Cornell University Library D 651.U7M21 United States and world peace. 3 1924 027 901 911 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY "^- '<>t>*rc*«-*»^< Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31 924027901 91 1 The United States and World Peace ~3"o\ava C, tV\a.Uov\ ^ New York, 1920 I^'^IS Ad-ChaSt SEaviCB Co., 17 Vandewatbh Stkbbt, New York. INDEX PART I. THE ATTITUDE OP THE UNITED STATES TOWARD THE TREATY OF VERSAILLES. PAGE. Chapter I. « The Rejection of the Treaty of Versailles hy the American Senate 1 Chapter II. Effect of Ratification of the Covenant with Reser- vations Under International Law 8 Chapter III. Sowing Dissension Among the Allies 18 Chapter IV. The League of Nations as Affected hy the Irish Question. {See also extract from letter from Deneuvre, France, June 10, 1918, par. (XXXVII) "England's Adoption of Con- scription and the Irish Question") 28 Chapter V. Father Duffy's Story, the Old Sixty-ninth Regi- ment, and Anti-English Sentiment 35 Chapter VI. The Propriety of Ratifying the League of Nations (Reprinted from "Bench and Bar," July, 1919) :^ 40 Chapter VII. The Trial of the Kaiser {Reprinted from "Bench and Bar," Sept., 1919) 57 Chapter VIII. The Formal Ending of the War as Respects thp United States 65 Jii. Index PART II. WAR-TIME LETTERS FROM EUROPE. PAGE. t Chapter I. {Extracts from Letters from Camp Mills) (a) Our Bole in the War 78 (Camp Mills, Sept. 2, 1917) (i) The Kaiser versus Liberty 78 (Camp Mills, Sept. 15, 1917) Chapter II. (Extracts from Letters from France) I. The Censorship 79 (Naires-en-Blois, Dec. 11, 1917) II. European War Suffering 79 (Nalves-en-Blois, Dec. 11, 1917) III. The Army Melting Pot 79 (Naives-en-Blois, Dec.. 11, 1917) IV. Mayor Mitchel of New York De- feated : 79 (Naives-en-Blois, Dec. 11, 1917) V. Climatic Conditions 80 (Naives-en-Blois, Dec. 11, 1917) VI. The Military Situation 80 (Naives-en-Blois, Dec. 11, 1917) VII. Russian Political Outlook 80 (Naives-en-Blols, Dec. 11, 1917) Chapter III. VIII. Censorship 81 (Longeau, January 24, 1918) IX. French Villages 81 (Longeau, January 24, 1918) X. The French People 81 (Longeau, January 24, 1918) XI. Acquiring French 82 (Longeau, January 24, 1918) XII. French Amiability and G\erman Attitude 82 (Longeau, January 24, 1918) XIII. French Villages ; 82 (Longeau, January 25, 1918) XIV. The French People 83 (Longeau, January 25, 1918) Iv. Index PAGE. Chaptee IV. XV. French Cities 84 (Crolsmare, March 4, 1918) XVI. Rumors of War 84 (Crolsmare, March 4, 1918) XVII. Congressional Inquiry and Con- duct of War 84 (Crolsmare, March 4, 1918) XVIII. The German Offensive. 85 (Crolsmare, March 4, 1918) XIX. What We Are Fighting For. 86 (Crolsmare, March 4, 1918) XX. First Glimpses of War 86 (Crolsmare, March 4, 1918) Chapter V. XXI. The Ancervilliers Front 87 (AncervlUlers, May 12, 1918) XXII. Hardships of War 87 (Deneuvre, May 31, 1918) XXIII. Distinguished Members of the Regiment 88 (Deneuvre, May 31, 1918) XXIV. Co-operation of Welfare Organi- zations 88 (Deneuvre, May 31, 1918) XXV. The Great German Delusion 88 (Deneuvre, May 31, 1918) Chapter VI. XXVI. The French and German Spirit 89 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) XXVII. The Progriess of France Compared With That of the United States... 89 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) XXVril. The High Privilege of the Ameri- can Soldier 89 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) XXIX. The Soldier and the Statesman 90 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) XXX. German Misapprehension of Amer- ica 's Motivies 90 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) XXXI. Russian Influences and the Rus- sian Treaty with Germany 91 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) Index PAGE. XXXII. The German Spring Offensive 91 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) XXXIII. Foch's strategy 92 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) XXXIV. Requisites of Allied Supcess 92 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) Chaptee VII. XXXV. Japanese Intervention in Russia... 93 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) XXXVI. The Orient and Occident 93 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) XXXVII. England's Adoption of Conscrip- tion and the Irish Question 94 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) XXXVIII. The Censorship 95 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) Chapter VIII. XXXIX. Young America and the Trenches... 96 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) XL. Climatic Conditions of France 96 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) XLI. The German Offensive 96 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) XLII. European Warfare 96 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) XLIII. Guard Duty in the Trenches 97 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) XLIV. The Sound and Work of a German Bombardment (Luneville or Rouge Bouguet Sector, March, 1918 ) 98 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) XLV. Americans and French Brigaded 98 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) Chapter IX. XLVI. Political and Military Mission of the Soldier 100 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) XL VII. Gas Masks for School Children 100 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) XLVIII. Pan-Germanism and Anti-Ger- manism 100 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) vi. Index PAGE. XLIX. L. LI. LII. LIU. LIV. LV. LVI. LVII. LVIII. LIX. LX. LXI. LXII LXIII. Conflict Between English and Ger- manic Ideals 101 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) Collapse of the Offensive Conceded hy Germany 101 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) German Devastation of French 102 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) The IMath of Major Mitchel, Ex- Mayor of New York 103 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) Chapter X. The Allied Offensive (Bois du Chateau de Foret, Aug. 9, 1918) Fate of. World War Sealed (Bdis du Chateau de Foret, Aug. 9, 1918) The Gas Mask in Action 104 104 104 (Bois du Chateau de Foret, Aug. 9, 1918) Might and Bight 104 (Bois du Chateau de Foret, Aug. 9, 1918) The Battling at Chateau-Thierry... 105 (Bois du Chateau de Foret, Aug. 9, 1918) Bivouacing in the Forest After the Battle 105 (Bois du Chateau de Foret, Aug. 9, 1918) Chapter XI. The Allied Offensive and the Bain- bow (42wd) Division...: 106 (Goncourt, Aug. 20, 1918) ' The Privations of the Confederate Army and of the American Army in France Contrasted 106 (Goncourt, Aug. 20, 1918) Modes of Warfare in Civil War and European War Contrasted... 107 (Goncourt, Aug. 20, 1918) Nations of the World Benefited by Interchange of Ideas Due to Al- lied Comradeship of Arms 108 (Goncourt, Aug. 20, 1918) Unifying Effect of the War on the United States 108 (Goncourt, Aug. 20, 1918) Index LXIV. The German Bout.. PAGE. 109 (Goncourt, Aug. 20, 1918) • Chaptee XII. LXV. Indian Replacements 110 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXVI. Peace Overtures of Central Powers and Forecast of Allied Terms 110 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXVII Collapse of German Cause Immi- nent 113 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) Chapter XIII. LXVIII. The 42nd (Rainbow) Division and lesth U. S. Inf. (Old 69th Reg., N. Y. N. G.) at St. Mihiel (Sept. 12th, 1918, Allied Offensive) 114 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) Chapter XIV. LXIX. The Battle of Champagne (July 14, 1918, Allied Defensive).. 116 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXX. German Deception in Warfare 118 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXXI. Loss of a Comrade 119 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) Chapter XV. LXXII. The Battle of the Ourcq-Chateau- Thierry (July 28, 1918, Allied Offensive ) 120 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXXIII. Death of Joyce Kilmer 122 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXXIV. After the Battle of Chateau- Thierry _ 122 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXXV. The German and the Anglo-Saxon Soldier 124 » (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXXVI. Germans Fast Surrendering 124 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXXVII. The Price of Peace 125 (Lamarche, Sept, 22, 1918) Tlii. Index Chapter XVI. page. {Extracts from Letters from Germany) LXXVIII. Peace on Earth, Good Will to Men 126 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) LXXIX. The Argonne, Germany's Last Stand, (Oct. 11-Nov. 13, 1918, Allied Offensive) 126 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) LXXX. Open and Trench Warfare 127 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) LXXXI. Casualties of the Argonne 128 , (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) LXXXII. Music Vnder Difficulties 129 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) LXXXIII. The German Bout and the Ar- mistice 129 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Chapter XVII. LXXXIV. Direct Evidence of German Treat- ment of the French 131 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) {Belgium) LXXXV. Belgium 131 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) LXXXVI. Direct Evidence of German Treat- ment of the Belgians 132 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Chapter XVIII. {Luxemburg) LXXXVII. Luxemburg 133 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) LXXXVIII. European Subserviency to Mili- tary Caste 133 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) {Germany) LXXXIX. Germany 133 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) XC. Our Ultimate Objective 134 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Chapter XIX. XCI. Food Conditions in Germany 135 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) XCII. The German Attitude Toward Ix., Index PAGE. American Soldiers 135 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) XCIII. The Fall of Autocracy and Rise of Democracy in Germany. 136 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Chapter XX. XCIV. German Domestic Tastes and Ger- man Atrocities in the War Irre- concilable on any Hypothesis Other Than That Germans Were Badly Misled _ 137 CWershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) XCV. Causes of the War Not Affected hy German Hospitality Toward Allied Soldiers 137 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) XCVI. Germans Condemn Their Rulers for Waging an Unsuccessful^ ot an Unjust War (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) XCVII. XCVIII. XCIX. c. CI. CII. cm. Chapter XXI. Our Armed Appearance Amid the Germans _ (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Germans Hospitable and Glad War is Over _ (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Attitude of Victors Toward Van- quished Contrasted with Ger- many's Abuse of Power.. 138 139 139 139 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Divine Aid Invoked in Wars by all Contestants Indiscriminately 140 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Mediaival Wayside Shrines of Eu- rope _ _ 141 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Chapter XXII. Foch on War 142 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) How Republics Wage War as Con- trasted with Autocracies 142 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Index PAGE. Chapter XXIII. CIV. Paris 143 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) CV. The Religion of the French Rev- olution and the Creed of the Fu- ture 143 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) CVI. An Old Pal 144 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Chapter XXIV. CVII. f'Die Wacht am Rhein" 146 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) CVIII. Attitude of Germans Toward Ex- Kaiser 146 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) CIX. German Attitude Toward English 147 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) ex. German and French Temperament Contrasted 147 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) CXI. German Living Conditions Con- trasted with French 147 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) CXII Food Conditions in Germany 148 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) CXIII. German Domestic Tastes Irrecon- cilable with Their Atrocities in War on Any Other Hypothesis Than That They Have Been Mis- led 148 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) CXIV. Causes of War Not Affected ly German Hospitality Toward American Soldiers 149 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) Chapter XXV. CXV. The German Yeomany versus The Prussian Militarists 150 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) CXVI. American "Propaganda" 150 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) CXVII. German Respect for the Profession of Arms 151 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) xl. Index PAGK. CXVIII. War's Wreckage in German Homes 151 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) CXIX. Domestic Life and Schooling in Germany 152 (Remagen, MaTCh 7, 1919) CXX. Th)e Lost Cause 153 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) Chapter XXVI. CXXI. The Formulation of the Treaty of Peace and the Covenant of the League of Nations 154 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) Chapter XXVII. CXXII. The Death of Ex-President Roose- velt - 155 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) CXXIII. The End of the Long, Long Trail... 155 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) CXXIV. Finis 156 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) Chapter XXVIII. CXXV. Some Old Timers of the Fighting mth _ 157 (Remagen, Apr. 1, 1919) CXXVI. War and Poetry _ _._ 158 (Remagen, Apr. 1, 1919) CXXVII. Physical and Moral Courage in War _ _ 159 (Remagen, Apr. 1, 1919) CXXVIII. Army Schools on the Rhine..- 160 (Remagen, Apr. 1, 1919) CXXIX. Criticisms of Welfare Organiza- zations 160 (Remagen, Apr. 1, 1919) Chapter XXIX. CXXX. Veterans of World Famxms Cam- paigns 162 (Remagen, Apr. 1, 1919) CXXXI. Some Well Known Men of Head- quarters Co. 165ffe V. 8. In- fantry 162 (Remagen, Apr. 1, 1919) zU. Index PAGE. CXXXII. A Little Autobiography 169 (Remagen, Apr. 1, lf)19) CXXXIII. Fraternization and America's At- titude Toward the War 11%- (Remagen, Apr. 1,. 1919) The Army and Prohibition 174 War Bonuses .'. 175 ;iilli. Index INDEX AND CONNECTED SUMMARY OF CON- TENTS OP LETTERS. PAGE. (a) Our Bole in the War 78 (Camp Mills, Sepf^ 2, 1917) XXXIX. Young America and the Trenches,.. 96 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) XXVIII. The High Privilege of the Ameri- can Soldier -.. 89 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) XIX. What We Are Fighting For 86 (Crolsmare, Marcb 4, 1918) XXX. German Misapprehension of Am- erica's MotiiMs 90 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) XXIX. The Soldier and the Statesman 90 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) XL VI. Political and Military Mission of the Soldier „ 100 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) CXVII. German Respect for the Profession of Arms 151 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) (6) The Kaiser versus Liberty 78 (Camp Mills, Sept. 15, 1917) CXXIV. Finis 156 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) I. The Censorship 79 (Nalves-en-Blois, Dec. 11, 1917) VIII. The Censorship 81 (Longeau, January 24, 1918) XXXVIII. The Censorship _ 95 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) II. European War Suffering 79 (Nalves-en-Blois, Dec. 11, 1917) III. The Army Melting Pot 79 (Nalves-en-Blois, Dec. 11, 1917) LXXXVIII. Europfian Subserviency to Mili- tary Caste _... 133 (Wershoven, Dec. 13, 1918) IV. Mayor Mitchel of New York De- feated _ 79 (Naives-en-Blois, Dec. 11, 1917) LII. The Death of Major Mitchel, Ex- Mayor of New York 103 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) xlv. Index PAGE. CXXII. The Death of Ex-President Roose- velt 155 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) Congressional Inquiry and Con- duct of the War 84 * (Croismare, March 4, 1918) Russian Political Outlook 80 (Naives-en-BIois, Dec. 11, 1917) Russian Influences and the Rus- sian Treaty with Germany 91 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) Japanese Intervention in Russia 93 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) The Orient and Occident 93 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) Climatic Conditions of France 80 (Naives-en-Blois, Dec. 11, 1917) Climatic Conditions of France 96 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) The French People 81 (Longeau, January 24, 1918) The French People ... XVII. VII. XXXI. XXXV. XXXVI. V. XL. X. XIV. XI. IX. XIII. XV. LI. XXVI. XII. XLV. XXVII. XVI. ..- 83 (Longeau, January 25, 1918) Acquiring French _ 82 (Longeau, January 24, 1918) French Villages (Longeau, January 24, 1918) French Villages (Longeau, January 25, 1918) French Cities 81 82 84 (Croismare, March 4, 1918) German Devastation of French Vil- lages 102 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) The French and German Spirit 89 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) French AmiabiMty and German Attitude 82 (Longeau, January 24, 1918) Americans and French Brigaded... 98 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) The Progress of France Compared with that of United States 89 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) BMniQrs of War 84 (Croismare, March 4, 1918) Index PAGE. XX. First Glimpses of War _ 86 (Croismare, March 4, 1918) XXII. Hardships of War 87 (Deneuvre, May 31, 1918) VI. The Military Situation 80 (Naives-en-BIois, Dec. 11, 1917) XVIII. The German Offensive 85 (Croismare, March 4, 1918) XXV. Thk Great German Delusion 88 (DeneuTre, May 31, 1918) XXXII. The German Spring Offensive 91 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) XLI. The German Offensive _.. 96 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) XXXIV. Requisites of Allied Success 92 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) XXXIII. Foch's Strategy 92 (Deneuvre, June 10, 1918) XLII. European Warfare 96 (Jonehery, July 10, 1918) XLIII. Guard Duty in the Tt^enches— ±. 97 (Jonehery, July 10, 1918) XLIV. The Sound and Work of a German Bombardment (Luneville or Rouge Bouquet Sector, March, 1918 ) _.... 98 (Jonehery, July 10, 1918) XL VII. Gas Masks for School Children.. 100 (Jonehery, July 10, 1918) LV. The Gas Mask in Action 104 (Bois du Chateau fle Foret, Aug. 9, 1918) LXXX. Open and Trench Warfare 127 (Wiershoven, Dec. 13, 1918) LX. The Privations of the Confederate Army and the American Army in France Contrasted 106 (Goncourt, Aug. 20, 1918) LXI. Moded of Warfare in Civil War and European War Contrasted... 107 (Goncourt, Aug. 20,^ 1918) XXI. The Ancervilliers Front 87 (Ancervilliers, May 12, 1918) XLVIII. Pan Germanism and Anti-Ger- manism _ 100 (Jonehery, July 10, 1918) xvi, Index PAGE. XLIX. Conflict Between English and Ger- manic Ideals 101 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) L. Collapse of Offensive Conceded iy Germany 101 (Jonchery, July 10, 1918) LXIX. The Battle of Champagne {July 14, 1918, Allied Defensive) 116 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXX. German Dedeption in Warfare 118 (tiamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXXI. Loss of a Comrade 119 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXXIII. Death of Joyce Kilmer 122 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXXII. The Battle of the Ourcq-Chateau- Thierry (July 28, 1918, Allied Offensive) 120 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXXIV. After the Battle, Chateau-Thierry 122 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXXV. The German and the Anglo-Saxon Soldier 124 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXXVI. Germans Fast Surrendering 124 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LXXVII. The Price of Peace 125 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) LIII. The Allied Offensive 104 (Bois du Chateau de Foret, Aug. 9, 1918) LIV. Fate of World War Sealed 104 (Bois du Chateau de Foret, Aug. 9, 1918) LVT. Might and Bight 104 (Bois du Chateau de Foret, Aug. 9, 1918) LVII. The Battling at Chateau-Thierry... 105 (Bois du Chateau de Foret, Aug. 9, 1918) LVIII. Bivouacing in the Forest After the Battle 105 (Bois du Chateau de Foret, Aug. 9, 1918) LIX. The Allied Offensive and the Bain- how {4:2nd) Division 106 (Goncourt, Aug. 20, 1918) LXV. Indian Replacements 110 (Lamarche, Sept. 22, 1918) xvli. Index PAGE. LXVIII. The i2nd {Rainbow) Division and \&bth V: 8. Inf. {Old 69th Reg. N. Y., N. G.) at St. Mihiel {Sept. 12th, 1918, Allied Offensive) 114 (Lamarcbe, Sept. 22, 1918) LXXIX. The Argonne, Germany's Last Stand, (Oct. 11-Nov. 13, 1918, Allied Offensive) 126 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) LXXXI. Casualties of The Argonne 128 (Wersliofen, Dec. 13, 1918) LXVII Collapse of German Cause Iwr- minent LXIV. LXVI. LXXXIII. LXXXII. LXXVIII. LXII LXIIl. LXXXIV. LXXXVI. LXXXV. LXXXVII. LXXXIX. (Lamarcbe, Sept. 22, 1918) The German Bout _ (Goncourt, Aug. 20, 1918) Peace Overtures of Central Pow- ers, and Forecast of Allied Terms (Lamarcbe, Sept. 22, 1918) The German Bout and the Ar- mistice 113 109 110 (Wersbofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Music Under Difficulties (Wtersbofen, Dec. 13, 1918) 129 129 Dec. 13, Peace on Earth, Good Will to Men 126 (Wersbofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Nations of the World Benefitted by Interchange of Ideas Due to Allied Comradeship of Arms...... 108 (Goncourt, Aug. 20, 1918) Unifying Effect of the War on the United States _ 108 (Goncourt, Aug. 20, 1918) Direct Evidence of German Treat- ment of the French _ _.. 131 (Wersbofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Direct Evidence of Germun Treat- ment of the Belgians (Wtersbofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Belgium 132 131 133 (Wersbofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Germany 133 (Wtersbofen, Luxemburg Dec. 13, 1918) (Wersbofen, xviii. Dec. 13, 1918) Index PAGE. XC. Our Ultimate Oijective 134 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) XCI. Food Conditions in Germany 135 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) CXII Food Conditions in Germany 148 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) XCVII. Our Armed Appearance Amid the Germans 139 (Wershofen, Dee. 13, 1918) XCVIII. Germans Hospitable and Glad War is Over 139 (Wershofen, Dee. 13, 1918) XCII. The German Attitude Toward American Soldiers 135 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) CIX. German Attitudie Toward English 147 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) XCIIl. The Fall of Autocracy and Rise of Democracy in Germany 136 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) XCIX. Attitude of Victors Toward Van- quished Contrasted with Ger- many's Abuse of Power 139 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) XCIV. Grerman Domestic Tastes Irrecon- cilable with Their Atrocities in War on Any Other Hypothesis Than That They Have Been Misled _.. 137 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) CXIII. German Domestic Tastes Irrecon- cilable with Their Atrocities in War on Any Other Hypothesis Than That They Have Been Misled 148 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) XCV. Causes of War Not Affected by German Hospitality Toward Al- lied Soldiers 137 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) CXIV. Causes of War Not Affected by German Hospitality Toward American Soldiers 149 (Remagen, March 7, 1919) xlx. XCVI. CVIII. evil. ex. exi. exix. exviii. exv. cxx. CXVI. CXXI. exxiii. c. ei. CII. em. eiv. Index PAGE. Germans Condemn Their Rulers for Waging an Unsuccessful War, Not an Unjust War 138 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Attitude of Germans Toward ex- Kaiser : ^ 146 (Remagen, Mar. 7, 1919) "Die Wacht am Bhein" 146 (Remagen, Mar. 7, 1919) German and French Temperament 147 (Remagen, Mar. 7, 1919) German Living Conditions Con- trasted with French 147 (Remagen, Mar. 7, 1919) Domestic Life and Schooling in Germany 152 (Remagen, Mar. 7, 1919) Evidence of War's Wreckage in German Homes 151 (Remagen, Mar. 7, 1919) The German Yeomanry vs. the Prussian Militarists 150 (Remagen, Mar. 7, 1919) The Lost Cause 153 (Remagen, Mar. 7, 1919) American "Propaganda" 150 (Remagen, Mar. 7, 1919) The Formulation of the Treaty of Peace and the Covenant of the League of Nations 154 (Remagen, Mar. 7, 1919) The End of the Long, Long Trail... 155 (Remagen, Mar. 7, 1919) Divine Aid Invoked in Wars by All Contestants Indiscrimin- ately 140 (Wfershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Mediaeval Wayside Shrines of Eu- rope _ 141 (Wersliofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Foch on War 142 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) How Republics Wage War as Con- trasted with Autocracies 142 CWershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Paris 143 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) Index PAGE. CV. The Religion of the French Revo- lution and the Creed of the Future '. 143 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) CVI. An Old Pal 144 (Wershofen, Dec. 13, 1918) XXIII. Distinguished Members of the Regime n t _ 88 (DeneuYre, May 31, 1918) CXXVI. War and Poetry 158 (Kemagen, Apr. 1, 1919) CXXVn. Physical and Moral Courage in War 159 (Remagen, Apr. 1, 1919) CXXVIII. Army Schools on the Rhine 160 (Semagen, Apr. 1, 1919) CXXIX. Criticisms of Welfare Organiza- tions _ 160 (Remagen, Apr. 1, 1919) XXIV. Cooperation of Welfare Organiza- tions - 88 (Deneuvre, May 31, 1918) CXXX. Veterans of World Famous Cam- paigns 162 (Remagen, Apr. 1, 1919) CXXV. Some Old Timers of the Fighting 69th - -. _ 157 (Remagen, April 1, 1919) CXXXI. Some Well-known Men of Head- quarters Co., 165th U. S. Inf 162 (Remagen, Apr. 1, 1919) CXXXII. A Little Autobiography 169 (Remagen, Apr. 1, 1919) CXXXIII. Fraternization and America's At- titude Toward the War 172 (Remagen, Apr. 1, 1919) The Army and Prohibition 174 War Bonuses -.. 175 NOTE. This manuscript was submitted to a publish- ing firm on June 1, 1920. After holding it for three months, I called up that firm, inquiring about it, and was informed that they had decided not to publish it. It is published at the writer's expense, like the prior book, "The United States and The World Crisis," brought out in August, 1916, before the entry of the United States into the war, advocating that course. All proceeds are to be devoted to some war relief measure. EXPLANATOEY LETTER TO A PUBLISHER. March 1, 1920. D. Appleton & Co., 35 W. 32]jd Street, New York City. Dear Sms : I served in the recent war as a private in the in- fantry of the 165th U. S. Infantry (old 69th Reg.) and was in all of the engagements of that Regiment since it first went into action in March, 1918. I enlisted a few days after war was declared in April, 1917, in the 7th Regt. (N. Y.), volunteering to join the 69th Regt. (later the 165th U. S. Inf.), which was slated for an early departure for France. There have been so many excellent books published on the activities of the American Army in France, and of the various contingents thereof, that I had come to regard the subject as pretty well covered and further elucidation unnecessary. But the war was a striking historic event, in that it marked a de- parture from the traditional American attitude of iso- lation toward European wars, and it will necessar- ily furnish a subject for discussion and speculation for all future time. Certainly the interest in it will not diminish as time goes on. A private in the infantry in such a war necessarily had limited time, facilities, and I might add, reserve mental energy for observing and recording events. The exhaustive hikes and drills and conditions of war- fare generally, necessarily depleted mental energies for such a task. Nevertheless, from time to time I succeeded in writing occasional letters endeavoring faithfully to depict events as they were occurring, battles as they were being fought, and conditions of life among the peoples of France, Belgium, Luxem- burg and Germany, as we found them, thus throwing light on the attitude of these peoples in their most poignant hours of war misery, and constituting what we might describe in law as "best evidence" of such conditions. Moreover, there has recently developed, even in Allied countries, a spirit of questioning of the pro- priety or soundness of the work of the Allied states- men at Versailles : our own American Senate has thus far failed to ratify, without reservations that largety alter the character of the treaty and the covenant, and we constantly find the motives of our Allies in the war being impugned. Even in England we find the book of Keynes characterizing the treaty as unreason- able and impracticable, receiving the serious consider- ation of statesmen who could not be accused of any predilections for Germany. If the statesmen of Allied countries are deserving of rebuke for having advocated the uncompromising prosecution of the war — if they framed a treaty that was at all unjust to Germanj'^— the facts should be brought to light. In the conviction that the publication in book form of the letters I wrote from France might be of in- terest in throwing light upon conditions in Europe during the war and immediately after the Armistice —that they might possibly furnish some evidence bearing on the wisdom or unwisdom of the work of the peace confrerees at Versailles — I thought it ad- visable to take steps to arrange for their publication. I am not concerned about my name appearing — in fact I would prefer it not to appear. I am interested in results — not in advertising. I am not interested financially in the book either, and will appropriate, or authorize you to appropriate my share of any possible proceeds of it, in case you would be inter- ested in publishing it, to some war relief measure. In revising these letters for publication (constitut- ing Part II of the enclosed), I have eliminated the names of the parties to whom they were sent and all personal matters. I have also added the names of the places where we happened to be when writing — a thing which, of course, we were prohibited from doing during the war. Some of the letters were printed in the Hartford Courant during the war. I should be indebted to you for letting me know in advance whether you would be likely to be interested in the publication of the contemplated book. P. S. — I may add that, of course, the letters as originally written (constituting Part II of the manu- script) were not subdivided into paragraphs, and had no index to each paragraph summarizing the contents. The letters were thus analyzed and indexed by para- graph in order to enable the reader to turn quickly, by consulting the index at the beginning, to those parts of the letters which might possibly throw light on some aspect of conditions during and after the war in the Allied or enemy countries for which such reader might be seeking light, without having to wade through all the letters. The "Index and Connected Summary of Contents" (on p. 7) will prove most helpful in this respect. The summary of each paragraph was devised with especial reference to the bearing that war conditions in Europe might have on such questions as world peace, the reconstruction of devastated Europe, the treaty of Versailles, and the League of Nations. In a few places footnotes have been added to am- plify or explain the letters as originally written. These letters were written in barns, dugouts, fields and shell-holes, no less than in real houses — under fire, as well as in back areas. They were, kept by those to whom they were sent. In a few instances I had copies because the originals were so bedraggled that I rewrote them, sending the copies. ******* In the course of the Senatorial debates on the treaty, some of the Senatorial opponents of the cove- nant of the League of Nations have called heaven to witness their love of country, and to what lengths they would go to defend the sovereignty and honor of the United States. It seems that a Batallion of Death has been formed on the floor of the Senate, led by such intrepid spirits as Brandegee, Borah and Johnson, and stanchly flanked by all the pro-Ger- mans and hyphenates in general disgruntled at 'the triumph of England and the Allies in the war. Well, the war just ended was fought in part for just such objects — the vindication of the independ- ence and sovereignty of the United States. Some of us not opposed to the covenant of the League of Na- tions because of its Democratic origin probably showed a concern for the indepSndence and sover- eignty of the United States in that war no less real than that of the Senatorial patriots in question. And it must also be said — without any pretense or false modesty — that the opportunities of those of us who fought in. the war (and saw conditions in Europe during and immediately after it) to judge of the ad- visability of a League of Nations to prevent future war, were quite a good as those of the Senatorial op- ponents of the treaty of Versailles who knew nothing personally about what happened in Europe. PART I. THE ATTITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES TOWARD THE TREATY OF VERSAILLES CHAPTER I. The Rejection of The Treaty op Veesailles by The American- Senate {Copy of a letter to the State Department, April, 1920.) The action of the United States Senate in re- jecting the treaty of Versailles is one of the most discreditable things that has ever happened in our history — an act not only calculated to retard the progress of world reconstruction, but to prejudice irretrievably the harmonious relations of this coun- try to the other nations of the world. The re- calcitrant Senators^ have broken faith with the Allied cause and the Allied dead. These Senators' w ere unable _to subordinate personal resentment or political ambition to the cause for which so many millions were willing to give — and did give — life itself. The Senators have now "vindicated" their fancied, much vaunted "prerogatives" at the ex- pense of the Allied cause. The irony of it all is that the work of the American Senate that will strengthen the reactionaries and decadent militarists in all countries, and that even now is bearing its fruits in Germany, was led and engineered by Senator Lodge, whose loyalty to the Allied cause prior to our entry into the war and during the war could never be questioned. The function of the Senate under the United States Constitution has always been purely advisory I The Senator? here referred to, of course, arc those who refused to ratify the Treaty without icserratlona that largely alter the tenor of the instru- ment — not those Senators who worthily voted against ratification of a Treaty altered Id character by reserratlons. 2 The United States and Woeld Peace and consultative — it has never comprised the initia- tion of treaty negotiations. That duty devolves upon the Executive. While the President might invoke the advice and cooperation of the Senate during the initial stages of treaty negotiations, he is not under obligation to do so, anti is clearly with- in his legal rights in conducting negotiations pre- liminary to the formulation of the treaty alone, submitting the document to the Senate for its rati- fication, alteration, or disapproval, whereupon the President may either deposit the ratification, decline to do so, or find himself unable to do so by virtue of the Senate's negative action. There is no question about the power of the Senate to decline to a,pj)rove of a treaty, or to so radically alter it as to practical^ reject it. Neither is there any question about President Wilson's right to negotiate the treaty in question, submitting it to the Senate for its subsequent approval or dis- approval. But the effect of the Senate's action is to frustrate the objects of the Allied cause and prevent the consummation of the ideals for which so many died. The President's action, whether approved or disapproveH, will never stand in history as a gross breach of faith with the Allied cause. For months past the Senate has found nothing but criticism for our late associates in the war, and it has been the scene of as discreditable and dis- reputable a series of attacks upon the motives of our Allies as has ever disgraced that Chamber. We, who had the high privilege of fighting for the Allied cause, were forced to read silently Sena- torial accusations, the purport of which seemed to be that our recent Allies were engaged in a con- spiracy to loot Europe and that the Americans were merely the catspaw of that gigantic scheme. Senators who but a few short months ago were vehemently denouncing the spirit embodied in the phrase "Deutschland Tiber AUes" solemnly pro- claimed, with the utmost bombast, our infinite superiority to, and detachment from, the rest of the world, and counselled that America should draw the hem of her garment away from the cor- ruption of her late associations and environment. The United States and World Peace 3 The men who fought with the soldiers of the Allied nations abroad are proud of those associations. They find Senators at home entertaining nothing but distrust and suspicion for their late comrades in arms and the governments they represented on the field of battle. Motives which we know to be untrue liave been imputed to the Allied nations — designs which, if entertained by those nations, would bring into disrepute the entire soldiery of the Allied cause, have been indiscriminately ascribed to our late Allies. There is such a thing as unquestioning belief in the good faith 'of charlatans of course, but there is also such a thing as lack of faith in the absolute integrity of associates who have given unlimited evidence of good faith by their blood. It is a discreditable thing to impeach the motives of and attempt to sow disunion among, our former Allies in the War, and such a course can but redound to the benefit of our late enemies. If as a result of the action of the United States Senate, which can but encourage the revival of Ger- man militarists, it becomes necessary to again stem the torrent of militarism in Europe, which is "not yet any too securely dammed up, as current events amply attest, those of us who thought we had finally disposed of that issue in Europe, would prevent at all hazards the defeat of the objects for which our comrades and Allies spent their blood so freely; but in that con- tingency we do not imagine that the famous "Bat- talion of Death" which has been doing such valiant deeds undoing the work of the men in the field, would be able to repair the havoc wrought. Of late the reactionary elements have been gaining ascendency in the governments of the Allied nations. Clemenceau was not elevated to the presidency in Prance, Lloyd George is encountering much opposi- tion in England from conservative influences that were defeated during the war, while in the United States, President Wilson's efforts to fulfill the objects for which the Allies fought have been thwarted by the Senate which rejected the treatj'. "Broken pledges, violated ideals, are bringing just punishment to the recreants of Versailles" is the heading of an article in Hearst's Evening Journal of January 26, 4 The United States and World Peace 1920, a paper that has always had pro-German pred- ilections. We heard the treaty of Versailles described in the American Senate as a "harsh and cruel treaty," while in England, the book of Keynes, at- tacking the treaty as impossible of fulfillment on economic grounds has received careful consideration from sources that could not be accused of any partial- ity for the Central Powers. If the treaty is impracticable because impossible of fulfillment on economic grounds, the facts should be brought to light, and modification up to the point of practicability and justice be effected. If the states- men at Versailles adopted a harsh or oppressive treaty, the facts should be brought out. One thing, however, the statesmen at Versailles could not do — and they knew it: they could not recall the dead, they cannot restore for generations the devastated parts of Europe. If the American Senators who characterized the treaty of Versailles as harsh and cruel had seen the condition of French villages reduced to shambles for hundreds of miles along the Western front, and could have compared the condition of these villages with that of German cities left absolutely intact at the solicitations of the Germans, just when German vil- lages were under the range of. Allied guns and could have been blown to atoms — they would not be too quick to refer to any treaty presented to Germany as harsh and unjust under the circum- stances. It is conceded by even the opponents of the League of Nations, that had Germany known at the outbreak of the recent war that all the powers ultimately ar- rayed against her would come into the struggle, there would not have been a war. It is conceded also that it would be no more possi- ble for us in the future to keep out of such a struggle than it proved to be in the past. The isolation possible to this country in Washington's day is no longer possible today, when the whole world is knit together by the telegraph and wireless telegraphy, and the concerns of the entire world are intimately related. As "A National Resolve for 1920," The Sun recommends the inscription: "Ourselves Alone The United States and World Peace 5 That "We May Aid the World." The absurdity and the incongruity, not to say the selfishness, of this motto, is self-evident. The only real question presented by the League of Nations is-rr-do we wish to adopt ajneasure as an in- surance against war, or do we want to leave things in the same haphazard and disorganized state they were in before the European War ? In the absence of such a League, the United States would admittedly respond again to the call of hu- manity and sustain the same casualties; with such a League in .existence, war could either be suppressed in its inception, or stopped before it had gotten well started with minimum casualties to all of the powers. If the Senate really feared that the League of Na- tions might compromise the sovereignty of the United States according to its Constitutional provisions, it could have adopted a broad general resolution, in jhe nature of an interpretation of the covenant, protid- ing that "it is understood and implied that the rati- fication by the United States of the covenant of the League of Nations, and any support which this coun- try pledges in cooperation with the other subscribing Powers in the maintenance of future peace and the prevention of future war thereunder, shall be in all cases subject to the provisions of, and affected by the limitations imposed by, the Constitution of the United States." The Senate, however, did not adopt a comprehen- sive interpretative statement, unoffensive to our Allies and acceptable to President Wilson, because it was I bent on flaunting the authority of the President and bent upon attempting to discredit that authority by adopting reservations and making changes offensive to our Allies. Senator Lodge's proposed reservations to Article X, and in regard to mandates, viz., that "the United States declines to assume any obligations to preserve the territorial integrity or political independence of any other country or to interfere in controversies between other nations, ' ' and that it declines to pledge military and naval support, or economic pressure to any such object, and that "no mandate shall be ac- cepted by the United States under Article XXII, Part 6 The United States and World Peace I of the treaty," except by the action or joint reso- lution of Congress — would be sufficiently covered by the general provision as to the binding force of con- stitutional limitations above suggested. The proposed reservation that "the United States reserves to itself exclusively the right to decide what questions are within its domestic'jurisdiction and de- clares that all domestic and political questions relat- ing to its affairs, including immigration, coastwise traffic, the tariff, commerce and all other domestic questions, are solely within the jurisdiction of the United States," would also be sufficiently covered by the general provision as to the operation and binding force of Constitutional limitations as above suggested. It may be added that such a provision would neces- sarily be implied in any event, since the United States only has power to act under the Constitution. The necessity for such reservations never existed, because the power of Congress respecting the armed forces of the United States and its right to declare war, no less than the exclusive right of the United States to regulate such domestic questions as immi- gration, coastwise traffic, the tariff and commerce, have never been affected, curtailed, impaired, or in anj' way questioned by anything in the covenant of the League of Nations. But if the Senate must insert something or other into the treaty, the general pro- vision explicitly recognizing that the United States is subject to the Constitution in all of its acts under the covenant, would cover any conceivable objection that might arise as to any impairment of the sover- eignty of the United States, while it would not be adopting an attitude hostile or offensive to our Allies or indicating unworthy distrust, such as most of the reservations imply. The men who were privileged to mingle abroad with the peoples of France, Belgium, Luxumberg and Ger- many, know how in the peasant huts of Europe, America is looked up to as the hope of the world. Are we going to disappoint the high hopes of the lowly and oppressed ? Is the ' ' last experiment of hu manity for free government ' ' to become derelict in its obligations to the rest of the world? VtP The proposed Congressional resolution declaring The United States and World Peace 7 peace with Germany, and attempting for the first time in, American history to end a war by Congres- sional act rather than by treaty of peace — apart from the question of its legality — is a discreditable thing, endeavoring, as it does, to secure to the United States all the benefits of the treaty of Versailles, while re- pudiating all of its obligations. CHAPTER II. Effect of Ratification of the Covenant with Reseevations Under International Law. Oppenheim, International Law,' Vol. I, page 553, says with respect to the ratification of treaties : "Although a treaty is concluded as soon as the mutual consent is manifest from acts of the duly authorized representatives, its bind- ing force is as a rule suspended till ratification is given. The function of ratification is, therefore, to make the treaty binding, and, if it is refused, the treaty falls to to the ground in consequence. . . . Many writers main- tain that, as a treaty is not binding without ratification, it is the latter which really eon- tains the mutual consent and really concludes the treaty. Before ratification, they main- tain, there is no treaty, but a mere mutual. pro- posal agreed to, to conclude a treaty. But this opinion does not accord with the real facts. For the representatives are authorized and in- tend to conclude a treaty by their signatures. The contracting States have always taken the standpoint that a treaty is concluded as soon as their mutual consent is clearly apparent. They have always made a distinction between their consent given by representatives and their ratification to be given afterwards; they have never dreamt of confounding the two and considering their ratification their consent. It is for that reason that a treaty cannot fee ratified in part, that no alterations of the treaty are possible through the act of ratifi- cation, that a treaty may fee tacitly ratified by its execution, that a treaty always is dated from the day that it was duly signed hy the representatives^ and not from the day of its 1 Wilson, International Law, p. 199, says that the "United States Su- preme Court has held that after ratification, as between the governments, a treaty 'Is considered as concluded and binding from the date of signature ' while as regards persons, it is binding only from the date of ratification and proclamation," citing Haler v. Yaker, » Wall. 32, 19 L. Bd. 571, and a Butler Treaty-Making Power of the United States, Sec. 383. 