m^M::. The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924078408949 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 1924 078 408 949 f3 : mq^ OUTLIMS OF HEBKEW GEAMMAE. OUTLIISrES OF HEBBE W aEAMMAE BT GU8TAVUS BICKELL, D.D., PKOFBSSOE OF TKEpIjOaX AT IHNBBBtTCK. REVISED BT THE AUTHOR, AJfD ABHOTATID BT THE TRANSLATOR SAMUEL IVES CURTISS, Je., BOOTOB OF PHIiOBOPHT, LEIPZIG. WITH A LITHOBRAPmO TABLE OF SEMITIC CHARACTERS BY DE. J. ETJTING. LEIPZIG: F. A. BKOGKHAUS. 1877. All rights reserved. TO PHILIP SCHAFF, D.D., LL.D., PROFESSOE IN UNION THBOLOeiCAl SEMINARY, NEW YORK, THIS TRANSLATION IS RESPECTFULLY , DEDICATED. TKANSLATOK'S PEEFACE. T^HIS little work does not appear as a rival of the excellent grammars of Green and DaTidson. It is rather designed for students in comparative philology, and for those who have already made some progress in Hebrew. Although so modest in size that it may be mis- taken for an elementary treatise, it should perhaps rather be considered as the most scientific discussion of the Hebrew language which has yet been produced. While it was suggested by Justus Olshausen's "Lehr- buch", it is not an epitome of that work, but a really independent production. Starting with the hypothesis that the Hebrew is not the most ancient member of the Semitic family of languages, the author has derived all the Hebrew forms by means of comparative analysis, from a more ancient Semitic language , which is best represented by the Arabic. Although a competent critic may differ from the author in some of his conclusions , he will still recog- nize the hand of a master, and will acknowledge that vm teanslatoe's pbeface. the student may obtain a clearer conception of the Hebrew forms, by the diligent study of this book. The English edition is perhaps superior to the German in the following particulars. 1) The author has thoroughly revised and improved the original text. 2) The paragraphs on the prose and metrical accents have been added by Prof. Fbanz Delitzsch at the request of Prof. BiCKBLL. 3) A large table of Semitic characters, of which the Egyptian letters were furnished by Prof. Ebees, has been prepared by Dr. EtrTiNG of Strassburg, an eminent authority in this department. The notes which are marked with a star, the table of contents, and the indexes, which were lacking in the German edition, have been added by the translator. In closing, the translator tenders his best thanks to Prof. BiCKBLL for his lively interest in the work, and to Prof. Delitzsch for many valuable suggestions. Leipzig, January 1877. COlifTENTS. Translator's preface vii I. HISTORY OE THE HEBREW LANGMfiE AND WRITING. 1. HISTORY OF THE LANGUAGE. SEOTIOir 1. Division of the Semitic family of languages 1 2. Their specific character 1 3. Common origin of languages 2 4. The Arabic more antique in form than the Hebrew . . 3 5. Dialectical differences 4 6. Lesdcal and grammatical archaisms of the Pentateuch . 5 7. Golden age of Hebrew literature 6 8. Substitution of the Chaldee for the Hebrew 7 9. Hebrew grammarians .7 2. HISTORY OF WRITING. 10. Origin of the Semitic characters . . . . ... 9 11. Form of the Aramaic letters 10 12. The square characters . . 10 13. Bickell's transcription of the consonants 11 14. The syllabic character of the Hebrew 12 15. Development of the punctuation 13 16. Tiberian and Assyrian system 14 17. Bickell's transcription of the vowels 15 18 — 20. Doctrine of the accents by Prof. Delitzsch . . . 15 21. Pausal heightening (lengthening) ... . . ... 23 X CONTENTS. II. PHONOLOGY. 1. CONSONANTS. SECTION PAGE 22. Classification of Hebrew consonants 25 23. Origin of sibilants. Harder and smother sounds of Ayin and Ghetli 26 24. Rules for the aspiration of the 6, g, d, 1c, p, t. . . . 27 25 — 27. Transposition and doubling of consonants .... 27 28 — 29. Dagesh forte impUcitum said, co^anpensative length- ening '. 29 30. A syllable can scarcely ever either begin or end in He- brew with two consonants 30 31 — 34. Changes in the vowel consonants y and v. . . . 30 35. Aphaeresis of n and I 34 36. Consonantal and quiescent Aleph 35 2. VOWELS. 37. Origin of the long vowels. Apocopation of the short final vowels 36 38. Shortening of a long vowel which was in an originally closed syllable . . 37 39. Divisions of Hebrew vowels 37 40. Character of the originally long vowels 38 41 — 49. Eules for the short vowels, and their application to a, i, and u 38 50 — 51. No real diphthongs in Hebrew ... . . 43 52. Auxiliary vowels 44 53. Favorite vowels with the gutturals . . 45 54 — 59. Half vowels 46 III. TEE DOCTEINE 01 THE FORMATION OP STEMS. 60. Origin of stems, nouns and verbs . ... .49 61. Suppression of a short vowel in primitive Semitic . 50 62. Transposition of qatla, gitla, qiitla to qtala, gtila, gtula 50 63. Qatala the oldest form of the stem of triliteral roots 50 CONTENTS. XI BBCTXON PAGE 64. Qatila and qatula (Heb. qatel and qatoT) formed through the weakening of a to * or m 51 65. Qitala, qutala 51 66. Formation of the active kal participle 51 67. The infinitive absolute, and passive participle kal . . 52 68. The imperative, construct infinitive and future kal . . 53 69. Qtala, gtila, and especially qatla, qitla, qutla as fan- \ damental forms of the nonn 53 70—71. The plurals of qatla, qitla, qutla from qatala, qitala, qutala 55 72. Monosyllables vrich have lost the third consonant . . 56 73. Keduplicated forms 56 74. Fundamental form of the piel 57 75 — 77. The prefixes of the noun and verb ha, hin (na) and hit 68 78. The prefix ma belongs only to the nominal formation 59 79. Prefixes ya and ta 60 80. The indefinite ending ma, more frequently na . . . . 60 81. Patronymics and abstracts 61 IV. DOCRTIM OE TEE FORMATION OE WORDS. 1. PRONOMIfTAL INFLECTION. 82. Personal pronouns 62 83. Demonstratives ' 63 84. Eelative, interrogative and indefinite 64 2. DECLENSION. 85. Declension by means of three affixes 64 86. The definite mas. accus. sing, represents the stem . . 65 87 — 88. The nominative ending u and the gen. i . . . . 66 89 — 90. Formation of the plural 67 91. The indefinite form assumes the suffix ma 68 92. Feminine formation 68 93 — 94. Feminine plural and dual 70 95 — 97. Distinction between the status absolutus and constructuB 71 98. Volatilization in an open pretonic syllable 73 UI CONTENTS. lEOIIOS PAGE 99. Exchange of stems (Metaplasm) . 74 100. Euphonic doubling 74 101. Elision of final ap before the endings of the feminine, the plural and the suffixes 75 102. The endings iyya and uyya 75 103 — 104. The suffixes alone, and in combination with nouns 76 105 — 106. Changes before suffixes 77 107. Unusual forms of declension. 79 108—109. Numerals 81 3. CONJUGATION. 110. Formation of the different numbers and persons of the perfect kal 82 111. Vav consecutivum 83 112 — 113. Fundamental form of the constr. infin., imper. and fut ■. 84 114. Formation of the future 85 115. The oohortative 87 116. The infinitive absolute and active participle ... 88 117. Niphal 88 118 — 119. Piel and pual 89 120 — 121. Hiphil and hophal 90 122. Quadriliterals 91 123 — 124. Yerhs primae gutturalis, primae Aleph . ... 92 125. Verbs mediae guUuralis 93 125 — 127. Verbs tertiae guUuralis and tertiae Aleph . . 94 128. Verbs primae nun 95 129. Verbs mediae geminatae 95 130 — 131. The niphal and hiphil of the verbs mediae ge- minatae 96 132. The poel, poal, and hithpoel 97 133 — 134. Yerhs primae vav and yod .... 98 135 — 136. Verbs mediae vav and yod ... . . .99 136—138. Verbs tertiae vav (yod) 100 139 — 141. Suffixes 102 142 — 145. Inflection of particles 103 V. SYITAS. Section page 146. The Status constructus 108 147. Position and comparison of the adjective 108 148. The accusative 108 149. The relative 109 150. Numerals 109 151. Tenses 109 152. Contiunation of a chain of thought 110 153. The jusive and the cohortative 110 154. The infinitive absolute ... Ill 155. Interrogative sentences Ill Reading exercises . 112 Paradigm of the regular verb 115 — 120 INDEXES : 1. Names 121 2. Subjects 123 3. Hebrew words . 128 I. HISTORY OF THE HEBEEW LANGUAGE AND WRITING. 1. HISTORY or THE LAN&UAGE. §. 1. The Semitic family of languages, whicli is thus named because all the descendants of Shem orig- inally belonged to it, may be divided into three main branches: 1) Arabic together "with Himyaric and Ethio- pic; 2) Aramaic, which is indigenous to Syria, Mesopo- tamia and Babylon, including Syriac, Mandaic, Chaldee and Samaritan; 3) Hebrew with Phoenician or Canaan- itic. The position of the unquestionably Semitic As- syrian of the cuneiform inscriptions and of the so-called half Semitic in Africa has not yet been definitely de- termined. All the Semitic languages are now dead except the Arabic, the Amharic and the Tigre, which are cognate with the old Ethiopic, Geez, and the remnants of the modern Syriac dialects in Kurdistan and the Anti-Lebanon. §. 2. The specific character of the present form of the Semitic family of languages consists in the dis- syllabic nature of the roots, their apparently merely ideal and vowelless existence, and in the expression of BicKEiiii's Outlines. 1 2 1. HISTOET OF THE LANatTACfE. different shades of thought through internal inflection, that is through a change of the radical vowels, or the doubling of the radical consonants. This internal in- flection however is merely apparent. Since it is a sec- ondary, mechanical phenomenon which has arisen through vocal laws. Hence in itself it has nothing to do with the modification of the idea. ^ The dissyllabic roots arose from the original monosyllable in a pre- historic age, before there was any sharp discrimination between the noun and the verb, through reduplication, addition of suffixes, insertion of vowels and in other ways. This is indicated by the pronominal roots; the conjugation pilpel, e. g. bsbs kilkel, which was orig- inally halhala from the root bls; and through the kindred signification of many roots which have two consonants in common. §. 3. It follows from the preceding paragraph, that in the manner of formation*, there was originally ' The seeming arguments for an internal inflection are very much weakened when we compare the Hebrew with the Arabic forms, e. g. bap qatal, b^j? qittel, b'^ppll higtil, Araibic qatala, C[attala, 'agtala. Another class is shown even by parallel He- brew forms to be a later formation, e. g. the participle bDip gidttl, from c[dtil in the intransitive verbs and the mediae r, has the same form as the third sing. maso. of the perfect', compare sbM male\ from malP, dp qam from qavam. The doubling of the consonant is either merely euphonic or has arisen from the orig- inal reduplication of the root. Several vowel changes indeed (e. g. in the passive) have not yet been explained, but judging from the analogy of the apparently internally inflected German, in which all the variations of the root can be mechanically ex- plained, this is due to our unfamiliarity with the old Semitic forms. ^ Essentially the same princijfles underly the formation of all the different languages. Isolation, agglutination and inflection THE AKA3I0 MORE ANCIENT THAN THE HEBREW. 3 no difference between the Semitic and the other families of languages , and that nothing prevents the assumption of a common origin. Moreover a nearer relationship of the Semitic with the Indo - Germanic and Egyptian is unmistakable, although the laws for the substitutions of sounds do not yet seem to be established with absolute certainty. 1 §. 4. Although the Hebrew has a more ancient literature than any of the Semitic family, yet other members of that family have preserved a more antique form. A large proportion of the dentals, which have all been retained in Aramaic, has been in Arabic par- tially, and in Hebrew as well as in Ethiopic and Assyr- ian entirely, changed to sibilants so that the Aramaic d (t), t (n), t (d) frequently correspond to the Arabic do not exclude each other but are rather to be considered as successive stages in the development of language. Originally there were only monosyllabic roots (isolation), which at first were human echoes of an audible action, and with which were connected other sensuous significations by enallage sensuum and supersensuous ones by analogy. Some roots gradually became affixes (agglu- tination) through connection with others under a common accent. Then through the purely mechanical interaction of the roots and affixes upon each other, and other vocal laws, which were gen- erally connected with the accentuation, an apparent change of the root itself arose (internal inflection). Inflection is simply the joining together of roots, hence the symbolism of sound only obtains in the formation of roots, but never in the inflection. The same principles explain other supposed Semitic peculiarities, e. g. the occurence of pronominal suffixes (which are also found in the Indo-Germanio Persian), and prefixes (just as ego sum and sum ego are one and the same). 1 *F,or the reciprocal relation of the Indo-Germanic and Semitic family see Friedrich Delitzsch's "Studien fiber Indogermanisch- Semitische Wurzelverwandtschaft", Leipzig 1873. 1. HISTORY OP THE LANG0AOB. dz (i), ts (e), tg (Ji), Hebrew z (t), * (ffl), f (a.) The short vowels in Hebrew are commonly heightened in the accented syllable, and in the first open syllable preceding the accent, while on the contrary they vanish from the second open syllable preceding the accent leaving only a sheva behind them. The vowel consonant v is very frequently transformed to y without the influence of an i. The short vowels are often rejected at the end of a word, hence the insertion of an auxiliary vowel is often occasioned. The earlier wealth of forms has, in consequence of the falling away of the final vowels, and the disappearance of many varieties of inflection, only partially maintained its place. In all these respects, especially in its vo- calization, the Arabic is the more ancient language, since it is determined by only a few vocal laws, espec- ially those which concern the vowel consonants, almost all of which existed already in the primitive Semitic. §. 5, With reference to dialectical differences only this is certain that the Ephraimites pronounced s (e) like s (d) Jud. xii, 6. Bottcher's ^ discovery of three provincial dialects EpJiraimitic , Judaic and Simeonitic in the text of the Old Testament is not satisfactorily established. — On the other hand the poetry is distin- guished from the prose of the Scriptures as follows; 1) through the rhythmical parallelism of the two members of each verse, 2) partially through the union of verses into strophes, 3) linguistically through the use of pecul- iar designations, especially epitheta ornantia e. g. ynia-ija Mm sah(a)g, sons of pride, is equivalent to beasts of prey, Job. xxviii, 8; xli, 26, 4) through fuller ' *"Ausfuhrliches Lehrbuch der hebraischen Sprache", Leipzig 1866, I, §. 28—37. ARCHAISMS OF THE PENTATEUCH. unapOcopated or uncontracted forms. Compare -ba 'el, b» 'al, poetic ■'bs 'ele', iby 'al^, from the earlier Hlay, 'alay, further the suffixes of the 3. plural masc. in to, TOO, instead of tj-, -to, etc. §. 6. The language of the oldest Mosaic period i. e. in the Pentateuch, when compared with that of a later age, exhibits lexical as well as grammatical archaisms. The use of the masculine form n^iji /iw' instead of the feminine N^rt M is especially noticeable. The former is employed in the Pentateuch one hujidred „ , and ninety five times, while the latter occurs only eleven ^f^/// times. In the same way the masculine form n»3 na'(a)r is used instead of the feminine him 7ia'(a)ra with only one exception, Deut. xxii, 19. The pronouns TiikTi hallazd instead of the later form "CsTt hallaz. and the t — _ ' apocopated form btjln ha'el for Tham ha'tlld occur only in the Pentateuch. There are masculine infinitives from tertiae vav and yodh roots, as TWV 'aso, Gen. 1, 20, nk"! rfo'. Gen. xlviii, U, instead of niios; 'aso"^, nis'i rfols; regular strong forms ihs ne'^on for nn fels = titt, netint. Numb, xx, 21; Gen. xxxviii, 9, fuller endings e. g. un for u in the plural of the perfect, Deut. viii, 3, 16, and in the imperfect where it occurs one hundred and five times * ; harder sounds e. g. pna fdMq which occurs twelve times in the Pentateuch and only once elsewhere instead of the later softer form pniB sahdq; defective modes of writing, e. g. D for im, • * Compare Ewald, "Lehrbnch der hebraischen Sprache" (Got- tingen 1870), §. 502 b. Although this form of the imperfect is not confined to the Pentateuch , yet it is especially frequent there. See Keil, "Lehrbuch der historisch-kritisohen Einleitung in die kanonischen und apokryphischen Schriften des Alten Testaments" Frankfurt a. M. 1873, p. 44. Q 1. HISTOKY OP THE LANGUAGE. n for 6th, in the imperfect ;; for na \ provided this is not to be explained as a remnant of an old kind of Aramaic formation; unnsual formations of stems, e. g. dip'i yequ'm, Gen. vii, 4, 23; and forms which sub- sequently are only used in poetry e. g. the case-endings 0, as yisj-in'^n haye'i6-dr(e)g Gen. i, 24, and i Si-i •'n^S.l genu'^pi yom Gen. xxxi, 39, compare §. 87 — 88; the suffix of the third masc. sing. w;;. e-M, ^lii^Mb lemine- hu Gen. i, 12, which is another form for 6 etc. §, 7. The golden age of Hebrew literature was during the period of David and Solomon after the middle of the eleventh, and of Isaiah during the eighth cent- ury. The decline of the Hebrew language begins after the age of Jeremiah and is characterized as follows. 1) The orthographical system is changed. The scriptio plena is more frequently employed with merely heightened vowels, and a phonetic rather than an etymologic manner of writing is used. 2) Later unorganic forms appear e. g. the suffixes of the 2. fern. plur. nsa -hhdna Ez. xiii, 20; xxiii, 48 ff.; of the 3. fern. plur. iijrt hana Ez. i, 11, compare §. 42 and njrt^ a-hena 1 K. vii, 37. 3) There is a strong infusion of Aramaisms, which were hitherto confined almost exclusively to the poetical style, e. g. compare a) Chaldee forms of the infinitive as if-^iz maddff for ny^ dd'Ca)'^, 2 Chron. i, 10, ntU/Sa baqqdm for iBjpa haqqes Esther v, 8; filsSiii hag- gala for bistln haggil Esth. iv, 14; h) pronouns and suf- fixes of the second fem. sing, of which the final sound is % e. g. TIN 'aty for tiN 'ai Jerem. xi, 15, "^i" fi for 1 * Compare Gesenius, "Hebraische Grammatik" (herausgegeben Ton C. Rodiger, Leipzig 1872), §. 104, 3, where it is remarked, that in the Pentateuch simply "i na often stands for fi5 nd espec- ially after vav consecutivum e. g. Ex. i, 18, 19 ; vx, 20. HEBREW GBAMMARIAN3. "sf-n- ex ; c) suffixes of the third masc. sing, to the plural ■ifii o-hi instead of t^n av Ps. cxvi, 12; d) Ethpael for the Hithpael 2 Chron. xx, 35; e) plurals in in instead of im; /) many abstract substantive formations etc. §. 8. The extinction of the Hebrew and the sub- stitution of the Chaldee in its place is due to the Babylonian captivity. This is confirmed by the use of the Chaldee in Daniel i, and the original author who according to Esra v, 4 lived at the end of the sixth century, by the Aramaic composition of the Persian edicts to the Jews, and by Nehem. viii, 8; compare Megilla^ 3* and Nedarim » '61^. The fact that the writers after the captivity use better Hebrew than those who wrote shortly before it, or during the exile proves that they were writing in a dead language and sought to adapt themselves to classical models. — The new Hebrew of the Mishna, the Midrashim, and the rab- binical literature is merely a later artificial development. §. 