SWS!P'^w , . ; ^yrtv 1 ^-*'"^ $82 President White Library. Cornell University. Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924031230539 m'dl 3TO" *Jfcu <•*— ' OUTLINES ROMAN HISTORY FOR THE USE OF HIGH SCHOOLS AND ACADEMIES BY WILLIAM C. MOREY, Ph.D. PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE, UNIVERSITY OF ROCHESTER AUTHOR OF " OUTLINES OF ROMAN LAW " NEW YORK ■:• CINCINNATI •:• CHICAGO AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY COFYBTGHT, 1900, BY WILLIAM C. MOEET. ■n EOMAN HISTORY. W. P. 2 PREFACE This book is intended to be a guide and a help to the study and teaching of Roman history. Its purpose is to assist the teacher to do what Dr. Arnold regarded as the great work of every instructor of Roman history, namely, " to lodge in the mind of the pupil the concept of Rome." To this end, care has been taken to select and emphasize those facts and events which illustrate the real character of the Roman people, which show the progressive development of Rome as a world-power, and which explain the influence that Rome has exercised upon modern civilization. The history of Rome has, in many respects, the unity of a great epic; and the interest in its study grows and becomes intensified to the extent that this unity is perceived. The attempt has been made, therefore, to keep before the mind of the pupil the real sequence of events, — to show the rela- tion between successive periods, to place facts in their logical order, and to omit whatever might draw the mind away from the main lines of historical progress. The early stages of Roman history are here presented according to what the author believes to be the most plausible and scientific views. The pupil should, of course, understand that the history of Rome, previous to the destruction of the city by the Gauls, is based largely upon traditions and upon in- ferences drawn from archaeological investigations. He should know that there are different views regarding the significance of these traditions, and that many views which are accepted to-day may be rejected or modified to-morrow. But it can hardly be expected that the beginner can enter upon a critical 5 6 PREFACE examination of the sources and credibility of early Roman history, — a -work which must be reserved for more advanced students. In tracing the growth of the Roman people, the effort has been made to keep clearly and prominently in view that which has given to this people their distinctive place in history, — the genius for organization. The kingdom, the republic, and the empire are seen to be successive stages in the growth of a policy to bring together and organize the various elements of the ancient world. Attention is paid to the life and cus- toms of the Roman people — their houses, meals, dress, mar- riage and funeral customs, education, etc. ; but these have not been made so prominent as to lead the pupil to believe that the study of antiquities can take the place of the study of history in the proper sense of the word. Special attention is called to the maps, which are intended to show the location of every place mentioned in the text. The series of " progressive maps " shows in a clear way the gradual expansion of the Roman dominion. For the purpose of encouraging the reading of other books, each chapter is supplemented by two short lists of reading references, the one applying to the general subject-matter of the chapter, under the name of " Selections for Reading " ; and the other consti- tuting a " Special Study " upon some especially important or interesting topic. A classified list of the most valuable and available books in the English language upon Roman history will be found in the appendix to this volume. Every experi- enced teacher knows that history cannot be adequately taught by means of any single book, and that too much importance cannot be attached to the use of suitable bibliographical aids. W. C. M. University of Rochestek, Rochester, N. X. CONTENTS CHAPTEB PAGE I. Introduction — The Land and the People ... 9 THE ROMAN KINGDOM PERIOD I. Rome under the Early Kings (b.o. 753-616 ?) II. The Beginnings of Rome 19 III. The Institutions of Early Rome 28 PERIOD II. Rome under the Later Kings (b.c. 616-510 ?) IV. The Etruscan Kings of Rome 34 V. The Reorganization of the Kingdom .... 40 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC PERIOD III. The Struggles of the Early Republic (b.c. 510-343) VI. The Struggle against the Kingship 47 VII. The Struggle for Economic Rights 53 VIII. The Struggle for Equal Laws 59 IX. The Struggle for Political Equality 63 PERIOD IV. The Conquest op the Italian Peninsula (b.c. 343-264) X. The Conquest of Latium 73 XL The Conquest of Central Italy 79 XII. The Conquest of Southern Italy 85 XIII. Supremacy of Rome in Italy 91 PERIOD V. The Conquest of the Mediterranean World (b.c. 264-133) XIV. The First Punic War 101 XV. The Second Punic War Ill XVI. The Conquests in the East 125 7 CONTENTS CHAPTER XVII. XVIII. Eeduction of the Roman Conquests Rome as a World Power . PERIOD VI. The Pali, of the Republic (e.c. 133-31) XIX. The Times of the Gracchi . . . XX. The Times of Marius and Sulla XXI. The Times of Ponipey and Csesar XXII. The Times of Antony and Octavius . . . . PAGE 134 143 153 163 180 203 THE ROMAN EMPIRE PERIOD VII. The Early Roman Empire (b.c. 31-a.d. 284) XXIII. The Reign of Augustus 217 XXIV. The Julian Emperors — Tiberius to Nero . . . 231 XXV. The Flavian Emperors — Vespasian to Domitian . . 244 XXVI. The Five Good Emperors — Nerva to Marcus Aurelius . 259 XXVII. The Decline of the Empire 278 PERIOD VIII. The Later Roman Empire (a.d. 284-476) XXVIII. The Reorganization of the Empire 289 XXIX. The Extinction of the Western Empire . . . .304 XXX. The Gifts of Rome to Civilization 311 APPENDIX — A Classified List of Books upon Roman History . 327 INDEX . 337 LIST OF IMPORTANT MAPS THE PROGRESSIVE MAPS PAGE No. 1. b.c. 510 . 46 No. 2. b.c. 264 . 100 No. 3. b.c. 201 . 124 No. 4. b.c. 133 . 142 No. 5. b.c. 44 . 202 No. 6. A.D. 14 . 230 No. 7. A.D. 117 . 262, 263 No. 8. a.d. 337 . 296 No. 9. a.d. 476 . . 308 MAPS OP THE CITY ROME PAGE City of the Early Kings . 27 City of the Later Kings . . 38 Rome under Augustus . 221 Rome under the Later Em- perors . . . 302, 303 MAPS OF ITALY Divisions, etc., of Italy . . 13 Italy before the Social War . 167 OUTLINES OF EOMAN HISTORY CHAPTER I " INTRODUCTION.— THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE I. The Character oe Roman History Importance of Roman History. — As we begin the study of Roman history, we may. ask ourselves the question, Why is this subject important and worthy of our attention ? It is be- cause Rome was one of the greatest powers of the ancient world, and has also exercised a great influence upon nearly all modern nations. There are a few great peoples, like the Hebrews, the Greeks, and the Romans, who have done much to make the world whal; it is. If these peoples had never existed, our life and customs would no doubt be very different from what they are now. In order, then, to understand the world in which we live to-day, we must study these world-peoples, who may have lived many centuries ago, but who have given to us much that makes us what we are — much of our language, our literature, our religion, our art, our government and law. Rome and the Ancient World. — We often think of the Romans as the people who conquered the world. But Rome not only conquered the most important countries of the old world ; she also made of these different countries one united people, so that the ancient world became at last the Roman world. The old countries which bordered upon the Mediter- ranean Sea — Carthage and Egypt, Palestine and Syria, Greece 10 INTRODUCTION and Macedonia — all became parts of the Eoman Empire. The ideas and customs, the art and institutions, of these countries were taken up and welded together into what we call Eoman civilization. We may, therefore, say that Eome was the high- est product of the ancient world. Rome and the Modern World. — If Eome held such an impor- tant relation to the ancient world, she has held a still more important relation to the modern world. When the Eoman The Mediterranean World Empire fell and was broken up into fragments, some of these fragments became the foundation of modern states — Italy, Spain, France, and England. Eome is thus the connecting link between ancient and modern history. She not only gathered . up the products of the ancient world, she also transmitted these products to modern times. What she inherited from the past she bequeathed to the future, together with what she herself created. On this account we may say that Eome was the foundation of the modern world. Phases of Roman History. — As we approach the study of Eoman history, we shall find that we can look at it from dif- ferent points of view; and it will present to us different phases. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 11 In the first place, we may look at the external growth of Rome. We shall then see her territory gradually expanding from a small spot on the Tiber, until it takes in the whole peninsula of Italy, and finally all the countries on the Medi- terranean Sea. Our attention will then be directed to her generals, her armies, her battles, her conquests. We may trace on the map the new lands and new peoples which she gradually brought under her sway. Looked at from this point of view, Rome will appear to us as the great conquering nation of the world. Again, we may look at the way in which Rome ruled her subjects, the way in which she built up, from the various lands and peoples that she conquered, a great state, with its wonder- ful system of government and law. We shall then see the work of her statesmen and lawgivers, her magistrates, her senate, and her assemblies. From this point of view she will seem to us the great governing nation of the world. Finally, we may look at the way in which the Romans were themselves improved in their manners and customs, as they came into contact with other peoples — how they learned les- sons even from those whom they conquered, and were gradu- ally changed from a rude, barbarous people to a highly civilized and cultivated nation. We shall see the straw-thatched huts of early times giving place to magnificent temples and theaters and other splendid buildings. We shall see the rude speech of the early Romans growing into a noble language, capable of expressing fine, poetic feeling and lofty sentiments of patri- otism. We shall also see Rome giving the fruits of her cul- ture to the less favored peoples whom she takes under her control ; and when she passes away, we shall see her bequeath- ing her treasures to future generations. From this point of view Rome will appear to us as the great civilizing nation of the world. In order to understand the Romans well, we should look at them in all these phases; we should study their conquests, their government, and their civilization. 12 INTRODUCTION II. The Geogeaphy of Italy The Italian Peninsula. — The study of Roman history prop- erly begins with the geography of Italy ; because it was in Italy that the Roman people had their origin, and it was here that they began their great career. It was only when the Romans had conquered and organized Italy that they were able to con- quer and govern the world. If we look at the map (p. 10), we shall see that the position of the Italian peninsula was favorable to the growth of the Roman power. It was situated almost in the center of the Mediterranean Sea, on the shores of which had flourished the greatest nations of antiquity — Egypt, Carthage, Phceni'cia, Jude'a, Greece, and Macedonia. By conquering Italy, Rome thus obtained a commanding posi- tion among the nations of the ancient world. Boundaries and Extent of Italy. — In very early times, the name " Italy " was applied only to the very southern part of the peninsula. But from this small area it was extended so as to cover the whole peninsula which actually projects into the sea, and finally the whole territory south of the Alps. The peninsula is washed on the east by the Adriatic or Upper Sea, and on the west by the Tyrrhenian or Lower Sea. Italy lies for the most part between the parallels of thirty-eight degrees and forty-six degrees north latitude. It has a length of about 720 miles; a width varying from 330 to 100 miles; and an area of about 91,000 square miles. The Mountains of Italy. — There are two famous mountain chains which belong to Italy, the Alps and the Ap'ennines. (1) The Alps form a semicircular boundary on the north and afford a formidable barrier against the neighboring' countries of Europe. Starting • from the sea at its western extremity, this chain stretches toward the north for about 150 miles, when it rises in the lofty peak of Mt. Blanc, 15,000 feet in height ; and then continues its course in an easterly direction for about 330 miles, approaching the head of the Adriatic Sea, and disappearing along its coast. It is crossed by several passes, THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 13 through which foreign peoples have sometimes found their way into the peninsula. (2) The Apennines, beginning at the Mountains, , Divisions of Italy western extremity of the Alps, extend through the whole length, of the peninsula, forming the backbone of Italy. From this main line are thrown off numerous spurs and scattered peaks. Sometimes the Apennines have fur- nished to Rome a kind of barrier against invaders from the north. The Rivers of Italy. — The most important river of Italy is the Po, which, with its hundred tributaries, drains the fertile valley in the north, lying between the Alps and the Apennines. The eastern slope of the peninsula proper is drained by a large number of streams, the most noted of which are the Ru'bicon, the Metau'rus, the Frento, and the Au'fidus. On the western slope the most important river is the Tiber, with its tributary, the A'nio. To the north of the Tiber many small streams 14 INTRODUCTION flow into the Lower Sea, such as the Macra, the Arnus, and the Umbro ; while to the south flow the Liris, the Vulturnus, and the Sil'arus. The Divisions of Italy. — For the purpose of convenience and to aid us in our future study, we may divide ancient Italy into three divisions: northern, central, and southern. (1) Northern Italy comprised the whole continental portion from the Alps to a line drawn from the Macra on the west to the Rubicon on the east. It contained three distinct countries : Liguria toward the west, Cisalpine Gaul in the center, and Venetia toward the east. (2) Central Italy comprised the northern part of the peninsula proper, that is, the territory be- tween the line just drawn from the Macra to the Rubicon, and another line drawn from the Silarus on the west to the Erento on the east. This territory contained six countries, namely, three on the western coast, — Etruria, Latium (la'shi-uni), and Campania ; and three on the eastern coast and along the Apennines, — Unibria, Pice'num, and what we call the Sa- bellian country, which included many mountain tribes, chief .. inonf which were the Sa'bines, the Erenta'ni, and the Samnites. (3) Southern Italy comprised the rest of the peninsula and contained four countries, namely, two on the western coast, Lucania and Bruttium, extending into the toe of Italy ; and two on the eastern coast, Apulia and Calabria (or Iapygia), extending into the heel of Italy. III. The Early Inhabitants of Italy The Settlement of Italy. — The soft climate and fertile val- leys of Italy made it an attractive home for the wandering tribes of early Europe. Long before Rome was founded, every part of Italy was already peopled. Many of the peo- ples living there came from the north, around the head of the Adriatic, pushing their way toward the south into dif- ferent parts of the peninsula. Others came from Greece by way of the sea, settling upon the southern coast. It is of THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 15 course impossible for us to say precisely how Italy was set- tled. It is enough for us to know at present that most of the newcomers belonged to Indo-European Races in Eukope the great Indo-Euro- pean race, which per- haps came from Asia into Europe and which spread into different branches, the Celts in the west, the Germans in the north, the Sla- vonians in the east, and the Greeks and Italians in the south. When these people first appeared in Europe, they were scarcely civilized. They lived upon their flocks and herds, and had just begun to cultivate the soil. The Italic Tribes. — The largest part of the penin- sula was occupied ^by ^ number of tribes which made up the so-called Italic race. We will not pretend to say exactly how these tribes were related to one another — a subject upon which scholars do not agree. We may for convenience, however, group them into four divisions, the Latins, the Oscans, the Sabel- lians, and the Umbrians. (1) The Latins dwelt in central Italy, just south of the Tiber. They lived in villages scattered about Latium, tilling their fields and tending their flocks. The village was a col- The Backs of Italy 16 INTRODUCTION lection of straw-thatched huts ; it generally grew up about a hill, which was fortified, and to which the villagers could retreat in times of danger. Many of these Latin villages or hill-towns grew into cities, which were united into a league for mutual protection, and bound together by a common wor- ship (of Jupiter Latiaris) ; and an annual festival which they celebrated on the Alban Mount, near which was situated Alba Longa, their chief city (see map, p. 40). ,-t'^ i^SB*&fib m& A Temporary Village of Straw IIuts in Modern Italy — supposed to be like an Ancient Latin Village (2) The Oscans were the remnants of an early Italic people which inhabited the country stretching southward from Latium, along the western coast. In their customs they were like the Latins, although perhaps not so far advanced. Some authors include in this branch the iEquians, the Hernicans, and the Volscians, who carried on many wars with Rome in early times. (3) The Sabellians embraced the most numerous and war- like peoples of the Italic stock. They lived to the east and south of the Latins and Oscans, extending along the ridges and slopes of the Apennines. They were, devoted not so much to farming as to the tending of flocks and herds. They lived also by THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 17 plundering their neighbors' harvests and carrying off their neighbors' cattle. They were broken up into a great number of tribes, the most noted of which were the Samuites, a hardy race which became the great rival of the Roman people for the possession of central Italy. Other Sabellian tribes were the Sabines, the Marsians, the Picentians, the Frentani, the Apu- lians, the Lucanians, and the Bruttians. (4) The Umbrians lived to the north of the Sabellians. They are said to have been the oldest people of Italy. But when the Romans came into contact with them, they had become crowded into a comparatively small territory, and were not very important. They were broken up into small tribes, lining in hill-towns and villages, and these were often united into loose confederacies. The Etruscans. — Northwest of Latium dwelt the Etruscans, in some respects the most remark- able people of early Italy. Their origin is shrouded in mystery. In early times they were a power- ful nation, stretching from the Po to the Tiber, and having posses- sions even in the plains of Cam- pania. Their cities were fortified, often in the strongest manner, and also linked together in confed- erations. Their prosperity was founded not only upou agriculture, but also upon commerce. Their religion was a gloomy and weird superstition, in which they thought that they could discover the will of the gods by means of augury, that is, by watching the flight of birds and by examining the entrails of animals. The Etrus- cans were great builders ; and their massive walls, durable roads, well-constructed sewers, and imposing sepulchers show the greatness of their civilization. Etruscan Tomb MOKEY'S ROM. HIST.- 18 INTRODUCTION The Greeks in Italy. — But the most civilized and cultivated people in Italy were the Greeks, "who had planted their colonies at Taren'tum, and on the western coast as far as Naples (Neap- olis) in Campania. So completely did these coasts become dotted with Greek cities, enlivened with Greek commerce, and influenced by Greek culture, that this part of the peninsula received the name of Magna Grsecia. The Gauls. — If the Greeks in the extreme south were the most civilized people of Italy, the Gauls or Celts, in the extreme north, were the most barbarous. Crossing the Alps from western Europe, they had pushed back the Etruscans and occupied the plains of the Po ; hence this region received the name which it long held, Cisalpine Gaul. They held this territory against the Ligurians on the west and the Ven'eti on the east ; and for a long time were the terror of the Italian people. SELECTIONS FOR READING Ihne, Early Rome, Ch. 1, " The Greatness of Rome " (5). 1 Michelet, Ch. 2, "Description of Italy" (6). Liddell, Introduction, "Physical Geography of Italy" (1). How and Leigh, Ch. 2, " Peoples of Italy" (1). Shuckburgh, Ch. 3, " Inhabitants of Italy " (1). Mommsen, Vol. I., Bk. I., Ch. 3, " Settlements of the Latins " (2). Mommsen, abridged, Ch. 5, "The Etruscans — The Greeks in Italy "(2). SPECIAL STUDY Sources op Roman History. — Liddell, Ch. 16 (1) ; Ihne, Early Rome, Ch. 2 (5) ; Shuckburgh, pp. 54-60 (1) ; Mommsen, abridged, pp. vii.-xviii. (2) ; Dyer, Kings of Rome, Introductory Dissertation (5). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appen- dix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. THE ROMAN KINGDOM oJ- used for pasturage. In order to protect them from attacks, the sides of the Palatine hill were strengthened by a wall built of rude but solid masonry. This fortified place was called Roma Quadra'ta, 1 or " Square Rome." It formed the citadel of the colony, into which the 1 This has heen the generally accepted view ; but some authorities say that the name was applied only to a square altar in the center of the city. THE BEGINNINGS OF ROME 25 settlers could drive their cattle and conduct their families when attacked by hostile neighbors. It is interesting to know that the primitive wall of the Palatine city, known as the Wall of Romulus, has in recent years been uncovered, showing the general character of this first fortification of Rome. The Sabine Settlement on the Quirinal. — Opposite the Pala- tine settlement there grew up a settlement on the Quirinal hill. of Romulus ' This Quirinal settlement seems to have been an outpost or col- ony of the Sabine people, just as the Palatine settlement was a Latin colony. The Sabines were pushing southward from beyond the Anio. The settlers on the Quirinal were called Tit'i-es ; their colony formed a second hill-town, similar in character and nearly equal in extent to the Palatine town. Union of the Romans and the Sabines. — The two hill-towns which thus faced each other naturally became rivals for the possession of the lands near the Tiber ; but being so nearly of 26 THE ROMAN KINGDOM The Earliest Settlements on the Tiber equal strength, neither could conquer the. other. If these settlements had not been so close together, they might have indulged in occasional strife and still remained separate ; but being near to each other, they were obliged to be constantly at war, or else to come to some friendly understanding. They chose the latter course, and after forming an alliance, were united by a permanent league, and really became a single city. To celebrate this union, the in- tervening space was dedicated to the two-faced god, Janus, who watched the approaches of both towns, and whose temple was said to have been built by Numa. The Capitoline hill was chosen as the common citadel. The space between the two towns was used as a common market place {forum), and also as a place for the common meeting of the people (comitium). This union of the Palatine and Quirinal towns into one community, with a common re- ligion and government, was an event of great importance. It was, in fact, the first step in the process of " incorporation " which afterward made Home the most powerful city of Latium, of Italy, and finally of the world. The Third Settlement, on the Calian. — The union of the Romans (Bamnes) and the Sabines (Tities) was followed by the introduction of a third people, called the Lu'ceres. This people was probably a body of Latins who had been conquered and settled upon the Cselian hill — although they are some- times regarded as having been Etruscans. Whatever may have been their origin, it is quite certain that they soon came to be incorporated as a part of the whole city community. The city of the early Roman kings thus came to be made up of three divisions, or "tribes" (tribus, a third part, from tres, three). THE BEGINNINGS OF ROME 27 The evidence of this threefold origin -was preserved in many- institutions of later times. The three settlements were gradu- ally united into a single city-state with common social, politi- SCALE OF FEET ' ldoo sSuo aooo The City of the Early Kings — The Three TRtiiES A, Roma Quadrata. B, Arx, or Citadel. Tem&lea, Altars, etc. ; 1, Jupiter Capitolinus ; 2, Janus; 3, Quirinus; 4, Vesta; 5, Tarpeian Bock. cal, and religious institutions. By this union the new city became strong and able to compete successfully with its neighbors. SELECTIONS FOR READING Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 3, " The Earliest Legends " (l). 1 How and Leigh, Ch. 3, " Legends of the Kings" (1). Pelham, Bk. I., Ch. 1, "The Traditions" (1). Parker, Arch. Hist., Ch. 2, "Roma Quadrata" (9). Shuckburgh, Ch. 4, "Origin of Rome" (1). Mommsen, Vol. I., Bk. I., Ch. 4, "Beginnings of Rome" (2). Plutarch, "Romulus," "Numa" (11). Livy, Bk. I., Chs. 24-26, The Horatii and Curiatii (4). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 28 THE ROMAN KINGDOM SPECIAL STUDY Credibility of Early Roman History. — Liddell, Ch. 5 (1) ; Ihne, Early Rome, Ch. 4 (5); How and Leigh, pp. 34-37 (1); Leighton, Ch. 3 (1); Michelet, pp. 403-424 (6); Lewis, Credibility, en passant (5). CHAPTER III THE INSTITUTIONS OF EARLY ROME I. The Early Roman Society The Social Institutions. — We have thus far traced the origin of the Roman city, according to what seem to be the most reasonable and generally accepted views. Various writers on early Roman history, of course, differ upon many matters of detail; but they are fairly well agreed that the Roman city grew out of a settlement of Latin shepherds and farmers on the Palatine hill; and that this first settlement slowly ex- panded by taking in and uniting with itself the settlements established on the other hills. But to understand more fully the beginnings of this little city-state, we must look at the way in which the people were organized, that is, how they were arranged in social groups ; how they were ruled ; and how their society and government were held together and made strong by a common religion. Let us look first at the early social institutions. The Roman Family. — The smallest group of Roman society was the family, which the early Romans regarded as the most important and sacred of all human institutions. At its head was the household father (paterfamilias). He was supreme ruler over all the members of the household; his power extended to life and death. He had charge of the family worship and performed the religious rites about the sacred THE INSTITUTIONS OF EARLY ROME 29 fire, which was kept burning upon the family altar. Around the family hearth were gathered the sons and daughters, grandsons and granddaughters, and also the adopted children, — all of whom remained under the power of the father as long as he lived. The family might also have dependent members, called "clients," who looked up to the father as their " patron " ; and also slaves, who served the father as their master. Every Roman looked with pride upon his family and the deeds of his ancestors; and it was re- garded as a great calamity for the family wor- ship to become extinct. The Roman Gens. — A number of families which were supposed to be descended from a common ancestor formed a clan, or gens. Like the family, the gens was bound together by common religious rites. It was also governed by a common chief or ruler (decurio), who performed the religious rites, and led the people in war. The Roman Curia. — A number of gentes formed a still larger group, called a curia. In ancient times, when differ- ent people wished to unite, it was customary for them to make the union sacred by worshiping some common god. So the curia was bound together by the worship of a common deity. To preside over the common worship, a chief (curio) was selected, who was also the military commander in time of war, and chief magistrate in time of peace. The chief was assisted by a council of elders ; and upon the most important questions he consulted the members of the curia in a common place of meeting (comitium). So that the curia was a small confederation of gentes, and made what we might call a little state. The Roman Tribes. — There was in the early Roman society a still larger group than the curia; it was what was called the tribe. It was a collection of curias, which had united for purposes of common defense and had come to form quite 30 THE ROMAN KINGDOM a distinct and well-organized community, like that which had settled upon the Palatine hill, and also like the Sabine com- munity which had settled upon the Quirinal. Each of these settlements was therefore a tribe. Each had its chief, or king (rex), who was priest of the common religion, military commander in time of war, and civil magistrate to settle all disputes. Like the curia, it had also a council of elders and a general assembly of all people capable of bearing arms. Three of such tribes formed the whole Roman people. II. The Early Roman Government The Growth of the Roman Government. — It will now be easy for us to understand how the government of the whole united city came into existence. Each of the tribes, as we have seen, had its own king, its council of elders, and its general assem- bly. When the tribes on the Palatine and Quirinal hills united and became one people, their governments were also united and became one government. For example, their two kings were replaced by one king chosen alternately from each tribe. Their two councils of one hundred members each were united in a single council of two hundred members. Their two assemblies, each one of which was made up of ten curiae, were combined into a single assembly of twenty curias. And when the third tribe is added, we have a single king, a council of elders made up of three hundred members, and an assembly of the people composed of thirty curiae. The Roman King. — The Roman king was the chief of the whole people. He was elected by all the people in their com- mon assembly and inaugurated under the approval of the gods. He was in a sense the father of the whole nation. He was the chief priest of the national religion. He was the military commander of the people, whom he called to arms in time of war. He administered law and justice, and like the father of the household had the power of life and death over all his subjects. THE INSTITUTIONS OF EARLY ROME 31 The Roman Senate. — The council of elders for the united city was called the senate (from senex, an old man). It was composed of the chief men of the gentes, chosen by the king to assist him with their advice. It comprised at first one hun- dred members, then two hundred, and finally three hundred — the original number having been doubled and tripled, with the addition of the second and third tribes. The senate at first had no power to make laws, only the power to give advice, which the king might accept or not, as he pleased. The Comitia Curiata. — All the people of the thirty curiae, capable of bearing arms, formed a general assembly of the united city, called the comitia curia'ta. In this assembly each curia had a single vote, and the will of the assembly was determined by a majority of such votes. In a certain sense the comitia curiata was the highest authority in the state. It chose the king and passed a law conferring upon him his power. It ratified or rejected the most important proposals of the king regarding peace and war. The early city-state of Eome may then be- described as a democratic monarchy, in which the power of the king was limited by the will of the people. III. The Early Romast Religion The Growth of the Early Religion. — Like the Roman govern- ment, so the early Roman religion grew up with the union of the various settlements into one commu- nity. When the different tribes came to- gether into the Roman city, they selected Jupiter and Mars as their common gods to be worshiped upon the Capitoline hill, to- gether with Quirinus on the Quirinal. As the fire was kept burning on the family , .. ., n r* #. .i •. Temple of Jtjpiter Capi- hearth, so the sacred fire of the city was TOirau9 (Medallion) kept burning in the temple of Vesta. The Roman people were filled with religious ideas. All power, from that of the household father to that of the king, was 32 THE ROMAN KINGDOM believed to come from above. In peace and in war they lived in the presence of the gods, and sought to remember them by worship and festivals. The Early Roman Deities. — To the ancestral gods which were worshiped in the family and gens, were added the gods of nature, which the Romans saw everywhere. These earliest deities were those which naturally sprang from the imagina- tion of a pastoral and agricultural people. In their gods they saw the protectors of their flocks and herds, and the guardians of the weather, the seasons, and the fruits of the soil. Jove (Jupiter) was the god of the sky and the elements of the air, the thunder and the lightning. Tellus was the goddess of the earth, and the mother of all living things ; Saturn, the god of sowing ; and Ceres, the goddess of the harvest ; Minerva, the goddess of olives; Flora, of flowers; and Liber, the god of wine. The Religious Officers. — The king was the supreme religious officer of the state ; but he was assisted by other persons, whom he appointed for special religious duties. To each of the three great national gods — Jupiter, Mars, and Quirinus — was assigned a special priest, called a flamen. To keep the fires of Vesta always burning, there were appointed six vestal virgins, who were re- garded as the consecrated daughters of the The Six Vestals state. Special pontiffs, under the charge of a pontifex maximus, had charge of the reli- gious festivals and ceremonies ; and the fetiales were intrusted with the formality of declaring war. The Religious Observances. — The Romans showed their re- membrance of the gods in their prayers, offerings, and festivals. The prayers were addressed to the gods for the purpose of obtaining favors, and were often accompanied by vows. The religious offerings consisted either of the fruits of the earth, such as flowers, wine, milk, and honey ; or the sacrifices of domestic animals, such as oxen, sheep, and swine. The festi- THE INSTITUTIONS OF EARLY ROME 33 vals which were celebrated in honor of the gods were numerous and were scattered through the different months of the year. The old Eoman calendar contained a long list of these festival days. The new year began with March and was consecrated to Mars and celebrated with war festi- vals. Other religious festivals were devoted to the sowing of the seed, the gathering of the harvest, and similar events which belonged to the life of an agricultural people such as the early Romans were. very A Human Sacrifice SELECTIONS FOR READING Arnold, Hist., Ch. 2, " Early History of Rome " (2) .