8 The United States and World Peace 9 ratification, that there is no essential differ- ence between such treaties as want and such as do not want ratification." And at page 556, the same writer asserts : "The fact upon which everybody agrees is that International Law does in no case impose a duty of ratification upon a contracting party . . . but in the majority of cases, of course, ratification is not refused. A state which often and apparently wantonly refused ratification of treaties would lose all credit in international negotiations and would soon feel the conse- quences. ' ' Mentioning treaties, modifications of which were deemed a rejection, Oppenheim cites the "Hay- Pauneefote Treaty between the United States and Great Britain regarding the proposed Nicaragua Canal, signed February 5. 1900, which was ratified with modifications by the Senate of the United States, this being equivalent to refusal of ratification." I am not now entering into the question of the merits of that treaty; I only refer to it as proving that modifications of treaties may sometimes be tanta- mount to rejection. Oppenheim continues (p. 559) : "It follows from the nature of ratification as a necessary confirmation of a treaty already concluded that ratification must be either given or refused, no conditional or partial rati- fijcation being possible. That occasionally a State tries to modify a treaty in ratifying it cannot be denied, yet conditional ratification is no ratification at all, hut equivalent to refusal of ratification. Nothing, of course, prevents the other contracting party from entering into fresh negotiations in regard to such modifica- tions ; but it must be emphasized that such ne- gotiations are negotiations for a new treatj , the old treaty having become null and void through its conditional ratification. On the other hand, no obligation exists for such party to enter into fresh negotiations, it being a fact that conditional ratification is identical with refusal of ratification, whereby the treaty falls to the ground-" 10 The United States and World Peace Oppenheim concedes that a treaty, to which a great number of States are parties, may be partially ratified by one of the contracting parties; hnt this exception or reservation by tUe contracting poiver must be spe- cifically acquiesced in by the other contracting powers, who have the right to regard such Qualifications as tantamount to rejection, and are not obligated to re- open negotiations over the treaty. In the case of France, cited by Oppenheim, which ratified the Gen- eral Act of the Brussels Anti-Slavery Conference, of July 2, 1890, excepting from ratification Articles 21 to 23 and 42 to 61, the other contracting powers ac- quiesced in this partial ratification. But their express acquiescence in the French exceptions from ratifica- tion was essential to the validity and effect of such res- ervations, and they were not obligated to acquiesce, being entitled to regard such exceptions as equivalent to rejection by France. We are not now entering into the question of the propriety or impropriety of the action of France in making the exceptions in ques- tion — we are simply proving that any exceptions or reservations to the ratification of a treaty involve its re-submission to the other contracting parties for their consent. The President is clearly correct in saying that the Senate's ratification of the treaty now before it with reservations, would involve its re-submission to the other contracting powers, in- cluding Germany, and as he says, the latter pros- pect is not a particularly agreeable one. There can be no doubt but that if the Senate amends the treaty, or ratifies it with reservations, this is tantamount to a rejection of the treaty, neces- sitating the reopening of negotiations with all the parties thereto, and the re-submission of the treaty so altered, enabling the other contracting powers to accept or reject at will. In the event of amend- ment by the Senate or ratification with reservations, it is also undisputed that the President has the power to reject the treaty altogether. 'Willoughby, "The Constitution," p. 462, says: "The approval or disapproval of a treaty project by the Senate is often spoken of as the ratification or refusal to ratify. Strictly speaking, however, this language is incorrect, as the ratification of n treaty is the final act The United States and World Peace 11 performed by the President by which the agreement is declared in force between the United States and the foreign State or States which are the parties to it." After conceding the right of the Senate to amend or qualify its ratification of a treaty, Willoughby adds that "it is equally within the province of the Executive to consider the amendment of a treaty by the Senate as equivalent to a rejection of it." "When, therefore," he continues (p. 462), "a treaty has been amended in the Senate, it is within the President's power to abandon the whole treaty pro- ject, or to reopen negotiations with the foreign coun- trj^ or countries concerned with a view to obtaining their consent to the changes desired by the Senate, or, finally, to begin de novo an attempt to negotiate an entirely new treaty, which he may hope will se- cure senatorial approval." Oppenheim points out that it is possible for a contracting party to ratify, setting forth its expecta- tions in regard to future interpretation of certain terms or clauses in the treaty. He says (p. 560) : "Again, it is quite legitimate — and one • ought not in that case to speak of conditional ratification — for a contracting party who wants to secure the interpretation of certain terms and clauses of a treaty to grant ratification with the understanding only that such terms and clauses should be interpreted in such and such a way. Thus, when in 1911, opposition arose in Great Britain to the ratification of the Declaration of London on account of the fact that the amendment of certain terms was ambiguous and that the wording of certain clauses did not agree with the interpretation given to them by the Report of the Drafting Committee, the British Government declared that they would only ratify with the under- standing that the interpretation contained in the Report should be considered as binding and that the ambiguous terms concerned should have a determinate meaning. In such cases ratification does not introduce an amendment or an alteration, but only fixes the amendment 12 The United States and World Peace of otherwise doubtful terms and clauses of the treaty. ' ' And Wilson and Tucker, "International Law," p. 212 (6th Bd.), say: "Sometimes clauses explanatory of words, phrases, etc., in the body of the treaty are agreed upon. Such action usually takes the form of a special proces verbal, or protocol." I Now the fact that the Senators opposed to the treaty sought to amend it demonstrates conclusively that they have no scruples about forcing a reopening of negotiations with Germany and the re-submission of the treaty to Germany. The recent defeat of the amendments proposed prevented the immediate con- summation of their plans. In the text of treaty reservations as adopted by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee it is re- solved "that the Senate advise and consent to the ratification of the treaty of peace with Germany . . . with the following reservations and under- standings to be made a part and a condition of such ratification, which ratification is not to take effect or bind the United States until the said following reservations and understandings have been accepted as a part of and a condition of said instrument o-f ratification by at least three of the four principal allied and associated Powers, to wit, Great Britain, Prance, Italy, and Japan." The ratification of this treaty "with reservations and understandings" would not (as we have shown) be valid according to International Law by the mere acceptance of such reservations and understandings by "at least three of the four principal allied and associated Powers," as the resolution provided: "reservations and understandings" in the ratifica- tion of the treaty make indispensable the reopening of negotiations with all the contracting parties, in- cluding Germany, and the re-submission of the treaty to all subscribers thereto, Germany included. The character of the four principal reservations adopted by the Senate Foreign Relations Commit- tee constitutes an alteration of the treaty, which would take such reservations out of the class of "interpretations" of ambiguous terms or"" phrases (mentioned by Oppenheim and Willoughby) that The United States and World Peace 13 might be inserted in the ratification without any- essential modification ^requiring the re-submission of the treaty to all the contracting Powers. The first and second "reservations and understandings" clearly alter the original tenor of the treaty: the first reservation providing that the United States shall have the unconditional right to withdraw from the League upon notice; the second providing that the "United States declines to assume, under the provisions of Article X or any other article, any obligation to preserve the territorial integrity or political independence of any other country or to interfere in controversies between other nations," and that it declines to pledge military and naval support, or economic pressure, to any such object, and that "no mandate shall be accepted by the United States under Article XXII, Part I of the treaty, except by the action or joint resolution of Congress. ' ' In regard to the first reservation, the requirement in the treaty that the international obligations of a member be fulfilled before withdrawing, merely sought to give the League some assurance of perma- nent efficacy, and contemplated the prevention of such breaches of international obligations as the world has just had ample evidence of. That Senate reservation is entirely superfluous and betrays unworthy distrust of our Allies in the war. In regard to the second reservation, it constitutes a distinct alteration of the original pact requiring its re-submission to all the parties thereto, including Germany. The contention that Germany's acqui- escence would not be required because she is not yet a member of the League of Nations is a specious and unworthy one. Germany signed — and ratified — the treaty as it stands including the covenant, and no alteration, such as is proposed, of Germany's original pact would be a binding on Germany, without its consent — the question of Germany's possible future admission to the league being entirely irrelevant to such a matter. The second reservation, as President Wilson has plainly demonstrated in his speeches, would destroy the efficacy of the League, and of hopes of maintain- 14 The United States and Wokld Peace ing future peace, since it was devised largely to supplant the ineffective guarantees of Hague con- ventions, which pledged nations to maintain their neutrality in the event of war, but nowhere obligated signatories to exert their concerted power for the maintenance of the territorial integrity and political independence of states. The apprehensions of the Senate that the council of the- League would practically supplant Congress, in its power to involve the United States in war and in its authority over the American army and navy, are chimerical, since the United States by its veto power in the council might negative any proposal improperly to involve this government in war, should it be attempted, while in the event of the concur- rence of this government in the decision of the coun- cil for war involving the United States, Congress alone would have power to declare war, and the President alone would remain commander-in-chief of the army and navy. In regard to the similar objection often heard, and expressed in one of the recent amendments by the Senate, that Great Britain's predominating pow- er of six votes is unjust and uncomplimentary to the United States, "Wilson has shown, on the stump, that Great Britain has six votes in the assembly only, which he characterizes as a consultative body or mere debating society, while it has only one vote in the council, the really important body, the same as the United States," and as the decision of the council must be unanimous to be operative, the United States or any member could veto the decision of the council by a negative vote. It was of course a question whether great self-governing dominions of Great Britain, like Canada, Australia, and South Africa should have their independent status recognized at the peace conference, as their respective quotas of troops were independently contributed toward allied success throughout the war, or whether such domin- ions of Great Britain were to be regarded as merged in the identity of England without separate existence. Further, while we need not minimize the importance of our aid, or of our swift business-like methods at the critical juncture of the war, yet we ought not to The United States and World Peace 15 indicate by our attitude that we are unmindful of the sacrifices made by England, Canada, Australia, South Africa, and New Zealand for three years before we entered the war. The third reservation provides that "the United States reserves to itself exclusively the right to decide what questions are within its domestic jurisdiction, and declares that all domestic and political questions relating to its affairs, including immigration, coast- wise traffic, the tariff, commerce, and all other domes- tie questions, are solely within the jurisdiction of the United States, and are not under this treaty submitted in any way either to arbitration or to con- sideration of the council or of the assembly of the League of Nations, or to the decision or recommen- dation of any other power." This reservation is entirely unnecessary and mere surplusage. Nowhere in the treaty is any council or assembly or power given jurisdiction over the purely domestic policies of a member, such as the tariff, immigration, coast- wise traffic, etc. Such questions a;re, and always have been, impliedly recognized as within the exclusive power of a nation. * The fourth reservation declaring the Monroe Doc- trine to be "wholly outside the jurisdiction of said League of Nations" is further superfluous. The engagement by this country to cooperate with Europe at the solicitation of Europe itself could not be properly called interference by the new world in the affairs of the old, while the old world, obligated to protect our Monroe Doctrine by suppressing any menace to peace in the new world, could only in- terfere with our rights in the inconceivable con- tingency of American aggression upon the rest of ths world — and of course it would be forced to do this irrespective of the existence or non-existence of any League of Nations. 1 Article XIII of the covenant provides In part; "The members of the League agree that whenever any dispute shall arise between them which they recognize to be 'av^table for submission to arbitration and which can- not be satisfactorily settled by diplomacy, they will submit the whole matter to arbitration. Disputes as to the interpretation of a treaty, as to any question of international law, as to the existence of any fact, which, if estabished, would constitute a breach of any international obligation, or as to the extent and nature of the reparation to be made for any such breach, are declared to be among those which are generally suitable for submission to arbitration." 16 The United States and World Peace Summing up, it becomes apparent that the first and second reservations to the ratification adopted by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee alter the tenor of the treaty, involving the reopening of negotiations with, and the re-submission of the docu- ment to, all of the contracting powers, including Ger- many. The third and fourth reservations, however, being unnecessary and mere surplusage, not at all altering or affecting the original tenor of the treaty, might be adopted as "interpretations" of the instrument not requiring the reopening of negotiations with, and the re-submission of the treaty to, the other con- tracting powers, including Germany. There can be no objection to this, if the Senate must insert some- thing or other into the treaty. Those Senators who are most vehement for ratifi- cation with reservations have — ^in some instances, against their own prior arguments — contended against the advisability of such a league altogether, maintaining that such a league interferes with the isolation which this country has heretofore main- tained, and that in the absence of such a league the United States would intervene again as in the past of its own initiative at the call of humanity. It cannot be too constantly reiterated that, as the events of the past few years have shown, there can be no isolation by this country where human rights are being oppressed, but in the absence of such a league as is now contemplated, the United States and all other countries will make the same sacrifices in the future — with such a league in existence, war could either be stifled before it had gotten started, or the sacrifices necessary could be reduced to a minimum. It is conceded evejB by opponents of the present league that some such league would either have made impossible the war just ended, or would have reduced the duration and casualties to a minimum if it did get started. Isolation on the part of this country, in the event of any such wide-spread aggression in the future as Germany perpetrated in the past four years, is eon- ceded by critics of the league to be impossible. The The United States and World Peace 17 only question confronting the people of this country is whether, in the event of any similar contingency requiring our intervention for the protection of lib- erty, they wish to have a world power in existence that would minimize, if it would not render impossi- ble, the ravages of war, or whether they wish to have this country, and all other countries, sustain the same appalling losses. Lord Grey's letter, published since the above was written, reflects a conciliatory and broad-minded atti- tude on his part, if it proved to be an intrusion into our domestic politics productive of complications. It stated nothing but the self-evident proposition that England would accept the reservations proposed by the Senate. It is not a question of what England will accept or not accept — ^it is a question of whether we will fulfill our obligations to the future to attempt to prevent war. The fact that England would accept any dere- liction of duty on our part — and of course she would have to take or leave it, in any event — does not ex- cuse that dereliction. England, of course, woidd accept the situation if we did not join the league at all. But if we thus proved treacherous to our Allies in the recent cause — or if we so robbed the alliance of the capacity for any effective or concerted action by reservations de- signed to inordinately magnify national considera- tions above world peace and calculated to throw things back into the disorganized, chaotic and hap- hazard state they were in before the recent catas- trophe — then we could not retain even our own self- respect, however conciliatory or indulgent the atti- tude of our recent Allies might be. CHAPTER III. Sowing Dissension Among the Allies. The Sun, in an editorial in its issue of September 11th, 1919, resents the President's allegations that a great deal of the opposition to the covenant is due to pro-Germanism. Yet the news report of the President's speeches in the Sun in that very issue confirms the President's charge and refutes the Sun's vehement disclaimer. Referring to sentiment in Da- kota, the Sun news account reads : "Enthusiasm for treaty or league is abso- lutely lacking, apparently because the German blood of the State thinks Germany received too harsh terms. ..." In fact the Sun, Senators Lbdge, Knox, Borah, and Johnson, have bee" invoking those same influences in opposition to the treaty and covenant that sought vainly to swerve the United States before its entry into the war. Large numbers of the anti-English factions who are now oposing the League of Nations were also opposed to the association of the United States with England in the war. It cannot of course be contended that the Sun and the Senators foremost in opposing the league .are actuated by pro-Germanism — many of such opponents, like Senator Lodge, somewhat anticipated the Wilson Administration in advocating the entry of this country into the war. But it must be perceived by these men to-day that the forces most gratified as a result of the work of the opponents of the covenant of the League of Nations are our late enemies in the war. When President Wilson carried to its logical con- clusion the course advocated by those men, they re- pudiated the results. Senator Knox, in a recent analysis of the treaty signed by Germany, comes to the conclusion that it is a harsh and cruel one. "It is indeed a hard and cruel peace that this treaty stipulates, and I have no objections to its being so, but see no reason why we, who do not partake in its spoils, should become par- ties to its harshness and cruelty." Does Senator 18 The United States and World Peace 19 Knox mean to intimate that if the United States were to participate in any alleged spoils that this would constitute an argument in favor of this country's support of any such treaty of spoliation? In regard to Senator Knox's contention that "it is indeed a hard and cruel peace that this treaty stip- ulates, ' ' if Senator Knox had seen the devastated con- dition of French villages and compared them with the condition of German villages, which were left intact at the appeals of the Germans for an armistice just when those German villages were within range of the Allied guns and might be blown to atoms, — if Senator Knox had considered how the Allies had refrained on humanitarian grounds from using an advantage which they had gained after four years of grim and incalculable losses, and had deliberately declined to retaliate in deference to the appeals of a helpless enemy which had not scrupled to abuse power when it had it and inflict wanton damage wher- ever possible, — he would not be apt to talk about this document presented to Germany as hard and cruel. If that treaty were in fact cruel, as Senator Knox alleges, then he and every right-minded person should object. "It is indeed a hard and cruel peace that this treaty stipulates, and I have no objections to its being so." If this treaty were cruel, the Allies would have nothing to do with it. They scrupu- lously refrained from cruelty in conducting the war and the consummation of their efforts would not be vitiated by cruelty. To compel a nation which has annexed other nations' territory, mis^propriated their revenues, and crippled their industries, to re- pair the damage done by present and prospective indemnities, and to give guarantees against the repe- tition of such aggression in the future by the reduc- tion of armaments and military forces — this consti- tutes not cruelty, but justice, and justice tempered by mercy at that. Some are under the delusion that Germany made concessions by consenting to an armistice, and that she was tricked into non-resistance by terms which proved to be merely the precursor of more serious demands. This impression should be exploded once and for all. 20 The United States and World Peace The Germans were fleeing so fast just prior to the armistice which they begged, that it was difficult to keep up with them, and they abandoned valuable stores of ammunition and food in their hasty exit all along the line. Poch has said that the Allies granted the armistice just when, after four years of unparalleled sacrifices, they might have retaliated for the wrongs done them, because Germany absolutely complied with all the conditions prescribed and left no other course — from considerations of humanity — for the Allies to pursue. Senator Knox's proposal that the treaty be re- jected, and that the United States enter into a sep arate peace with Germany, is unworthy of a member of the United States Senate. Senator Harding was quoted as follows: "It may be very old-fashioned, sirs, it may be reactionary, it may be shocking to pacifist and dreamer alike, but I choose for our own people, a hundred millions or more, the right to search the American conscience and prescribe our own obligations to ourselves and the world's civilLsation. " The right of the United States to search its "own conscience" and prescribe its "own obligations" would not at all be affected by subscribing to the covenant of the League of Na- tions. If the injustice and oppression that caused the United States to enter this war were to recur in the future, this GovernTneot would repeat its action, and, in the absence of a League of Nations, would sustain the same casualties and make just as heavy sacrifices. But with a League of Nations in existence, the threat of war could be effectually sup- pressed, or in the event of the necessity of going to war, the preponderant powers of the world would be able to exert such overwhelming force upon the offending power that the war would ha quickly ter- minated, and the casualties of each nation would be minimized. "That Mr. Wilson represented only himself in Paris, that he disregarded all advice which did not support his own opinions, that he in no way spoke for America are facts which have been confirmed by the American people," asserts the Sun editorially in its issue of September 25th, 1919. The Sun was never more mistaken. President The United States and World Peace 21 Wilson represented, and worthily upheld, the best traditions of the United States Government at Paris. The Sun is virulent in its denunciation of I. W. W.- ism and Bolshevism. There is such a thing as edi- torial Bolshevism. That the President of the United States does not represent the United States Government or the American people, would, we should say be one of the cardinal tenets of Bolshevism and I. W. W.ism. I. W. W.ism and Bolshevism might tear a leaf from the Sun. The following extracts are not from any German owned newspaper, but from the Sun of November 21, 1919: "This nation while on the battlefield bound itself to no compact, shared no compact of the Allies for the spoliation of races and countries. This nation agreed to no riveting of outside control on subject races. It will never trammel itself with the imperial policies and dynastic programmes of great Powers, foreign to us in blood, alien to our ideals and strangers to our ways. ' ' No paper has more faithfully served the cause of Bolshevism throughout the world than the same paper, which has seen nothing to commend in the intelligent and inestimable services of Wilson at Paris, but has sought to magnify and aggravate in- ternational complications, such as. those arising out of Fiume, for the sole purpose of embarrassing and discrediting the President. The Sun, and those Sena- tors now opposing the President, have not scrupled to resort to the plan of harboring and seeking to foment distrust and suspicion against our Allies in the war, imputing the utmost cupidity and avarice to nations that for four years have upheld the fabric of civilization and that have lost irretrievably more than they can ever hope to gain; finally, descending to the unspeakable infamy of advocating the rejection of the treaty and the covenant and the negotiation of a separate peace with Germany — the desertion of our Allies in the war and the entering into separate negotiations with the slayer of so many of our honored dead, to say nothing of the honored dead of France, Belgium, and England. 22 The United States and World Peace The men who mingled abroad with the soldiers of France and England are proud of such associations. They find influential Senators adopting an attitude of suspicion toward our Allies, and apparently bent upon preventing the consummation of the purposes for which so many laid down tljeir lives. Because of the eonspicuousness of these Senators, they are unfortunately creating the impression abroad that the United States has now nothing but suspicion and disparagement for its late associates exhausted by four years of war, and that it now intends to quit them. Let us quote the charges of Senators. Senator Reed : ' ' Even as we form the league, and while the respective nations are proclaiming amity, good will, generosity and disinterestedness with their lips, each is grabbing with both hands territories, peoples and indemnities." And again: ''From- the moment the league is organized or even in the process of its organization, each will seek to place its friends, satel- lites, and dependencies in possession of power, and so that if any question shall arise it will find itself stoutly fortified and prepared to secure a favorable decision. The British Empire is already fortified. ' ' W. Bourke Cockran in his address before the Sen- ate Foreign Relations Committee said: "This cove- 'nant creates new spoliations and makes us the guar- antor of them all." And Senator Johnson: "My fellow citizens, my son, and your son, shall not guarantee those territories and those peoples to those nations for all time in the future." Belgium will be guaranteed to Belgium as long as an American lives. Alsace-Lorraine will be guaranteed to France in perpetuity. Let the Senator cherish no illusions in regard to the matter. Any reopening of those decisively settled issues can but lead to similar blood- shed and similar conclusions in the future. Senator Reed of Missouri was quoted in a recent speech as saying in reply to Wilson's assertion that he, the President, did not want to be always thinking about himself or his "pocket-book" or his "friend- ships:" "The truth is that it is not the President's safety that is to be sacrificed. It is the skin of the American people," etc. Now not even Senator Reed can truthfuly feel that Wilson ever evidenced a rash The United States and World Peace 23 disposition to compromise or jeopardize the safety of others. His attitude from the outbreak of the European war, toward whicli he eouuselled neutral- ity, did not meet with the approval of some of ua, but it certainly could not justly lay him open to the charge of rashly speculating in the lives of others. Mr. Wilson's hesitancy about taking a decisive atti- tude against German militarism was not admired bj' some of us, yet it certainly absolves him from the charge of rashly endeavoring to jeopardize American lives. Senator Borah in a recent fine tribute to Lincoln said that he doubted that this country was following in the paths that Lincoln would have counselled. Lincoln's commanding place in history is destined to be permanent because he liberated an oppressed and enslaved race, yet Lincoln was very much abused while living. Wilson in assisting to liberate oppressed small nations in Europe from the bondage of German militarism, and in now attempting to formulate dur- able plans for rescuing humanity from the thraldom . of war, is but emulating the example of Lincoln. Senator Sherman, of Illinois, was quoted under the headline "Wilson Assailed as Aid to Eobbers" in the Sun of September 17, 1919, as follows: "A chief magistrate of this republic, an accomplice of the active receiver of stolen territory, the betrayer of an outraged, plundered people, associated with a cut- purse of empires in a coalition of powers to divide and share three continents; having picked their de- feated enemy of the last available pound of flesh, they turn upon and rob one friendly ally and betray and desert another. This we do." Such inflammatory words as these — such utter- ances from a member of a department of the gov- ernment charged with advisorj' powers respecting treaties — only give aid and comfort to an enemy that would no doubt exult at anj' division of her oppon- ents that would cripple their power to enforce the treaty of peace, whereb.v Germany was forced to make inadequate amends for the irreparable wrongs she has wantonly perpetrated in this war. Even while the council of the Allies was considering what steps to take to compel the refractory German General Von Der Goltz to comply with the terms 24 The United States and World Peace of the treaty, we found an unrepresentative, but ac- tive part of the United States Senate bringing aid and comfort to the enemy by creating the false im- pression of dissension and disunion among the Allies in the war. Senator Knox's recent suggestion that the treaty of Versailles be rejected by the United States as harsh and cruel, and that this country ne- gotiate a separate peace with Germany, made while a state of war still technically exists between this country and Germany, and at a time when defiant Germans are confidently predicting that this treaty will receive the same treatment ultimately by Ger- many as former scraps of paper, is a base betrayal of the cause of the Allies. The members of the Irish Commission, m their pleas to the Senate to reject the treaty and covenant, indicate plainly that they place the interests of Ire- land above those of world peace. They are viewing an American question from a standpoint of heredi- tary predilections and they are reviving the issue of dual allegiance which so obstructed the United States government during the war. The Senators who but a few short months ago were eloquently denouncing dual allegiance now accept the views of men who view American questions from a standpoint of their supposed effects upon Irish interests. Mr. Cockran was quoted as follows in the Sun of August 31: "This treaty that is before us with its covenant for a league should be defeated as an abomi- nation," and we read further that "all of the advo- cates of Irish liberation devoted themselves chiefly to an attack on the League of Nations covenant and the peace treaty on the ground that to defeat these is the first step towards saving the subject nations of the world from future bondage.'.' Judge Cohalan was quoted in part as follows : "We find that no country in the past which has been the economic rival of England has long continued to flourish or to grow in power." There was an economic rivalry so notorious and blatant as hardly 'to have escaped the attention of Irish opponents of the League of Nations. It may be advisable to refresh our memory. It was accurately described by the President in a recent address: "I have seen their (the Belgians') devastated country. The United States and World Peace 25 Where it was not actually laid in ruins every factory was gutted of its contents ; all the machinery by which it would be possible for men to go to work again was taken away, and those parts of the machinery that they could not take away were destroyed by experts who knew how to destroy them. Belgium was a very- successful competitor of Germany in some lines of manufacture, and the German armies were sent there to see to it that that competition was put a stop to. Their purpose was to crush the independent action of that little kingdom — not merely to use it as a gate- way througfi which to attack France. And when they got into France they not only fought the armies in France, but they put the coal mines of France out of commission so that it will be a decade or more before Prance can supply herself with coal from her accustomed sources. ' ' Irish opponents of the league have been eloquent in denouncing England's crimes in times past, but they nowhere cautioned Irish compatriots prior to the entry of the United States into the war against attempting to cripple England, the main prop of civilization at that time, nor did they recognize or pay any tribute to the incalculable sacrifices that Eng- land was making to crush German militarism. "No country has ever gained its independence by its own unaided forces. . . ." says Mr. Coekran. ' ' The League of Nations simply kills the only method by which people may gain freedom." Mr Coekran apparently labors under the delusion that Article X of the covenant binds each signatory to suppress revolution, whereas Article X merely obligates each subscribing power to preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and political in- dependence of every other signatory. Under Article XI of the covenant, as President Wilson has repeat- edly shown, any question affecting the peace of the world, or involving the right of self-determination of nations, may be submitted to the council which will consider and make any recommendations suitable to the exigencies. In regard to Mr. Coekran 's contention that the Irish question, having menaced the peace of the world for four centuries, is not purely a domestic question of the British Empire, it should be said that the term 26 The United States and Woeld Peace domestic is used in this connection merely as differen- tiating the questions that may fall within the purview of the council of the league only on the suggestion of the powers concerned, from those questions of which the council of its own initiative may take cog- nizance. The term may be applied indiscriminately to England, or to Ireland, namely, the Irish question is a domestic question for Ireland or for England, whichever you choose, just as the tariff is a purely domestic question for the United States, but the Irish question is not one of the questions involving extrane- ous matters, such as the boundaries between European countries, that, might fall within the consideration of the council of the league in the absence of specific sub- mission thereto. The internal or domestic affairs of Ireland, England or the United States are not the sub- ject of consideration by the council, in the absence of specific submission thereto, by the countries involved, whereas the external or foreign relations of nations, affecting world peace and the general harmony of na- tions, necessarily fall within the purview of the'council. Mr. Cockran's interpretation of the League of Nations seems to be this: "The world is bankrupt. They hope we will finance and reestablish industry and commerce for them, and that with what they can provide they can equip themselves with arma- ments. We are asked to help not in our own way, but in the way of others whose judgment has involved the world in its supreme horror." This is clearly an intimation that the judgment of England or of some of our Allies, not less than that of Germany, involved the world in the European war. Prom time to time it has been reiterated by league opponents that the United States should remain isolated in the future as in the past, and that isola tion would not make this country any the less disposed to render or capable of rendering the same great services in the future as it rendered during the last few years. The chief and unanswerable argument for a League of Nations centers around this very question. The events of the last few years show clearly that there can be no such thing as isolation for a self-respecting humane nation when oppression is being practiced The United States and World Teace 27 against weak nations ; but in the absence of an organi- zation of the powers of the world to suppress future war, this country, no less than the other powers in- volved, would make the same sacrifices or greater again — with such a league constituting the organized force of the world, war could either be suppressed in its inception, or crushed in minimum time with mini mum possible losses to all involved. They who argue against a League of Nations contend, as Wilson has shown time and again, for the same state of disorgani- zation among the powers of the world, which made possible the disastrous conflict just ended with appal- ling sacrifices to every nation concerned. Who do we find arguing most effectively against such a world union in the interests of future peace? Who are contending most forcefully for the undoing of the work of the Allies in this war? Is it the apostle of Bolshevism, I.W.W.ism, Pan-Germanism, or Sovietism, as might be expected ? No. The present most forceful opponents of the utilization of world powers in the interests of future peace are United States Senators — many of whom, like Senator Lodge, have rendered conspicuous services to the cause of the Allies during the w^^r, and have advocated such a league in public addresses. It might be well to quote from the Manifesto of the Communist International, adopted by the Congress of Moscow, March 26, 1919, and subscribed to by Lenine and Trotzky among others, as indicating that the ad- vocates of world anarchy agree in certain respects with those who advocate repudiation of the covenant : "In other words, shall the entire working humanity become the feudal bond servants of the victorious entente bourgeoisie, which, under the name of a 'league of nations,' aided by an 'international' army and an 'international navy', here plunders and murders, but everv-where enchains the proletariat, with the single aim of maintaining its own ruleV" And again: "World capitalism prepares itself for the final battle. Under cover of the 'League of Nations' and a deluge of pacifist phrasemongering, a desperate effort is being made to pull together the tumbling capitalist system and to direct its forces against the constantly growing proletariat revolt." CHAPTER IV. The League of Nations as Affected by the Irish Question. Mb. De Valeea, President of the Irish Republic, is conducting a campaign against the League of Nations in this country on the ground that it would prejudice Ireland's rights. In the Sun of September 2nd, 1919, Mr. De Valera was quoted as warning his hearers that the "supreme test of the League of Nations is Eng- land's attitude toward Ireland." Now, if Mr. or President de Valera speaks as a citizen of the Irish Republic, let him remember that it is not good taste for a foreigner to offer suggestions to the American people as to their duty in regard to any political question with which they are con- fronted. If he speaks as an American citizen, then let him deal with the qy.estion as an American, and consider it solely from the standpoint of its relation to the interests and obligations of the United States Government. It might be well for all critics of the League— -and all Senators who are collaborating with Irish oppo- nents of England in the war — to ponder the words of De Valera^ in opposing the League, wherein he resurrects buried impeachments of the motives of the Allies and of the justice of their cause, accusations with which the world was sated by German propa- gandists. "It is important for America to know whether England really wants peace, really wants a reign of justice, or whether in the proposed covenant of the League of Nations her intentions are the same as when her statesmen were mouthing moral senti- ments of liberty and the sanctity of agreements at the very moment they were plotting the secret treaties and disposing their military forces throughout the world, so that the peace might find them in possession of more added territory than there is in all these 1 De Valera was quoted, in an address delivered in the Bronx, as say- ing: "As far as England was concerned, tlie Irisli people wlslied and hoped that Geimany would win the war." 28 The United States and World Peace 29 United States, while Lloyd George called high Heaven to witness that England had no selfish object in the war." Waiving the point for the moment whether Eng- land or any of the AUies will ever get out of the war anything near like what they have put into it, these, words of De Valera, imputing sordid motives to Eng- land in the war, maj- give pause to those Senators who have heretofore professed to believe in the justice of the Allied cause. It is the logical resting-place of all opponents of the League — ^that of distrust of the Allies, and of their motives in the war, and denial of the justice of the Allied cause. While England must give Ireland the completest autonomy consistent with England's preservation against any such hostile coalition as existed between Germany and parts of Ireland in the war just closed, stiU it is difficult to convince any soldier who saw what England did in beating back barbarism and bru- tality in Europe that she is now engaged in the line of business she so lately made such sacrifices to stamp out. It appears (from De Valera 's statement) that in the election of a year ago last December in Ireland (December, 1918), in which every adult had a vote, out of 1,519,000 votes cast in the national plebiscite, only 308,000 were cast for union with England. The majority of the inhabitants of. Ulster favored union with England ; the majority of the rest of the popula- tion of Ireland advocated separation from England and the creation of an Irish Kepublic. About one- fifth of Ireland (homogeneous Ulster) prefers to re- main under the British Government: about four- fifths of the population constituting the remainder of the population of Ireland advocate separation from England. Now, in respect of that portion of Ireland exclusive of Ulster which unanimously or by majority vote de- sires separation from England, and the setting up of ' a Republic distinct from Great Britain, such a solu- tion would be equitable if attainable, and such aspira- tions would deserve the sympathy of enlightened people everywhere. But Mr. De Valera and Irish agitators everywhere will not listen to Ulster remain- 30 The United States and Woeld Peace ing outside of the republic they plan for the rest of Ireland: they claim self-determination very vocifer- ously for the rest Of Ireland, but deny it to Ulster. They adopt the same attitude toward Ulster that they complain of England adopting toward them. An analagous instance may serve to illustrate : if the Colonists prior to the Revolution, bearing no doubt the same ratio relatively to the population (white) of the rest of the North American continent that the rest of Ireland bears to Ulster, had insisted upon Canada coming in against its will with the Colonists, and similarly severing relations with Eng- land, then it is impossible to say whether or not the United States would ever have been set up distinct from England. And if the rest of Ireland — ^which bears the same relation to Ulster, relatively speaking, that the United States bears to Canada — insists upon forcing Ulster against its will into the Republic, in- stead of permitting Ulster to remain under the Brit- ish Government, as it prefers, then the rest of Ireland will defeat its own aims for a Republic, and deserves to have them defeated. A free Ireland, exclusive of Ulster, could be set up side by side with Ulster as a British dominion, just as a free Republic of the United States exists side by side on the same continent with, and adjoining, the British dominion of Canada. There is, and always has been, a powerful sentiment in Canada for the total severance of all political de- pendency upon England, but in the absence of a spontaneous, popular demand for separation, it would be futile for the United States — and might have been fatal to the American Revolution — to attempt to co- erce Canada into separation. And until such time as Ulster — if it ever will — shall desire to separate its ties with England of its own accord, and voluntarily seek union with the rest of Ireland, the attempt on the part of the rest of Ireland to coerce it into its republic, is a violation of the principle of self-deter- mination, and deserves no sympathy in this country. It is idle to contend, as so many Irish representa- tives do, that religion does not enter into the Ulster question. The fact that Butt, ParneU, Emmett and other distinguished. leaders of the Irish cause have been Protestants does not alter this proposition. The The United States and World Peace 31 fact that the population of Ireland, exclusive of Ul- ster, is mainly Catholic, and that the English Govern- ment is mainly Protestant, is one argument in favor of the establishment by the south of Ireland of a government separate from England, if the majority of the population so desire, as they apparently do. The converse of that proposition equally holds. The fact that Ulsterites are largely Protestants, and that the government of the proposed Irish Republic is mainly Catholic, would logically constitute as strong an argument against the inclusion of Ulster against its will in tlie Irish Republic.