9. The grammatical treatment of the Hebrew dates from the tenth century. It began with the rab- binical and Karaitic Jews in the Orient and in Spain, with Saadya (f 942), Abul-Walid (f about 1030), Aben Ezra (f 1167); more particularly however in the rest of Europe after the beginning of the twelfth century, with Joseph, Moses and David Kimchi, who flourished about the beginning of the thirteenth century, and Elias Levita (f 1549). The study of Hebrew was introduced among the Christians after the thirteenth century, Raimundus ' * Chapters ii, 4— vii of Daniel and iv, 8— vi, 18 of Ezra are written in Chaldee. 2 * The treatise in the Talmud which hears this name treats of the Purim festival and the reading of the book of Esther. ' *Nedarim considers the different kind of vows and their obligatory force. 8 1- HISTOEY OF THE lANGlTAGE. Martini (f after 1286), Nicolaus Lyranus (f 1340), Perez di Valencia (f 1491). The first grammars were by Anton de Lebrija (f 1544) and by John Eeuchlin (t 1522). The science of the Hebrew language in the •sixteenth century was entirely dependent upon rab- binical instruction. ,In the seTenteenth century although it was pursued, with erudition it was unfruitful. Every interest was made subservient to the punctation, the primitive existence and absolute correctness of which was demanded in the interest of the sufficiency and perspicuity of the Bible (John Buxtorf, senior). It was customary to explain the linguistic phenomena through as unhistorical a systein as that of the tres morae ^ (Alting t 1697, Danz f 1727). About the beginning of the eighteenth century Alb. Schultens (f 1750) through the comparative study of the Arabic paved the way for a better method. Towards the end of the same century such grammarians as Vater (f 1826) and Jahn (f 1816) sought to emancipate themselves from the rabbinical tra- dition and to pursue the grammar with more simplicity and taste. Against this tendency to arbitrariness and a contempt for detailed examinations, Gesenius (f 1842) established the empirical facts of the language, and involuntarily became an apologist for the Jewish tra- dition. Ewald (f 1875) indicated the higher ends of a scientific treatment of the language, but Justus 01s- haus n first succeeded by the consistent use of the historico- critical and comparative method in tracing back the linguistic phenomena to their origin. Bottcher's (t 1863) great work* is valuable as a collection of materials but in other respects it is a step backwards. ^ *See Gesenius, "Geschichte der hebraischen Sprache", 123. ^ * "Ausfiihrliclies Lehrbuch der hebraischen Sprache, nach dcm Tode des Verfassers herausgegeben und mit ausfuhrlicben Ke- giatern versehen von J. Miihlau", 2 Bde., Leipzig 1866—68. 2. HISTORY OP WEITIN&. §. 10. The Semitic characters were not invented ^ by the Phoenicians, but arose from the Hieratic forms of the Egyptian hieroglyphics, from which all the written phonetic systems have arisen through the medium of the Semitic letters with the exception of the Japanese syllabic signs , and the cuneiform characters * (Le- normant ^, Lauth*). Others admit only an indirect derivation. They hold that the Shemites transferred the acrophonic ^ principle of the hieroglyphics to their own language, but a comparison of the letters I The art of writing was never invented at all, but has constantly arisen from the drawings of objects, which have gradually become the designation of the sound with which the language indicated the object, and finally that of the initial element of this sound. The picture of a mouth at first represented hieroglyphically the notion mouth, then the sound ro, which in Egyptian is equivalent to mouth, and finally the letter r. The Mexican and essentially also the Chinese system of writing are based entirely upon the ideographic principle. The cuneiform art of writing, which was transferred by a Turanian people to the Assyrians and the Per- sians, and the Egyptian hieroglyphics associate the ideographic with the phonetic principle, yet in such a way that the latter always predominates. ' *See Mr. Joachim Menant, "Le Syllabaire Assyrien. Expose des elements du systeme phonetique de I'ecriture anarienne" (Pre- miere partie, Paris 1860. Seconde partie, 1873). ' See his " Introduction a un memoire sur la propagation de I'alphabet phenicien" Paris 1866. * See the "Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften" (1867), S. 84-124. ^*That is the designation of the letter through the picture of an object beginning with the same sound as the letter was to represent, compare the origin of b in the table. 10 2. HISTORY OF WEITINO. in the table indicates that they have been directly borrowed. §. 11. Originally all the members of the Semitic family used the old so-called Phoenician system of writing ^ which was employed before the sixth century in Nineveh and Babylon together with the cuneiform characters. Since that time the Aramaic letters have been formed in a peculiar manner, especially through the opening of the heads of a, n, y, ^, e. g. upon the talent of Abydos *, which represents the figure of a lion. This appears more plainly upon the coins and seals of the Persian satraps of anterior Asia, and still more evidently in the Aramaic inscriptions and papyrus from Egypt. At a later period the shaft, in several letters, is bent towards the left in order to render a con- nection possible with what follows. Thus during the last centuries before Christ several peculiar kinds of writing were gradually developed, of which the Palmy- renian as the nearest source of the Hebrew square characters possesses the greatest interest for us. §. 12. Among the Jews there are two different kinds of writing. The older which is still found upon cut ^ stones and the coins of the Machabees (even upon those of Bar-Cochba * A. D. 132) is an antique Phoe- 1 *By far the oldest example of this kind of writing would be the inscription of the Moabite king, Mesa, which dates from the beginning of the ninth century before Christ. Doubts have however been recently raised in regard to its genuineness. * *See de Vogue, "Melanges d'archeologie Orientale", Paris 1868, p. 179. ' The Israelitic seals, found at Nineveh, must be older than the captivity, comp. Levy, "Siegel und Gemmen", Breslau 1869. * *See Madden's "History of Jewish coinage", London 1862, p. 203 ff. THE SQUARE CHABACTBHS. H nician and essentially identical with the Samaritan. The present so-called square characters occur after 176 B. C. upon several inscriptions of the second and first centuries, which have been discovered hy De Vogue.* They have evidently arisen from the Palmyrenian, and are the result not of a gradual change in the char- acters (K.opp2, Hupfeld *), hut of an interchange of the old (Phoenician) with the new Araniaic (especially Palmyrenian), which at the latest has taken place since the second century before Christ. For some time both systems were in use side by side until at last the older was entirely forgotten. There is now no need of refuting the opinion that the quadrata has been the sacred char- acter of the Hebrews from the beginning. At the same time its derivation from the Babylonian (Talmud* Origen ^, Jerome ^, Bleek '^) is rendered impossible by reason of its near relationship to the Palmyrenian char- acters. The ligatures which were customary in the older quadrate writing have been relinquished, on the other hand the upper blocks upon the letters J I a J Ji L/ y (:tTD5y2£ffl) have been introduced. §. 13. We transcribe the Hebrew consonants as > See the "Revue archeologique" (1864), IX, 200. 2 *See Kopp's (f 1834) "Bilder und Schriften der Vorzeit", II, 51 ff. and 87 fP. 3 * Herman Hupfeld (f 1866) in the "Studien und Kritiken" (1830), S. 256 ff. and in his "Ausfiihrliohe hebraische Grammatik" Marburg 1841, I, 39. ^ *Bab. Sanhedrin 21'>. Jer. Megilla I. Halacha 9. » *0rigeni8 Hexapla, I, 86 ed. Montf. " *In the beginning of his Prologus Galeatus. ' *See his Einleitung. 1'2 2. HISTORY OF WEITINa. follows: N '; n 5, P'; a ^, Y! 1 ^^5 §; n A;, n v; t z; 1 ^; " ?; ■^ ^Z''; => ^j 5C; ^ ^; '^ m; a w; p s; y '; D ^, 9; 5£ f; p g-i 1 »•; lU s, s; n «, S^. A, dia- critical point discriminates is s from ffl s. While the aspirated pronunciation of the n s s i s a is indicated only exceptionally by Eaphe (5) the unaspirated pronun- ciation is shown by an internal point in the letters (Dages lene). A final Tt is only a sign for a final vowel, and is therefore to be omitted in the transcription unless its character as a consonant is fixed by an internal point (Mappik). The reduplication is also in- dicated by an internal point (Dages forte). The letters s 53 3 a It have a special form at the end of a word ^ a "I C] y (partially in the old square Palmyrenian and Hauranian writing). The letters Q n V !i n can be widened at the end of a line so as to avoid the division of words. — The letters also serve as numerals, e. g. N— a = 1—9, 1 — 2t = 10—90, p—n := 100— 400, 'J Q n V = 500—900, n again = 1000 etc., the combinations M"', "ii are avoided out of reverence for the name Wir^ and id, tu are used instead. §• 14. The Semitic writing still retains its original syllabic character in this respect that it is vowelless. This principle which was strictly maintained in the Phoenician was at an early period so far modified in Hebrew that i become the substitute for u (and 6 which was originally av or a), and 1 far i (and e, a which have arisen from ay). This is called scriptio plena. The vowel a was only indicated at the end of a word by n, which could also indicate the other long and ' *The aspirated pronunciation of the n D S ^ S 3 is represented by the Greek letters p, y, S, %, tp, 3^. ^ *At the end of a syllable YoS should be pronounced like final j in German , "in Mj, lia goj are not diphthongs. PUNCTUATION. 13 heightened! vowels (e. g. n— , n— , n— ) except i and a. Thus the short vowels were entirely unindicated, the long vowels were in many cases undetermined, and even the value of the vowels themselves was doubtful, since the vowel letters were at the same time con- sonants. Therefore after the dying out of the language an urgent necessity impelled to a system of punctuation which was gradually developed. §. 15. The development of the punctuation has prohably passed through the following stages. 1) Orig- inally a diacritic sign designated the more unusual, less simple form (Samaritan diacritic line)'. 2) Another sign came into use which expressed the opposite of the former. Thus in Syriac the point beneath the letter indicated the simple monosyllabic form of the verb, e. g. pe'al, and that of monosyllabic nouns like din, sev^ar; on the other hand that above the letter, the less simple, unexpected, generally dissyllabic form either with or without the reduplication of the second radical, e. g. pd'el, pa"'el, and nouns with the reduplication of the second radical, as dayydn. In this way the older sign by an easy transition came to indicate a vowel (especially a), the reduplication, or the non-aspiration, while the later sign indicated successively a Seva and then the vowel i as the opposite of a or the aspirated pronunciation; but u was most frequently indicated by the vowel consonant. The simpler basis, which preceded the Palestinean and Babylonian system of punctuation must have been of the same sort, comp. §. 16. Both possess only two signs in common Vajes and Rd((>e (or Hdte(p, which also serves as Seva). The former corresponds to the Syriac point above the letter (Kushai) and Arabic a, the latter to the one beneath 1 *Comp. §§. 39, 42. 14 2. HISTORY OE WEITING. it (Rukkach) and the Arabic i. 3) The two (or with u three) fundamental vowels were divided through repeated distinctions into their different shades of sound. This is still evident in Syriac, where at a later period the two simple points were increased through the intro- duction of double points to eight; it is not so evident however in Hebrew by reason of our unfamiliarity with the history of the punctuation. §. 16. Since neither Jerome nor the Talmud evince any knowledge of the punctuation, the assumption of its originality is an error, which requires no refutation. Still the development of the vowel signs must have begun soon after the close of the Talmud. ^ Our present and only current punctuation conforms to the Tiberian or Palestinean system. Besides this there was a Bab- ylonian, or Assyrian system, which was discovered in 1839, in the Crimea, in a manuscript which dates from the year 916.^ It has only six vowels, Dayes and Ra9e (Hateif). In an unaccented closed syllable the Ea9e is placed underneath, in an unaccented acute syllable ' over the vowel, on account of which the Me^ey becomes super- fluous (§. 18). Instead of Pa^ah with Hatecp written underneath Qere is employed according to the Arabic pronunciation. All the signs stand over the consonants.* • * According to Emanuel Deutsch the so-called Jerusalem Gemara was redacted at Tiberias about 390 A. d. and the Bab- ylonian at Sora 365—427 a. d. The codex of the latter however was not closed until the end of the fifth century A. d. See his Literary Remains, London 1874, p. 40. = *Dr. Hermann Strack of Berlin edited a facsimile of this entire manuscript, Petropoli 1875. ' An acute syllable is one which ends in a doubled consonant. * *S. Pinsker, "Einleitung in das babylonisch-hebraische Punktationssystem", Wien 1863. See also the back of the last leaf of Strack's "Hosea et Joel"- AOCENTITATION. 15 §. 17. Our vowel system may be transcribed as follows : -:r a, a; -^ a; -i-rr e; -:r e; i-r:- a; -j- e, a; ■^^- i; -r- i; i ^; — o; -^ o; 1 u; — u. The vowels which are undesignated are short. Those above which a short dash is written are heightened and those written with a circumflex are originally long. Seva — is used either to indicate a vowelless letterf Seva quiescem) or a half vowel e (Seva mobile)-, the latter appear? in compounds as Hatecp pa'iaJi — a, Hate^ seyol -^ e, Hate Ex. xxvii, 14. S) Za- qetp and Ticpha can only stand before Silluq, when the word with Silluq or even that with Titpha has two syllables before the tone, e. g. "n^T-p >"l?3t: ■jilNI llDl^h Num. xiii, 4 (with the servant Munah before Zaqe9). If the word with Silluq does not have two syllables before the tone, the servant Mergx.a must be placed instead of Ticpha; hence Zaqe9 cannot remain before the Mer§x.a, since Zaqe^ must not stand immediately before Silluq, and so Ti1131M Di-iBis rroab Numb, xiii, 8. C) The same rule is in force before ASmahta, e. g. QSpN IffiN fT^n iBaS-bi ';i:n Gen. ix, 12, where likewise Tioha before A^nahta becomes a servant. The word rt^^n has Ti^ha, not Zaqe9, since Zaqe9 cannot PAUSAL HEiaHTBNINO. 23 the grammarian and exegete. There are circumstances under which a unitive takes the place of a separative for an absolutely rhythmical reason, just as, for rhyth- mical reasons, in the realm of Silluq great separatives take the place of unitives in order to secure an em- phatic final cadence. The rhythmical demands of the cadence also furnish reasons for changes to which the tone-syllable of the word is subject at the end or middle of the verse or even with greater distinctives within the verse. §. 21. The pausa enters at the end of a sentence, especially with Silluq and 'A'^nah and in the three met- rical books with Silluq, 'Old veyored or 'A'^nah i. e. the last word undergoes certain changes in order that each sentence when recited may have a fitting cadence. A half vowel in the penultima is heightened to its original vowel and receives the tone. Accordingly Tt^b'p qdtela is changed to fibu^ qdtala, Mias ka^eba to iinas ka^eba, '^biSpp, yiqti^u' to iVap'; yiqtolu, inb lehi' to in^ Idhi, 135* 'ani' to -la^ 'ani, ibn holt to ibn hUi (original forms qatalat, habidat, yaqtuluna , lachy, 'any, huly). Otherwise the tone is seldom drawn back, except in •'Sii'cj ''dno-ji, nriN "'attd, Mn^ 'atta). On the contrary in the apocopated future the tone returns to the final syl- lable, because this contains the stem of the word; hence a enters instead of e. Thus Djjji vay-yaqom becomes dpjl vay-yaqom in pausa, bjii'i vay-yiggamel becomes ba^^l vay-yiggdmdl, '^b»n vay-yeley^, ?|b»T vay- stand immediately before A^nahta or Silluq, and the word 't'lyy has Tebir, not Pasta, because Pasta before Titpha is not allowable. In all these cases the accentuation is determined by musical laws, and the exegete must beware of confounding the musical with the logical accentuation. 24 2. HISTOEY OF WRITING. yela%., "[bn talen, "j^n talan (original forms va yaqwm, va yangmnil, va yalik, talin). In monosyllabic nomiiial stems original a is often heightened to a instead of a, e. g. yik d^^(e)i; J'rf, zar(ay, which out of pausa are 13S gd^(e)r, s>5j zdr(ay, original forms goAr, zar'. Short accented a is heightened in the pausa, e. g. hhj> qatdl to ba)3 qatdl, W'h may(i)m to D'^n may(i)m. II. PHONOLOGY. 1. COMOMUTS. §. 22. The Hebrew consonants are divided ac- cording to their organic formation into gutturals (', A, h, '), palatals (y, g, k, q), labials (v, b, p), dentals (d, t, t) and sibilants (0, s, s, s, f). The letter n is a dental and m a labial nasal, Z is a dental, r vacillates between gutturals and dentals. The 'Hebrew consonants may be distinguished 1) according to their duration into continuatives (h, h, y, v, z, s, s, s, n, m, r, I), and explosives (the remaining letters), and 2) according to their degree of hardness, as softest (', y, v), soft (h, g, b, d, z), hard (h, k, p, t, s, s, s), and hardest C? 2? ii 9)-^ "^^^ letters v, y form a special class as ' In Ethiopic there is a labial {Fait, see Dillmann, "Gram- matik der athiopischen Sprache", Leipzig 1857, S. 45, §. 5) of the hardest degree. The propriety of reckoning 'Ayin among the hardest explosives is justified by its manifold correspondence in Aramaic to the Hebrew g, since in these cases the original t first became q (compare Chaldaic Np"ilS ^arqd) and then '; and it is not invalidated by the fact that 'Ayin afterwards became almost mute , since q has suffered the same fate in a part of the Arabic speaking countries, See Hassan, "Grammatik der vulgar - arabi- schen Sprache", Wien 1869, S. 5. 26 1. CONSONANTS. vowel consonants, which easily pass over into their corresponding vowels. The following table illustrates the organic distinction of the letters and their relative degrees of hardness. 1 Softest. 2 Soft. 3 Sard. 1 Hardest. Nasals. i/29Ut<2«. Palatals Labials { , i 5 3 3 a P 73 Dentals \ o T n U a /"I Gutturals N !l n y Sibilants t a iB ID a §. 23. Parts of the Hebrew sibilants have arisen from original dentals, namely a part of z from d ,e. g. SNT zQJe^, compare Aramaic Ni^tl de^d, Arabic wOi> dzi'bun; of « from i, e. g. "niiu sor, Aram, snin iora, So-; Arab. ,^j tsaurun; of p from ^, e. g. "lait p(D|3i, Aram. N^sa ta^ya, Arab. ^^aJo tgabyun. The analogy of s and the transposition of ip to gt, compare §. 25, render it probable that z and p were spoken without any dental admixture. The difficult letter s may be regarded as already in the primitive Semitic a medial sound between s and s, which maintained itself in Hebrew, while in Aramaic it went back to s, and in Arabic was still further developed to s (ji), compare on the other hand Olshausen §. 6. e. Neither s nor s is original, since the former has arisen from s, and the latter from « or t. Both ' and h had a smoother and a harder sound. This is proved through the LXX, TBAWSPOSITION. 27 the old Egyptian transcription ^, and lexical reasons (i. e. the different significations of some identical roots, in which a h or 'ayin occurs); e. g. wy 'Azza, LXX. TA^oi.; pba? 'Amaleq, 'AfxaXe'x; Dfi Ham, Xa(x,- Ti^n Havva, Eu'a. §. 24. The letters &, g, d, k, p, t when immediately preceded hy a vowel or half vowel Seva mobile or Hdiecf, even in a foregoing word, become aspirated. E. g. "isia facpd/', MS'ia Mrcbfa, ''D3 Aeipt'. The aspiration ceases: 1) when the preceding word is punctuated with a larger or smaller separative accent, e. g. with Rebta' Gen. iii, 5 ai'^B ■'S ki beyom; 2) when the consonant is doubled e. g. "i|3 happer; 3) after an inserted auxiliary Pa'^ali which as will be mentioned in §. 