* How and Leigh, Ch. 4, " The Regal Period " (1). Pelham, Bk. I., Ch. 2, " The City and the Commonwealth " (1). Mommsen, Vol. L, Bk. I., Ch. 5, "Original Constitution of Rome" (2). Mommsen, abridged, Ch. 3, " Rome's Original Constitution" (2). SPECIAL STUDY The Roman Religion. — Leighton, Ch. 4 (1) ; Ihne, Early Rome, Ch. 6 (5) ; Mommsen, Vol. I., Bk. I., Ch. 12 (2) ; Ramsay and Lan- ciani, Ch. 10 (8); Eschenburg, pp. 229-248 (8) ; Harper's Diet. Antiqq., "Religio," "Sacerdos," " Sacrincium"(8),; Coulanges, Bk. I. (20). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. MOEEY'S ROM. HIST. 3 PEBIOD II. EOME UNDER THE LATEE KINGS (B. 0. 616-510?) CHAPTER IV THE ETRUSCAN KINGS OF EOME I. The Traditions op the Later Kings The Later Kingdom. — As we come to the later kingdom, we shall see that many changes took place which made Rome quite different from what it was in the early period. The history is still based upon legends ; but these legends are somewhat more trustworthy than the older ones. We shall see that Rome now came under foreign princes ; and that the city was greatly improved, and its institutions were changed in many respects. These new kings, instead of being Romans or Sabines, were Etruscans, who gave to Rome something of the character of an Etruscan city. Tarquinius Priseus. — The first of these new kings, it is said, came from the Etruscan city of Tarquinii, from which he de- rived his name. The story is told that r as he approached the city, an eagle came from the sky, and, lifting his cap from his head, replaced it. His wife, who was skilled in the Etruscan art of augury, regarded the eagle as a mes- senger from heaven, and its act as a sign that her hus- band was to acquire honor and power. At the death of Ancus Marcius, Tarquinius became king. He carried on many wars with the neighboring peoples, 34 Roman Eagle THE ETRUSCAN KINGS OE ROME 35 the Latins and the Sabines. He was great in peace as well as in war. He drained the city, improved the Forum, and founded a temple to Jupiter on the Capitoline hill. After a reign of thirty-eight years, he was treacherously slain by the sons of Ancus Marcius. Servius Tullius. — The next king was Servius Tullius, who is said to have been the son of a slave in the royal household, and whom the gods favored by mysterious signs. He proved a worthy successor to the first Tarquin. He made a treaty with the Latins, by which Rome was "acknowledged as the head of Latium ; and as a sign of this union, he built a temple to Diana on the Aventine hill. He enlarged the city and inclosed the seven hills within a single wall. After a reign of forty-four years, he was murdered by his own son-in-law, who became the next king. Tarquinius Superbus. — Tradition represents the last king, Tarquinius Superbus, as a cruel despot. He obtained the throne by murder, and ruled without the consent of the senate or the people. He loved power and pomp. He continued the wars with the Latins. He also waged war with the Volscians on the southern borders of Latium; and with the spoils there obtained he finished the temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline hill. Although he scorned religion, it is related that he was induced to buy the Sibylline books from the inspired prophetess of Cumse. It is also said that later in life he was frightened by strange dreams, and sent his two sons, with his nephew Brutus, to consult the Greek oracle at Delphi. To one question asked the oracle, the response was given that the person who first kissed his mother should succeed to the power of Tarquin. Brutus showed that he was the person intended, by falling and kissing the earth, the common mother of all. The traditions tell us how at last the proud Tarquin was driven from the throne and the kingdom was ended. Significance of the Legends. — We cannot of course accept these stories as real history. We can yet see in them the evi- dence that Rome was becoming different from what it had been 36 THE ROMAN KINGDOM under the early kings. We can see that Rome came under the .power of the Etruscans; that it was much improved by the construction of great public works and buildings ; and that it acquired a dominant power over the neighboring land of Latium. II. The Eteuscan Influence The Kingly Power. — One of the most important features of the Etruscan dynasty was the increase of the kingly power. All the Etruscan kings were represented as powerful rulers. Although they could not change the spirit and character of the people, they gave to Rome a certain kind of strength and influ- ence which it did not have before. This great power of the Etruscan kings was at first used for the good of the people ; but finally it became a tyranny which was oppressive and hateful. The Insignia of Power. — From the Etruscans came the royal insignia, that is, the symbols of power which were in- tended to make the person of the king more dignified and respected. These insignia consisted of a golden crown, an ivory scepter, an ivory chair called the "curule chair," a white robe with a purple border (toga praztexta), and twelve lictors, or royal attendants, each carry- ing a bundle of rods (fasces) inclosing an ax. This last symbol was a sign of the absolute power of the king. The Haruspices. — From Etruria also came the art of the haruspices, or soothsayers, who interpreted the will of the gods. These persons were supposed to ascertain the divine will by observing the lightning and other phenomena of nature, and also by examining the internal organs of animals Curule Chair and Fasces THE ETRUSCAN KINGS OE ROME 37 offered in sacrifice, and even by watching the sacred chickens as they ate their food. The Etruscan soothsayers were sup- posed to be better versed in divine things than the Roman augurs ; and the senate is said to have provided for the perpetual cultivation of the Etruscan ritual. Public Works. — The buildings and other public works of the later kings bear the marks of Etruscan influence. The massive and dur- able style of architecture, especially as seen in the walls and the sewers constructed at this time, shows that they were the works of great and experienced builders. The name of the "Tuscan Street" (vicus Tuscus) which opened into the Forum, preserved the memory of this foreign influence in the Roman city. Sacred Chickens (From an ancient cameo) III. The Gbowth of the City The Servian Walls. — The expansion of the city under the Tarquins is shown, in the first place, by the construction of the new and larger walls which are ascribed to Servius Tullius, and which received his name. Previous to this time the prin- cipal city wall was on the Palatine. Some of the other hills were partly fortified. . But now a single fortification was made to encircle all the seven hills, by joining the old walls and by erecting new defenses. The walls were generally built of large, rectangular blocks of stone, and so durable were they that' they remained the only defenses of the city for many hundreds of years ; and parts of them may be seen at the present day. The New Temples. — Under the Tarquins, the temples of the city assumed a more imposing architectural appearance. Be- 38 THE ROMAN KINGDOM fore this the places of worship were generally altars, set up on consecrated places, and perhaps covered with a simple roof. The Etruscan kings gave a new dignity to the sacred build- 8CALE OF FEET o ' ldoo 2000 The City of the Latek Kings — Walls of Seevius The four Servian regions : I, Suburana; II, Palatini ; in, Esguilina; TV. Collina. The chie/ gates of Borne : a, Colliua; 5, Viminalis; c, Esquilina; d, Querquetulana ; e, Capena; /, Ratumena. The chief buildingB, etc. : 1, Temple of Jupiter Capitol inu s ; 2, Janus ; 3, Quirinus ; 4, Vesta ; 5, Saturn ; 6, Diana ; 7, Circus Maximus ; 8, Cloaca Maxima ; 9, Vicus Tuscus. ings. The most imposing example of the new structures was the temple dedicated to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, on the Capitoline hill, which contained shrines set apart for the worship of Juno and Minerva. Other new temples were the one dedicated to Saturn at the foot of the Capitoline near the Forum, and one dedicated to Diana on the Aventine. The Cloaca Maxima. — Among the most remarkable works of the Tarquins were the sewers which were constructed to drain the city. The most important of these was the famous Cloa'ca THE ETRUSCAN KINGS OF ROME 39 Maxima, or great drain, which ran under the Forum and emptied into the Tiber. It was said to be large enough to admit a hay- Capitoline Hill (Restoration) cart, and one could sail down it in a boat. It was strongly- built of stone, in the form of a semicircular arch, such as the Etruscans had used, and its mouth is still visible on the shore of the Tiber. The Circus Maximus. — For the amusement of the people, games were intro- duced from Etruria, and a great circus, called the Circus Maximus, was laid out between the Aventine and the Palatine hill. Here the people assembled once every year, to witness chariot races and boxing and other sports, which were Cloaca Maxima Games of the Circus (An ancient mosaic) celebrated in honor of the gods who were worshiped on the Capitoline. 40 THE ROMAN KINGDOM SELECTIONS FOR READING Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 4, "The Three Later Kings " (l). 1 Liddell, Ch. 3, " Tarquinius Priscus and Servius Tullius" (1). Parker, Arch. Hist., Ch. 5, "The City on the Seven Hills " (9). Arnold, Hist., Ch. 4, " Stories of the Later Kings " (2). Livy, Bk. I., Chs. 34-39, Stories of Tarquinius Priscus (4). SPECIAL STUDY The City under the Kings.— Dyer, pp. 1-61 (9) ; Parker, Chs. 2-5 (9) ; Liddell, pp. 52-55 (1) ; Arnold, Chs. 3, 5 (2) ; Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 78 (1). ♦ CHAPTER V THE REORGANIZATION OF THE KINGDOM I. The Introduction of the Plebeians The Reforms of the Tarquins. — We must not suppose that the work of the Etruscan kings was simply to give to Rome better buildings and more durable public works. However important these may have been, the Tarquins did something which was of still greater benefit to the Roman people. The first Tarquin and Servius Tullius are described as great reformers, who made the little Roman state stronger and more compact than it had been before. Let us see why the Roman state needed to be reformed, and how this reform was brought about. The Patrician Aristocracy. — We have already seen that the early Roman people was made up of three tribes, that is, the three old communities which were settled on the Roman hills. We have also seen that these tribes were made up of curiae; and these curiae of gentes ; and lastly, that these gentes were composed of the old families. It is therefore evident that no person could be a member of the state unless he was a 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the hook will be found. THE REORGANIZATION OF THE KINGDOM 41 member of some old Roman family. It was only the descend- ants of the old families who could vote in the assembly or could be chosen to the senate. And it was they only who were called upon to serve in the army. These old families and their descendants were called patricians ; and the state was in reality a patrician state. As all other persons were excluded from political rights and privileges, the patricians formed an aristocratic class, exclusive and devoted to their own interests. The Growth of the Plebeians. — But in the course of time there grew up by the side of the patricians a new class of persons. Though living at Rome, they were not members of the old families, and hence had no share in the government. These persons were called plebe'ians. There were no doubt many of these persons under the early kings; but they became more numerous under the later kings. They consisted largely of people of other cities who had been conquered and brought to Rome, and of people who had escaped from other cities and found refuge at Rome. They thus became subjects, but not citizens. They could not hold office, nor vote; nor could they marry into the patrician families; althoiigh they were allowed to hold property of their own/ But as they became more numerous, and as some of them became wealthy, they desired to be made equal with the patricians. The New Plebeian Gentes. — It was Tarquinius Priscus, the first Etruscan king, who, it is said, took the first step toward introducing the plebeians into the state. He did this by introducing into each one of the tribes a number of the more wealthy plebeian families, under the name of lesser gentes {gentes minor es); while the old patrician gentes were called by the more honorable name of greater gentes (gentes maiores). In this way the line of separation between the patricians and the plebeians began to be broken down, but it was many years after this time before the two classes became entirely equal. 42 THE ROMAN KINGDOM II. The Reformed Constitution' The New Local Tribes. — More important than the reforms of Tarquinius Priscus were the reforms which are said to have been made by Servius Tullius. The previous changes had affected only a small part of the plebeian class ; the great body of the plebeians remained just where they were before. Now Servius saw that Eome would be stronger and more able to compete with her enemies if the plebeians were called upon to serve in the army and pay taxes, just like the patri- cians. He therefore made a new division of the people, based not upon their birth and descent, like the old division into tribes, but upon their domicile, that is, the place where they lived. He divided the whole Eoman territory, city and country, into local districts, like wards and townships. There were four of these in the city, and sixteen in the country, the former being called " city tribes " (tribus urbance), and the latter " rural tribes " (tribus rusticce). All per- sons, whether patricians or plebeians, who had settled homes (assidui), were enrolled in their proper tribes and were made subject to military service and the tribal tax (tributum). The New Classes and Centuries.— The next step which Servius took was to re- organize the Eoman army, so that it should include all persons who resided in the Eoman territory and were en- rolled in the new local tribes. First came the cavalry (eq'uites), made up of young wealthy citizens, and arranged in eighteen centuries, or companies. Next came the infantry (ped'ites), which comprised all the rest of the men capable In ancient times every man was obliged to fur- Now as all the people could not afford Soldier with Full Armor of bearing arms. nish his own weapons. THE REORGANIZATION OF THE KINGDOM 43 to obtain the heavier armor, they were subdivided into " classes " according to their wealth, and according to the armor it was supposed they could afford to furnish. The first class consisted of eighty centuries, and was made up of the wealthiest men, who could afford a full armor — a brass shield carried on the left arm, greaves which covered the legs, a cui- rass to protect the breast, and a hel- met for the head, together with a sword and a spear. The second class had in place of the brass shield a wooden shield, covered with leather. The third class omitted the greaves, and the fourth class omitted also the cuirass and the helmet, carrying only the wooden shield, spear, and sword. The fifth class was made up of the poorest citizens, who fought only with darts and slings. Each of these classes, except the first, was arranged in twenty centu- ries, or companies. One half of the centuries in each class were composed of the younger men (iuniores), who might be called out at any time. The other half were composed of the older men (seniores), who were called out only in times of great danger. Besides, there were fifteen centuries of musi- cians, carpenters, and substitutes. We may perhaps get a clearer idea of this new military arrangement by the following table : — Slinger II. Infantry (Pedites) 1st class (40 iuniores 40 seniores) . . . 80 " 2d " (10 " 10 14 \ . 20 " 3d " (10 " 10 " *) . 20 " 4th " (10 " 10 U \ . 20 " 5th " (10 10 U \ . 20 » Musicians, Carpenters, Substitutes . 15 Total 44 THE ROMAN KINGDOM The New Assembly, Comitia Centuriata. — This arrangement of the people was first intended for a military purpose ; but it soon came to have a political character also. There was every reason why the important questions relating to war, which had heretofore been left to the old body of armed citizens, should now be left to the new body of armed citizens. As a matter of fact, the new fighting body became a new voting body; and there thus ar x ose a new assembly, called the assembly of the centuries {comitia centuria'ta). But this new assembly did not lose its original military character. For example, it was called together, not by the voice of the lictor, like the old assembly, but by the sound of the trumpet. Again, it did not meet in the Forum, where the old assembly met, but in the Field of Mars {Campus Martins), outside of the city. It also voted by centuries, that is, by mili- tary companies. After a time the comitia centuriata acquired the character of a real political and legislative body, of greater importance than the old comitia curiata. III. The Supremacy of Rome in Latium Conquests in Latium — While Rome was thus' becoming strong, and her people were becoming more united and better organized, she was also gaining power over the neighboring lands. The people with whom she first came into contact were the Latins. A number of Latin towns were conquered and brought under her power, and were made a part of the Roman domain {ager Bomanus). She also pushed her conquests across the Anio into the Sabine country, and across the Tiber into Etruria. So that before the fall of the kingdom, Rome had begun to be a conquering power. But her conquests at present were limited, for the most part, to Latium, and it was from this conquered land in Latium that she had created the rural tribes already mentioned. Rome and the Latin League — Outside of this conquered ter- ritory were the independent Latin cities, united together into a strong confederacy. When Alba Longa was conquered, Rome THE REORGANIZATION OF THE KINGDOM 45 succeeded to the headship of this confederacy of thirty cities. The people of these cities were not made Roman citizens; but they were given the right to trade and to intermarry with Romans. The Latin league was bound to Rome by a treaty, which made it partly subject to her ; because it could not wage war without her consent, and it must assist her in her wars. Review of the Roman Kingdom. — In the various ways which we have described, Rome had come to be a strong city, and was growing into something like a new nation, with a kind of national policy. If we should sum up this policy in two words, these words would be expansion and incorporation. By "expansion " we mean the extension of Roman power over the neighboring territory, whether by conquest or by alliance. By "incorporation'' we mean the taking of subject people into the political body. For example, Rome had first incorporated the Sabine settlement on the Quirinal ; then the Latin settle- ment on the Ceelian ; and finally the plebeian class, which had grown up by the side of the patrician class. By pursuing this kind of policy, Rome had come to be, at the end of the kingdom, a compact and quite well-organized city-state with a considerable territory of her own (ager Bomanus) about the Tiber, and having a control over the cities of Latium. SELECTIONS FOR READING Ihne, Early Rome, Ch. 9, "People of the Regal Period" (5). 1 Shuckburgh, Ch. 5, " The Regal Period " (1). Arnold, Hist, Ch. 5, " Greatness of the Monarchy" (2). How and Leigh, Ch. 4, " The Regal Period" (1). Mommsen, abridged, Ch. 4, "Reforms of Servius Tullius — Supremacy of Rome in Latium " (2). SPECIAL STUDY The Servian Classes and Centuries. — Pelham, pp. 36-39 (1) ; Leighton, pp. 22-24 (1) ; Mommsen, Vol. I., pp. 132-141 (2) ; Ramsay and Lanciani, p. 96 et seq. (8) ; Niebuhr, Hist., Vol. I., pp. 212-236 ; Taylor, pp. 25-36 (1). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the hook will be found. JPROG-R^SSIATE IVlAOP INTo. 1 Falerii # Nepete < pST 46 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC o» 25 Central Italy — Seoond and Third Samnite Wars these cities and the Roman settlers in Campania. Palsepolis appealed to the Samnites for help, and a strong garrison was given to it. The Romans demanded that this garrison should be withdrawn. The Samnites refused. The Romans then declared war and laid siege to Palsepolis, which was soon captured by Q. Publilius Philo. Battle at the Caudine Forks (B,C. 321). — In the early part of the war the Romans were nearly everywhere successful. They formed alliances with the Apulians and Lucanians on the south, and they also took the strong city of Luce'ria in Apulia; so that the Samnites were surrounded by the Roman army. THE CONQUEST OF CENTRAL ITALY 81 and their allies. But in spite of these successes, the great Samnite general, Pontius, inflicted upon the Romans one of the most humiliating defeats that they ever suffered. The Roman consuls in Campania, deceived by the false report that Luceria was besieged by the whole Samnite force, decided to hasten to its relief by going directly through the heart of the Samnite territory. In passing through a defile in the mountains near Caudium, called the "Caudine Forks," the whole Roman force was entrapped by Pontius and obliged to surrender. The army was compelled to pass under' the yoke ; and the consuls were forced to make a treaty, yielding up all the territory conquered from the Samnites. But the Roman senate refused to ratify this treaty, arid delivered up the offending consuls to the Samnites. Pontius, however, refused to accept the consuls as a compensation for the broken' treaty ; and demanded that the treaty should be kept, or else that the whole Roman army should be returned to the Caudine Forks, where they had surrendered. Rome refused to do either, and the war was continued. Uprising of the Etrus- cans. — After breaking this treaty and recover- ing her army, Rome looked forward to im- mediate success. But in this she was disap- pointed. Everything seemed now ' turning against her. The cities in Campania revolted, the Samnites conquered Luceria in Apulia and Fregel'lae on the Liris, wak in etburia V and . gained an important victory in the south of Latium near Anxur. To add to her troubles, the Et»uscans eam& to the aid of the Samnites and^ attacked the" j Roman ■- gar- *"*>* •sKfifis. "Ifo. -----■.- -\f ^Ariminum > Lucca .:J'S' / ^~*V « %;:* ' ^-~-T : V Ancona ~<^ \;V'; fisv ||»SL »« -A ':'■..>;. s\-,».~- -« \>*: ^^S^eht3)iin ; ! '■. '^ :*>& ^ *S * ■mm •'■■■'■' : ' - : -H *-* ' *'% \-^ o '■%, *< 1 *0. (Clusiullk JO - '■ , , .. ■ i ■"■■j. %vv gf -f>;s : >/B ELBA ,.,.... A ..Vqlsijnii '■■■"y'l-.-'i. ISSs "\ #•■.■■ ">. ^As^Bajiria*'' ':■■ >■■■)' SWtnu 1 \ a V •?■ v.. Caer< Jii^-ViL-.j^:-;;; V %■/' , 'Kome ./*- SCALE OP MILC ' 8 118 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC army, but to draw it into such a position that it could be entirely destroyed. He therefore placed his weakest troops, the Spanish and Gallic in- r ov . Battle op Cann.e fantry, in the center oppo- site the heavy infantry of the Romans, and pushed them forward in the form of a crescent, with the ex- pectation that they would be driven back and pursued by the Romans. On either flank he placed an invinci- ble body of African troops, his best and most trusted soldiers, drawn back in long, solid columns, so that they could fall upon the Romans when the center had been driven in. On his left wing, next to the river, were placed four thousand Spanish and Gallic cavalry, and on the right wing his superb body of six thousand Numidiah cavalry, which was to swing around and attack the Roman army in the rear, when it had become en- gaged with the African troops upon the right and left. The description of this plan is almost a description of the bat- tle itself. When the Romans had pressed back the weak center of Hannibal's line, they found themselves ingulfed in the midst of the Carthaginian forces. Attacked on all sides, the Roman army became a confused mass of struggling men, and the battle became a butchery. The army was annihilated ; seventy thou- sand Roman soldiers are said to have been slain, among whom were eighty senators and the consul iEmilius. The small remnant of survivors fled to the neighboring towns, and Varro, with seventy horsemen, took refuge in the city of Venusia. This was the most terrible day that Rome had seen since the destruction of the city by the Gauls, nearly two centuries •before. Every house in Rome was in mourning. THE SECOND PUNIC WAR 119 II. Fkom Canute to the Metaueus (b.c. 216-207) Hannibal's New Allies. — The battle of Cannae convinced the Italian allies that it would be better to have the help, rather than the hostility, of such a man as Hannibal. The Apulians, the Lucanians, the Samnites, the Bruttians, revolted and put themselves under his protection. But the Latin colonies and the Greek cities generally remained loyal to Home. Capua, however, the most important city in Italy, after Rome, opened her gates to Hannibal ; and Tarentum,. which held a Roman garrison, was betrayed into his hands. The influence of Han- nibal's victory was also apparent outside of Italy. Syracuse transferred her allegiance from Rome to Carthage, and many other cities in Sicily threatened to revolt. Philip V., the king of Macedonia, also made an alliance with Hannibal, and threatened to invade Italy to assist him. Hannibal at this time was at the height of his power. Dismay and Fortitude of the Romans. — During the period which followed the battle of Cannae, the Roman character was put to its severest test. The people feared the worst. Every- thing seemed turning against them. They were in dismay; but they did not despair. The popular excitement was soon allayed by the firmness of the senate. Under the wise counsels of Fabius Maximus, new plans were made for the recovery of Italy. But the problem now seemed greater than ever before. The war must be carried on, not only in Italy, to recover the revolted allies and to meet the continued attacks of Hannibal ; but also in Spain, to prevent reinforcements coming from Hasdrubal ; and in Sicily, to prevent the cities of that province from following the example of Syracuse ; and finally in Greece, to prevent the king of Macedonia from interfering in the affairs of Italy. In the face of all discouragements, the Roman people, supported by the faithful Latin towns and colonies, remained firm ; and with fixed resolution determined to prose- cute the war with greater vigor than ever before. The Turning of the Tide. — It was at this point that the 120 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC fortunes of war began to turn in favor of the Romans. The first ray of hope came from Spain, where it was learned that Hasdrubal had been defeated by the Scipios. Then Hanni- bal's army met its first repulse in Campania. The Romans also, by forming a league with the iEtolian cities of Greece and sending them a few troops, were able to prevent Macedonia from giving any aid to Hannibal. Soon Syracuse was captured after a siege by the Roman praetor Marcel'lus. Moreover, Hannibal's forces were weakened by the need of protecting his new allies, scattered in various parts of southern Italy. Recovery of Capua. — The Romans were greatly incensed by the revolt of Capua, and determined to punish its citizens. Regular siege was laid to the city, and two Roman armies surrounded its walls. Hannibal marched to the relief of the beleaguered city and attempted to raise the siege ; but could not draw the Roman army from its intrenchments. As a last resort, he marched directly to Rome, hoping to compel the Romans to withdraw their armies from Capua for the defense of the capital. Although he plundered the towns and ravaged the fields of Latium, and rode about the walls of Rome, the fact that "Hannibal was at the gates," did not entice the Roman army away from Capua. Rome was well defended, and Hannibal, having no means of besieging the city, with- drew again into the southern part of Italy. Capua was soon taken by the Romans ; its chief citizens were put to death for their treason, many of the inhabitants were reduced to slavery, and the city itself was put under the control of a prefect. It was apparent that Hannibal could not protect his Italian allies ; and his cause seemed doomed to failure, unless he could receive help from his brother Hasdrubal, who was still in Spain. Battle of the Metaurus (B.C. 207). — While Hannibal had been engaged in Italy, Hasdrubal had been kept in Spain by the vigorous campaign which the Romans had conducted in that peninsula under the two Scipios. Upon the death of these generals, the young Publius Cornelius Scipio was sent to Spain THE SECOND PUNIC WAR 121 and earned a great name by his victories. But Hasdrubal Was determined to go to the rescue of his brother in Italy. He followed Hannibal's path over the Alps into the valley of the Po. Hannibal had moved northward into Apulia, and was awaiting news from Hasdrubal. There were now two enemies in Italy, instead of one. One Roinan army under Claudius Nero was, therefore, sent to oppose Hannibal in Apulia; and another army under Livius Salina'tor was sent to meet Has- drubal, who had just crossed the river Metaurus, in Umbria. It was necessary that Hasdrubal should be crushed before Hannibal was informed of his arrival in Italy. The consul Claudius Nero therefore left his main army in Apulia, and with eight thousand picked soldiers hurried to the aid of his colleague in Umbria. The battle which took place at the Metaurus was decisive; and really determined the issue of the second Punic war. The army of Hasdrubal was entirely destroyed, and he himself was slain. The first news which Hannibal received of this disaster was from the lifeless lips of his own brother, whose head was thrown by the Romans into the Carthaginian camp. Hannibal saw that the death of his brother was the doom of Carthage; and he sadly exclaimed, " Carthage, I see thy fate ! " Hannibal retired into Brut- tium ; and the Roman consuls received the first triumph that had been given since the beginning of this disastrous war. III. Prom the Metaurus to Zama (b.c. 207-201) Publius Scipio Africanus. — Of all the men produced by Rome during the Punic wars, Publius Cornelius Scipio (afterward called Afriea'nus) came the nearest to being a military genius. From boyhood he had, like Hannibal, served in the army. At the death of his father and uncle, he had been intrusted with the conduct of the war in Spain. With great ability he had defeated the armies which opposed him, and had regained the entire peninsula, after it had been almost lost. With his con- quest of New Carthage and Gades (see map, p. 112), Spain 122 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC was brought under the Roman power. On his return to Rome, Scipio was unanimously elected to the consulship. He then proposed his scheme for closing the war. This plan was to keep Hannibal shut up in the Bruttian penin- sula, and to carry the war into Africa. Although this scheme seemed to the aged Fabius Maximus as rash, the people had entire confidence in the young Scipio, and supported him. From this time Scipio was the chief figure in the war, and the senate kept him in command until its close. The War carried into Africa. — Scipio now or- ganized his new army, which was made up largely of volunteers, and equipped by patriotic contributions. He embarked from Sicily and landed in Africa. He was assisted by the Numidian king, Masinis'sa, whom he had previously met in Spain ; and whose royal title was now disputed by a rival named Syphax, an ally of Carthage. The title to the kingship of jSTumidia thus became mixed up with the war with Carthage. Scipio and Masinissa soon defeated the Carthaginian armies in Africa, and the fate of Carthage was sealed. Recall of Hannibal. — While the war was progressing in Africa, Hannibal still held his place in Bruttium like a lion at bay. In the midst of misfortune, he was still a hero. He kept control of his devoted army, and was faithful to his duty when all was lost. Carthage was convinced that her only hope was in recalling Hannibal to defend his native city. Hannibal left Italy, the field of his brilliant exploits, and landed in Publics Scipio Afp.ioanus THE SECOND PUNIC WAR 123 Africa. Thus Bome was relieved of her dreaded foe, who had brought her so near to the brink of ruin. Battle of Zama and End of the War (B.C. 201). —The two greatest generals then living were now face to face upon the soil of Africa. The final battle of the war was fought (b.c. 202) near Zama (see map, p. 112). Hannibal fought at a great disadvantage. His own veterans were reduced greatly in number, and the new armies of Carthage could not be depended upon. Scipio changed the order of the legions, leav- ing spaces in his line, through which the elephants of Han- nibal might pass without being opposed. In this battle Hannibal was defeated, and the Carthaginian army was anni- hilated. It is said that twenty thousand men were slain, and as many more taken prisoners. The great war was now ended, and Scipio imposed the terms of peace (b.c. 201). These terms were as follows : (1) Carthage was to give up the whole of Spain and all the islands between Africa and Italy ; (2) Masi- nissa was recognized as the king of Numidia and the ally of Rome ; (3) Carthage was to pay an annual tribute of 200 talents (about $250,000) for fifty years ; (4) Carthage agreed not to wage any war without the consent of Rome. Rome was thus recognized as the mistress of the western Mediterranean. Carthage, although not reduced to a province, became a dependent state. Syracuse was added to the prov- ince of Sicily, and the territory of Spain was divided into two provinces, Hither and Farther Spain. Rome had, moreover, been brought into hostile relations with Macedonia, which paved the way for her conquests in the East. SELECTIONS FOR READING Mommsen, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 4, " Hamilcar and Hannibal" (2). 