^ The argument often advanced that the position of Ulster is similar to the status of the Southern States, which sought to secede during the Civil War, is not apropos. The Southern States, in asserting the right of secession, were breaking obligations and oaths ol fidelity to the Union which they had already sub- scribed to; in Ireland at present the proposition is as to the formation of such a union, and Ulster, in objecting to entering such a union, merely protests against its formation, which is quite a different propo- sition than violating obligations and oaths of alle- giance already assumed. During the war Ulster did not endanger Allied suc- cess, as did the wrong-headed, but unrepresentative element of propagandists in the rest of Ireland. Whether or not, as statistics apparently show, Ulster furnished heavier quotas of troops relatively to its population than the rest of Ireland, certainly Ulster did not hamper Allied success by obstructing England while it was rendering the world a great service. It is true that Sir Edward Carson was in Germany prior to the outbreak of the war, and that he made remote suggestions of a coalition with Germany in case Ulster would be forcibly divorced from England ; yet neither he nor any Ulsterite obstructed England after the European war began, and England's energies in the war were not diverted to the prosecution of Ulster propagandists or conspirators. ' Tf England had any rplipions pi-ejurtioes in tin* last war. the fact was not very peiccptlblc. Catholic Belgium and France were the chief bene- ficiaries of Protestunt England's war against Protestant Germany and Catholic Austria. 32 The United States and World Peace Whether or not England used excessive severity in stamping out the Irish revolution, which would have crippled England's power to render civilization a great service, had it succeeded, is not now the question. The fact is that while England was making heavy sacrifices in trying to destroy German militarism, the disaffected portions of Ireland, headed by Sir Roger Casement and De Valera, seized what they supposed to be an opportune moment for the overthrow of England. De Valera and his followers in Ireland were in truth more concerned about overthrowing the power rendering incalculable services to civilization than they were about the success of the Allied cause ; they selfishly placed the interests of Ireland above those of Belgium or any other country, however op- pressed or crushed, and saw only the alleged griev- ances of Ireland, but were deaf to the appeals of other distressed countries. The United States itself would have preferred the paths of peace to the rigorous path of duty in the war, but the people of the United States were willing to subordinate their best interests — their "lives, for- tunes and sacred honor" — to the larger issue of th« suppression of German militarism ; and it was not too much to expect that the Irish would subordinate their nationalistic aspirations to the predominant question of the overthrow of militarism. Goldsmith, who was not a very profound or accu- rate commentator on political questions, made one comment on the Irish question which, applied to modern conditions, describes to a nicety the attitude of the misguided followers of De Valera, and all other apostles of English defeat during the war. Goldsmith wrote : "When I behold a factious band agree, To call it freedom when themselves are free" that he did not have much confidence in them. It is true that Irishmen fought loyally for the Allied cause, and that the descendants of Irishmen in the United States fought valorously for the Allies; but it was a different type of Irishman than that represented by De Valera and his followers, who made the irretriev- able error of attempting to overthrow the most power- ful factor in Allied success. The United States and World Peace 33 The Irish movement, headed by De Valera and his followers, who, while professing adherence to the cause of Irish liberty, were willing to ignore and obstruct one of the greatest and most hallowed causes of liberty that has ever existed,— and who persisted in obstructing that cause, fori which so many millions were laying down their lives — was vitiated in its inception by aiding and abetting German militarism, and it received no consideration at the Paris Peace Conference for precisely this reason. If Major Red- mond (who laid down his life for the cause of the Allies, and wHo was none the less an Irishman because he was willing to cooperate . with England when it was rendering a great service to the world) had ap- peared before the Paris Peace Conference with any claims in behalf of Ireland, he would have been re- spectfully received, and his claims would have been considered. But the representatives of the Irish cause at the Paris Peace Conference were actually — con- sciously or unconsciously — presenting the demands of those who had conspired against Allied success, and they received no consideration because of this fact. Mr. Shaw Desmond expresses a view in terse form, which has long been recognized and which seems to be the only ultimately tenable solution of the Irish question — that there will never be true peace between Ireland and England until England lets Ireland "go to hell or heaven in its own way. ' ' There can be the utmost respect between peoples without the slightest subjection on ejther side, and in fact subjection is inimical to good-will between peoples. Mr. Desmond, however, can hardly be so sanguine as to expect that that part of Ireland, exclu- sive of Ulster, would be satisfied with anything less than total severance of all relations with England, or that any dominical scheme whereby the refractory part of Ireland could be held in amity under the British Empire, could permanently succeed. Would those Irish agitators and professional Irish- Americans, who have now nothing but denunciation for England after its four years of unparalleled sacri- fice, fight in case success crowned their efforts for a war between Ireland and England? The least haz- ardous and creditable of all human efforts consists in 34 The United States and World Peace fomenting a struggle involving the lives of others, with the risk of only capital to the instigators. True liberty, whether Irish or American, can expect little from those anti-English agitators who, while noisily exploiting their advocacy of liberty, were deaf to the deepest appeal for liberty ever uttered. Some of the advocates of an Irish Republic who have served the Allied cause faithfully, would fight in the event of a war between England and Ireland, and they would fight in case they could involve the United States in war with England over the Irish question, which they frankly admit they would do if possible. These men are sincere, however erroneous their views may be. The attempt to coerce Ulster into an Irish Republic, against the consent of the majority of Ul- sterites, is a violation of the principle of self-determ- ination just as flagrant as any involved in England's denial of the right of that portion of Ireland, exclu- sive of Ulster, to set up a Republic in accordance with the will of the majority of its people. The advocates of an Irish Republic at this time are unfortunate in their choice of leaders, and in their uncompromising demands for the inclusion of Ulster within the proposed Republic, against the consent of the vast majority of Ulsterites. CHAPTER V. Father Duffy's Stoey, the Old 69th Regiment, AND Anti-English Sentiment. "Father Duffy's Story," recounting the exploits of the Old 69th Regiment, plus contingents from the various National Guard outfits of New York City (constituting the 165th U. S. Inf.), in the war, is commended to all interested in the achievements of that fine old fighting organization. But the hook con- tains radically anti-English sentiments, which not all of Father Duffy's friends can wholly subscribe to. Father Duffy says at p. 55, repeating a conversa- tion he had with Col. Barker, protesting against the use by Americans of any part of the British uniform : "There were times during the past two years when if England had not restrained her John Bull ten- dencies on the sea, we might have gotten into a series of difficulties that would have led to a war with her. In that case Germany would have been the Ally. You are a soldier, and you would have fought, suppress- ing your own dislike for that Ally. But supposing in the course of the war we were short of tin hats and they asked you to put on one of those Boche helmets ? ' ' Father Duffy, in my judgment, is clearly errone- ous in the supposition that the United States could ever have entered the European War with England as anything else but an Ally, and Germany anything else but a foe. The ideals which these countries typi- fied respectively in that struggle would render any other alignment on tho part of the United States unthinkable. Regardless of any temporary infringe- ment of our rights inflicted by England as incidental to her prosecution of a just and unsought war, the United States could never have been anything but her Ally in that struggle — irrespective of any favors Ger- many might lavish upon us or conjure up for future preferment, the United States could never have been anything but her implacable foe. Germany typified aggression, conquest and serfdom in that struggle — England exemplified resistance to militarism and the unfettered right to existence of oppressed small states. 35 36 The United States and Woeld Peace Whether we love England, or hate her, the fact is that for three long years before we entered the struggle she held the lines of civilization against Prus- sian barbarism, and whether we acknowledge it or not, we are heavily- indebted to her for stemming the tor- rent until we could get to the fray. I feel personally that I am-^and that every free man today is — ^indebted to those brave soldiers of any of the Allied powers, whether of England or any other country, who died for three years in the mud of Eu- rope nobly upholding the ideal of liberty. As for me, I would not object to wearing any part of the British uniform or equipment because of any inadequacy of American equipment — on the contrary, I would feel honored to wear a uniform that in the dust and sweat and grime of the European struggle represented for three years before we entered the lists uncompromis- ing opposition to the ideals of of despotism and slav- ery displayed by Germany. Father Duffy, in the comparison above referred to, did not, of course, mean to put the British uniform on a level with the German helmet, so far as the ideals they respectively typified in the war are con- cerned. Father Duffy's strongly developed sense oi obedience to authority led him to say that a soldier would have fought with Germany as an ally, sub- ordinating his own inclination in the matter. In the unthinkable and utterly impossible contingency of the United States entering that war with Germany as an ally, the United States never could have gotten the soldiers wherewith to prosecute the war. If the test of a good soldier be unthinking and unquestion- ing obedience to authority, then we must concede the palm to Father Duffy's conception of a good soldier — which he certainly exemplified himself on all occa- sions. A view that would excuse the American for fighting to enslave others on authority, would also exonerate the German soldier for his part in the war. The true attitude would seem to be that of unques- tioning and unhesitating obedience to authority when it rests upon reason and justice, and where it departs therefrom we should remonstrate and endeavor to guide it aright instead of acquiescing in a known wrong or injustice. The Germans blindly acquiesced The United States and World Peace 37 in the unscrupulous military designs of their coun- try with disastrous consequences to the world and themselves. -It would be impossible similarly to mis- lead Americans. Father Duffy's logical adherence to the ideal of unquestioning obedience on the part of a soldier, which precludes all inquiry on his part into the merits of the cause he happens to serve, is well illustrated in an incident which he relates of the betrayal by a German soldier of his former comrade. He says (p. 248) : "Our patrol was delighted at making the capture, but if a chance shot had ended the career of the man who had betrayed his own officer, no one amongst ours would have shed any tears. ' ' In this particular case, the German apparently had experienced no change of heart as to the justice of the German cause, but was rendering aid to the Americans because he had been captured and was ap- parently "feathering his own nest" at the expense of his former comrades. This, of course, was especially odious. But in case a German had become convinced of the justice of the Allied cause, then Father Duffy would undoubtedly concede that it was his clear duty to abandon the German cause and espouse that of the Allies, and to render whatever aid to the latter he could to bring about the defeat of the former. The question whether a German soldier would be entitled to commendation or opprobrium for espous- ing the cause of the Allies and deserting that of G«r- many would depend altogether on the motives that actuated him. If he was actuated solely by a convic- tion of the truth and justice of the Allied cause, in giving aid the Allies he would be entitled to the high- est commendation ; if actuated by motives of personal safety or self-interest, of course he would be deserv- ing only of pity. England's wrongs toward the American Kevolu- tionists, or its past injustices to Ireland, are entirely irrelevant to, and cannot be permitted to detract from, the credit due to her inestimable services in this war, any more than Belgium's oppressive attitude toward the inhabitants of the Congoes, under King Leopold, at all affected the fact that Belgium was the 38 The United States and "Woeld Peace victim of one of the grossest wrongs of history in this war. The great ecclesiastical institution of which Father Duffy is so creditable a representative, through inqui- sition and stake, has unquestionably been guilty of oppression during mediaeval times, yet this fact can- not be permitted to detract from its acknowledged usefulness to society. The fact that England has been guilty of abuses in times past should not be permitted to impair our appreciation of its inestimable services to civilization during the war just closed. Father Duffy was a tireless worker for, and ren- dered inestimable services to, the Allied cause. But not all of his friends can share — ^unreservedly — ^his attitude toward England and the part England played in the war. I wore English shoes (just as we wore French gas masks and canteens for a time) until they were ordered in, and I feel that it would have been exceedingly presumptuous in me had I objected to any part of the equipment of a soldiery that pre- ceded ours by three years in the war. Our opinions on the question of an Irish Republic, or the Sinn Fein movement, should not be permitted to enter into our estimate of the inestimable services to civilization rendered by England and its uniform for three years before we entered the war. Tearing that uniform to ribbons would be about the last occu- pation we would expect to find intelligent men en- gaged in. In the old 69th Regiment, of course, there was no extraordinary enthusiasm for England. Neither was there, as far as I could observe, any extraordinary antipathy displayed toward so indispensable an ally. Until I lost the flags under the exigencies of action, I personally placed over every barn in which I hap- pened to be billetted in France, three small flags — the American flag, the French flag,, and the English flag. And I ascribe the fact that none of the flags was molested not so much to the fact that I had the most agreeable and best-hearted fellow-soldiers, as I do to the fact that they realized that England fought without thought of compromise during the darkest hours when the outlook was blackest for the Allied cause. The United States and World Peace 39 Father Duffy's criticism of England should, of course, be taken in connection with his view that a good soldier always subordinates personal predilec- tions; for among the soldiers of, and workers for, the Allied cause, none labored more loyally, zealously or courageously than Father Duffy. On the other hand, Father Duffy would no doubt be the last to deny that his attitude toward England was not shared by some whose concern for the triumph of the Allied cause was no less earnest and disinterested. CHAPTER VI. The Propriety of Ratifying the League of Nations.' It has become but too apparent that some politi- cians subordinate future world peace to their personal ambitions, and would wreck the only feasible plan for abolishing war in order to advance their own po- litical purposes. It seems incredible that there could be politicians so sordid as to be capable of attempting, for personal purposes, to defeat the ideal of world peace for which so many hundreds of thousands cheer- fully gave their lives. Who could remain deaf to the haunting appeal of the lines : "If you break faith with us who die. We will not sleep, though poppies grow In Flanders field." The Allied soldiers who perished in this war died to establish world peace, newspapers and statesmen to the contrary notwithstanding. The realization of world peace and the abolition of war for all time was as much the object of the Allied soldiers who fought in this war as the redress of wrongs against their re- spective nations. If Germany had been engaged in a just and defensive war, this country would have tol- erated any infringement of its rights which might have been incidental to the prosecution of that war, just as we tolerated England's occasional interrup- tion of our shipping because it was unavoidable in its conduct of a just and unsought war. We fought not solely, or even chiefly, "to correct the wrongs, committed against this Government by Germany," as Senator Knox and the New York Sun maintain, but to suppress bloodshed and destroy war for all time — to defeat autocracy and rescue the lib- erties of oppressed small states, and to assert and de- fend American rights upon sea and land. President Wilson has faithfully interpreted the ideals of the men who fought in this war. They did not take the 1 Reprinted from Bench and Bar (N. T. ), July, 1919. 40 The I'^NiTED States and WoRfo Peace 41 restricted view of Senator Knox that ' ' the sole idea of this Government in making peace is to satisfy the purposes for which it went to war — viz., to correct the wrongs committed against this Government by Germany. ' ' They fought as much for the prevention of such a catastrophe in the future as they did for the suppression of the immediate conflict — ^as much for the establishment of permanent peace as for the redress of wrongs against their country. Several legal objections have been raised against the proposal to commit this country to the League of Nations. 'Senator Knox has objected (1) that the President should have consulted the Senate more in negotiating the treaty, and that the Senate should advise the President in making the treaty, instead of merely waiting to ratify or reject the finished docu- ment; and (2) that the proposed instrument consti- tutes an attempt to amend the Constitution by treaty, which is impossible. The New York Sun shares these objections, and further criticises the President for appointing Col. House as a representative of the United States at the peace conference, without con- sulting the Senate. Senator Eoot contends that, if the covenant cannot be considered separate from the treaty, as Senator Knox advocated, the Senate should ratify with reservations which will prevent the pos- sibility of the United States being called upon in the future to confirm such dispositions of the conference as those regarding Shantung and Fiume. With regard to Senator Knox's first objection, it may be conceded that the ideal course would have been for the President to invoke the counsel and as- sistance of the Senate at every stage of the negotia- tions at Paris. But if the consummation of a desir- able plan for world peace would have been frustrated by hostile Senators or political exigencies, then the President was entirely justified in exercising his "con- stitutional prerogatives in such manner as would best effectuate the supreme object. And the President acted clearlj' within his legal rights at every stage of the proceedings at Paris. Senator Knox is correct in asserting that since the beginning of our Republic, Presidents in making treaties have found it advisable "to consult the Sen- 42 The United States and Woelx) Peace ate even before negotiations have been undertaken." But even he would not deny that Presidents have ample constitutional power — and ample precedents vindicate the use of that power — to initiate treaties and to conduct negotiations relative to treaties alone up to the stage where the treaty is formulated, when it becomes the prerogative of the Senate to ratify or reject the instrument. The Constitution, Art. II, Sec. 2, provides: "He (the President) shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur." Crandall, in "Treaties, Their Making and Enforce- ment," — p. 59, says: "These first attempts of the Executive to follow out the evident intention of the framers of the Constitution in consulting the Senate prior to the opening of negotiations have been fol- lowed only in exceptional instances," citing the action of President Polk in submitting "on June 10, 1846, the proposed Oregon treaty for the Senate's advice as to its conclusion, ' ' which was recommended by the Senate, the treaty being subsequently ratified. Referring to the ratification of the treaty with Great Britain of July 3, 1815, Crandall states that resolutions were introduced advising the President to pursue the negotiations for certain specified purposes, and a report dated Feb. 15, 1816, from the Committ"e on Foreign Relations states that "If the proper moment had arrived to re- new negotiations, the President would doubt- less take advantage of it, for he had the in- terests of the country at heart in common with the Senate," and that "the difference of opin- ion between members of the Senate on pro- posals to advise the President would prevent that unity of design, secrecy and despatch so requisite for successful negotiation." Story says (Constitution, Vol. 11, Sees. IHlf) 1511 and 1512) : "No man at all acquainted with diplomacy, but must have felt that the success of negotia- tions as often depends upon their being un- known by the public as upon their justice or their policy. In this view the executive de- The United States and World Peace 43 ^partment is a far better depository of the power than Congress would be. The delays in- cident to a large assembly; the differences of opinion ; the time consumed in debate ; and the utter impossibility of secrecy, all combine to render them unfitted for the purposes of diplomacy. ' ' "The matters in negotiations, which usually require these qualities in the highest degree, are the predatory and auxiliary measures, and which are to be seized upon as it were, in an instantT The President could easily arrange them. But the House, or the Senate, if, in ses- sion, could not act until after great delays ; and in the recess could not act at all. To have in- trusted the power to either would have been to relinquish the constitutional agency of the President in the conduct of foreign negotia- tions. It is true that the branch so intrusted might have the option to employ the President in that capacity ; but they would also have the option of refraining from it, and it cannot be disguised that pique, or cabal, or personal or political hostility, might induce them to keep their pursuits at a distance from his inspection and participation. Nor could it be expected that the President, as a mere ministerial agent of such branch, would enjoy the confidence and respect of foreign powers to the same extent as he would, as the constant representative of the ' nation itself; and his interposition of course would have less efficacy and weight." ' ' On the other hand, considering the delicacy and extent of the power, it is too much to ex- pect that a free people would confide to a single magistrate, however respectable, the sole au- thority to act conclusively, as well as ex- clusively, upon the subject of treaties. ' ' Hence there would seem to be ample constitutional warrant for the President's action in negotiating the treaty thus far without deeming the advice and con- sent of the Senate indispensable. Senator Knox's second contention — that the pro- posed instrument is an attempt to amend the Consti- 44 The United States and World Peace tution by treaty — ^brings up the entire question .of the scope of the treaty making power and the Presi- dent's authority to commit the United States to such a project as the League of Nations. The President's right, by and with the advice and consent of the Sen- ate, to conclude the treaty of peace, as in all wars heretofore, is conceded by Senator Knox, but the right to commit the United States Government to a league for the prevention of war in the future in that same peace treaty is disputed by Senator Knox, who advocates the separation of the covenant of the League of Nations from the treaty of peace, and its separate and more deliberate consideration by the people. In regard to the scope of the treaty making power of the United States, the rule has well been stated as follows : "As expressed in the Constitution of the United States the treaty making power is in terms unlimited, and subject only to those re- straints which are found in that instrument against the action of the government or its de- partments, and those arising from the nature of the government itself and that of the states . . . It would seem clear, however, that the treaty power does not extend so far as to authorize what the constitution foriids, or a change in the character of the government, or in that of one of the states, and it has also been stated that it would not authorize a cession of any portion of the territory of a state without the consent of that state, but subject to the lim- itations mentioned it may he said generally to extend to all matters which are proper subjects of negotiation lettveen our government and the governments of other nations." (Cyclo- pedia of Law, vol. 38, p. 966; Am. & Eng. Bncyc. of Law (2d ed.) vol. 28, p. 477; Cooley Const. Law (3d ed.) p. 117; Geofroy v. Riggs, 133U. S. 258). Elihu Root, in an address before the Am. Soc. of International Law, Apr. 19, 1907, said : "It is not perceived that there is any limit to the questions which can be adjusted touch- ing any matter which is properly the subject The United States and World Peace 45 of negotiation with a foreign country." Madison (3 Elliott's Debates, p. 514) says: "The object of treaties is the regulation of intercourse with foreign "nations and is exter- nal. I do not think it possible to enumerate all the cases in which such external regulation would be necessary. . . . It is most safe therefore to leave it to be exercised as contin- gencies arise." Attorney General Wirt, cited in Devlin on the Treaty Power, p. 129, saj's : "Th# people seemed to have contemplated the National Government as the sole organ of intercourse with foreign nations. It ought to he armed with power to satisfy the fulfillment of all moral obligations, perfect and imperfect, which the law devolves upon us as a nation." Butler, in " Treaty -Making Power of the United States, " p. 5, gives it as his conclusion : "That the treaty-making power of the United States, as vested in the Central Govern- ment, is derived not only from the powers ex- pressly conferred by the constitution, but that it is also possessed as an attribute of sover- eignty' ... in fact that the power of the United States to enter into treaty stipulations, in regard to all matters which can properly be the subject of negotiation between sovereign states, is practically unlimited. ' ' There would rpp.th thprfiforp^ to bp nn cgpfi titntinn al objection to the Presidentp^dgjjig.tlie_&ap.pact.-and cooperation nf the' TTn ited St^ates tow ard- a.— world league for the preservatioa. of 4)_e_ac£jaiJJie-£uture. In regard to newspaper criticism of President Wil- son 's appointment of Colonel House as a representa- tive of the United States at the peace conference, without consulting the Senate, there is ample prece- dent for such action. Treaties with the King of Siam and the Sultan of Muscat, signed March 20th and September 21st, 1833, respectively, by Edmund Rob- erts, a special and secret agent commissioned for this purpose by the President, were ratified by the Senate, and a resolution to the effect that the Senate "felt itself constrained by a high sense of its constitutional 46 The United States and WorliD Peace duty to express its decided disapprobation of the practice of appointing diplomatic agents to foreign countries by the President alone, without the advice and consent of the Senate" was tabled on motion of Webster (Crandall Treaties, Their Making and En- forcement, p. 65). Crandall continues as follows : ' ' The Executive has recognized no limitation in this respect. Among treaties thus concluded, by special agents employed by the President, with countries with which diplomatic relations did not at the time exist, besides the three men- tioned above, may be enumerated those signed, in 1815 and 1816, with Algiers; May 7th, 1830, with the Ottoman Porte } September 16, 1836, with Morocco; November 26, 1838, with Sar- dinia; various treaties of 1846 and 1847 nego- tiated by 0. D. Mann with certain of the Ger- man states; February 2, 1848, with Mexico; November 25, 1850, with Switzerland; Novem- ber 31, 1854, June 17, 1857, and July 29, 1858, with Japan; May 29th, 1856, with Siam. . . . The recent reciprocity treaty with Cuba was negotiated by Gen. T. H. Bliss, who was specially commissioned by the President, although a diplomatic officer had been accred- ited to the new republic. ' ' Senator Root's objection deserves careful consider- ation. "The recent controversies over the disposi- tion of Kiao-Chau and Piume," writes Senator Root in a letter to Senator Lodge dated June 19, 1919, ' ' il- lustrate very well the way in which territorial ar- rangements are likely to be made in councils of the great powers controlled by expediency. I would not vote to bind our country to go into a war in years to come in defense of those arrangements." Senator Root maintains that "if the covenant has to be con- sidered with the peace terms included, the Senate ought to include in its resolution of consent to the ratification an expression of such reservations and understandings as will cure, so far as possible, the defects which -I have pointed out," — viz., the obliga- tion, imposed by Article X of the covenant of the League of Nations, upon each member of the league. The United States and World Peace 47 to preserve against external aggression the territorial integrity and political independence of all members of the league all over the world. ' It is true that Japan and Italy adopted an attitude toward the Shantung and Fiume matters respectively that no disinterested nation would care to indorse, and that President "Wilson, although p'referring a different solution, accepted the disposition of Shan- tung as a compromise in order not to defeat the un- told good resulting from the plan of the league. But the covenant is elastic and not ironclad. In the text of the covenant, as printed in the Paris edition of the Chicago Tribune of February 15, 1919, Article XXIX provides : "It shall be the right of the Body of Dele- gates from time to time to advise the recon- sideration by states members of the league, of treaties which have become inapplicable, and of international conditions, of which the con- tinuance may endanger the peace of the world." And Article XIX of the covenant (as read by President Wilson at a plenary session of the Peace conference on April 28, 1919), provides, with refer- ence to the reconsideration of inequitable arrange- ments, as follows: "The Assembly may, from time to time, ad- vise the reconsideration by members of the League of treaties, which have become inap- plicable, and the consideration of international conditions whose continuance might endanger the peace of the world." (See also Art. XI.) Provision is hence assured, in the covenant, for the consideration from time to time of arrangements al- leged to be inequitable, and their adjustment to the exigencies of existing conditions and the requirements of justice. No doubt before the combined military power of the world would be put into operation in the future, it would have been thoroughly ascer- tained that such vast power would not be used to confirm an established wrong. It should be further noted that Article X of the covenant onlj- obligates the high contracting parties to respect and preserve, as against external aggres- 48 The United States and World Peace s'on, the territorial integrity and political independ- ence of states which are members of the league — not to respect and preserve sn c h tQT-Tit"''ini infncfr-^fy pnH political independence gp ff ffl'* 'rettnliLJim^ n«- ininmmal. reaapisTm.p.nts Shmild the. inl^ahitgntR of Shan.tnnfr or Fiume in the future attempt to settle the question of their own destiny more in accordance with the dic- tates of justice, no signatory to the covenant would he obligated to assist Japan or Italy in resisting such internal movements. This is incidentally the answer also to those who contend that the covenant would bind the United States to help England suppress an Irish revolution. An Irish revolution would be an internal or domestic agitation, which the United States Government, under the covenant, would be as powerless to assist England in suppressing, as it would be to incite Ireland to undertake. Any revolu- tionary movement which attains the status of a de facto government may be recognized under interna- tional law. The possibility of the United States, under Article X of the covenant, being called upon in the future to join the combined military power of the world to confirm any such rooted' injustice as the Shantung disposition, is therefore extremely remote. The ratification of the covenant by the Senate with reservations respecting Article X would practically leave the United States in the position ^ofJieing-un- willing to., help guarantee. 6ermany.'a_±iLLfilliaeiit-of its obligations _under the treaty, or to pledge Ameri- can support toward the maintenance of world , peace. Articles I, T, and'X, o? Hague Convention V, provid- ing that the territory of neutrals shall be inviolable, and prescribing what acts shall or shall not constitute a breach of neutrality, though designed to prevent the neutrality of any country from being violated, failed to attain that object, since the signatories merely agreed severally, each to repel aggression upon its territory, and were nowhere expressly obligated to a joint enforcement of the duties of neutrality as against a recalcitrant belligerent. Article X of the covenant of the League of Nations endeavors to ob- viate just such a defect. It pledges each signatory to the joint enforcement with the others, of the inviola- The United States and World Peace 49 bility of the territorial and political independence of each. The inestimable benefits to world peace, and the assurance of Germany's fulfillment of its treaty obli- gations, which would result from the unrestricted rat- ification by the Senate of the treaty with the covenant, would more than counterbalance any slight disadvan- tages due to remote and illusory possibilities in re- gard to Article X. Thej' who argue against the League of Nations are in realitj- contending for the same international an- archy that caused the recent catastrophe. The same mode of reasoning led many statesmen in the past to magnify the rights of the states to the exclusion of those of the federal government. Nations, states, and individuals have not only rights but obligations. The League of Nations is as inevitable and irresistible a movement as was the crystallization of the states in this country into the United States, of persons into corporations, or the organization among men of gov- \ernment whereby each citizen, in return for certain unavoidable limitations upon individual freedom, is assured the fullest possible liberty consistent with the like liberty of others. The alternative course is an- archy and the primitive order that might makes right — with all to the strong and death to the weak. The following extract from a letter dated March 7, 1919, and written and sent from Remagen, Ger- many, where the writer was with the American Army of Occupation, co nsiders at lengih snmp nf t.he_Qli.jpp- tio ns advanced by Senators Kno x., Lfldgifir-^tad-Borah, that the Cnve r^"^ "^ ^'^^ T.oagnn nf Mnt^nnn flinnlH have ^een_.sfiparated-Jjcom t he trea, ty nf peacyJJiat the covenant violated the Monroe Doctrine, etc. : "We are intensely interested in the events of the Peace Conference at Paris. We are unquestionably living in the most momentous epoch of history. We have just witnessed the greatest conflict of the ages — we now stand around the cradle of the League of Na- tions, the first organized effort of the world to abolish war and maintain permanent peace. Such a world organization for the abolition of war, and the main- tenance of permanent peace has been the dream of statesmen, divines and philosophers from time im- memorial. 50 The United States and World Peace "There are numerous questions confronting the Peace Conference which, if not solved right now, will arise to harass the future. The organization and con- stitution of the League of Nations, the settlement of the fate of the Germany Navy and German colonies, reparation for the injuries inflicted, and guarantees against the future revival of war, are all questions which, if settled improperly now, would undoubtedly be the source of future discord. The Allies, in ex- acting reparation from Germany for past wrongs and in adopting guarantees against future aggression, are actuated by a spirit of equity, not vindictiveness or self-aggrandizement. 