55, rem. was first used at a very late period, e. g. fitjbia saldh(a)t, '^n\ yih(a)d. The aspiration never occurs aftef a consonant, but after Ale9 at the end of a syllable, which is no longer a consonant, and ;as a matter of course after final He when it is merely a vowel sign (§. 13). — The great age of this lingual phenomenon is attested through the Aramaic and the Egyptian transcription , but (excepting Phe) it has not yet penetrated the Arabic, §. 25, The transposition of consonants enters the hi^pa'el even in the primitive Semitic, since hi'i-s, hHi^-s, hi'i-S become his-t, his-t, his-t, e. g. banp^j histabbel for Ms-sabbil, likewise "iSniBM hista'er, nisniun histammer. If the sibilant- is a p, the t must be brought to the same degree of hardness, consequently to t (See the fourth grade in the preceding table), e. g. piysii higtaddeq. 1 When ' in hieroglyphic texts corresponds to c it is tran- scribed by characters which are equivalent to a, a, but when it corresponds to c by characters for g, k, e. g. in Gaza. A similar distinction is observed in such inscriptions between Semitic words, whose n is equivalent to an Arabic _, or ^. 28 1- CONSONANTS. In the only example for z assimilation takes place instead of transposition, e. g. nsiri hizzakka for hiz- dakka. §. 26. Doubling of a consonant arises otherwise than through the fortuitous conjunction of two identical consonants, as in nans na'^dn-nu: 1) in certain forms of the noun and verb (pi'el) which have resulted from original reduplication of the roots ; 2) in consequence of the vocal law in primitive Semitic that, as a rule, the short vowel between two identical consonants is cast out, or, when this is impossible, transposed that the identical consonants may come together. Comp. 30 sa^ according to §. 27 for sabb, originally sababa, nao sdbbu from sababu, ^zb"; ydsobbu from yasubbu transposed for yasbubu. 3) Doubling arises through the assimilation of two consonants, especially of n to a following consonant (bs'^. yippol for yinpol, nns na- 'idtta for naUdnta, Qisa mismm for minsdm, before gutturals the assimilation is often omitted, compare ^nv] yinhdl), of I in ng'; yiqqdh, of y («), in several verbs, as pk;' yi99oq, from yi-ygoq, original form ya- vgvq (unless perhaps there is here a transition to the verbal class primae nun), and of the * in the hi^- pa'el before dentals (155^ hiddabber, 'iriiari hittaher).. 4) Sometimes the doubling is only euphonic, either in order to bind two words more closely together (mt na mazzd), or in order to protect a short vowel through the closing of the syllable against changes e. g. D^'baa gemalli'm) Stat. cstr. iV)?2ii gemalle. §. 27. The doubling always ceases at the end of a word, because no syllable can end with two con- sonants, comp. §. 30; besides tliis the accented final syllable must be heightened, according to §. 42, 1 ; only DOUBLING. 29 a can remain short. Compare ib3 kulW with bb Ml for AmZ^, and according to §. 19, -b3 kol-^ sor; /tislp original form hiaibh, with niaofi ha8ihbd"ia, n'KCi yegav- vd with IS'JT vayegdv, iSN 'ap^o' with tjN '09, inn titti .with nn ie^ for titt. The douhling can also disappear before a half vowel, especially in the prefixes ye and me hefore the piel, yet never in letters which can be aspirated, e. g. "1551] vayehahber, ia5?3fi hamebahlier, iir^l vayehi', but laim vattebabber. §. 28. The gutturals ^ h ' h, as well as r are not wont to be doubled in Hebrew, nevertheless the preceding vowel is either treated as though the doubling had taken place, and the syllable is closed through so- called Dayea forte implidtimi (this is almost always the case with h and in the pi'el with h and ', seldom with ' and never with r, compare iDnhrt hahoh(e)^, nya bi'er, lira tihar, Nirtri hahvl\ ysjt? ni'ef), or the preceding syllable is regarded as open and its vowel is heightened according to §. 42. This occurs only seldom with h, commonly with ', h, almost always with ' and always with r, e. g. 'jiyrj ha!ay'(i)n, 't]'r[hahar, yiijli Ka'ar(e)g, 'Tj'ia bert)^. ' §. 29. When A, which is to be doubled has Qd- mgg, or Hafe^ qdnieg, the vowel before it is wont to be heightened to a for the sake of dissimilarity. It is heightened before h and ' only when the Qameg is unaccented. Compare 'jiThfi hdhdzo'n, lans kdhd's, rnN ^dh&CyJv, D^iU'inrj hd/iobdsi'm, di'liiri hahdrl'm, but nrjn hoMr, '[i^ri ha'dvo'n^ but D:?rt hd'am. This heightening 1 * There are only a few cases in whicli") is pointed witli Dages, compare Delitzsch on Prov. iii, 8; xiv, 10. 30 1- COKSONANTS. occurs before ' only in "'SiiNfi hffano-fi', but never before r. §. 30. No syllable, in Hebrew, can begin with two consonants (except tJ^niB stdyim). To prevent this a half vowel is inserted between them (e. g. bap q(e)tdl^ original form qtul = qutl, Arabic ''uqtul). The Arabic expedient of prefixing an ''Ale^ prostheticum to the word is less in favor. Compare ?ilTt< ''ezr6(ay with siTr ze- rb(a)\ original form zirol. — Nor are two consonants allowed at the end of a syllable, except several com- binations with 6, (i, ^, *, ^ or g" at the end of a word, as |?il3;;n vayydsq, Tr;;^ vayyerd, Tj^si vayye^k. Otherwise it is always customary in such a case to insert an auxiliary vowel, comp. §. 52. / §. 31. The vowel consonants v, y are subject through permutation, vocalization and elision to many vocal laws which, with the exception of the first four cases in this paragraph, existed even in primitive Semitic. The letter v frequently passes over into y through permutation, 1) especially at the beginning of a word e. g. nbj yaldh, originally valada, imii yose^, orig. vdsib, only a few words, as it vdv and ibi vd- lal retain v; 2) mostly also after the prefix of the hi^pa'el, e. g. Tb^nri Miyalltb, yet forms like VT\r\!ri Ii'Hisvaddd' occur; 3) often in reduplicated second radical consonants, e. g. ti»i5 qayyem; 4) almost always, where V appears as a third radical consonant, as in ■':iba gd- luy; 5) between i and a consonant, comp. ^iy 'ir = 'iyr — 'ivr, ■dn'^i yirds = yiyras = yivras; 6) between a consonant and i, comp. d1|J; ydqim = yaqyim = yaq- vim. — The transformation of y into «, especially between u and a consonant, is more seldom, comp. bliz) sus = mvs = suys. ELISION. 31 §. 32. Elision of the vowel consonants occurs in the following cases. 1) The transposed form qtil from qitl lost its first radical' consonant through aphaeresis, when it was a v. This is the fundamental form of the infinitive, imperative and future qal of a numher of primae v verbs. Comp. y'l de(ay = [v]di\ hio Se^ =:z [vfSib, aia;; yese^ = yi-iib = ya-fvJSih^; likewise the feminine infinitive of the form qtal from qatl, as r^iu 8a^(e)y = vsab-t. 2) After a consonant va, ya elide their v, y and receive, instead of these, com- pensative lengthening of the a to a Hehrew 6 according to §. 40. Comp. Dips naqom, dipa maqo'm,. Nia; ya^o'\ Tibia;', ye^oi, ']ia3 na^on from naqvam, maqvam, yabva', yibvaS, nabyan. 3) Likewise v, y between two vowels are almost always elided'*, of course without com- pensation ^ and then both vowels are contracted. By this means ava, aya become a or o (t3p qam, io sar, nil dor, dip'; yiqqo'm, ■jis'; yikko'n from qavam, savar, davar, yinqava/m, yinkavan), avi becomes S {m me^ := mavii), avu becomes 6 (luia bos = bavu^. A pre- ceding short vowel is absorbed by a following long one, thus d^p qum has arisen from qavum. — This elision of y, V between two vowels occurred even when the second was one of those final vowels, which according to §. 37, fall away in Hebrew. ^ In this case however ' The aphaeresis of the v is of course older than the in- troduction of the future prefixes. ^ The elision does not take place, when two vowel con- sonants follow each other as radical letters, e. g. ni'l rava = rava[ya] and in few other cases, as Ji^T ravdh, a^tj 'ayd^. ' The elision oi v, y between the two vowels was cus- tomary even in the old Semitic, while the casting off of the orig- inal final vowel which immediately follows rests upon the later specific Hebrew law of final sound. Comp. Arab, ravid = ra- 32 !• CONSONANTS. no vowel contraction could enter because in Hebrew after tbe elision oi y, v the final vowel which imme- diately follows is also rejected. Hence there arose only a heightening of the preceding vowel according to §. 42, 2. It is perhaps merely accidental that orig- inal a[va] , a[yaj is always heightened to a and original afvuj, a[yu] to a, e. g. nba gala (but not gala, since with the suffix it has the form tjb.i gaUfo), a. * original form gala[va], TihV] 2/*Y^«) original form ya- J. gla[vu], Mba gold, original form gala[vwm,]. When a precedes v, y, ii remains or becomes o according to §. 40, e. g. infin. absol. ribs galo = galavwm. But if the vowel which followed was long or was not the last sound in the word, it was naturally not affected by the laws of final sound, but remained and after the ejection of » or y the short vowel was either contracted or absorbed by the long one. Comp. infin. constr. niba geWs = gelat, gela[v]-at , 3. fem. Perf. nto 'dsH^ (commonly with a double feminine ending nnto 'ase- S~a) = 'astt'-t, according to §. 38 for 'asdt, from 'asav-at, ^hi gdlu =; galavu, ^V] yi-^lu = yaglavuna, ■'bs 'ost' §. 33. On the contrary elision does not take place, but the vocalizing of y, v to i, u: 1) between a and a consonant; 2) between a homogeneous vowel and a consonant; 3) between a consonant and a homogeneous vowel (i is homogeneous with y, u with v). Then iy and yi become i, wo and vu become w, ay becomes e, av becomes o. Compare aa^'^ y^ta^ = 2/V?«P, V^vJ ^~ ^i'n — hibyin, ijpj ndqiy from naqiy, niBin Msd^ from ma[y]a, with hebr. rama = ramafyaj; Arab, ya'lu = ya'lufvju, apocopated ya'lu, with hebr. ya'(a)la = ya'la[vuj, apocopated ya'(a)l = ya'lfaj. THE VOWEL CONSONANTS. 33 huvSab, Q!ipi yaqum from yaqvum, ^fcy 'asu from 'asuv, nia he^ from bayt, a''a"'lrj Ae?^'P from haytib, nin mo^ from mavi, aiBiS wo^d^ from navsah. The number of the homogeneous vowels is increased by the fact that according to §. 31 vi becomes yi, iv becomes iy, yu however becomes yi, and then all three are changed to i. Comp. 'C'117 yirds = yiyraS, yiwraS, d'^pJi heqi'm = hiqyim ■= hiqvim, "[la; ya^i'n = yabyin, yabyun. On the contrary %, i^b| gaWy, remains unchanged. — The vocalization of the vowel consonants naturally takes place provided they already formed the final sound of the word in primitive Semitic, e. g. ■'ona suse^ = susay. Therefore the imperative of the stems tert. v, y has a diphthongal ending , comp. mbs gele from gelay. For the nouns whose stat. absol. ends in a, and the stat. cstr. in e comp. §. 95. — The ay which has arisen from e is sometimes attenuated to i (ri'iba gdli'id), and the which has arisen from av becomes in rare cases m, bs^i yV'X'^l = yaffil, yavkal.^ It is necessary to ac- cept the diphthongal change, contested by Olshausen of ay to a (1-5-) for such forms as npba g(e)lana , rijiban tv^ldna, n'^piD susaM, of which the original forms were glayna, taglayna, susayhd, since otherwise vowel con- sonants in the original final sound of the syllable are never elided. — In the Hebrew composition i-ye is contracted to i, compare ■'rt'^i vihi = vi y§hi\ iriwa bihuha = bi yekuha. §. 34. The vowel consonants y, v retain their consonantal character, 1) when as first radical con- 1 *The author considers the form bs^'' as the future qal. It is commonly regarded as a hoip'al which, in a metaplastic way, lends to the verb bbj, to b$ capable, its imperfect, he shall be made capable. EiOKtiLii's Outlines. •' 34 !• CONSONANTS. sonants they begin the syllable ^ e. g. nvi ya^a^ ; 2) when an nnhomogeneous vowel except a precedes, e. g. ibia salev, iib| goluy^ li-i p'o^/, ti ziv; these com- binations are not diphthongs and hence the hard sound of b g d k p t follows them ; 3) when they are doubled D»55 qiyydm, n;n hayya, ^^ gawd', TD'ij'; yivvareS; if the doubling falls out, iyy becomes i iiaS 'i^ri', plUr. iD-'^'iaS 'i^riyyim also di"ia;» H^ri'nij but ay, a« remain, except in the stat. cstr., in hay, stat. cstr. in A«, ii ^au stoi. cstr. probably i-i gfd, ibs 'alay, original form 'alayya. 4) Besides ay, av axe also retained in isolated cases, as inibta saldvti, nbi? '««?«, S^siaia maymimm, reg- ularly however in the stat. absol. of monosyllabic nominal forms, where a«, ay through insertion of an auxiliary vowel become av(e)., dy(i), while in the stat. cstr. con- traction always takes place e. g. mz mav(e)'i, n^a bdy{i)'^, cstr. ni53 mo'^, nia bH. Yet compare §. 32, Remark 1. All the rules concerning the vowel consonants may be condensed into the following sentence: v, y between vowels, as well as between a consonant and ''an a, are elided, in the latter case with the compensative lengthening of a to 6f otherviise, when it is possible, they are vocal- ized, whereby v through a preceding or following i is changed into y. • §. 35. Besides v (comp. §. 32, 1) the following letters, can suffer aphaeresis in the form qtal, qtil = qatl, qitl: \)nm gas for [nejgas, nffls gds(e)'^ for negas-t, in fen for netin, nn fe"^ for netin-t; 2) I in ng qah = Jeqah, nn)? qdh(ay^ = leqah-t, h in '^jb Vei ~ [hSJKk, ' In the initial sound of a word only the copula I «g before half vocalized syllables, with sgva or hateip, and the labials h, p, m is resolved into u. There are no other cases in Hebrew, where the initial sound of a syllable is a vowel without 'ale9. CONSONANTAL AND QUIESCENT 'aLEO. 35 n^b lci%(ey^ = [ha]lak-t. Initial 'a is cut off from WWN 'anahnu leaving nm nahnu. The h of the prefixes is usually thrown out between a half vowel and a vowel, whereby the former vanishes, e. g. 'qbjjj^ lammal(e)i, from le-ham-mdl(e)i, ^"^'^P.l yaqtil from ye-ha-qtil. The second vowel vanishes in da ham from DiriB bahim. Contraction enters in the suffix io^D sus6' from susa-hu. §. 36. The 'Ale9 almost always retains its conson- antal power in the initial sound of the syllable, except in the future of some verbs prvmae ''Alecf, in which con- traction takes place between the vowel of the prefix and the auxiliary vowel (bSN''^ y^ij^l from ya-wfel^ iHNi yomar from ya-amar. In other isolated cases '0^9 is elided between two vowels, comp. nfaNb. lemd'r from le- 'emor, a'^nsa maHdyim from mfd'Sdyim, Qi'iaN'i rdiim from rfasim, '^s'lNb ladonay from la-adSnay, the same some- times occurs after a consonant, as in iiSNb?: melw^a from maVwfa. Sometimes also it falls away in writing, e. g. "IHN ''omdr from ''a-amdr, liffli'i lison from rfiso'n. On the contrary in the final sound of the syllable 'ale9 always loses its consonantal sound, and, for this reason, the preceding vowel must be heightened according to §. 42, 2, e. g. NS7a mdqa from maga', iiaNSar; timgana from tamga'na. 3. TOWELS. §. 37. In the primitive Semitic there were only the vowels a, i, u of which the long forms a, i, u arose partly through the contraction of a + a, i -f- i, 3* 36 2. VOWELS. u -{- u after the elision of an intermediate y or v (§. 32' partly through compensative lengthening (§. 32, 2 in the same way also lia'^j? qito'r from qittor and th po'el, which has arisen from the pi"el, partly throng] the lengthening of the tone-syllable in nominal''- forms to which the participles and infinitiyes belong. Thes lengthened forms always belong to the primitiTi Semitic period, while the heightened forms first ow^ their origin to the peculiar development of the He brew. All final consonants except in the imperative the apocopated future, and the 3. fem. sing, of th perfect, were followed by a vowel or, in the statu ahs. of the masc. sing, and fem. sing, and plural, by : vowel with a nasal. According to the Hebrew laws o final sound all these short final vowels fall away, to gether with the nasal of the status absolutus, while thi long vowels remain. Comp. atj 'ap = Arabic ''abun o ''abin according to §. 38 for 'aSm, but in the statu constructus ^SN 'a^t = Arabic ''abi. A preceding v, y according to §. 32, 3, Rem., was elided'' even ii old Semitic where it originally stood between vowels This law of the final sound affords the reason why thi present Hebrew final syllable is not treated as closed, am hence is not regarded as unchangeable. The few cases ' E. g. in the participle buip g^ottl = qdtil, of which th earlier form according to §. 2, Eem., was qatdl, like the perfect That the nominal forms are frequently discriminated in prim itive Semitic from the verbal forms through the lengthening and in Hebrew through the heightening of the vowel of thei tone-syllable, is occasioned by the stronger emphasis, which rest m all languages upon the nominal forms. "^ The n of the affix o'n also disappears in Hebrew prope names, comp. Jl^^N ^a^addo for 'd^addon, n'b'^'IB 'ilo' for silor. but it returns when a second affix is added, comp. iS'^ilB Neh. xi, I See §. 80. DIVISIONS OF HEBEEW VOWELS. 37 in which an original short final vowel remains are to be specified in the doctrine of forms. These final vowels are protected through the joining on of suffixes, and have retained their existence under the inexact name of connecting vowel, Comp. "'Sba]? qetaldm, Arahic and original qatala-ni, DS'^iay 'a^de-Yem, Arabic and original 'abdu-hum. §. 38. Among the few vocal laws of the primitive Semitic the following should be especially emphasized, that a long vowel which was in an originally closed syl- lable mmt be shortened. The short vowel which has thus arisen can remain in Hebrew according to §. 42 only in unaccented syllables, while in accented syllables i, u must be reheightened to e, o and only a can remain short. Comp. dnp'^ yaqu'm = original ya-qu-mu, on the other hand dpji vay-ya^qom, original va-ya-qum, on account of the accent reheightened to dp^ yu-qom = original ya-qum, after the same analogy i^a; yd'^tn = ya-bi-nu, "[an vay-yd-^en = va-ya-bin, ■ja;) yci^en = ya- bin, dp qdm = qd-ma = qa-va-ma, nu); qdmta for qdm-ta from qa-vam-ta, ntos 'asa'i == 'asat for 'asdt from 'asavat. §. 39. The Hebrew vowels are divided into 1) orig- inally long, to which besides a, i, u belong o, which has arisen partly from a , partly from a -f- "Oy a -f- u; e from a -{- y, a -\- i and a likewise from a + y, comp. §. 33. They are externally recognizable since, with the exception of d they are almost always indicated through scriptio plena, with i or ■>. 2) Short vowel's: a, i, u together with e from i, and o from u. 3) Height- ened: a and a from a, "e from i, o from w. 4) Vola- tilized: e from all the short vowels, d from a, e from i, from u. The two last classes, which do 38 2. VOWELS. not yet exist in the Arabic, haye always arisen from the second. §. 40. The original long vowels are unchangeable in Hebrew, except the case in §. 38. However a is very often obscured to 6, comp. ni'i dor = ddr = da- var, dipa naqd'm = naqdm = naqvam (§. 32, 2), pina ma^o'q = mataq, btjip qdfel = qatil. The pure sound remains less often, as in w?^ qdm from qavama, ans ke'ia^ = kitdb, no sdr = savar. This 6 is sometimes deepened to u through the removal of the accent, comp. Mjjnn?:? mS^uqa, ni73np3 nequmolsd. On the other hand through a misunderstanding of the language, in the case mentioned in §. 38, it is confounded with the o, which has arisen from u, and it is shortened to u, or relatively reheightened to o. Comp. inaris nehustan from nahostan = nahds-t-an, heightened according to §. 42 to niBns nehos(ey^ = nahus-t = nahos-t = nahds-t, like- wise iBibffl sdlos = salds, from which the fern, mibia selb- «C«)^ = salus-t, -riN 'e^ — 'i^ — 'ut = 'oi == 'a# = ""dyat = ''avay-at. On the contrary z and w remain almost en- tirely unchanged, except through §. 38. Comp. pi'iJt faddiq, bia)5 qatu'l. §. 41. The short vowels remain unchanged: 1) in sharpened syllables, when the sharpening is not merely euphonic (§. 