1 Mommsen, abridged, Ch. 14, " Second Punic War" (2). Arnold, Hist., p. 478, " Hannibal's Passage of the Alps " (2). Shuckburgh, p. 314, "Battle of Trasimene" (1). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. FTIOG-RESSI^E MA.T' No. 3. 124 THE CONQUESTS IN THE EAST 125 How and Leigh, p. 229, " Battle of Zama " (1). Plutarch, "Marcellus," "Fabius" (11). Livy, Bk. XXL, Chs. 7-15, Siege of Saguntum (4). See also Appendix (25) " Hannibal." SPECIAL STUDY Battle or Cannae. — Liddell, pp. 311-315 (1); Shuckburgh, pp. 323-328 (1) ; How and Leigh, pp. 194-198 (1) ; Arnold, Hist., pp. 496- 500 (2) ; Mommsen, Vol. II., pp. 154-158 (2) ; Livy, Bk. XXII., Chs. 44-52 (4); Appian, Bk. VIII., Ch. 4 (4); Polybius, Bk. III., sects. 112-118 (4). CHAPTER XVI THE CONQUESTS IN THE EAST (B.C. 200-133) I. The Condition of the East The Divisions of the Empire of Alexander. — At the time of the second Punic war, the countries about the Mediterranean may be considered as forming two distinct worlds : the West- ern world, in which Rome and Carthage were struggling for mastery; and the Eastern world, which was divided among the successors of Alexander the Great. It was more than a century before this time that Alexander had built up a great empire, extending from Greece to the middle of Asia. By his conquests the ideals of Greek art and literature and philos- ophy had been spread into the, eastern countries. But Alex- ander had none of the genius for organization which the Romans possessed, and so at his death his empire fell to . pieces. The fragments were seized by his different generals, and became new and distinct kingdoms. At this time there were three of these kingdoms which were quite extensive and powerful. These were : (1) the kingdom of Egypt under the Ptol'emies, in Africa; (2) the kingdom of Syria under the Seleu'cidse, in Asia ; and (3) the kingdom of Macedonia under 126 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC the direct successors of Alexander, in southeastern Europe (see map, p. 124). Egypt under the Ptolemies. — Under the reign of the Ptol- emies, Egypt had attained a remarkable degree of prosperity. Her territory not only included the valley of the Nile, but extended into Asia, taking in Palestine, Phoenicia, and the southern part of Syria (Coele-Syria), besides Cyprus and some other islands. Its capital, Alexandria, was perhaps the most cultivated city of the world, where the learned men of all countries found their home. So devoted was Egypt to the arts of peace, that she kept aloof, as far as possible, from the great wars of this period. But she was an object of envy to the kings of Syria and Macedonia ; and toward the close of the second Punic war, in order to protect herself, she had formed an alliance with Pome. The friendly relations between Pome and Egypt were preserved, while Rome carried on war with the other great powers of the East. Syria under Antiochus III. — The most important fragment of Alexander's empire in Asia was Syria, or the kingdom of the Seleucidse — so called from the name of its founder, Seleu- cus the Conqueror. It covered a large part of western Asia, comprising the valley of the Euphrates, upper Syria, and por- tiijtu of Asia Minor. Its rulers included four kings by the name of Seleucus, and eight by the name of Anti'ochus. These names also appear in the capital cities of the Syrian empire, Seleucia on the Tigris and An'tioch in upper Syria. The most powerful of these kings was Antiochus III., surnamed the Great. He did much to enlarge and strengthen the empire. But he incurred the hostility of Rome by giving asylum to Rome's great enemy, Hannibal, and also by attempting to make conquests in Europe. There were a few small states in Asia Minor, like Per'gamus, Bithyn'ia, Pontus, and the island republic of Rhodes, which were not included in the kingdom of Syria and which were inclined to look to Rome for protection. Macedonia and the Greek Cities. — The third great fragment of Alexander's empire was Macedonia, which aspired to be THE CONQUESTS IN THE EAST 127 supreme in eastern Europe. A part of Greece fell under its authority. But many of the Greek cities remained free ; and they united into leagues or confederations, in order to main- tain their independence. One of these was the Acheean league, made up of the cities of southern Greece, or the Peloponne'sus ; and another was the JStolian league, including a large number of cities in central Greece. When. Philip V. came to the throne of Macedonia, his kingdom was in a flourishing condi- tion. The young ruler was ambitious to extend his power; and came into hostile relations with Rome, which espoused the cause of the Greek cities. II. The First and Second Macedonian Wars The First Macedonian War (B.C. 215-206). — It was the indis- creet alliance of Philip of Macedonia with Hannibal, during the second Punic war, which we have already noticed, that brought about the first conflict between Pome and Macedonia. But Rome was then so fully occupied with her struggle with Car- thage that all she desired to do was simply to prevent Philip from making his threatened invasion of Italy. Rome there- fore sent a small force across the Adriatic, made friends with the iEtoliaus, and kept Philip occupied at home. The Mace- donian king was thus prevented from sending any force into Italy. The iEtolians, not satisfied with the support given to them by Rome, soon made peace with Philip ; and the Romans themselves, who were about to invade Africa, were also willing to conclude a treaty of peace with him. Thus closed what is generally called the first Macedonian war, which was really nothing more than a diversion to prevent Philip from giving aid to Hannibal after the battle of Cannae. Beginning of the Second Macedonian War (B.C. 200-197). — When the second Punic war was fairly ended, Rome felt free to deal with Philip of Macedonia, and to take a firm hand in settling the affairs of the East. Philip had annoyed her, not only by making an alliance with Hannibal, but afterward by 128 THE ROMAN KEl'UBLIC sending a force to assist him at the battle of Zama. And now the ambitious schemes of Philip were not at all to the liking of Rome. For instance, he made an agreement with Antiochus of Syria to cut up the possessions of Egypt, a country which was friendly to Rome. He was also overrunning the coasts of the iEgean Sea, and was threatening the little kingdom of Perga- mus in Asia Minor, and the little republic of Rhodes, as well Lands about the jEgean' Sea as the cities of Greece. When appeal came to Rome for pro- tection, she espoused the cause of the small states, and declared war against Macedonia. Battle of Cynoscephalse (B.C. 197). — The great hero of this war was T. Quinctius Flamini'nus ; and the decisive battle was fought near a hill in Thessaly called Cynosceph'al8e (Dog's Heads). Here Philip was completely defeated, and his army was destroyed. Although Macedonia was not reduced to the condition of a province, it became practically subject to Rome. THE CONQUESTS IN THE EAST 129 Macedonia was thus humbled, and there was no other power in Europe to dispute the supremacy of Rome. The Liberation of Greece (B.C. 196). — To complete her work in eastern Europe, and to justify her position as defender of the Greek cities, Rome withdrew her garrisons and announced the inde- pendence of Greece. This was proclaimed by Elamininus at the Isthmian games, amid wild enthu- siasm and unbounded expressions of gratitude. Rome was hailed as " the nation which, at its own expense, with its own labor, and at its own risk, waged war for the liberty of others, and which had crossed the sea that justice, right, and law should everywhere have sovereign sway " (Livy, xxxiii, 33). K I'M AN HERALD III. Wak with Antiochus of Syria (b.c. 192-189) Beginning of the War ; the ^tolians. — There was now left in the world only one great power which could claim to be a rival of Rome. That power was Syria, under its ambitious ruler, Antiochus III. A number of things led to the conflict between Rome and this great power in Asia. But the direct cause of the war grew out of the intrigues of the JEtolians in Greece. This restless people stirred up a discord among the Greek cities, and finally called upon Antiochus to espouse their cause, and to aid them in driving the Romans out of the country. Antiochus accepted this invitation, crossed- the Hel'- lespont, and landed in Greece with an army of 10,000 men (b.c. 192). Antiochus HI. (Coin) 130 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC Battles of Thennopylee and Magnesia. — Rome now appeared as the protector of Europe against Asia. She was supported by her previous enemy, Philip of Macedonia ; and she was also aided by the kingdom of Pergamus and the republic of Rhodes. The career of Antiochus in Greece was short. He was defeated by Marcus Porcius Cato in the famous pass of Thermopylae (b.c. 191), and was driven back across the sea into Asia Minor. The next year the Romans followed him, and fought their first battle upon the continent of Asia. The Roman army was nominally under the command of the new consul, L. Cornelius Scipio, but really under the command of his famous brother, Scipio Africanus, who accompanied him. The decisive battle was fought at Magnesia (b.c. 190), not far from Sardis in western Asia Minor. Forty thousand of the enemy were slain, with a comparatively small loss to the Romans. Scipio imposed the terms of peace, which required Antiochus (1) to give up all his possessions in Asia Minor — the most of which were added to the kingdom of Pergamus, with some territory to the republic of Rhodes ; (2) to give up his fleet and not to interfere in European affairs ; (3) to pay the sum of 15,000 talents (nearly $20,000,000) within twelve years ; and (4) to surrender Hannibal, who had taken an active part in the war. Subjection of the .SDtolians. — After the great victory of Mag- nesia, Rome turned her arms against the iEtolians, who were so foolish as to continue the struggle. Their chief city, Ambracia, was taken ; and they were soon forced to submit. Macedonia and all Greece, with the exception of the Achaean league, were now brought into subjection to the Roman authority. The Fate of Hannibal. — To the Romans it seemed an act of treachery that Hannibal, who had been conquered in a fair field at Zama, should continue his hostility by fighting on the side of their enemies. But Hannibal never forgot the oath of eternal, enmity to Rome, the oath which he had sworn at his father's knee. When Antiochus agreed to surrender him, Hannibal fled to Crete, and afterward took refuge with the THE CONQUESTS IN THE EAST 131 king of Bithynia. Here he continued his hostility to Rome by aiding this ruler in a war against Rome's ally, the king of Pergamus. The Romans still pursued him, and sent Elamini- nus to demand his surrender. But Hannibal again fled, and, hunted from the face of the earth, this great soldier, who had been the most terrible foe that Rome had ever encountered, took his own life by drinking poison. It is said that the year of his death was the same year (b.c. 183) in which died his great and victorious antagonist, Scipio Africanus. IV. The Third Macedonian War (b.c. 171-168) Roman Policy in the East. — By the great battles of Cynos- cephalse and Magnesia, Rome had reason to believe that she had broken the power of her rivals in the East. But she had not yet adopted in that part of the world the policy which she had previously employed in the case of Sicily and Spain, namely, of reducing the territory to the condition of provinces. She had left the countries of the East nominally free and inde- pendent ; and had placed them in the condition of subject allies, or of tributary states. She had compelled them to reduce their armies, to give her an annual tribute, and to prom- ise not to make a war without her consent. In this way she believed that Macedonia and Syria would be obliged to keep the peace. Over the weaker powers, like the Greek cities, the kingdom of Pergamus, and the republic of Rhodes, she had assumed the position of a friendly protector. But in spite of this generous policy, a spirit of discontent gradually grew up in the various countries, and Rome was soon obliged, as we shall see, to adopt a new and more severe policy, in order to maintain peace and order throughout her growing empire. Beginning of the Third Macedonian War. — Philip of Macedonia had been a faithful ally of Rome during the late war with Antiochus ; but at its close he felt that he had not been suffi- ciently rewarded for his fidelity. He saw that the little states of Pergamus and Rhodes had received considerable accessions 132 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC to their territories, while he himself was apparently forgotten. On account of this seeming neglect, he began to think of regaining his old power. When he died, he was succeeded by his son, Perseus, who continued the design of making Mace- donia free from the dictation of' Rome. Perseus did what he could to develop the resources of his kingdom, and to organize and strengthen his army. He even began to be looked upon by the Greek cities as their champion against the encroach- ments of Rouie. But the time soon came when he was obliged to answer for his arrogant conduct. The Romans became con- vinced of the ambitious scheme of Perseus, and entered upon a new war against Macedonia. Battle of Pydna (B.C. 168). — After three unsuccessful cam- paigns, the Romans finally placed in command of their army an able general, iEmilius Paullus, the son of the consul who was slain at Cannse. The two armies met near Pydna, (see map, p. 128), aud Perseus suffered a crushing defeat. Here the Macedonian phalanx fought its last great battle, and the Roman legions gave a new evidence of their superior strength. Twenty thousand Macedonians were slain, and eleven thou- sand were captured. It is said that the spoils of this battle were so great that the citizens of Rome were henceforth re- lieved from the payment of taxes. Paullus received at Rome the most magnificent triumph that had ever been seen. Por three days the gorgeous procession marched through the streets of Rome, bearing the trophies of the East. Through the concourse of exultant people was driven the chariot of the defeated king of Macedonia, followed by the victorious army adorned with laurels, and its successful commander decked with the insignia of Jupiter Capitolinus, with a laurel branch in his hand. The Settlement of Macedonia. — The question now arose as to what should be done with Macedonia, which had so many times resisted the Roman power. The Romans were not yet ready to reduce the country to a province, and were not will- ing to have it remain independent. It was therefore split up THE CONQUESTS IN THE EAST 133 into four distinct republics, which were to be entirely sepa- rated from one another, but which were to be dependent upon Rome. With a show of generosity, Rome compelled the people to pay as tribute only half of what had been previously paid to the Macedonian king. But the republics could have no relations with one another, either by way of commerce or intermarriage. All the chief men of Greece who had given any aid to the Macedonian king were transported to Italy, where they could not stir up a revolt in their native country. Among these Achaean captives was the famous historian, Polyb'ius, who during this time gathered the materials of his great work on Roman history. SELECTIONS FOR READING Pelhani, Bk. III., Ch. 2, " Rome and the East " (l). 1 Arnold, Hist., Ch. 35, " State of the East" (2). How and Leigh, Ch. 25, "Eastern States and Second Macedonian War" (1). Liddell, Ch. 39, "Settlement of Greece" (1). Mommsen, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 8, " The Eastern States" (2). Mommsen, abridged, Ch. 17, " War with Antiochus" (2). Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 25, "Deaths of Three Great Men " (1). Plutarch, " JEmilius Paullus," "Flamininus" (11). Livy, Bk. XXXIII., Chs.,32, 33, The Liberation of Greece (4). SPECIAL STUDY Achjean and ^Etolian Leagues. — Liddell, pp. 416-417 (1) ; Shuck- burgh, pp. 413-415 (1) ; How and Leigh, pp. 257-259 (1) ; Mommsen, Vol. II., pp. 262-265 (2). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. CHAPTER XVII REDUCTION OF THE ROMAN CONQUESTS I. Reduction of Macedonia and Greece Change of the Roman Policy. — We sometimes think that Rome started out upon her great career of conquest with a definite purpose to subdue the world, and with clear ideas as to how it should be governed. But nothing could be farther from the truth. She had been drawn on from one war to another, often against her own will. When she first crossed the narrow strait into Sicily at the beginning of the first Punic war, she little thought that in a hundred years her armies would be fighting in Asia; and when in early times she was compelled to find some way ,of keeping peace and order in Latium, she could not have known that she would, sooner or later, be compelled to devise a way to preserve the peace and order of the world. But Borne was ever growing and ever learning. She learned how to conquer before she learned how to govern. It was after the third Macedonian war that Rome became convinced that her method of governing the conquered lands was not strong enough to preserve peace and maintain her own authority. She had heretofore left the conquered states to a certain extent free and independent. But now, either excited by jealousy or irritated by the intrigues and disturbances of the conquered people, she was determined to reduce them to a more complete state of submission. New Disturbances in Macedonia. — She was especially con- vinced of the need of a new policy by the continued troubles in Macedonia. The experiment which she had tried, of cut- ting up the kingdom into four separate states, had not been entirely successful. To add to the disturbances there appeared a man who called himself Philip, and who pretended to be the 134 REDUCTION OF THE ROMAN CONQUESTS 135 son of Perseus. He incited the people to revolt, and even defeated the Romans in a battle ; but he was himself soon defeated and made a prisoner. Revolt of the Acheean Cities. — The spirit of revolt, ex- cited by the false Philip, spread into Greece. The people once more began to feel that the freedom of Rome was worse than slavery. It is true that Rome had liberated the Acheean captives who had been transported to Italy after the third Macedonian war; but these men, who had spent so much of their lives in captivity, carried back to Greece the bitter spirit which they still cherished. The Greek cities became not only unfriendly to Rome, but were also at strife with one another. Sparta desired to withdraw from the Achaean league, and appealed to Rome for help. Rome sent commissioners to Greece to settle the difficult}- ; but the Achseans came together jioeey's ro.m. hist. ■ — 9 136 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC in their assembly at Corinth and insulted the Roman com- missioners, and were then rash enough to declare war against Rome herself. Destruction of Corinth (B.C. 146). — The war which now fol- lowed, for the subjugation of Greece, was at first conducted by Metel'lus ; and afterward by Mummius, an able general but a boorish man, who hated the Greeks and cared little for their culture. Corinth, the chief city of the Achaean league, was captured ; the art treasures, pictures and statues, the splendid products of Greek genius, were sent to Rome. The inhabit- ants were sold as slaves. And by the cruel command of the senate, the city itself was reduced to ashes. This was a bar- barous a,ct of war, such an act as no civilized nation has ever approved. That the Romans were not yet fully civilized, and knew little of the meaning of art, is shown by the story told of Mummius. This rude consul warned the sailors who carried the pictures and statues of Corinth to Rome, that " if they lost or damaged any of them, they must replace them with others of equal value." Macedonia reduced to a Province. — The time had now come for Rome to adopt her new policy in respect to Macedonia. The old divisions into which the kingdom had been divided were abolished, and each city or community was made directly responsible to the governor sent from Rome. By this new arrangement, Macedonia became a province. The cities of Greece were allowed to remain nominally free, but the politi- cal confederacies were broken up, and each city came into direct relation with Rome through the governor of Macedonia. Greece was afterward organized as a separate province, under the name of Achaea. II. Third Punic War and Reduction of Africa (b.c. 149-146) Revival of Carthage. — The new policy which Rome applied to Macedonia she also adopted with respect to Carthage. Since the close of the second Punic war, Carthage had faith- REDUCTION OF THE ROMAN CONQUESTS 137 fully observed the terms of the treaty which Rome had im- posed. She had abandoned war and devoted herself to the arts of peace. Her commerce had revived; her ships were again plying the waters of the Mediterranean ; and she seemed destined to become once more a rich and prosperous city. But her prosperity was the cause of her ruin. The jealousy of Rome was aroused by the recovery of her former rival. The story is often told, that Cato (the Censor) was sent to Car- thage on an embassy ; that he was astonished at the wealth and prosperity which everywhere met his gaze ; that he pictured the possibility of another struggle with that queen of the seas ; and that he closed every speech in the senate with the words, " Carthage must be destroyed." Beginning of the Third Punic War Whether Rome was really alarmed at the growth of Carthage or only jealous of its com- mercial prosperity, the words of Cato became the policy of the senate. The Romans only waited for an opportunity to put this policy into effect. This they soon found in the quar- rels between Carthage and ISTumidia, whose king, Masinissa, was an ally of Rome. After appealing in vain to the sen- ate to protect their rights against Masinissa, the Carthagin- ians were bold enough to take up arms to protect their own rights. But to Rome it was a deadly offense to take up arms against her ally. As a guaranty to keep the peace, the Cartha- ginians were commanded to give up three hundred of their noblest youths as hostages. The hostages were accordingly given up. The Carthaginians were then informed that, as they were then under the protection of Rome, they would not need to go to war; and that they must surrender all their arms and munitions. This hard demand was also complied with, and Car- thage became defenseless. The demand was now made that, as the city was fortified, it too must be given up, and the inhabit- ants must remove to a point ten miles from the coast ; in other words, that " Carthage must be destroyed." To such a revolt- ing and infamous command the Carthaginians could not yield, and they resolved upon a desperate resistance. 138 THE HUMAN REPUBLIC Siege and Destruction of Carthage (B.C. 146). — Never was there a more heroic defense than that made by Carthage in this, her last struggle. She was without arms, without war ships, without allies. To make new weapons, the temples were turned into workshops ; and it is said that the women cut off their long hair to be twisted into bowstrings. Supplies were collected for a long siege ; the city became a camp. For three long years the brave Carthaginians resisted every attempt to take the city. They repelled the assault upon their walls. Site of Carthage They were then cut off from all communication with the out- side world by land — and they sought an egress by the sea. Their communication by water was then cut off by a great mole, or breakwater, built by the Romans — and they cut a new outlet to the sea. They then secretly built fifty war ships, and attacked the Roman fleet. But all these heroic efforts simply put off the day of doom. At last, under Scipio iEmilia'nus, the Romans forced their way through the wall, and the city was taken street by street, and house by house. Carthage became the prey of the Roman soldiers. Its temples were plundered; its inhabitants were carried away as captives ; and by the com- mand of the senate, the city itself was consigned to flames. REDUCTION OF THE ROMAN CONQUESTS 139 The destruction of Carthage took place in the same year (b.c. 146) in which Corinth was destroyed. The terrible punish- ment inflicted upon these two cities in Greece and Africa was an evidence of Eome's grim policy to be absolutely supreme everywhere. Africa reduced to a Province — Like Macedonia, Africa was now reduced to the form of a province. It comprised ail the land which had hitherto been subject to Carthage. U'tica was made the new capital city, where the Roman governor was to reside. All the cities which had favored Carthage were punished by the loss of their land, or the payment of tribute. The cities which had favored Borne were allowed to remain free. Nu- midia, on account of its fidelity to Rome, was continued as an independent ally. In this way the condition of every city and people was dependent upon the extent of its loyalty to Rome. After Africa was made a province, it soon became a Romanized country. Its commerce passed into the hands of Roman merchants ; the Roman manners and customs were introduced ; and the Latin language became the language of the people. III. Pacification of the Provinces Condition of Spain. — While the Romans were thus engaged in creating the new provinces of Macedonia and Africa, they were called upon to maintain their authority in the old prov- inces of Spain and Sicily. We remember that, after the second Punic war, Spain was divided into two provinces, each under a Roman governor. But the Roman authority was not well established in Spain, except upon the eastern coast. The tribes in the interior and on the western coast were nearly always in a state of revolt. The most rebellious of these tribes were the Lusitanians in the west, in what is now Portugal ; and the Celtiberians (see map, p. 112) in the interior, south of the Iberus River. In their efforts to subdue these barbarous peoples, the Romans were themselves too often led to adopt the barbarous methods of deceit and treachery. 140 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC War with the Lusitanians. — How perfidious a Roman genera] could be, we may learn from the way in which Sulpicius Galba waged war with the Lusitanians. After one Roman army had been defeated, Galba persuaded this tribe to submit and promised to settle them upon fertile lands. AVhen the Lusitanians came to him unarmed to receive their expected reward, they were surrounded and murdered by the troops of Galba. But it is to the credit of Eome that Galba was denounced for this treacherous act. Among the few men who escaped from the massacre of Galba was a young shepherd by the name of Viria'thus. Under his brave leadership, the Lusi- tanians continued the war for nine years. Finally, Viriathus was murdered by his own soldiers, who were bribed to do this treacherous act by the Roman general. With their leader lost, the Lusitanians were obliged to submit (b.o. 138). The Numantine "War. — The other troublesome tribe in Spain was the Celtiberians, who were even more warlike than the Lusitanians. At one time the Roman general was defeated and obliged to sign a treaty of peace, acknowledging the inde- pendence of the Spanish tribe. But the senate — repeating what it had done many years before, after the battle of the Caudine Forks — refused to ratify this treaty, and surrendered the Roman commander to the enemy. The " fiery war," as it was called, still continued and became at last centered about Kumantia, the chief town of the Celtiberians; The defense of Numantia, like that of Carthage, was heroic and desperate. Its fate was also like that of Carthage. It was compelled to surrender (b.c. 133) to the same Scipio iEinilianus. Its peo- ple were sold into slavery, and the town itself was blotted from the earth. The Servile War in Sicily. — 'While Spain was being pacified, a more terrible war broke out in the province of Sicily. This was an insurrection of the slaves of the island. One of the worst results of the Roman conquest was the growth of the slave system. Immense numbers of the captives taken in war were thrown upon the market. One hundred and fifty thou- REDUCTION OE THE ROMAN CONQUESTS 141 sand slaves had been sold by iEinilius Paullus ; fifty thousand captives bad been sent home from Carthage. Italy and Sicily swarmed with a servile population. It was in Sicily that this system bore its first terrible fruit. Maltreated by their masters, the slaves rose in rebellion under a leader, called Eunus, who defied the Roman power for three years. Nearly two hundred thousand insurgents gathered about his standard. Four Roman armies were defeated, and Rome herself was thrown into con- sternation. After the most desperate resistance, the rebellion was finally quelled and the island was pacified (b.c. 132). Bequest of Pergamus; Province of Asia. — This long period of war and conquest, by which Rome finally obtained the proud position of mistress of the Mediterranean, was closed by the almost peaceful acquisition of a new province. The little kingdom of Pergamus, in Asia Minor, had maintained, for the most part, a friendly relation to Rome. When the last king, At'talus III., died (b.c. 133), having no legal heirs, he be- queathed his kingdom to the Roman people. This newly acquired territory was organized as. a province under the name of " Asia." The smaller states of Asia Minor, and Egypt, still retained their peaceful and subordinate relation as de- pendencies. The supreme authority of Rome, at home and abroad, was now firmly established. SELECTIONS FOR READING Merivale, Gen. Hist., Chs. 26, 27, "Rome after the Conquests" (l). 1 Pelham, Bk. III., Ch. 3, " The Roman State and People " (1). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the hook will be found. Home Mistress of the World PROGRESSIVE M^S-P No. 1. 