus 2 32, 3 6, 9 27. Ovid 32 28, 47 2. Pacolet 49 10. Pallas 46 7. Pandar 17 B. Parmenides 3 19. Paul, St. 42 6. Percy 29 20. PeriaJider 22 3. Peru 49 14. Petrarch 3 11. Phalaris 22 4. Pharsalia 14 9. Philip of Macedon 306. Phocion 21 23. Phocylides 3 20, 9 35. Pindar 29 20, 30 1, 8, 41 23. Plato 3 27, 14 8, 2426, 3020, 35 fi, 40 33, 41 5, 25, 30, 34, 42 9, 10, 28, 43 2, 4, 8, 26, 44 8. Plautus 49 3, 50 13. Plutarch 291, 40 1,3, 4131, 42 20, 43 29, 30. Pluto 40 21. Poitiers 14 10. Polydorus 49 23, 35. Polymnestor 49 24. Pompey 21 26. Pontanus 10 2, 44 32. Priamus 49 24, 26. Pugliano 1 3, 2 1. Pylades 8 9. Pythagoras 3 20. Rinaldo 30 16. Robert, King of Sicily 44 27. Robin Hood 35 6. Sackville, see Gorboduc, Mirror of Magistrates. Sannazzaro 26 23, 47 19. Saxons 5 3. Scaliger, Julius 33 15, 42 30, 44 31, 5715. Scipio 19 24, 40 27, 43 19. Scipio Nasica 40 25. Seneca 47 33. Severus 21 24, 25. Shepherd's Calendar 47 14. Sibylla 5 33. Simonides 41 23. Socrates 21 23, 43 20 (Laelius called the Roman S.), 43 22. Solomon 9 20. Solon 3 21, 25. Sophocles ] 6 29, 44 25. Spenser, see Shepherd's Calendar. Sphinx 38 33. Surrey, Earl of 47 13. Sylla 21 25, 31. INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 143 Syracusans 41 21. Tantalus 19 19. Tarquinius 20 20. Tartars 39 29. Terence 43 21, 48 35. Thales 3 18. Theagenes 88, 11 17. Thebes 3 6, 36 17, 19. Theocritus 47 18. Thrace 49 25, 32. Thraso 28 13, 51 34. Tityrus 27 1. Tremellius, Emanuel 9 23. Troy 1626. TuUy 30 20, S3 13, 21 (see Cicero). Turkey 4 21. Turks 39 28. Turnus24l8, 3016. also Tydeus 30 16. Tyrtaeus 3 21, 9 35. Ulysses 16 26, 36, 19 20, 21 12. Utopia 17 17. Venice 45 14. Venus 45 15. Vespasian 196. Virgil 5 21, 8 11, 10 1, 17 16, 19 12, 3412, 4718, 5717,582. Vulcan 45 17. Wales 4 34. Wotton, Edward 1 1. Xenophon 8 10, 11 13, 17 15, 19 11, 20 21, 26. Zopyrus 20 13.