26, 5), comp. drjin'i'nN 'ad-di-re-Mm, on the contrary li^jn Mz-za-yo'n, stat. constr. lirn he-ze- yo'n. 2) Generally in all originally closed syllables (therefore with the exception of the final syllables ac- cording to §. 37), e. g. d!^■l^u^ab?5 mal-bu-se-hem. Of course the immutability ceases, when the syllable in Hebrew is no longer closed through the elision of an 'Aleq) (§. 36) or the insertion of an auxiliary vowel e. g. nia ma-v(e)1s from ma/o-tun. 3) The syllabae dagessan- QtTANTITY. 39 dae the sharpening of which cannot take place on account of a guttural final sound, participate in the immutability of the first class, e. g. bn^'na ie-mx,- tem for bif^-rak-tvm, dns"]3 h'b-ra-f^Um, for h%vr-rak-tum, ^SIS'' (i3^i'^) y§-^-re-yJi,' for yu-bar-ri-ku-na. Comp. §§;28. 297' §. 42. In all other cases the short ro-wels are subject to the folio-wing changes. Through heightening ^ a is changed to a or a, i to e, m to o 1) in an accented closed syllable, and indeed always with i and u (comp. 153 ka^b = kabida, "ib]; 2"?^** = qatuna, "jipT ^a^em = zaqinum, bBjj'^. J/^'sfoZ = yaqtulu), with a for the most part only in the pause and in the stat. abs., while this vowel otherwise usually remains short. Comp. "la'i dd^ar = da- barun, but the stat. cstr. "lai de^ar = dabaru, further bnp qatdl = qatala, ^aD sabbu. Other short vowels in accented closed syllables are only the i in ds 'im and dN 'm, as well as the e, which has arisen from i = u, in pronouns and suffixes of the 2. and 3. persons plural.^ 2) Further the open tone syllable is heightened (Ex- ceptions in §. 45), e. g. iriO^O susa from susat, y-iMn Aa-'a-rCeJf, yns 'a-rCe)p from ''argun, nsi: se-(f(e)r from sip-run., iBl'p g^-Sri)^ from qud-sun, Tby^_ yi-^-la from ' The heightening is merely a mechanical strengthening of the vowel through an a, which is placed before it and which finds its complete analogy in the Indo - Germanic Ghma and the pronunciation of vowels in new high German and modem English. '^ Olshausen accepts for such forms, as dFiN 'attem, TilVZVi. susehem etc. the heightened sound d (from a) and appeals to the anomalous instances of vocalization in Ezechiel (§. 7); nevertheless his position is contradicted by the contraction of ba-Mm to d3 bam, the forms hem, hen, the Samaritan pronunciation and the analogy of all the other Semitic languages. 40 2. VOWELS. yagla[vu]. 3) The open syllable before the tone is also mostly heightened (exceptions in §. 43), e. g. bW3 ma-sal from ma-sa-lun, aab le-^a^ from U-ba-bun, bL5)5 qa-tdl from qa-ta-la, 4) but the second syllable before the tone is very rarely heightened e. g. in ■'Six 'a-no-fi', ibap^ qd-te-lu, and before the perfect with vav consecutivum: FTp^tif] ve-a-mar-ta. Finally 5) height- ening enters in the syllable after the tone, compare Fibc:)5 qa-tdl-ta. §. 43. On the contrary the short vowels are vol- atilized to half vowels (e, a, e, o): 1) in the second syllable before the tone, as well as before those which are at a greater remove from it (e. g. ibai? qe-ta-lo from qatalahu, I'la'^ de-fid-ri' from dabari, d'^'iS'^ de-^a- rivi, d'^b^rj: qe-tu-li'm, din'^b^ajj qe-tu-le-hem); 2) in some cases also in the fore-tone syllable, namely a) through- out in the status constructtis , e. g. 'laif de-^dr, •^■qi ye-me , nKy 'a-ga^, niaio se-mo'% because the first member of the status constructus only possesses a secondary accent, b) in some nominal forms especially with i or u (in general i is often, u almost always volatilized in an open fore-tone syllable), e. g. d-'bpip qd-te-lim from qdtiltm, isn hagi from higyum, ^bn ho-li from hulyvm,, ins ''a-ri' from ''aryun; c) in ,the verbal forms iilsap^ qd-te-la, ib^jj^ qd-te-lu, ^hiyj}") yiq-te-lu', d) before the suffixes ka, kem, ken, comp. irjpiD su-se-fja, dSDiD su-se-y^em. §. 44. Since two half vowels are not allowed to follow each other in Hebrew, the syllable before the volatilized vowel can retain its short vowel e. g. bs3a bi-ne-tsjiol , •^ns'i di-^e-re, drjins'i di-^e-re-hem, nisna bi- '■«-X.o'^- It is heightened only in the forms inbap^ qd- POSITION OP SHORT VOWELS. 41 te-la, sibU)? qa-te-lu and mostly before tte suffix e-^d, e. g. ^'^^2•^ d^-^a-re-YJa, yet also ^mi Si-me-yia. §. 45. Moreover short vovfels occur in open syl- lables only 1) in the suffix d-ni, e. g. '^sbajj qe-ta- la-ni; 2) before the old accusative ending a, e. g. manja mih-ha-ra, in which cases accented a remains in an open syllable; 3) with monosyllabic nominal stems of mediae gutturalis or y68, which on account of §. 52 have taken an auxiliary vowel, because this auxiliary sound is not yet regarded as a full vowel which can form a syllable. Comp. bns nah(a)l, rrja hdy(i)'i, such feminines also as nyniii i6md'(o)'i from sama't follow the same analogy. Unheightened forms as 'ja'^ yi^(e)n, ^1? y^K^)^ stand in the apocopated future together with heightened forms, as bil yd-^(e)l, a^;; yer(e}^ from yabnfaj, yagl[a], yarb[a]. On the contrary the short vowel always remains 4) when the following half vow- elled auxiliary sound has only been inserted to facil- itate the pronunciation of a guttural, according to §. 55, even if this, according to §. 56, becomes a full vowel, because these auxiliary sounds originated too late, to affect the laws of the vowel sound. Comp. iby^_ ya'(d)- moh from ya'mudu, pm;^ yeh(e)-zdq from yahzaqu, 'riby\ ybin holih = havUb). The mixed vowel e is in several forms thinned to i (ri'^ba gali"ia from ga- layta) and appears sometimes to change its place with a (^rM-hi geldna, rtS'^bsn ti-^ldna = taglayna, comp. §. 33). The combination a -\- i always becomes e, a -\r u o {pi2 me^ = mavita, Tliia bos = havusa, ib 16 = lahu). — The combinations ay, av seldom remain (e. g. "'FinbTa 44 2. VOWELS. saldvti, iTO sadddy, which is heightened ia the pause i^iB aadday, likewise ijy 'anav). It remains for the most part before original doubling (§. 34, 3) and in the status absolutm of monosyllabic nouns, where ay, av through the adoption of an auxiliary vowel be- come dy(i), av(e). Compare rr^a hdy(i)'i = hayt^ rr\)2 mav(e)'i = mavt. §• 51. The above may be represented in the fol- lowing table of vowels: I+I A+A V+V I ay, e, (i, a) A (av)^ av, 6 e, e, a The Latin uncial letters are chosen for the original Semitic in order to include y, v. The brackets in- dicate less common transitions of sound. §. 52. Since a biconsonantal ending is only al- lowed in the few vowel combinations mentioned in §. 30; it is frequently necessary in Hebrew that after the OUTTUEALS. 45 falling away of the old final vowels (§. 37) an auxiliary vowel should enter between the two new final conson- ants, and indeed most commonly an e with the height- ening of the preceding vowel according to §. 42, 2, wherehy a (except in the stems mediae v and in the pause) does not become heightened to a, but to a. Comp. nia m««('ej^ from mavtun, yn^ ^ar(e)g from ''argun, 'iso se(f(e)r from siprun, ■6'j'p qcih(ejs from qud- sun, nlsuip qdtdl(e)'^ from qatal-tun, bsjj vay-ydy(e)l from vayagl[a], •2'^^^ vay-yer(e)^ from vayirbfa], by the side of the unheightened form ^y^ v(vy-yvr(e)^, comp. §. 45. In the stems mediae y, i is adopted as an auxiliary vowel without heightening, e. g. nn zay(i)'i from zaytwn. In the stems mediae and tertiae gutturalis a becomes the auxiliary, before which in the mediae gutturalis (as well as in general when the last con- sonant but one is a guttural) a is not heightened, comp. s^nj zar(a)' = zar'un, bw nah(a)l = nahlun, nSS mg(a)h = nifhtm, byb po'(a)l = pySlvn^ rif]']^ ior&h^ay^ =: harahtun. If the last of the consonants in the final sound is an 2/ or a w it is vocalized and the pre- ceding vowel, when standing before .final y, is volat- ilized, but before v it is heightened, when the word is a noun, comp. ins pen from paryun, i^i yehi' from yihy[a], inn tohu from tuhvun, iifiniB'^i wayyi&tahu from vayyistahv [a] . §. 53. The gutturals readily adopt an a instead of the other short vowels in every case (especially before them, where this vowel was originally in use at least as a collateral form). E. g. ibn;: yahmob, nbffi'^ yisldh, n|ia silidh (nevertheless Wzm^.''mMalle(a)h), pyr yiz'dq, finnb la -Mom. Yet not only the vowel a occurs, but also the vowel e, which has arisen through phonetic 46 2. VOWELS. retrogression from i, especially for the sake of ren- dering tlie first vowel unlike the one immediately fol- lowing, provided it is or originally was a, e. g. ffianj yehbaa from yihbaS, yahBas, !^!rr!'^ yeh(e_)zd from yihzay, yahzay. Pa^ah furtive is inserted between a long, or even in some cases a heightened vowel, and final h ' h e. g. mi ru(a)'h^ yii; yabu(ay, aibs ''"el6(a)h. — The half guttural r does not have so strong a preference for a, yet e. g. i!«"i^] vayyar* occurs together with MN"i'; yir'd anc^ even the fut. apocop. hia^'il "iDjl vayyasar together with veyaser, shortened from ti£3;J yasir. — The stems tertiae v, y and a part of the stems primae n, primae v, y and tertiae ^dle(f manifest a decided preference for the forms with a. §. 54. A half vowel under the gutturals (except r) always becomes sevd compositum so that if the original vowel was a, it is changed to a, if i, to S, if M, to 0. Comp. ■''IN ^ari from ary, nibis ''el6'(a)h from 'ild/h, ■'bn holi' from huly, Vitm sahatu from sa- hafuna. If the half vowel was first inserted in Hebrew as an auxiliary sound to facilitate the pronunciation (as is the case in the transposed radical forms qtal, qtil, qtul = qatl, qitl, qutl), d is chosen; e is only placed after 'dle

'dsuy /actus = 'asuva (§. 31). — The following forms arise through the modification of the first short vowels to i or u: 1) qitdla or qutdla; Heb. according to §. 43*", qetdl mostly qetol; 2) qitila, Heb. qetil and 3) qu- tula, Heb. qetul. Comp. nns ke^d^ liber — kitdba, i^ibx 'el6(a)h Deus = Hldha, ^^aa ge^ir dominus = gibira, ffiiab le^us vestis = lubusa. But after 'Ale9 the half vowel is readily again transformed into the full vowel e, since THE POEM QATIiA. 53 otherwise the syllahle would be hardly audible, comp. "liTN 'e«oV cingulum = Hzara. §. 68. The form qatla, which has arisen according to §. 61, including its modifications qitla and qutla, are used in the formation of the imperative, construct infinitive and future qal, as follows: 1) qutla is the fundamental form of the usual transitives, 2) qitla of a class of the stems primae v, 3) and qatla not only of the intransitives , and the stems mediae and tertiae gutturalis (see,§. 53), but also of the stems tertiae v, y, tertiae ^Ale 'ep lignum, S"! re(a)' amicus, T 2/a5 manus, DB sem nomen) always appear with only two stem -consonants, others (as as 'a^ pater, st. constr. latj 'a^t, riij 'a^ f rater, st. constr. "TTN 'aM) indicate only in some forms traces of a third consonant. It seems however that one must consider these nouns as belonging to a class which already at a very early period lost its third consonant, but not as the remnants of original monosyllabic and bi- con- sonantal roots. Such remnants occur, except in the pronoun, only in the pilpel, where the monosyllabic primary root became a quadriliteral through doubling and as such could also maintain its existence in the later triliteral period of the language (§. 73). §. 73. The forms, which have arisen from the reduplication of the root and which are cognate with the pi"el, are common to the noun as well as the verb. Actual repetition of the entire root in its original mono- syllabic form appears in the pilpel, which in some of the stems med. v and med. gemin. takes the place of the pi"el. Coiftp. bsbs kalkel nutrire, bsbs kil-kel nu- trivit ■= kal-kila, kil-kila, in the passive bsbs kul-kdl . nutriebatur (present secondary root bia), b^bs gal-gdl rota (present root bb:i). Through an abreviation of the root the reduplicated form qatal-tala arose, comp. "nnnno seharhar palpitavit =^ sahar-hara. In the stems med. V, y the still more abbreviated form qatlala stands for the pi"el, e. g. nnija mS^ti interficere and interfecit THE Pl"Et. 57 = mavt-ita, pass. SJaiT rSmdm exaltabatur =^ ravm-ama, pNlO Sa^(ti,)nan quietus = Mn-ana. §, 74. The fundamental form of the pi"el and its cognate nouns qattala (Hebr. qattaV) has probably arisen from qatlala. It occurs unchanged in the infin. constr., imperat. and fut. pi"el of the stems tert. gutt. and tert. V, y, e. g. n^\a salldh mitte = sallah and mittere = Sal- laha, which is --weakened to qattila (Hebr. qattel) in the same yerbal forms in other roots, comp. na^ dab- ber loquere = dabbir and loqui = dahbira. In the perfect of the pi"'el the form is qittala or qittila (Hebr. qittdl, qitfel), the latter of which in nouns indicates abnormal characteristics. Comp. nbia silldh emisit, 'i^'n dibber lo- quebatur = dibbira, "i|!5> 'ivver coecus = 'ivvira. The passive has quttala, comp. n^ffl sulldh mittebatur. — The form qatila, pass, qatala (Hebr. qottl, qdtdV) which takes the place of the pi"el in the stems med. gemin. appears to have arisen through compensative lengthening from qattala, e. g. aaio so^t^ circumdedit and circumdare = sdbiba, aaio sS^d^ circumdabatur and circumdari = sd- baba. — The nominal forms are distinguished here as elsewhere through the lengthening of the second vowel, which in the stat. cstr. is still sometimes short. Thus arises the form qattala, which serves in the pfel as an infin. absol., and which in nouns expresses habitual characteristics, Hebr. qatta'l, in the infin. qatto'l. Comp. asa ganna^ fur, "^iia bdro\ benedicere = barraka. Qit- tala (Hebr. qittol, comp. 'nias gibbo'r heros = gibbdra) appears as a collateral form, from which through com- pensative lengthening instead of the doubling the form qitdla (Hebr. qito'l) arose , comp. lia'^j; qito'r fumvs = qitdra = qittdra. The form quttala is used for the infin. absol. of the passive (Hebr. quttol, comp. aaa gunno^ furto dbstrahi = gunndba). — If the second 58 III- ^HE DOCTBINB OF THE FORMATION OF STEMS. vowel was already weakened to i or m the forms qattila and qattula also qittula arose through lengthening. Comp. pi'na gaddi!q Justus, ^Mn hannu'n misericors, yi)?ia siqqu'f ahominatio. §. 75. The prefixes of the stem-formation ha, hin (no) and hit are common to the noun and verb. The prefix ha has probably arisen from sa (which still appears in the Hebr. d"'"i]5D sanverim coecitas = sa- nvir-i-m, nThv salhd^(e)'i flamma = sa-lhab-ta) and has a causative signification. If it is prefixed to the verbal stem the customary hi9''il forms ha-qtala or ha- qtila arise (§. 61), with the weakening of the vowel of the prefix hi-qtala or hi-qtila, also ha-qtila and hi-qtila according to §. 47 remark, for the passive hu-qtala and hu-qtila. Examples: !i315 harhe' multiplica = ha- rhay, 'n^'~tn hwba multiplicavit = hi-rha[ya], liyit^ has- rmh devasfa = ha-smid, 'T'^:la^I hismth devastavit = hi- smida, biQ3!i hufsal lapsus est = hu-ksala, bs''?! hefoL templum = ha-ykala. ^ The form ha-qtala (§. 7) is rare, as in t^^h^'n hag^ala salvatio = ha-ngdla-ta. Sometimes the prefix ha is changed to 'a, comp. fTi3TN ''azkara commemoratio = ''a-zkdra-ta. Other forms with prefixed 'a or H are probably only of euphonic origin (§. 30) or have arisen from the transposition of the vowel, ^ comp. ya^N 'arha' quatuor = rba'a, saJtN 'efba' digitus = H-fba'a, gab' a, SilTN 'ezro^aj — Hzra' = zird'a. §. 76. The prefix na, which is employed for the ni9'al, appears when the following consonant retains its vowel in the form hin, whose n is always assimil- ' *The Assyriologista consider this not as an original Sem- itic, but as an Accadian word which signifies great house. It has however certainly been hebraized. THE PREFIX MA. 59 ated; thus arise the stems na-qtala, ni-qtala, together with hin-qatala, Mn-qatila, in the injin. ahsol. also Mn- qatdla. Comp. y"i?,5 na'(a)rag timendus = na'raga, '^'\'2'3 m^rd% benedictus est =■ nibraha, nwsji him/nmidh wngi = Jiin-maiaha, dnsfi hinndhem misereri = hin-nahima, 'jiiSti hmno^on dari = hin-natana. §. 77. The prefix Ut (Hebr. 7w>), which has a reflexive signification, and is perhaps etymologically related to the particle ns, scarcely ever occurs in Hebrew except before the pi"el and its cognate verbal forms. Comp. aananfi M'imahme(a)h cimctatus est =■ hit-mah-mih, "OWt] hi'inakker se dissimulare = Mt-nakkira. The prefix ta before nominal forms appears to have had another origin (§. 79). §. 78. The prefix ma only belongs to the nominal formation. It has an indefinite signification and is identical with the affix of the vocable formation which has the same sound. Before the simple stem it com- monly indicates the action, the place or the instrument. Thus arise the forms ma-qtala, ma-qtila, ma-qtula; mi-qtala, mi-qtila, ma-qtdla, mi-qtdla, ma-qtula. Comp. IJ^na mahmah desiderivm, = ma-hmada, nai?: mihbar de- sertum = mi-dbara, Ttst'o migbe(a)h ara = mi-zbiha, bib373 m,vflol perfectio = mi-klala, towba malbus vestis = malbusa. — The same prefix ma before the steni which has been doubled or increased through ha, hit (pi"el, pa"el, pilpel, hitp'il, hi^pa^'el and their passives) serves to indicate the participle, but is then weakened to mu, which in Hebrew is volatilized to me. After it the h of ha or hit is elided. Comp. na^M mehabber loquens = mu-dabbira, 'Tj'ibn me^dra^ benedictus = mu- burraka, nnitta mmd^e^ interficiens = mu-mavt-ita, Di'inja mah(d)ri'm anathematizans = me-ha-hri'm, pass. 60 HI- THE bOCTEINE OF THE PORHATION OF STEMS. d'ntiM moli(o)ra'm = me-ho-hram =^ mu-hu-hrama , ^\Z^''^ mi^-yalleh registro inscriptus = me-hi'i-yalUh = mu-hit- vallida, ajal-jJjna mftsmahme(a)h cunctans = me-hi'^-mah- meh = mti-hit-mah-miha. §. 79. Probably ya and ta sbould be regarded as petrified prefixes of tbe vocable formation, wbich usually only occur before tbe future to indicate the third person masc. and fem., but which have in some cases maintained their existence as nominal prefixes from a period when as yet there was no sharp dis- tinction between the noun and verb. * The last vowel is not unfrequently lengthened, as in Arabic, for the sake of distinguishing these forms from those of the future, comp. init'; yighar oleum = ya-ghara , aipb^ yal- qut pera, IfTiri tihhar abies = ta-dhara, b>i535n tw^mu'l retributio, from the hicp^il iriin toba laudatio =^ te-ha- vdaya-t. §. 80. All the apparent affixes of the stems are merely petrified forms of the vocable formation. The indefinite ma, which usually becomes na, and before which the final vowel of the stem either falls away, remains, or is lengthened should be reckoned first of all under this class. Comp. abD sullam scala =^ sulla-m, tjiins pihyo'm solutio collateral of 'ji'^'TS pihyon = pidya- via, 'jaiij qorban sacrificium = qurba-na, 'jinni yi^ro'n usus = yatrd-na, '[553 Mna(a)n = kna'-n. In correspon- dence with its origin this affix stands after the feminine ending (e. g. ']rp^h Uvya'^an = livya-ta-na) and falls away at the end of proper names, since these as such ' *For a thorougli discussion of this subject see "Diet- rich's Abhandlungen zur hebraischen Grammatik", Leipzig 1846, S. 121-173. EOEMATION 01? PATKONYMCS. 61 have a definite signification, comp. Tk'^iD Mid', lA'^ia silont'. 1 §. 81. The ending ayya, iyya which has arisen from the genitive of the plural (§. 90) serves in the formation of patronymics, gentiles, and other adjectives denoting a property. By appending the feminine affix t the ending iyya receives an abstract signification. The related ending aya, ay perhaps belong to the genitive sing. (§. 88). Comp. 151B sadday omnipotens = sadda-y-[ya], i^ay 'i^ri', properly luv 'E^paiov, plur. d"'^'n5y 'i^riyytm = 'ibri-y-y-i'-m, n^ffls'i re«f^ princi- J. pium = rHs-i-t; M^as 'ma == Hssa-[yaJ, properly to tou Tcupoi;. — Many abstracts are also formed by means of the ending uvva, which has arisen from the nominative plur. and to which the feminine affix is united. Comp. nisbM malcYu-^ regnum = mala-ku-v-v-t , plur. ni'sbja maleYwyyo"^ = malaku-v-v-dt ; the derivation of this form from the dissyllabic stem indicates that it is properly a plural, comp. §. 