142 ROME AS A WORLD POWER 143 Liddell, Chs. 49, 50, " Rome at the Close of the Conquests" (1). How and Leigh, Ch. 32, " Foreign and Provincial Affairs " (1). Mommsen, Vol. II., Bk. HI., Ch. 11, "The Government and the Gov- erned" (2). Arnold, Prov. Admin., Ch. 2, "Period of the Republic" (19). Harper's Diet. Antiqq., "Provincia" (8). SPECIAL STUDY Taxation of the Provinces. — Pelham, pp. 185-187 (1); Liddell, pp. 389-393 (1) ; Mommsen, abridged, pp. 490-498 (2) ; Arnold, Prov. Admin., pp. 179-187 (19) ; Ihne, Hist., Vol. IV, Bk. VI., Ch. 7 (2) ; Ramsay and Lanciani, Ch. 8 (8); Harper's Diet. Antiqq., " Stipen- dium," "Publicani," " Vectigalia," (8). CHAPTER XVIII ROME AS A WORLD POWER I. The Roman Government Effects of the Conquests. — We have thus followed the career of Eome during the most heroic period of her history. We have traced the path of her armies from the time they crossed the Sicilian Strait until they were finally victorious in Africa, in Spain, in Greece, and in Asia Minor. We have seen new provinces brought under her authority, until she had become the greatest power of the world. We may well wonder what would be the effect of these conquests upon the character of the Roman people, upon their government, and upon their civiliza- tion. Many of these effects were no doubt very bad. By their conquests the Romans came to be ambitious, to love power for its own sake, and to be oppressive to their conquered subjects. By plundering foreign countries, they also came to be avari- cious, to love wealth more than honor, to indulge in luxury, and to despise the simplicity of their fathers. But still it was the conquests that made Rome the great power that she was. By bringing foreign nations under her sway, she was obliged to 144 THE EOMAN REPUBLIC control them, and to create a system of law by which they could be governed. In spite of all its faults, her government was the most successful that had ever existed up to this time. It was the way in which Rome secured her conquests that showed the real character of the Roman people. The chief effect of the conquests was to transform Rome from the greatest conquering people of the world, to the greatest govern- ing people of the world. The New Nobility. — The oldest Roman government was, we remember, based upon the patrician class. We have already seen how the separation between the patricians and the ple- beians was gradually broken down. The old patrician aristoc- racy had passed away, and Rome had become, in theory, a democratic republic. Every one who was enrolled in the thirty-five tribes was a full Roman citizen, and had a share in the government. But we must remember that not all the per- sons who were under the Roman authority were full Roman citizens. The inhabitants of the Latin colonies were not full Roman citizens. They could not hold office, and only under certain conditions could they vote. The Italian allies were not citizens at all, and could neither vote nor hold office. And now the conquests had added millions of people to those who were not citizens. The Roman world was, in fact, governed by the comparatively few people who lived in and about the city of Rome. But even within this class of citizens at Rome, there had gradually grown up a smaller body of persons, who became the real holders of political power. This small body formed a new nobility — the optima' tes. All who had held the office of consul, praetor, or curule sedile — that is, a "curule office " — were regarded as nobles (nobiles) ; and their fami- lies were distinguished by the right of setting up the ancestral images in their homes (ius imaginis). Any citizen might, it is true, be elected to the curule offices ; but the noble families were able, by their wealth, to influence the elections, so as practically to retain these offices in their own hands. The Greatness of the Senate. — The new nobility sought to EOME AS A "WORLD POWER 145 govern the world through the senate. The senators were c.hosen by the censor, who was obliged to place \ipon his list, first of all, those who had held a curule office. On this account, the nobles had the first claim to a seat in the senate ; and, con- sequently, they came to form the great body of its members. When a person was once chosen senator he remained a senator for life, unless disgraced for gross misconduct. In this way the nobles gained possession of the senate, which became, in fact, the most permanent and powerful branch of the Roman government. Although it was an aristocratic and exclusive body, it was made up of some of the most able men of Rome. Its members were men of distinction, of wealth, and generally of great political ability. Though often inspired by motives which were selfish, ambitious, and avaricious, it was still the greatest body of rulers that ever existed in the ancient world. It managed the finances of the state; con- trolled the erection of public works; directed the foreign policy ; administered the provinces ; determined largely the character of legislation, and was, in fact, the real sovereign of the Roman state. The Weakness of the Assemblies. — We should naturally infer that with the increase of the power of the senate, the power of the popular assemblies would decline. The old patrician assembly of the curies (comitia curiata) had long since been reduced to a mere shadow. But the other two assemblies — that of the centuries and that of the tribes — still held an important place as legislative bodies. But there were two reasons why they declined in influence. The first reason was their unwieldy character. As they grew in size and could only say Yes or No to the questions submitted to them, they were made subject to the influence of demagogues, and lost their independent position. The second reason for their decline was the growing custom of first submitting to the senate the proposals which were to be passed upon by them. So that, as long as the senate was so influential in the state, the popular assemblies were weak and inefficient. 146 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC II. Rome and the Provinces The Organization of the Provinces. — The most important feature of the new Roman government was the organization of the provinces. There were now eight of these provinces : (1) Sicily, acquired as the result of the first Punic war; (2) Sar- dinia and Corsica, obtained during the interval between the first and second Punic wars ; (3) Hither Spain and (4) Farther Spain, acquired in the second Punic war; (5) Illyricum, re- duced after the third Macedonian war; (6) Macedonia (to which Achasa was attached), reduced after the destruction of Corinth; (7) Africa, organized after the third Punic war; and (8) Asia, bequeathed by Attalus III., the last king of Pergamus. The method of organizing these provinces was in some respects similar to that which had been adopted for governing the cities in Italy. Rome saw clearly that to control these newly conquered cities and communities, they must, like the cities of Italy, be isolated, that is, separated entirely from one another, so that they could not combine in any effort to resist her authority. Every city was made directly responsible to Rome. The great difference between the Italian and the provincial towns was the fact that the chief burden of the Italian town was to furnish military aid — soldiers and ships ; while that of the provincial town was to furnish tribute — money and grain. Another difference was that Italian land was generally free from taxes, while provincial land was subject to tribute. The Provincial Governor. — A province might be defined as a group of conquered cities, outside of Italy, under the control >-■■,.% -jhuk ij , %))vj'iiir«g'"^i |l| l iii»iil > The Captive Province ROME AS A WORLD POWER 147 of a governor sent from Rome. At first these governors were praetors, who were elected by the people. Afterward they were propraetors or proconsuls — that is, persons who had already served as praetors or consuls at Rome. The governor held his office for one year; and during this time was the supreme military and civil ruler of the province. He was commander in chief of the army, and was expected to preserve his territory from internal disorder and from foreign invasion. He con- trolled the collection of the taxes, with the aid of the quaestor, who kept the accounts. He also Administered justice between the provincials. Although the governor was responsible to the senate, the welfare or misery of the provincials depended largely upon his own disposition and will. The Towns of the Province. — All the towns of the province were subject to Rome ; but it was Rome's policy not to treat them all in exactly the same way. Like the cities of Italy, they were graded according to their merit. Some were favored, like Gades and Athens, and were treated as allied towns (civitates fcederatce) ; others, like Utica, were free from tribute (immunes) ; but the great majority of them were considered as tributary (stipendiaries). But all these towns alike possessed local self-government, so far as this was consistent with the supremacy of Rome ; that is, they retained their own laws, as- semblies, and magistrates. The Administration of Justice. — In civil matters, the citizens of every town were judged by their own magistrates. But when a dispute arose between citizens of different towns, it was the duty of the governor to judge between them. At the beginning of his term of office, he generally issued an edict, setting forth the rules upon which he would decide their dif- ferences. Each succeeding governor reissued the rules of his predecessor, with the changes which he saw fit to make. In this way justice was administered with great fairness through- out the provinces ; and there grew up a great body of legal principles, called the " law of nations " (ius gentium), which formed an important part of the Roman law. 1-18 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC The Collection of Taxes. — The Roman revenue was mainly derived from the new provinces. But instead of raising these taxes directly through her own officers, Rome let out the busi- ness of collecting the revenue to a set of money dealers, called publica'ni. These persons agreed to pay into the treasury a certain sum for the right of collecting taxes in a certain province. Whatever they collected above this sum, they appro- priated to themselves. This rude mode of collecting taxes, called "farming" the revenues, was unworthy of a great state like Rome, and was the chief cause of the oppression of the provincials. The governors, it is true, had the power of pro- tecting the people from being plundered. But as they them- selves received no pay for their services, except what they could get out of the provinces, they were too busy in making their own fortunes to watch closely the methods of the tax- gatherers. Like every other conquering nation, the Romans were tempted to benefit themselves at the expense of their subjects. III. The New Civilization Foreign Influences. — When we think of the conquests of Rome, we usually think of the battles which she fought, of the armies which she defeated, and the lands which she sub- dued. But these were not the only conquests which she made. She appropriated not only foreign lands, but also foreign ideas. While she was plundering foreign temples, she was obtaining new ideas of religion and art. The educated and civilized people whom she captured in war and of whom she made slaves, often became the teachers of her children and the writers of her books. In such ways as these Rome came under the influence of foreign ideas. The most powerful of these foreign influences was that of Greece. We might say that when Greece was conquered by Rome, Rome was civilized by Greece. These foreign influences were seen in her new ideas of religion and philosophy, in her literature, her art, and her manners. ROME AS A WORLD POWER 149 The Roman Religion. — As Rome came into contact with other people, we can see how her religion was affected by foreign influences. The worship of the family remained much the same; but the religion of the state became consid- erably changed. It is said that the entire Greek Olympus was introduced into Italy. The Romans adopted the Greek ideas and stories regarding the gods ; and their worship became more showy and elaborate. Even some of the super- stitious and fantastic rites of Asia found their way into Rome. These changes did not improve the religion. On the contrary, Temples of Loyalty, Juno, and Hope they made it more corrupt. The Roman religion, by absorb- ing the various ideas of other people, became a world-wide and composite form of paganism. . One of the redeeming features of the Roman religion was the worship of exalted qualities, like Honor and Virtue ; for example, alongside of the temple to Juno, temples were also erected to Loyalty and Hope. Roman Philosophy. — The more educated Romans lost their interest in religion,, and betook themselves to the study of Greek philosophy. They studied the nature of the gods and the moral duties of men. In this way the Greek ideas of philosophy found their way into Rome. Some of these ideas, like those, of the Sto'ics, were elevating, and tended to preserve 150 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC the simplicity and strength of the old Roman character. But other ideas, like those of the Epicure'ans, seemed to justify a life of pleasure and luxury. Roman Literature. — Before the Romans came into contact with the Greeks, they cannot be said to have had anything which can properly be called a literature. They had certain crude verses and ballads ; but it was the Greeks who first taught them how to write. It was not until the close of the first Punic war, when the Greek influence became strong, that we begin to find the names of any Latin authors. The first author, Androni'cus, who is said to have been a Greek slave, wrote a Latin poem in imitation of Homer. Then came Nsevius, who combined a Greek taste with a Roman spirit, and who wrote a poem on the first Punic war ; and after him, Ennius, who taught Greek to the Romans, and wrote a great poem on the history of Rome, called the "Annals.'' The Greek influence is also seen in Plautus and Terence, the greatest writers of Roman comedy; and ; in Pabius Pictor, who wrote a history of Rome, in the Greek language. • Roman Art. — As the Romans were a practical people, their earliest art was shown in their buildings. Prom the Etruscans they had learned to use the arch and to build strong and massive structures. But the more refined fea- tures of art they obtained from the Greeks. While the Romans could never hope to acquire the pure aesthetic spirit of the Greeks, they were inspired with a passion for collecting Greek works of art, and for adorning their buildings with Greek ornaments. They imitated the Greek models and pro- fessed to admire the Greek taste ; so that they came to be, in fact, the preservers of Greek art. Roman Manners and Morals. — It is difficult for us to think Corinthian Capital ROME AS A WORLD POWER 151 of a nation of warriors as a nation of refined people. The brutalities of war seem inconsistent with the finer arts of living. But as the Romans obtained wealth from their wars, they affected the refinement of their more cultivated neigh- bors. Some men, like Scipio Africanus, looked with favor upon the introduction of Greek ideas and manners ; but Tub Gladiator others, like Cato the Censor, were bitterly opposed to it. When the Romans lost the simplicity of the earlier times, they came to indulge in luxuries and to be lovers of pomp and show. They loaded their tables with rich services of plate ; they ransacked the land and the sea for delicacies with which to please their palates. Roman culture was often more artificial than real. The survival of the barbarous spirit of the Romans in the midst of their professed refinement is seen in their amusements, especially the gladiatorial shows, in 152 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC which men were forced to -fight with wild beasts and with one another to entertain the people. In conclusion, we may say that by their conquests the Komans became a great and, in a certain sense, a civilized people, who appropriated and preserved many of the best elements of the ancient world ; but who were yet selfish, am- bitious, and avaricious, and who lacked the genuine taste and generous spirit which belong to the highest type of human culture. SELECTIONS FOR READING Mommsen, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 10, " Third Macedonian War" (2).i Michelet, Bk. II., Ch. 8, "Reduction of Spain and the Greek States" (6). How and Leigh, Ch. 27, " Pall of Macedonia and Greece " (1). Smith, Ch. 19, "Destruction of Carthage " (6). Liddell, Ch. 46, "Fall of Carthage" (1), Shuckburgh, Ch. 33, " Wars in Spain " (1). SPECIAL STUDY Cato the Censor and the Geeek Influence. — Liddell, pp. 450-455 (1) ; How and Leigh, pp. 302-305, see also index "Hellenism" (1); Shuckburgh, pp. 405, 406, 518-521 (1) ; Cruttwell, pp. 91-98 (17) ; Pel- ham, pp. 192-198 (1); Mommsen, Vol. II., pp. 413-423, 557-567 (2) ; Plutarch, "Cato the Censor" (11). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. PEEIOD VI. THE PALL OP THE KEPUBLIO (B.O. 133-31) CHAPTER XIX THE TIMES OF THE GRACCHI I. The Causes of Civil Strife Character of -the New Period. — If the period which, we have just considered is the most heroic in Roman history, that which we are about to consider is one of the saddest, and yet one of the most interesting. It is one of the saddest, because it was a time when the Roman state was torn asunder by civil strifes, and the arms of the conquerors were turned against themselves. It is one of the most interesting, because it shows to us some of the greatest men that Rome ever produced, men whose names are a part of the world's history. Our attention will now be directed not so much to foreign wars as to, politi- cal questions, to the struggle of parties, and the rivalry of party leaders. And as a result of it all, we shall see the republic gradually passing away, and giving place to the empire. Divisions of the Roman People. — If we would understand this period of conflict, we should at the outset get. a clear idea of the various classes of people in the Roman world. Let us briefly review these different grades of society. First, there was the senatorial order. — men who kept con- trol of the higher offices, who furnished the members of the senate, and who really ruled the state. Next was the eques- trian order, — men who were called equites, or knights, on MOKET'S ROM. HIST. — 10 153 154 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC account of their great wealth, who formed the moneyed class, the capitalists of Rome, and who made their fortunes by all sorts of speculation, especially by gathering the taxes in the provinces. These two orders formed the aristocratic classes. Below these was the great mass of the city population — the poor artisans and paupers, who formed a rabble and the materials of a mob, and who lived upon public charity and the bribes of office-seekers, and were amused by public shows given by the state or by rich citizens. Then came the poor country farmers living upon the Roman domain — the peasants, many of whom had been deprived of their lands by rich creditors or by the avaricious policy of the government. These two classes formed the mass of the poorer citizens of Rome. Outside of the Roman domain proper (ager Bomanus) were the Latin colonists, who were settled upon conquered lands in Italy, who had practically no political rights, and who were very much in the same social condition as the Roman peasants. Besides these were the Italian allies, who had been subdued by Rome in early times, and had been given none of the rights of citizenship. -These two classes formed the subject popu- lation of Italy. Now if we go outside of Italy we find the great body of provincials, some of them favored by being left free from taxa- tion, but the mass of them subject to the Roman tribute; and all of them excluded from the rights and privileges of citizens. Finally, if we go to the very bottom of the Roman popula- tion, we find the slaves, having none of the rights of citizens or of men. A part of them, the house slaves, were treated with some consideration ; but the field slaves were treated wretch- edly, chained in gangs by day and confined in dungeons by night. Thus we have an aristocratic class, made up of the senators and equites ; a poor citizen class, made up of the city rabble and the country farmers about Rome ; and then a disfranchised class, made up of the Latins, the Italians, and the provincials, besides the slaves. THE TIMES OF THE GRACCHI 155 Defects of the Roman Government. — When "we look over these various classes of the Roman people, we must conclude that there were some radical defects in the Roman system of gov- ernment. The great mass of the population were excluded from all political rights. The Latins, the Italians, the pro- vincials, and the slaves, as we have seen, had no share in the government. This seems quite contrary to the early policy of Rome. We remember that before she began her great con- quests, Rome had started out with the policy of incorpora- tion. She had taken in the Sabines on the Quirinal hill, the Luceres on the Caelian, the plebeians of the city, and the rural tribes about Rome. But after that time she had abandoned this policy, and no longer brought her conquered subjects within the state. This was the first defect of the Roman system. But even those people who were given the rights of citizens were not able to exercise these rights in an efficient way. Wherever a Roman citizen might be, he must go to Rome to vote or to take part in the making of the laws. But when the citizens of Rome met together in the Forum, or on the Campus Martius, they made a large and unwieldy body, which could not do any important political business. Rome never learned that a democratic government in a large state is impossible without representation ; that is, the election by the people of a few leading men to protect their interests, and to make the laws for them. The giving up of the policy of incor- poration and the absence of the principle of representation were the two great defects in the Roman political system. The Decay of Patriotism. — We may not blame the Romans for not discovering the value of representation, since this sys- tem may be regarded as a modern invention. But we must blame those who were the rulers of the state for their selfish- ness and their lack of true patriotism. There were, no doubt, some patriotic citizens at Rome who were devoted to the public welfare ; but the majority of the men who governed the state were men devoted to their own interests more than to the 156 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC interests of the country at large. The aristocratic classes sought to enrich themselves by the spoils of war and the spoils of office ; while the rights and the welfare of the com- mon citizens, the Italians, and the provincials were too often forgotten or ignored. The Growth of Large Estates. — One of the causes which led to the civil strife was the distress and misery of the people in different parts of Italy, resulting from the growth of large landed estates. Years before, the people had pos- sessed their little farms, and were able to make a respect- able living from them. Laws had been passed — especially the Licinian laws (see p. 70) — to keep the public lands distributed in such a way as to benefit the poorer people. But it was more than two hundred years since the Licinian laws were passed ; and they were now a dead letter. Many of the small farms had become absorbed into large estates held by rich landlords ; and the class of small fapmers had well-nigh disappeared. This change benefited one class of the people at the expense of the other. The Roman writer Pliny afterward saw the disastrous effects of this system, and said that it was . the large estates which destroyed Italy. The Evils of Slave Labor. — But this was not all. If the poor farmers, who had been deprived of their own fields, could have received good wages by working upon the estates of the rich landlords, they might still have had some means of living. But they were even deprived of this ; because the estates were every where worked by slaves. So that slavery, as well as large estates, was a cause which helped to bring Italy to the brink of ruin. II. The Reforms of Tiberius Gracchus Character of Tiberius Gracchus. — The first serious attempt to remedy the existing evils was made by Tibe'rius Sempronins Gracchus. He was the elder of two brothers who sacrificed their lives in efforts to benefit their fellow-citizens. Their mother was the noble-minded Cornelia, the daughter of the THE TIMES OF THE GRACCHI 157 great Scipio Africanus, the type of the perfect mother, who regarded her boys as "jewels" more precious than gold, and who taught them to love truth, justice, and their country. Tiberius when a young man had served in the Spanish army under Scipio iEmilianus, the distinguished Roman who con- quered Cartilage and Numantia. It is said that when Tiberius iw The Qbacchi Gracchus passed through Etruria, on his way to and from Spain, he was shocked to see the fertile fields cultivated by gangs of slaves, while thousands of free citizens were living in idleness and poverty. He was a man of refined nature and a deep sense of justice, and he determined to do what he could to remedy these evils. . His Agrarian Laws. — Tiberius Gracchus was elected tribune and began his work of reform (b.c. 133). He believed that 158 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC the wretched condition of the Eoman people was due chiefly to the unequal division of the public land, and especially to the failure to enforce the Licinian laws. He therefore proposed to revive these laws ; to limit the holding of public land to five hundred iugera (about three hundred acres) for each person; to pay the present holders for any improvements they had made ; and then to rent the land thus taken up to the poorer class of citizens. This seemed fair enough ; for the state was the real owner of the public land, and could do what it wished with its own. But the rich landlords, who had held possession of this land for so many years, looked upon the measure as the same thing as taking away their own property. When it was now proposed to redistribute this land, there immediately arose a fierce conflict between the old senatorial party and the followers of Tiberius. His Illegal Action. — Tiberius determined to pass his law in spite of the senate. The senate, on the other hand, was equally determined that the law should not be passed. Ac- cordingly, the senators induced one of the tribunes, whose name was M. Octa'vius, to put his " veto " upon the passage of the law. This act of Octavius was entirely legal, for he did what the law gave him the right to do. Tiberius, on the other hand, in order to outdo his opponent, had recourse to a high-, handed measure. Instead of waiting a year for the election of new tribunes who might be devoted to the people's cause, he called upon the people to deprive Octavius of his office. This was an illegal act, because there was no law which authorized such a proceeding. But the people did as Tiberius desired, and Octavius was deposed. The law of Tiberius was then passed in the assembly of the tribes, and three commissioners were chosen to carry it into effect. This of course roused the indignation of the senators, who determined to prosecute Tiberius when his term of office had expired. Tiberius knew that as long as he held the office of tribune his person would be sacred, and he could not be tried for his action ; hence he announced himself as a candidate for THE TIMES OF THE GRACCHI 159 reelection. This, too, was illegal, for the law forbade a reelec- tion until after an interval of ten years. Fall of Tiberius Gracchus. — The law of Tiberius and the method which he had used to pass it, increased the bitter- ness between the aristocratic party and the popular party — who came to be known, respectively, as the optimates and the popula'res. The senators denounced Tiberius as a traitor ; the people extolled him as a patriot. The day appointed for the election came. Two tribes had already voted for the re- election of Tiberius, when a band of senators appeared in the Forum, headed by Scipio Nasi'ca, armed with sticks and clubs; and in the riot which ensued Tiberius Gracchus and three hundred of his followers were slain. This was the first blood shed in the civil wars of Rome. The killing of a tribune by the senators was as much an illegal act as was the deposition of Octavius. Both parties had disregarded the law, and the revolution was begun. III. The Reforms of Gaius Gracchus The Rise of Gaius Gracchus. — After the death of Tiberius his law was for a time carried into execution. The commission- ers proceeded with their work of re-dividing the land. But the people were for a time without a real leader. The cause of reform was then taken up by Gaius Gracchus, the brother of Tiberius, and the conflict was renewed. Gaius was in many respects an abler man than Tiberius. No more sincere and patriotic, he was yet a broader statesman and took a wider view of the situation. He did not confine his attention sim- ply to relieving the poor citizens. He believed that to rescue Rome from her troubles, it was necessary to weaken the power of the senate, whose selfish and avaricious policy had brought on these troubles. He also believed that the Latins and the Italians should be protected, as well as the poor Roman citizens. His Efforts to Benefit the People. — When Gaius Gracchus 160 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC obtained the position of tribune (b.c. 123) his influence for a time was all-powerful. He was eloquent and persuasive, and practically had the control of the government. From his various laws we may select those which were the most impor- tant, and which best show his general policy. First of all, he tried to help the people by a law which was really the most mischievous of all his measures. This was his famous " corn law." It was intended to benefit the poor population in the city, which was at that time troublesome and not easy to con- trol. The law provided that any Roman citizen could re- ceive grain from the public storehouses for a certain price less than its cost. But the num- ber of the poor in the city was not decreased ; the paupers now flocked to Rome from all parts of Italy to be fed at the public crib. This corn law be- came a permanent institution of Rome. We may judge of its evil effect when it is said that not many years afterward there were three hundred and twenty thousand citizens who were dependent upon the government for their food. Gaius may not have known what evil effect this law was destined to produce. At any rate, it insured his popularity with the lower classes. He then renewed the agrarian laws of his brother ; and also provided for sending out colonies of poor citizens into different parts of Italy, and even into the provinces. His Efforts to Weaken the Senate. — But Gaius believed that such measures as these would afford only temporary relief, as long as the senate retained its great power. It was, of course, impossible to overthrow the senate. But it was possible to take from it some of the powers which it possessed. From the senators had hitherto been selected the jurors Gratuitous Distribution op Grain THE TIMES OE THE GKACCHI 161 (iu'dices) before whom were tried cases of extortion and other crimes. By a law Gaius took away from the senate this right to furnish jurors in criminal cases, and gave it to the equites, that is, the wealthy class outside of the senate. This gave to the equites a more important political position, and drew them over to the support of Gaius, and thus tended to split the aristocratic classes in two. The senate was thus deprived not only of its right to furnish jurors, but also of the support of the wealthy men who had previously been friendly to it. This was a great triumph for the popular party ; and Gaius looked forward to another victory. His Effort to Enfranchise the Italians. — When he was re- elected to the tribunate Gaius Gracchus came forward with his grand scheme of extending the Eoman franchise to the people of Italy. This was the wisest of all his measures, but the one which cost him his popularity and influence. It aroused the jealousy of the poorer citizens, who did not wish to share their rights with foreigners. The senators took advantage of the unpopularity of Gaius, and now posed as the friends of the people. They induced one of the tribunes, by the name of Drusus, to play the part of the demagogue. Drusus proposed to found twelve new colonies at once, each with three thousand Eoman citizens, and thus to put all the reforms of Gaius Grac- chus into the shade. The people were deceived by this strata- gem, and the attempt of Gaius to enfranchise the Italians was defeated. His Failure and Death. — Gaius did not succeed, as he de- sired, in being elected tribune for the third time. A great part of the people soon abandoned him, and the ascendency of the senate was again restored. It was not long before a new law was passed which prevented any further distribution of the public land (lex Thoria). Gaius failed to bring about the reforms which he attempted; but he may be regarded as hav- ing accomplished three things which remained after his death : (1) the elevation of the equestrian order; (2) the establish- ment of the Eoman poor law, or the system of grain largesses ; 162 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC and (3) the extension of the colonial system to the provinces. He lost his life in a tumult in which three thousand citizens were slain (b.c. 121). Thus in a similar way the two Gracchi, who had attempted to rescue the Eoman people from the evils of a corrupt govern- ment, perished. Their efforts at agrarian reform did not pro- duce any lasting effect ; but they pointed out the dangers of the state, and drew the issues upon which their successors continued the conflict. Their career forms the first phase in the great civil conflict at Rome. SELECTIONS FOR READING Pelhara, Bk. IV., Ch. 1, "From the Gracchi to Sulla" (l). 1 Beesly, Ch. 1, "Antecedents of the Revolution" (6). Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 28, "Tiberius Gracchus" (1). Taylor, Ch. 9, "The Reformers" (1). Ihne, Hist., Bk. VII., Ch. 1, "Political and Economical Condi- tion" (2). Mommsen, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 12, " Management of Land" (2). Mommsen, abridged, Ch. 20, "Reforms of the Gracchi" (2). Ramsay and Lanciani, Ch. 7, " Public Lands and Agrarian Laws " (8). Harper's Diet. Antiqq., " Agrarise Leges" (8). Plutarch, "Tiberius Gracchus," "Caius Gracchus" (11). SPECIAL STUDY The Roman Equites. — Liddell, p. 504 (1) ; How and Leigh, p. 315 (1) ; Shuckburgh, p. 560 (1) ; Ramsay and Lanciani, p. 98 (8); Gow, see index " Equites " (8); Mommsen, Vol. II., pp. 377-380 (2) ; Harper's Diet. Antiqq., "Equites" (8). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. ■ CHAPTER XX THE TIMES OF MARIUS AND SULLA I. The Rise of Maeius New Phase of the Civil Strife. — The troubles under the Gracchi had grown out of the attempts of two patriotic men to reform the evils of the state. The shedding of Roman blood had been limited to riots in the city, and to fights between the factions of the different parties. We now come to the time when the political parties seek the aid of the army ; when the civil strife becomes in reality a civil war, and the lives of citizens seem of small account compared with the success of this or that political leader. To understand this second phase of the revolution, we must consider what was the condition of Rome after the fall of the Gracchi ; how Ma'rius came to the front as the leader of the popular party ; . and how he was over- thrown by Sulla as the leader of the aristocratic party. Corrupt Rule of the Aristocracy. — After the fall of the Gracchi the rule of the aristocracy was restored, and the government became more corrupt than ever before. The senators were often incompetent, and they had no clearly defined policy. They seemed desirous only to retain power and to enrich themselves, while the real interests of the people were for- gotten. The little farms which Tiberius Gracchus had tried to create were again swallowed up in large estates. The provincials were ground down with heavy taxes. The slaves were goaded into insurrection. The sea swarmed with pirates, and the frontiers were threatened by foreign enemies. The Jugurthine War and Marius (B.C. 111-105). — The atten- tion of the senate was first directed to a war in Africa. This war has no great interest for us, except that it shows how cor- rupt Rome was, and that it brought to the front a great soldier, who became for a time the leader of the people. 