'Merciless as is the Cosmic Process worked out by an unknown Power' says Her- bert Spencer, 'yet vengeance is nowhere to be found in it' ' ' Much as the necessity for haste is appreciated, Jjie organization of the League of Natior^ as a^^reUminarj' to the formulation of tEe^ terms! of jjgafiejE^Jflgieal, and[ ultima tely an e cflno roy of tim e, since i t pledge s pra ctically all of m'vili^a.t inTi fn tViP ATifnrpPTnpnt nOVio PeaceL Tiea±yi_and_ serves as a warning to any recalci- ■trant na-tio n of its; isola tion an3'7>"^"^^'^^''"'^^MT^^'"^ '^ wthe jEOcIiL^ Furthermore, to be excluded from such" a society of nations is a distinction coveted by no civilized Power, and the promise to Germany that she may be admitted to membership after she has given evidence of repentance for her wrongs in this war and the elimination of militarism in the future is the most effective possible reminder that there has been something radically defective about her methods in the past. "In regard to the organization of the League of Nations, some statesmen contended for a perpetuation of the old theory of the balance of power, whereby the world would be divided in the fujure into two opposing groups of powers, the balance of power lying with the Allies in this war. This arrangement would most likely perpetuate the old antagonisms and un- avoidably provoke war in the future. The theory actually accepted, on the other hand — that of world union, whereby all powers ( German j- not excepted) sincerely concerned about civilization and opposed to militarism may be eligible to membership — substitutes The United States and World Peace 51 Jhie_grinfl.iple- of world cooperati&H-foiUi.aLQf_CQffipe- tition, and is more apt to ^ffpt^t.nat.e.thp. fnt.nrR pfiae-ft 'The decision in regard to the German navy and territories wrested from Germany — viz. to place them under practically a world trusteeship — was further fortunate, since the motive of conquest or self-agran- dizement in this war cannot thus be imputed to any of the AUi^, and the matter of world peace and se- curity takes precedence with all of the Allies over the question of the insignificant ambitions of each. There are statesmen in all countries — our own not excepted — who do not realize that if they do not subordinate inordinate national aspirations to the larger common interests of the world, in the future we shall have, not a world league for the preservation of peace and prog- ress, but the same aggregation of ambitious, distinct-, national entities, competitive and nonaltruistic, which resulted in the final catastrophe we have just wit- nessed, "In regard to German territory on the west bank of the Rhine, its annexation by France would be productive of the same trouble in the future between Germany and Prance that the annexation of Alsace- Lorraine by Germany produced between those two countries in the past. The suggestion of a German republic, comprising the Rhinelands and constituting an independent, buffer state between France and Germany, deserves consideration, provided that the majority of the inhabitants of the Rhinelands want to establish a republic separate from the rest of Ger- many. Or, as suggested, it might be altogether feasible and legitimate for the Allies to stipulate that Ger- many shall have no military establishments on the left bank of the Rhine, if such a guaranty is essential to future world peace.' ' ' The disposition of the German colonies and terri- tories wrested from Germany was an ideal one; the administration of the government of such possessions by some mandatory, appointed because of geographi- cal or other considerations, which shall render an account of its trusteeship to the League of Nations, such governnient to be conducted firstly in the inter- ests of the inhabitants, and secondly in the interests 52 The United States and World Peace of world peace. Inasmuch as Germany may ulti^ mately qualify ' for membership in the League of Nations, provided she endeavors to atone for her crimes in this war and gives evidence of eschewing militarism in the future, Germany may participate in the final resort in the government of her own lost possessions; but she will nevef again be permitted to control portions of the earth as a base of operations against the rest of the world, nor to militarize the inhabitants of distant colonies for the purpofee of serving her own imperialistic ambitions. In the absence of the League of Nations idea, with its system of mandatory government of lost German possessions, the only equitable and feasible solution of the future of such possessions would appear to have been to permit the Allies to hold them as security of Germany's fulfillment of her treaty obligations and then ultimately to restore them to Germany. The plan actually adopted, however — ^that of the internationalization of such lost German pos- sessions, and their government by a mandatory re- sponsible for its trusteeship to the League of Nations — excels any other that could be devised. World highways, whether on land or sea, will be internation- alized as far as possible also. "President Wilson, Lloyd George, Clemeneeau, General Smuts, Colonel House and a host of excellent, far-sighted and idealistic statesmen from various countries, are entitled to the gratitude of mankind for evolving, and stoutly contending for, a solution of the questions arising out of the war that will not jeopardize world peace "in the future. And yet there are well-meaning, bvit deluded statesmen in our own country at present — such as Senator Borah of Idaho — who persist in making the interests of the United States paramount to those of the entire world, and instead of adjusting our legitimate aspirations to the best interests of the world, would have the entire world conform to our particular national policies. "Men like Senator Lodge, who have rendered con- spicuous service to the cause of the Allies during the war, now mar that fine record of achievement by op- posing the League of Nations on the ground that it conflicts with the Monroe Doctrine and would embroil the United States in European concerns. The United States and World Peace 53 "If the Monroe Doctrine were inconsistent with world co-operation for the abolition of war and the maintenance of peace in the future, then the Monroe Doctrine should be abrogated. But happily the Amer- ican Monroe Doctrine is not inconsistent with rational effort on the part of the United States and all other nations for the maintenance of the world peace. "The Monroe Doctrine implies that while existing territories controlled by European powers shall be maintained in statu quo, no new colonization or the extension of territorial holdings in the western hemis- phere sha^ be undertaken by alien powers — that the United States, while not assuming to interfere in the affairs of Europe, will not tolerate any extension of European systems to America. At present the United States, by subscribing to the covenant of the Lea-^ue of Nations, does not assume to meddle in European affairs, but simply engages to assist in the solution of European problems at the solicitation of Europe it- self. On the other hand, by permitting the Old World to mix in the affairs of the New, we do not abate any of the purposes of the Monroe Doolrine, since the assistance of the Old World may be invoked in case of the threatened invasion of our rights, and the Old World is only permitted to interfere in the remote contingency of American aggression upon the rest of the world or American disturbance of the peace of the world. It is a distinct advantage on the part of the United States to be able to avail itself of the cooperation of the world in the event of aggres- sion in the future, while Europe apparently does not underestimate the benefits of American cooperation in the solution of future difficulties. The Monroe Doctrine is not impaired, but the possibility of its infraction is minimized, by the participation of the United States in the League of Nations. "Washington's admonition against foreign entan- glements merely had reference to alliances that might make the United States the pawn of some European power, not to honorable association in the cause of justice, liberty, oppressed small nationalities and world peace. In Washington 's day the United States could remain more isolated and more impervious to wrong and injustice in remote parts of the world than it can to-day, when the cable and wireless teleg- 54 The United States and World Peace raphy knit the world closely together, and an injustice in one part of the world to-day arouses sympathetic protest in the rest of the world to-morrow. "Sir Robert Cecil has properly pointed out that the participation of the United States in the war and in the League of Nations involves obligations which cannot honorably be avoided. Bacon says : ' By pains men come to greater pains. ' But of course the altru- istic inclinations of nations are affected by geographi- cal, economical and other considerations. The cove- nant recognizes the justice of such considerations by selecting mandatories for the government of inter- uationalized possessions with a view to their proximity to such possessions, economic capacity for executing the trusteeship, etc. So that the United States would not have — and no nation would have — any intolerable burdens as a result of its participation in the League of Nations. "One of the perplexing questions confronting the Peace Conference was the question whether the en- forcement of the covenant should be compelled by an international police power — as France advocated — or by economic and financial pressure brought by the remaining powers against the recalcitrant nation. The plan finally adopted was the latter: each sub- scribing power agreeing to enforce the covenant by exerting economic and industrial pressure against a recalcitrant power, with the privilege of adopting force in addition at its discretion. ' ' President Wilson has been criticized in the United States for coming to Europe and attempting to help solve the problems before the Peace Conference, but those of us who are not anxious to have war confront posterity have been satisfied that Wilson's influence in the conference has been all for the highest idealism compatible with mundane realities. Because the United States may be called upon in the future to help guarantee the peace of the world, as a signatory to the covenant of the League of Nations, she is vitally interested now in effecting solutions of the perplexing questions before the Peace Conference based upon abstract justice, and she is c.oncerned neither about extracting any advantage for herself, nor about the ambitious aspirations of any other nation. The United States and World Peace 55 "Can war- be abolished? Will this first organized effort of humanity for emancipation from war's hor- rors be ultimately successful? Treaties and Hague conventions designed to prevent war have been sub- scribed to before, have been violated, and have, as we have seen, proved ultimately incapable of guaian- teein g world pea,ce. But h eretofore a power su b- scrtbing to international conventionS-JgasJaQund by no considpratinfiVnthpr'"t,b,^n'tlTOse of justice a-nd honor, which, of course, with an honorable power, would have been sufficient, but which, with an unscrupulous or oppressive power, would, as we have seen, be inef- fectual. ^W, hnwpvpr a pnwpr nPffleati-Pg itg i^thiaa] obligation to observe the covenant will immediately be boycotted economically and otherwise by the pre-, ponderant nations of the world, and any nation set- ting out, in the future, upon a war of aggression as unprovoked and inexcusable as Germany's recent war, would immediately find itself in the toils of an irre- sistible world pressure, economic and perhaps physi- cal also, so that it would be suppressed ere it had gotten well started. ' ' Some very thoughtful writers and statesmen have despaired of the possibility of ever suppressing war, and have come to regard war as a necessary evil. Some, emphasizing the beneficial aspects of war, such as the spirit of heroism and self-sacrifice, and ignoring its preponderating detrimental aspects, such as its grewsomeness and savagery, with the extermination of the noblest, have argued that the abolition of war would involve the suppression of desirable qualities of human character developed by war. "War, however, proves ultimately detrimental and disastrous, since the disadvantages of the extermi- nation of the best elements of life and the reverter to primitive savagery more than counterbalance the compensating advantages of heroism and self-sacrifice generated by war. "Nor would the permanent suppression of war involve the extermination of desirable human qualities developed by wa,r. The late Prof. James of Harvard pointed out that in the struggles of modern industrial life we have the moral equivalent of war. Commercial rivalry, industrial competition, and the bare struggle 56 The United States and World Peace for existence in many cases, involve such desperate effort on the part of innumerable human beings as to correspond to the privations and heroism of the battlefield. In the case of those absolved from the struggle for existence, the labor and research inci- dental to progress in science, learning and art, con- stitute the full equivalent of the stern attributes de- veloped by the rigors of war." CHAPTER VII. The Trial op the Kaiser.^ In a carefully considered article on the "Status of the Kaiser under International Law" in the May-June, 1919 number of the American Law Review, Mr. R. Floyd Clarke advocates the trial of the Kaiser for violations of the Hague Conventions con- stituting jnurder and upon conviction that he- be executed. Mr. Clarke's article is so thoughtful and comprehensive" that it leaves little to be said on the subject and a summary of his arguments is well worth reproducing, even though some of his conclusions would appear to be a little drastic. There are two apparent difficulties to the trial of the Kaiser for murder, Clarke concedes : First, that ' ' murder, which is the gravest crime under municipal law, is not a crime under international law when perpetrated de jure belli"; and second, that while the Hague Con- ventions enjoin the commission of specific acts as contrary to international law and humanity, they do not attach any penalty to the Commission of the acts prohibited, and to declare such prohibited acts mur- der now and punish them as such would be to enact ex post facto law. ■ In regard to the first objection — that murder is not a crime under international law when perpetrated de jure belli — Clarke contends that it can be made such by consent of the majority of the nations con- stituting the society of nations by analogy to the process whereby municipal law exists when ' ' to moral rules and the consent of the majority that they are expedient has been added the sanction of a penalty for their violation under the government prescribing the laws. ' ' The consent of the majority of the nations constituting the society of nations is the supreme authority for international law, just as the majority consent of the individuals constituting the state or sovereignty is the ultimate sanction of municipal law. "Force is the arbiter of the destiny of the world," asserts Clarke, not "force applied haphazard aecord- 1 Reprinted from Bench and Bar (N. Y.), Sept., 1919. 57 58 The United States and World Peace ing to the unrestrained will of the aggressor (the German Kultur doctrine)," but "force applied ac- cording to the laws of nature and development," and to "principles of justice and equity and right rea- son." "This is the guK that separated the ideals of the Germans from the ideals o^ the Allies, — a gulf as wide as infinity." Is there in existence a society of nations capable of enacting international law analogous to the so- ciety of individuals constituting the ultimate a;uthor- ity of municipal law? Clarke asserts that "a society of nations practically constituting a quasi sovereignty and equivalent in international law to the society of individuals constituting a sovereignty in municipal law has been in existence since the year 1648 (the Treaty of Westphalia)," and that this society has developed in the course of time through the accession of other nations and by "various treaties between the nations of the world of a law-making character," among them the "Vienna Congress of 1815, the Treaty of London of 1831, the Declaration of Paris of 1856, the Geneva Convention of 1864," etc. "This Society of Nations met in the years 1899 and 1907 and laid down pure law-making treaties comprising various conventions and declarations which became and were a prescription of the international law as applied to the conduct of states in peace and war by which the various signatories were bound." The fact that the treaties were_ subscribed to on condition that the signatories should not be bound by them in case o£, war involving non-signatory pow- ers, and that they should be obligatory for only seven years, does not at all affect or impair the permanent, binding, moral truth of the treaties, Clarke maintains; and that these moral truths enunciated by these treaties "should become laws binding on all nations waits only on the consent of the majority of nations recognizing them to prescribe a sanction of their violation." In regard to the second objection against the trial of the Kaiser for murder — viz., that while the Hague Conventions prohibited certain enumerated acts, they did not -declare them to be crimes, nor do they attach any penalties to their commission — Clarke maintains that the contention that to make violations of such The United States and World Peace 59 offenses murder now and attach penalties to their commission would be creating ex post facto law, has no relevancy to the legislation of the Allied Nations, since the prohibition against ex post facto law found in the American Constitution is necessarily restricted in application to American institutions. Asserting finally that the Allies "as a majority of the individual sovereignties constituting the so- ciety of nations have the right to make the laws for that society," and "that the law-making power is in the majority of the nations constituting the so- ciety of nations," he recommends that "a new meet- of the society of nations, or even preferably composed only of the Allies, similar to the former conferences at the Hague be called," and "at such meeting pass the necessary legislation to confirm the preyious rules of war of the Hague Conventions, attach penalties to the prohibitions enacted, make the provisions of the rules retroactive so as to clearly apply to the deeds of the Kaiser and other perpetrators of these wanton acts, and thereupon create a new interna- tional court with full jurisdiction to pass upon the offenses heretofore or hereafter occurring under the new Code.'-' With respect to the elemental and preliminary con- siderations whether the Hague Conventions have been violated, and if so, what procedure to take in ex- traditing the criminal, Clarke cites the oft referred to articles of the Hague Convention of 1899, afterward confirmed and differently numbered by the Hague Convention of 1907, such as Article 23, Section 2, prohibiting the employment of poison in conducting hostilities, the killing of persons and the destruction or seizure of enemy property except for military rea- sons, and the forcing of the nationals of an enemy to take up arms against their country; Article 25, Sec. 2, prohibiting the bombardment of unfortified and undefended places ; Article 46, Sec. 3, prohibiting the disregard of family honor or religious convictions ; Article 50, Sec. 3, prohibiting the fining and looting of whole populations because of the acts of. indivi- duals; Article 56, Sec. 3, prohibiting the destruction or defacement of historical monuments, works of art and science ; prohibitions declaring the inviolabil- 60 The United States and World Peace ity and immunity from attack of hospitals and hos- pital ships, prohibiting the discharge of projectiles and explosives from balloons and enjoining the use of asphyxiating gases. Having persistently violated the moral truths com- prised in these treaty provisiops, through the sub- marines, the Zeppelins, the use of gas, the execution of captives, and having attacked and bombarded un- defended places and hospitals and hospital ships, hav- ing also sacked, looted, pillaged, and deported without restraint, the Kaiser may be tried for murder, under Clarke's contention, as soon as the Allied nations declare the violation of the moral truths enunciated by the Hague Conventions to be murder, and retro- actively attach the proper penalty thereto. With respect to the procedure for the extra- dition of the Kaiser from the Netherlands, Clarke asserts that the "crimes which the Kaiser has perpetrated have been as to situs committed in Belgium, the occupied portion of Northern France, the high seas (through submarine operations) and England and France (through Zeppelin opera- tions)." The Kaiser's extradition from the Nether- lands might be demanded by both England and France under their treaties with Holland. Clarke shows, but the only tenable basis for the extradition of the Kaiser would be "the international law of murder as declared by the Hague Conference. ' ' Eng- land '^-demand for the extradition of the Kaiser under its treaty with Holland, Clarke shows, would be met by the objection that the crime, if a crime, had not been committed in Great Britain — an objection that would not apply as against France's demand. This objection, however, would be invalid, because as Clarke says, under the common law doctrine of agency (qui facit per alium facit per se), and under the claim of the constructive presence of the criminal in England through the instigation of forces to perpe- trate the crime in England, the Kaiser's extradition could be demanded on the ground of personal pres- ence in England. Although "Britain's own prece- dents could be cited against her," asserts Clarke, in her demands for the Kaiser's extradition under the treaty with Holland, the claim of both France and The United States and World Peace 61 Great Britain for the Kaiser's extradition under their treaties with Holland would be untenable for the reason that, as Clarke shows, "murder is not a crime under international law when perpetrated de jure belli." Clarke concludes, therefore, that the Kaiser's ex- tradition must be based not upon treaties, but upon "the international law of murder as declared by the Hague Conference." And he advocates the trial of the Kaiser for murder, and, upon conviction, he recommends that he be executed. Sec. 7 of the treaty presented to, and since ratified by, Germany actually provides, respecting the trial of the Kaiser: "The Allied and associated Powers publicly arraign William II of Hohenzollern, former German Emperor, not for an offense against criminal law, but for a supreme offense against international morality and the sanctity of treaties." The Ex-Em- peror's surrender is to be requested of Holland and a special tribunal set up, composed of one judge from each of the principal Great Powers; with full guar- antees of the right of defense, it is to be guided "by the highest motives of international policy with a view of indicating the solemn obligations of interna- tional undertakings and the validity of international morality, ' ' and will fix the punishment it feels should be imposed. Persons accused of having committed acts in viola- tion of the laws and customs of war are to be tried and punished by military tribunals under military law. If the charges affect nationals of only one state they will be tried before a tribunal of that state; if they affect nationals of several states they will be tried before the joint tribunals of the states con- cerned; "Germany shall hand over to the associated Governments, either jointly or severally, all persons so accused and all documents and information neces- sary to secure full knowledge of the incriminating acts, the discovery of the offenders, and the just appreciation of the responsibilty. ' ' So reads the sum- mary of the section of the treaty, dealing with the trial of the Kaiser, appearing in the press. As to the execution of the Kaiser, the obvious and apparently irrefutable argument against it is that it 62 The United States and World Peace would martyrize the Kaiser in the eyes of his deluded followers, and the Kaiser having voluntarily thrust aside the martyr's crown by neglecting to die at the hQ0.d of his troops when the day was lost, the Allies should not now repair his mistake by putting him to death. The most adequate penalty that could be meted out to the Kaiser would be to try him, and, upon conviction, isolate him, under constant sur- veillance, as Napoleon was banished and guarded. The abandonment of the Kaiser to the solitude of his own reflections would be the most adequate penalty conceivable for his crimes, while it would constitute just as powerful a deterrent against future emulation of his acts by ambitious rulers as his actual execution. Besides, such a course would be most in consonance with the scrupidous restraint and forbearance with which the Allies have heretofore used the overwhelm- ing power and advantage they possessed. The argument against the execution of the Kaiser is not at all based upon respect for the "divinity that doth hedge a king," or for any alleged inviola- bility or immunity of the person of a monarch. It is founded solely upon the conviction that the Kaiser is unworthy of the martyrdom which has misguided followers might interpret his execution to imply, while his trial and isolation under guard would prove an effectual bar to future intrigues for his restoration to power. Conclusive though the arguments would seem to be against executing the Kaiser, ^;here would seem to be no valid objection to his trial. There are some who take the indulgent view that was best expressed by Hindenburg, in his appeal to Foch, to be spared the humiliation and dishonor of a trial for crime — that the German military men simply fought for their Kaiser and country just as the Allied soldiers fought for their respective countries. The answer to his contention has been well stated by Lloyd George, who asserted that the time had come to stigmatize an in- defensible and aggressive war as nothing short oi a crime against humanity and the perpetrators of it criminals of the most pronounced type. The time has indeed gone when men are content to regard a war of conquest and aggression as the legitimate The United States and World Peace 63 pastime of rulers, and to look with complacency or indulgence on murder on a vast scale while penaliz- ing with death murder on a more restricted scale. Whatever the general readiness to concede that the German people were to some extent the victims of a military policy which they were powerless to control, the conviction is almost universal as to the guilt and responsibility of the German militarists who, with cool deliberation, planned and executed an inexcus- able war of conquest and aggression. Although it would be impossible similarly to mislead the Amwiean people or to Induce them to take up arms in an un- just war, and although, as President Wilson has well expressed it, "no people should have permitted their government to do what the German Government did, ' ' still there is little disposition to hold the German people criminally responsible for their unquestioning acquiescence in the unscrupulous military commands of their rulers. A charitable view of their part in the war is that they would never have been guilty of the acts they committed if they had not been misled. But with respect to the deliberate authors and perpetrators of the war the case is different. The chief perpetrators of the ghastly crime are not only alive after sacrificing without stint the blood of mil- lions of their fellow countrymen, — not to mention that of the rest of the world, — ^but they are pleading intensely for that life which they held so cheaply in the persons of their own kin no less than in the peoples of the rest of the world. Not only is the trial of the chief German militarists necessary as a preventive of future intrigues for the restoration of the decadent Hohenzollern dynasty, or the rehabilitation of the military party which has so corrupted German life, but it is advisable as a warning in the future not only to those who violate the rules of civilized warfare, but who deliberately provoke unjustified wars, that an unjust war is not the legitimate pastime of rules, but the most atrocious crime that can be committed, and that the perpetra- tors thereof are criminals of the most execrable type. The Kaiser, Ludendorff, Von Hindenburg, Von Tir- pitz, and the whole gruesome crew of instigators of murder on land and sea, must be dragged before the 64 The United States and World Peace bar of the public opinion of the world to receive the formal sentence of condemnation which the organized power of the world has already visited upon them. The execution of that sentence may be safely left in the discretion of the civilized powers of the world. But in the case of the Kaiser aijd his satellites the ends of justice would perhaps be best subserved, and the prevention of such a catastrophe again would be most adequately insured, by placing them all under im- penetrable guard rather than by death. CHAPTER VIII. The Formal Ending of the Wae as Respects the United States. I. The Defeat of the Treaty of Versailles iy the American Seriate. The recent attempt of certain Senators opposed to President Wilson's attitude toward the treaty of Versailles to obtain Congressional action establishing peace, raises an important question as to the legality — not to mention the propriety or advisability — of such a proposal. The circumstances surrounding the defeat of the treaty of Versailles by the American Senate are still fresh in the minds of citizens. After the Republican Senators and a few Democratic Sena- tors opposed to ratification of the treaty without res- ervations, had voted for ratification with the Lodge reservations, the President, holding that the proposed Lodge reservations would essentially alter the terms of the treaty, and especially destroy Article X. of the covenant, (the only assurance of concerted action by the powers of the world to prevent future aggres- sion by large powers upon smaller) advised his fol- lowers in the Senate to vote against ratification of the treaty with the Lodge reservations. The treaty of Versailles was accordingly defeated by the votes of the Republican irreconcilables opposed to it in any form, and the Democratic followers of the President in the Senate opposed to it with the Lodge reserva- tions. II. The Fate of the Congressional Resolution De- signed to Establish Separate Peace with Ger- many. The treaty of peace having been defeated, the coun- try still remained legally at war with Germany, and in order to extricate things from the 'plight into which they were cast by their action, the Senatorial opponents of the treaty without reservations under- took to establish peace with Germany by Congres- sional resolution . repealing the declarations of war and the various war acts passed by Congress pursuant 65 66 The United States and Wokld Peace thereto. The joint resolution passed by a majority vote of Congress, was promptly vetoed by the Presi- dent, and, failing of repassage over the President's veto by the necessary two-thirds vote in the House, died. III. The Inherent Vice of a Congressional Resolu- tion Attempting to End War. Extreme advocates of the ending of the war via a separate peace with Germany argue that Congress possesses the power under the inherent legislative power to repeal legislative enactments, or under the common defence and general welfare clause of the Constitution of the United States (Article I, Section 8, clause 1) ; and that the approval of the President is not essential to the validity of a joint or concurrent resolution of Congress, which may become a law im- mediately upon its passage by Congress. As an abstract proposition of law, the legislature may repealany measure it has enacted. "The legis- lature has the same plenary power to repeal laws as it has to enact them, in the absence of any consti- tutional prohibition or restriction." American and English Encyclopedia of Law, Vol. 26, p. 715, (citing Musgrove v. Vicksiurg, etc., R. Co. 50 Miss. 677; State V. Judge, 14. La. Aun. 491 ; People v. Livingston 6 Wend. (N. Y.) 530; Shepard v. Wheeling, 30 W. Va. 479; State v. Hoef linger, 31 Wis. 257). "The power to repeal a law is as complete and full as the power to enact it," 86 Cyc. 1069-7. While it would seem at first blush by analogy therefore, that Congress would have the implied power to repeal the declara- tions of war against Germany and Austria-Hungary made pursuant to Article I, Section 8, clause 11, yet such power is nowhere specifically conferred upon Congress, and because of the inability of Congress to provide for claims of or against nationals of either party arising during or as a result of the war, — one of the most indispensable features of the restoration of peace, — Congress is powerless to end war by reso- lution. Whatever might be advanced in behalf of the pow- er of Congress under its implied legislative authority, or under the common defense and general welfare The United States and World Peace 67 clause of the Constitution (Article I, Section 8, clause 1), to repeal the declarations of war, we must view with circumspection that part of the joint resolution, which seeks legally to reserve to the United States all German property derived as a result of war condi- tions until all claims of nationals of the United States against Germany or German subjects have been satis- fied, and we must further regard as extremely dubious the right of Congress to attempt to reserve to the United States all of the privileges and benefits of the treaty of Versailles, while repudiating its obliga- tions, as imiolved in that part of the joint resolution which provides that "until ... it shall be de- termined otherwise, the United States, although it has not ratified the treaty of Versailles, does not waive any of the right, privileges, indemnities, rep- arations or advantages to which it and its nationals have become entitled under the terms of the armistice signed November 11, 1918, or any extensions or modi- fications thereof or of which under the treaty of Versailles have been stipulated for its benefit as one of the principal allied and associated powers and to which it is entitled." The latter part of the joint resolution (vetoed by President Wilson on May 27th, and which later failed of repassage in the House by the necessary two-thirds vote, over the President's veto) unquestionablj'' in- vades the sphere of treaties, and, undertaking as it does to settle rights arising out of the war status by Congressional resolution, without consultation with the party or parties to be bound thereby, is unilateral and ex parte, and constitutes an appropriation by Congress of the treaty making power of the President conferred by the United States Constitution (Article II, Section 2, clause 2), providing: "He (the Presi- dent) shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two- thirds of the Senators present concur . . ." Whatever might be said as to the power of Con- gress, without the President's approval, to repeal the declarations of war and the various war-time acts enacted, the attempt of Congress to adjust and estab- lish rights and duties arising out of the war status by joint resolution obviously constituted an invasion 68 The United States and Woeld Peace of the domain of the President with respect to the treatj'-making power, and undoubtedly was attempted legislative usurpation of executive power. We have heard a good deal recently about the alleged Presi- dential disregard of the prerogatives of the Senate respecting the treaty-making power, but the joint resolution in question undeniably involves Congres- sional encroachment upon the sphere of the executive department in regard to that power. IV. The Traditional Ending of Wars. 1. American Wars. No former war of the United States was ended in any other manner than by treaty ratified by the Senate. The attempted Congressional termination of the war was without precedent in our history. Because of the incompetence of Congress to adjust and settle rights and duties arising out of the war status in an ex parte manner by Congressional reso- lution, Congress is powerless to tend to the most important and serious questions flowing from wars, whatever argument might be made as to its power to merely repeal a declaration of war and formally declare what events themselves sufficiently pub- lish to the world. The most important consequences flowing from the establishment of peace are those per- taining to claims of or against nationals of either belligerent arising during or as a result of war, and these questions cannot be settled other than by treaty assented to by the power or powers to be bound thereb.y, although the nominal conclusion of the war could be established by Congressional resolution, merely repealing prior declarations of war, except for Constitutional provisions hereafter considered. 2. Wars in General. While war may end by conquest, as where one of the belligerents submits to the other for a consider- able time, or by the simple cessation of hostilities (such as the war between Sweden and Poland in 1716, between Prance and Spain in 1720, between Texas and Mexico in 1836, and the Spanish wars with the American colonists early in the 19th century), it is usually terminated by a treaty of peace [See The United States and World Peace 69 16 American and English Encyclopedia of Law (2nd Ed.) p. 1160, and 40 Cyc. 393—53, 54 and 55; 2 Halleck Int. Law (4th Ed.) p. 491; Carver v. V. 8., 16 Ct. CI. 861, 383 (Affirmed in 111 U. S. 609, 4 S. Ct. 561, 28 L. Ed. 540) ; Freeborn v. The Protector, 12 Wall (U. S.) 700, 20 L. Ed. 463 ; Mep/ieMs v. U. S. 43 Ct. CI. 430, (holding that the state of war with Spain did not cease with the ratification of the treaty in April, 1899), (30 U. S. St. at L. 1754)]. Wilson (International Law, p. 366) mentions one other way for the termination of war — by proclama- tion in case «f civil war. Stockton (Outlines of In- ternational Law, p. 373) says that war may end with- out treaty also, by the disappearance of the national- ity or existence of one of the belligerents, as in the cast of the third partition of Poland, or the fall of the Southern Confederacy after the American Civil War. (a) Termination of War hij Conquest. While there have been some advocates in the recent Senatorial debates of the view that our war with Germany and Austria-Htingary has come to an end by the simple cessation of hostilities, the view that it ended by conquest, involving as it does the prim- eval assertion of the supremacy of the will of the conqueror over any supposed rights of the van- quished, had no defenders. But the view that the war terminated by the cessation of hostilities has nearly as many weighty objections to it. (b) Termination of War by Cessation of Hostilities. Oppenheim says (International Law Volume II, p. 324) that in the event of the termination of war merely by cessation of hostilities, since no treaty of peace decides such questions, the question arises whether the status which existed between the parties before the outbreak of the war, status quo ante bellum, should be revived, or the status existing between the parties at the time they ceased hostilities, status post bellum or uti possidetis, should be adopted as the determinant of rights and obligations. The majoritj' of publicists adopt the latter view, which involves "according to the correct opinion," asserts Oppen- 70 The United States and "World Peace heim, the right of the victor occupying enemy terri- tory to annex it. But the attempt to dispense with treaties of peace would seem to have still other diffi- culties since, as Oppenheim justly observes, "this termination of war," through cessation of hostilities "contains no decision regarding such claims of the parties as have not been settled by the actual position of affairs at the termination of hostilities, and it re- mains for the parties to settle them by special agree- ment or let them stand over." Thus in addition to the objection that it may give justification to annexation of militarily occupied ter- ritory by the victor, the attempt to dispense with a treaty of peace and to consider a war as terminating by the mere cessation of hostilities (as Senator Knox and other proponents of a peace by joint resolution of Congress advocated) is open to the further objec- tion that it still leaves all questions not settled by the actual position of affairs at the termination of hostilities unsettled, and such questions would then have to be either settled by special agreements corre- sponding to treaties, or remain unsettled. "Although occasionally war ends through simple cessation of hostilities," Oppenheim concludes (Vol. II, p. 327), "and although subjugation is not at all rare or irregular, the most frequent end of war is a treaty of peace. Many publicists correctly call a treaty of peace the normal mode of terminating war. On the one hand, simple cessation of hostilities is certainly an irregular mode. ' ' (c) Termination of War "by Treaty of Peace. Stockton, Outlines of International Law, p. 374, says: "The normal way of terminating war is by a treaty of peace. // war has heen carried on hy an alli- ance with other states on either side it is unjustifiable, except in certain extreme cases, like that of self- preservation, for one state to make peace or to treat without mutual consent." Wilson on International Law (p. 373) says: "When war comes to an end by a simple cessation of hostilities, not only the subjects of the belligerent states, but also those of neutral states, are in doubt as to the extent of their rights and their status. . . The United States and World Peace 71 The independence of Venezuela was not fully rec- ognized by Spain till 25 years after the cessation of active hostilities. ' ' Thus the termination of war by conquest or mere cessation of hostilities would seem to present insuper- able difficulties, and the most normal way of ending war, by the consensus of informed opinion, is by treaty of peace. V. The Veto Power of the President, Respecting Joint or Concurrent Congressional Resolutions. Some of the proponents of a separate peace with Germany, realizing the impracticability of assuming that the war could terminate other than by treaty of peace, but still seeking to avoid that admission, con- tend for the effectiveness of the Congressional resolu- tion designed to attain that end, despite the Presi- dent's veto, on the ground that joint or concurrent resolutions (like the resolution in question) are valid when enacted without the President's signature. This contention raises the question as to the entire scope of the Congressional and Presidential power respect- ing legislation. The view that the power of Congress to repeal declarations of war may be implied from the inherent legislative capacity of repealing any laws enacted, or from the common defense or general welfare clause of the Constitution (Article I, Section 8, clause 1), cannot be maintained in the face of the clear con- stitutional requirement (Article I, Section 7, clause 2) providing that "every bill," and the further re- quirement (Article I, Section 7, clause 3) that "every order, resolution or vote to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may he necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States." These two last cited provisions of the Constitution also dispose of the contention that the Congressional resolution in question, being a joint resolution, was valid upon adoption without the President's approval, on the theory that joint or concurrent resolutions do not require the President's signature to become effective. 