70. ' The combination of the affix n with the nunnation and of he affix i with the gen. plur. has already been made by Tegner, "De nunnatione arabica", Lund 1865. IV. DOCTRINE OF THE FORMATION OF WORDS. 1. PEONOMIFAL IKPLECTION. §. 82. The personal pronoun is in Hebrew. 1. sing. ■"DiN ''ano^i' (in pausa ''anoft) or i5N 'awt (in p. -laN 'am)? 1. plur. ^injN ''andJinu (in p. i:n3N 'anahnu), rarely I3n3 ndhnu, once 13n ^anu', 2. sing. mas. nni? or ns 'atta (p. iinN 'atta), 2. sing. fern, ns 'att (p. riN 'att), rarely TIN 'atti, 2. plur. mas. qfin ''attem, 2. plur. fern. 'jriN 'ai^ew and inans 'atfena (or their variations 'jfin, nans and ^iSFiN), 3. sing. mas. Nin M', 3. sing. fern. Nin M\ 3. plur. mas. art or riMrt ^m, hemma, 3. plur. fem. risn henna. Several deviating forms have been retained as suffixes and verbal endings, especially y = ya in the 1. sing, and v = va in the 3. sing, mas., hd for the 3. sing, fem., k instead of t through all the forms of the second person, conversely t for k in the 1. sing., finally tu for the 2. plur., and mo for the 3. plur. mas. In the Pentateuch nw takes the place of Ni?7 with only eleven exceptions. ^ ' These very difficult forms are perhaps to be understood as follows: M' (comp. Arab, huva and the va in suffixes and the FOKMATION OF THE DEMONSTRATIVE. Q3 §. 83. The demonstrative is formed from the stem ea (orig. da) and has in the masculine !^J zd = za, which in the feminine through the addition of the feminine ending ta becomes nisr 2^0^ (rarely nr, it z6). The form it zu, which has been increased through the nominative ending, is used as common to both genders. Compounded, rare collateral forms are rtTbri hallazd (masc), iiTtn hallezu (once, with a fem.) and T^n hal- laz (comm.).^ The plural is always nVx ''ella^ in the Pentateuch also with the article bN!^ ha!el. The article elements of the vocable formation) is compounded of two stems ha and va. Only in this way does it seem possible to explain the Ethiopio form (Dillmann §. 65) and the suffix ha for the 3. sing. fem. The original common form was divided at a later period according to the gender, since the collateral form ya was used for the feminine so that a new pronoun was formed out of ha-ya, hi-ya, hV. The plural added the indefinite pronominal root ma to the singular, the double repetition of which indicated the plural, compare especially the Phoenician suffix of the 3. plur. &3. (See Schroder, "Die phonizische Sprache", Halle 1869, §. 57.) hu-m-ma or M-m-ma must then (§. 38) become Mm/ma (Hebr. ac- cording to §. 42 hemma). The discrimination of the gender through w or w is merely the employment of a collateral form for the sake of expressing a logical distinction. The true root of the 2. person is certainly ta, to which an is prefixed. The fem. was formed still later by the annexation of hi' after this had become a mark of the feminine gender. The plural was probably designated through the annexation of the affixes va {ya) = u (i) and ma, and here also at a later period by means of m or n an artificial distinction in gender was established. — In the 1. person an seems likewise to be a prefix. The plural is formed in a similar manner, as in the 2. and 3. person. In the suffixes and personal endings the t of the second and the h of the first person are often interchanged. ^ * Compare Fleischer's explanation of these pronominal forms in the " Sitzungsberichte der sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften", 1874, S. 143. g4 !■ PBONOMINAL INFLECTION. ha (orig. hal) is evidently cognate with ''Hid; its I is always assimilated to the following consonant, hence its vowel before gutturals is subject to the vocal laws contained in §. 28, 29. After the prepositions he, le, ke, h of the article is elided, see §. 35. §. 84. The relative is generally -iias 'aseV, some- times se or sa with the. doubling of the following con- sonant. — The interrogative and indefinite ^ is for things Tfa ma, for persons V2 mi (originally a gen- itive). The first form appears in pausa as ma, and likewise before gutturals, but before ha, ha, 'a it becomes md (§. 29). Sometimes it loses its accent and is written ma with a real or virtual (§. 28) doubling of the following consonant; when united with pre- positions both md and md occur, but Idmd is found only thrice 1 Sam. i, 8. , 3. DECLENSION. §, 85. Declension is accomplished in Hebrew through the annexation of three affixes, namely of the feminine affix ta, the nominative affix va, which was wanting in the accusative and became ya in the gen- itive, and of the indefinite ma, which corresponds to our indefinite article. The plural is indicated through the doubling of one of these affixes *, yet doubled ma 1 *According to Fleischer in the passage mentioned above the indefinite signification is earlier than the interrogative, S. 149. ^ Just the same kind of formation is found in the Indo- Germanic. Comp. in Sanskrit the nom. sing, devas = daiva-sa, deus hie, nom. plur. deeds, for which the Vedic still has devdsas = daiva-sa-sa, deus hie hie. THE PUEB STEM OF THE NOtW. g5 never occurs in Hebrew, except in the pronominal in- flection. These suffixes , as well as the final sound of the stem which precedes them, can lose the vowel. When this happens v and y are changed into their corres- ponding vowels u, i. In the explanation of the Hebrew forms it should always be remembered, that short final vowels fall away (§. 37), but are protected through the annexation of suffixes; further that the case-endings as such, with the exception of the local accusative, are no longer to be discriminated; and finally that the de- finite form, without ma, now only stands in the stat. constr. and before suffixes. §. 86. The definite masc. accus. sing, therefore represents in the noun, just as the perfect represents in the verb, the pure stem without any ending, e. g. susa equum. The indefinite form joins on its own affix which even at an early period had become vowelless: susa-m equum aliquem. Both forms must become in Hebrew 010 sus (§. 37). Nevertheless many remnants of the old ending have here been retained. Before most of the personal suffixes the final a of the stem remains, comp. ioio suso' equus ejus = susa-hu. The ending a, which of course is heightened, is retained to quite an extent to indicate the direction whither; sometimes also the place where. It is unaccented and effects no vowel changes. Comp. ptoten iTiaia mihbdra Damma- s(e)q in desertum Damasci, 'nl2'^ yamma in mare = yam- ma, ijOii nn'^i! Mlsa Jdse(f in domum Josephi. Our punc- tuation strangely enough almost always retains the en- tirely unnecessary auxiliary vowels, which have also entered according to §. 52 before the accusative en- dings, changing them into half vowels. Thus arise im- possible forms with the tone upon the antepenult^ as Gen. xix, 10 in pausa tin?^!^ Jiabbaye^d domum, which BiCKELL's Outlines. 5 gg 2. DECLENSION. ought more correctly to be written Mn^rt hahhayta = halbayta.^ After a false analogy this ending is also joined to a plural, e. g. in tiM'^'ni^s kasdima ad Chal- daeos. The indefinite accusative ending a-m appears partly unchanged (Hebr. am) partly lengthened to d-m (Hebr. o-m), e. g. in tsaii yomam mterdiu, Dsn hmnam gratis = yavma-m, hinna-m, diiubffl UUo'm nudiw-tertim = siUd-m. Comp. §. 80. §. 87. The nominative ending u usually crowds out the preceding final a of the stem, and must then itself fall away in Hebrew. Thus sus[a]-u equus as well as the indefinite form sus[a]-u-m equus aliquis must become d^d sus. In some examples of the stat. cstr. the a has perhaps been retained and has been blended with m to a diphthong, which must then remain in Hebrew; yet the 6 in these examples is possibly an error in the punctuation for u. Comp. iS'^sa ma'yen6' fons z=i ma-'yana-u. These forms probably belong ex- clusively to the language of the Pentateuch, comp. in'^n hayfiso Gen. i, 24, "iSn bend Num. xxiv, 3, 15. The first example is repeated several times in later books as a citation. Ps. cxiv, 8 is to be explained in the same way. — Before the pronominal suffixes no nominal ending can be proved with certainty. §. 88. The genitive ending i, which has arisen from the nominative ending, likewise occasions the fal- ling away of final a. Hence it must disappear in Hebrew not only in the definite form 3us[a]-i, equi, but also in the indefinite sm[a]-i-m equi alicujus, so that only ow ' * The author here considers the consonant with Seva mobile as a real syllable, but this view is not sustained by the Jewish grammarians. FORMATION OP THE PLURAL. 67 SMS remains. Still the ending has heen retained in many cases before suffixes, comp. -^sd^d suse-nu equus noster = sus-i-nii. Moreover it is seyeral times length- ened to i in Stat, cstr., comp. isstri i^T^ 'oze'^i' hag- fS'n, desertor gregis =■ 'azib-i.^ §. 89. The plural, since it is indicated through the doubling of an affix, could not be formed from the accusative, which consisted merely of the stem. The nominative plural was originally susa-va-va, and still exists in the abstract form, mentioned in §. 81, almost unchanged, since there only, as is commonly the case, the vowel standing between the two identical consonants is elided. After the affixes had lost their vowel, u-u became M before which the final sound of the stem disappeared (except once Ps. cxvi, 12 inibiajri tajmuloM benefida ejus = ta-gmula-u-hu). This ending however now exists only in the verb, since the noun uses only the genitive ending. — The indefinite nomin. plur. su-s[a]-u-u-ma, the last vowel of which must remain in primitive Se- mitic (§. 37), has only been retained at times in the verb, and with the transformation of the m into n, comp. i33^N3'ir; tehakkfu-ndnt conculcabitis me = tu-dak- ki''-u-u-ma-ni, 'jlS'i'' yahfun noverunt =^ nada'-u-u-ma. §. 90. The plural of the Hebrew noun is now ex- clusively formed through the doubling of the genitive ending. The original form of this plural was susa-ya- ya, which still appears almost completely in the ad- jective formation mentioned in §. 81. As a rule however both genitive affixes lose their vowel and then blend with i or y, which form a diphthong with the pre- ' *With reference to this Hireq compaginis comp. Delitzsch's introduction to Ps. cxiii. 5* g8 2. DECLENSION. ceding vowel (Hebr. ay, e, a). The regular form is e, while ay and a only occur before some suffixes. Thus we obtain the forms "'D'lD sust equi =^ susa-y, ^aD^iD equi nostri suse'nu = susa-y-nu, in'^DlD susaha equi ejus = su- say-ha, iDiD susdy equi mei ^= susa-y [y a]. — In the def- inite form there is no external distinction between the dual and plural. §. 91. The indefinite form assumes the suffix ma, which in primitiye Semitic must retain its final vowel (§. 37) to hinder the shortening of the long vowel, and the identity thus arising between the sin- gular and plural. The older formation which corres- ponds to the definite form has maintained itself by the insertion of an auxiliary vowel (§. 52) with the signification of the dual, comp. D'^O^D 8usd-y(i)m equi duo = susa-y-ma, moreover in two plurals d'^Ji may(i)m " aquae and 'ay2\0'samdy(i)m coeli ^ sam[ay]a-y-ma. But in the usual indefinite plural form final a of the stem is crowded out by the following i; thus arises d''Dno sust'm equi aliqui = sus[a]-i-i-ma. Sometimes n occurs instead of m, as in the verb, e. g. 'ji'7a midd-in vestes. §. 92. The feminine affix is to, or abbreviated t (as in the verb), which was followed in the nom. and gen. by the affixes u, i and in the indefinite form by M». But according to the Hebrew law of final sound everything after t must fall away, with a few ex- ceptions, e. g. ace. inn'iW 'ezraHa auxilium ='izra-ta, '\^Vk %-2/a^«»» = liv-ya-ta-m, nomin. in'jri haye^d' vita = Tiayya-ta-u, gen. inaT rabha'ii domina = rah- ba-t-i- (except, of course, before suffixes, as inMD su- sa^o' equa ejus = susa-ta-hu, ^snaio susa'^enu equa nostra = susa-t-i-nu) , so that every distinction between the different casus and status disappeared. A double FEMININE FOEMATION. 69 feminine ibrm howeyer arose in Hebrew according as the final vowel of the stem preceding the affix ta was elided (§. 61) or not. In the latter case the form no^iD susa'ls equa == susa-ta arose, which remains in the st. constr. and before suffixes. But in the stat. absol. since the t is not protected by a close connection with some- ^ thing following it is lost, and then the preceding a is heightened (§. 42), comp. now SMsa equa aliqua = su- sa[ta-mj. If the final rowel of the stem fell away before ta, after * had become the last letter of the word according to the Hebrew laws of final sound, it was necessary that the auxiliary vowel e sliould be in- serted and the preceding syllable heightened. But if the last consonant of the stem was a guttural, a was accepted as an auxiliary vowel and the preceding a remained unheightened (see the segolate forms §.52). This manner of formation is especially frequent vnth participles and infinitives; it is impossible with stems which have no vowel before the final consonant. Comp. n^niJa m6bd'(aJi1S' cognatio = ma-vda'-ta, li^qip qdtdl(e)'iS interficiens = qatal-ta; nio^an hames(e)'i quinque = ha- mis-ta, riVsh^ gul-gol(e)'^ cranium = gul-gul-ta. A long vowel in the last syllable of the stem must naturally be shortened (§. 38), but an i or m thus shortened was again heightened in Hebrew. Comp. nliia sah(ay^ fovea = sah-ta = sah-ta = savah-ta, from tt3''J« 'is, stat. cstr. fem. riBtj 'es(e)^ =^ ''is-ta = Hs-ta = Hns-ta, from lUJins nahus dual. fem. D'^niDfii nehustay(i)m = nahus- ta-y-ma, but singular nffins aes nehds(e)'^ = nahus-ta. Of course no auxiliary vowel is allowable, if the pre- ceding consonant was either assimilated to the t, or was an'aZe9, or if on account of Hebrew vocal laws it had already been vocalized in the masculine. Comp. Tym ''ema'^ Veritas = 'amat-ta = ^aman-ta, before suffixes iPiKN 'amitto = 'aman-ta-hu; riNian hattd'j^ peccatum = 70 2. DECLENSION. hatta'-ta; rr^laiB s|Pt-^ eaptivitas, from mase. ■'aiB ie^i = «a%. — The shorter feminine formation remains just the same in the stat. cstr. and abs., but is some- times appropriated by the stat. cstr., when the stat. abs. follows the longer form, comp. fibSN 'ox,|/a C^^5^) and nbSN ''6fal(e)'^. It still usually retains in the pre- ceding syllable the original a, although it has become i in the masculine, e. g. Vaip qotel = qdtila fem. nbaip q6tal(ey^ = qdtal-ta. §. 93. The plural of the feminine was probably formed through a repetition of the feminine affix, whereby the first t was elided even at an early period.* The status and casus endings, which afterwards fol- lowed, fell away together according to the Hebrew law of final sound, so that only one form remained in use for the stat. abs. and cstr., namely niow sus-6'^ = susdt = susd-ft]a-ta or susa-[tja-ta-m. A special ending for the indefinite form has only been retained in the verb (in the Aramaic it has also been retained in the noun, e. g. irn, the stat. absol. plur. from Njin animal) since here also the second t was elided and only the indefinite m, which was changed to n remained. — Before suffixes the plural endings of the masculine are superadded after the feminine plural ending (comp. (rjio^D and ^iniDio) according to a false analogy, peculiar to the Hebrew. §. 94. In order to designate the feminine dual, a collateral form was chosen, which indicated the plural through the repetition of the affix of the case, an^ 1 In Aramaic an elision of the fem. t between vowels in the plural of the stat. absol. can be proved. Comp. Chald. n3b?3 malkdt reginae = matka[t]ata, but I3ba maVcan reginae aliquae = maTkatan = malka-ta-ta-ma. THE STATUS ABSOLUT0S AND CONSTBUCTUS. 71 not the affix of the gender which was placed only once. Thus arise the forms ■^noio ^ susfii equae duae = aH- sa-ta-i-i, before suffixes ^sinOTO susaHenu equae nostrae = susa-ta-i-i-nu , in the indefinite form with the annex- ation of the status-affixes d'^nDiia 8usa'idy(i)m equae duae aliquae = sAsa-ta-y-ma. §. 95. The above survey shows, that while the Hebrew has retained the distinction between the genders throughout from the old Semitic declension, it has ceased almost completely to distinguish the cases, and has maintained the distinction between the stat. absol. and cstr. only in the plural of the masculine and in the dual, while in the singular of the feminine it has produced a new form. Yet a few words still occur, which in the masc. sing, have retained the primitive dis- tinction between the stat. absol. and cstr., since their definite form in primitive Semitic, ended through con- traction, in a long vowel, which was shortened before the characteristic m of the indefinite form according to §. 38; hence while the final syllable of the st. absol. was subject to the Hebrew laws of final sound, that of the Stat, cstr, was excepted. Comp. •'ii* 'a^i pater, originally ^abi, but stat. absol. as 'a^ = 'a6 = ^abim = ^abi-m (^abi-ma). In like manner inN f rater ''ahi, stat. absol. Tin ''ah; lan socer hami, stat. absol. dfi Jmn: "iB pi OS., stat. absol. T^ pa, originally pa-m. — Another distinction is this, that the nominal stems which end in ay have a in the stat. absol. , and i in the stat. cstr. e. g. ntin Twza propheta, originally hdza[ya-mj, stat. constr. ntin Mze, the original form of which is prob- ably a genitive hdzafyji, where the short final vowel, on account of the close connection of the governing > *This form however does not occur. 72 2. DECLENSION. with tte following word in the stat. cstr. has been retained, and blended with the preceding vowel. In Ethiopic also the short vowel of the stat. cstr. com- monly remains. 1 §. 96. All other distinctions between the stat. ahs. and stat. cstr. depend only upon the later Hebrew vocal laws. While the first open syllable before the tone in the stat. absol. is heightened according - to a universal rule (§. 42, 43), and only the second syllable before the tone is volatilized, the first open syllable before the tone in the stat. cstr. must be volatilized, since it has merely a secondary accent, but the second retains, its short vowel in order that two half vowels may not immediately follow one another.^ (Exceptions are very rare , e. g. ■'ti?aia semehe' laetantes = samihay together with the regular form ''naia simf^e, niTN ''ezor cingulum=Sg!dra.) In other cases the a of an accented closed syllable in the stat. cstr. is never heightened , although this height- ening generally occurs in the stat. abs.^, e. g. DS 'am populus, stat. cstr. dy 'am. All the vowel changes of the Hebrew declension can be explained by means of these two rules. Comp. dsn lia-fam sapiens, primitive form liakama-m, stat. cstr. osn Tiajam, fern, na^n liw^ama, stat. cstr. nasn ha-^ma^, plur. DiJWn ha^mi'm, stat. cstr. lasn haieme , plur. fem. ni?3an }iajam6"^, stat. cstr. ' *See Dillmann, " Grammatik ", §. 144 a. " The volatilization of the pretonio syllable even in the st, dbs. is peculiar to the fem. form, which rejects final a of the stem before t, e. g. ro'b'12 m^lcti(eP (collateral form of nsVo). ' *The noun W yam, which commonly retains its a in the stat. cstr. with, as well as without, following maqqe9, is an ex- ception. See Luzzatto, "Grammatica della Lingua Ebraioa", Pa- dova 1853, §. 870. VOLATILIZATION IN AN OPEN PEETONIC SYLLABLE. 73 niTsiri hafem6^'is, dual D''.?23ri ha'famay(i)m, atat. cstr. ■'73311 hajhnS' ^ dual fern, fi'^naan Tia-^mcS^ay^iym , stat. cstr. inasn haiamelse .^ One can easily decline every other theme after the model, provided he ohserves the following particulars. §. 97. According to §. 