163 164 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC The -war in Africa grew out of the attempt of Jugur'tha to make himself king of Numidia, which kingdom we remember was an ally of Rome. The senate sent commissioners to ISfumidia in order to settle the trouble ; but the commissioners sold themselves to Jugurtha as soon as they landed in Africa. The Roman people were incensed, and war was declared against Jugurtha. The conduct of the war was placed in the hands of the consul, L. Calpurnius Bestia, who on arriving in Africa ac- cepted Jugurtha's gold and made peace. The people were again indignant, and summoned Jugurtha to Rome to testify against the consul. When Jugurtha appeared before the assembly, and was about to make his statement, one of the tribunes, who had also been bought by African gold, put a veto upon the proceedings ; so that by the bribery of a tribune it became impossible to punish the bribery of a consul. Jugurtha remained in Rome until he caused one of his rivals to be mur- dered, when he was banished from the city. He expressed his private opinion of Rome when he called it " a venal city, ready to perish whenever it could find a purchaser." The war in ISTumidia was continued under the new consul, Q. Csecilius Metellus, who selected as his lieutenant Gains Marius, a rough soldier who had risen from the ranks, but who had a real genius for war. So great was the success of Marius that he was elected consul, and superseded Metellus in the supreme command of the African army. Marius fulfilled all the expectations of the people; he defeated the enemy, and Jugurtha was made a prisoner. A triumph was given to the conqueror, in which the captive king was led in chains ; and Marius became the people's hero. Marius and the Cimbric War (B.C. 113-101). — But a greater glory now awaited Marius. While he had been absent in Africa, Rome was threatened by a deluge of barbarians from the north. The Cimbri and Teu'tones, fierce peoples from Ger- many, had pushed down into the southern part of Gaul, and had overrun the new province of Narbonen'sis (established B.C. 120). It seemed impossible to stay these savage invaders. THE TIMES OF MARIUS AKD SULLA 165 Seat op the Cimbrio "War Army after army was defeated. It is said that sixty thousand Romans perished in one battle at Arausio (b.c. 107) on the banks of the Rhone. The way seemed open to Italy, and all eyes turned to Ma- rius as the only man who could save Rome. On the same day on which he re- ceived his triumph, Marius was reelected to the consul- ship, and assigned to his new command. This was contrary to law, to reelect an officer immediately after his first term ; but the Ro- mans had come to believe that " in the midst of arms, the laws are silent." Marius set to work to reorganize the Roman army. The army became no longer a raw body of citizens arranged accord- ing to wealth ; but a trained body of soldiers drawn from all classes of society, and devoted to their commander. With the discretion of a true soldier Marius determined to be fully pre- pared before meeting his formidable foe. The Cimbri turned aside for a time into Spain. Marius remained patiently on the Rhone, drilling his men and guarding the approaches to the Alps. As the time passed by, the people continued to trust him, and elected him as consul a third, and then a fourth time. At length the barbarians reappeared, ready for the invasion of Italy. One part, the Teutones, prepared to invade Italy from the west ; while the other part, the Cimbri, prepared to cross the Alps into the northwestern corner of Italy. Against the Teutones Marius posted his own army ; and to meet the Cimbri he dispatched his colleague, Q. Lutatius Cat- ulus. In the battle of Aquae Sextiee he annihilated the host of the Teutones (b.c. 102); and the people elected him a fifth 166 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC time to the consulship. Soon the Cimbri crossed the Alps and drove Catulus across the Po. Marius joined him, drove back the barbarians, and utterly routed them near Vercellae (b.c. 101). Italy was thus saved. For this twofold victory Rome gave to Ma- rius. a magnificent triumph, celebrated- with double splendor. He was hailed as the savior of his coun- try, the second Camillus, and the third Romulus. Marius as a Party Leader. — Marius was now at the height of his popularity. There had never before been a man in Rome who so far outshone his rivals. Marius at « ,1 As he was a man of the common people, the leaders of the popular party saw that his great name would be a. help to their cause. The men who aspired to the leadership of the popular party since the death of the Gracchi were Saturni'nus and Glaucia. To these men Marius now allied himself, and was elected to the consulship for the sixth time. This alliance formed a sort of political "ring," which professed to rule the state in the interest of the people; but which aroused a storm of op- position on the part of the senators. As in the days of the Gracchi, tumults arose, and the streets of Rome again be- came stained with blood. The senate called upon Marius, as consul, to put down the insurrection. Marius reluctantly complied; and in the conflict that followed, his colleagues, Saturninus and Glaucia, were killed. Marius now fell into disrepute. Having at first allied himself to the popular lead- ers and afterward yielded to the senate, he lost the confidence THE TIMES OF MARIUS AND SULLA 167 of both parties. In spite of his greatness as a soldier, he proved his utter incapacity as a party leader. He soon retired from Rome in the hope of recovering his popularity, and of coming back when the tide should turn in his favor. II. The Social War and the Rise op Sulla Rome and the Italian Allies. — With the failure of Marius, and the death of his colleagues, the senate once more recovered ■ 1 ip\ ITALY \f V\ oi Before the Social War ^V (after bbloch) i ^^| Ager Romanua ffj"^ Latin Colonies I 1 [Allied States ^vKUffirroum "«* o "^—g^y *°j — $Wladria the reins of government. But the troubles still continued. The Italian allies were now clamoring for their rights, and threaten- ing war if their demands were not granted. We remember (see p. 94) that when Rome had conquered Italy, she did not 168 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC give the Italian people the rights of citizenship. They were made subject allies, but granted no share in the government. The Italian allies had furnished soldiers for the Roman armies, and had helped to make Rome the mistress of the Mediterra- nean. They believed, therefore, that they were entitled to all the rights of Roman citizens ; and some of the patriotic leaders of Rome believed so too. But it seemed as difficult to break down the distinction between Romans and Italians as it had been many years before to remove the barriers between the patricians and the plebeians. Attempt and Failure of Drusus. — At this crisis there appeared a new reformer, the tribune M.Livius Drusus, son of the Drusus who opposed Gaius Gracchus. He was a well-disposed man, who seemed to believe that all the troubles of the state could be settled by a series of compromises. Of a noble nature, of pure motives, and of generous disposition, he tried ,to please everybody, and succeeded in pleasing nobody. First, to please the populace, he proposed to increase the largesses of grain ; and to make payment easy by introducing a cheap copper coin which should pass for the same value as the previous silver one. Next, to reconcile the senators and the equites, he pro- posed to select the jurors (indices) from both classes, thus dividing the power between them. Finally, to meet the demands of the Italians, he proposed to grant them what they asked for, the Roman franchise. It was one thing to propose these laws ; it was quite another thing to pass them. As the last law was the most offensive, he began by uniting the equites and the people for the pur- pose of passing the first two laws. These were passed against the will of the senate, and amid scenes of great violence. The senate declared the laws of Drusus null and void. Dis- regarding this act of the senate as having no legal force, he then proposed to submit to the assembly the law grant- ing the franchise to the Italians. But this law was as offensive to the people as the others had been to the senate. Denounced by the senate as a traitor and abandoned by the THE TIMES OF MARIUS AND SULLA 169 people, this large-hearted and unpractical reformer was at last murdered by an unknown assassin ; and all his efforts came to nothing. Revolt of the Italian Allies (B.C. 90). — The death of Drusus drove the Italians to revolt. The war which followed is known in history as the " social war," or the war of the allies (socii). It was, in fact, a war of secession. The purpose of the allies was now, not to obtain the Roman franchise, but to create a new Italian nation, where all might be equal. They accordingly organized a new republic with the central govern- ment at Corfinium, a town in the Apennines. The new state was modeled after the government at Eome, with a senate of five hundred members, two consuls, and other magistrates. Nearly all the peoples of central and southern Italy joined in this revolt. Rome was now threatened with destruction, not by a for- eign enemy like the Cimbri and Teutones, but by her own sub- jects. The spirit of patriotism revived ; and the parties ceased for a brief time from their quarrels. Even Marius returned to serve as a legate in the Roman army. A hundred thousand men took the field against an equal number raised by the allies. In the first year the war was unfavorable to Rome. In the second year (b.c. 89) new preparations were made and new commanders were appointed. Marius, on account of his age, was not continued in his command ; while L. Cornelius Sulla, who was once a subordinate of Marius, was made chief com- mander in Campania. Marius felt deeply this slight, and began to be envious of his younger rival. The great credit of bring- ing this war to a close was due to Pompe'ius Strabo (the father of Pompey the Great) and Sulla. The first Italian capital, Cor- finium, was taken by Pompeius ; and the second capital, Bovi- anum, was captured by Sulla (b.c. 88). The social war was thus ended ; but it had been a great affliction to Italy. It is roughly estimated that three hundred thousand men, Romans and Italians, lost their lives in this struggle. The compensa- tion of this loss was the incorporation of Italy with Rome. 170 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC The Enfranchisement of Italy. — Although Rome was victori- ous in the field, the Italians obtained what they had demanded before the war began, that is, the rights of Roman citizenship. The Romans granted the franchise (1) to all Latins and Ital- ians who had remained loyal during the war (lex Iulia, b.c. 90) ; and (2) to every Italian who should be enrolled by the praetor within sixty days of the passage of the law (lex Plautia Papiria, b.c. 89). Every person to whom these provisions applied was now a Roman citizen. The policy of incorporation, which had been discontinued for so long a time, was thus re- vived. The distinction between Romans, Latins, and Italians was now broken down, at least so far as the Italian peninsula was concerned. The greater part of Italy was joined to the ager Romanus ; and Italy and Rome became practically one nation. The Elevation of Sulla. — Another result of the social war, which had a great effect upon the destinies of Rome, was the rise of Sulla. War was not a new occupa- tion for Sulla. In the campaign against Jugurtha he had served as a lieutenant of Marius. In the Cimbric war he had displayed great courage and ability. And now he had be- come the most conspicuous com- mander in the Italian war. As a re- sult of his brilliant exploits, he was elected to the consulship. The senate also recognized him as the ablest general of the time, when it now appointed him to conduct the war in the East against the great enemy of Rome, Mithrida'tes, king of Pontus. III. The Civil War between Maeius and Sulla The Jealousy of Marius. — Marius had watched with envy the growing fame of Sulla. Although old enough to retire Sulla THE TIMES OE MARIUS AND SULLA 171 from active life, he was mortified in not receiving the com- mand of the Eastern army. When Sulla was now appointed to this command, Marius determined if possible to displace him, or to satisfy his revenge in some other way. From this time Marius, who once seemed to possess the elements of greatness, appears to us as a vindictive and foolish old man, deprived of reason and the sense of honor. To prove that he had not lost the vigor of youth, it is said that he used to appear in the Campus Martius and exercise with the young soldiers in wrestling and boxing. The chief motive which now seemed to influence him was the hatred of Sulla and the Sullan party. Marius rejoins the Popular Party. — To regain his influence with the people Marius once more entered politics, and joined himself to the popular leaders. The most prominent of these leaders was now the tribune P. Sulpicius Eufus. With the aid of this politician, Marius hoped to win back the favor of the people, to weaken the influence of the senate, which had supported Sulla, and then to displace Sulla himself. This programme was set forth in what are called the "Sulpician laws " (b.c. 88). By the aid of an armed force these laws were passed, and two messengers were sent to Sulla to command him to turn over his army to Marius. To displace a com- mander legally appointed by the senate was an act unheard of, even in this period of revolution. Sulla appeals to the Army. — If Marius and Sulpicius supposed that Sulla would calmly submit to such an outrage, they mis- took his character. Sulla had not yet left Italy. His legions were still encamped in Campania. He appealed to them to support the honor and authority of their commander. They responded to his appeal, and Sulla at the head of his troops marched to Rome. For the first time the Eoman legions fought in the streets of the capital, and a question of politics was settled by the sword. Marius and Sulpicius were driven from the city, and Sulla for the time being was supreme. He called together the senate, and caused the leaders of the popu- MOKEl'S KOM. HIST. — 11 172 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC lar party to be declared outlaws. He then annulled the laws passed by Sulpicius, and gave the senate the power hereafter to approve or reject all laws before they shmild be submitted to the people. With the army at his back Sulla could do what he pleased. When he had placed the government securely in the hands of the senate, as he thought, he left Rome for the purpose of conducting the war against Mithridates in the East. The Flight of Marius. — Marius was now an exile, a fugitive from the country which he had once saved. The pathetic story of his flight and wanderings is graphically told by Plu- tarch. He says that Marius set sail from Ostia, and was forced by a storm to land at Circe'ii (see map, p. 167), where he wandered about in hunger and great suffering; that his courage was kept up by remembering that when a boy he had found an eagle's nest with seven young in it, which a sooth- sayer had interpreted as meaning that he would be consul seven times ; that he was again taken on board a vessel and landed at Minturnse, where he was captured and condemned to death ; that the slave who was ordered to kill him dropped his sword as he heard the stern voice of his intended victim shout- ing, " Man, darest thou kill Gaius Marius ? " that he was then released and wandered to Sicily, and then to Africa, where, a fallen hero, he sat amid the ruins of Carthage ; that at last he found a safe retreat in a little island off the African coast, and waited for vengeance and the time of his seventh consulship. Sulla and the Mithridatic War (B.C. 88-84). — While Marius was thus enduring the miseries of exile, Sulla was gathering fresh glories in the East. When Sulla landed in Greece he found the eastern provinces in a wretched state. Mithridates, the king of Pontus (see map, p. 142), had extended his power over a large part of Asia Minor. He had overrun the Roman province of Asia. He had induced the Greek cities on the coast, which had been brought under the Roman power, to revolt and join his cause. He had massacred over eighty thou- sand Italians living on the Asiatic coast. He had also sent THE TIMES OF MARIUS AND SULLA 173 his armies into Greece and Macedonia, and many of the cities there, including Athens, had declared in his favor. The Roman power in the East seemed well-nigh broken. >s3Sfliitfc%\ j^- S^v It was at this time that ffpjfr>0WSii~\. /<^0lll!©E^S\ Sulla showed his greatest \wjJ&C%m 1 [^f^WM^KMi ability as a soldier. He IvIiipj^K o TvkmMS^'®® wll drove back the armies ^Jjllpp" 1 ^ M \p«l=f%jl®®4/ of Mithridates, besieged ^JJk^Lagg^ ^&f|||p^ Athens and reduced it. Coin of Athens He destroyed an army at Chserone'a (b.c. 86, see map, p. 128), and another at Orchom'enus (b.c. 85). Within four years he reestablished the Roman power, and compelled Mithridates to sign a treaty of peace. The de- feated king agreed to give up all his conquests ; to surrender eighty war vessels ; and to pay 3000 talents ($3,750,000). After imposing upon the disloyal cities of Asia Minor the im- mense fine of 20,000 talents ($25,000,000), Sulla returned to Italy to find his own party overthrown, and himself an outlaw. Cinna and the Marian Massacres. — During the absence of Sulla, Rome had passed through a reign of terror. The time had now come when parties sought to support themselves by slaughtering their opponents. The two consuls who were left in power when Sulla left Rome, were Cn. Octavius, a friend of Sulla, and L. Cornelius Cinna, a friend of Marius. Cinna, who was an extreme partisan, proposed to rescind the laws of Sulla and reenact those of Sulpicius. But the senate was vehe- mently opposed to any such scheme. When the assembly of the tribes met in the Forum to vote upon this proposal of Cinna, Octavius carried the day in an armed conflict in which ten thousand citizens are said to have lost their lives. But the victory of Octavius was short. Cinna was, it is true, deprived of his office ; but following the example of his enemy Sulla, he appealed to the army for support. At the same time Marius returned from his exile to aid the cause of Cinna. Uniting their forces, Marius and Cinna then 174 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC marched upon Bome. The city was taken. Marius saw that the time had now come to satisfy his vengeance for the wrongs which he thought had been done him. The gates of the city were closed, and the massacres began. The first victim was the consul Octavius, whose head was hung up in the Forum. Then followed the leaders of the senatorial party. For five days Marius was furious, and revelled in blood. The friends of Sulla were everywhere cut down. The city was a scene of murder, plunder, and outrage. After this spasm of slaughter a reign of terror continued for several months. No man's life was safe if he was suspected by Marius. Marius and Cinna then de- clared themselves to be consuls. But Marius held this, his seventh consulship, but a few days, when he died — a great man who had crumbled into ruins. After the death of Marius, Cinna, the professed leader of the popular party, ruled with the absolute power of a despot. He declared himself consul each year, and named his own col- league. But he seemed to have no definite purpose, except to wipe out the work of Sulla, and to keep himself supreme. At last, hearing of the approach of Sulla, he led an army to pre- vent him from landing in Italy ; but was killed in a mutiny of his own soldiers. Sulla's War with the Marian Party. — Sulla landed in Italy (b.c 83) with a victorious army of forty thousand men. He had restored the power of Rome against her enemies abroad ; he now set to work to restore her authority against her enemies at home. He looked upon the popular party as a revolutionary faction, ruling with no sanction of law or justice. Its leaders since the death of Cinna were Cn. Papirius Carbo, the younger Marius, and Q. Sertorius. The landing of Sulla in Italy with- out disbanding his army was the signal for civil war. Southern Italy declared in his favor, and many prominent men looked to him as the deliverer of Bome. The choicest of his new allies was the son of Pompeius Strabo, then a young man of twenty-three, but whose future fame, as Pompey the Great, was destined to equal that of Sulla himself. Sulla marched to THE TIMES OF MARIUS AND SULLA 175 Campania and routed the forces of one consul, while troops of the other consul deserted to him in a body. He then attacked the young Marius in Latium, defeated him, and shut- him up in the town of Preeneste (see map, p. 46). Northern Italy was at the same time held in check by Pompey. A desperate bat- tle was fought at Clusium, in Etruria (see map, p. 81), in which Sulla and Pompey defeated the army of Carbo. At last an army of Samnites which had joined the Marian cause was cut to pieces at the Colline gate (see map, p. 38) under the very walls of Eome. Sulla showed what might be expected of him when he ordered six thousand Samnite prisoners to be mas- sacred in cold blood. The Sullan Proscriptions. — With Italy at his feet and a vic- torious army at his back, Sulla, the champion of the senate, was now the supreme ruler of Rome. Before entering upon the work of reconstructing the government, he determined first of all to complete the work of destroying his enemies. It is sometimes said that Sulla was not a man of vindictive nature. Let us see what he did. He first outlawed all civil and mili- tary officers who had taken part in the revolution against him, and offered a reward of two talents (about $2500) to the mur- derer of any of these men. He then posted a list (proscriptio) containing the names of those citizens whom he wished to have killed. He placed eighty names on the first list, two hundred and twenty more on the second, as many more on the third, and so on until nearly five thousand citizens had been put to death in Rome. But these despotic acts were not confined to Rome ; they extended to every city of Italy. " Neither temple, nor hospi- table hearth, nor father's house," says Plutarch, "was free from murder." Sulla went to Praeneste, and having no time to exam- ine each individual, had all the people brought to one spot to the number of twelve thousand, and ordered them to be mas- sacred. His sense of justice was not satisfied by punishing the living. The infamous Cat'iline had murdered his own brother before the war had closed, and he asked Sulla to pro- 176 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC scribe him as though he were alive — which was done. The heads of the slain victims Sulla caused to be piled in the streets of Bome for public execration. The tomb of Marius himself was broken open and his ashes were scattered. Besides taking the lives of his fellow-citizens, Sulla confiscated the lands of Italy, swept away cities, and wasted whole districts. If the proscriptions of Sulla were not inspired by the mad fury of revenge which led to the Marian massacres, they were yet prompted by the merciless policy of a tyrant. IV. The Dictatorship of Sulla (b.c. 82-79) The Office of Perpetual Dictator. — When Sulla had destroyed his enemies he turned to the work of reconstructing the gov- ernment in the interests of the senate and the aristocracy. The first question with Sulla was, What office should he hold in order to accomplish all he wished to do ? The Gracchi had exercised their great influence by being elected tribunes. Marius had risen to power through his successive consulships. But the office neither of tribune nor of consul was suited to the purposes of Sulla. He wished for absolute power — in fact, to hold the royal imperium. But since the fall of the Tarquins no man had ever dared assume the name of "king." Sulla was shrewd enough to see how he could exercise absolute power under another name than that of king. The dictator was, in fact, a sort of temporary king. To make this office perpetual would be practically to restore the royal power. Accordingly, Sulla had himself declared dictator to hold the office as long as he pleased. All his previous acts were then confirmed. He was given the full power of life and death, the power to confiscate property, to distribute lands, to create and destroy colonies, and to regulate the provinces. Military Support of Sulla's Power. — Sulla believed that a ruler to be strong must always be ready to draw the sword. He therefore did not mean to lose his hold upon his veteran soldiers. When his twenty-three legions were disbanded, they THE TIMES OF MAEIUS AND SULLA 177 were not scattered, but were settled in Italy as military colo- nies. Each legion formed the body of citizens in a certain town, the lands being confiscated and assigned to the soldiers. The legionaries were thus bound in gratitude to Sulla, and formed a devoted body of militia upon which he felt that he could rely. By means of these colonies, Sulla placed his power upon a military basis. Restoration of the Senate. — It was one of Sulla's chief purposes to restore the senate to its former position as the chief ruling body. In the first place, he filled it up with three hundred new members, elected by the comitia tributa from the equites. The senatorial list was no longer to be made out by the censor, but every one who had been quaestor was now legally qualified to be a senator. In the next place, the jurors (iudices) in criminal trials were henceforth to be taken from the senate, and not from the equestrian order. But as the new sen- ators were from this order, the two classes became reconciled ; and Sulla succeeded in doing what Drusus had failed to accomplish. But more than all, no laws could hereafter be passed by the assembly of the tribes until first approved by the senate. Weakening of the Assembly. — Sulla saw that the revolution- ary acts of the last fifty years had been chiefly the work of the comitia tributa under the leadership of the tribunes. The other assembly — that of the centuries — had, it is true, equal power to make laws. But the assembly of the tribes was more democratic, and the making of laws had gradually passed into the hands of that body. By simply giving the senate the initiative of legislation, the assembly had no power to pass upon any law at all without the senate's consent. The tend- ency of this change was to limit the assemblies to the mere business of electing the officers — the lower officers being elected by the tribes, and the higher officers by the centuries. To keep control of the elections Sulla enfranchised ten thousand slaves, and gave them the right to vote; these creatures of Sulla were known as " Cornelii, " or Sulla's freedmen. Changes in the Magistrates. — In Sulla's mind the most 178 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC revolutionary and dangerous office in the government was that of the tribune. This officer hitherto could practically control the state. He had had the chief control of legislation; and also by his veto he could stop the wheels of government. Sulla changed all this. He limited the power of the tribune to simple "intercession," that is, the protection of a citizen from an act of official injustice. He also provided that only senators could be elected to the office of tribune. The other officers were also looted after. The consuls and praetors must henceforth devote themselves to their civil duties in the city ; and then as proconsuls and propraetors they might afterward be assigned by the senate to the governorship of the provinces. Again, no one could be consul until he had been praetor, nor praetor until he had been quaestor ; and the old law was en- forced, that no one could hold the same office the second time until after an interval of ten years. Reform of the Judicial System. — The most permanent part of Sulla's reforms was the creation of a regular system of criminal courts. He organized permanent commissions (quces- tiones perpetuce) for the trial of different kinds of crimes. Every criminal case was thus tried before a regular court, com- posed of a presiding judge, or praetor, and a body of jurymen, called indices. We must remember that whenever the word indices is used in the political history of this period it refers to these jurors in criminal cases, who were first chosen from the senate, then from the equites, and now under Sulla from the senate again. The organization of regular criminal courts by Sulla was the wisest and most valuable part of his legislation. Sulla's Abdication and Death. — After a reign of three years (b.c. 82-79), and after having placed the government se- curely in the hands of the senate, as he supposed, Sulla resigned the dictatorship. He retired to his country house at Pute'oli on the Bay of Naples. He spent the few remaining months of his life in writing his memoirs, which have un- fortunately been lost. He hastened his end by dissipation, and died the next year (b.c. 78). The senate decreed him a THE TIMES OE MARIUS AND SULLA 179 public funeral, the most splendid that Eome had ever seen. His body was burned in the Campus Martius. Upon the monu- ment which was erected to his memory were inscribed these words: "No friend ever did him a kindness, and no enemy a wrong, without being fully repaid." Sulla was a man of blood and iron. Cool and calculating, definite in his purpose, and unscrupulous in his methods, he was invincible in war and in peace. But the great part of the work which he seemed to accomplish so thoroughly did not long survive him. His great foreign enemy, Mithridates, soon, renewed his wars with Rome. His boasted constitution fell in the next political conflict. The career of Sulla, like that of the Gracchi and of Marius, marks a stage in the decline of the republic and the establishment of the empire. SELECTIONS FOR READING Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 32, " Rivalry of Marius and Sulla " (l).i Mommsen, Vol. III., Bk. IV., Ch. 10, "The Sullan Constitution" (2). Mommsen, abridged, Ch. 22, " Marius as a Revolutionist " (2). How and Leigh, Ch. 39, " The Social War " (1). Shuckburgh, Ch. 38, "Mithridates in Asia and Greece" (1). Taylor, Ch. 11, "Cinna and Sulla" (1). Beesly, Ch. 15, " Sulla's Reactionary Measures" (6). Ereeman, Essay on " Sulla " (3). Plutarch, "Marius," "Sulla" (11). SPECIAL STUDY The Roman Senate. — Gow, pp. 193-199 (8) ; Pelham, pp. 159-167 (1) ; Shuckburgh, pp. 206-208, 397-399 (1) ; How and Leigh, p. 298 (1) ; Merivale, Gen. Hist., pp. 209-212 (1) ; Mommsen, Vol. I., pp. 406- 412 (2) ; Ramsay and Lanciani, pp. 254-263 (8) ; Harper's Diet. Antiqq., "Senatus" (8). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. CHAPTER XXI THE TIMES OF POMPEY AND CAESAR I. The Rise of Pompey Failures of the Sullan Party. — When Sulla resigned his power and placed the government in the hands of his party, he no doubt thought that he had secured the state from any further disturbance. He had destroyed all opposition, he fancied, by wiping out the Marian party. But as soon as he died, the remnants of this party began to reappear on every side. With the restoration of the senate's power there also returned all the old evils of the senatorial rule. The aristo- cratic party was still a selfish faction ruling for its own inter- ests, and with little regard for the welfare of the people. The separation between the rich and the poor became more marked than ever. Luxury and dissipation were the passion of one class, and poverty and distress the condition of the other. The feeble- ness of the new government was evident from the start, and Sulla was scarcely dead when symptoms of reaction began to appear. The Revolt of Lepidus (B.C. 77). — The first attempt to over- throw the work of Sulla was made by the consul M. iEmilius Lep'idus, a vain and petulant man, who aspired to be chief of the popular party. Lepidus proposed to restore to the trib- unes the full power which Sulla had diminished, and then to rescind the whole Sullan constitution. But his colleague, Q. Lutatius Catulus, 1 had no sympathy with his schemes and opposed him at every step. To prevent a new civil war the senate bound the two consuls by an oath not to take up arms. But Lepidus disregarded this oath, raised an army, and marched on Rome. He was soon defeated by Catulus with the aid of Cn. Pompey. It is well for us to notice that Pom- pey now for the first time appears in politics as a supporter of the senate and the Sullan party. 1 Son of the colleague of Marius (p. 165) . 