72 The United States and World Peace Article I, Section 7, clause 2, of the Constitution of the United States, provides that ' ' Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it 6ecome a law, be presented to the President of the United States. If he approves he shall sign it, but if not he shWl return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall have orig- inated, who shall enter the objections at large on their Journal and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent together with the ob- jections, to the other House, by which it shall like- wise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become a law." Clause 3 of Article I, Section 7, provides: "Every order, resolu- tion or vote to which the concurrence of the Senate or House of Representatives may be necessary, (except in question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States, and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, accord- ing to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill." According to a literal interpretation of the Con- stitution, therefore, there can be no doubt that the joint resolution in question required the President's signature before it could become a law. "Joint resolutions are not distinguishable from bills, and if approved by the President, or if duly passed without the approval of the President, they have all the effect of law" (6 Op. Attorney General 680, the Attorney General saying at p. 692 : ' ' Accord- ing to the letter of the Constitution, resolutions of the two houses, even a joint resolution, when sub- mitted to the President and disapproved by him, do not acquire the force of law until passed anew by concurrent vote of two-thirds of each House"). "A statute takes effect (if not otherwise provided) on the day of its approval by the executive, and in- cludes that day, unless its operation is postponed by its terms." Weed v. Snow (C.C. 1843) Fed. Cas. No 17,347; In re Williams (C.C. 1874) Fed. Cas. No 17,700; V. S. V. Chong Sam (D.C. 1891) 47 Fed. 878; 3 Op. Attorney General 82. The United States and World Peace 73 A joint resolution suspending the execution of an act of Congress is held to be one of the character mentioned in Article I, Section 7, clause 3, to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Eepre- sentatives and the approval of the President are necessary. {U. 8. v. Stockslager, 9 Sup. Ct. 382, 384, 129 U. S. 470, 32 L. Ed. 785). "In all States but Rhode Island and North Caro- lina, and in the territories, the Constitution provides that every bill or every joint resolution, except for adjournment, passed by the legislature shall be pre- sented to the governor before it becomes a law; and, if he approves he is to sign it." (Stimson, Federal and State Constitutions of the United States, p. 252.) Thus by analogy, state constitutions provide for the submission of "every bill or every joint or con- current resolution, except for adjournment," passed by the legislature to the governor for his approval. Willoughby (Constitution of the United States, Vol. I, p. 568) says: "In the Fifty -fourth Congress, 2nd Session, the Senate Committee on the Judiciary was requested to report whether a certain resolution mentioned in a law should be in the form of a 'joint resolution,' and whether it was necessary that 'con- current resolutions' should be submitted to the Presi- dent of the United States. "In its report the committee, while admitting that Clause 3 of Article I, Section VII, of the Constitution, literally applied, would make it necessary that every joint or concurrent resolution of Congress, whatever its substance or intent, would have to be submitted to the President for his approval, goes on to say that the Constitution must look beyond the mere form of a resolution, to its subject matter, and that the words 'to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary' are to be con- strued to relate only to matters of legislation to which the concurrent action of both Houses is by the Con- stitution made absolutely necessary; in short, only to legislative measures. Thus, in general, joint reso- lutions need to be sent to the President; concur- rent resolutions do not. Of these latter, the commit- tee say: 'For over a hundred years . . . they have never ieen so presented. They have uniformly 74 The United States and Woeld Peace been regarded by all the Departments of the Govern- ment as matters peculiarly within the province of Congress alone. They have never embraced legislative decisions proper, and henee have never been deemed to require executive approval. This practical con- struction of the Constitution, thus acquiesced in for a century, must be deemed the true construction with which no court will interfere, Stuart v. Laird, 1 Cranch299.'" An examination of the report of the Senate Com- mittee on the Judiciary (Senate Reports, Vol. 2, p. 2) referred to, and quoted by Willoughby in the foregoing excerpt, effectually disposes of the last vestige of hope for statesmen who contend that the joint resolution in question, attempting to establish a separate peace with Germany, did not require the President's approval in order to become law. The relevant parts of the Committee's report (authorized by resolution of the Senate of Feb. 20, 1896) follow: "It is clear that every bill must be presented to the President, irrespective of the nature or contents thereof. Upon that point the Constitution is explicit, but whether an order, resolution or vote (except on a question of adjournment) must be presented to the President, depends upon the fact whether the con- currence of the two Houses was actually necessary. ... If permissible a more acceptable construction would be that no 'order, resolution or vote' need ie presented, to the President unless its subject -matter is legislative, to which the Constitution expressly re- quires the assent of both Houses, matter to which such assent is constitutionally necessary. ... So that no mere resolution, joint, concurrent or other- wise, need he presented to the President for- his approval unless it relates to matter of legislation to which the Constitution requires the concurrence of both Houses of Congress and the approval of the President — in other words, unless such Congressional action be the reverse of 'legislative powers' vested in Congress under the provisions of Article I, Sec- tion I." Referring (at p. 5) to a joint resolution appointing a committee to request that the President recommend a day of "public humiliation and prayer" to be ob- The United States and World Peace 75 served by the people of the United States which became effective without submission to the President, the committee say that the failure to submit it to the President was "based upon the ground that a mere request which involved no expense to the Government was not properly legislative matter with which the President could interfere. " "It has been the uniform practice of Congress (except in the few instances heretofore mentioned occurring in the very early Congresses) to present all joint resolutions to the President for his approval, and for the President to act upon 'the same. Such resolutions have usuallij emiraced only matters of a concededly legislative, character." Respecting concurrent resolutions, the committee say (at pp. 5 and 6) : "They have not been used (except as hereinbefore stated) for the purpose of enacting legislation but to express the sense of Con- gress upon a given subject to adjourn longer than three days, to make, amend, or suspend joint rules, and to accomplish similar purposes in which both Houses have a common interest, but with which the President has no concern. They are frequently used in ordering the printing of documents, in paying therefor, and in incurring and paying for other ex- penses where the moneys necessary have been pre- viously appropriated." "Concurrent resolutions from this very nature re- qiiire the concurrence of both Houses to make them effectual, and if the Constitution in Section 7 has referred solely to form and not to the substance of such resolutions, they must, of course, be presented to the President for his approval." The committee conclude (at p. 8) that "this branch of the subject, by deciding the general question sub- mitted to us, to wit, 'whether concurrent resolutions are required to he submitted to the President of the United States, must depend, not upon their mere form, hut upon the fact whether they contain matter which is properly to be regarded as legislative in its character and effect. If they do, they must be pre- sented for his approval; otherwise, they need not be. In other words, we hold that the clause in the Con- stitution which declares that every order, resolution 76 The United States and World Peace or vote must be presented to the President, to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives may be necessary, refers to the necessity oc- casioned by the requirement of the other provisions of the Constitution, whereby every exercise of legislative powers involves the concurrence of the two Houses; and every resolution not so requiring such concurrent action, to wit, not involving the exercise of legislative powers, need not be presented to the President. In brief, the nature or substance of the resolution and not its form controls the operation of its disposition. ' ' The proposed joint resolution of Congress designed to establish a separate peace with Germany was clearly legislative in character, and whether regarded as joint or concurrent, it required the President's ap- proval before becoming law. VI. Ending the War. We hence remain legally at war with Germany and Austria-Hungary. That status will undoubtedly be terminated in either of the following events: if the Republicans elect Senator Harding President (or rather if the people elect a Republican President), President Harding would either sign the treaty with the covenant, containing the Lodge reservations; or, as intimated in a recent speech, he would aaopt the attitude of the Republican irreconcilables (such as Senators Borah, Johnson and Brandegee) opposed to the treaty with the covenant of the League of Nations, in any form, and advise his followers in the Senate to revive the treaty without the covenant (which would necessitate the resubmission -of the document to the Allies and to Germany) , undertaking to make agreements with the other nations to maintain future peace. Ex-President Taft (who has faithfully sought to have the treaty ratified as framed at Ver- sailles, admirably subordinating all considerations of personal or political expediency to the larger service of world peace), pointed out the objections to the lat- ter proposal of Senator Harding. What assurance, asks Mr. Taft, would President Harding have that twenty-nine nations would accept the plan of the na- tion that rejects the plan of twenty-nine nations ? Cox has also pointed out that separate agreements with The United States and World Peace 77 Germany, not assented to by the Allied and associated powers, would of necessity throw us into a coalition with our former enemy, and that it would be impos- sible to attempt to enforce our demands against Ger- many without conflicting with the Allied armies of occupation now in Germany. If Harding should be elected, but a Senate should be returned not sufficiently of his political complexion to do his bidding, he would be forced to accept a compromise plan devised by the Senate. If Cox should be elected President, however, he is pledged to approve the treaty as it was framed at Versailles, with such "interpretative resolutions (ac- cording to the Democratic platform, and his speech of a few weeks ago) as shall make more specific our obli- gations to the Allied and associated powers." The people of this country are thoroughly aroused at the plight into which the action of the Senate has cast the world, and they do not purpose any longer to permit the Senate, like Nero, to fiddle (as some Senator has well expressed it) while Rome burns and the world is aflame. PART II. CHAPTER I. War Time Letters From Europe. {Extracts From Letters From Camp Mills.) (a) Our Role in the War. Camp Mills, L. I., N. Y., Sept. 2, 1917. Hope you are well. Am here with the 165th U. S. Infantry (old fighting Sixty-ninth) preparing for our entry into the world war. We all hope that our contingent will be sufficient to stop the Kaiser, and that the world will soon be lifted from the shadow of the most terrible tragedy of history. (b) The Kaiser vs. Liberty. Camp Mills, L. I., N. Y., Sept. 15, 1917. Gretting ready with the old Sixty-ninth to smash German militarism. Liberty and the Kaiser cannot exist in the same world — one or the other must go down. I do not look for the disappearance of liberty. 78 CHAPTER II. {Extracts From Letters From Prance.) Naives-en-Blois, Dee. 11, 1917. I. The Censorship. I know you will be interested to receive a line from France. Because of the limitations imposed by the censorship on letter-writing — limitations designed to prevent information from reaching the enemy, which are justified and cheerfully assented to under the cir- cumstances — ^very little can be said as to our location or activities. II. European War Suffering. However, it may be admissible to say that we are well and accepting the inconveniences of military life philosophically. When we consider what the people of France, Belgium and other Allied countries have endured in the last few years, we are not inclined to even mention any privations we have seen or can possibly undergo in this war. III. The Army Melting Pot. Tell your friend and former chief — Governor Whitman — that the various militia detachments frat- ernize and harmonize very well, and that the New York contingent of the Rainbow Division will no doubt give an adequate account of itself when called upon. IV. Mayor Mitchel of New York Defeated. We have learned of the results of the recent munici- pal election in New York, and while some of us were disappointed at the downfall of Mitchel, he showed remarkable political strength in coming in second in the race against two great political machines. Mitchel was, of all the candidates, the most uncompromising opponent of German militarism, and the victorious 79 80 The United States and Woeld Peace party had on its ticket the Congressman who voted for the abdication of American rights upon the seas. V. Climatic Conditions op Peance. The weather here resembles somewhat that prevail- ing around New York and New England. It is a little more stormy and damp here, and the villagers say there is considerable snow here in winter. We have already had snow and freezing temperature. VI. The Military. Situation. From the American and French newspapers that sift through into this hamlet, I gather that Hinden- burg does not look very formidable to Haig in the west, while the Allies are re-enforcing the Italians in the Bast against the German-Austrian invasion. VII. KussiAN Political Outlook. Russia seems about to throw off the Prussian shackles of Lenine and Trotzky for the saner counsels of Kerensky, who has consistently advocated the pros- ecution of the war against Germany. The interna- tional situation is not without its promising aspects. CHAPTER III. On Active Service, American Expeditionary Force, Jan. 24, 1918. VIII. Censorship. I was very glad indeed to hear from you and would have replied sooner to your welcome letter but for exigencies which affect somewhat our time and facili- ties for letter writing. There are well defined limita- tions as to what we can write at present, as you are doubtless aware, but I guess the prohibition does not extend to the kind of country and people we encounter here. ,IX. Feench Villaqes. We have not yet been quartered in or near very large or modern cities — the types of communities we have encountered being mainly of the rural order. The little cafes and stores close down at 8 P. M., which seems to be the popular hour for retiring among the French during war times. X. The French People. The French people are friendly and hospitable. They are simple and frugal in their habits. But the thing that most impresses the Americans about French communities is the lack of energy, industry and enterprise. The energy and enterprise that per- meate the atmosphere of the United States are woe- full}^ lacking here. The people at their places of busi- ness show the lack of initiative to which we have been accustomed in the United States. The French are courteous, artistic and painstaking, but they are very slow as compared with the Americans. Of course, the absence from home of all of military age would have the tendency to still further depress condition.s just now, but at best the economic condition of the French rural communities does not begin to compare 81 82 The United States and World Peace with that of American communities of similar pro- portions. XI. Acquiring French. I improve every opportunity to add to the scant store of French which I acquired a dozen of years ago but lost through disuse. I learn a good deal by attempting to discuss with French families whenever the occasion presents itself, general conditions in France, the effects of the war, etc. XII. French Amiability and German Attitude. The French are inherently amiable, sociable and courteous, and it is not difficult to conceive that if the Germans had been at all properly disposed and had not been filled with malevolence towar^is others Ihej' could have lived on terms of amity with their French neighbors. You have doubtless read Lloyd George's recent address on peace, also President Wilson's. It seems to be generally anticipated that Von Uertling will reply on behalf of Germany, but whether Ger- many is yet prepared to accept the inevitable is a matter of conjecture. Pardon the desultory condition of this letter. Longeau, France, Jan. 25, 1918. I received all of your letters somewhat late and will, be able to explain some day perhaps why I have fallen so far in arrears with my correspondence. The requirements of the censorship are best met by dis- cussing non-military subjects, and for the present at least I will not attempt to detail very fully what we are doing and where we are. But I can describe in a general way the general contour of the country we are sojourning in. XIII. French Villages. We have so far mainly stopped in small villages. A church and a cafe, with a small store or two, constitute the pivot about which most of these small The United States and World Peace 83 communities revolve. The cafes are very picturesque with their dingy lights and archaic appearance gen- erally. They generally dispense wine, chocolate and coffee for those who do not patronize the universal beverage. Some of the churches are several hundred years old, and suggestive in their exterior and in- terior of the medieval atmosphere. The paintings on the walls of some of these churches compare very favorably with any we have today in more modern cathedrals. The French people in these communities are for the most pyt simple, hospitable and frugal — always willing to put an extra log or two on the hearth for an American soldier. Owing to the scarcity of food supplies here, soldiers see to it that nothing in the shape of refreshments is accepted without paying therefor. The storekeepers are usually so thrifty in this respect that they do not have to be at all re- strained in their generosity. XIV. The French PeoplS;. On the whole I have found the French people I have been thrown in contact with kindly and hospit- able and many of my most pleasant hours in France have been spent- in swapping my bad French (of twelve years' standing) with some kindly disposed French family over the log fire. At one of the small villages where we were quar- tered for a time, a French family had a piano and violin — the husband playing the latter and the wife the former. They played well and had an excellent class of music, among their selections being the re- ligious meditation from "Thais." As they were extremely agreeable and hospitable, we had many a pleasant musical evening at their home. The extreme cold weather is nearly over for the winter, and spring is about to make its appearance. From the American editions of various papers pub- lished in France, I gather that the United States is feeling the pinch of war also. CHAPTER IV. Croismare, France, March 4, 1918. XV. French Cities. In my last letter I wrote that the villages we had been billeted in up to that time were of the smaU rural type. Since then we have been quartered for a short period in an old, palatial government building situated in a rathei' large city, fairly modern in its aspects. The buildings are not so high, and the streets are more narrow and less systematically laid out than in American cities of corresponding size. But the stores are completely stocked. XVI. Rumors op War. Our quarters now adjoin a small but interesting old village where the rumblings of cannon can be loudly heard at night, and the accompanying flashes of light may be plainly seen. Germany is no doubt about to begin her much heralded spring offensive. In this old village — and it is typical of French villages. in general — the church, graveyard, and cafes with their nightly hoard of agitated French soldiers, present so archaic an appearance that you almost fancy yourself removed to those mediaeval times and scenes depicted in such novels as Scott's. XVII. Congressional Inquiry and Conduct op the War. I have been much interested in the' trend of political events in the United States and in the European belligerent countries. I read with keen interest the testimony of Secretary of War Baker at the Con- gressional inquiry — also the report he made public relative thereto. The country will undoubtedly bene- fit by intelligent, temperate criticism. England had no more censorious critic during the early stages of the war than Lloyd George, but his sound disinter- ested criticism was of untold benefit. The United 84 The United States and World Peace 85 States has such a man in Roosevelt. But while intelli- gent disinterested criticism will unquestionably bene- fit the United States, the magnitude of the country's achievement in raising, equipping, training, trans- porting to, and maintaining in, foreign countries, an army of such vast proportions in so brief a period of time should not be underestimated. While there have been occasional inconsequential oversights in the mat- ter of adequate supplies here immediately after we landed, there has been no inadequacy of supplies since, and I can truthfully say from actual experience that the United States has thus far handled a task of enormous magnitude with remarkable efficiency. XVIII. The German Offensive. There is much newspaper speculation as to the out- come of Germany's widely advertised spring offensive. Germany's threats no longer intimidate. The Kaiser, the Crown Prince, Ludendorff and Hindenburg have, by their combined counsels, been unable to break through at any point in the west during the last few years against the adamant defense of Joffre, Haig, Petain or Nivelle. It is idle for Germany to attempt to bolster her waning military prestige by threats of succeeding now where she has failed continuously for three years. It is true that Russia's capitulation has complicated the outlook somewhat and enabled Germany to employ the troops against Haig in the west heretofore engag- ing the Russians in the east. But despite the fact that, as competent Allied critics concede, Germany is stronger now in the west than at any other period of the war, she is still slightly outnumbered in the west by the British and French, to say nothing of the Americans. The French soldiers at the Marne were entreated by Joffre to "die in their tracks if need be, but not retreat." The French at Verdun adopted the motto "They shall not pass." The Hun did not pass. It is unnecessary to boast of what American troops will do, but this much is certain : with over half a million Americans in France, Germany's last chance of break- ing through in the west has gone forever. 86 The United States and World Peace XIX. What We Are Fighting For. In the meantime President Wilson, Lloyd George and Clemenceau are striving mightily to supplement military power with statesmanship and diplomacy in attempting to achieve a durable peace, permanent guarantees against future wars,, the right of small nations to govern themselves according to their own conceptions uncoerced by large powers, the evacua- tion of its conquered territory by Germany, and the restoration of plundered countries, the removal of the menace of rivalry in maintaining heavy armaments by the limitation of armaments universally, and the establishment of an international tribunal capable of enforcing treaties and international law. XX. First Glimpses of War. But to digress from political matters. Among the interesting glimpses of the war we have obtained since landing in France have been air combats between German and French aeroplanes, German prisoners of war, and the remnants of buildings battered down by the Hun in the first flush of his short-lived victories of 1914. CHAPTER V. Ancervilliers, France, Sunday, May 12, 1918. XXI. The Ancervilliers Front. I am taking advantage of the opportunity for the speedy transmission of mail afforded by "Mother's Day" to drop a line of assurance that all is well in France. I will write more at length later, but must abbreviate now as the mail must be in right away in order to injure delivery. We are at present in the trenches in a quiet sector. In a few days we expect to leave them temporarily again, and I will then no doubt have an opportunity to write you more at length. Deneuvre, France, May 31, 1918. I remember writing, in a former letter, that Hayes had been made a Corporal, and that I would venture to predict that his rise in the army would be rapid, — that, in my opinion, he is the type of man needed in the army, since he could be depended upon to use, without abusing, authority, and to exercise tact and discretion in dealing with men where the lack of such qualities might produce unnecessary friction and irritation. I have never had occasion to doubt the soundness of this opinion. Hayes has an extraordinary mental inquisitiveness, and in the course of our daily pilgrimages to archaic ruins, gardens or cafes, there is scarcely a relic of esthetic or biological interest, or a "quaint and curi- ous volume of forgotten lore" that he fails to un- earth. XXII. Hardships of War. You ask me, with some apparent apprehension, if I am still in the hospital, what the trouble was, am I still "hard of hearing," etc. Well, I suppose by this time you picture me halt and deaf and about to qualify for the tin cup and hand organ. Of course, the change from indoor mental occupation to outdoor 87 88 The United States and World Peace physical pursuits was a rather abrupt one, and winter in the open and long hikes with packs hit all of us a little hard. But we accepted the hardships of mili- tary life philosophically, conscious that we are not even entitled to mention any little inconveniences we have sustained when we consider what the people here have endured for the past four years. XXIII. Distinguished Members op the Regiment. In characterizing Hayes ' letter as unreliable insofar as it affected persons, two notable exceptions should be made. Hayes justly referred to Joyce Kilmer, a member of the Headquarters Company, "as a truly celebrated poet, and a man of the highest literary attainments.^ In the tribute Hayes paid to Father Duffy, Chap- lain of the regiment, all irrespective of race or creed can join — and there is a wide diversity of races and religious opinions in the regiment. Father Duffy is the type of citizen who measures up to Colonel Roosevelt's conception of a true American — one will- ing to forego the allurements of ease for the rigors of a military life in support of a just cause. After a period of cold rainy weather, we are now enjoying an uninterrupted stretch of fine weather with beautiful sunny days. We are out of the trenches at present. XXIV. Cooperation op Welpare Organizations. Pardon the rather dilapidated appearance of this letter. You will observe that the Knights of Colum- bus and the Y. M. C. A. are both in France, all co- operating toward the common end of abolishing Ger- man militarism. XXV. The Great German Delusion. The Germans are apparently not yet convinced that they cannot dominate or enslave the world. But their present offensive will ultimately prove to be about as effective as their much heralded submarine warfare, their attack upon Verdun or their perform- ances at the Marne. 1 Kilmer was afterwards killed in action. CHAPTER VI. Deneuvre, Prance, June 10, 1918. XXVI. The French and the German Spirit. You say that you spent many happy vacations in France and that you ' ' love the Republic and its peo- ple. " You do not love the Republic and the people of France any more than I do. I have found the French people as a whole simple, courteous and amiable. I cannot understand how any people found it difficult to live in harmony with this kindly and considerate people. If Germany spent in trying to assist her fellow man one-thousandth part of the energy she wasted in trying vainly to build her great- ness at the expense of the others, there would be no hymn of hate in a German heart, no malevolent aver- sion to all mankind, and the name of Germany to-day would be respected instead of execrated, as it is. XXVII. The Progress of France Compared With: That of the United States. Of course, the industrial surroundings and living conditions of the generality of the French people do not begin to compare with those prevailing in America. But we sometimes forget that France had a civilization when the United States was still a wilderness inhabited by a few isolated Indian tribes.' "While France is unquestionably inferior to the United States along lines of building construction, engineer- ing and advancement in mechanics and the practical sciences, it is distinctly superior in art and music. While Prance and European countries in general have not advanced relatively to their age as has the United States, still, in music and art and . along esthetic lines in general we discern the traces of the superior development of older civilizations. XXVIII. The High Privilege of the American Soldier. You say that a "great burden" rests on our should- 89 90 The United States and World Peace ers "to extricate the world from its dreadful plight." A great burden — and a great privilege. At the out- set of the war Wilson stated very unequivocally that the United States wanted not a foot of territory or a cent of money — that it entered the lists in the name of justice and liberty, to rescue oppressed small states and to make the world safe «f or democracy. There can be no doubt that the United States would have tolerated even the sinking of the Lusitania and kin- dred acts, if Germany was engaged in a just and defensive struggle instead of a war of conquest. Bal- four has truthfully said that the entry of the United States into the war was ' ' the most disinterested act of history. ' ' Lloyd George has stated that the espou- sal of the cause of the Allies by the United States put the final stamp on the cause of the Allies as one of liberty and justice, as the United States had never yet embarked upon an unjust war. In the proclamation above referred to, Wilson al- luded to the German soldiers as the pawns of an imperial game. The American soldier who has studied the causes of this war in the disinterested light of reason knows that he is the pawn of no imperial game, but the instrument, however inade- quate, of liberty and justice. It is a distinct privilege to participate in such a struggle, and whether we realize it or not, the hum- blest private engaged in this war enjoys a privilege that is denied to the President of the United States — a privilege that he no doubt covets himself. XXIX. The Soldier and the Statesman. We are proud when we reflect that to some extent the soldier supplements the activities of statesmen — that, in fact, the security of law, treaties and all in- ternational conventions yet rests on arms. This is not as it should be — but as it unquestionably is. XXX. German Misapprehension of America's Motives. Germans apparently did not understand that the reluctance of Americans to fight was not due to love of ease or devotion to Mammon, but to a disinclination The United States and World Peace 91 lightly to take life. Amerieans prefer tlie appeal to reason rather than the resort to arms, but Germany is apparently incapable of understanding any argu- ment except that based upon force. XXXI. Russian Influences and the Russian Treaty With Germany. I was interested to hear that you are afflicted with the Bolsheviki just now in. the United States. The Bolsheviki are not apt to find as fertile soil in the United States for their pan-Germanic doctrines as they found in 'Russia. President Wilson 's determina- tion not to abandon Russia to Prussian exploitation is true statesmanship and meets with the cordial re- sponse of the Allied Powers. Russia, no doubt, taxed the patience of the Allies to the utmost by concluding a separate peace with Germany, in violation of its express compact with the Allies. But the abandon- ment of Russia to the tender mercies of Prussianism would be exactly what Prussia desires, and would be aiding and abetting Prussian designs. The Allies were altogether logical in announcing that Russia's separate peace treaty with Germany, being in violation of its prior agreement with the Allies against compromise, was not binding on them. The Russian treaty was obtained by the duress of Prussian arms, and duress renders contracts void. XXXII. The German Spring Offensive. The much heralded German offensive has now con- tinued for three months without Germany attaining her objective, or acquiring any territory proportionate to her overwhelming losses. Germany's prospects of breaking through in the west and getting Paris were greater in the first year of the war than they will ever be again, for though Germany is concededly stronger on the western front than she ever has been, because of the withdrawal of the troops heretofore employed against the Russians, still, if she could not break through at the outset of the war, when her long preparedness and the comparative unpreparedness of France had given her a distinct advantage, she can hardly do so now, when that superiority has gradually 92 The United States and World Peace waned because of the increasing numbers of the- Allies and the diminishing reserves of Germany. I believe that when Germany lost the Battle of the Marne, she lost the war. Balfour characterizes the Battle of the Marne as the most decisive battle in the history of the world — placing it ahead of Waterloo in its importance to civilization. The Germans have advanced steadily, being ap- proximately twenty-nine miles from Paris at their most advanced point — Chateau-Thierry. XXXIII. Foch's Strategy. Competent military critics seem to agree that Gen- eral Poch may be safely entrusted with the destinies of the Allies. In not risking all his reserves at any one point to stop the German onslaught, Poch has preserved intact a force capable of preventing the Germans from -breaking through at some other point; and in inflicting the heaviest possible losses on the oncoming German hordes and in permitting them to exhaust themselves in their offensive, Poch is gradu- ally gaining a numerical superiority essential to the counter-offensive. XXXIV. Requisites of Allied Success. The chief requisites of AUied success would appear to be heavy artillery, aeroplanes and submarine chas- ers. Aeroplanes in sufficient numbers, containing am- munition of sufficiently high explosive power, would unquestionably bring the war to a speedy close. The suggestion that aeroplanes can be made the most decisive factor in terminating the war loses nothing of its effectiveness because of its freqjient reiteration. CHAPTER VII. XXXV. Japanese Intervention in Russia. The war has its political problems for the states- men also. The question of Japanese intervention in Siberia is apparently one of the most perplexing just now. Japanese cooperation with Russia in the East during the war would not only have the effect of strengthening Russian resistance to Germany, but it would constiti^te an effective opposing force to the German '^'Mittel Europa" program in the East, thus preserving the balance of power and preventing Ger- many from becoming so powerful as to again menace the world. If Germany could be trusted to use, with- out abusing, power, the world need have no concern about its future aggrandizement, but so long as its designs are what they are, the world would perhaps do well during the war to invoke the principle of the balance of power in thwarting them. XXXVI. The Orient and Occident. The question of a Japanese peril does not now exist and may never concern the world, if the counsels of rulers are guided by intelligence and tolerance. Kip- ling's assertion that "East is East and "West is West, and never the twain shall meet," is one of the propo- sitions that ought not to be subscribed to by statesmen. The East and the West will either meet or clash. A meeting is preferable from every standpoint. Of course, if Japan wishes to merit the esteem of the world she must not covet any compensation for her activities in this war. All of the Allies have sacri- ficed far more than they will ever gain in this war. Japan would do well to model its aims after those of the United States, which pledges the lives and for- tunes of its citizens, but will accept no territorial or financial reward therefor. George Creel was quoted as saying that the United States hesitated to sanction Japan's intervention in Siberia, since that would be condoning Japan for acting in regard to Russia as Germany acted in re- spect to Belgium. That would be a final objection to 93 94 The United States and World Peace Japanese intervention in the East, if Creel's assump- tion that Japanese aims were not entirely disinter- ested, was correct. It is true that Japan's attitude toward China dur- ing the war has been oppressive, and such as to justify some distrust of the disinterestedness of Japan's mo- tives. But they who regard Japan as incapable of altruistic cooperation in the war do injustice to the ideals and aspirations of Japan, and I would be very much surprised if Japan disappoints the expectations of her friends in America by vitiating her offers to intervene in Siberia with bargaining for material compensation. The Allies should not hesitate to employ the aid of Japan because^ of racial difference, since Germany has not scrupled to invoke the aid of Turkey. XXXVTI. England's Adoption op Conscription and THE Irish Question. The situation created by England's adoption of conscription in Ireland, and Ireland's opposition thereto, is an embarrassing one. No doubt, if that part of Ireland, exclusive of Ulster, which unani- mously wants a Dublin Parliament were to get Home Rule, the Irish would voluntarily adopt conscription, since their objection seems to be not so much to fight- ing as it is to fighting under conditions imposed by others. However, if Ireland is now willing to sub- ordinate her aims for nationality to the overshadow- ing issue of the destruction of Prussian militarism, her claims to Home Rule will be better received by the confreres at the conclusion of the war. If, how- ever, Ireland, unfortunately backed by prominent Nationalists and the Church (which takes a different attitude toward Allied success in Ireland than in the United States) should persist in placing its own insig- nificant, selfish and relatively unimportant interests above the well-being of the rest of the world, then Irish claims to Home Rule will be irretrievably prej- udiced, and Ireland will be regarded as a country un- concerned about liberty for others, so long as it has it for itself. The principle of conscription, in a just and unpro- The United States and World Peace 95 voked war, is justifiable as an unavoidable expedient, since it places the burdens of a just war equitably and impartially on the shoulders of all physically able. If it was not equitable and in harmony with democ- racy, it would never have been adopted by republics like France and the United States. Ireland should not detract from its excellent record of service in the war by opposition to the most effective and feasible method of raising troops. The United States, in com- mon with all other Allied countries, would have pre- ferred to waiv§ the bitter cup of conscription. The United States would have preferred the paths of moral, intellectual and economic progress to the sav- agery and retrogression of war. And if the United States can turn from paths it would have preferred to unaccustomed and arduous ways — if it can sub- ordinate its interests to those of the rest of the world — it is not too much to expect that Ireland will do likewise without complaint. XXXVIII. The Censorship. I would like to be able to write fully as to what is occurring here, but you can readily appreciate that there are well defined limitations on what we can write at present. Certain lines from "Hamlet," slightly paraphrased, seem to express the predicament of the soldier in regard to the censorship of letters : "But that we are forbid. . . . "We could a tale unfold whose lightest word Would harrow up thy soul, freeze thy young blood, Make thy two eyes like stars start from their spheres, Thy knotted and combined locks to part, And each particular hair to stand on end. Like quills upon the fretful porcupine. ' ' However, it may be that some day, after "the tumult and the shouting dies, the Captains and the Kings depart, ' ' we may have the privilege of recount- ting some of the things seen, heard and endured by the Americans on the western front. CHAPTER VIII. Jonchery, France, July 10, 1918. XXXIX. Young America and the Trenches. I was interested to learn that Raymond and young Pitzpatrick are about to take the trip, and it is need- less to say that I would be only too glad to see them here if circumstances ever permit — also all other Connecticut boys. I hope that before it becomes necessary for them to enter the trenches the world will have been made safe for democracy. XL. Climatic Conditions in France. The weather here these days is as nearly perfect as it is possible to conceive. Climatic conditions in the portion of France we now occupy differ from those in the United States, in that cool and uncomfortably chilly nights frequently follow hot days, while in the United States the heat of a torrid summer day usually persists throughout the night. XLI. The German Offensive. The papers no doubt keep you fully appraised of what is occurring in this section of the world at present — how the German offensive has penetrated to Chateau-Thierry, about thirty miles from Paris, at its most advanced point; how the heavy German losses have been entirely disproportionate to the slight territorial gains, and how the Allies hold sufficient reserves to prevent the Germans from breaking through at any vital point. XLII. European Warfare. European warfare is now gradually assuming a more open character. Americans prefer this type of 96 ^ The United States and World Peace 97 warfare to the subterraneous warfare of the trenches, although trench warfare still continues. Woods and hills bristle with machine guns, trench mortars and other implements of modern warfare, ready to impress upon the Hun the inexpediency of burglary and manslaughter. The western front is particularly active these nights. Most of the raids and offensives are under- taken early in the morning, under the cover of dark- ness, and usually preceded by a heavy barrage. Just before daybreak it is customary for soldiers to ' ' stand to" in the trenches prepared to repel the Germans in case they come over. An enemy raid or attack can usually be anticipated by the intensity of the preliminary bombardment. XLIII. Guard Duty in the Trenches. Guard duty in the trenches at night is particularly impressive. Now and then an occasional flare or rocket lights up the surrounding landscape and the hapless wanderer in "No Man's Land" must either drop before detection or stand rigid and motionless in his tracks in the hope of being identified with some inanimate object. Occasionally aeroplanes buzz over- head. Sometimes an ammunition depot, struck by a shell, bursts forth in flame, illuminating everything in the vicinity. Frequently colored signal lights loom out of the blackness of the night and gradually dia down. In some sectors the crash of artillery flre and the accompanying flashes of light are almost continuous, while in other sectors the noise of bombardment is not quite so pronounced or sustained, resembling more the rumbling of distant thunder or the slamming of heavy doors. During a particularly heavy artillery duel at night the horizon sometimes becomes a sheet of flame. Now and then the stillness of the night in some comparatively quiet sector is broken by intermittent machine gun fire, the sound of a rifle shot or pistol, the crash of artillery fire or the explosion of a shell or hand grenade. A rat occasionally scampers over- head if the trench is inclosed, or along the edges if 98 The United States and World Peace the trench is uninclosed. A screach-owl or cuckoo not infrequently blends its haunting cry with the sporadic sounds of the guns. A unique thing during the daytime is the spectacle of a little bird gaily flying between intervals of a bom- bardment and hopping from limb to limb in a tree that is probably nearly stripped bare by heavy shell- ing. Or again, it may be observed m^ing its way directly towards the place whence the bombardment proceeds, apparently oblivious of the whizzing shells or too much preoccupied with real concerns to deign to notice the puny activities of man. XLIV. The Sound and Work of a German Bom- bardment (Luneville or Rouge Bouquet Sector, March, 1918). Lying in a dug-out during a bombardment, the sound of the shelling when distant resembles the muf- fled sound of a steam pump or the slamming of heavy doors. A whistling sound accompanies the progress of the shell toward its objective in the Allied lines. No human being is in sight, yet the evidence of human malevolence is everywhere apparent. It is as though some invisible intelligence were directing the uncanny work — a criminal intelligence with a de- structive bent. During such a bombardment not long ago a shell struck a dugout about fifty yards from ours, bury- ing about twenty-two American soldiers and an officer alive. Some of the bodies were recovered, but heavy artillery prevented the recovery of all. And over this shrine of liberty there stands a little wooden cross with the French inscription (if my memory serves me right): "Here lie. the bodies of an American officer and twenty American soldiers, dead on the field of honor." XLV. Americans and French Brigaded. In one of the sectors we held for a time we were associated with French soldiers. I have found French soldiers I have come in contact with, faithful, brave and conscientious. The policy of the United States Govern- ment in tendering to General Foch the cooperation The United States and Wokld Peace 99 of the American army, to be utilized as a separate and distinct entity or in association with the French and English, as deemed best, was altogether discreet and tactful, and it indicated conclusively that the United States is more concerned about the triumph of liberty and justice than about extracting any separate credit or monopolizing any of the honors of the war for selfish national purposes.