46, when a would neces- sarily remain short in an open syllahle on account of a following half vowel, it is frequently modified to i, e. g, I'lS'!! di-^e-re = da-ba-ray; likewise in a closed, un- accented syllable, comp. inat zi'^M' sacrificivm, ejm = zabha-hu. In both cases u almost always becomes o, comp. iffl'nj? qo-he-se' sanctuana = qu-da-sa-y, iiBTp qoh-s& sanctuarium ejus = qudsa-hu. On the contrary i (even the i which has arisen from o) is more rarely modified to e; most commonly only with a preceding guttural, possibly also with a following labial. Comp. ibay 'e- ■^e-le vituli = 'igala-y, ibaS 'er^lo' vitulus ejm = 'igla-hu, "hyn he^ele uSivsj = hibalay, collateral with 'i'z^'n ha- ggle' vincula. §. 98. In an open pretonic syllable w is always heightened, i is very frequently not heightened, but volat- ilized, especially before and after long vowels, which through their ascendency readily suppress an originally short vowel. For this reason and on account of their half verbal character this volatilization occurs mostly in participles and infinitives as well as in the form qittila. Comp. rt-jB pera!^ = pv/rdt^i an3 hSia^ = kitdba, D"'baip qoteli'm mterfidentes = qdtilim, d'^'isia md'dhim congre- gationes = ma-v'id-im. ^ * Nevertheless both forms of the stat. cstr. dual are hypo- thetical. 74 2. DECLENSION. §. 99. An exchange of stems (metaplasm) occurs especially in the following cases. 1) The monosyllabic nominal forms qatl[a], qitl[a], qutl[a], always form their plural (not their dual) from the dissyllabic stems qatal[a], qital[a], qutal[a]. Comp. '^jbJj mdl(ey^ rex = malka, i3b?3 malko rex ejus = mal-ka-hu, but plur. Qisba meldfim = malak-im, st. cstr. •'sba mal§^e = ma- lakay. 2) The transposition of qatla, qitid, qutla to qtala, qtila, qtula sometimes takes place in the noun, regularly in the infinitive when no complete vowel follows, comp. asiu s(e)ia^ jacere = skaba = mkba, ibia s(e)mor custodire = smura, mmra, 'r^yzto s(e)moreya = smura-ka, but inUTD som(§)r6' = sumra-hu (with an in- serted inorganic half vowel, see §. 49), moreover in stems med. 'aletfi with i, e. g. nxa bQyer fons = Vira = Wra, plur. stat. cstr. either . ni-ixa bQfero^ = Vir-at or according to the original position ninsjtg be''er6'i = bVar-ai. 3) The form qatila sometimes assumes in stat. cs^r. the form qatla, or transposed qtala, Comp. C]r]3 ka'^tdf wmerus = katipa, stat. cstr. tpz kd'j^(e)(f = katpa, ■ji?! zaqen senex = zaqina, stat. cstr. \^\ zeqan = zqana, zaqna. 4) The form qattala dispenses with its leng- thening, which probably first entered subsequently, in the stat. cstr. the masc. sing, and fem. plur., usually too before suffixes of the feminine plural, comp. lans pdrds eques = parrdsa , stat. cstr. la'nQ par as = par rasa. §. 100. The last consonant of the stem sometimes undergoes euphonic doubling, most frequently, in the form qatula, to render the preceding vowel unchange- able (§. 41). Comp. tii373T zeman-ni'm tempora — ZTnanim, D"'bas gemallim cameli = gamal-wi, d'^bUiDM mismannim fortes = ma-sman-im , pay 'amoq proftmdus = 'amuqa, fem. n;?a» 'amuqqc ='amuqa-t, stat. cstr. ngay 'amuqqa'^. — A similar euphonic doubling of the THE ENDINGS lYYA AND TryTA. 75 second radical consonant occurs less .frequently; it is almost exclusiyely confined to the stat. ahs. Comp. ibn Hasa/r proMbitio = Hsdra , )^^^'■v^ Tiizzayo'n visio = hizaydn, stat. cstr. li-'m hezeyd'n. §. 101. Final ay (Hebr. a, stat. cstr. ' e) of the stem almost always falls away before the endings of the feminine the plural and the suffixes. Comp. njin hozd propheta =: hdzafya-mj, stat. est. !ijin Mze' := hd- zafyji, comp. §. 95, fem. MTin Mza, stat. cstr. njin hozd'is :=^ hdeaya-t.) plur. D'^tin hozim =:ihdzay-tm, stat. cstr. irin hozS" =hazay-ay,. plur. fem. nirin h6zd"i: =^ Mzay-dt, Tjn"n Tiozefa propheta tuus = hdz[ayja-ka, :i!in'n hozehu propheta ejus = hdz[ayj-i-hu. Still single forms also occur before suffixes, in which the ay has been retained, e. g. ^''^'pn miqndfa possessio tua = maqnay-ka, Dfi"'N'iM mar^Shem aspectus eorum = ma-r''ay-himi. ^ In the feminine of the infinitiTe the vowel which precedes the elided y blends with the following, comp. niN"i m- dere rQydls = r''aya-t, nrtfri hah(a)yd"^ servare = ha-hyaya-t. » §. 102. The endings iyya and uyya (from uvva), although originally themselves plural forms, receive the endings of the gender and number in the usual manner; only the plural has contracted im from -iyy- im and in the sing, iyy always becomes i and uvv becomes m; the connection of the ending of the fem. sing, with the former is frequently and with the latter is always immediate. Comp. inss* 'i^ri hebraeus = 'ibriyy, fem. ni'ias 'i'^ri"^ or rtj'nli^ 'if,riyya = 'ibriyya-t, plur. di^'ias, contracted B'^nas? 'i^ri'm'= 'ibriyy-im, fem. ' *It should however be remarked the y65 of such forms- may in many cases (e. g. Dan. i, 5) indicate the plural. 76 2. DECLENSION. ni'n^y H^riyyo"^ = 'ibriyy-dt, m^hJi regnum maleiu-^ from nsba maUfu = malahuvvfa],. plur. ni'sba male- ■/uyyo'^, comp. §. 81. §. 103. The suffixes appended to the noun which indicate the genitive of the personal pronoun are only- shortened forms of these same pronouns. In their for- mation they differ very slightly from those appended to the verb. They are: 1. sing. * or y; 2. sing. masc. ka; 2. sing. fern, k; 3. sing, masc, -hu, -v; 3. sing. fem. M, h; 1. plur. -nu; 2. plur. masc. kem; 2. plur. fem. km; 3. plur.; masc. hem, m, poet, mo; 3. plur. fem. Mn, n. The old final vowel has heen retained hefore them (§. 37), hence the monosyllabic stems appear in their original form. This final vowel is either a (Hebr. a, a, e) or i (Hebr. e) and has the tone, except when it is volatilized, or absorbed by the vowel of the suffix. If the final vowel had already become long in primitive Semitic by fusion vrith the preceding vowel, the suffixes are naturally joined directly to this long vowel; but a vocalization of the final consonant, which first entered according to Hebrew vocal laws , is ignored by the far older forms of the suffixes. Comp. the suffix-form ^iSiS) pi'-nu from the petrified genitive form IS OS pi; but I3."'."is piryenu = pary-i-nu, not perinu from I'lS peri fructus = pary. Nevertheless dSi"iB pe- n-jem also occurs before Mm, Mm. In the plural and dual of both genders the suffixes are always joined to the masculine plural ending ay (Hebr. ay, a, e) so that the feminine has a double plural ending before the suffixes. §. 104. The nouns with suffixes appear in the following form: 1. sing, iq^io sus-i equus mem, ■'3 pi os meum = pi-y[_a], in the fem. inoia susS^i — susa-t-i, in CHANGES BEFORE THE SUFFIXES. 77 the plur. and dual masc. iQ^ts S'&sdy = susa-y-y[a], comp. §. 34, 3, in the fem. plur ini&io suso'^dy = sus-dt-ay- y[a], in the fem. dual ino^io susaUdy = susa-ta-y-y[aj; 1. plur. ws pi'nu, MWa ausenu = sus-i-nu, in the fem. wno^io susa'ienu = susa-t-i-nu, in the dual and plural iiroiD suse'nu = susa-y-nu, in the fem. plur. flSinio^O suso'iSe'.n'& = susdt-ay-nu, in the fem. dual liino^iD susa- 'ienu =,'s'&s'a-rta-y-nu; 2. masc. sing, f^is p^-y^a, !;|piD aitsefa (in pausa ijOiD susafo) = susa-ka, in the plural T|"'d!iD SMsa}(^a = susa-y-ka, 2. fem. sing, "tjib pi/, "rjiDio suse^ = s48-i-k, in the plur. 'tj';D!iD 8usdy(i)x = s'&sa-y-h; 2. masc. plur. di'^s pi-fim, dSOlo suse-^em = susa-kvmi, with a full final vowel only ftSteS 'vmmm-^im vobiscum, in the plural ddiDno suaejim = sma-y-kwm,', 2. fem. plur. ■jiiB pv^in, I^D^d suse-fjn, in the plur. 'j3''D^& susefjn; 3. masc. sing, niris pt'Aw or t^s piv = pi-v[aj^ id^D sm«o' = susa-hu (jloetically with the genitive ending ijidid su- sehu = sus-i-hu) in the poetical form of the plural ^in'^did suse'hu = susa-y-hu, commonly vo^o, also written id^id, to be pronounced according to the punctation su- sav, certainly from susay-hu; 3. fem. sing. S71S pt'-hd, rtd^d susdhd = susa-hd, commonly apocopated -RDid sm- sa-Aj in the plur. iiid^d susd-hd = sum-y-Jid; 3. masc. plur. d!n''3 pi-Mm, ddld susam = su-sa-m ^= susa-hem = 8usa-hwm, poetically also i5Dd^d susa-mo, in the plur. dln'^d/id suseMm = susa-y-hum, poetically iaidid suse'mo = suse-hemo; 3. plur. fem. iJiiB pi-hen, '[d^id su-san = susa-hun, in the plur. 'jii'^d^id suse-hen = susa-y-hun. §. 105. The vowels before the suffixes are changed entirely according to universal vocal laws. The pre- tonic syllable should be heightened. The syllables at a greater distance from the tone should be volatilized, and open syllables which stand before a half vowel 78 2. DECLENSION. should retain their short vowel. Only the suffix ka forms an exception to the latter rule, before which a is heightened in the antepenult, comp. ^"lii'i depa- •re^a = dabara-ka together with fis'na'n de^arefem = da- harakum, but regularly ^a';iN ''oyi^efa = ^dyibaka from 3iiN 'oi/eP hostis = ''dyiha, 'rjaiB simeja = iima-ka from DID ^em nomen = ima, '^I'liti"' y^9^i'§JP' plasmator tuus =: ydgira-ka, SjaniN ''oha^efa amator tuus = ''dhiba-ka (by reason of the guttural), ^btjj? qetole-^a = qtula-ka from bbj? ^Ifo^ = g'iwte ^= gwfZa. — Volatilization of the pre- tonic syllable often occurs with i, especially in parti- ciples, comp. i?p\a nomen m&wm semi = simi from b'a sem = sm, "'bpip qoteli = qatil-i from Vaip g'oieZ = ga- tila, I'lS'ia md'dhi congregatio mea = ma-v'id-i from T^ia mots. On the contrary ^ is very rarely height- hened in the antepenult of the form qatila e. g. "^nii:^!! hdgero'^dy atria mea together with iniiitn nagero^dy = hagirdt-ay[ya] . §. 106. The stems which end in ay lose this ter- mination not only before all endings, but also before suffixes. . Comp. irrin hozd propheta = hdza[ya-m], stat. cstr. rtTin Mze = lidza[y]i, with suffixes iTin hozi' = liaz[ay]-i, i^n'n hdze-fa = hdz[ay]a-ka, 'rtTin ^o««X ^^ h^~ z[ay]-i-k, ^liiTin hozehu = hdz[ay]-i-hu, STin hozah = hdz[ay]a-h, nSTin ^oamw = hdz[ay]-i-n'u,, bSTin Mzef^im =■ hdz[ay]a-kum, djin Tidzam = hdz [ay] a-hum. Yet the unabbreviated forms sometimes also occur, which then naturally exhibit the same vocal phenomena as the plurals with suffixes, most frequently before kern, hem, e. g. bS'^Tin hdze-yem = hazay-kum.^ 13^"'.'.'^'^ hozehem = hdzay-hvm. The feminine has nn'n Mza = Mz[ay]a-t, Stat. cstr. ntin A&a^, with suffixes ■'nj'ir: A&a'i'i', sjnjin Mza^efo. = haz[ay]a-t-i, hdz [ay] a-ta^ka etc., plural fi'^Tin hozi'm = hdz[ay]-im, stat. cstr. in"n ^os^e' = Aa^- UNTJStTAL FORMS OF DECLENSION. 79 [ay]a-y, with suffixes nin ho-zay = M,z[ay]a-y-[ya], ^ijin Mzdfa = haz[ay]a-y-ka etc., fern. plur. nitin M- z6"i = hdz[ay]-dt, with suffixes inirin MzSidy = ha- z[ay]-ata-y-[ya] , 'fjinirin Mzo'idyia = l},a-z[ay]-ata- y-ha etc. §. 107. We present here together for the sake of clearness several unusual forms of declension which have already been partially touched upon. The mono- syllabic stem fflsn roS caput = ra'sa has in the plural D'^'iCN'i rdsi'm = ra'asim, while the similarly formed stems "jNit pore pectis = ga'na and nsa cistema bo'r = ba'ra are unchangeable. In like manner iiy urbs 'ir = ^iyra has in the plural d'l'iS 'ari'm = 'dydrim, stat. cstr. ins 'are, b'jh hay(i)l virtus = hayla in the plural b^b^rr hdy'dU'm and liia sor taurus := savra in the plural d"'"iltB sevdrim, while otherwise such forms are unchangeable and do not form their plural from a disyllabic stem. The plurals Qibs keli'm, stat. cstr. ib3 kelS^ from ibs Mt ^^as = kalya, and Qiaj ydmi'm, stat. cstr. 1751 yme' from di"' yom dies z= yavma are evidently based upon a theme which deviates from the singular. The plural dwa botttm from rrja bay(i)'^ domus = Sat/to is obscure and perhaps only rests upon an arbitrary punctuation. The word 'iD''N 'iS vir = 'ins, 'ans has regularly in the plural d'^iajN ''dndM'm, stat. cstr. iiBiN 'anese = ''anasa-y. Its feminine MiBN 'z«m =^ ''insa-ta, stat. cstr. rrON ''es(eyis == 'm-* == 'm^ = ^im-ta, with suf- fixes iniaN 'z'^io' = Hs-ta-hu, ^niBN ''estefa = Hsta-ka, is only discriminated in the plural from the masculine through the apocope of 'a d'^ios ndsi'm. The shortened form 'ja Sere Jilius, stat. cstr. -'ja Jew or -\li bin, with suffixes isa bend', ^Sa bineya exhibits an a in the plural disa bani'm, stat. cstr. ija 5me', likewise in the feminine na bals — bant, with suffixes ina bitto', plur. nisa bd- 80 2. DECLENSION. nd"i, Stat. cstr. niia beno"^. The words iij 'ap pater, na 'ah frater, dti ham socer, MB pa os have in the de- finite form, hence in the stat. cstr. and before suffixes according to §§. 37. 95 a final ?, therefore in the stat. <:str. laN 'a^i, itiN 'ahi, ■'an hamt, ■'£ pL The following forms appear as plurals: niSN 'a^o'^ jaa^res and ti'iriN "■aAt'm fratres, the latter with implied, but probably- only euphonic doubling, which also remains before the suffixes (comp. frfiriN 'ahaia, vm 'dhafyjv (according to §. 29), but in the stat. cstr. ■'riN 'aAe' it disappears. The words ninn hamo'ls socrus and nins 'dho"^ soror = ^ahaya-t, plur. niins 'ahdyo^ occur as feminines. An i^ appears as a third radical in the plur. ninasj 'ama- ^d'^, sto^. cstr. rriMMN 'ameho"^ from n?3N 'ama ancilla. §. 108. The Hebrew numerals are: 1 insj 'dhah = 'aMa5 according to §. 29 — 'ahada with implied «uphonic da^es, ste^. cs^r. nnst 'aAaS, fem. nm 'aAd^ = ahad-t; 2 iD^Sffi sendy(i)m, fem. d;in'ia stay(i)m.^ The numbers 3 — 10 have the peculiarity, that their mas- culine is connected with the feminine of that which is numbered and vice versa.* In the stat. cstr. of the fem. they generally have the form which elides the final radical vowel before t of the ending. Hence liiibia Mlos, stat. cstr. Dsbia seloL fem. rtffibffl selosa, stat. cstr. ntobii: selds(e)^ = ialus-t (§. 40); 4 5>anN 'arbd', fem. 1 *The form Qiniu has arisen from d^RliJ ^ DTlS'iB. The da- 763 lene after the volatilization of the initial vowel has merely remained as an etymological sign. " * Fleischer considers the numerals in this case as sub- stantives which maintained themselves as such by their dissimilarity to the person or thing numbered; see his treatise "Ueber einige Arten der Nominalapposition im Arabischen" in "Berichte der Sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften", 1862. NTTMBRALS. 31 SisanN ''arha'a, stat. cstr. nyans ^arbd'(a)'^; 5 ©Jan M- mes, fern. !iia?3n Mmism, stat. cstr. niBTjn hdmes(e)'i; 6- 1D«5 M, fem_^ iiisffl W^a, stat. cstr. niuto sesfe)^ = si^-t; 7 yniu ^^(0)', sto«. cstr. yaiB s(e)^a', fern, n^aiu si^a, stat. cstr. riSyai si^'d!^; 8 InJMiB Semond, fern, rts^auj semona, stat. cstr. nsbiu semond'i; 9 y^n tM(ay, stat. cstr. ym t(e)aa', fern. WiBn «iTa, s^a*. cs Qis© Mne'm 'dsar, fem. !niit)5> d'^nffl Mm 'esre' are used, as well as "ito i5t6 s|we 'asar, fem. trito ■'nifl ^ie 'esre'. The number 13 precedes the masculines in the form "ito ircpbttj Selosa 'dsar, it precedes feminines in the form rtl^us labia seZos 'esre'. The other numerals up to nineteen follow the same analogy. The tens are indicated by the plural of the units, except 20, for which the plural of 10 is employed. In this case the monosyllabic stems form a regular, not a dissyllabic plural. Hence 20 dinto5» "esrim, 30 Qiiibia seUsim, 40 d-'SaiN 'arbd'i'm, 50 diiaan hdmiisim., 60 d^iaia sissim, 70 d'^s^^ia si^'im, 80 diibia semomm, 90 d'^yiun tis'im, 100 ns}?^ me'a, sto^. csifr. riN?; mfcfy, 200 d'^n^jj ma'idy(i)m = mfd'iSay(i)m, 300 rn'N?5 mubia selds(e)'is wie'd^, before the feminine niN53 TDbia seZds me'd'^ etc. , 1000 t|bN 'a^fejip, 2000 d':sbN ^alpdy(i)m\ 3000 disljtJ niubiB selos(eyis 'dldifi'm etc.; 1 *This enigmatic word '^niD? which as well as 'dhds sig- nifies uniis is the same as the Assyrian numeral istin unus, and is of Accadic origin; comp. Friedrich Delitzsch in "Smith's Chal- daisohe Genesis", Leipzig 1876, S. 277—280. BiCKEi/L's Outlines. ^ 82 3. CONJUBATION. 10000 nasi refia^a, later Nian nJJd', nia'i rilhols; 20000 d^nia'i rill61sdy(i)m. §. 109. The ordinals (except 'jifflN'i rUon primus = rfison) are formed through the annexation of the affix i as follows: isiB sem secundus, '^'O'hxo selUi tertius, iS-'S'i re<^%i quartm, iis?;n hamiasi or ■'liJian hamM' quin- tus, ■'iBtB sMsT sextus, '^^'^aip lepff Septimus, "^sia© semini octavus, lyiicn iesW nanus, ■^'I'^to 'astrf decimus. The feminine forms usually end in -f ^, more rarely in -t^/i/a, and indicate a part, e. g. niiSM.n hamiss'^ quinta pars, which can also be expressed through laah hdm(e)s. — The dual of the feminine gives the numeral the sig- nification of times, or fold, e. g. lD'}n:?3ffl si^'a'^dy(i)m septies. 3. CONJUGATIOK §• 110. The perfect of the simple form (qal), as has been already remarked, has arisen from the theme qatala, of which the intransitive forms are qatila and qutula. The feminine and the plural of the third person are formed by means of the same affixes as in the noun, while the formation of the second and first person is accomplished through th'e annexation of the corresponding personal pronouns, with the elision of the preceding final vowel of the stem. Thus we have 3. sing. masc. ba^ qatdl interfecit = qatala, compare before suffixes "'Sba'p qetdld-ni = qatala-ni. The 3. sing. fem. is iibD^^ qatela according to §. 43 = qatala-t. This form even in primitive Semitic had lost the vowel of the feminine affix, and ended in the consonant t; compare with suffixes wbaj; qetd- Idttu == qatalat-hu. The 3. plur. has no distinction of I VAV CONSECUTIVUM. 83 gender ibtap qatelu = qatal-u = qatal[aj-u-u, very rarely witli the status-affix n, which has arisen out of m, as 'jibajp, qdtelu'n = qatal[a]-u-u-ma. In the second person masc. sing, we find nba|3 qatdl-ta = qa-tal-ta, fern. riba|5 g-a^dfe = qatal-t (rarely "ifibap qatdlti = g-a- te^-^P, which however always appears before suffixes, e. g. ■'awbap qetalti'-ni = qatalti-ni). The masc. plur. is dribaj? qetaltem = qatal-twrn and fern. ■jFibUi? qUalUn =^ qataltun. All these endings are certainly nothing else than the corresponding personal pronoun. Before suf- fixes the. plural ending of the second person has main- tained itself in the more ancient form -tu (without the status-affix , but with the long vowel which has resulted from the doubling of the casus -affix), comp. lambi::]? qetaltu'-ni =■ qatal-t-u-u-m. The first person has '^nbap qatdlti = qatal-ti (which has probably arisen from qa- tal-ki), plur. WbU]? qatdlnu = qatal-nu. — The perfect of the intransitive, as tas kd<^eh = kabida gravis erat almost always has in the originally closed syllables a instead of i, and hence differs from baij qatdl only in the pause of the 3. fem. and 3. plur. , where according to §. 21 the penult is heightened. Comp. ^nas ka- ^ehu, but in pausa nnas ka^ebu, in the transitive ^ibap^ qafalu. — The other intransitive form however with w, as lbj3 qaton parvits erat = qatana, always retains this vowel, e. g. 1. sing, inab)? qatonti, 2. plur. masc. dnSDp qetontim, 3. plur. isap^ qatenu, in pausa ^sap qdtmu. §. 111. In order to connect the perfect with a preceding future or imperative, and to give it an 1 * Whenever this form occurs in the text, it is rejected by the Qfri, e. g. insbri (Q. nsblTi) Jer. xxxi, 21; innj Ez. xvi, 18; ^"^'^b'^ verse 20. 6* 84 3. CONJOGATIOir. , analogous signification, i ve is prefixed and the accent is transferred to the final syllable. This change of accent however effects no other vocal alteration than that which is indispensably necessary (§. 46), namely that the now toneless syllable should retain the orig- inally short instead of the heightened vowel, e. g. f\ibp^ qatonta parvus eras, siUj?'! veqdtonta. ^ The removal of the accent does not take place in pausa, according to §. 21, nor, according to §. 18, when the following word with which it is closely connected begins with an accented syllable. §. 