180 THE TIMES OE POMPEY AND CiESAP 181 The Sertorian War and Pompey (B.C. 80-72) A much more formidable attempt at revolution was made by Q. Sertorius, who was one of the friends of Marius, and who had escaped to Spain during the Sullan proscriptions. Sertorius was a man of noble character, brave, prudent, generous, and withal a very able soldier. The native tribes of Spain were chafing under the Eoman governors; and Spain itself had become the retreat of many Marian refugees. Sertorius, therefore, formed the plan of delivering Spain from the power of Rome, and setting up an independent republic. (For map of Spain, see p. 112.) He won the devotion and loyalty of the Spanish provincials, whom he placed on an equality with his Roman subjects. He organized the cities after the Italian model. He encouraged the natives to adopt the arts of civilization. He formed a school at Osca, where the young men were instructed in Latin and Greek. He also defeated the Roman legions under Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius, who had been sent against him. The Roman senate was firmly convinced that some- thing must be done to save the Spanish province. Pompey was therefore ap- pointed proconsul in Spain — although he had never been consul or held any other civil office. Sertorius showed what kind of gen- eral he was when he de- feated the young Pompey , . n ' i 1 , n n HEAD OF THE STATUE OF POMPEY (So-called) in, the first battle, and might have destroyed his army if Metellus had not come to his assistance. But fortune at last frowned upon Sertorius and favored Pompey. Sertorius, in a fit of wrath, caused the boys 182 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC in the school at Osca to be put to death. This cruel act aroused the indignation of the Spanish subjects. It was not long before he himself was murdered by one of his lieutenants. With Ser- torius out of the way, Pompey obtained an easy victory ; and Spain was reduced to submission. "War of the Gladiators, and Crassus (B.C. 73-71). — Before the war with Sertorius was ended, the senate was called upon to meet a far greater danger at home. In order to prepare the .gladiators for their bloody contests in the arena, training schools had been estab- ^iainta>^„vicitkaleni» ? ^ lished in different parts of Italy. At Capua, in one of these so-called schools (which were rather prisons), was confined a brave Thra- cian, Spar'tacus. With no desire to be " butchered to ROMA* GlADIATOKS make * ^°^^ holiday," Spartacus incited his com- panions to revolt. Seventy of them fled to the crater of Vesuvius and made it a stronghold. Reenforced by other slaves and outlaws of all descriptions, they grew into a mot- ley mass of one hundred thousand desperate men. They rav- aged the fields and -plundered the cities, until all Italy seemed at their mercy. Four Roman armies were defeated in succes- sion. With Pompey still absent in Spain, the senate sought some other leader to crush this fearful insurrection. The com- mand fell to M. Crassus, who finally defeated Spartacus and his army. A remnant of five thousand men fled to the north, hoping to escape into Gaul ; but they fell in with Pompey, who was just returning from Spain, and were destroyed. By this stroke of luck, Pompey had the assurance to claim that in addition to closing the war in Spain, he had also finished the war with the gladiators. First Consulship of Pompey and Crassus (B.C. 70). — With their victorious legions, Pompey and Crassus now returned to THE TIMES OF POMPEY AND CAESAR 183 the capital and claimed the consulship. Neither of these men had any great ability as a politician. But Crassus, on account of his wealth, had influence with the capitalists ; and Pompey, on account of his military successes, was becoming a sort of popular hero, as Marius had been before hini. The popular party was now beginning to gather up its scattered forces, and to make its influence felt. With this party, therefore, as offering the greater prospect of success, the two soldiers formed a coalition, and were elected consuls. The chief event of the consulship of Pompey and Crassus was the complete overthrow of the Sullan constitution. The old power was given back to the tribunes. The legislative power was restored to the assembly, which now could pass laws without the approval of the senate. The exclusive right to furnish jurors in criminal cases was taken away from the senate; and henceforth the jurors (iudices) were to be chosen, one third from the senale, one third from the equites, and one third from the wealthy men below the rank of the equites (the so-called tribuni cerarii). Also, the power of the censors to revise the list of the senators, which Sulla had abolished, was restored; and as a result of this, sixty-four senators were expelled from the senate. By these measures the Sullan regime was practically destroyed, and the supremacy of the senate taken away. This was a great -triumph for the popu- lar party. After the close of his consulship, Pompey, with affected modesty, retired to private life. Pompey and the War with the Pirates. — But Pompey was soon needed to rescue Borne from still another danger. Since the decline of the Boman navy the sea had become infested with pirates. These robbers made their home in Crete and Cilicia (see map, p. 142), from which they made their, depreda- tions. They had practically the control of the whole Mediter- ranean, and preyed upon the commerce of the world. They plundered the cities of nearly every coast. They even cut off the grain supplies of Borne, so that Italy was threatened with a famine. To meet this emergency a law was passed (lex 184 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC Pirate Vessel Gabinia, b.c. 67) giving to Pompey for three years supreme control over the Mediterranean Sea and its coasts for fifty miles inland. He was given five hundred ships and as many soldiers as he might wish. The pub- lic treasuries and all the resources of the provinces were placed at his- dis- posal. Such extraordinary power had never before been given to any man, except Sulla. But Pompey fully satisfied the expectations of the people. Within four months from the time he set sail, he had cleared the whole Mediterranean Sea of its pirates. He had captured three thousand vessels, slain ten thousand of the enemy, and taken twenty thousand prisoners. Cicero said in his rhetorical way that " Pompey had made his preparations for the war at the end of the winter, began it in the early spring, and finished it in the middle of the summer." Pompey remained in the East to settle affairs in Oilicia, and perhaps to win fresh laurels as a soldier. Pompey and the Conquest of the East. — The splendid success of Pompey against the pirates led his friends to believe that he was the only man who could bring to a close the long and tedious war against Mithridates. Since the death of Sulla the king of Pontus had continued to be a menace to Pome. The campaigns in the East had been conducted by L. Licinius Lucullus, who was a really able general, but who was charged with prolonging the war in order to enrich himself. There was some ground, too, for this charge: for, as it was afterward well said. of him, "he Coin op Mitukidates THE TIMES OF POMPEY AND CiESAR 185 transplanted the luxury of Asia to Rome." Lucullus had already gained several victories over Mithridates; but the war still lingered. A law was then passed at Rome (lex Manilla, B.C. 66) displacing Lucullus and giving to Pompey supreme control over all the Roman dominions in the East. Armed with this extensive authority, Pompey began the conquest of the East. He soon succeeded in defeating Mithridates, and in driving him from his kingdom. He then invaded Syria and took possession of that kingdom. He next entered Judea, and after a severe struggle succeeded in cap- turing Jerusalem (b.o. 63). All the eastern coasts of the Mediterranean were now subject to Pompey. Out of the con- quered countries he formed four new provinces : (1) Rjthynia with Pontus; (2) Syria; (3) Cilicia; and (4) Crete. When he returned to Italy he had the most successful and brilliant record that any Roman general had ever achieved. II. The Growing Influence of Cesar Rome during the Absence of Pompey. — During the absence of Pompey in the East (b.c. 67-61) the politics of the capital were mainly in the hands of three men — Marcus Porcius Cato, Marcus Tullius Cicero, and Gaius Julius Caesar. Cato was the grandson of Cato the Censor; and like his great ancestor he was a man of firmness and of the strictest integrity. He was by nature a conservative, and came to be regarded as the leader of the aristocratic party. He contended for the power of the senate as it existed in the days of old. But lacking the highest qualities of a statesman, he could not prevent the inroads which were being made upon the constitution. , On the other hand, Julius Caesar was coming to the front as the leader of the popular party. Though born of patrician stock, he was related by family ties to Marius and Cinna, the old leaders of the people. He was wise enough to see that the cause of the people was in the ascendancy. He aroused the sympathies of the Italians by favoring the extension of the 186 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC Eoman franchise to cities beyond the Po. He appealed to the populace by the splendor of the games which he gave as curule aedile. He allied himself to Crassus, whose great wealth and average ability he could use to good ad- vantage. Between these two party leaders stood Cicero, who, in spite of his vanity, was a man of great intellect and of excellent adminis- trative ability ; but being a moderate man, he was lia- ble to be misjudged by both parties. He was also what was called a " new man '' (novus homo), that is, the first of his family to ob- tain the senatorial rank. Cicero was made consul, and rose to the highest distinction during the absence of Pompey. Cicero and the Catilinian Conspiracy. — If Cicero had done nothing else, he would have been entitled to the gratitude of his country for two acts — the impeachment of Verres and the defeat of Catiline. Cicero stood for law and order, and gen- erally for constitutional government. By his impeachment of Verres, the corrupt governor of Sicily, he brought to light, as had never been done before, the infamous methods employed in the administration of the provinces. He not only brought to light this corruption ; he also brought to justice one of the greatest offenders. Then by the defeat of Catiline during his consulship Cicero saved Borne from the execution of a most infamous plot. Catiline was a man of great influence with a certain class, and had already become quite a politician. He had been a parti- Cato THE TIMES OE POMPEY AND CiESAR 187 san of Sulla; had held the office of prsetor; and had twice been defeated for the consulship. But if one half of the ac- counts of him are true, he was a man of most abandoned and depraved character. When Cato threatened to prosecute him, he said that if a fire were kindled against him he would put it out, not with water, but by a general ruin. Ruined himself in fortune, he gathered about him the ruined classes — insol- vent debtors, desperate adventurers, and the rabble of Rome. It is said that his plot involved the purpose to kill the consuls, massacre the senators, and to burn the city of Rome. The plot was discovered by Cicero, and was foiled. Cicero delivered in the senate an oration against Catiline, who was present and attempted to reply; but his voice was drowned with the cries of "Traitor," and he fled from the senate to his camp in Btruria. Here a desperate battle ensued ; and Catiline was defeated and slain, with three thou- sand of his followers (b.c. 62). Five of his fellow- conspirators were con- demned to death by the • senate ; and Cicero put the judgment into execution. This act afterward exposed Cicero to the charge of executing Roman citizens without a proper trial. But the people hailed Cicero as the savior of Rome, the Father of his Country. It was charged that Caesar was implicated in the plot of Catiline ; but this charge was answered when Cicero declared that Caesar had done all that a good citizen could do to Crush it. The great success of Cicero gave to the senate and the moderate party a temporary advantage. But the senate under mobey's bom. hist. — 12 188 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC the leadership, of Cato and Lucullus had not the skill to retain this advantage. The First Triumvirate — Pompey, Caesar, and Crassus (B.C. 60). — Pompey soon returned to Italy from his victories in the East (b.c. 61). Like Marius returning from the Cimbric war, he was given a magnificent triumph. But like Sulla returning from the East, he was feared by those in power, lest he might use his victorious army to overthrow the existing government, and reign in its stead. To allay all suspicion, Pompey dis- banded his army as soon as it touched the soil of Italy ; and he hoped that his great services would give him the proud position of the first citizen of Home. But in this he was dis- appointed. By disbanding his army, he had given up the source of his influence. Still, he hoped that the senate would at least confirm his arrangements in the East and reward his veterans by grants of land. In this, too, he was disappointed. Yielding to the influence of Lucullus, who had been deposed from the command in the East, the senate refused either to confirm his acts, or to reward his soldiers. Pompey had thus a serious grievance against the senate. But this grievance of Pompey might not have been very dangerous, if the senate had not also offended Caesar. Caesar was rapidly gaining power and influence. He had held the offices of military tribune, quaestor, aedile, pontifex maximus, and praetor. Then as propraetor he had been sent to Spain, where he laid the basis of his military fame. On his return from Spain the senate thwarted him in his desire to have a tri- umph. In other ways Caesar was embarrassed by the senate. But he was beginning to feel his power, and was not the man to put up with petty annoyances. He accordingly entered into a coalition with Pompey, to which Crassus was also admitted. This coalition, or self-constituted league, is known as the "first triumvirate." It was formed for the purpose of opposing the senatorial party, and of advancing the personal designs of its members. By the terms of this compact Pom- pey was to have his acts confirmed and his veterans rewarded ; THE TIMES OF POMPEY AND CAESAR 189 Crassus was to have an opportunity to increase his fortune ; and Csesar was to have the consulship, and afterward a com- mand in Gaul. Pompey was ostensibly at the head of the league, but Csesar was its ruling spirit. The Consulship of Caesar (B.C. 59). — The first fruit of the new alliance was the election of Ceesar to the consulship. On his election Csesar went faithfully to work to fulfill his obliga- tions to Pompey, and to strengthen his hold upon the people. He obtained, in the first place, the passage of an agrarian law which provided for the veterans of Pompey, and which also gave estates in Campania to the needy citizens of Pome. In the next place, he secured a law confirming all the acts of Pom- pey in the East. Finally, he obtained the passage of a law which pleased and conciliated the equites. The tax collectors had made a high offer for the privilege of collecting the taxes of Asia, and after- ward concluded that they had made a bad bargain. Accordingly, Csesar took their part, and succeeded in remitting one third of what they had agreed to give. These laws were bitterly opposed by the senators, but without success. Pom- C^ssae (Naples) pey was now satisfied ; the people were pleased ; and the capi- talists were reconciled. The senate under its bad management was thus outgeneraled by Caesar; and it lost the temporary advantage it had gained during the consulship of Cicero. So completely did Julius Csesar overshadow his weak colleague, Bib'ulus, who was a partisan of the senate, that this term of 190 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC office was humorously called the consulship of Julius and Caesar. At the close of his consulship Caesar obtained the government of Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum, to which was added Transalpine Gaul (Narbonensis). This power was granted for five years. Caesar was thus furnished with an opportunity for the exercise of his military talents, and the building up of a powerful army devoted to his cause. Clodius and the Banishment of Cicero — Before Caesar departed for his provinces, he was careful to see that his interests would-be looked after during his absence. He chose as his agent P. Clodius, an unscrupulous politician whose personal character was not above reproach, but whose hostility to the senate could be depended upon. To Clodius, who held the position of tribune, was given the task, first, of keeping hold of the populace ; and, next, of getting out of the way as best he could the two most influential men in the senate, Cicero and Cato. The first part of this task he easily accomplished by passing a law that grain should hereafter be distributed to the Roman people free of all expense. To carry out the second part of his task was not so easy — to remove from the senate its chief leaders. Cato was dis- posed of, however, by a law annexing Cyprus (see map, p. 202) to the Roman dominion, and appointing him as its governor. Cicero was also got rid of by a law which Clodius succeeded in passing, and which provided that any magistrate who had put a Roman citizen to death without a trial should be ban- ished. Cicero knew that this act was intended for him, and that it referred to his execution of the Catilinian conspirators. After vainly attempting to enlist sympathy in his own behalf, Cicero retired to Greece (b.c. 58) and devoted himself to liter- ary pursuits. With their leaders thus removed, the senate was for a time paralyzed. Renewal of the Triumvirate at Lucca (B.C. 56). — When Caesar had departed from Rome to undertake his work in Gaul, Clbdiu3 began to feel his own importance and to rule with a THE TIMES OF POMPEY AND CiESAR 191 high hand. The policy of this able and depraved demagogue was evidently to govern Eome with the aid of the mob. He paraded the streets with armed bands, and used his political influence to please the rabble. Pompey as well as the senate became disgusted with the regime of Clodius. They united their influence, and obtained the recall of Cicero from exile. At the same time Cato returned from his absence in Cyprus. On the return of the old senatorial leaders, it looked as though the senate would once more regain its power, and the triumvirate would go to pieces. But the watchful eye of Caesar detected these symptoms of discontent, and a conference of the leaders took place at Lucca, a town in northern Italy (see map, p. 81), where a new arrangement was brought about. Caesar was now to be given an additional term of five years in Gaul, and to be elected consul at the end of that time; Pompey and Crassus were to receive the consulship ; and at the close of their term of office Pompey was to have the provinces of Spain and Africa, and the money-loving Crassus was to receive the rich province of Syria. In this way they would divide the world among them. The terms of the agreement were apparently satisfactory to the parties concerned. Caesar now felt that matters at Rome were safe, at least until he could complete his work in G-aul and fortify his own power with a devoted and invincible army. Caesar and his Province. — It is not easy for us to say exactly what was in the mind of Caesar when he selected Gaul for his province. It was at this time the most forbidding part of the Roman territory. It was the home of barbarians, with no wealth like that of Asia, and few relics of a former civiliza- tion like those of Spain and Africa. But there were three or four things, no doubt, that Caesar saw clearly. In the first place, he saw that the power which should here- after rule the Roman state must be a military power. Sulla had succeeded by the help of his army, and Pompey had failed by giving up his army. If he himself should ever establish his own power, it must be by the aid of a strong military force. 192 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC In the next place, he saw that no other province afforded the same military opportunities as those which Gaul presented. It is true that the distant province of Syria might open a way for the conquest of Parthia, and for attaining the glories of another Alexander. But Syria was too far removed from Roman politics; and Caesar's first ambition was political power, and not military glory. The Province of Gatjl Again, he saw that the conquest of Gaul was necessary for the protection of the Eoman state. The invasions of the north- ern barbarians — the Gauls, the Cimbri, and the Teutones — had twice already threatened Borne with destruction. By its conquest Gaul might be made a barrier against barbarism. Moreover, he saw that Eome was in need of new and fertile lands for colonization. Italy was overcrowded. The most THE TIMES OF POMPEY AND CJESAR 193 patriotic men had seen the need of extra-Italian colonies. Gaius Gracchus had sought an outlet in Africa. He himself had advocated settlements in the valley of the Po. What Italy needed most, after a stable government, was an outlet for her surplus population. His own ambition and the highest inter- ests of his country Cse'sar believed to be at one. By conquer- ing Gaul he would be fighting not for Pompey or the senate, but for himself and Rome. The Conquest of Gaul (B.C. 58-51). — The provinces over which Caesar was placed at first included Cisalpine Gaul, that is, the valley of the Po ; Illyricum, that is, the strip of territory across the Adriatic Sea; and Narbonensis, that is, a small part of Transalpine Gaul lying about the mouth of the Phone. Withiu eight years he brought under his power all the territory bounded by the Pyrenees, the Alps, the Rhine, and the Atlantic Ocean, or about what corresponds to the modern countries of Prance, Belgium, and Holland. He at first conquered the Helve'tii, a tribe lying on the out- skirts of his own province of jSTarbonensis. He then met and drove back a great invasion of Germans, who, under a prince called Ariovis'tus, had crossed the Ehine, and threatened to overrun the whole of Gaul. He' then pushed into the northern parts of Gaul, and conquered the Nervii and the neighboring tribes. He overcame the Veneti of the Atlantic coast, both on land and on the sea. He also made two invasions into Britain (b.c. 55, 54), crossed the Ehine into Germany, and revealed to the Eoman soldiers countries they had never seen before. After once subduing the various tribes of Gaul, he was finally called upon to suppress a general insurrection, led by a power- ful leader called Vercinget'orix. The conquest of Gaul was then completed. A large part of the population had been either slain in war or reduced to slavery. The new territory was pacified by bestowing honors upon the Gallic chiefs, and self-government upon the surviving tribes. The Eoman legions were distributed through the territory ; but Caesar established no military colo- 194 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC nies like those of Sulla. The Roman arts and manners were encouraged ; and Gaul was brought within the pale of civili- zation. III. Civil War between Pompey and C^esab Dissolution of the Triumvirate. — While Caesar was absent in Gaul, the ties which bound the three leaders together were becoming weaker and weaker. The position of Crassus tended somewhat, as long as he was alive, to allay the growing sus- picion between the two great rivals. But after Crassus departed for the East to take control of his province in Syria, he invaded Parthia, was badly defeated, lost the Eoman stand- ards, and was himself killed (b.c. 53). The death of Crassus practically dissolved the triumvirate ; or we might rather say, it reduced the triumvirate to a duumvirate. But the relation between the two leaders was now no longer one of friendly sup- port, but one of mutual distrust. The Sole Consulship of Pompey (B.C. 52). — The growing estrangement between Pompey and Caesar was increased when the senate appointed Pompey "sole consul." This was not intended as an affront to Caesar, but was evidently demanded to meet a real emergency. The city -was distracted by con- tinual street fights between the armed bands of Clodius, the demagogue, and those of T. Annius Milo, who professed to be defending the cause of the senate. In one of these broils Clodius was killed. His excited followers made his death the occasion of riotous proceedings. His body was burned in the Forum by the wild mob, and the senate house was destroyed by fire. In the anarchy which followed, the senate felt obliged to confer some extraordinary power upon Pompey. On the proposal of Cato, he was appointed " consul without a colleague." Under this unusual title Pompey restored order to the state, and was looked upon as " the savior of society." He became more and more closely bound to the cause of the senate; and the senate recognized its obligations to him by prolonging his command in Spain for five years. THE TIMES OE POMPEY AND CAESAR 195 The Rupture between Pompey and Caesar. — It was a part of th,e agreement made at the conference of Lucca, we remember, that Caesar was to receive the consulship at the close of his command in Gaul. He naturally wished to retain the control of his army until he had been elected to his new office. The senate was determined that he should not, but should present himself at Rome as a private citizen before his election. Caesar well knew that he would be helpless as a private citizen in the presence of the enemies who were seeking to destroy him. Cato had already declared that he would prose- cute him as soon as he ceased to be proconsul in Gaul. Caesar promised, however, to give up his province and his army, if Pompey would do the same; but Pompey refused. The sen- ate then called upon Caesar to give up two of his legions on the plea that they were needed in the Parthian war. The legions were given up ; but instead of being sent to the East they were stationed in Campania. Upon further demands, Caesar agreed to give up eight legions of his army, if he were allowed to retain two legions in Cisalpine Gaul until the time of his election. This the senate refused ; and demanded that he must give up his province and his whole army by a certain day, or be declared a public enemy. The senate had offered him humiliation or war. He chose war, and crossed the Rubicon (b.c. 49), the stream which separated his province of Cisalpine Gaul from Italy. Campaigns in Italy, Spain, and Greece. — The contest was now reduced to a struggle between the two greatest soldiers which Rome had ever produced. Caesar knew the value of time; at the instant when he decided upon war, he invaded Italy with a single legion. Pompey, unprepared for such a sudden move and not relying upon the two legions which the senate had taken from Caesar, was obliged • to withdraw to Brundisium (see map, p. 114). Besieged in this place by Caesar, he skillfully withdrew his forces to Greece, and left Caesar master of Italy. Caesar was now between two hostile forces, the army in 196 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC Spain under Pompey's lieutenants, and the army in Greece under Pompey himself. He must now defeat these armies separately before they could be united against him. As he had no fleet with which to follow Pompey into Greece, he decided at once to attack the army in Spain. He dispatched his Gallic legions across the Pyrenees, while he secured him- self at Rome. He entered the city, and dispelled the fear that there might be repeated the horrors of the first civil war. He showed that he was neither a Marius nor a Sulla. Rejoining his legions in Spain, he soon defeated Pompey's lieutenants. When he returned to Rome he found that he had been pro- claimed dictator. He resigned this title and accepted the office of consul. In the beginning of the next year (b.c. 48), with the few ships that he had collected, he transported his troops from Brundisium across the Adriatic to meet the army of Pompey. In the first conflict, at Dyrra'chium, he was defeated. He then retreated across the peninsula (see map, p. 128) in the direction of Pharsa'lus in order to draw Pompey away from his supplies on the seacoast. The two generals met at Pharsalus (b.c. 48), when Caesar with about twenty thousand men completely defeated the army of Pompey, which numbered more than forty thousand. Pompey fled to Egypt, where he was treacher- ously murdered. Caesar had now accomplished the first part of his work, by taking possession of Italy and defeating the two armies of Pompey in Spain and Greece. He had estab- lished his title to supremacy. Especial honors were paid to him at Rome. He was made consul for five years, tribune for life, and dictator for one year. Campaigns in Egypt, Asia, Africa, and Spain. — Caesar now entered upon the second part of his work — that of pacifying the provinces. While in Egypt, he became fascinated by the charms of Cleopa'tra, and settled a dispute in which she was involved. That country was disturbed by a civil war between this princess and her brother Ptolemy. Each claimed the right to the throne. Caesar defeated the forces of Ptolemy THE TIMES OE POMPEY AND CiESAR 197 and assigned the throne to Cleopatra, under the protection of two Roman legions. On his way back to Italy he passed through Asia Minor. Here he found Phar'naces, the son of the great Mithridates, stirring up a revolt in Pontus. In a campaign of a few days, he destroyed the armies of this prince, and restored the Asiatic provinces, recording his speedy victory in the famous words, " Veni, vidi, vici." The armies of Caesar had now swept over all the provinces of Rome, except Africa. Here the Pompeian leaders, assisted by the king of Numidia, determined to make a last stand against the conqueror. Their forces were under Cato, who held Utica, and Metellus Scipio, who commanded in the field. After subduing a mutiny of his tenth legion by a single word, — calling the men " citizens," instead of " fellow-sol- diers," — Caesar invaded Africa. The battle of Thapsus (b.c. 46) destroyed the last hope of the Pompeian party. The republican forces were defeated; and Cato, the chief of the senatorial party, committed suicide at Utica. In this war Numidia was conquered and attached to the province of Africa. All resistance to Caesar's power was now at an end, except a brief revolt in Spain, led by the sons of Pompey, which was soon put down, the enemy being crushed (b.c. 45) at the battle of Munda (see map, p. 112). IV. The Rule or Julius Caesar Caesar's Triumphs and Titles. — When Caesar returned to Rome after the battle of Thapsus, he came not as the servant of the senate, but as master of the world. He crowned his victories by four splendid triumphs, one for Gaul, one for Egypt, one for Pontus, and one for Numidia. He made no reference to the civil war ; and no citizens were led among his captives. His victory was attended by no massacres, no pro- scriptions, no confiscations. He was as generous in peace as he had been relentless in war. Caesar was great enough to forgive 198 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC his enemies. A general amnesty was proclaimed ; and friend and foe were treated alike. We may see the kind of power which he exercised by the titles which he received. He was consul, dictator, controller of public morals (prce- fectus moram), tribune, pontifex maximus, and chief of the senate (princeps senatus). He thus gathered up in his own person the powers which had been scattered among the various republican officers. The name of "impera'tor" with which the soldiers had been accustomed to salute a victorious general, was now made an official title, and prefixed to his name. In Caesar was thus embodied the one-man power which had been growing up during the civil wars. He was in fact the first Roman emperor. Caesar's Political Reforms. — Caesar held his great power only for a short time. But the re- forms which he made are enough to show us his policy, and to enable us to judge of him as a statesman. The first need of Eome was a stable government based on the interest of the whole people. The senate had failed to secure such a government ; and so had the .popular assemblies led by the tribunes. Caesar believed that the only government suited to Rome was a democratic monarchy — a government in which the supreme power should be held permanently by a single man, and exercised, not for the benefit of himself or any single class, but for the benefit of the whole state. Let us see how his changes accomplished this end. In the first place, the senate was changed to meet this view. It had hitherto been a comparatively small body, Julius Cesar (Capitol) THE TIMES OF POMPEY AND CiESAR 199 drawn from a single class and ruling for its own interests. Caesar increased the number to nine hundred members, arid filled it up with representative men of all classes, not simply nobles, but also ignobiles — Spaniards, Gauls, military officers, sons of freedmen, and others. It was to be not a legislative body, but an advisory body, to inform the monarch of the condition and wants of Italy and the provinces. In the next place, he extended the Roman franchise to the inhabitants be- yond the Po, and to many cities in the provinces, especially in Transalpine Gaul and Spain. All his political changes tended to break down the distinction between nobles and commons, between Italians and the provincials, and to make of all the people of the empire one nation. Caesar's Economic Reforms. — The next great need of Rome was the improvement of the condition of the lower classes. Caesar well knew that the condition of the people could not be changed in a day ; but he believed that the government ought not to encourage pauperism by helping those who ought to help themselves. There were three hundred and twenty thousand persons at Rome to whom grain was distributed. He reduced this number to one hundred and fifty thousand, or more than one half. He provided means of employment for the idle, by constructing new buildings in the city, and other public works ; and also by enforcing the law that one third of the labor employed on landed estates should be free labor. As the land of Italy was so completely occupied, he encour- aged the establishment, in the provinces, of agricultural colonies which would not only tend to relieve the farmer class, but to Romanize the empire. He relieved the debtor class by a bankrupt law which permitted the insolvent debtor to escape imprisonment by turning over his property to his creditors. In such ways as these, while not pretending to abolish poverty, he afforded better means for the poorer classes to obtain a living. His Reform of the Provincial System. — The despotism of the Roman republic was -nowhere more severe and unjust than in 200 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC the provinces. This was due to two things — the arbitrary authority of the governor, and the wretched system of farm- ing the taxes. The governor ruled the province, not for the benefit of the provincials, but for the benefit of himself. It is said that the proconsul hoped to make three fortunes out of his province — one to pay his debts, one to bribe the jury if he were brought to trial, and one to keep himself. The tax collector also looked upon the property of the province as a harvest to be divided between the Roman treasury and him- self. Caesar put a check upon this system of robbery. The governor was now made a responsible agent of the emperor ; and the collection of taxes was placed under a more rigid super- vision. The provincials found in Caesar a protector ; because his policy involved the welfare of all his subjects. His Other Reforms and Projects. — The most noted of Caesar's other changes was the reform of the calendar, which has re- mained as he left it, with slight change, down to the present day. He also intended to codify the Eoman law ; to provide for the founding of public libraries ; to improve the architecture of the city ; to drain the Pontine Marshes for the improvement of the public health; to cut a channel through the Isthmus of Corinth ; and to extend the empire to its natural limits, the Euphrates, the Danube, and the Rhine. These projects show the compre- hensive mind of Caesar. That they would have been carried out in great part, if he had lived, we can scarcely doubt, when we con- sider his wonderful executive genius and the works he actually accomplished in the short time in which he held his power.. The Assassination of Caesar. — If Caesar failed, it was because he did not adjust himself sufficiently to the conservative spirit of the time. There were still living at Rome men who were blindly attached to the old republican forms. To them the reforms of Caesar looked like a work of destruction, rather than a work of creation. They saw in his projects a scheme for reviving the kingship. It was said that when Caesar was offered a crown he looked at it wistfully; and that he had selected his nephew Oetavius as his royal heir. THE TIMES OE POMPEY AND CiESAR 201 The men who hated Csesar, and who conspired to kill him, were men who had themselves received special favors from him. The leading conspirators, M. Brutus and C. Cassius, had both served in Pompey's army, and had been pardoned by Caesar and promoted to offices under his government. Joined by some fifty other conspirators, these men formed a plot to kill Caesar in the senate house. The story of his assassination has been told by Plutarch and made immortal by Shakespeare. When the appointed day came, the Ides of March (March 15, b.o. 44), Caesar was struck down by the daggers of his treacherous friends, and he fell at the foot of Pompey's statue. It has been said that the murder of Caesar was the most senseless act that the Romans ever committed. His death deprived Borne of the greatest man she ever produced. But the work of the con- spirators did not destroy the work of Caesar. SELECTIONS FOR READING Liddell, Ch. 67, "The Second Civil War " (l).i Shuckburgh, Ch. 42, "Pompey in the East" (1). How and Leigh, Ch. 47, " Cicero and Catiline " (1). Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 40, "The Eirst Triumvirate " (1). Mommsen, Vol. IV., Bk. V., Ch. 11, "The Old Republic and New Mon- archy" (2). Mommsen, abridged, Ch. 35, "Joint Rule of Pompey and Caesar" (2). Pelham, Bk. V., Ch. 1, " The Dictatorship of Julius" (1). Taylor, Ch. 15, " Csesar " (1). Shakespeare, "Julius Csesar" (36). Plutarch, " Sertorius," "Lucullus," "Pompey," " Crassus," " Cato the Younger," "Csesar," "Cicero" (11). SPECIAL STUDY Cesar's Campaigns in Gaul. — How and Leigh, Ch. 49 (1) ; Shuck- burgh, Ch. 44 (1) ; Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 41 (1) ; Merivale, Trium- virates, Ch. 5 (6) ; Merivale, Empire, Chs. 5-12 (7) ; Dodge, Julius Csesar, Chs. 8-14 (22). i The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. PEOGFKESSTVE M1.AJP !N"o. 5. 202 CHAPTER XXII THE TIMES OP ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS I. The Rise of Antony and Octavius Rome after the Death of Caesar. — The men who murdered Caesar considered themselves as " liberators " of the republic. "Whatever may have been their motives, they seem to have taken little thought as to how Rome would be governed after they had killed their ty- rant. If they thought that the senate would take up the powers it had lost, and successfully rule the re- public, they were griev- ously mistaken. The only leading man of the senate who had survived the last civil war was Cicero ; but Cicero with all his learning and eloquence could not take the place of Caesar. What Rome needed was what the liberators had taken from her, a master mind of broad views and of great executive power. We need not be surprised that the death of Caesar was followed by confusion and dismay. No one knew which way to look or what to expect. Soon there appeared new actors upon the scene, men struggling for the supreme power in the state — M. Anto'nius (An'tony), the friend of Caesar and his fellow-consul; C. Octavius, his adopted son and heir ; M. iEmilius Lepidus, 1 1 Son of the Lepidus who opposed the Sullan party (p. 180). 203 Antony 204 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC his master of horse; Sextus Pompeius, his previous enemy and the son of his greatest rival ; while Cicero still raised his voice in defense of what he regarded as his country's freedom. The Supremacy of Antony. — The first to take advantage of the confusion which followed Caesar's death was Marcus Antonius. With the aid of Lepidus he got possession of Caesar's will and other papers, and seized his treasury. He influenced the senate to confirm all of Caesar's acts, and obtained permission to speak at his public funeral. He made a strong appeal to the populace to avenge the death of their great friend ; and read the will of Caesar, which left his palace and gardens to the people, and a legacy to every citizen. Excited to fury by the eloquence of Antony, the people seized firebrands from the burning funeral pile, and rushed through the streets swearing vengeance to the so-called liberators. The liberators were obliged to flee from the city ; and Antony was for the time supreme. As the senate had confirmed Caesar's acts, and as Antony had Caesar's papers, which were sup- posed to contain these acts, he assumed the r61e of Caesar's executor and did what he pleased. The chief liberators hastened to the provinces to which they had previously been assigned by Caesar — Cas- sius to Syria, Marcus Brutus to Macedonia, and Decimus Brutus to Cisal- pine Gaul. The Rise of Octavius. — Antony's dream of power was soon disturbed by the appearance of the young Octavius, Caesar's grand-nephew and adopted son. Although a young man — only nineteen — he The Young Octavius THE TIMES OE ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 205 was a born politician, and soon became Antony's greatest rival. He assumed his adopted name, G-aius Julius Caesar Octavia'nus, and claimed his inheritance and the treasures which had fallen into Antony's hands. But Antony said that these were public moneys, and that they had been spent in the interests of the Koman state. Octavius (as we shall continue to call him) now for the first time showed that adroit skill for which he was always distinguished. Antony had raised the false hopes of the people by reading Caesar's will, which promised a legacy to every citizen. The people had heard the will; but they had not yet received the promised legacies. To humiliate Antony and to insure his own popularity, the young Octavius sold his own estates, borrowed money of his friends, and paid the legacies which Caesar had promised to the people. By this act Octavius displaced Antony as the people's friend. The young heir grew so rapidly in popular favor that his influence was sought both by Cicero, who represented the senate, and by Antony, who represented himself. Cicero's Attack upon Antony. — Cicero thought that everything should be done to weaken the power of Antony, and to pre- vent any possible coalition between him and the young Octa- vius. The hostility between Cicero and Antony grew to be bitter and relentless ; and they were pitted against each other on the floor of the senate. But in a war of words Antony was' no match for Cicero. By a series of famous speeches known as the "Philippics," the popularity of Antony was crushed; and he retired from Eome to seek for victory upon other fields. He claimed Cisalpine Gaul as his province. But this province was still held by Decimus Brutus, one of the libera- tors, to whom the senate looked for military support. When Antony attempted to gain possession of this territory, Cicero thought he saw an opportunity to use Octavms in the interests of the senate. Accordingly Antony was declared a public enemy j Octavius was made a senator with the rank of a consul, and was authorized to conduct the war against mokey's kom. hist. — 13 206 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC Antony. In this war — the so-called war of Mu'tina (b.c. 44-43) — Octavius was successful. As a reward for his victory he demanded of the senate that he receive a triumph and the consulship. Cicero had intended Decimus Brutus for this office, and the request of Octavius was refused. But the young heir, then twenty years of age, following the example of Csesar, enforced his claims with the sword ; he took possession of the city, and obtained his election to the consulship. Octa- vius thus became the ruling man in Rome. The Second Triumvirate — Antony, Octavius, and Lepidus (B.C. 43). — Cicero's attempt to defeat Antony by the aid of Octa- vius was not a successful piece of diplomacy. It resulted not only in alienating the young heir ; but worse than that, it brought about the very coalition which Cicero was trying to prevent. Octavius had broken with the senate, and had ob- tained a complete victory. But he was not yet ready to break with Antony, who was supported by Lepidus, especially as the two chief liberators, Brutus and Cassius, were still in control of the eastern provinces. If he had had the military genius of Cassar, he might have destroyed all, their armies in detail. But the young Octavius was not inclined to overrate his mili- tary abilities. He saw that it would be for his interest to make friends with Antony and Lepidus. A coalition was therefore formed between the three leaders, usually called the "second triumvirate." They agreed to divide the western provinces among themselves, and then to make a new divi- sion after they had driven Brutus and Cassius from the east- ern provinces. The Proscriptions; Murder of Cicero. — No government could be more despotic than that of the three masters who now gov- erned Borne. They assumed the consular power for five years, with the right of appointing all magistrates. Their decrees were to have the force of law without the sanction of either the senate or the people. It is to the eternal disgrace of these men who professed to espouse the cause of Caesar, that they abandoned the humane policy of their great exemplar, and THE TIMES OE ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 207 returned to the infamous policy of Marius and Sulla. Antony especially desired a proscription, as he was surrounded by thousands of personal enemies, chief among whom was Cicero, the author of the "Philippics." Octavius was reconciled to the horrible work as a matter of policy ; and Lepidus acquiesced in it as a matter of indifference. It is said that three hundred senators and two thousand equites were outlawed, and their property confiscated. The tri- umvirs justified their atrocious acts as a retaliation for the murder of Caesar. Many of the proscribed es- caped from Italy and found a refuge with Brutus and Cassius in the East. But a large number of persons were slain. The world will always feel a painful interest .in these black days, because it was then that Cicero lost his life. When the old man was warned of his danger, And urged to flee, he replied, " Let me die in my fatherland which I have so often saved." He was slain, and his head was sent to Antony, whose wife, Fulvia, is said to have pierced the lifeless tongue with a needle, in revenge for the words it had uttered against her husband. Thus perished the greatest orator of Rome. Cicero has been accused of timidity; but he remained at his post, the last defender of the republic. He has been charged with vacilla- tion; but he lived in days when no man knew which way to turn for help. He failed as a politician, because he continually bungled in the fine arts of intrigue. He failed as a statesman, because he persisted in defending a lost cause. He appealed to reason, when the highest arbiter was the sword. But with all his faults, Cicero was, next to Cato, the most upright man of his time ; and his influence has been, next -to that of Csesar, the most enduring. To practical politics he contributed little ; M. Brutus 208 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC Philippi but his numerous writings have exercised a wonderful influence in the intellectual and moral education of the world. War against the Liberators ; Battle of Philippi (B.C. 42). — Having murdered their enemies at home, the triumvirs were now prepared to crush their enemies abroad. There were three of these enemies whom they were obliged to meet — Brutus and Cassius, who had united their forces in the East; and Sextus Pompeius, who had got possession of the island of Sicily, and had under his command a powerful fleet. While Lepidus remained at Rome, Antony and Octa- vius invaded Greece with an army of one hundred and twenty thousand men. Brutus and Cassius, col- The hostile forces Battle of Philippi Against them the two liberators, lected an army of eighty thousand men met near Philip 'pi (b.c. 42), a town in Macedonia on the north- ern coast of the iEgean Sea (see map, p. 128). Octavius was opposed to Brutus, and Antony to Cassius. Octavius was driven back by Brutus, while Antony, more fortunate, drove back the wing commanded by Cassius. As Cassius saw his flying legions, he thought that all was lost, and stabbed him- self with the same dagger, it is said, with which he struck Caesar. This left Brutus in sole command of the opposing army; but he also was defeated in a second battle, and, follow- ing the example of Cassius, committed suicide. The double battle at Philippi decided the fate of the republic. As Cicero was its last political champion, Brutus and Cassius were its last military defenders ; and with their death we may say that the republic was at an end. THE TIMES OF ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 209 II. Civil War between Antony and Octavius New Division of the Provinces. — With the republic over- thrown, it now remained to be seen who should be the master of the new empire, Antony or Octavius. Lepidus, although ambitious, was too weak and vacillating to be dangerous. The triumvirs were growing to be envious of each other ; but they contrived to smother their jealousy, and made a new division of the empire. Antony was now to have the East, and Oc- tavius the West. It was a question what to do with Lepidus, as he was accused of giving aid to the only remaining enemy of the triumvirs, that is, Sextus Pompeius. If he could prove himself innocent of the charge, he was to be given the small province of Africa. The real work of the triumvirate was to be done by Antony and Octavius. Antony was to take control of the eastern provinces, and to push the Roman conquests if possible into Parthia. Octavius was to preserve the peace of Italy and the western provinces, and to destroy the fleet of Sex- tus Pompeius, which was seriously interfering with Roman commerce and threatening to cut off the grain supplies of Italy. Octavius in the West. — Octavius proceeded to secure his position in the West by means of force and craft. He first put down an insurrection incited by the partisans of Antony. The young conqueror won the affections of the people, and tried to show them that peace and prosperity could come only through his influence. The next thing was to dispose of Sex- tus Pompeius and his hostile fleet. With the help of his friend and able general, Agrip'pa, and with the aid of a hundred ships lent him by Antony, Octavius destroyed the forces of Pompeius. The defeated general fled to the East, and was killed by the soldiers of Antony. Octavius was then called upon to deal with a treacherous friend. This was the weak and ambitious Lepidus, who with twenty legions thought that he could defeat Octavius and be- come the chief man of Rome. But Octavius did not think the 210 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC emergency grave enough to declare war. He defeated Lepidus without a battle. Unarmed and almost unattended he entered his rival's camp, and made an eloquent appeal to the soldiers. The whole army of Lepidus deserted to Octavius. Lepidus was deposed from his position as triumvir, but was generously allowed to retain the office of pontifex maximus on condition of remaining quiet. By the use of force and diplomacy Octavius thus baffled all his foes in the West, and he and Antony were now the undisputed rulers of the Roman world. Antony in the East. — While everything in the West was turning in favor of Octavius, all things in the East were also contributing to his success. Bub this was due not so much to his own skill as to the weakness and folly of Antony. Octavius had tried to cement the league of the tri- umvirs by giving his sister Octavia to Antony in marriage. But Antony soon grew tired of Octavia, and became fasci- nated by Cleopatra, the " Serpent of the Nile." His time was divided between campaigns in Parthia and dissipations in c e pa e Egypt. His Parthian wars turned out to be failures; and his Egyptian entangle- ments resulted in his ruin. He aspired to the position of an Oriental monarch. He divided the Eoman provinces with Cleo- patra, who was called " the queen of kings." The Boman people were shocked when he desired his disgraceful acts to be confirmed by the senate. They could not help contrasting this weak and infatuated slave of Cleopatra with their own Octa- vius, the strong and prudent governor of the West. While Octavius was growing in popularity, Antony was thus becoming more and more an object of detestation. Rupture between Antony and Octavius. — r- The strong feeling at Borne against Antony, Octavius was able to use to his own advantage. But he wished it to appear that he was fol- lowing, and not directing, the will of the people. He therefore THE TIMES OF ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 211 made no attempt to force an issue with Antony, but bided his time. The people suspected Antony of treasonable designs, 'as they saw his military preparations, which might be used to enthrone himself as king of the East, or to install Cleopatra as queen of Rome. All doubt as to Antony's real character and purpose was set- tled when his will was found and published. In it he had made the sons of Cleopatra his heirs, and ordered his own body to be buried at Alexandria beside that of the Egyp- tian queen. This was looked upon as an insult to the majesty of Rome. The citizens were aroused. They demanded that war be declared against the hated triumvir. Octavius suggested that it would be more wise to declare war against Cleopatra than against Antony and the deluded citizens who had espoused his cause. Thus what was really a civil war between Octavius and Antony assumed the appearance of a foreign war between Rome and Egypt. But Antony well understood against whom the war was directed; and he replied by publicly divorcing Octavia, and accepting his real position as the public enemy of Rome. Defeat of Antony; Battle of Actium (B.C. 31). — When war was declared, Antony and Cleopatra united their forces against Rome. Antony gathered ft) together an immense army of eighty thousand men, and occupied the western coasts of Greece, where he could either threaten Italy or resist the approach of Oc- tavius. His main army was posted at Actium (see map, p. 128), south of the strait leading into the Gulf of Ambracia. His fleet of five hundred heavy ships was for the most part moored within the gulf. Octavius, with the aid of his trusted general Agrippa, succeeded in transporting an Battle of Actium 212 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC army of fifty thousand men to the coast of Epirus, and took up a position north of the strait and opposite the land forces of Antony. His fleet of two hundred and fifty light galleys was stationed outside of the strait to await the approach of the enemy's vessels. Antony, on the advice of his ablest officers, desired that the battle should be waged with the land forces. But Cleopatra, proud of her navy, insisted that it should be fought on the sea. The contest was therefore decided by a naval battle. As the fleet of Antony emerged from the strait, it was immediately attacked by Octavius and Agrippa. But scarcely had the battle begun when Cleopatra with her squadron withdrew from the line, and was quickly followed by Antony. Their sailors fought on until their fleet was destroyed. The battle at Actium closed the political career of Antony, and left Octavius the sole master of the Roman world. The date of this battle may be taken to mark the beginning of the empire. The Triumph of Octavius. — Before returning to Borne Octa- vius restored order to the eastern provinces, and followed the fugitives to Egypt. The arts by which Cleopatra had fasci- nated Caesar and enslaved Antony, she tried to use upon her new Boman guest. But Octavius did not fall into the tempter's snare. The Egyptian queen found in the Boman sovereign a nature as crafty as her own. Octavius kept his thoughts upon the prosperity and honor of Rome, and no allurements could draw him away from his high mission. Antony, defeated and ruined, committed suicide ; and Cleopatra followed his example rather than be led a captive in a Boman triumph. Together this wretched pair were laid in the mausoleum of the Btolemies. Egypt was annexed as a province of the new empire (b.c. 30). Octavius returned to Borne (b.c. 29), where he was given the honors of a triple triumph — for Dalmatia (where he had gained some previous victories), for Actium, and for Egypt. The temple of Janus was now closed for the first time since the second Punic war ; and the Bomans, tired of war and of civil strife, looked upon the triumph of Octavius as the dawn of a new era of peace and prosperity. THE TIMES OF ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 213 III. Review of the Period of the Civil Wars Progress of Rome. — 'As we look back over the period which we have just completed, we may ask the question whether Rome had made any progress since the days of her great con- quests. More than a hundred years had passed away since the beginning of the commotions under the Gracchi. During this time we have seen the long conflict between the senate and the people ; we have seen the republic gradually declin- ing and giving way to the empire. But we must not suppose that the fall of the republic was the fall of Rome. The so- called republic of Rome was a government neither by the peo- ple nor for the people. It had become the government of a selfish aristocracy, ruling for its own interests. Whether the new empire which was now established was better than the old republic which had fallen, remains to be seen. But there are many things in which we can see that Rome was making some real progress. Appearance of Great Men. — The first thing that we notice is the fact that during this period of conflict Rome produced some of the greatest men of her history. It is in the times of stress and storm that great men are brought to the front ; and it was the fierce struggles of this period which developed some of the foremost men of the ancient world — men like the two Gracchi, Marius, Sulla, Cato; Cicero, and Julius Caesar. What- ever we may think of their opinions, of the methods which they used, or of the results which they accomplished, we can- not regard them as ordinary men. Extension of the Franchise. — Another evidence of the prog- ress of Rome was the extension of the rights of citizenship, and the bringing into the state of many who had hitherto been excluded. At the beginning of this period only the inhabit- ants of a comparatively small part of the Italian peninsula were citizens of Rome. The franchise was restricted chiefly to those who dwelt upon the lands in the vicinity of the capi- tal. But during the civil wars the rights of citizenship had 214 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC been extended to all parts of Italy and to many cities in Gaul and Spain. Improvement in the Roman Law. — We have already seen the improvement which Sulla made in the organization of the criminal courts for the trial of public crimes. But there were also improvements made in the civil law, by which the private rights of individuals were better protected. Not only were the rights of citizens made more secure, but the rights of for- eigners were also more carefully guarded. Before the social war, the rights of all for- eigners in Italy were pro- tected by a special praetor (praetor peregrinus) ; and after that war all Italians became equal before the law. There was also a tendency to give all for- eigners in the provinces rights equal to those of citizens, so far as these rights related to persons and property. Progress in Architecture. • — That the Romans were improving in their culture and taste is shown by the new and splendid buildings which were erected during this period. While some public buildings were destroyed by the riots in the city, they were replaced by finer and more durable structures. Many new temples were built - — temples to Her- cules, to Minerva, to Fortune, to Concord, to Honor and Virtue. There were new basilicas, or halls of justice, the most notable being the Basilica Julia, which was commenced by Julius Caesar. A new forum, the Forum Julii, was also laid out by Caesar, and a new theater was constructed by Pompey. The great national temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, which was burned dur- Temple of Fortune THE TIMES OE ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 215 ing the civil war of Marius and Sulla, was restored with great magnificence by Sulla, who adorned it with the columns of the temple of the Olympian Zeus brought from Athens. It was during this period that the triumphal arches were first erected, and. became a distinctive feature of Eoman architecture. Advancement in Literature. — The most important evidence of the progress of the Eomans during the period of the civil wars is seen in their literature. It was at this time that Eome began to produce writers whose names belong to the literature of the world. Csesar wrote his " Commentaries on the Gallic War," which is a fine specimen of clear historical narrative. Sallust wrote a history of the Jugurthine War and an account of the conspiracy of Catiline, which give us graphic and vigor- ous descriptions of these events. Lucre'tius wrote a great poem " On the Nature of Things," which expounds the Epicu- rean theory of the universe, and reveals powers of description and imagination rarely equaled by any other poet, ancient or modern. Catul'lus wrote lyric poems of exquisite grace and beauty. Cicero was the most learned and prolific writer of the age; his orations, letters, rhetorical and philosophical essays furnish the best models of classic style, and have given him a place among the great prose writers of the world. Decay of Religion and Morals. — While the Eomans, during this period, showed many evidences of progress in their laws, their art, and their literature, they were evidently declining in their religious and moral sense. Their religion was diluted more and more with Oriental superstitions and degrading cere- monies. In their moral life they were suffering from the effects of their conquests, which had brought wealth and the passion for luxury and display. Ambition and avarice tended to corrupt the life of the Eoman people. The only remedy for this condition of religious and moral decay was found in the philosophy of the Greeks, which, however, appealed only to the more educated classes. What the Eomans seemed to need more than anything else was a higher and purer religion, and a keener sense of morality. 216 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC SELECTIONS FOR READING Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 48, " Octavius and Antony" (l). 1 Merivale, Empire, Vol. III., Ch. 25, " Cicero and the ' Philippics ' " (7). Leighton, Ch. 28, "Last Days of the Republic" (1). Schmitz, Ch. 39, " Rome during the Later Republic" (1). Taylor, Ch. 16, "Struggle for the Crown" (1). Seeley, Essay, " The Great Roman Revolution" (7). Shakespeare, "Antony and Cleopatra" (37). Plutarch, "Antony," "Brutus" (11). SPECIAL STUDY Character op Cicero. — Plutarch, "Cicero" (11) ; Mommsen, XV., pp. 724-726 (2) ; Merivale, Empire, Vol. III., pp. 148-153 (7) ; Eorsyth, II., Ch. 25 (23). See also Appendix (23) " Cicero." 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. THE ROMAN" EMPIEE oXK° PEEIOD VII. THE EAELY ROMAN EMPIEE (B.O. 31-A.D. 284) CHAPTER XXIII THE EEIGN OF AUGUSTUS (B.C. 31— A.D. 14) I. The New Imperial Government Beginning of the Empire. — We have taken the date of the battle of Actium (b.c. 31) to mark the beginning of the empire, because Octavius then became the sole and undisputed master of the Roman world. But it is not so important for us to fix upon a particular date for the beginning of the empire, as it is to see that some form of imperialism had come to be a necessity. During the whole period of the civiX wars we have seen the gradual growth of the one-man power. We have seen it in the tribunate under the Gracchi ; in the successive consul- ships of Marius ; in the perpetual dictatorship of Sulla ; in the sole consulship of Pompey ; in the absolute rule of Julius Caesar. The name of "king" the Romans hated, because it brought to mind the memory of the last Tarquin. But the principle of monarchy they could not get rid of, because they had found no efficient form of government to take its place. The aristocratic government under the senate had proved cor- 217 218 THE ROMAN EMPIRE rupt, inefficient, and disastrous to the people. A popular government without representation had shown itself unwieldy, and had become a prey to demagogues. There was nothing left for the Eomans to do except to establish some form of monarchy which would not suggest the hated name of king. The Policy of Augustus. — There was no other man so well fitted to put the new monarchy into an attractive form as Octa- vius, whom we. may now call by his official title of Augustus. We have been accustomed to think of this man as merely a shrewd politician. But when we contrast the distracted con- dition of Rome during the last hundred years with the peace and prosperity which he brought with him, we shall be inclined to look upon him as a wise and successful statesman. His whole policy was a policy of conciliation. He wished to wipe out the hatreds of the civil war. He regarded him- self as the chief of no party, but as the head of the whole state. He tried to reconcile the conservative and the progressive men of his time. All the cherished forms of the republic he therefore preserved; and he exercised his powers under titles which were not hate- ful to the senate or the people. The Titles and Powers of Augustus. — Soon after returning to Rome, Augustus resigned the powers which he had hitherto exercised, giving "back the commonwealth into the hands of the senate and the people" (b.c. 27). The first official title which he then received was the surname Augustus, bestowed by the senate in recognition of his dignity and- his services to the state. He then received the proconsular power (imperium The Emperor Augustus THE REIGN OF AUGUSTUS 219 proconsulare) over all the frontier provinces, or those which required the presence of an army. He had also conferred upon himself the tribunician power, (tribunicia potestas), by which he became the protector of the people. He moreover was made pontifex maximus, and received the title of Pater Patrice. Although Augustus did not receive the permanent titles of consul and censor, he occasionally assumed, or had temporarily assigned to himself, the duties of these offices. He still retained the title of Imperator, which gave him the command of the army. But the title which Augustus chose to indicate his real position was that of Princeps Civitatis, or " the first citizen of the state." The new " prince " thus desired himself to be looked upon as a magistrate rather than a mon- arch — a citizen who had received a trust rather than a ruler governing in his own name. Augustus and the Senate Augustus showed his concilia- tory policy in fixing the position which the senate was to assume in the new government. He did not adopt fully the plan either of Sulla or of Julius Caesar ; but reconciled as far as possible their different ideas. He restored to the senate the dignity which it had in the time of Sulla. He did this by excluding the provincials and freedmen whom Csesar had introduced into it, and by reducing its number from nine hun- dred to six hundred members. But still he did not confer upon it the great legislative power which Sulla intended it should have ; he rather made it a kind of advisory body, according to Caesar's idea. In theory the senate was to assist the emperor in matters of legislation; but in fact it was simply to approve the proposals which he submitted to it. The Assemblies of the People. — Augustus did not formally take away from the popular assemblies their legislative power, but occasionally submitted to them laws for their approval. This was, however, hardly more than a discreet concession to custom. The people in their present unwieldy assemblies, the emperor did not regard as able to decide upon important matters of state. Their duties were therefore practically 220 THE ROMAN EMPIRE appointed by himself. restricted to the election of the magistrates, whose names he usually presented to them. The Republican Magistrates. — In accordance with his gene- ral policy Augustus did not interfere with the old republican offices, but allowed them to remain as undisturbed as possible. The consuls, praetors, quaestors, and other officers continued to be elected just as they had been before. But the emperor did not generally use these magistrates to carry out the details of his administration. This was performed by other officers The position