^ 1 The Bubseqoent formation of a distinct American Army had the hearty approTal of other Allied Powers, and was designed to — and did — increase the elBclency of American co-operation in the war. CHAPTER IX. XLVI. Political and Military Mission op the Soldier. It would be erroneous to suppose that it is all work and no play over here. In an admirable address to English soldiers, Kitchener of England reminded them that their mission had political as well as mili- tary aspects. Corporal Hayes and I have made it a point to visit all the churches and schools in every French commu- nity we have entered wherever practicable. Churches seem to be the special obsession of the Hun, and many of them bear the indelible marks in their battered condition of German "Kultur." In one of the little schools we visited recently an intelligent schoolmaster took us to his home adjoin- ing the school and showed us how the Huns had cut the window curtains and draperies when they passed through the village during the first year of the war. He was endeavoring to tell us of the heavy debt of gratitude France owed the United States for its assist- ance to the French in their hour of peril, when Hayes pointed out that France had placed the United States under prior obligation through the assistance ten- dered the American Revolutionists by Lafayette and Rochambeau. XLVII. Gas Masks for School Children. In one of these little schools near the front Haj-es and I saw little gas masks attached to each desk. Such schools hold one session each day. It certainly was a striking tribute to the French determination to maintain inviolable the ideals of education and civili- zation — ^whieh are synonymous — against the shocks of German militarism and retrogression — ^which are like- wise identical. XLVIII. Pan-Germanism and Anti-Germanism. Apropos of the revulsion everywhere experienced 100 The United States and World Peace 101 at German arrogance and presumptiousness, I note that German opera has been eschewed by the Metro- politan Opera House of New York City, and the study of German is being prohibited in some of the schools and academies of the United States. It ought to be possible to accept the good in everything, while re- jecting the evil. It should be possible to appreciate the high art of Kant, Wagner or Goethe, while dis- carding the low designs of Wilhelm, Von Jagow or Hollweg. Before Germany embarked on its career of conquest the utmost cordiality marked the relations between the "United States and Germany: German exchange professors taught in American Universities, the German language and influences were nowhere discriminated against. But in counteracting German insolence and arbitrariness, society has shawn its characteristic tendency to go to extremes, and Ger- many has only itself to thank, if in retaliation for Ger- man attempts to Germanize the world by coercion and intimidation, society decides to extirpate every- thing German, root and branch. XLIX. Conflict Between English and Germanic Ideals. The Kaiser in a recently reported statement only added fuel to the flames of well nigh universal resent- ment at Prussian insolence and presumptuousness. The Kaiser was quoted as maintaining that he had foreseen from the outset that the war was to be a con- flict for the supremacy and universal prevalence of English or German ideals. While England in the past has also had indefensible, imperialistic aims, yet it has never blundered so grossly as deliberately to aspire to impose English ideals upon any considerable portion of the enlightened world by force. The pre- dominance of the English language and English ideals is the result of the free and untrammeled reception of English institutions among enlightened people. L. Collapse op the Offensive Conceded by Ger- many. By the time this letter reaches you, you will have doubtless read VonKuhlmann's address to the Reich- 102 The United States and World Peace stag, in the course of which he stated that peace could not be brought about by German arms and that it was impossible for Germany to win against the odds. The significance of this statement lies in the fact that it is the first admission from representative German sources that the recent German offensive will be no more successful than those that preceded it, and that however long German}'- continues the futile struggle, she will have to resort to conciliation in the end. The Junker party in Germany — the Kaiser, the Crown Prince, Hindenburg, and Ludendorff — found this ad- mission so distasteful that the Foreign Secretary was at once summoned to explain and strongly importuned to modify his words. Meantime internal conditions in Austria have not been improved any by the great Italian victory, and the sudden dispatching of Lu- dendorff to Austria would seem to portend the day when Austria may do to Germany what Russia did to the Allies. To add to the consternation of the Cen- tra,! powers the latter country — Russia — ogives every indication of appreciating the necessity of resisting German serfdom and renewing the conflict. All indications point to the conclusion that the Hun will ultimately have to make terms with the same people whose homes he has battered down and whose cities he has reduced to shambles, but whose spirit he now knows to be unconquered and uncon- querable. LI. German Devastation op French Villages In the French village we now happen to be holding there is a graveyard within sight where several hun- dred French soldiers who died in an earlier period of the war, doubtless in the immediate vicinity, are bur- ied. This shell-ridden village, now bereft of occu- pants in anticipation of pending action, resembles a mere collection of tottering ruins. On entering any of the numerous villages near the western front devastated by the Hun, and in con- trasting the desolation of these scenes with the pros- perous conditions that must have prevailed formerly, the lines of Goldsmith's "Deserted Village" involun- tarily come to mind: The United States and World Peace 103 "Princes and lords maj^ flourish or may fade, A breath can make them as a breath has made; But a bold peasantry, their country's pride. When once destroyed can never be sup- plied." LII. The Death of Major Mitchel, Ex-Mayor op New York. P. S. I l^^ve just learned of the death of Major Mitchel, ex-Mayor of New York City. I am greatly depressed at the news. Only those who followed closely his exceptionally intelligent and efficient ad- ministration of municipal affairs in New York City can fully realize the incalculable loss to New York City and the nation. He was able, fearless and in- corruptible. Assailed by vindictive, journalistic poli- ticians and by other improper influences whose enmity he had incurred by his fearlessness and impartiality in office, Mitchel went down to defeat during the last Mayoralty campaign, but considering his inde- pendent candidacy and his great showing against two great political parties, his defeat indicated re- markable political strength. Mitchel was absolutely uncompromising in his oppo- sition to disloyal elements of citizenship, while his political opponents triumphed over him largely by angling for the support of powerful sections, of the population alien in their sympathies and purposes. He was long recognized by supporters of the Allied cause in and out of uniform, as the flrm champion of that cause, and many of them felt that his defeat as mayor gave aid and comfort to the enemies of that cause. While Mitchel died appropriately in the cause of liberty and justice just as his life was dedicated to that cause, still we cannot refrain from mourning his loss and expressing our sense of profound sorrow that so brilliant a career should have been so prema- turely ended. CHAPTER X. Somewhere in France, Aug. 9, 1918 (Bois du Chateau, de Foret). LIII. The Allied Offensive. I was very glad to receive a line from one of my old neighbors, and would have replied sooner but for the activities incident to the Allied offensive, which kept us in a state of perpetual motion almost — between battling and chasing the Hun. LIV. Fate of World War Sealed. I believe, however, that the crisis is now passed — that the Hun has lost the offensive never to regain it — and that the fate of the world war and of civi- lization is already sealed in favor of justice and lib- erty. LV. The Gas Mask in Action. I was interested to learn that you had Mr. Wm. 'Neill in Hartford as an emissary from the trenches, showing the use of the gas mask and various other phases of European warfare. In a little French schoolhouse not long ago we saw little French gas masks attached to each desk. The gas mask is a little clumsy and inconvenient to work with under fire and during gas attacks. But it is the best avail- able defense against the Hun's attempts to poison and suffocate. Some men seem to be more susceptible to the influence of gas than others. I have been in various gas attacks in which many less fortunate than myself have been gassed. It seems strange tliat human beings should ever be compelled to resort to such devices to protect themselves against,the malevolence of other creatures classified as human beings. LVI. Might and Right. But the Hun is gradually but surely being beaten at his own game. He would not respond to the appeal 104 The United States and World Peace 105 to reason — he shall submit to the force of law. For the time being — and as long as shall be necessary — the world will drop peaceful pursuits, take to the fields and the mountains, live like primitive man in dugouts and caverns, endure all that the discredited and disgruntled Hun can send in the shape of shot and shell, and in the end emerge to show the Hun that the individual or aggregation of individuals against whom the hand of civilization is raised must go down. It will be a long time before any group of rulers becomes so presumptions and arrogant as to imitate Ae folly of the_Prussian coterie. LVII. The Battling at Chateau-Thieeey. We have just been through a stretch of terrific battling. As you have doubtless been apprised by the newspapers, the counter-offensive of the Allies is in full swing with gratifying results. We have been in the thick of the fray and have of course inevitably sustained losses. I have personally escaped with nothing more damaging than a bullet hole in the shoe and a torn trouser, but I have had the bitter experi- ence of having to leave some of the friends we have shared the hardships and perils of military life with thus far, dead on the field — many of them brilliant men, all of them noble characters. LVIII. BrvouAciNG in the Foeest Aftee the Battle. We are now undergoing a period of much needed rest and recuperation. The writing facilities and implements with which these lines are indited might be a little better, but you will readily appreciate that such conveniences are inaccessible at times in the field. CHAPTER XI. LIX. The Allied Offensive and the Rainbow Division. G(pcourt, France, Aug. 20, 1918. We have just emerged from some hard-fought cam- paigns. The Allied offensive is in full blast now, B.f you are doubtless informed by tbo papers, and our division has had a not inconspicuous or inglorious part in the drive. We are at present enjoying a much needed rest. LX. The Privations of the Confederate Army and the American Army in France Con- trasted. Mr. recalls the bedraggled- condition of the Southern army in the Civil War and expresses the opinion that the American army today is better pro- vided for. Of course the American army in its most unfavorable condition, backed by inestimable wealth, knows no such privations as the bankrupt Confeder- ate Army, inadequately equipped and provisioned. But after recalling the insufferably long hikes with heavy packs, bivouacing in the open in all kinds of weather, sleeping in damp dugouts and shell holes, the hardships of winter in the open, inadequacy of supplies in the front lines, and trench and open warfare — the American soldier of today in France can appreciate the force of the poetic words: "A soldier's life has seen of strife." Some have com- pared the winter we have just undergone in France to Valley Forge. There is not a soldier that is not proud of these hardships, but while he is willing to concede that the Southern Army suffered great privations, he insists upon friendly rivalry with you indomitable adherents of Lee on the score of sacri- fices cheerfully made for the right as he sees it. Another very disagreeable and absolutely irremedi- able feature of army life is the cootie. You were doubt- less not unfamiliar with his species in the Civil War, but we yield to the soldiery of no war the claim of worse treatment at his hands. I have read a plaus- 106 The United States and World Peace 107 ible theory of the cause of cooties — that they originate thru the soldiers' contact with the earth and foliage while sleeping on the ground. That would wholly account for their existence during the Civil War. Of course, in this war, we are constantly occupying areas and barns and billets that have been previously occupied by the soldiers of nearly every country under the sun ; we necessarily sleep in hay or on the earth, while we sometimes do not have an opportunity to get a fresh change of clothes or a bath of anj' kind for sometimes months. We are for months in the grip of « minute, implacable foe, whose pernicious activities keep us in a constant low fever. Any man who has seen the kind of service necessary to the de- feat of the Germans has had cooties, and all of us have had to engage in the familiar occupation of "reading the shirt" before we could get any sleep or relief at night. LXI. Modes op Warfare in Civil War and Euro- pean War Contrasted. The Civil War diifered from the European War, as to the manner of waging it, in a number of respects. You had little or no trench warfare in your day, I suppose — the nearest approach to it doubtless' con- sisting in the fighting behind breastworks hastily thrown up. Open warfare forces a quicker decision, but it takes a heavier toll of life. Americans are impatient of the European method of waging war leisurely and surreptitiously from the trenches. While you doubtless had heavy artillery in the Civil War, it did not begin to compare with the calibre of guns employed in this war. Both in the capacity for repeated fire and in the size and ex- plosive force of shells, modern implements of war are far more destructive and violent. Machine guns, automatics, hand and rifle grenades, and explosive bul- lets, were in their rudimentary stages during the Civil War (gas shells being unknown), and none of the implements of war used in the Civil War were known in the developed condition they attained in this war. ^ You doubtless were not unfamiliar with heavy bombardments during the Civil War, but you 108 The United States and World Peace never had to duck shells tearing holes in the earth as big as the largest room you occupy in your flat. Nor were you ever harassed from the sky by aero- planes dropping high explosives or bombarding with machine guns. There is at times a most uncanny con- nection between the appearance pf an aeroplane over your dugout, its signal to the waiting artillerymen, and the subsequent shelling of the dugout and every- thing in the vicinity by the Germans. Aeroplanes are of course employed extensively in this war for the purpose of detecting the location and movement of troops, supplies and guns, and enemj. operations generally. The intelligence department, by collecting the information supplied by aeroplanes, observation balloons and observation posts, and facts derived from prisoners and raids, is enabled to fore- cast probable enemy operations or contemplated ac- tion. So efficient was the work of the Allied intelli- gence departments before a recent engagement — one of the most decisive of the war (The Battle of Cham- pagne) — and so able was the forecast of enemy opera- tions, that the Allies were able to locate the time and point of probable attack with almost unerring ac- curacy. LXII. Nations of the World Benefitted by Inter- change OF Ideas Due to Allied Comradeship OF Arms. One of the beneficial aspects of this war is the promotion of the interchange of ideas between dif- ferent countries. Contact with alien influences and institutions is always beneficial. Little as we care to admit it, we Americans can learn from the French in many ways, while of course the influence of the United States on Prance is bound to be beneficial to the latter country after peace is restored, no less than during the war. The Allied comradeship of arms will benefit all the countries linked in that fra- ternity. LXIII. Unifying Effect of the War on the United States. Another not inconsequential result of this war will The United States and World Peace 109 be the unifying effect it will have upon the diverse elements, North and South, East and West, alien and native in our own country. Ex-President Roosevelt is fond of pointing out how the Spanish-American War obliterated whatever traces of sectionalism might have been left in the country — how at the call there was no North and South, but a united country. If any evidence was left by that war to be supplied as to the united character of our country, certainly it would have been abundantly furnished by the present war, wherein North and South, East and West, cooper- ated loyally and without stint toward the destruction of German militarism. LXIV. The German Rout. Just now the successful Allied offensive is being pressed with great vigor and the enemy is retreating fast. The ground we just evacuated was but a short time ago in the hands of the Germans, and German signs, ammunition, equipment and writings of all de- scriptions adorned the vicinity. The Germans were in undisputed possession of one village our division stormed under cover of darkness not long ago, and after a struggle of several days they were forced to evacuate so hurriedly that they abandoned vast quan- tities of guns, ammunition, and supplies. Well as it is long past the hour of taps, and the occupants of our barracks habitat are safe in the "arms of Morpheus" I will bring these meditations to a close. CHAPTER XII. Lamarche, Prance, Sept. 22, 1918. LXV. Indian Replacements. I suppose it is uimeeessary to explain this long delay in writing you. Our division, as you are doubt- less well aware, has been extremely active over a vast extent of territory in the minimum possible time, so that little opportunity has been offered us for letter writing. We have just concluded some now historic cam- paigns. Our regiment has of course sustained losses and the casualties have been replaced by new men. Most picturesque among the additions to our regi- ment are several Indians of the Pawnee Tribe. The Forty-Second Division was alwajs of such a com- posite character as to justly deserve the designation of "Rainbow Division," and with the addition of some Indians it embraces representatives of almost every conceivable race and clime. Our dusky skinned brothers are tall, impassive and not very voluble, retaining most of the characteristics of their race in this respect. They are however courteous and intelli- gent and make excellent companions. Some of them attended Carlisle University and are well educated. When we bivouac and do not happen to be in the danger zone where lights are prohibited, it is interest- ing and picturesque to see a group of these swarthy sons of nature seated around the camp fire in the woods. LXVI. Peace Oveetures op Central Powers and Allied Terms Forecast. The papers just now are replete with Austria- Hungary's petitions for a peace conference and Presi- dent Wilson's summary reply — that Austria Hungary may have peace at any time by complying with the conditions already unmistakably outlined by the Allies, and that there is therefore nothing to confer about; This reply was the only logical one. Before the Allies consent to have a conference with repre- uo The United States and World Peace 111 sentatives of the Central Powers or entertain any peace proposals from that source whatsoever, they should insist that the Central Powers evacuate the portions of France, Belgium, and Russia held by conquest. (1) Unconditional evacuation of conquered territory and the retreat of Germany and Austria to their original borders should be a condition precedent to any consideration or negotiation of peace. There is a maxim of Equity: "He who comes into Equity must do so with clean hands." The Central Powers cannot be permitted to enter any conference for the restoration , of peace in Europe retaining the posses- sions of other countries as a pawn wherewith to bar- gain for advantage in the terms of peace. (2) Ger- many and Austria will further have to disgorge all the unlawful tribute exacted from conquered peoples, such as the penalties illegally imposed upon the Bel- gians and the first instalment payment of the fine levied on Russia under the Brest-Litovsk Treaty. (3) The Central Powers will have additionally to re- pair, and grant full restitution for, the damage un- lawfully done occupied territory such as Belgium and France. The fulfillment of these conditions should be insisted upon by the Allies as a preliminary to peace, and the Central Powers should be notified ac- cordingly. If the Central Powers decide to comply with the preliminary conditions and so announce, they must give evidence of their good faith by the actual evacua- tion of the territory unlawfully occupied by their armies and the return of the illegitimate spoils of war, leaving the question of the amount of restitution due the countries aggrieved for computation at a later conference of the Powers. If the Central Powers do not voluntarily acquiesce in these conditions pre- liminary to a peace conference, they will be ulti- mately compelled to submit by force of arms. The terms of peace have been constantly reiterated by the Allies and may be briefly stated as the evacua- tion of territory unlawfully occupied by the Central Powers, the return of the spoils of war to the coun- tries unlawfully exploited, restitution for the damage done invaded countries, and the elimination so far as may be practicable of the baleful influence of the 112 The United States and World Peace Prussian Junkers— these conditions being properly- indispensable to the possibility of a conference look- ing towards peace. Alsace-Lorraine must be returned to France, but in case of any doubt about the legitimacy of the re- turn of that portion of Alsace-Lorraine which might conceivably be claimed by anj^ other country the doubt could be resolved beyond dispute by a mere referendum to the inhabitants thereof. The colonies wrested from Germany will be probably restored to her ultimately, unless her future policies involve as- pirations for world dominion similar to those that have entailed such disaster upon the world heretofore. The colonies may meantime be held as security for Germany's fulfillment of the obligations devolving upon her as a result of her own conduct in the war, such as restitution to the countries damaged. The guiding principle of a durable peace should be abstract justice — neither vindictiveness to the van- quished nor self-aggrandizement to the victors, but reparation and restitution to the countries aggressed upon, and adequate safeguards against a recurrence of such wrongs in the future. In all such questions as the retention or restoration of the territory wrested from Germany, and the existence of a combination of nations to isolate Germany commercially after the war, the sole guiding principle must be precaution against the recurrence of such a world catastrophe, not the penalizing of the conquered or the enhance- ment of the power of the victors. Germany's colonies and possessions must be ultimately restored to her, provided she can be safely trusted with power and in case the restoration of such possessions does not en- able her to again jeopardize world peace. After the war, an international police power, com- prised of several of the leading nations of the world, will enforce treaties and international conventions and compel the submission of international controv- ersies to an international tribunal. After the war additional safeguards will be adopted against the repetition of such wars through a limitation of arma- ments, either by the consent of the nations, or by the compulsion of the predominant powers constituting an international police power. The United States and World Peace 11^5 LXVII. Collapse of the German Cause Imminent. It would not surprise me at all if this war termin- ated more abruptly than people anticipated by the German and Austrian armies imitating the example of the Russian army in laying down their arms, with the important distinction that the former would be rendering an inestimable service to mankind in ceas- ing to fight, while the latter performed a distinct disservice to the world in abandoning the struggle. But the events of the moment have led me to di- gress from the matters I want to write about at length and whieh'will probably interest you most. CHAPTEE XIII. LXVIII. The 42nd (Eainbow) Division and the 165th U. S. Inp. (Old 69th Regt., N. Y., N. G.) at St. Mihiel (Sept., 1918, Allied Offensive). The American newspapers have made no secret of the fact that the 42nd Division and the 69th Regiment have been in the thick of the fray at Champagne and Chateau-Thierry, so that I am probably safe in assum- ing that we may discuss these campaigns within cer- tain legitimate confines. Since these now historic battles, our division and regiment have participated as shock troops again on another front with signal success, the drive netting all the Allies over 13,000 German prisoners and vast quantities of guns, ord- nance and supplies. The American newspapers have no doubt, ere this, graphically described the latter offensive, but I will not undertake to discuss it at. this time further than to say that as a result of its success a large portion of German territory is di- rectly menaced and brought under the range of Allied guns. So precipitate was the retreat of the Germans before the powerful Allied bombardment in this offensive that they left vast quantities of supplies in some places such as vegetables, oatmeal, flour and jam, which came in handy to our mess department. So close was our pursuit of the retreating Germans that we entered some villages while the fires set by the Hun when leaving were still burning. Villages that had been in the possession of the Germans any length of time bore the imprint, in the numerous signs and reg- ulations, of their methodical habits. In fact, the events of this war have proved that the German is a good deal better about making plans than in execut- ing them. Little shacks, dwellings and billets were constructed and cosily fixed up, in many places, the Germans evidently counting upon the impenetra- bility of the Hindenburg Line. Many of the rooms of the former haunts of the Huns contain excellent ■furniture, the walls are adorned by fine specimens of art, excellent-toned pianos are to be found, and lit- erary and musical classics are frequently unearthed 114 The United\States and World Peace 115 where the Hun in the confusion of his hurried exit had dropped them. I am enclosing a general resume of the accomplish- ments of our division up to August 13, 1918, by Major-General Menoher. It tersely summarizes the work of our division since entering the trenches up to our latest period of action. CHAPTER XIV. LXIX. The Battle op Champagne (July 14, 1918, Allied Defensive). In regard to the battle of Champagne, the Germans, renewing the offensive that had brought them again almost to the gates of Paris, attacked east of Rheims, the objective being Chalons. Our division was the only American Division to fight in the army of Gen- eral Gouraud, "the mutilated hero of the Dardan- elles," who conducted the defense against the Crown Prince's picked troops at Champagne. General Pershing's tribute leaves little to be said about the manner in which American ideals of liberty and jus- tice were maintained in that battle. We have it orn the authority of General Pershing that we were in the war at the "crucial hour of the Allied cause." "At no time," asserts General Pershing in the order citing the eight divisions which were in action "during the second battle of the Marne, "had that army — the most formidable the world has yet seen — been more powerful or menacing than when, on July 14th, it struck again to destroy in one great battle the brave men opposed to it and to enforce its brutal will upon the world and civilization. The Allied armies gained a brilliant victory that marks the turn- ing point of the war." Before the battle General Gouraud 's order was read, which ran in part: "The bombardment will be terrible, but you will endure it without flinching. . . . The brave and strong hearts of free men are beating in your breasts. ' ' This seasoned veteran and hero of the Dardanelles knew quite as well as any one what a terrible bombardment would be like, and when he characterized the coming bombardment as "terrible" he weighed his words carefully. He did not exaggerate any. For ten hours and more — from midnight on July 14, the anniversary of the fall of the Bastile, till about 10:30 A. M., July 15 — we were bombarded from earth and sky, with shot and shell, in an atmosphere black with smoke and rank with gas. So terrific was this bombardment that it U6 The United States and World Peace 117 lighted up the streets of Chalons (according to a description in the Paris edition of the New York Herald) about twenty miles from the front. On looking over the trenches toward the German lines (we were in the ruined village of Jonchery at the time), the air was a mass of black, oozing smoke, projectiles were flying in all directions, and the shells were crashing all around, flattening the trenches in some places, and tearing holes in the ground as wide and deep as a large-sized room. As the morning wore on and the shelling began to bear its occasional fruits, stretcher-bearers could be seen carrying the wounded off the field and from the trenches. Men close to us in the trenches (we were brigaded with a line com- pany) were wounded and borne off. Gas shells fell close enough to make it advisable to keep the gas masks on for long periods. Now and then a French ambulance could be seen proceeding up the village of Joncherj^ along a road that was constantly being shelled, picking up the wounded. Early the morning of the 15th, the earth literally trembled with the din of the bombardment. Portions of our trenches were levelled by shells. Our trenches were wide and deep, but open at the top, and flying projectiles so filled the air that at one time it was haz- ardous to stand up right. At this moment an officer came creeping cautiously on hands add knees through our trenches, warning us that it would be safer for us to nestle close to the side of the trench nearest the direction whence the bombardment proceeded, and to spread out so that if a shell struck it would not get all of us. It was at this point that I said to a friend : "I suppose that in a short time these trenches will be pounded flat." He was one of the coolest of men under fire. "Yes," he replied rather wistfully, "but it will be long after our time." At about 10 o'clock in the morning, however, the barrage began to slacken and lift and soon subsided. We then began to prepare to move further up to the front line trenches to repel the Huns. In thinking that morning how Americans endured this bombardment, conceded by seasoned veterans to be most terrible, and actually drove back the Ger- mans confident that no life could exist in the teeth of 118 The United States and "World Peace it, certain lines from the admirable poem "Invictus" (slightly paraphrased) flashed across my memory and seem especially relevant: "Beneath the fell clutch of circumstance, We did not wince or cry al9ud; Under the bludgeonings of chance, Our heads were bloody but unbowed. ' ' The Germans, assuming that the intensity of this bombardment had effectually crushed all resistance, started to come over equipped for the trip to Paris. They were soon disillusioned. They were driven back in confusion with heavy losses. The day after this bombardment our section of the Stokes Trench Mor- tar Platoon moved up to the front line trenches and put the gun into operation. The road to the front lines trenches was cluttered with the dead bodies of horses and mules, and the stretchers bearing off the French and American wounded passed us in a steady line. The odor emanating from dead flesh stroi^ly impregnated the air. Equipment and wagons lay scattered all around in confusion. As we marched through the villages of Jonchery and St. Hilaire, re- duced to a shambles by the shelling, the moonlight was streaming over the ruins, making an excellent subject for an admirable painting to one of artistic inclina- tions. LXX. German Deception in Warfare. The Germans employed every ruse and hypocrisy of which they were capable. They adopted French uniforms and deceived a number of unsuspecting Ohioans in that garb. Though apparently disarmed and anxious to surrender, they threw grenades, which they had concealed in their hands at their approach- ing captors. Two men from a line company told me that they had seen several Germans with Red Cross bands on their arms and apparently bearing wounded soldiers toward our lines suddenly drop the stretchers, revealing a machine gun ready for execu- tion. Aerial combats were frequent, the enemy sup- The United States and World Peace 119 plementing his bomWdment from the earth with bombing and machine gun fire from the sky.' LXXI. Loss OF A Comrade. It was at Champagne that James Wadsworth of New York State met death. Though not of his pla- toon, I was thrown into frequent contact with j^oung Wadsworth, and I liked his open manners and demo- cratic ways. He was an intelligent, courageous young fellow who crowded unstinted and distinguished ser- vice to the country into a career aU too brief. 1 During the height o( the bombardment, an enemy plane, high in the air beMnd onr lines, was signaling our position to the German artillery, by flashlight. A French plane attacked it, and shortly after one of the planes came down in flames, a vertical streak of fire against the blackness of the night. We heard later that the charred bodies of two French aviators were fonnd in the machine — the French plane apparently having come down. CHAPTER XV LXXII. The Battle of the Ourcq-Chateau- Thierey (July 28, 1918, Allied Offensive). From the Champagne front our division was thrown at once into the region of Chateau-Thierry. Our division forced the crossings of the Ourcq and took by assault Hill 212, Sergy, Meurcy Ferme and Ser- inges, driving picked Prussian troops — an Imperial Guard Division — 15 kilometers back. We proceeded to Chateau-Thierry in motor lorries. From Chateau- Thierry and beyond, evidence of recent German occupancy was everywhere apparent. German signs and inscriptions showing the quarters formerly oc- cupied by the various departments and high officers of the German army were everywhere visible — Ger- man dead, equipment, ordnance anJ personal effects lay scattered around indiscriminately. Numerous graves where the dead, Germans and Americans, had been interred, dotted the landscape. As we entered Villers-sur-Fere just prior to the assault on Hill 212 and adjoining villages, the shelling of the road we were on became so incessant and accurate that we were forced to cling to the side of a wall for a couple of hours, during which time the shells took their toll from the regiment. The American newspapers, how- ever, have published such accurate and graphic ac- counts of the taking by assault of Hill 212, Sergy, Meurcy Ferme and Scringes by our regiment and division that further descriptions of these events would be superfluous. The hospital at Villers-sur-Fere on the morning of July 28, as the wounded began to arrive, was a grim sight. The injured lay on stretchers, maimed and mutilated, while the agonizing cries of the dying and wounded filled the air, constituting a spectacle of mangled humanity never to be forgotten. Amid heavy shelling, which hit the hospital and knocked debris down upon the wounded inmates, and with facilities that were inadequate to the requirements, American doctors and Red Cross men performed their duties as best they could. During the morning the shelling was so persistent that guards were stationed 120 The United States and World Peace 121 by the wounded ready to adjust the gas masks in case of a gas attack. Hayes and I helped to carry the wounded — German and American — to dressing sta- tions on stretchers hastily improvised. We used the Stokes trench mortar constantly against the Hun from our position on a hill that was exposed to enemj- shell and machine gun fire. One night, after an unusually violent bombardment, the Germans attempted to come over, but they were re- pulsed. Hayes was up on the hill with us at the time during the bombardment. Many were injured during the shelling, and we ministered to them as best we could while rounding up first aid to men in the dark- ness. One man not 15 feet above me on the hill was struck by a piece of a shell. From the top of the hill we occupied overlooking the German position, the sight was a remarkable one. The hill occupied by the Germans belched fire and flame, and the crash of heavy artillery was deafening. In the meantime our own artillery had been getting in effective work. Some of our shells at first were dropping so short as to endanger those of us on the top of the hill to such an extent that an officer of the Machine Gun Company sent a messenger post haste to the Major to have him notify the artillery to lengthen the range. After this had been done the difference soon became perceptible to us. After the din had subsided and the Boche had abandoned his attempt, to come over, we returned to our shell-holes on the side of the hill. The next day we changed the emplacement for our Stokes mortar to an open stretch of ground adjoining the woods on the top of the hill, as close to the Ger- mans as it was advisable to get. We dug the emplace- ment for the Stokes gun, held the barrel as it was fired, or changed the elevation or direction of the barrel, as exigencies required, for an afternoon while exposed to enemy fire. At one time enemy fire from machine guns became so damaging that we had to lie flat on our stomachs for a long period, during which time the bullets whizzed over our bodies and wounded two men who were lying either side of, and parallel to me: Corporal Clark lying next to me on my right, and Private Casey lying one or two men to my left. Neither was killed, but both were permanently put out of action. 122 The United States and World Peace LXXIII. Death of Joyce Kilmer. You may recall that I mentioned in a previous letter that our company had a distinguished poet — Mr. Joyce Kilmer. I regret to say that Sergeant Kilmer was killed in action at the Battle of the Oureq on July 30, while with Major Donovan at the edge of the woods we occupied. I was talking to Kilmer not two hoilrs before he was killed. Though not of his platoon, I was thrown into contact with Kilmer quite often, and I greatly admired his lofty idealism, his quiet force of character and his bravery. He had a fine sense of humor and a fine reticence. I remember how we all felt the night we left the hill in ques- tion that had been the center of such sanguinary strife upon seeing the grave with the small cross bearing the inscription "Joyce Kilmer," and realizing that we were leaving behind one of the most brilliant minds and finest fellows among us. LXXIV. After the Battle — Chateau-Thp:rry. After the Hun became sufficiently convinced of the futility of hoping to hold on and had retreated, we proceeded to bury the dead upon the battlefield that had been the scene of hostilities, for the preceding week. It was a sight not easily forgotten. There lay the fallen heroes, their faces toward the foe — their bodies struck down, but their spirits unconquerable. As for the Germans? There they lay, beside their guns, caught in a net they had woven for others. "This even-handed justice commends the ingredients of our poisoned chalice to our own lips. ' ' The rest of the world took to killing, to the monstrous shells the Germans use and all the other paraphernalia of mod- ern warfare with reluctance and aversion — but in the German we have a race that takes to this villianous business by preference and choice, almost intuitively. They are such supreme butchers that it takes nearly the whole of the rest of the world to suppress their orgy of bloodshed. We interred the German dead wherever they lay. "He who lives by the sword shall die by the sword." Among the dead that we found on the battlefield that day was the body of- Lieut. Baldwin of Company The United States and World Peace 123 A, Sixty-ninth Regiment. I heard afterwards from two soldiers that Lieut. Baldwin, after being fatally wounded, sent first aid men who had come to his rescue, to the assistance of another man not seriously wdlinded, with the assertion tiiat the latter had a chance, but that he (Lieut. Baldwin) had none. Among the members of our Company killed in this engagement whom I knew personally were John Perry of New York City and Malcolm T. Robertson of Brooklyn, both of our platoon. Perry was an in- telligent, generous and absolutely fearless young man. I first met hhn on the ship coming, over, and always had the highest admiration for him. A young man oE his presence, attainments and force of character would have had a bright future, which, like the career of many another noble character in this war, was cut short by the work of the Hun. Perry was injured by machine gun fire at the battle of the Ourcq and died a few days l^ter at a base hospital, we understood. Malcolm T. Robertson was killed in action on July 30. I first met him at the Seventh Regiment, Com- pany K. He had an honorable record of service with the French Ambulance Department before the United States entered the war, but despite the fact that he had no illusions as to the character of this war, he was one of the most enthusiastic young men I knew for coming to France, and \^en the opportunity pre- sented itself, promptly volunteered to join the Sixty- ninth Regiment. His father, a physician of Brooklyn, had long been connected with the Red Cross here in France, and his mother also was engaged in the same philanthropic activities. Robertson was a Princeton man, having left college a few months before gradu- ation for the larger service of the Allied cause. He was young and remarkably bright, and endeared him- self to all privileged to know him. Our platoon and company mourn the loss of both men. The one-pound cannon platoon of our company lost four killed : John C. McLoughlin, Cornelius Grauer, Becker and Frank Guida, all good soldiers, and well liked — Grauer being the youngest, a mere boy who had endeared himself to everyone in the company. Others of this platoon were wounded. 