112. The fundamental form of the constr. infin- itive , the imperative and future in the regular transitive verb is qutla (transposed qtula), but in the intransitives it is qatla (transposed qtala). The form qitla is only confined to some irregular stems. Thus arises the infini- tive bbp ^CDtol = qtulfaj = qutla. The auxiliary sound has established itself here so firmly, that it even re- mains in cases where it could be dispensed with e. g. in bbSB bi-n§(fibl in cadendo. It was only impossible ^ for it to enter after a prefixed U, or before gutturals la ', which already at an early period formed with the in- finitive a kind of gerundium. Comp. bssb li-npol cadendo, Dnnb la-htom ohsignando. Even when the vowel stands after the first consonant, as is the case before affixes with an initial vowel, a half vowel is inserted after the second consonant, because it had become customary 1 *An example ■which really occurs is PlbS'^l Ex. xviii, 23. ^ *See however Jer. i, 10; xlvii, 4, and Delitzsch on Ps. xl, 15. 3 *Nevertheles3 in this case, an inserted half vowel, a, after 'Aletp e, almost always follows the guttural, comp. ah!^b la-h(a)ro^ interficiendo , bbNls T>e-'(e)xol edendo. But this insertion of a half vowel after the guttural has a different reason from the assumption of an auxiliary vowel in the iniinitive, compare §. 55. FORMATION OF THE FUTXJEB. 85 to regard tlie form as dissyllabic; comp. fern. US'!]? qorQ)^a appropinquare = qurbata, with suffixes ibt?)? qot(e)lo = qutla-hu. The form with a instead of 'u is very rare even in the intransitive verb. But when it occurs a, according to vocal laws, can become i or e. E. g. asiu KDV^^ jacere = skaba, sakba, in the femin. rtSiiN ''ah(&)^a amare = ^ahba-ta, InNSto sinQya odisse, Mbun liem(e)la parcere. §. 113. The imperative, which even in primitive Semitic had lost its final vowel, is likewise bap qCDt^l = qtul = qutl, although the Hebrew forms with suffixes presuppose a final vowel i — m, as in the future. The intransitives regularly have a as a stem-vowel, e. g. 15s k(e)^dh = kbad, kabd. The feminine is form»d by adding the ending " (§. 114), the masc. plur. and fem. plural by adding respectively m. u (§. 110) and f. na (§. 114). The original position of the vowel in qutl remains before the endings of which the initial sound is a full vowel, but a superfluous half vowel is inserted after the second consonant and the u is generally attenuated to *'. It is rarely retained as in such forms siabu mol(e)-fu reg- nate = mulk-u. Thus arise the 2. fem. ibt5|5 qit(e)li' = qutl-i, 2. plur. masc. ^bti]) qitQJlu = qutl-u, 2. plur. fem. TiAb'j) q(e)tolna = qtul-na, from the intransitive rtj'ias kQJ^dbna = kbad-na. §. 114. The future is formed by subjoining the af- fixes of the casus, status and genus to the monosyllabic stem, and by prefiLxing the personal pronouns, among which is the fem. to. The theme appears either without an ending, i. e. as an accusative, in the form qtula, or with the nominative ending as qtul-u, or with the indefinite affix as qtula-m, qtula-n, or finally with the elision of the final vowel as qtul. The fundamental gg 3. CONJUSATION. form of the jussive and of the future with vav con- secutivum is qtul, that of the cohortative , sometimes also before suffixes, is qtulan. The forms qtula and qtul-u, since they lose their final vowel according to Hebrew vocal laws, can no longer be discriminated from each other. Hence only this is certain, that before almost all suffixes the form qtulu appears, although with the modification of its w to i. The 3. sing. masc. yiqtol = ya-qtul-u has certainly arisen by prefixing the pronominal root of the third person ya — va, likewise the 3. sing. fem. bajsn tiqtol = taqtul-u by prefixing the feminine ta, which in this case may not be suffixed, as there would then be no discrimination between the future and perfect. The 3. plur. ma*, ^baf?^ yiqtUu = ya-qtul-u-u indicates the plural, as in the noun and the perfect, through the twofold repetition of the nominative affixes, to which also the indefinite affix « = m is sometimes subjoined, comp. ';^i)"!'i'] yidre-fun calcabunt = ya-druk-u-u-na. The 3. plur. fem. iiibUi^Fi tiqtolna = ta-qtul-na is very much mutilated, since it was originally ta-qtul-a-na = ta- qtula-[t]a-[t]a-7rm. This form may perhaps still be pre- supposed from ibapn which frequently occurs in the Pen- tateuch. * Since the gender is here already indicated in the ending the feminine prefix ta is to be regarded only as a pleonasm, hence the form injbap.^ yiqtolna = ya-qtul- na also occurs a few times (but always in Aramaic and Arabic). — The second person prefixes the pronominal root ta in every case to the stem, to which it subjoins in the masc. and fem. plur. the same endings, as in the third ' The Aramaic furnishes the proof of this. One only needs to compare the Chaldaic 'jbap'^ yiqt^ldn with the stat. dbs. fem. plur. 'J3b?3 malkan, whose ending has the same sound, and remember what is said in §. 93 Rem. in regard to the origin of the latter form. THE COHORTATIVB. 87 person; on the other hand it subjoins to the fem. sing. i as affix of the gender (perhaps = M); thus arise 2. masc. sing, bap.n tiqfol = ta-qtul-u, 2. fem. sing. ■'bBj3Fi tiqteli = ta-qtul-i, rarely with the addition of the indefinite affix "jibBlsn tiqteUn = ta-qtul-i -ma, 2. plur. masc. ^ibajjti tiqtelu = ta-qtul-u-u, rarely I'lbia'pFi tiqtelun = ta-qtul-u-u-ma, 2. plur. fem. Tipb-p^P; tiq- tolna = ta-qtul-na. — The first person of the sing, and plur. are respectively indicated by prefixing the ab- breviated pronominal stems 'a and na to the root, e. g. 1. sing, bb^iti ^eqtol=.'iqtol = ''a-qtul-u, 1. plur. bbp,^ niqtol = na-qtul-u. — The intransitives have the vowel a in the future, comp. I'^'y] yi-fiah = ya-hbad-u, 'jap'; yiqtdn = ya-qtan-u. §. 115. The cohortative scarcely ever occurs ex- cept in the first person \ hence rt^a'jjij 'eqtela = ^a-qtu- la-m agedum interficiam! M.bap.S niqtela = na-qtula-m interficiamm! It is also found in the imperative, e. g. iiiMia som(e)ra custodi = smnra-m, fiasffl Si^(e)^a cuba = sikba-m, sakba-m. — The jussive, is found al- most exclusively in the second and third person, and is based upon the form yaqtul without a final vowel. Hence in the qal of the regular verb, after the falling away of all the final vowels in Hebrew, it can no longer be externally distinguished from the ordinary form. This is also the fundamental form of the futu- rvm, consecutivum or the historical mode, which is joined by va and the doubling of the following consonant to the preceding narrative. The accent should then be drawn back upon the penult. This however does not take place when the penult is a closed syllable, > *The cohortative of the 3. person only occurs in Ps. xx, 4, Job. xi, 17, Jes. v, 19. 88 3. CONJtJGATIOir. hence in the qal of the entire regular verb, e. g. bb;5»i vayyiqtol et interfecit = va-ya-qtul, bapNT va'eqtol et interfeci = va'a-qtul. §. 116. The infinitive absol. and the active paj*- ticiple have arisen from the dissyllabic form. The infin. absol. is biD|5 qdtol = qatdla, and the active participle, qal brip qdtel = qdtila, which in the feminine has either nbrip qotela or Mbaip qotela = qatila-ta, but mostly nbuip q6tdl(ey^ = qatal-ta, in the plural Dibai'p q6- teli'm = qdtil-im. The active participle of the intran- sitives has just the same form as their perfect. Comp. ■jiDj ydsen dormiens = yasina, "ijj ycqor timens = ya- gura. — The only remnant of the passive in the qal is the participle bra;? qdtul occisus = qatula. §. 117. Through the prefixing of na to the stem qtala, or hin, when the first radical consonant retains its vowel, the ni^^'al conjugation arises, which has a reflexive, reciprocal and passive signification. The perfect is baps niqtal == na- qtala, and is conjugated just as in the qal. The participle bnps niqtal, fem. !ibap5 niqtala = na-qtala-ta, generally nbi:5p3 niqta- l(ey^ = na-qtal-ta, is specially indicated only by the heightening of the radical vowel through which the nominal forms are usually discriminated from the purely verbal. The fundamental form of the infinitive, imperative and future of the ni9'al must prefix hin, since it retains both radical vowels. Thus arise the imperative ba)5f7 hiqqdtel = hin-qatil, plur. ibapn Mq- qdtelu' = hin-qatil-u, the infinitive cstr. (which often^ serves for the absol.) baisri hiqqdtel — hin-qatila, the infin. abs. biUijln hiqqdtol = hin-qa-tdla, with which nevertheless the form biap3 niqto'l = naqtdla occurs, which has arisen as above by prefixing na. Before THE rOBMATION OF THE Pi"eL. 89 the prefixes of the future according to §. 35 the as- pirate is elided. Thus we have the future btJl'; yiqqatel = ye-hin-qatel = ytt-hin-qatilu, the inflection of which is entirely analogous to that of; the future qal (also 1. sing. bu'i?ij 'eqqaiel). The 2. and 3. fern. plur. has iTijbaj?!? tiqqdtdlna = tu-hin-qatal-na, very rarely nsVapn tiqqdtelna = tu-hin-qatil-na. In pausa the future is generally ba/J'^ yiqqdtal. When the accent is drawn back through the prefixing of vav comecutivum, it is btjiJ^i vayyiqqatel. — A passive has not been retained in the ni9'al. ^ §-. 118. The pi"el which has been formed by doub- ling the second radical consonant, and which has an intensive, causative or denominative signification, has in the perfect bti)? qittel = qittila, although almost as frequently biap qittdl = qittala. The first formation always appears where the second syllable is open (e. g. ibap qittelu, in pausa iibaj? qittelu = qittilu), the second where it is closed (e. g. pbai? qittal-td). The three verbs nan dibbar locutus est, 1S3 hippdr expiavit, sas Mbbds lavit heighten a to Segol.^ — The imperative has bajj qattel = qattil, fern, ibag qatteli, plur. tiba'g qattelu', fem. nsljai? qattelnd. The infin. cstr. (which also stands for the absol.) is likewise ba]7 qattel = qattila, the infin. absol. bias qattol = qattala, the future baS"; yeqattel = yu- qattilu, 2. and 3. plur. fem. iiib.a^n teqattelnd, the par- 1 *Tlie corresponding seventh form of the Arabic verb 'in- qatala has its own pass, ''imgutila. 2 *The author considers the Segol in this case as a mixed sound , but one can regard it with greater propriety, as an abbre- viation of Zere (e from e), so that such forms as i3zi Upper, are on the same level with nSN HlibaS, b^-l giddal, &bia sillam. 90 3. CONJUGATION. ticiple bi3|5M meqattel = mu-qattila, fern, commonly nbi3)5a m§-qattdl(e)^ = mu-qattal-ta. §. 119. The pu"al, as passive of the pi"el has in the perfect the infin. constr. ' bap quttal = quttala, in the infin. absol. biap quttol = quttala, in the future b^l?" ye^i^tt"'^ = yu-quttalu, in the participle biajpa me- quttal = muquttala. — The reflexiTe conjugation Ai^- ^a"e? arises through the prefixing of hit to the stem of the pf'el, perf. imperative and infinitive bBi^nrr Me- qattel = Mt-qattila (also, as in the pi"el, btapnn hHqat- tdl) , future buign'; yHqattel = ye-kfyqattel = yu-hit-qat- tilu, participle b^pna mi^qatttl = me-Jii'^qattel = mu- hit-qattila. If the first radical consonant is a sibilant, transposition takes place (§. 25), if it is a dental, assimilation (§. 26, 3).* — Of a passive of this re- flexive (ho^pa'al) there are only isolated remnants, e. g. N73^n huttamma contaminari = hut-tamma'a. — The different forms which are analogous to the pi"el, as the po'el, po'al, hi^po'el, palel, pa'lal, hi^pa'lel, pilpel etc., will be mentioned under the irregular, verbs. §. 120. The causative conjugation hic^'il is formed bj" means of the prefix ha (in the perfect hi) and in many cases by the insertion of i as stem-vowel (§. 47, rem.), which is always accented. Thus arise the perfect b'lapn hiq-til = ha-qtila, ha-qtala^ fem. nb-^rpprr hiqti'la = ha- qti-la-t, but since according to §. 38 originally closed syllables could have no long vowel, the 2. sing, remains ' *This form is purely imaginary since the only infin. pu^'al of a strong verb is 334 Gen. xl, 15. ' *Both transposition and assimilation occur in SiBtfi hissakka = !^3'i!Tt^ hizdakka = InSiTnn Misakka se mundavlt. CONJUGATION OE THE QtTADEILITEKAlS. 91 ribb|?li Mqtdlta = ha-qtal-ta, imperative bOi^li haqfel = ha-qtil, fern. ■'V''^7?!j haqtili, plur. ^ibiuisn haqtilu, fern, plur. Insba.)?!! haqtelna, infin. cstr. biapn haqti'l, infin. absol. bujjlri haqfel, fut. b"^!:]?;! i/^g'^i^ = ye-haqttl = yu- ha-qtUu, jussive according to §. 38 baj?2 yaqtel = j/m- ha-qtil, likewise bai?!;] vay-ya-qtel, 2. sing. fern, "'b'^apn taqti'li, 2. and 3. plur. fem. nibajjri taqfelna = tu-ha- qtil-na, participle b'laiJ'a maqtil == me-haqtil = mu-ha- qtila 1, fem. generally nbajja maqtdl(e)'^ = mu-ha- qtal-ta. §. 121, The Aocp'aZ passive of the hi9'il is in the perfect, imperative and infin. cstr. bapti hoqtdl or ba^)- huqtdl = hu-qtala, in the infin. absol. baijn Aog'- m ve- ha' (a)mahta. §. 124. Five verbs primae Ale(f elide their first consonant in the future qal and in this way receive 6 = a. As the second vowel they have e C= i), with the exception of las and isn as stems tertiae y and "iHN as tertiae gutturalis , before unitive accents a, when the accent is drawn back a or e. They are 'iinN perire, •laN velle, b^m edere, n?3N dicere, ■'BN coquere. Comp. bSN"! yofel = yd!-(a)\el — ya-kilu, but i>5N'T vayy6\dl, "iMNi yomdr, nax'T vayyo'mer.'^ In the 1. sing, the ^^9 of the first radical consonant is not expressed, even in writing, comp. nns ^omdr. The form ifasb lemo'r dicendo :=^ le-(ejmdr is worthy of notice. Some verbs form their future in two ways, e. g. I'ntr,^ ye''(e)hoz ap~ prehendet and tnis'"' yohez. §. 125. The verbs mediae guttv/ralis receive a com- pound half vowel a after the gutturals instead of a simple one, e. g. iianto sahatu :;= sahatu. In the im- 1 *In the short verses, which in the hook of Job introduce his speeches and those of his three friends, the form is vayyo'mar with a notwithstanding the drawing back of the tone. 94 3. CONJUGATION. perative and future qal they retain according to §. 53 the stem vowel a, comp. imper. ania sQ)hdt, fem. ^ania sah(d)ti', futur. anffi'^ yishdt. On the contrary the in- finitive almost always has the vowel m, comp. ahiu s(e)hot. In the pfel, pu"al and hi5-pa"el the vowel before r is always, before ' commonly, before ' h h sarcely ever heightened to compensate for the omission of the doubling. Comp. ij'ia berei benedixit = birrika, ■jNM me'in. denegavit = mi^ina, yN3 ni'e^ blasphemavit = ni"iga, pnic sihdq lusit ^= sihhaqa, yet !nrt3 kiha and 'n'n'z keha increpniL = Mliliaya. §. 126, The verbs- tertiae gutturalis receive an auxiliary vowel a (§. 53) between an originally long vowel and the gutturals ' h h nibiB saW(a)h = salaha, tvh'i) salu(a)h = saluha, )i"'bia!7 hiUi'(a)h. The same occurs after the merely heightened o of the infin. cstr. qal, e. g. n"biD s(e)lo(a)h = sluha. On the other hand the original a has commonly been retained before the gutturals, instead of the other short vowels. This is always the case in the imperative and future qal. In the ni9'al, pi"el and hicp'il it occurs so interchangeably with e (originally i) that e commonly stands in the pausa. Comp. nbffl s(e)lah, rMp yi-slah, nbffl salle(a)h together with nbiu salldh. The participle alone always has in the stat. abs. e, comp. fibiiD s6liCa)h, stat. cstr. nbiiu &6ldh \ nbisn mesaUe(a)h, stat. cstr. nbiun mesalldh. The 2. fem. perf. inserts an auxiliary vowel a be- tween the final consonants (§. 55, rem.) comp. nnbiu mldh(a)t. §, 127. If the third radical consonant is an Ale9, it loses its consonantal character at the end of a syl- ' *The following forms really occur 5>ui Ps. xciv, 9; 3>jh Ps. li, 15; 3>oia Lev. xi, 7. VEBBS MEDIAE GEMINATAE. 95 lable (§. 36), which becomes open and must con- sequently be heightened. The heightened vowel which has thus arisen is unchangeable, e. g. 3. sing. perf. Nita maqa = ma^oH [a], fern. iisJiSM md^fa = maga^a-t, 2. sing. nNSM magd-l^d = maga''-ta, in intransitives N*!;; ydre = yarPa, infin. Nk73 m(e)go. The futur. and imper. always have the vowel a, e. g. saa m(e)ga, futur. V(^iy\ yi-mga, with vav consecutivwm isJia^l vay- yi-mgct, 2. and 3. plur. fern, nssuwaa tf^^mga-nd. The pi"el always has i (Hebr, e) as its second vowel (prob- ably for' the sake of dissimilation) e. g. misa timme = timmi''a,j HNaa timme-'id = tmrnii'ta. §. 128. The verbs primae nun assimilate their n to a following consonant except when this is a gut- tural. Comp. bs'; yippol = yi-npol, •6p_ yiggaS = yi- ngas, luaa niggas =^ ni-ngaa, 'ii' 'aS as /ar as, of which the complete forms ■'bis 'eZe, ■'br 'aZe, in^ 'ale, 105 *• INFLECTION OF PARTICLES. are preferred in poetry, and which contrary to the general rule, §. 106, always retain their original final radical ay before the suffixes and so externally have the appearance of the plural forms. Comp. ibs '''day, !jibN 'elafia, drT"'bN ^alehem (according to §. 57) iw 'ahdy etc. — The preposition ay 'im with has besides the regular i)23» 'imm-i' also the form i^^y 'immaW, and DDBS, &^!533| 'imma-Y_em, 'imma-hem with a height- ened instead of the usual volatilized final vowel. The prepositions nnn tah(a)'^ and ^sa bQJab, behind, for, between, sometimes appear with verbal suffixes, in the former even with an inserted n, comp. §. 143. E. g. ■'jrinn tahteni, ^!3nnn tahtd-n-na = tahta-n-hd, ''5'i5>a ba- '(a)he-ni. — The feminine particles riN ^e% before maq- qe9 -nN 'e^ 'with' and the sign of the accusative , which is the same in form , were often, even in the older liter- ature, confounded. The former however has sprung from the root i5n, hence it appears with suffixes as iris ^itti' = Hn-t-i, while the latter is derived from the root 11N, whence the forms with suffixes are inis 'ff^i, aniN 'oS'am but with the suff. of 2. plur. dans ''e'^fiem. §. 145. The much used prepositions be, le, and the conjunction ke have undergone the greatest ab- breviation. According to §. 58 before a syllable with a half vowel the original short vowel maintains itself in the form of i, so that bi-ye, li-ye according to §. 33 become &i, It. When it stands before a compound seva, it takes on its vocal color. When li according to §. 112 enters a closed syllable, it appears before gutturals as la, before aletp as le. Of course nothing of this sort can happen to be and ke. The heightened forms ba, la, ka have sometimes been retained in the pretonic syllable especially before the demonstrative pronoun , la has often been retained even in other cases 4. INFLECTION OF EAETICLES. 107 in the pretonic syllable, but never when the word as the first member of stat. cstr. has a merely secondary accent. When ba, ka, la stand before the pronoun md, ma, the m is doubled, hence ham-ma, kam-ma, lam-md, curf La before ' h ' generally becomes la-ma, for the sake of en- suring a distinct pronunciation, e. g. iiTn'i finb la-ma ''add- nay. The forms with suffixes are ia hi, '^•z he^a, 'rja 5a)^, ia h8, 33 hah, laa banu, Qsa hdjem, dna bdhem, con- tracted S3 ham, rarely !i>|fia hdhtmma, ina hahin, also iria hahen or !^3f^a hahennd. Le follows the same analogy. On the contrary kg unites most of the suffixes in the form which is compounded with the indefinite pronoun kemo, kdmo, hence "'SiMa kamd'-ni, iji)33 kd-md'--^d, !irii)33 ka-mo'-hu, !ii733 kd-mo'-hd, ^iiM3 kd-mo-nu, iD3i703 ke-mo-'fiem together with the more frequent DS3 kdjem, dnitts ke-mo-hem, together with Qfis kd-hem, ti2^!3 Aa- Aewma. In poetry i72a he-mo, '\i2\ le-mo occur, although not before suffixes. — The conjunction ve is often heightened before the accented syllable, in pausa, and between closely connected notions *, to vd , before com- pound sewa it takes on the color of the same, before half vowels as well as before labials it becomes u, it blends with following ye to vi, before the futur. conversivum it becomes va with the doubling of the following con- sonant, or vd as a recompense for the doubling. 1 *E. g. Ps. X, 6 '-I'Ti -rib leSur vaSor; Gen. i, 2 nniai ^n'n iohu va^d'hu; Deut. iv, 28 -jaNT fS eg va'ei^en; Gen. viii, 3 aillil Tiibl halo'x raJo'p. Comp. Bottcher's Lehrbuch, Band I, §. 