124 The United States and World Peace In the midst of the scenes of death and desolation presented by the battlefield the morning after the Ger- man retreat from the region of the Oureq, the words of Lincoln in his Gettysburg address constantly re- curred to mind : ' ' T'hat from these honored dead we take increased devotion- to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain. ' ' LXXV. The German and the Anglo-Saxon Soldier. We have had the opportunity of seeing at close range large batches of German prisoners captured on the various fronts. They appeared for the most part quite docile enough, and looked as though they could be easily led or misled. The habit of unquestioning obedience to authority seems inbred in them. In this respect they differ from the Anglo-Saxons, who will yield unquestioning obedience to authority only after they have become convinced that the authority itself is just and incorruptible. LXXVI. Germans Fast Surrendering. German ofQcers, in order to deter soldiers from abandoning a hopeless struggle by surrender, have widely circulated a false report that Americans habitually kill prisoners.^ It is perhaps unnecessary to emphasize the falsity of this contention. So long as the Hun is captured and disarmed he has been robbed of the capacity for further harm, and the necessity for additional action does not exist. Ameri- cans have in mind the protection of society, not the vindictive infliction of penalties, in taking the Boche prisoner. The growing eagerness of the Germans to surrender, however, and their obvious surprise at be ing so leniently and humanely treated in captivity, would indicate that the truth is ^adually being com- municated to their kinsmen by Germans already cap- 1 Among the methods employed by tlse German Government (toward the end of the war) to dissnade the soldiers from abandoning the struggle, was the distribntion of circulars in German (which we found in German dug- outs), saying that the American people were on the verge of revolution because of their disapproval of the war, and that if Germany held out a short time more, the victory would be won. The United States and World Peace 125 tured. The process of Hun enlightenment as to the treatment of their captured cohorts by Americans should be facilitated as far as possible, as it is im- material to the Allies how the disappearance of enemy resistance comes about — in fact, they would probably prefer surrender by the enemy, since the Allies recog- nize that the German soldier is, in the last resort, the victim of designing imperialists and reckless specu- lators in the lives of their subjects. The Germans jBight fairly well with implements capable of being used at long range, and are willing to take all chances incidental to that mode of warfare, but at close range they are eager to surrender. In fact, they fight as if conscious of the moral inferioritj- of their cause. There is a big difference between the morale of an army fighting in defense of their homes and an army fighting to invade the homes of others. LXXVIl The Price op Peace. On the march back from the Chateau-Thierry front we saw the former residents of the various villages re- claimed from the Hun standing beside their modest homes reinstated once more. As we passed through the streets of Chateau-Thierry some of the inhabi- tants, lately restored to their homes as a result of such activities as ours, waved to us with tears in their eyes. The French are a very emotional and not ungrateful people, and the spectacle of these French people waving to the American soldiers whose deeds upon the battlefield had helped to unshackle them from Prussian despotism, coupled with our recol- lections of the brave men we had left behind, con- tributed to make the moment one of the most solemn and impressive of our lives. Please pardon the lack of writing facilities and dirt on this letter. It was written in the field, and has a little of the mud of St. Mihiel and the Verdun sector on it. CHAPTER XVI. {Extracts From Letters From Germany.) Wershofen, Germany, Dee. ,13, 1918. LXXVIII. Peace on Eaeth, Good-Will to Men. With the armistice signed, and the conditions of the armistice being satisfactorily complied with by Ger- many, we are justified in assuming that the greatest conflict of the ages is now a matter of past history. Of course, the formal document — the Treaty of Peace — yet remains to be drafted and signed. But any re- maining obstacles to peace cannot delay its consum- mation more than temporarily, since Germany, as a preliminary to the armistice, readily assented to Wil- son's requirement that she accept in principle the fourteen and all subsequent conditions enunciated in Presidential addresses, retaining only the right to dispute questions pertaining to the practical applica- tion of those principles. Thus the dawn of the day we longed for during the dark night marches to and from the trenches — the day the world has yearned for through four weary years — now approaches as the season of "peace on earth, good will to men" draws near. Never can a Christmas season on earth have a more profound significance to human hearts and minds. ' ' Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that the great scourge of war shall soon pass away," said Lincoln in regard to the approaching peace which he was never destined to live to enjoy. One of the melancholy features of this period of peace which we are privileged to survive to see is the recollection of that vast throng who endured all our hardships with- out the compensating privilege of living to greet the dawn of the new era. LXXIX. The Akgonne (Germany's Last Stand) (Oct. 14, 1918, Allied Offensive). In my last letter I endeavored to outline roughly events up to and including Chateau-Thierry. Since 126 The United States and World Peace 127 then we have been at several fronts, covering ground in some instances made historic by the early battles of the war. Since Champagne and Chateau-Thierry, the Germans have lost all stomach for aggressive fight- ing, owing to the fact that up to that time they were not yet convinced that they could, not prevail, and at those battles the offensive passed forever from the Central Powers to the Allies. The fighting has in- deed been stiff enough, particularly at strongholds of the Hindenburg system, but we never encountered, after those two now historic engagements, the same determined aggressiveness put up by the Germans when they believed they could succeed by launching offensives. Thereafter the warfare on the part gf our adversarj' was largely defensive, but it was a defense of the most adamant kind. While the casualties to our particular regiment were probably heavier at Chateau-Thierry than at any other front, yet the Argonne was one of the most disastrous engagements of the war — if not the most disastrous, all in all — to Americans. But it was essentially a German defen- sive, not offensive. And after Germany's acceptance of Wilson's conditions precedent to peace and the withdrawal of Bulgaria, Turkey and Austria-Hun- gary, our task became largely one of uninterrupted pursuit of the retreating Germans, who only resorted to shelling and machine gun fire to protect the witn- drawal of their stores. Many times on these victorious advances we saw the shell holes and hillside dugouts (lined on the bottom with ice) which would have been our portion this winter, had not the will of civilization prevailed over the will of retrogressive militarists. I recall distinctly having occupied, not very many weeks ago, one such shell hole, and the first night I slept partly in water. I usually remembered on such occasions the lines of Milton (I believe it was) to the effect that "the mind can make a heaven of hell, or a hell of heaven. ' ' Not so many yards from this same shell hole two men were killed by a shell one evening, just as they emerged for something to eat. LXXX. Open and Trench Warfare. The open warfare succeeding trench warfare was conducive to an early termination of the war, but it 128 The United States and World Peace did not afford the protection against shelling which trenches furnished. While engaged in open warfare we were confined to shell holes and similar hastily im- provised places of protection, thus being curtailed in the freedom to move about which we enjoyed in the trenches. Despite the fact that it had some redeeming fea- tures, however, we were not particularly sorry to see that phase of European warfare known as trench war- fare disappear, because therein lay the only hope for a conclusion of this war. LXXXI. Casualties op the Abgonne. Before we had "reached our objective in the sector last referred to, another American division had lost heavily in taking its objective. The Germans were repulsed from a hill where they trained machine gun fire directly down on the advancing Americans. The evidence of the cost of taking these heights to the first American division lay all around in the dead scattered over the fields. It was in this sector that our company lost five more men killed in action — a driver named Marino (temporarily with our com- pany), who met death while driving to the front; a member of our platoon, the Stokes Trench Mortar Platoon, named Cosgrove; one of the color guards, Sergt. Sheehan, and Sergt. Hussey and Private Schul- merick. Cosgrove was a young fellow about 18 years old who hardly ever had a word to say, but who was eloquent when it came to action. Cosgrove was never conspicuous for his literal adherence to the rules of the military game, but he had the spirit of willingness to face death, which was the essential and indispens- able thing in the last resort, and without which profi- ciency in all the spectacular aspects of the military game always appears to be so idle and useless. Cos- grove was a brave, generous and thoroughly lovable young fellow. His loss is mourned by us all. Sergt. Sheehan was a fine specimen of soldier — tall, with a very earnest, straightforward appearance. He invariably had a cheerful and kindly word for nearly everyone, and his death was keenly regretted The United States and World Peace 129 by the entire regiment, in which he Was well known and very popular. Capt. Walsh, for a long time Captain of the Head- quarters Company, but recently attached to a line company, lost his life in the engagement in question. Capt. Walsh had been in the United States army for many years, enlisting as a private and rising to the rank of First Lieutenant, which was his status when he joined our company. He rose to be Captain of the Headquarters Company. His death at the elev- enth hour, after Germany had signified its acceptance of Wilson's conditions, was particularly unfortunate and keenly regretted by all. At another part of the same front the company lost two more men — Sergt. Hussey and Charles Schul- merick. Sergt. Hussey was married and had a small child. He was killed with Schulmericli in their dug- out in the front line trenches. A dent in the part of the trench they occupied, and two wooden crosses close hy, told the story how the flame of life once more had been snuffed out by German militarism. The death of these two men at one of the very last fronts only intensified the keen sorrow experienced by all who knew them. LXXXII. Music Under Difficulties. At one of the little towns we occupied for a short time — Bxermont, I believe it was — there was a fine little organ in a shell-ridden church. When I first discovered it, it was pretty well steeped in debris, but after clearing away the • obstacles it yielded good music. At St. Benoit there was a good French piano in a German officer's abandoned shack. As I was endeavoring to perpetrate the "Stars and Stripes Forever" the Germans began shelling the vicinity. Though unable to compete adequately against the noise, I finished the piece. LXXXIII. The German Rout and the Armistice. It was while we were en route to Sivry, I believe, that we learned that the armistice had been signed by Germany, and at 10:55 A. M. that day (Nov. 11) hostilities ceased all along the line. In our advance 130 The United States and "World Peace just prior to the signing of the armistice, we were pressing so close on the heels of the retreating Ger- mans that in one village I saw a German who had fallen asleep and only awakened after the Americans had entered. During another of our hikes we fol- lowed up the Germans so closely that we entered an ammunition depot just abandoned by the Germans that was being shelled at the time. CHAPTER XVII. LXXXIV. Direct Evidence op Gekman Treatment OF THE French. Under the terms of the armistice, we were selected, with other American divisions, to close in after the evacuation of the Germans and to occupy certain points of military advantage in Germany as a guar- antee against the resumption of hostilities. I talked with the civilians in several of the French villages occupied only a few days before by the Germans in regard to the treatment accorded them by the Ger- mans, and they invariably portrayed the German soldier as arrogant and harsh. The Germans took captive all the male inhabitants of many of these vil- lages (notably Authe) between the ages of 18 and 45, and they compelled the rest of the people, male and female, to work in the fields and on the roads. LXXXV. Belgium. On November 21, I think it was, we crossed into Belgium from France at about 10:30 A. M. as trie band played. Everywhere in Belgium we were re- ceived with acclamation. Banners and decorations and triumphal arches under which we passed along the line of march bore inscriptions hailing us as de- liverers and liberators. Delegations of Belgians, usually headed by some local public official of note, would greet us at every town. Townspeople formed guards of honor to assure us of the admiration the Belgians entertained for the Americans. Groups of school children, headed by parents and teachers, would serenade us with concertina and song. Every- where the flags of the Allies were in evidence. As we were quartered our first night in Belgium in St. Marie, a small but immaculately clean village, we had our initial experience with the genuineness of the gratitude the Belgians entertained towards us. It was with difficulty and only by resort to diplomacy that we could prevail upon the Belgians to accept compensation for the hospitality they extended to us in the shape of food and lodgment. Along the line 131 132 The United States and World Peace of march into Belgium little children grasped our hands, and I remember saying to a weary fellow plodder, as we trudged along, that such indications of the unaffected sympathy and admiration of the Belgians rewarded us for all the inconveniences we had undergone in this war. LXXXVI. DiBECT Evidence op German Treatment OP THE Belgians. In Belgium we heard from the lips of Belgians of German atrocities in this war, of the burning of stations and houses, and the shooting of hundreds of recalcitrant civilians. The tears streamed down the cheeks of one Belgian as he told me how his wife and small children had been bayoneted by the Ger- mans. At St. Marie, Hayes and I talked with a Bel- gian by the name of Francois Nezer, manager of the station in that place, and he told us that he was ordered by the Germans to work for them but had refused; that despite the fact that he was lined up against a wall and the Germans threatened to shoot him, he still refused; and on being asked why he refused to work for them, he replied that he had taken an oath to his king not to work for the Germans, whereupon a German struck Lim in the stomach with the butt of a gun, disabling him for over a year. CHAPTER XVIII. LXXXVII. Luxemburg. We crossed from Belgium into Luxemburg on Sat- urday, Nov. 23, occupying the ancient town of Usel- dange for several days. Luxemburg is a quaint old country. The houses of the people are clean and more modern than any we have seen in Europe so far, with the exception of those in large cities like Paris. Such facilities as electricity and modern sinks, stoves and furnaces seemed to be no novelty, even among the rural inhabitants in many places in Luxemburg. The people were cordial enough, but reserved, and naturally showed none of the enthusiasm we were accorded in Belgium. Their general attitude toward us — and we may add their charges — reflected the in- difference to the outcome of the war which they have consistently maintained throughout. Many of the in- habitants of Luxemburg speak French, so that we experienced little inconvenience in making ourselves understood. They appear to be a peaceful, clean, industrious people of domestic tastes. LXXXVIII. European Subserviency to Military Caste. The general subserviency to military caste was in- advertently shown by a family in Luxemburg who, under the mistaken impression that Hayes and I were officers — an impression, by the way, which neither of us, in justice to ourselves, essayed to foster — show- ered attentions on us, but who, when they discovered the contrary, immediately adopted an attitude toward us appropriate to our condition of servitude. So Hayes and I were cast into outer darkness, mumbling the lines of one of perfidious Albion's poets: "The rank is but the guineas' stamp, A man is a man for a ' that. ' ' LXXXIX. Germany. On December 4 we crossed from Luxemburg into Germany at about 11 A. M., at Bollendorf, our first 133 134 The United States and World Peace stop in Germany being at Holsthum. We passed through, and were quartered for brief periods in Biekendorf , Wallesheim, Hillesheim, all small German cities, and are at present at Wershof en resting for two days, after a hike of approximately twenty miles, which we made on Dee. 9. XC. Our Ultimate Objective. We have pursued the Boche to his lair. And it cannot be too firmly emphasized that the impression of the Germans we derive by living among them is that of an industrious, law-abiding people of domestic tastes. Except in small rural communities, where they do not seem to have an intelligent appreciation of things in general, the Germans have accorded us a spontaneous welcome and hospitality not born of thie exigencies of their present plight. Whether due to government forewarning or to a natural and un- feigned admiration for Americans, the fact is that the Germans, although reputed tp be a commercial people, fleeced us less than we have been fleeced in other parts of Europe. In the larger places and cities, however, the Germans frequently evinced the same capacity for excessive charging with which we have become so familiar. CHAPTER XIX. XCI. Food Conditions in Germany. In the regions west of the Rhine which we have occupied so far, while there did not seem to be any excess of food, neither was famine or destitution ap- parent. In the smaller country places around the farms the people seemed to have a greater abundance of food thaif in the cities, where the scarcity of food — especially in the hotels and restaurants — was notice- able. XCII. The German Attitude Toward American Soldiers. Some of the Germans in rural places seemed a little apprehensive at first of what the Americans would do. All view the Indians in our company and platoon with amazement. They are an especial source of won- derment to the small boys who stare at them in wild- eyed alarm. Whatever reservation their elders may make, the small urchins are perfectlyTieutral and un- restrained in their admiration for American dash and ingenuity, and such modern accessories as motor cycles and heavy motor trucks always attract swarms of them in their wake belter skelter. Everywhere in German villages we encountered face to face German soldiers already mustered out, who, only a few short weeks ago, were no doubt throwing shells and other complimentary objects at us. Along the march one frequently sighted a small urchin topped, as German boys usually are, with the red banded hat of the German soldier lying so pro- fusely on many a battlefield. It is a rather anomalous thing to find ourselves mingling freely with the people who but a few weeks age were occupying trenches, dugouts and sectors that we afterwards took bj"^ force, finding therein many of the relics, trinkets and articles of equipment of possibly some of the very men we happened to be talking with. 135 136 The United States and World Peace XCIII. The Fall of Autocracy and the Rise of Democracy in Germany. I am ignorant of German, but from attempted con- versation with Germans based on my imperfect and cursory acquaintance with the Janguage, I learned from one German recently mustered out that he had been at the principal sectors of the western front our division has occupied since last March — Luneville, Ancervilliers, Champagne, Chateau - Thierry, St. Mihiel, and the Argonne. He was a very intelligent looking German, and admitted that the Kaiser and Crown Prince, Ludendorff and Hindenburg, had mis- led the people; asserting that Prince Max of Baden, while an improvement on the Kaiser, and his son, was still not so good for the German people as Ebert, Scheidemann, Liebknecht and Dr. Solf . I believe that the more intelligent Germans are coming to see that they have been badly misled. CHAPTER XX. XCIV. German Domestic Tastes and German Atrocities in the War Irreconcilable on Any Hypothesis Other Than That Germans Were Badly Misled. In fact, it is impossible to reconcile the apparent industry and domestic tastes of the Germans, which close association with them irrefutably establishes, with such unquestionable atrocities as the shooting and deportation of the Belgians and the sinking of the Lusitania, on any other hypothesis than that they have been miserably misled. The Germans are a very paternalistic people and totally subservient to au- thority. Unlike the Americans, they seem to lack initiative and the capacity for independent judgment, and they are apparently as apt to follow a wrong leadership as a good one, provided the leadership pur- ports to have some show of authority, good or bad. XCV. Causes of the War Not Affected By Ger- man Hospitality Toward Soldiers. Of course, the kindness and hospitality of many of the Germans must not affect our unalterable knowl- edge of the un.justifiable character of the German caase or blind us to the German atrocities in this war. The falsity of the German contention that this was as to them a defensive war was never better ex- posed than by Liebknecht,^ who said that German 1 LlebknecJit was afterwards killed. Radical he may have been, but to his eternal credit it most be said that he was the only member of the Reichstag who Toted against the German war budget as often as it came up. To unprejudiced minds. Socialism appeared to very poor advantage in the war. In Allied countries, while professing the ideals of liberty and dem- ocracy it obstructed the defense of those ideals and pro^rlbed those of its adherents who saw that the Allied cause was one of liberty and Justice and for the suppression of militarism. In enemy countries, Socialism weakly supported militarism in the name, and under the guise, of patriot- ism, and left high and dry those of its members, like Liebknecht, who con- sistently warred on militarism. Professing to be, pre-eminently, the apostles of liberty, equality and fra- ternity. Socialists in this country not only did nothing to aid the Allied cause (which was synonymous with those very ideals), but they denounced the war as a "capitalist" war on the part of the Allies, thus seeking to condone their o^vn delinquency, and they obstructed the efforts of the United States Government for the successful prosecution of the war. Right-thlnfc- Ing Socialists like Mr. J. G. Pbelps Stokes did, it is true, remonstrate with the party, but so tmavailing were their protests that they were forced to leave it. 137 138 The United States and World Peace school children were very properly taught that the assassination of the heir to the Austrian throne was a very atrocious act, but that they were not taught the additional fact, viz., that that very act was seized upon by Germany as a pretext for the conflict she was bound to provoke and had been' preparing for for nearly half a century. XCVI. Germans Condemn Theie Rulers for Wag- ing AN Unsuccessful, Not an Unjust, War. Another imperishable feature of the attitude of the Germans toward the war and the aftermath of the war is the fact that they did not object to the Kaiser, the Crown Prince, and Ludendorff until it became apparent that they could not succeed in their war — the propriety or impropriety of the war apparently concerning them not at all, simply its expediency. They condemn the Kaiser, not for leading them into an unjust war, but an unsuccessful war. Bismark is habitually extolled by the Germans as a great man, yet the only difference between Bismark and the Kaiser consists in the fact that Bismark succeeded in crushing France and levying an unconscionable fine, whereas the Kaiser failed to attain that end. Although the Germans have banished Ludendorff, they still retain their military idol, Hindenburg, who is, of course, one of the most perfect exponents of the militaristic ideal now extant. CHAPTER XXI. XCVII. Our Armed Appearance Amid the Germans. When we first struck Germany we were ordered not to appear on the streets without belts and rifles on penalty of arrest by the guards. It was impossible to walk about without rifles, as the guards would prohibit it, but *Hayes and I, in our various peram- bulations, made it a point to place rifles and belts where our hosts could get them but we could not. This obvious lack of distrust of the Germans among, whom we lived had the effect of disarming any hos- tility they may have nurtured toward us and of palliating any unfriendliness they may have felt as a result of our armed appearance in their midst. XCVIII. Germans Hospitable and Glad War Is Over. The Germans among whom we have mingled so far are more pleased than we are that the war is over, since they have been vainly struggling against ever- growing odds and had been receiving the worst of it for some time past. They have a genuine and un- feigned admiration for the Americans, due in part to the bravery and prowess of the American in ac- tion, and in part to the fact that many of them have relatives in America about whom they speak con- stantly and from whom apparently they do not hear disparaging reports of American ideals of liberty and justice. XCIX. Attitude of Victors Toward the Van- quished Contrasted With Germany's Abuse of Power. Our position as victors who enter Germany with the assent indeed of the only governmentpurporting to speak for the people, but who would enter Germany against the assent of the constituted authorities, if that consent were withheld, lays us under especial obligation to avoid anything savoring of a domineer- ing attitude. The Germans being the vanquished and 139 140 The United States and World Peace we being the victors, we must always remember that "it is excellent to have a giant's strength, but tyran- nous to use it like a giant," even if the Germans in the heydey of their power did not give any perceptible evidence of recognizing any such principle. Nearly every day the "Star Spangled Banner" and the "Stars and Stripes Forever" are blared forth by an American band on German soil. The country which aspired to dominate all other countries now sees that it maintains its own supremacy merely by sufferance of the foe. The Allies, by peaceful occupancy of German points of military advantage, pre-eminently illustrate the discreet use, as distin- guished from the abuse of power. There is no doubt an intimation to Germany in all this, that may not be altogether lost, of what was and what might have been. The cities of Germany present a totally differ- ent appearance than the villages of ruined and bat- tered France. Frequently during the progress of the war the question of the advisability of retaliating for German atrocities was debated by the Allies, but they finally concluded that they could not compete with Germany along lines of inhumane warfare, but that they could set Germany a better example. C. Divine Aid Invoked in Wars by All Contest- ants Indiscriminately. The people with whom I stopped in one of the last towns had family prayers after supper at night. It was a striking picture — the bowed heads of those old simple German peasants invoking the divine assist- ance no doubt upon their distracted country no less than upon themselves. Frequently in France a couple of peasants could be seen in the fields, appearing at a distance to be in deep meditation, suggesting — partic- ularly at evening — Millet's famous painting, "The Angelus." Recalling how in wars both sides appeal for the same divine assistance, we are reminded of the words of Lincoln in his Second Inaugural Ad- dress (I think it was) to the effect that both sides during the Civil War prayed to the same God and professed to be guided by the same Bible. The United States and "World Peace 141 CI. Medlsival Wayside Shrines of Europe. In Germany, and in fact throughout Europe gen- erally, we frequently encounter wayside shrines, crumbling with age,' erected no doubt in mediaeval times and symbolic of the days of pristine faith. CHAPTER XXII. CII. FocH ON Wae. Foch has defined war as a conflict between two opposing forces in which the side having the greater moral power prevails. The side having moral su- periority may be temporarily submerged by superior force, but it ultimately, as in this war, attracts to its standards the overwhelming balance of material power. The Germans among whom we have mingled so far have impressed me as recognizing not only the material, but the moral inferiority of their cause, and the more intelligent Germans resent deeply the false position their rulers have placed them in before the world. Foch not only had a philosophic conception of war, but he proved to be an excellent strategist. His method was to attack and advance at a given point until the resistance became almost insuperable, then to transfer the attack to a different portion of the line where the resistance was weaker, outflank the desired objective and thus take it with minimum loss of life. cm. How Republics Wage Wae as Contrasted With Autocracies. ReDublics wage war far differently from autocra- cies. Men like Quentin Roosevelt, son of ex-President Roosevelt, and Major Mitchel, ex-Mayor of New York City, gave their lives in this war, while the Kaiser and Crown Prince and all the other representatives of German militarism took scrupulous care of their own safety. The sword rattling militarists are usually the most wary of the sacrifices demanded by war, while the soldiers of democracy show most complete abandonment in action, and the most intense earnest- ness in preparation therefor. 142 CHAPTER XXIII. CIV. Paeis. At about the middle of August I had a 48-hour pass to Paris and while there saw (on an auto tour) the Place de L 'Opera, the Church of the Madeleine, the Place de la Concorde, L'Arc de Triomphe, Le Troeedero, Le Dome des Invalides, La Tour Eiffel, Le Louvre, and le Monument Gambetta, Chamber des Deputes, Notre-Dame Cathedral, Place de la Repub- lique, the Tuilleries Palace and attendant gardens and statuary. CV. The Religion of the French Revolution and THE Creed op the Future. Notre Dame Cathedral was particularly interesting in that it represented the Revolutionary attempt to establish a new religion — the religion of humanity — in which the goddesses of liberty and justice were to supplant the old deities. I believe that the creed of the future will be based upon the elemental principle that the origin of phenomena is a profound and in- explicable mystery, and that men respect the rights of others to life and property not because they were commanded to do so . in a miraculous manner by tablets entrusted to Moses on Mount Sinai, but be- cause depredation upon the lives or property of others inevitably substitutes the doctrine that might make'- right for the law of equal liberty and entails chaos and confusion instead of peace and order. Some such experiment as the Revolutionists inaugurated will, I believe, ultimately succeed, but the projected plans failed because they were designed to deify am- bitious individuals rather than to serve humanity. Even Napoleon, in overthrowing established churches, like established governments, had in view the enhance- ment of his own power rather than the disinterested service of others. The fact that Napoleon's reform projects were subordinate and secondary to his plans for personal aggrandizement vitiated those projects. 143 144 The United States and World Peace The old moralities will endure, but the miraculous sanctions thereof will be discarded.^ CVI. An Old Pal. A word as to that man Hayes. He has shown me copies of an Erie paper in which he once more de- picts his chum as the hero of a number of legendary episodes. I want you to regard all such propaganda as a conspiracy of the Bar. It is contrary to public policy and null and void. On the other hand, too much cannot be said of Hayes' services in this war. Hayes has practiced law in New York City and in up-State New York. He abandoned the law and a lucrative managerial position in a munitions factory to join the 165th U. S. Infantry (Sixty-ninth Kegi- ment) at Camp Mills. No more accustomed to the hardships of military life than the rest of us, Hayes has endured them all, with indomitable grit. He has looked death and desolation in the face without flinch- ing. At Chateau-Thierry Hayes assisted in rescuing a wounded man under conditions of shell fire so bad that three of the men assisting him afterward went to the hospital. At Lamarehe Hayes had a close call. He had left his bed for a few moments, and a shell burst near his shack, splitting his bunk and tearing his messkit apart. At one of the last fronts Hayes occupied a trench where two men of our company - had been killed -only a few days before. Hayes and I have been close pals through many a gruesome campaign, and during intervals of rest and relaxation. We have been together in situations where death seemed imminent, and the crust of bread was shared. Friendships formed in military life are apt to be quite as lasting as any others in life, for here pre-eminently men reveal their true spirit in their attitude toward others under the common stress of self-preservation. We have not always coincided at all points of the 1 As the miraculous and supernatural aspects of the current creed become less and less literally accepted, the creed of the future, recognizing the Inscrutable nature of the mystery of the origin of phenomena, and that morality has its origin in natural sanctions, not supernatural flat, will gradually arise. Ethical societies, where questions of science and ethics are expounded and discussed, will be the future churches. The United States and World Peace 145 compass, but subscribing as each of us does to the right of unfettered freedom of opinion, we can dis- agree radically with the utmost tolerance and mutual respect. Hayes and I have cogitated and philoso- phized together during many a dark hour, and have had many a unique and interesting experience, but we now approach the end of the journey. ' ' The best of friends must part." There is a song which was a favorite with the older members of the regiment, many of whom have long since disappeared: "Down in' the heart of the gas-house district in old New York, Where your friend is your friend, and he sticks to the end." Well, I don't know that Hayes hails from the gas- house district in old New York, but I do know that he has all the qualities of constancy of friendship ascribed, in the fine old song, to residents of that locality. CHAPTER XXIV. Remagen, Germany, March 7, 19W. CVII. Die "Wacht am Rhein. Uncle Sam is still maintaining the watch on the Rhine, and undoubtedly will continue to do so until the Treaty of Peace, establishing permanent peace, has been signed. In the German battle hymn "Die Wacht am Rhein," the Rhine River is depicted as impregnable and its penetration by foreign foe is represented as one of the direst of calamities for the Fatherland. The Rhine did not prove ultimately to be invulnerable, and if Germany had been content to permit other countries to maintain their possessions inviolable, the harmless German delusion of the im- penetrability of the Rhine would never have been shattered. The German nation not only has not col- lapsed with the penetration of the Rhine by foreign foes, but that event has rescued Germany from its malevolent and retrogressive elements, since the ex- istence of Prussian militarism in Germany is incom- patible with the presence of the Allies on German soil and the extirpation of German militarism affords the German people opportunity to establish a re- public. CVIII. Attitude op Germans Toward Ex-Kaiseb. Some of the Germans realize that Allied victory has in reality meant the emancipation of Germany. Others still cling to the old delusion that Germany was the victim of a conspiracy on the part of the rest of the world. Not a few still entertain a tacit regard and sympathy for the ex-Kaiser, while there are others who frankly realize that the ex-Kaiser and his ilk have been the real authors of their misfortune and of the degradation of the German nation in the eyes of the world. Many acclaim American ideals with a genuineness neither dictated by an expedient concern for American support at the Peace Confer- ee The United States and "World Peace 147 ence, nor due to the persuasion of the environment of an American army of occupation. CIX. German Attitude Toward the English. Some while professing a high regard for the Ameri- cans, deprecate the English. I always endeavor to point out to these people that, whether or not the aims of England have always been as disinterested through- out history as were those of the United States, the fact is that she just as strongly abhorred this war and exhausted^ every effort to avoid it, and that what- ever she obtains at the Peace Conference it will never atone for the irrevocable loss in lives and property she has sustained in this war. None of the Allies, in fact, will ever gain anything like what they have lost iu this war, though, of course, the spectacle of the Allied nations casting lots on that account, for the German garments, would not be a very fitting con- clusion to the sacrifices heretofore made without com- plaint. ex. German and French Temperament Con- trasted. The contrast between the German and French tem- perament is striking, and impressed us vividly when we first entered Germany. The Germans are a phleg- matic people, the French have the vivacity and impul- siveness of the Latin races. CXI. German Living Conditions Contrasted With THE French. The Germans have better houses and more modern living conditions than the French. Some of the small German villages, of course, are just as unsanitary as some of the small French villages, but the cities, large and small, in general appear to be more modern. It has always been recognized that Germany was a wealthier nation than France. This fact did not justify or excuse Germany in aggressing upon and mistreating her less wealthy neighbor. It has been well said that the act of Germany in starting this war was about as comprehensible as would be the act 148 The United States and World Peace of a wealthy man who suddenly darts out from pala- tial surroundings and robs the first poor man he meets on the highway. CXII. Food Conditions in Germany. The food supply in Germany now could not be described as abundant by any means, but it is more abundant in the small farming districts than in the cities, where little can be obtained in the restaurants except coffee, or a substitute therefor, with sometimes sugar, more often saccharine tablets, and war bread, a dark, unpalatable bread devised as a substitute for white flour bread. CXIII. German Domestic Tastes Irreconcilable With Their Atrocities in War on Ant Other Hypothesis Than That They Have Been Misled. We have unquestionably been treated well by the German people, and their hospitality cannot be alto- gather ascribed to ulterior motives, I am convinced. In fact, there seems to be a strange contrast between their apparent love of domestic life and their in- grained love of war. I iave often thought that the apparent hospitality and domestic tastes of the Ger- mans could not be reconciled with their unquestion- able atrocities in an inexcusable war on any other assumption than that they have been badly misled, and that they would not have done voluntarily and of their own initiative the things they did at the behest of superior authority. The Germans are a very paternalistic people. Unlike the Anglo-Saxon, who will unhesitatingly obey only after he has be- come convinced that the superior authority is right, the German's deeply rooted habits of obedience will induce him to follow authority without question, and he may be as easily led in a right direction as a wrong one, and is just as willing to accept implicitly the authority of any of the Allied powers as he is his own. We had a curious confifmation of this not long ago. A German naval officer came into the Regimental P. C. and asked for American guards to protect some The United States and World Peace 149 stores being towed down the Rhine on a ship bound for the French army of occupation. He sought Ameri- can protection against the Bolsheviks who, he said, had captured similar provisions from them not long ago. Instead of resenting our appearance in Ger- many, a good many Germans have said that they thought there would have been serious disorder in our absence, and that they would be glad to have American and Allied soldiers in Berlin to suppress possible revolution there. CXIV. Causes op War not Apfected by German HospiTAiiiTY Toward American Soldiers. A few soldiers rather unconsciously permit the treatment accorded us by Germans to affect their con- sciousness of Germany's original guilt. Of course the treatment accorded us by the Germans or French is totally irrelevant to the causes of this war or the question of responsibility or guilt therefor, and to permit any such personal consideration^ to determine our attitude toward such issues is to be guided by purely selfish motives in judging the war. All rea- soning, and intelligent persons are fuUy cognizant of Germany's guilt in provoking this war, and neither Germany 's good treatment of us now, nor any possible avariciousness of the French commercial classes, alters or affects, magnifies or minimizes, Ger- many's original guilt. CHAPTER XXV. CXV. The German Yeomanry V^us i-he Peussun Militarists. The German people — so far as we are capable of judging them by that portion of the people with whom we have come in contact in the Rhinelands — are not the crafty and designing people they have been repre- sented as being, but are an extremely simple — even credulous — people, readily susceptible to imposition. Crafty, designing, unscrupulous and unconscionable Germans there certainly are, and of their ilk our country has had, and all countries have had, a suffi- cient taste in the shape of German propagandists, falsifying German diplomats and statesmen, etc. But the bulk of the people — the honest yeomanry and mid- dle classes who have borne the brunt of the war provoked by their German misrepresentatives — have been, in my judgment, to a large extent the victims of the element of German life, insignificant in num- bers, but predominant in shaping national policies — the designing imperialists, the Prussian militarists. CXVI. American Propaganda. I have talked with about six Germans, at Remagen, where we are stationed, who speak Bnglish^ — some of them having studied it at school in Germany, and others having lived in England or in the United States for some time. I am studying German so as to be better able to get the German viewpoint and to present the American attitude — that wars of ag- gression and conquest are irrevocably wrong; that the only justifiable or excusable wars are those of defense, or those designed to prevent aggression by large countries upon small ones ; and that cooperation among the nations for the maintenance of peace and the elimination of wars from life is better than com- petitive strife. I spoke not long ago with a German who had lived many years in New York, but who returned to visit 150 The United States and World Peace ^ 151 Germany a month before the outbreak of the war and was detained for military service against his inclina- tions. He told the German military authorities that he would not take up arms, so they put him in charge of prisoners, translating English into German, with the rank of Captain. He says that when the Lusi- taiiia was sunk, he told the military authorities that they had better make at once whatever amends might be acceptable to the Americans, but that the German officers repulsed him with the assertion that he was an American, not a German. He wants no part of Germany and would be glad to return to the United States. CXVII. German Respect for the Profession of Arms. We have some interesting and unique experiences with the Germans. One night, coming down the street, two young Germans, recently mustered out of (or more likelj' voluntarily departed from) the Ger- man array, accosted us with "Guten abend, Kam- erads." Their unsteady gait indicated that they were well under the influence at the time, and their friendly salutation evinced their amusing conception of all sol- diers of whatever hue as comprised within a common fraternity. They are typical of a large class of Ger- mans who regard the profession of arms as an honor- able pursuit in itself, without reference to the objects which arms subserve, and they, like their Hessian forefathers, would doubtless fight, for a sufficient con- sideration, as readily for as against the same cause with perfect impartiality. Needless to say, we re- turned their salutation, while inwardly wishing for their soldierly qualities a better cause. CXVIII. War's Wreckage in German Homes. A part of the company is billetted in Germaii homes, and in visiting one another we are thrown into contact with German families, who are affable and hospitable. In the house of one of such families we visited recently, a widow whose husband had been reeentlj- killed in the war, and who was still in mourn- 152 The United States and Wobld Peace ing, played several piano selections for us, including the Soldier's Farewell. Her deceased husband had been in the German artillery. On the wall above her were large pictures of her husband, and a paint- ing of artillery pulling along the winding roads of some apparently European village. The representa- tion of another scene invariably obtrudes itself upon the mind in the midst of such tangible evidences of war's wreckage — that of a cowering group of German militarists cast out by the hand of civilization. CXIX. Domestic Life and Schooling in Germany. We (Hayes and I) occasionally used to drop in for coffee and cake at a little bakery close by in the neighborhood, and we got to know the family con- ducting it well. The family consists of the husband, who had served in the German Army on the Russian front and who spoke French well, his wife, a small active woman, kindly and industrious, and three small children, the youngest of whom, a little girl of about five years, sings "Stille Nacht" and "Tannen- baum" in her own inimitable way. A young boy, of about nine or ten years, plays the violin well for his age. The whole family is musically inclined; and in fact one of the, strong characteristics of Ger- man life is the love of music, whole families, from parent to baby, singing, in chorus when some familiar strain is struck up. At Christmas time, Christmas trees are very much in evidence in Germany, while the "Stille Nacht" is constantly being rendered by the music-box or on the piano. We bought some toys for the little children last Christmas, and 'on Christmas Eve we saw them dangling from the tree, to the delight of the "kinder" and the amusement of their parents. This is a particularly thrifty and intelligent family, and the mother recently showed us specimens of work done by her children at school. From the specimens we saw representing the efforts of such tiny hands and heads, I should say that German education be- gins at an early age and that many artistic things are executed by little children with whom the process of education is made as enjoyable as possible. The United States and World Peace 153 CXX. The Lost Cause. In the house where I live, there is a German who served in the war for over three years and contracted consumption. He has the iron cross. The hectic flush on his cheek indicates that he is shortly to lose another — ^his last — battle. He is typical of the illness and depression of thousands of Germans who, at the end of a lost cause, might be said, in Kipling's expressive words, to have seen ' ' the things they gave their lives to broken" — fortunatelv foT the world. CHAPTER XXVI. CXXI. The Formulation op the Treaty op Peace, AND THE Covenant op the League op Na- We are intensely interested in the events of the Peace Conference at Paris. We are unquestionably living in the most momentous epoch of history. We have just witnessed the greatest conflict of the ages — we now stand around the cradle of the League of Nations, the first organized effort of the world to abolish war and maintain permanent peace. Such a world organization for the abolition of war and the maintenance of permanent peace has been the dream of statesmen, divines and philosophers from time immemorial. 1 Afterward reprinted In Beneh and Bar (a New York legal publication), July, 1919 number, as part of an article by the writer adrocating the ratl- flcatton, without reservations, of the League of Nayons. The September number, 1919, of the same publication, contained an article by the writer advocating the trial, but not the execution of the Kaiser. Both of these articles are republished in Part I of this book, and hence that part of the conclu- sion of this letter, containing the arguments In favop of the League of Nations, Is not repeated here. I have added to the original comments on the League of Nations, as set forth* In the letter here referred to, a consid- eration of the abjections to the plan raised by Senator Knox, the Sun, and others. 154 CHAPTER XXVII. CXXII The Death of a Good American. I read with the profoundest regret and sorrow of the death of Col. Roosevelt. Roosevelt was loved and admired as few Americans have ever been. Lloyd George (I believe it was) expressed it adequately when he said that the world was poorer by the death of Roosevelt. Certainly the United States won't seem quite the same to some of us with Roosevelt gone. Somehow on every question confronting our countrj- or the world, our thoughts invariably turned toward Roosevelt to know his views, and thougJi we could not always coincide with those views in all respects, we always looked for them eagerly and accorded them respectful consideration. Roosevelt was ambitious, but it was the ambition to render ever greater service. Roosevelt did not crave power for the purpose of abusing it, but for the purpose of using it to the world's advantage. His voice and pen and acts were always enlisted in the cause of liberty and justice and never consciously abetted oppression or wrong. He was an impetuous champion of the right as he saw it and an uncom- promising foe of wrong. CXXIII. The End of the Long, Long Trail. It has been officially announced that our division with others will leave Europe for the United States in April. We are thus nearing the end of our jour- ney. In these closing moments as "the tumult and the shouting dies, the captains and the kings depart," and as we look forward with varjdng emotions to the homecoming, our thoughts involuntarily go back to those brave men we are leaving behind, who shared all our privations and perils, without living to share the compensating privilege of peace and reunion. 155 156 The United States and Woeld Peace "The forms of those we love lie there, With faces turned toward the^tars, Unburied in the still night air, Grant them sweet sleep, god of wars." CXXIV. Finis. Remagen, Germany, March 16, 1919. At the outbreak of the war I wrote you that there was not room in the world for the Kaiser and liberty — ^that one or the other must go down, and that I did not look for the disappearance of liberty. Well, here we are on the Ehine — and the Kaiser is not at home. We leave shortly for the United States. On the reverse side of this card is a picture of the dethroned idol of Germany. "No sun shall ever usher forth his honors or gild again the noble troops that waited upon his smiles. ' ' CHAPTER XXVIII. CXXV. Notable Figures of the Fighting 69th. Remagen, Germany, April 1, 1919. As we leave the Rhine on April 5th, or thereabouts, and embark, according to present expectations, at Brest around April 12th, we will probably reach the United States as soon as this letter. I was not able to obtain leave to visit Ireland and London, as I strongly wished, and as you people wrote me to do. Ireland of course not only has a senti- mental interest to me, but it has a number of inter- esting political developments just now. London is of perennial interest to all students of history, and to all cognizant of the vast influence which the com- paratively insignificant island, England, has exerted on the world's destinies in at least two of the most momentous crises of history. The Headquarters Company recently lost Sgt. Ker- rigan of the intelligence section, who came from New York. Sgt. Kerrigan was an energetic, faith- ful worker of keen, natural intelligence. He had come through the war all right only to succumb to pneumonia late in February in Germany. I often discussed questions of the war with Sgt. Kerrigan and was always interested in his intelligent and im- partial conception of them. I recall having discussed certain phases of the problems before the Peace Con- ference with him not long before his death. He pos- sessed, to an unusual extent, the ability to view all such questions in a disinterested manner, entirely disassociated from all considerations of heredity and environment. Sgt. Kerrigan was an American of Irish descent, but the most complete antithesis of "hyphenated citizenship" to be found anywhere. He was a true American. Col. William J. Donovan, who was injured in the Argonne, is now in command of our Regiment and will lead it back. He has earned the respect and confidence of the men by his untiring zeal and brav- ery in action. Wounded in the knee while at the 157 158 The United States and World Peace Argonne, he refused for a long time to go to the hospital and continued to direct operations ■ from a shell hole. Another oustanding figure in the old 69th Regi- ment is Father Duffy. Father Duffy has at all times been the "guide, philosopher and friend" of the Regi- ment. Not called upon, or desired to do so. Father Duffy insisted upon sharing dangers with the men and risked his life without stint in the AUied cause. That campaign was a tough one on men considerably younger than Father Duffy, whose appearance during the war bore the unmistakable evidence of the sever- ity of the hardships he was enduring. Father Duffy early gained the D. S. C. for his bravery and untiring efforts for the success of the Allied cause.^ Two other priests — Fathers Carpentier and Hanley (of Ohio, I think), were also fearless and indefatig- able in their efforts under fire — the latter priest hav- ing been wounded at Chateau-Thierry.^ CXXVI. War and Poetry. Emerson says: "It is easy in the world to live after the world's opinion; it is easy in solitude to live after our own ; but the great man is h& who, in the midst of the crowd, with perfect sweetness, lives in the independence of solitude." The old 69th had members, like the late Joyce Kilmer, who seemed to dwell apart in a world of their own creation. Hayes and I were one Sunday morning standing on one of the main streets of Bac- carat, France, watching a funeral procession pass. Some of the Alabamans, killed in action, were being buried, and the band was playing solemn music. Sgt. Joy, a patriotic New York attorney and a man of pronounced poetic temperament and attainments, hap- pened along at the time, and I asked him how the lines from Gray's Elegy concluding "the paths of glory lead but to the grave" started. Joy at once 1 Father Duffy has also received the D. S. M., which was not known to the writer at the time his other decoration was here referred to. 2 Father Hanley recently died, to the great regret of even those who, like the writer, only had a casual acquaintance with him, but did not know him personally. The United States and World Peace 159 took out a small pocket edition of the poets and re- freshed our memories with the immortal lines : "The boast of heraldry, the pomp of power, "And all that beauty, all that wealth e'er gave Awaits alike the inevitable hour: — The paths of glory lead but to the grave." Kilmer^ happened along at the same time, and I in- troduced Joy to Kilmer, Hayes and I leaving the poets to their uninterrupted pursuit of the muse. CXXVII. Physical and Moral Courage in War. I have had opportunity in this war to compare the actions of primeval races under fire with those of other types, and the latter often of diminutive phy- sique, showed moral courage not inferior — to say the least — to that of races of formidable physique and primitive characteristics. Idealists, of whatever race or creed, time and again went into the "jaws of death -^the mouth of hell" with utter abandonment and unconcern. Moral courage and physical strength are two distinct propositions. CXX^^II. Armt Schools on the Rhine. Another man who has endeared himself to all by his pleasing address and zealous efforts in the com- mon cause is Chaplain Holmes. We first met Chap- lain Holmes just before the St. Mihiel campaign, and since then he has worked energetically and intelli-. gently, among other things, in organizing schools on the Rhine for the study of such elementary branches as English, Arithmetic, American History and Civics, and such advanced subjects as Algebra, Plane and Solid Geometrj% French and European History, etc. Messrs. Ward, Reed and Hayes held the chairs, re- spectively, of Algebra. French and European History of the advanced courses, while I presided, "in sup- > Kilmer met rteatb at Ohatean-Thieny, Jaly SOtli, 1918, not two montlis I suppose from this time. Scarcely more than hoar before he was killed I was talking with Kilmer. He was occnpying a shell-hole besides Major Donoran's P. G. on the bin near where he lies buried. Kilmer's woi^ have appeared since his death and will be found ex- tremely interesting to eren those who, like the writer, cannot share his reli^ous or political opinions. 160 The United States and World Peace port" over the elementary subjects, English, and American History. The first day I had a dozen pu- pils, on Friday I had one, and as the next day was a holiday, I was spared the logical consequence of my teachings. My friend Hayes, however, voted me as good a pedagogue as Ichabod Crane— which seemed to me a rather dubious compliment. However it is difficult for any of us to concentrate these days on anything except the Statue of Liberty. The schools were held in the Y. M. C. A. and K. of C. Halls, and we found it a pleasure to cooperate with Chaplain Holmes in the work. GXXIX. Criticisms op Welfare Organizations. Nor should we overlook the good work of Mr. Jew- ett. Secretary of the Y. M. C. A., attached to our Begiment. The Y. M. C. A. has done excellent work behind the lines, where its refreshments, facilities and reliable surroundings helped inestimably. But it has been criticized somewhat as not sufficiently helpful. Men like Mr. Jewett, however, went far toward exon- erating the entire Y. M. C. A. organization from this criticism. Mr. Jewett rendered intelligent and useful services at various fronts. Of the work of the Red Cross and Red Cross nurses in Europe, words are inadequate to pay proper trib- ute. The emblem of the Red Cross, and all engaged in its service, signified help to suffering humanity and the disinterested alleviation of distress. CHAPTER XXIX. CXXX. Veterans of World Famous Campaigns. Our Regiment is, as I have stated before, very cos- mopolitan in its make-up, comprising not only repre- sentatives of nearly every race and creed extant — including the aboriginal Indian — but men who had been with Roberts and Kitchener in India and Egypt. I have had many pleasant and instructive moments listening to these men relate their experi- ences in the Orient and teU of the habits and customs of the inhabitants of the Far East. The fighting 69th is composed of as grim and val- iant an aggregation of fighting men as ever regiment contained. It comprises among its personnel battered and grizzled veterans of many a world famous cam- paign. Men that have fought with Roberts and Kit- chener in India, Egypt and South Africa rubbed el- bows with mere novices who were seeing their first service. But all admit that they have seen "the war of wars — the death throes of militarism" — and some of the "old timers" wistfuly concede that they have seen the fight of their careers. CXXXI. Some Well Known Men op Headquarters Company, 165th U. S. Infantry. In our company and platoon we have a number of characters to whom our minds will constantly revert in the years to come. Some of these men, early in our Regiment's service in the war, crossed the great divide. Our particular platoon is the Stokes Trench Mortar (or Sappers and Bombers) Platoon, operat- ing a Stokes Mortar, a front line weapon that was in the front line in every engagement in which our Regiment has participated since it first went into action early in March, 1918. I did not exercise the privilege of expressing a preference for platoons, while at Camp Mills, and was assigned to this platoon, of which I have been a member throughout. The redoubtable sappers and bombers have given a good account of themselves in the war. 161 162 The United States and World Peace Our platoon has had six sergeants. Sgt. Fitzsim- mons lives in New Jersey and came from the 7th Regiment (N. Y.) and has won the D. S. C. for bravery in action. Young, and of an athletic tempera- ment, he has been an energetic, brave and conscien- tious worker throughout. Sgt. "Ritzsimmons was giv- en the opportunity to go to Officers' School during the war, but declined it, preferring to be commissioned in the field ; but owing to the early advent of peace, restrictions were placed upon the granting of com- missions, and he was technically deprived of the rank to which his services entitled him. However, service in the field is valued higher than rank howso- ever exalted, attained other than by such service, in the estimation of all familiar with the battlefield. I do not know of an officer who had the good fortune to remain with the platoon throughout the war, but we can recall non-coms, who did (to say nothing of privates) . Sgt. Young, another Seventh Regiment man, worked zealously and energetically with the platoon, since joining it in the Luneville trenches. Sgt. Young is a graduate of a Western University, and early enlisted in the Seventh Regiment (N. Y.) later joiu- ing the 165th Infantry (69th Reg.) at Camp Mills. He has been an industrious, intelligent and faithful worker, never hesitating to assume any rj.sk or share any hardship throughout the war. Sgts. Jaegar and Cudmore, both of S^ew York and Both Border veterans, served with the platoon up to, and including, the Argonn^, campaign. Sgt. Jaeger left the Company at the Argcmn; to enter Officers ' School, after having served with perseverance and marked intrepidity up to that time. Sgt. Jaeger was a close student of military technique, and some- thing of an authority on the Stokes Trench Mortar. Sgt. Cudmore, another Border veteran, also served the platoon conscientiously and with credit. Sgt. Cudmore was always affable and devoted to his duties. He was wounded at Chateau-Thierry, but later re- joined the Regiment, leaving us at the Argonne where he became ill and was sent to the hospital. Sergt. Taylor was another of the platoon's non- coms who served faithfully and was popular with The United States and World Peace 163 the men. Sgt. Taylor was also a Border veteran. Sgt. Harvey, another Seventh Regiment (N. Y.) man who lives in Brooklyn, also served with tlie Stokes platoon with unusual distinction, having been advaiiced to the rank of non-con '.missj on ed officer for excellent work at Luneville, and having maintained that high standard of excellence throughout. He was later made Supply Sergeant, in which capacity he acted with the same intelligence and industry that characterized his services with the Stokes Trench Mor- tar Platoon. Corp. Wisner, also a Seventh Regiment (N. Y.) man and a resident of New York, like Harvey, was promoted for his excellent work in the Luneville trenches, and always proved exceptionally efflcient and cool in action. He was wounded at Ancervilliers. He was sent back to the United States as an insructor after Chateau-Thierry, where he served with distinc- tion. The Company has had two Sgt. Harveys — the elder of whom has been immortalized in a poem by the late Joyce Kilmer. The elder Harvey, although past 50 years of age, is a man of the most contagious op- timism under the most discouraging circumstances. Harvey maintained his indomitable optimism and genial disposition under the most trying ordeals the Regiment has had, and by his example he contributed toward buoying up the spirits of all of us when we were depressed by long hikes and privations. He has been in the Spanish- American War, the Border affair, and this mix-up, and if the League of Nations does not abolish war for all time I expect that Harvey will be in the next one, for he remains perennially young. Harvey has served with distinction in this war, and was commended for extraordinary heroism at Chateau-Thierry. He was slightly wounded at the Sedan sector. Harvey was born in England, but the greatest re- gret of his life is that he was not born in the United States, and although he is the veteran of three Ameri- can wars, I have heard him say that he does not feel that he can ever repay the United States the obligation he owes it. 164 The United States and World Peace Another "old timer," well known throughout the Sixty-ninth Regiment, is William Evers. Evers is 51 years old, was born in Ireland, and lived in the United States for 23 years. He enlisted in the Brit- ish Army when only 14 years old, and served for 12 years in Egypt and India under Woolseley, Roberts and White. He has been for 17 years a member of the old Sixty-ninthTlegiment and was with it on the Border.^ The Regiment also has professional men serving in the ranks as privates, of whom W. K. Hayes, Jr., of Erie, Penn., and Buffalo, N. Y., may be taken as typical. Hayes is the author of a series of articles entitled "Through War's Hell with the Fighting Sixty-ninth." No man is better qualified to write on such a subject. A member of the N. Y. Bar, Hayes joined the Sixty-ninth at Camp Mills in the summer of 1917, and he has been in every engagement the Regiment has had since. Hayes was constantly volun- teering for hazardous tasks in the trenches. Hayes could have had high rank in the Army had he not valued the privilege of real service more than the slow developments of officers' training schools. Hayes is a man of high ideals, unobtrusive and of studious nature, with sound appreciation of the best in art, music and science. Sgt. Joy is another member of the N. Y. Bar, who served with distinction in this war. Sgt. Joy enlisted as a private in the Seventh Regiment, later joining the Sixty -ninth Regiment (165th U. S. Infantry), in which he rose to be Sergeant. Sgt. Joy is a young lawyer of the highest ideals and of pronounced poetic temperament. He is not however a member of the Headquarters Company. The Top Sergeant of Headquarters Co. — Sgt. John J. Ryan of the Bronx, N. Y. C. — stuck to his gun at Chateau-Thierry and elsewhere, regardless of the casualties to his platoon and company. As First Sergeant of the Headquarters Company, Sgt. Ryan has been as efficient as he was brave in action. ^ Nor should Tve forget Hon. Mike Donaldson, who received the D. S. C. for bravery at the Argonne. Mike is the only consistent prize-fighter I have ever heard of, barring Georges Carpentier of France. Most pugillsta are looking for fight in times of peace, but conspicuously devoid of fight in time of war. Not 80 Mike Donaldson. The United States and World Peace 165 To Sgt. Hines of New York City goes the enviable distinction of being the best liked man in Headquar. ters Company. To those who know him intimately and who have long admired his industry, brav- ery- and unobtrusive manner, his extraordinary pop- ularity is not hard to understand. As Top Ser- geant and Platoon Sergeant, Hines has been alto- gether one of the most industrious, intelligent and useful soldiers the Headquarters Company has ever had. I wish it were possible to pay adequate tribute to all the brave and faithful fellows of our Company and Regiment, privates and officers, who, through the sweat and toil and privations of the battlefield and trenches, exhausted their energies in furthering the Allied cause. In Headquarters Company there were among others. Corporals Clark, Dugdale, Garvey, Hanley, Murphy, Murray, Nugent and Orr, and pri- vates Casey, Garvey, Kelly, Pierce, Robb and Shan- non, all of our platoon, always faithful and efficient workers; Sgt. Cray, who presided for a long time as Top Sergeant of the Headquarters Company with intelligence and efficiency and good sense; Sgt. Mc- Carthy, likewise one of the most efficient and indus- trious top sergeants the Headquarters Company ever had — afterward commissioned lieutenant for services in the field ; Sgts. Huylman, Klegis and Russell, par- ticularh' intelligent, competent and conciliatory non- coms of the Signal Platoon, originally from the Sev^ enth Regiment (N. Y.) ; Private Holt of the one- pound cannon platoon, intelligent and courageous, who volunteered to join the 69th from the Seventh Regiment, wounded at Chateau-Thierry at his gun at the same time that others were killed and wounded ; Corporal Jim Moore, another excellent soldier from the Seventh Regiment, and one of the best liked men in the Company and Regiment (also a sapper and bomber) ; Pvt. Templin, also of the Signal Platoon and originally from the Seventh Regi- ment, a competent, intelligent soldier of marked literary attainments; Private Levinson, of the in- telligence section, born in France, and with all of the courteous and affable ways of the proverbial French- man; Pvt. Larned, an exceptionally intelligent, earn- 166 The United States and World Peace est and serious-minded member of the intelligence section and a confidant of the late Joyce Kilmer ; Sgt. Donnelly of the Signal Platoon, a hard-working, in- telligent and efficient soldier, who saw hard, continu- ous servicfe; Sgt. Conlon, whose efficiency in the Signal Platoon and as a billetting officer, was rec- ognized by his appointment as Supply Sergant, which he filled creditably and efficiently; Pvt. Blake, an incorrigible optimist and all round good fellow, with his boon companions, Pvts. Reed and Ward, constitut- ing an inseparable trio — ^Private Reed being a gradu- ate of Yale, and an exceptionally intelligent soldier and excellent companion (one who was none the less a good soldier because he did not take himself or the business of soldiering too seriously), and Pvt. Ward being an intelligent soldier with exceptional capabil- ities as an entertainer which helped to lighten things up during some of our most uncomfortable hours; Pvt. Dinear, the Company comedian; and Jim Col- lentine, the rollickii^ Irishman, who had a joke for all occasions, and a place in the hearts of the men that none can ever supplant. Lieut.-Col. Anderson's services, in some of the dark hours the Sixty-ninth Regiment has seen, should not be overlooked. Lieut-Col. Anderson probably placed too much reliance upon disciplinary methods, but he was personally a courageous and tireless sol- dier, and at all fronts. Champagne in particular, he distinguished himself by bravery in action.^ Lieut. McNamara was in command of the Stokes Trench Mortar Platoon at Champagne and Chateau- Thierry (dividing honors at the latter front with Lieutenant Seidelmann, an intelligent young lawyer, who had shown efficiency and intrepidity in his eon- duct of affairs from the Luneville front on). Lieut. McNamara, of extremely high-strung temperament, di- rected operations at Champagne and Chateau-Thierry with unquestioned bravery. He went back to the 1 Major McKenna (popular throughout the regiment) was killed at the Ourcq. Major Boots, whose wounds at the Ouroa would have put an ordinary man out permanently, returned only to be wounded again at the Argonne— imt fatally, fortunately. CapL Meiie-Smith, wounded at Chateau-Thierry, and who received the D. S. C, was also conspicuous for his bravery and courtesy as an officer. The United States and World Peace 167 United States as an instructor after Chateau-Thierry, where he served with distinction. The Headquarters Company also had Lieut. Kane, of fine military bearing and easy disposition, who met death at Chateau-Thierry; Lieut. Davis, only tem- porarily with the Company, who afterward met death at the Argonne with the Machine Gun Company; Lieut. Keveney, a Harvard graduate, intelligent, effi- cient and courteous in his methods during the time he was with the Company; Lieut. Parker, an intelli- gent, courageous and well liked young officer. Of the late Capt. Walsh, killed at the Argonne, I have written more fully in a previous letter.' Capt. Mangan, who succeeded Capt. Walsh, and was in command of the Company from the Argonne to the end, had previoush- been a lieutenant attached to the Signal Platoon of the Headquarters Company. He is a New York attorney of pleasing address, and conducted the affairs of the Headquarters Company with ability and efficiency. I have mentioned just a few names, typical of the kind of men that have shed lustre over the achieve- ments of this Regiment in action.- I have referred to men intimately known to me because of close asso- ciation in the same platoon or otherwise ; but the list does not purport to include all of our Company or Platoon or Regiment — officers and privates — living and dead, who have distinguished themselves by valor in action. Our particular Platoon has had and still has numerous other men— privates and non-eommis- 1 See p. 129. 2 For an encyclopedic account of the personnel of the zegiment, "Father Duffy's Story" takes the palm, though even Father Duffy would not purport to be able to do entire justice to all tire brave men whose acts have reflected credit on the regiment. However, Father Duffy, by virtue of his acquaint- ance with nearly everyone in the regimeDt, and because of the facilities his posi- tioQ as Chaplain gare him, had better qualifications for such a task than any one else, and anyone desiring a detailed account of the personnel and achlerements of the old 69th Reciment (165th U. S. Inf.) would do well to consult Father Duffy's book. This is a mere reminiscent tribute from a private to some of liis fellow-memheis at the regiment, necessarily inadequate owing to the limited time and facilities a private had for such a task. Nor could such a tribute lay claim to l)eing even half complete without mention of our three mess sergeants (of Headquarters Co.) — Goldstein, Maher and Wilker — as valiant an aggregation as ever bedeviled a K. P., or wielded a ladle upon the head of a hapless soldier having the temerity to come up for "seconds." Despite their dictatorial reign — for they ruled without appeal — they were Incorrigibly good fellows, and at various fronts — Chatean-Thleriy in particular — they set up their kitchens so near to the men in the lines tluit the smoke of the cooking drew flra from the Germans and they were forced to move their mess paraphernalia several times the same day. 168 The United States and World Peace sioned officers — all of whom have been willing and eager at all times to assume any hazard or face any peril helpful to the common cause. In fact in this war, bravery seemed to have been the rule, anything else the exception; and even in particularly critical and hazardous emergencies the difficulty generally was, not in finding volunteers, but in selecting from among those who tendered their services. Donald Hankey, who lost his life in this war, in a very interesting war book entitled "A Student in Arms" observed that it is not necessarily the man who has followed literally all the conventions who offers his life with the most complete ^elf -abnegation — that many who, outside the English Army and within it, were constantly in warm water, when it came to laying down their lives, did so with the complete abandonment of men who, having made a "bad fist" of life had very little regret at parting with it. We of the old Sixty-ninth Regiment were not — all of us— what might be considered as the elite, but in their utter abandonment and self-abnegation, many of our unostentatious fallen comrades "struck the stars. ' ' Emerson said that John Brown made the gallows glorious like the cross. Certainly whatever of self- sacrifice or moral heroism jpen are accustomed to associate with the cross, might equally be ascribed to those who fell on the battlefields of this war in de- fense of liberty and justice. All living at the end felt like the survivors of a gradually dwindling circle— and with the passing of the war cloud we felt we had a new lease on life. CXXXII. A Little Autobiography. What of myself ? Why did I not first go to Platts- burg and get a commission before coming over? At various times during the war these and similar ques- tions have been propounded in your letters, but I have deferred answering them until more propitious times, realizing that answer would only become rele- vant in case I survived. Well, now that it is over — "over here" — I do not The United States and World Peace 169 mind, after the custom of veterans, becoming a little reminiscent. However, I thought that there was no phase of our career here that had not been fully de- tailed by that man Hayes. He has set forth our dis- cussions in a regular Johnson-Boswell manner. He compared me to the hair-brained visionary Don Quix- ote so skillfully that he actually made me feel flat- tered by the comparison. The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius had nothing on some of the sage observations which Hayes ascribed to his friend. Well, there are a few matters, I see, that he has not covered, so I will endeavor to go over some of them. Why did I not get a commission before coming over? On the day war was declared I left the Wool- worth Building and went over to the Regular Army Recruiting Station, just across the street in the Fed- eral Post Office Building, inquiring there as to the conditions of enlistment. I wanted to enlist in the Regular Army, but I explained that I desired to enlist for the duration of the war — that if I sur- vived^ the war and were not incapacitated I wanted to resume my customary occupation, the law. The sergeant told me that enlistments at that time would be for the full period of seven years (I believe it was), during which time I would have to wear the uniform. I then went back to the office and wrote the War Department a letter — which was courteously acknowledged — suggesting that the period of enlist- ment be made for the duration of the war, as in former wars, for those who, in time of peace, pursued other than military callings, and who, if they sur- vived the war, not incapacitated, might wish to re- sume their customary callings. In the meantime, the Regular Army Recruiting Sergeant, having suggested that enlistment in the National -Guards might be best under the circum- stances I enlisted, a few days after war was declared, when I was 33, in Company K of the Seventh Regi- ment, and when Capt. Barnard of that company called for volunteers to join the Sixty -ninth Regiment, which was slated for an early voyage to Prance, I volunteered. In enlisting as a private, I felt that it could not ever be said that I used whatever little influence I 170 The United States and Woeld Peace may have had to achieve rank in the army — that I attempted to evade any of the hazards or hardships of war by getting a soft berth for myself — or ttiat I would decline to cooperate in a just cause unless I be given some conspicuous or prominent role therein. I felt from the start that this was too tragic an event to permit the question of personal fortunes to enter into it, and that all considerations of personal ambition should be completely subordinated to the great cause of shattering militarism for all time. Aspiration for supremacy, the desire to dominate — the spirit embodied in the fatal attitude, "Deutsch- land liber Alles ' ' — have been responsible for this and other world catastrophes, and for myself I did not care who was titular, leader so long as I had the privilege of sharing the hazards. I was willing to co- operate in any capacity with anyone going in the right direction — anyone, that is, willing to permit me to cooperate. And I cannot help thinking that despite the process of what I call constant bedevilment to which privates were often unnecessarily subjected, they are the back- bone of the army, and after the glitter and the glamor fade, in all wars they will always prove more or less necessary evils. Wars, unfortunately, are not waged for the glory of particular individuals, but for the vindication of certain inviolable principles of lib- erty and justice. The "bivouac of the dead" in France, where ofScer, non-commissioned officer and private are all impartially represented, only too trag- ically attests this. The non-commissioned officer in this war was, as a rule, a hard-working, tireless soldier, on whom the burden of planning and executing often devolved in action, and to whom heavy obligations were often delegated. While we were what might be termed a good, bad and indifferent lot in the army, the same as elsewhere in life, we can all recall conscientious men, officers, non-coms, and privates, many of whom were among the first to fall, others of whom did not fall through no fault of their own. Through it all — particularly on the long hikes — I have been made aware over and over again of the The United States and Woeld Peace 171 force of Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes's delightful lines on the occasion of the reunion of the Harvard Alumni : ' ' Has there any old fellow got mixed with the boys ? If there has, taJse him out, without making a noise. ' ' The old Sixty-ninth Regiment tried to take me out — or leave me out-^many times, but I always made such a noise that they gave it up as a bad job and let me remain. This is my "apologia pro vita sua." "Whatever excuse others may have had for not get- ting into, the conflict at once, there would have been no excuse for those who, like myself, had agitated for war, in declining to assume the obligations of war when it did come. I accordingly acted decisively, notified you people about it afterward, and waited for the torrent of protest which followed so swiftly. CXXXIII. Fraternization and America 's Attitude Toward the War. I am at present in a small attic room on the third floor, which has a slanting roof and ceiling, and a good stove. Every time my old friend Hayes comes around to see me he nearly bumps his head against the slant- ing ceiling. He says I remind him of Oliver Gold- smith — which is not very complimentary to Oliver. While at Nuenahr recently Hayes and I bought some books. Our tranquil friend, Emerson, lies side by side with the tempestuous Carlyle on the desk. From my window the hills and valleys of the Rhine are plainly in view, so that the atmosphere of my present surroundings is distinctly conducive to study and meditation. For some time past, since reaching Re- magen, I have had a night job at the P. C. — "chimney sweep" I call myself — which gives me an agreeable freedom from formations during the day and a little time for reading and thinking. The German family from whom I rent the room is industrious and friendly, and before these people ever knew they were to receive anything for the room they accorded me the same courtesy. I have had frequent talks with these people, and espe- cially the ex-German soldier, who has consump- tion. I have told them frequently, with the meager 172 The United States and World Peace German at my command, that there was no prejudice against Germans in the United States before the war, but that by their adherence to the Kaiser's policy of conquest, they alienated the sympathy of Americans ; that if the Kaiser had really been for peace, Wilson would have been with, not against him; that Wilson had consistently maintained that the United States was not waging war on the German people, but on the German rulers and militarists, who abused power and misled the people ; that it is because we know that Wilson was always for peace and against war — that this was a war on war, so far as the Americans were concerned — that we supported the war enthusiasti- cally. It is gradually beginning to dawn on the German people that the Allies plotted no harm against any people, but that they tried to emancipate all nations — not excepting small states. The kind of fraterniza- tion with the Germans which is justly prohibited by the American military authorities is the kind of close association which would induce American soldiers to espouse the specious German contention, or weaken American resoluteness in the possible enforcement of peace terms which are essential to the future security of the world. The German people in whose house I live realize that their former rulers misled them, and they do not conceal their lack of affection for the ex-Kaiser. They have given me, in token of my approaching departure, two souvenirs, hardwood pictures of Remagen, one of which bears on the reverse side the following in- scription : Remagen a/Rhein, Den U, 1919. Unserm Mister Zur freundlichen Erinnerung an die Zeit der Besatzung des linken Rheinufers durch amerikanisches Militar. Pamilie , Bahnhof strasse — . As nearly as I can make it out this reads : " To our Mr. — — ■ in friendly remembrance of the time of garrison on the left bank of the Rhine of the Ameri- can Armv. " The United States and World Peace 173 The Abmt and Prohibition. I recently met a man who had advocated prohibi- tion for some time past, and he was rejoicing at the triumph of prohibition. I said to him: "My friend, I agree with you that no harm can result from abolishing the saloon, and that nothing good ever issued out of a saloon. But we must not be narrow or conceited in our outlook. I had the priv- ilege of being in Prance for a year and a half with a Regiment that could not* be accused of being strictly prohibition. And I have seen these men bear with good humor the utmost hardships and privations. Not only that, but they were generally willing, at the drop of a hat, to face situations that might involve their lives. On the other hand I know some indi- viduals who never infringed the proprieties in the least, who would inveigh against drink as a most horrible vice, who would yet hesitate a long time before they would risk theiir lives as generously or nonchalantly as their less scrupulously exact neigh- bors. ' ' He inquired: "Did you drink in the Army?" "Xo. "" "Were you yellow?" I laughed and replied that I aspired not .to be. ' ' Well then, is it not pos- sible for a man to be brave and temperate too?" "Judging by the temperate men I have known who were brave, I should say that it is altogether pos- sible," I replied, "but what we must not overlook is this — that many of those whom we decry as drinkers (or at any rate as non-temperance men) would lay down their lives with unconcern, while some whom we extol as temperance advocates might go as far, but never could go further, than such men in war. "There is, indeed, no reason why temperance and bravery should not co-exist, and there is every reason why temperance should produce a better soldiery. But while I believe in prohibition and will support it to the utmost of my ability, I would prefer that the spokesmen of prohibition should recognize that the wets have not got a monopoly on all vices any more than the prohibitionists have a monopoly on all ex- cellences." 174 The United States and World Peace Wae Bonuses. To the Editor of The Evening Post: Sir: In both the New York Legislature and in Congress efforts are being made -to procure a bonus for discharged soldiers who served in the recent war. As a veteran I should say that the advocacy of bonuses for those services brings into disrepute and casts a mercenary aspect over those privileged to serve in the war. Every right-minded soldier who fought in that war feels that he has had a privilege which no monetary considerations could ever afford. Nothing could fur- nish the equivalent of the spirit willing to stake life on the outcome of a principle — nothing could ade- quately compensate for such a spirit. Since financial considerations would be inadequate in any event, and would cast a mercenar^v aspect over the motives of those who fought in the war, why burden citizens unnecessarily with taxation for such a purpose? Taxes are already sufficiently burdensome as an in- evitable result of war conditions. This I believe is the attitude of the American Legion, and it is not dictated by lack of consideration on the part of those fortunately situated for those less fortunately situated. v Those who have been disabled in the war, or are in any way incapacitated or handicapped as a result of their participation in it for the struggle for ex- istence, have, and are entitled to, the fullest support and cooperation of the Government.' Those, however, fortunate enough to have been in that war and to have emerged intact have the benefit of war employment agencies if they wish to avail of them in facing anew the problems ahead, and this is all that can reason- ably be expected. Effort should be concentrated on perfecting the agencies enabling the ex-service man to find employment — not on gratuities from the Govern- ment. Bonuses would afford but temporary relief in any event, while emplojinent would be a permanent solution. New York, Jan. 30, 1920. 1 BonuSBB should be glTen wounded men.