600 and as regards the influence of the separative or unitive accent Delitzsch's Commentai^y to Ps. Iv, 10. V. SYNTAX. §, 146. Since the ancient case-endings have fallen away, the genitive relation is only externally recog- nizable through the vocal changes , which the governing word undergoes by reason of its close connection with the following word in the stat. constr. This relation is indicated in the masc. plur. by the falling away of the indefinite affix m. The word which stands in the stat. cstr. does not receive the article, because as such its form is already definite, hence the article is only placed before the governed word. Comp. I]hl3r: las 'd^(e)h hammal(e)f^ 'the servant of the king'. Of course nouns with suffixes always have a definite signification. §. 147. The adjective is placed after the noun and the article is repeated before it, e. g. binsn "liisij has-so'r hag-gaho'l taurus magnus. — The comparative degree is expressed by \)2 min, which follows the pos- itive and is prefixed to the word with which the com- parison is made, e. g. lUS'ia pin?3 ma'^oq mid-de^aS dulcior nielle. §. 148. The accusative ending has been retained only to a very limited extent in the accusative of the direction. Otherwise this case is only indicated in TENSES. 109 nouns, which are rendered definite by the article, per- sonal affixes or the atat. cstr., by placing -nt* 'e^, or when accented nN 'e^ before it, e. g. b'^Mian dn 'eS" h.aS-samdy(i)in coelos. §. 149. The relative ''aser often simply indicates the relation which is then more exactly defined by a following suffix or adverb, e. g. in iyiT liaN yy 'eg ^a^er zar'6' ^6, arbor in qua est semen ipsius. It can also fall away, particularly in the poetical style. §. 150. As has already been remarked the mas- culine form of the numbers from 3 — 10 are construed with the feminine and vice versa. One is treated as an ordinary adjective. The numerals from 2 — 10 on the contrary stand before the object numbered in the stat. cstr. or absolutus. In later books, and more rarely, they are also placed after it. The tens, 20 — 90 always stand in the stat. abs. either before or after the thing num- bered; in the former case that which is numbered can be put in the singular. With numbers compounde'd of units and tens the object numbered is either placed after each numeral, according to the rules of each, or it is put after the tens in the singular, although in the later books it is also placed before the units in the plural. — There are no proper ordinal numbers for the numerals above ten. — Distributives are indicated by the doubling of the number. §. 151. With reference to the use of the tenses it should be observed, that the first tense, the perfect, expresses 1) the past and completed, even when it extends to the present, 2) the certainty of an assu- rance, and 3) that which we express through the im- perfect and pluperfect subjunctive. The second tense. no SYNTAX. the so-called future, indicates 1) the future, 2) the pre- sent especially as an expression of permanent conditions, 3) sometimes even the past, when it expresses like the Latin imperfect, a continuous action, 4) our present, and sometimes 5) imperfect subjunctive. Moreover it is placed ofter the particles tn ''az tunc and ana ta- r(e)m nondum. §. 152. If a chain of thought has heen begun in the future or imperative, it is continued in the per- fect with the conjunction ve and the moving forward of the accent, which then receives exactly the sig- nification of the preceding future or imperative. On the other hand if a narrative begins with the perfect, it is continued in the apocopated form of the future with va, and so that the following consonant is doubled, and the accent drawn back, if possible. §. 153. Besides this case, the apocopated form of the future, the so-called jussive, scarcely ever occurs except in the 2. and 3. person to express a wish, a command or prohibition; the jussive is always used to express a pro- hibition, but never the imperative which can neither be connected with Nb or bx. — The lengthened future form , cohortative , with final a stands in the first person to indicate a request or an exhortation. §. 154. The infinitive absolute is freely connected with the finite verb from the same stem. It generally precedes to strengthen the idea contained in the verb; while it follows in order to express the continuance of the action. Otherwise the infin. absol. sometimes stands as an accusative, or for the finite verb, but always in a verbal construction, hence never after prep- ositions or a Stat. cstr. On the contrary the infinitive INTEHEOGATIVE SENTENCES. HI cstr. can not only govern the accusative, as a verb, but also the genitive as a noun, hence it connects itself with verbal and nominal suffixes. The subject of the action very often stands in the nominative after the infin. cstr. Through the prefixing of the prepositions be, he and U before the infin. cstr. various subordinate sentences are formed. §. 155. Interrogative sentences are expressed through ha, which has arisen from hal, before consonants with a half vowel ha, generally effecting the doubling of the fol- lowing consonants, before gutturals ha, before gutturals with QamcQ according to §. 29 ha. Indirect questions are expressed through dn 'mk, and disjunctive questions through ha in the first and Hm in the second member. 112 ESEECISE m PEOSE READHG. Gen. i, 1 — 5. ve-e^ has-samdy(i)m 'e^ 'elohi'm bar a Be-r'esi'^ ve-hos(e));^ va-^olm "isohu hayfisa Ve-ha-ar(e)g ha-ar(e)g, ^t^H] inHi inn niTn f^nxni :pNri 'aZ ^J^we merahd(p(eyi ''elohim ve-ru(a)h 'isehom 'al pene 'i^-bv nsnno ffh'^N nni nlnn ')^-bv va-yeM ''or. yehi ''or! ''eloM'm: Vay-y6'mer ham-may(%)m. n^N-^^^^ -|1^<■^T D^i^N ncN'i :D'en I • :i- A J* : I* v: ■■• J~ • jt - ^m elohim vay-ya^del ki to^ ^e'S ha- or 'eloM'm Vay-yar r3 D^n^K ^-^nn niB-^3 niNn-ns D'n^>« kti t J" • v: J" : — rt • V T V a' v: :s — i/om I- a- or 'elohi'm Vay-yiqra ha-hos(e)f^. u-ben ha- or Po^Ce^r va-yehi va-yehi 'di'(e)^ layla qard ve-l-a-hos(e)f^ 'aAaS. 2/om EXERCISE II POETICAL EEADHG. Ps. ii. goyim rajem Lam -ma V J ;iT TT\ ?riq yehgu u-lfummi'm fnk-^5^D 1 !in!i:n: •EXERCISE IN POETICAL READINO. J 13 yakah nos^hu ve-rozeni'm -AT : I ;• : I : .mesiho' ve-al Yahvd 'al moserS'^e'md 'e^ Nenatteqa ft" : I V It :i-:i. 'a^o'iS'mo! mimmdnnu ve-naali'fa ,.. -. J... . ^ J. . _ . yishaq b-as-samdy(i)m Yose^ I (ST : • • J- T - J" lamo. yiVdj ''dhonay IT - : • T -: _ he-appo 'ele'mo yebahber ''Az iss3 ID'^N nsT m rt - : J" •• J" -: f ■ -to. ■to* , !« 18 18 » <»o HO ■io. oka. so s sg le '8 18 18 18 IB >S: i§: 18 O o o o 03 O |3^ ;::\ I ';! I 'is I S^ IC ^^ IK It^ 18 18 &. '■& ill nil I H<» aoio !i?s ;^ "S ^"^o e e l!3 le IQ le IS le 3«o v^, *co *oo ^=0 ^co *oo *5o *ob *ao ■18 IS & s '8 18 18 fcH- e3 18^8 18 to. 18^ CM 18 18 a :■§• «5H <:« !S1 . Pi ft •H^^— ' 18 ^18 -V ^«*S l*»i i'»o -8 >^» -8 is" is' i"§' Cm 551 CM ^18 H8 ^!S'^ "iO, -to. ■S 18 IB rj, «si Cm -8 io. • • 8 ft ,P< i8 CM ft to. HOa SO* 'O ^O 18 18 18 ,-g; >-g; 6m O Cm Sis S2 CM CM 18 CM @ SO, O Cm &h 18 5m Cm S "J-i 9 «« ft S «)-H c(iei -^ ^s ^ 18 ""^ l8 22° '8 =So -8 r>.o '^« '^■J \^ i-« "»o r"*^ '^■a iQT, *Co >aB *50 *=p *og Aog ico I I 1 ' .Jv I I I -c» *ca *<;o ■« Si *<^ ■ •?;> ,SOSOSO»^ ^SOSOSO '^^ ^ I — s 18 HO r^ WW «!-l :3N. 18 >e:- ■£• -i HO ^HO ■*^' fi !»1 I ^•i -s vS^ Ph -^ 18 "-^18 **<> f^-a f*o f^-s f^^a ^t^ •*<> 1*^ '^o ^ ■lO HO SO ><»oHO S'SO l«„SO t?- -M. •«. •». ■«. pi ■"•■•£• ■& •e* •<:& 'i 'CO "i 'S?*"!!> 'c* ■«» COM(N54r-ifOCOOi(MT-l IS"*- . to ■— I &D to P^ 08 . . P4 C3 1^ CM i8 CM 02 ■ MS© s.a. HO. i^ 2- -c oi •u. 1 !?•> s-.'S "eS !W^§ 1 IS =?■= -e -e 'B >«>o e « -a *« 'S a i^^a f^o i*^ f-sa H50oS^ i^t so. ■to. .to. so. so. so. so. SO. •». SO. SO. so: SO. SO. SO. sS: SO. so, so, so; so. so, so, so, so. eaeeeeeee B 8 B e toH«M«Mi3s!>|!>l5M!3s53S ?SS ten *s ias ^^6m^^6 ^ ^ ^ 6 f*;i-!£HSi-iSt«JfJ£ -4 -§ -4 r,g rs^ ■4^ ■IS S: -IS tC ^* So. so. cS so. Si . & Ph -toHJisov^-'tajso S -sIS'i.J.-LiS^S^^ -B 55So -B »e -B )So e e -s so. so. so. so. SO. SO, SO. SO. SO. SO. SO, SO, SO, SO, SO, SO, SO, SO. sssssssss fcs53st3Stos5>stMftsiT-^f554 Oi s Ph <=k H a PM t— ( )— ( 118 THE BEOULAR VERB, Pi"bL , Pu"AIi, HI9PA"eL. ^> f^. -40. HO, Hor tS* -fO. to. so, ^' ««5M«MW5H«"CM!3HCM«^ -IS. CM HO. ye-quttdl te-quttdl te-quftdl te-qutte-li ^a-quttdl ye-quttel-u (p. ye-qttal-u) te-quttdl-na te-quttel-u te-quttdl-na ne-quttdl i"0 1. ?C> to. Ho, S 1 t ^ 1 --^ Q i to, *^ >i « & Ph "~^ Hw H^B S'a J«>o-|sa S°1"» >t»t,H=a IS ■*o, to. so, s^. l(o. !?■ to. to; to. t?" to. Ho. so. to. so. t^, to. to. so. t^' !jM!3HCMCMCM^CM?Mi31<>l >4^ ,4. >4. >i. ,^i =go >i, >i„ ,4, >|o d Fut. parag. 1. sg. ''a-qattela (p. 'a-qatfela) 1. pi. ne-qattela HO. SO. a hH 1 Ho. 1: 1 1 THE RBGULAS VERB, HI*'1l, H0<1)'aL, NKJ'AL. HQ ^ es V » >I-H k5 V 18 '^ sj. ■« ^s 'f '-s i f^O r,o r-Ni f-O -M. Ho. HO. HO, -« 5S, -e -e -e 5S. 8 e '« 18 18 18 18 SJ). Ho, "M, Ho. Ho. >K3. -M. NO. HO. , &i 5m *H GH !aH«JH«»H?SHH5M53Hi3i ^ ^ &H ^ •e» 'c^ 'B* •«» • 1*^ ^>o i>^ 15 -e ?§. '8 '8 -8 V§o 8 8 -8 ,'8 so. HO. •». HO. -kS. HO. HO. HO. HO. Ho. •tS. GHCSH&HOH&l«yH&H*H CM i>i ^ r^ r**^ h-O r-i is.'sg.^^.is. i2 «M Cm !3H W 1 1 1 1 *; 8 8 8 8 i V *« -8 -8 -8 ?,o 8 8 -8 HO. ^, 4S. HO. HO, HO, ta, .fi. Hi, ►«►<;-< i< W!x?3H53H5W5M5MaHejH S ^ -i -i -i -i -i -i 4 -A -i bJD "e"§-S'«'<'*S'3 1— 1 120 THE REGULAR VEEB , HKti'iL, HOO'aL, NIHi'AL, O 1 J" -a Ke •io. IS iSH 1*^ 'O ■u. S5 CM ^ .. ^'? 1 ^S 1 1 vS, He CM CM <* -w -w •«> « Y -tf. •*■ •» "f 1^ ■^ Si-i-iil.^' i5J,-A-i8 '^ -se 8 O 18 "Si 1 1 o s 1 ^ s^. ■«>, fo. sS. tii •*»- t?' ■«, ^ CM H8 HO. CM ^. 1 fioiooiii? I 1 O 5:,si..i-K.^' Sisl.-»iiS «S rJS ^ .^ ^? '1 t 1 •=s 1- *^. ^^. ^^. *^ "-g. -'^. *^. ^^. 1; •^-a S^ eiii^e^iie 1 e 8 ■&i Cm 1 a J3 i. 4> 8 ^ ^ o fti 1 8 1 c6eOC^!NrHc6c6c4cNrH P< & O . rt g •^ -4^ "S -e = 107. -bs< 5. 144. ^^>7^ 107. n^N 83. D'^riN 107. Sibs? 53. 54. 67. INDEXES. 3. HEBEBW WOEDS. 12£ ■'bN 5. 57. 144. nm 84. ^bN 144. ntis 92. 107. T^'S 144. ini^N 107. Ciri^bN 144. tiS-^bN 57. ^niDN (usuaUyi;|FiiaN) 107. FIN 7. qbN 108. nN 82. d'^ebN 108. m 77. 144. nns} 124. -nij 49. 77. 144. ■iai« 36. 124. nnx 82. dr)173N 123. ■iriN 82. HMN 92. inm 92. -in3 69. 99. !;5i!5 ^2- -iis'a 107. ■iSN 82. niiija 99. i5i« 82. • T ni-isa 99. «mN 35. 82. d!ia 35. ISDN 42. 82. laia 32. 50. 64. 135. d'l'iiiaN 107. niBia 135. 11B3N 107. rriifria 33. -l^DN 67. V^ 136. TipN 67. Mra p. 17. top. rjON 123. « n-]^ 34. 45. 50. 69 nsDN 100. 107. qN 27. 69. n-'a 33. 34. 50. 69. isis 27. t|t)r Mn-ia 86. MDS} 124. da 35. 42.* 5»aitN 75. ia 136. S^a-iN 75. 108. la 72. 107. nsa-iN 108. -■ja -,a 107. d^yaiN 108. iia 87. 107. r?aiN 108. nisa 107. yi8j 52. N)?"1N 22. ruaN 107. nija 107. •^l^ 107. di5a 107. niBN 81. yn^a-ija 5. BiCKEiiL's Outlines. 9 130 IKDEXES. 3. HEBEBW WORDS. ^53 107. baia 44. 112. n»a 144. -ijja 28. ffl'^a 7. rtiu;?l 7. ■^ina 74. nma 52. ■^j-ia (usually Tl'ia) 28. riti-ia 44. [125. nana 59. ana'ia 41. SPS'na* 41. ' 'na 46. 72. 107. ina 107. ina 46. D^na 107. niaJ 74. iiaa 67. -laa 21. 69. laa 21. laa^ 69. ins 69. 17.5* 69. Qi'jns 70. ii 34. i!ia* 34. ia* 34. ■lis 34. baba 132. rtbs 32. 137. nia 32. 67. 137. nba 32. 137. rtba 33. 137. niba 32. 137. i!iba 33. 34. 137. rtj-iba 33. 50. 137. n^b.^ 33. 137. nnb'a 137. d-^baa 26. 100. "ibna 26. asa 74. T — aaa 74. Dii inasa 6. nVa 128. ffia 35. 128. riiJa 35. 128. vv -la"^ 42. ia^ 42. 135 74. la'n 74. 1-ia'^ 43. diia^ 43. i'ia'7 44. 46. 97. DlT'ia'n 44. DSia^ 105. ' ' s'n 72. -la^ 66. -li'n 32. 40. ■jil 69. D'l 72. si 32. rrs'i 69. nS''i 7. bijil 6. Tibm'rt 6. 83. INDEXES. 3. HEBREW WORDS. 131 •'iijjii 29. nr^rt 6. 83. ynsjrt 28. siT^n 83. TTarj 130. dii 82. v^'n 33. ln)|r! 82. W'aM 86. T SIT - B??art 58. v^ri 128. nffl^rt 76. rt^jn 138. fl3?7 82. ni^^rt 138. Injii- 7. 10411 128. dmn 76. la^rt 26. aort 27. 131 Nirtlr; 28. 3&.t7 131. 'iJilrj 28. 29. asrt* 130. di'nrtrt 29. niaD!i 27. 131 N^rt 6. 82. banqrt 25. i^bin 50. diinprt 132. ■Tjiiin 133. ■ji^rr 29. 30!)!! 131. llS'rt 28. siiain 133. d^ii 29. affiiH 33. 133. Tayri 123. lU'ihrt. 28. n']Myrt 123. tJifflinin 29. is']»»^i 57. lirnri 29. ra^ii 55. 123. m'-inrt 101. n^iii 75. T^dnrt 123. • I V ptiyitfi 25. fi'irirt 55. b-'isfJri 2.1 -itiiaii 26. . nanrt 75. Nin 82. rta-iri 75. !nr.li 54. b'^satort 122. aiD-^rt 33. 50. -i3>fiiDl7 25. bs'^n 75. ni^iaVi 126. b^b-^ln 134. TMiaii 75. dijsri 33. 135. TMIBri 75. bffidii 75. i)3riiurt 25. Tjftli 67. b^'binn 132. fVd 6. 83. »5inVi 31. 9* 132 INDEXES. 3. HEBBBW WORDS. i\y}'^ 31. snJianr; 77. I55r!!^ 77. mm) 42. p. 17. t^i'as'n'i 123. "'Fi'ia^ri'i 57. \i 31. bSN'l 124. -|?3!S'1 124. ii^::-^ 30. 15;3 38. ^::! 52. bM?!]! 21. baa^i 21. ■13^^T 27. ■^ri'il 33. "'!71] 27. lai^i 134. T : IT s 111. ^^:^ 21. lb:;i 21. ^?!:i 45. ao^I! 131. 15^3 53. i^:] 27. i=i?:3 21. 3i bp^T 21. ^''ly 53. ^'^r.T 52. V — 52. 11"^ 30. 15«!] 30. ^?Vp,i * 111. 46. snT 23. ns^ 83. inar 97. nj 83. n\ 83. it 83. ^T 83. rr 34. nn 52. d'^DjaT 100. silt 30. y-iT 21. — T V^l 21. 52. 1T5.T 42. 71. 99. 113T 71. 99. ■^^0 97- njn 23. mh 66. 95. 106. nth 95. 101. njh 101. ^nm 101. nitn 101. \m 101. i^Th* 101. nm 101. cinn 101. yw 69. niaw 70. li^rn 41. 100. ■ji'^m 41. 100. HNan 92. '^n 34. ■^n 34. INDEXES. 3. HEBREW WOBDS. M;n 34. nsaii: 127. b^n 70. 107. D^bjn 70. 107. ms'' 124. NTin 93. T •■ thN^ 124. irn 93. bSNi' 36. 124. in-'O 87. 92. t — lUNi 36. 124. y'iN-in';rt 6. -ihn:; 123. dsn 63. 96. -ibis;;^ 57. 123. n?2sn 96. ilON^ 123. niasn 96. !|!T11Dn: 57. 123. niasn 96. Nii; 32. •'?33n 96. TOin:. 32. 471- 135 ti":»?t!* 96. r^; 33. nasn 96. 15; 38. 136. ■'bn 21. 43. 54. 69. I^? 45. ■'bh 21. 69. IS")!'; 41. d-i^bn 70. b.i': p. 17. 137. nn 23. 95. 107. ba;; 45. 138. ■i^jn 95. 107. nba^ 138. nbwti 112. nbs^ 32. 42. ttjjjri 108. iba: 32. WB73n 108. ii; 116. riTOgh 92. 108. ©4': 128. dsn 86. lj 72. ■jisn 74. SIT 53. ■^asn 46. dai: 471- ■'in 43. 69. b5^ 129. •^^n 69. I^IST 89. ■^niiitn 105. ■^n^ 52. ini-i5£n 105. ^ITT] 123. ph 69. ^SEjn: 56. d'ljsn 70. bsi-' 33. dJai-' 86. "i^it? 28 ffl-11'i 34. ■■T • N5ru 127. ailii^ 31. 133. 133 134 INDEXES. 3. HEBEEW W0ED3. pyr 53. - :v ta^tv pausal 53. wm 53. 123. piri;^ 45. 123. nptm 56. 123. npm; 56. !i;n'; 123. ssri; 123. l-'btr 123. aisri;! 55. aian;; 55. ^aiBfi: 56. iai'; 33. "oy: 31. 133. 1^1': 134. aa; 134. ■733^ 114. lis'; 32. bb-i 33. T bB']5'; 122. nb'^ 31. — T bb;! 134. u^pb: 79. d; 69. 96.* rite-' 86. TT ■'a'; 43. 107. bm^ 26. pi; 134. ab^ 68. 129. ■nbl 68. nab; 26. !ib>'^' 45. ifay; 45. ^TOs;: 123. I'^aV: 55. 123. bB'; 26. 128. ii^'S.': 27. inai 79. ?!!!:■: 26. 15t; 134. b-ip; 38. 135. tiipi. 32. ng': 128. Ci-'p; 31. b^ap: 35. iibap'j 21. 43. nbbp^ 21. a'p; 38. YP.: 134. !T;1? 53. a-nV 45. trn;; 69. ia.1 143. -ib; 143. iaiai 143. aia; 34. ai??. 32. antp 125. nbiBi 53. 126. 'nfjffi'; 68. ra; 116. I'T!; 128. 'ji'in'; 80. 1^3 42. 110. rtnasi 21. INDEXES. 3. HEBEEW WOEDS. JJ ^n^ 21. nsb 35. 133. ^1^3 110. Tab 145. =115? 110. JiW'^ab 6. nbS) 67. '^^'?b 35. 13 7. bsab 59. 112. b!13 73. I'lEsb 58. lans* 29. bi 27. b'!mO 36. -ba 27. "i^ia 78. i^3 27. n^ia 78. d'^bs 107. iTiaia 86. ■'is 107. ^"jha 78. i'S^S 73. 5>ia 7. bsbB 2. 73. T " na 91. bsbi 73. !ia 84. I^is 80. nj !ia 26. bO'ii 122. n^nia 92. na'^iffis 86. Tsia 105. sna 40. 67. 98. ■iWia 105. tir.3 71. 99. tjiisia 98. qns 99. nia 34. 41. 50. 52. 69. bbN/i 58. 112.3 nia 33. 34. 50. 67. nnia 73. 153n'v! 124. n5|?3 78. I'lNb 58. '7?ana 78. aab 42. 65. bina 78. m^ab 67. V2 84. ^h^b 112.* a^a 21. 91. ^n;ib 80. 92. d^a 21. ■'rib 21. • : d''3''a';a 34. ■^tib 21. bibia 78. ■^bnb 58. • t:)t ba-is?: 122. tjnnb 53. 112. ffl^iaba 78. Mbfb p. 17. 142. dhiraaba 41. ''jb 35. 133. ' -rrba 99. I V If 136 INDEXES. a. HEBREW WOEDS. to!5?o 113 . 1B|3 128. rtsba 69. ■TfSi-is 123. m^hJi 81. 102. ibiD 50. ni'jba 81. 102. icnis 133. D-^sbw 70. 'T : 99. aiai3 33. ■'db'q 70. 99. iBWJ 92. nab/a 93.= bna 45. 52. 69. nsba ee.'' nm 82. T3ba 69. 99. mans 40. 92. isba 93.1 114.1 ■jFiviJna 40. niVa 96.2 d^niiins 92. nm'73a 78. J>D3 126.1 noa 131. oaa 130. iJ'^ya 87. 302 130. nbSTg 142. niaw* 130. NS-; 127. dniaD?* 130. C)ip?3 32. lasa 123. -iM 129. niaya 123. comp. p. 17 biria 42. 1?3 6. nbW3 53. 126. rris? 6. Disa 26. iny? 45. 55. Ci-'siaiDa 100. t)51?3 45. 56. na 50. 135. V??,? 76. San?3n7a 78. nas 52. 69. pina 40. DipJ* 32. 40. n^^na 40. nia^ips* 40. 135. lb:;na 78. ^pi 33. 67. Qi'^ps 48. ytj; 28. bj?.3 130. liai 32. bpj 130. ■^jnas 76. rt3-'biB3 p. 17. bis 130. d'l'ia 107. MbM 138. 1b3 6. n-'bM 138. nns 26. n-'bJs 138. INDEXES. 3. HEBREW WORDS. aD* 26. 129. finW 92. ab 129. T^:? 31. 107. nao 129. b? 5. 144. ^ao 42. 129. ->h» 34. aaiD 74. 132. ■-by 144. aaio* 74. 132. by 96. DID 86. 87. d5> 96. no^D 92. b? 144. iD^D 33. 90. nbs 54. ■^DID 90. 104. ■^teJ? 144. d^l-'DlD 42 2. , ■'7»s» 144. Jl'^D^ia 93. tiS525> 144. dTiDiD* 94. P^'?? 23. nn-irto 73. pby 100. bba 80. n^ay 100. di-1130 75. ngaaj lOO. ISO p. 17. 42. 52. 69. ■'jy 21. i"isq 46. 69. ■'?? 21. ■'']BD 70. fi'^l^ 107. d-i-lBD 70. ■'•]? 107. ■no 40. V? 72. fiiay 6. DS'^aS? 37. ib ntos p. 17. ■'"las 34. 81. 102. lias 32. n*li? 102. lbs 33. m's'ias 102. ■'TOS 67. D^i'-nas 34. 81. 102. niiuy 6. n^-jiy 34. 102. -lias 108. ibi? 97. V V Jinias 32. ■'^k 97. nias 32. 38. nbiy 34. Dbi5> 66. aii'iS 80. IIS 74. 1T'"7S 80. ■'ars* 88. ns 72. 95. 107. W3> 23. T — ■^= 72. 103. 104 BiOKm,i.'s OuUinea. 10 137 138 INDEXES. 3. HEBREW WORDS. WB 104. VB 104. ^>S 104. •res 104. bsb 52. ■'bs's 45. 55. Sf^ys 56. dsbsB 45. '^B 52. 103. IS'IB 99. T T nns 98. ■^a'ji 23. pi'^i 40. pna 6. ffiVp 42. 52. 69. iwp 69. 97. ■^m,: 46. 97. DiiBiJ^^ 70. h'qip 37.1 40. 92. 105. ■'bap 105. nVdip 52. 92. np 35. 128. nnp 35. 128. ba-pf 2.1 21. 42. 110. bap 21. bbp 30. 113. bap 2.1 46. nbap, 21. 44. nbBp 21. ibap^ 42. 43. ibap 49. S(bap 105. ibap 112. ibai? 43. •'Sbap 37. 45. nbap 42. ^ap 42. 64. 110. ti!i? 34. 0:2 31. -lia-ip 37. 74. tp 38. 40. 63. nap 38. ni'ip 112. ^a^p 80. dibia;;) 43. iiN*] 6. niN-i 67. niN-i 6. ©n'i 107. ■liiiiN-) 109. diiBN'i 36. 107. T niiDN'n 81. s>an 126.1 niT 32.'' ■nin 32.* mi 53. bm-) 73.. 'jiTBi'i 36. S-i 72. diti^ 67. pTO 6. ■^njiia 96. ■'n?3b 96. rtioto 112. INDEXES. 3. HEBKBW WOBDS. m^ 73. nsaiij 45. 66. sia 32. nfaffl 68. 99. laia 69. 92. nam 68. n^^ffl 69. i-i?2ia 99. n-iaffi 69. 92. SfiaiB 99. 5>5;i? 108. !:':3p 108. naia 32. 5>iD'il5 126.1 ■'^iia 50. 81. 5>Wffi 132. — Ti IT -ii« 23. yipffl 74. an«3. 125. laiB 108. nunia 54. 125. D'^nia 30. 108. "ipniji 125. nnm 92. ns/b^ri 33. 50. n^ilB 37.2 80. bTOW* 79. •'A-'TD 37.'' 80. ■'riibiaas 89. ""laibffi 109. in-in 79. tiniffi 70. ■'SMNStrn 89. as© 68. 99. 112. wn 52. 69. rar^lsffl 75. M^im 79. BJibffl 40. 108. nnp 144. inibii 50. 137. ijinnn 144. rjiabiB 108. nsnnn 144. fflbiu 108. "tbn 21. nb'ti 53. 74.' njNSjan 36. nb© 74. 126. ■jn 35. nnbia 59. ^ ■^abn 129. diiabo 86. risiasn 130. niEbiB 40. 108. •'aipri 135. b\i 105. •n'j-^mpFi 135. ni?3ia 43. !i;?3pn 135. t;?:© 44. 105. ■iribi!"]ri 122. lQ"'73'ia 91. ■ — T nn 6. 35. 128 nsfaffii 108. 1 nnn 128. 139 140 NOTE AND CORRECTIONS. NOTE. The author offers the following explanation of his meaning in § 42. 1 In the Indo-Oermanic languages the heightening, which is called Quna by the Indian grammarians, consists in prefixing an a to an accented vowel, especially in open syllables, in order that the vowel may receive a fuller sound; hence o, i, u become by heightening d, ai, au. That the same process has taken place in modern English and German appears, when we compare modern with old or middle-high German, and written with spoken English. In both cases we find a tendency to lengthen vowels in open accented syllables , and to give the letters i and u the sound of ai and au (and in English of iu). COERECTIOlfS. PAGE 8, ninth line belovir read 'Olshausen'. 31, sixth line below read fi'il rava. T T 35, fourth line above read ^blsb. 37, sixteeath line above read Sp""!. 38, eighth line below read 'jiiTn he-ze-yon. 39, sixth line below read 'forms'. 47, eighth line above read naiUhi. 91, tenth line below read ipib.'i'in. 112, second line below read dijaNbl'. Printed by F. A. Erookliaus, Leipzig. mmmmmwm,