of the old republican magistrates was rather one of honor than one of executive re- sponsibility. The Army. — While the emperor knew that his power must have some military support, he was care- ful not to make the army a burden to the people. He therefore reduced the number of legions from fifty to twenty-five. As each legion con- tained not more than six thousand men, the whole army did not exceed one hundred and fifty thousand sol- diers. These legions were distrib- uted through the frontier provinces ; the inner provinces and Italy were thus not burdened by the quartering of troops. To support the imperial authority at' home, and to maintain public order, Augustus organized a body of nine thousand men called the " praetorian guard," which force was stationed at different points outside of Rome. II. Augustus and the Roman World Rome, Italy, and the Provinces. — We can get some further idea of the .policy of Augustus by looking at the way in which he governed the different parts of the Roman world. The PR.ETOBIAN GUAEDS THE REIGN OF AUGUSTUS 221 whole empire may be regarded as made up of three parts — Rome, Italy, and the provinces. We are now to look at the improvements which he made in these three spheres of administration. SCALE OF FEET 6 ' itioo 2o5o 33oo EOME UNDER AUGUSTUS The " Regions" of Augustus : I, Porta Capena; II, Cajlimontium ; III, Isis et Serapis ; IV, Templum Pacis ; V, Esqu i 1 \x ; VI, Alta Semita : VII, Via Lata ; VIII, Forum Romanum ; IX, Circus Flamin- ius; X, Falatium; XI, Circus Maximus; XII, Piscina Publica; XIII, Aventinusj XIV, Trans Tiberim. Chief Buildings: ], Arx; 2,Capitolium; 3, Forum Romanum ; 4, Basilica Julia; 5, Curia (senate house) ; 6, Forum of Julius; 7, Forum of Augustus; 8, Palace of tire Ciesars; 9, Forum Boarium ; 10, Cloaca Maxima; 11, Circus Flaminius; 12, Portico of Pompey; 13, Theater of Pompey ; 14, Ssepta Julia (vot- ing booths); 15, Baths of Agrippa ; 16, Pantheon; 17, Solarium (obelisk! ; 18, Mausoleum of Augustus; 19, Circus Maximus ; 20, Tomb of Scipio ; 21, Temple of Mars. The Administration of Rome. — We have read enough of the distracted condition of the Eoman city during the last hundred years to see the need of some improvement. Augustus met this need by creating certain new officers to keep the city under better control. In the first place, he established a city police under the charge of a chief (prcefectus urbi), to preserve order MOREY'S ROM. HIST. — 14 222 THE ROMAN EMPIRE and prevent the scenes of violence which had been of such frequent occurrence. In the next place, he created a fire and detective department under the charge of another chief (prce- fectus vigilum), to have jurisdiction over all incendiaries, bur- glars, and other night-prowlers. He then placed the grain Italy — the Regions of Augustus supply under a regular officer (prce- fectus annonce) who was to superintend the trans port of grain from Egypt, and was held responsible for its proper distribution. More over, he broke up the "secret clubs" which had been hotbeds of disorder, and substituted in their place more orderly societies under the supervision of the government. For administrative pur- poses the city was divided into fourteen districts, or wards. By these arrangements, life and property became more secure, and the populace became more orderly and law-abiding. The Administration of Italy. — Italy was now extended to the Alps, the province of Cisalpine Gaul having lately been THE REIGN OE AUGUSTUS 223 joined to the peninsula. The whole of Italy was divided by Augustus into eleven "regions," or administrative districts. In order to maintain the splendid system of roads which had been constructed during the republican period, the emperor appointed a superintendent of highways {curator viarum) to keep them in repair. He also established a post system by which the different parts of the peninsula could be kept in communication with one another. He suppressed brigandage by establishing military patrols in the dangerous districts. It was his policy to encourage everywhere the growth of a healthy and vigorous municipal life. To relieve the poverty of Italy he continued the plan of Julius Caesar in sending out colonies into the provinces, where there were better opportu- nities to make a living. The Administration of the Provinces. — During the reign of Augustus the number of provinces was increased by taking in the outlying territory south of the Rhine and the Danube. The new frontier provinces were Bheetia, JSTor'icum, Pannonia, and Mcesia. The provinces were not only increased in number, but were thoroughly reorganized. They were first divided into two groups, — the senatorial, or those which remained under the control of the senate ; and the imperial, or those which passed under the control of the emperor. The latter were generally on the frontiers, and required the presence of an army and a mili- tary governor. The governors of the imperial provinces were lieutenants (legati) of the emperor. Appointed by him, and strictly responsible to him, they were no longer permitted to prey upon their subjects, but were obliged to rule in the name of the emperor, and for the welfare of the people. The sena- torial provinces, on the other hand, were still under the con- trol of proconsuls and propraetors appointed by the senate. But the condition of these provinces was also greatly improved. The establishment of the new government thus proved to be a great benefit to the provincials. Their property became more secure, their commerce revived, their cities became prosperous, and their lives were made more tolerable. 224 THE ROMAN EMPIRE The Finances of the Empire. — With the division of the provinces, the administration of the finances was also divided between the senate and the emperor. The revenues of the senatorial provinces went into the treasury of the senate, or the azrarium ; while those of the imperial provinces passed into the treasury of the emperor, or the Jiscus. The old wretched system of farming the revenues, which had dis- graced the republic and impoverished the provincials, was gradually abandoned. The collection of the taxes in the sena- torial as well as the imperial provinces was placed in the charge of imperial officers. It was not long before the cities themselves were allowed to raise by their own officers the taxes due to the Roman government. Augustus also laid the foundation of a sound financial system by making careful esti- mates of the revenues and expenditures of the state ; and by raising and expending the public money in the most economical and least burdensome manner. The Frontiers of the Empire. — By the wars of Augustus, the boundaries of the empire were extended, generally speak- ing, to the Rhine and the Danube on the north, to the Atlantic Ocean on the west, to the desert of Africa on the south, and nearly to the Euphrates on the east. The only two great fron- tier nations which threatened to disturb the peace of Rome were the Parthians on the east and the Germans on the north. The Parthians still retained the standards lost by Crassus ; but Augustus by his skillful diplomacy was able to recover them without a battle. He abandoned, however, all design of conquering that Eastern people. But his eyes looked longingly to the country of the Germans. He invaded their territory ; and after a temporary success his general, Varus, was slain and three Roman legions were utterly destroyed by the great German chieftain Arminius (a.d. 9). The emperor was never reconciled to this severe blow. The' frontiers re- mained for many years where they were fixed by Augustus ; and he advised his successors to govern well the territory' which he left to them rather than to increase its limits. THE REIGN OF AUGUSTUS 225 III. The Age op Augustus The Advisers of Augustus. — The remarkable prosperity that attended the reign of Augustus has caused this age to be called by his name. The glory of this period is largely due to the wise policy of Augustus himself ; but in his work he was greatly assisted by two men, whose names are closely linked to his own. These men were Agrippa and Msece'nas. Agrippa had been from boyhood one of the most intimate friends of Augustus, and during the trying times of the later republic had con- stantly aided him by his counsel and his sword. The victories of Augustus before and after he came to power were largely due to this able general. By his artistic ability Agrippa also contributed much to the architectural splendor of Eome. The man who shared with Agrippa the favor and confidence of Augus- tus was Maecenas, a wise statesman and patron of literature. It was by the advice of Maecenas that many of the important reforms of Augustus were adopted and carried out. But the greatest honor is due to Maecenas for encouraging those men whose writings made this period one of the " golden ages " of the world's literature. It was chiefly the encouragement given to architecture and literature which made the reign of Augustus an epoch in civilization. Encouragement to Architecture. — It is said that Augustus boasted that he " found Eome of brick and left it of marble." 226 THE ROMAN EMPIRE He restored many of the temples and other buildings which had either fallen into decay or been destroyed during the riots of the civil war. On the Palatine hill he began the construction of the great imperial palace, which became the magnificent home of the Caesars. He built a new temple of Vesta, where the sacred fire of the city was kept burning. He erected a new temple to Apollo, to which was attached a library of Greek and Latin authors ; also temples to Jupiter Tonans and to the Divine Julius. One of the noblest and most useful The Pantheon (Restoration) of the public works of the emperor was the new Forum of Augustus, near the old Roman Forum and the Forum of Julius. In this new Forum was erected the temple of Mars the Avenger (Mars Ultor), which Augustus built to commemo- rate the war by which he had avenged the death of Caesar. We must not forget to notice the massive Pantheon, the temple of all the gods, which is to-day the best preserved monument of the Augustan period. This was built by Agrippa, in the early part of Augustus's reign (b.c. 27), but was altered to the form shown above by the emperor Ha'drian (p. 267). Patronage of Literature. — But more splendid and enduring THE REIGN OF AUGUSTUS 227 than these temples of marble were the works of literature which this age produced. At this time was written Vergil's "/Eneid," which is one of the greatest epic poems of the world. It was then that the " Odes " of Horace were composed, the grace and rhythm of which are unsurpassed. Then, too, were written the elegies of Tibul'lus, Proper'tius, and Ov'id. Great- est among the prose writers of this time was Livy, whose " pictured pages " tell of the miraculous origin of Rome, and her great achievements in war and in peace. During this time also flourished certain Greek writers whose works are famous. Dionys'ius of Halicarnas'sus wrote a book on the antiquities of Rome, and tried to reconcile his countrymen to the Roman sway. Strabo, the geographer, described the subject lands of Rome in the Augustan age. The whole literature of this period was inspired with a growing spirit of patriotism, and an appre- ciation of Rome as the great ruler of the world. Religious and Social Reforms. — With his encouragement of art and literature Augustus also tried to improve the religious and moral condition of the people. The old religion was falling into decay. With the restoration of the old temples, he hoped to bring the people back to the worship of the ancient gods. The worship of Juno, which had been neg- lected, was restored, and assigned to the care of his wife, Livia, as the representa- | tive of the matrons of Rome. Augustus tried to purify the Roman religion by discour- aging the introduction of the foreign deities whose worship was corrupt. He believed that even a great Roman had better be worshiped than the degenerate gods and goddesses of Syria and Egypt ; and so the Livia, Wife of Augustus 228 THE ROMAN EMPIRE Divine Julius was added to the number of the Roman gods. He did not favor the Jewish religion; and Christianity had not yet been preached at Rome. With the attempt to restore the old Roman religion, he also wished to revive the old morality and simple life of the past. He himself disdained luxurious living and foreign fashions. He tried to improve the lax customs which prevailed in respect to Tomb of Augustus (Restoration) ■ marriage and divorce, and to restrain the vices which were de- stroying the population of Rome. But it is difficult to say whether these laudable attempts of Augustus produced any real results upon either the religious or the moral life of the Roman people. Death and Character of Augustus. — Augustus lived to the age of seventy-five ; and his reign covered a period of forty- five years. During this time he had been performing "the difficult part of ruling without appearing to rule, of being at once the autocrat of the civilized world and the first citizen THE REIGN OP AUGUSTUS 229 of a free commonwealth." His last words are said to Have been, " Have I not played my part well ? " But it is not nec- essary for us to suppose that Augustus was a mere actor. The part which he had to perform in restoring peace to the world was a great and difficult task. In the midst of conflict- ing views which had distracted the republic for a century, he was called upon to perform a work of reconciliation. And it is doubtful whether any political leader ever performed such a work with greater success. When he became the supreme ruler of Borne he was fully equal to the place, and brought order out of confusion. He was content with the substance of power and indifferent to its form. Not so great as Julius Caesar, he was yet more successful. He was one of the greatest examples of what we may call the "conservative reformer," a man who accomplishes the work of regeneration without destroying existing institutions. SELECTIONS FOR READING Capes, Early Empire, Ch. 1, "Augustus" (7). 1 Pelhani, Bk. V., Ch. 3, " Foundation of the Principate " (1). Bury, Roman Empire, Ch. 2, "The Principate" (7). Taylor, Ch. 18, " The Princeps and the Government " (1). Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 52, " Provinces under Augustus " (1). Freeman, Hist. Geog., Ch. 3, " Formation of the Roman Empire " (14). Dyer, Sect. 3, " Rome under Augustus " (9). SPECIAL STUDY The Writers of the Augustan Age. ■ — Bury, Roman Empire, Ch. 11 (7) ; Mackail, pp. 91-170 (17) ; Cruttwell, Part II. (17). See also Appendix (17) "Literature." 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. PEOGBBSSIVE MAP No. 6. 230 CHAPTER XXIV THE JULIAN EMPERORS— TIBERIUS TO NERO I. The Reign of Tiberius (a.d. 14-37) The Character of Tiberius. — The system established by Augus- tus was put to a severe test by the character of the men who immediately followed him. The emperors who made up the Julian line were often tyrannical, vicious, and a disgrace to Rome. That the empire was able to survive at all is, perhaps, another proof of the thoroughness of the work done by the first emperor. Of the four Julian emperors who succeeded Augustus, Tiberius was perhaps the ablest. He had already shown his ability as a general ; and having been adopted by Augustus and associated with him in the govern- ment, he was prepared to carry out the policy al- ready laid down. But in his personal character he presented a strong con- trast to his predecessor. Instead of being generous and conciliatory, he was . cruel and tyrannical to those with whom he was brought into personal re- lations. But we must distinguish between the way in which he treated his enemies and the way in which he ruled the em- pire. He had a certain sense of duty, and tried to maintain the authority which devolved upon him. If he could not ac- 231 Tiberius 232 THE ROMAN EMPIRE complish this by the winning ways of Augustus, he could do it by more severe methods. Campaigns of Germanicus. — The first duty which fell to Tiberius was to gain the support of the army. The legions on the Rhine and the Danube were at first not disposed to accept his authority. Those on the Danube were soon sub- dued by Drusus, the son of Tiberius, who took advantage of an eclipse of the moon to appeal to the superstitious' dread of the soldiers. The legions on the Rhine were more deter- mined, and desired to place their favorite general, German'icus (a nephew of Tiberius), on the throne in place of Tiberius. But Germanicus, loyal to his chief, resisted this first attempt of the army to enthrone an emperor. To turn their minds from thoughts of treason, he planned the invasion and con- quest of Germany. Three successful campaigns were made across the Rhine. A portion of the German territory was occupied, and the lost standards of Varus were recovered. These campaigns in Germany were cut short by Tiberius, who recalled Germanicus from the Rhine, and sent him to the East to oppose the Partbians. Whether this act was inspired by envy or by wisdom on the part of Tiberius, we cannot say. After a brief and unsuccessful career in the East, Ger- manicus died, whether as the 'result of natural causes or as the result of foul play, we are also at a loss to determine. Despotic Measures of Tiberius. — While Tiberius pursued in many respects the policy of Augustus, he adopted certain meas- ures which showed that he had little sympathy with the "disguises of monarchy." In the first place, he extinguished the political rights of the people by taking away from the assemblies what little legislative power had been left to them ; and also by transferring to the senate the election of the regu- lar magistrates. The popular assemblies were thus reduced to a mere shadow. In the next place, he gave a new meaning to the law of trea- son (lex maiesta'tis). This law had hitherto referred only to actual crimes against the state. Now it was made to include THE JULIAN EMPERORS — TIBERIUS TO NERO 233 any words or conduct, looks or gestures, which could be inter- preted as hostile to the emperor. This is what we call " con- structive treason. " ; and at Rome, as in any other country where it has been tolerated, it became an instrument -of des- potism. Again, in order to punish his enemies, Tiberius encouraged the practice of " delation " ; that is, he offered rewards to all persons who would give information regarding -:v ■.:• ' ^^r^^;-^V» ; Caudiura. .:'..'..;:-;:.'. The Bat of Naples offenders. There thus sprang up at Borne a class of informers (delatores), who acted as professional spies, or inquisitors, to detect the enemies of the emperor. Finally, we may mention another change made by Tiberius. This was the bringing together of the praetorian cohorts into one camp near Rome, to protect the person of the emperor and thus to secure more strongly his power. The Influence of Sejanus. — The removal of the praetorian camp to Rome was done at the suggestion of Seja'nus, a wily 234 THE KOMAN EMPIRE and unscrupulous officer, who had obtained command of these cohorts. As Tiberius was suspicious of every one else, he selected Sejanus as his trusted adviser. Sejanus was to Tiberius what Agrippa or Maecenas had been to Augustus. But unlike those imperial friends, Sejanus was desirous of power and was treacherous to his master. To secure his posi- Modern Naples tion, Sejanus caused the murder of Drusus, the son of Tiberius. He even induced the emperor himself to retire from Rome to the island of Cap'reae in the Bay of Naples, and to leave him in con- trol of the government. The schemes and crimes of Sejanus formed a large part of this despotic reign. When his treason was discovered by Tiberius, he was deposed from his place and strangled in prison. The fall of Sejanus was followed by the prosecution of his fellow-conspirators, or those who were suspected of plotting against the emperor. Although THE JULIAN EMPERORS — TIBERIUS TO NERO 235 these prosecutions were made under the forms of law, the law was the lex maiestatis ; and the methods of its execution pro- duced a reign of terror at Rome. Prosperity of the Provinces. — The cruel tyranny of Tiberius was restricted mainly to the city of Rome, and to those persons whom he suspected as his personal enemies. The provinces were relieved from this suspicion, and hence they continued to be prosperous as they had been under Augustus. Indeed, Tiberius seemed to be especially anxious regarding their wel- fare. Like Augustus he tried to protect them from unjust government and oppressive taxation. His favorite maxim is said to have been, " A good shepherd should shear his flock, and not flay them." While he prosecuted his own enemies, he also brought to justice the provincial governors who were guilty of extortion. It is said that while he was hated at Rome, he was loved in the provinces. When many cities of Asia were destroyed by an earthquake, he sent to them relief in the form of money and remitted their taxes for five years. When he died, his faults were exaggerated by the Roman historians, and his virtues were extolled by the provincials. II. The Reign of Caligula (a.d. 37-41) The Early Promise of Caligula. — Tiberius had made no pro- vision for a successor. Hence the choice lay entirely with the senate, which selected a favorite of the army. This was Gaius Caesar, the son of the famous general, Germanicus. He was familiarly called by the soldiers " Calig'ula," 1 by which name he is generally known. He was joyfully welcomed by the people, and gave promise of a successful reign. He declared , his intention of devoting himself to the public welfare. But 1 Caligula is the diminutive of caliga, the name given to a soldier's boot, such as is shown in the appended illustration. Hence Caligula might be translated " Little Boots." Soldier's Boot 236 THE ROMAN EMPIRE the high hopes which he raised at his accession were soon dashed to the ground, when it was discovered that the empire was in the hands of a man who had lost his reason. The brief career of Caligula may be of interest as showing the vagaries of a diseased and unbalanced mind ; but they have no special political importance, except as prov- ing that the empire could survive even with a mad prince on the throne. His Insanity and Extrava- gances. — Caligula was sub- ject in childhood to epilep- tic fits, and his mind was evidently diseased. When he was placed in the high position of emperor his brain was turned and he revealed all the grotesque symptoms of in- sanity. He believed himself a god. He wasted the money of the treasury in senseless projects. He built a bridge from the Palatine hill, where he resided, to the Capitoline, that he might be " next door neighbor to Jupiter." To lead his army over the sea he constructed a bridge three miles long over the Gulf of Bai'ae, a part of the Bay of Naples, and conducted his soldiers over it in 'a triumphal procession. He professed to lead an expedition against Britain ; and when he had collected his sol- diers on the seashore as if for embarkation, he suddenly issued an order to them to gather the shells from the beach and carry them to Borne as " the spoils of the ocean." The senate was directed to deposit these spoils among the treasures of the Cap- itol. It is said that he nominated his horse for consul. In order to exceed the luxuries of Lucullus, he expended an amount equal to f 240,000 on a single meal. He threatened Caligula THE JULIAN EMPERORS — TIBERIUS TO NERO 237 to set up his own image in the temple at Jerusalem and to compel the Jews to worship it. Numerous other stories of a similar kind are told of this delirious man — stories which are more suited to illustrate a treatise on insanity than to burden the pages of history. Significance of his Reign. — The reign of Caligula, which was fortunately limited to the brief space of four years, Ruins op the Palaoe of Caligula shows to us the perils inherent in a despotic form of government that permitted a madman to rule the civilized world. The Roman Empire had no provision by which any prince could be held responsible, either to law or to reason. A cruel tyrant could revel in blood, or a maniac could indulge in the wildest excesses without restraint. The only limit to such a despotism was assassination ; and by this severe method the reign of Caligula was brought to an end. 238 THE ROMAN EMPIRE III. The Reign or Claudius (a.d. 41-54) His Elevation by the Praetorians. — Claudius was the first emperor proclaimed by the army. The murder of Caligula had been provoked by an insult given to an officer of the praetorian guard. When the senate hesitated to choose a successor, the praetorians, accidentally finding Claudius in the palace, and recognizing him as the brother of Germanicus, assumed the right to name him as em- peror. The senate was obliged to submit ; and for a long time after this the praetorians continued to exercise the right of naming the prince. Clau- CLAUDIffS t • n , -, dius is usually represented as a weak imbecile ; but his reign stands out in refreshing contrast to the cruel tyranny of Tiberius and the wild extrava- gances of Caligula. The Emperor's Household. — Claudius was naturally weak and timid, and came under the influence of the members of his household — his wives and freedmen. The intrigues and crimes of his wife Messali'na, and of his niece Agrippi'na, whom he married after the death of Messalina, were a scandal to Roman society. So far as he was influenced by these aban- doned women, his reign was a disgrace. But the same can scarcely be said of the freedmen of his household — Narcissus, his secretary ; Pallas, the keeper of accounts ; and Polybius, the director of his studies. These men were educated Greeks, and although they were called menials, he took them into his THE JULIAN EMPERORS — TIBERIUS TO NERO 239 confidence and received benefit from their advice. Indeed, it has been said that "from Claudius dates the transformation of Caesar's household servants into ministers of state." His Public Works. — Claudius followed the example of Augustus in the execution of works of public utility. He constructed the Claudian aqueduct, which brought water to the city from a distance of forty -five miles. For the purpose of giving Rome a good harbor where the grain supplies from Egypt might be landed, he built the Portus Bomanus at the BULNS OF THE CLAUDIAN AQUEDUCT mouth of the Tiber near Ostia. To improve the agriculture of the Marsians, he constructed a great tunnel to drain the Fucine Lake, a work which required the labor of thirty thousand men for eleven years. He celebrated the completion of this work by a mimic naval battle on the waters of the lake. The Conquest of Southern Britain. — But the most important event of the reign of Claudius was the invasion and partial con- quest of Britain. Since the invasion of Julius Ceesar a hundred years before, the Romans had taken little interest in this island. With the aid of his lieutenants, Aulus Plautius and Vespa'sian, Claudius now effected a permanent landing in Britain. He was opposed by the famous Celtic chief Caractacus, but suc- morey's bom. hist. — 15 240 THE ROMAN EMPIRE eeeded in subduing the southern part of the island. Britain was thus opened to the benefits of Roman civilization. His Care of the Provinces. — It is to the credit of Claudius that he was greatly interested in the condition of the provinces. He spent much time in regulating the affairs of the East. The kingdom of Thrace was changed into a province, and governed by a Roman procurator. Lycia, in Asia Minor, also was made a province, as well as Mauretania in Africa. One of the most important changes which he made was the restora- tion of the kingdom of the Jews to Herod Agrippa. This he did out of respect for this people, and to allay the bad feeling which had been stirred up during the previous reign. But Claudius especially showed his interest in the provinces by extending to them the rights of Roman citizenship. The civitas was granted to a large part of Gaul, thus carrying out the policy which had been begun by Julius Caesar. If we except the scandals of the court, the reign of Claudius may be regarded as inspired by prudence and a wise regard for the welfare of his subjects. IV. The Reign op Nero (a.d. 54-68) The ' ' Quinquennium Neronis. ' ' — Nero was the grandson of Germauicus and a descendant of Augustus. He was pro- claimed by the praetorians and accepted by the senate. He had been educated by the great philosopher Seneca ; and his interests had been looked after by Burrhus, the able captain of the praetorian guards. His accession was hailed with glad- ness. He assured the senate that he would not interfere with its powers. The first five years of his reign, which are known as the " Quinquennium Neronis,'' were marked by a wise and beneficent administration. During this time he yielded to the advice and influence of Seneca and Burrhus, who practically controlled the affairs of the empire and restrained the young prince from exercising his power to the detriment of the state. Under their influence delation was forbidden, the taxes were reduced, and the authority of the senate was respected. THE JULIAN EMPERORS — TIBERIUS TO NERO 241 Tyranny and Crimes of Nero. — But Nero's worst foes were those of his own household, especially his unscrupulous and ambitious mother, Agrip- pina. The intrigues of this woman to displace Nero and to elevate Bri- tan'nicus, the son of Clau- dius, led to Nero's first domestic tragedy — the poisoning of Britannicus. He afterward yielded himself to the influence of the infamous Poppae'a Sabi'na, the most beautiful and the wickedest woman of Rome. At her sug- gestion, he murdered first his mother, and then his wife. He discarded the counsels of Seneca and Burrhus, and accepted those of Tigelli'nus, a man of the worst character. Then followed a career of wickedness, extortion, atrocious cruelty, which it is not necessary to describe, but which has made his name a synonym for all that is vicious in human nature, and despicable in a ruler. Burning and Rebuilding of the City. — In the tenth year of his reign occurred a great fire which destroyed a large part of the city of Borne. It is said that out of the fourteen regions, six were reduced to ashes. Many ancient temples and public buildings were consumed, such as the temple of Jupiter Stator ascribed to Romulus, and the temples of Vesta and Diana, which dated from the time of the kings. The reports which have come to us of the conduct of Nero during this great disaster are very diverse. Some represent him as gloating over the destruction of the city and repeating his own poem on the " Sack of Troy." Other reports declare that he 242 THE ROMAN EMPIRE Temple of Yesta (Restored) never showed himself in a more favorable light, exerting him- self to put out the flames, opening the public buildings and the imperial palace for the shelter of the homeless, and relieving the suffer- ing by reducing the price of grain. But it is charged that if he performed these chari- ties, it was to relieve himself of the suspicion of having caused the conflagration. What- ever may be the truth as to his conduct, the burning of Eome resulted in re- building the city on a more magnificent scale. The narrow streets were widened, and more splendid buildings were erected. The vanity of the emperor was shown in the building of an enormous and meretricious palace, called the " golden house of Nero," and also in the erection of a colossal statue of himself near the Palatine hill. To meet the expenses of these structures the provinces were obliged to contribute ; and the cities and temples of Greece were plundered of their works of art to furnish the new buildings. First Persecution of the Christians. — In order to shield himself from the suspicion of firing the city, Nero accused the Christians and made them the victims of his cruelty. Nothing can give us a better idea of this first persecution than the account of Tac'itus, which is of great interest to us because it contains the first reference found in any Roman author to Christ and his followers. This passage shows not only the cruelty of Nero, but the hatred which the Romans bore to the new sect. Tacitus says : " In order to drown the rumor, Nero shifted the guilt on persons hated for their abominations and known as Christians, and punished them with exquisite tortures. THE JULIAN EMPERORS — TIBERIUS TO NERO 243 Christ, from "whom they derive their name, had been pun- ished under Tiberius by the procurator Pontius Pilate. Checked for a time, this pernicious religion broke out again not only in Judea but in Rome. Those who confessed their creed were first arrested; and then by their information a large number were convicted, not so much on the charge of burning the city, as of hating the human race. In their deaths they were made the subjects of sport ; for they were covered with the skins of wild beasts, worried to death by dogs, nailed to crosses, burned to serve for torches in the night. Nero offered his own gardens for this spectacle. The people were moved with pity for the sufferers, even though they were guilty and deserved extreme penalties ; for it was felt that they were suffering to gratify Nero's cruelty, not from consid- erations for the public welfare." ("Annals," Bk. XV., Ch. 44.) General Condition of the Empire. — In spite of such enor- mous crimes as those practiced by Nero, the larger part of the empire was beyond the circle of his immediate influence, and remained undisturbed. While the palace and the city presented scenes of intrigue and bloodshed, the world in gen- eral was tranquil and even prosperous. Except the occa- sional extortion by which the princes sought to defray the expenses of their debaucheries, Italy and the provinces were reaping the fruits of the reforms of Julius Caesar and Augus- tus. During this early period, the empire was better than the emperor. Men tolerated the excesses and vices of the palace, on the ground that a bad ruler was better than anarchy. SELECTIONS FOR READING Pelham, Bk. V., Ch. 4, "The Julian Line" (l).i Capes, Early Empire, Ch. 2, "Tiberius," Ch. 3, "Caligula," Ch. 4, "Claudius," Ch. 5, "Nero" (7). Bury, Empire, Ch. 13, Sect. 1, " Civil Government of Tiberius " (7). Meriyale, Empire, Vol. IV., Ch. 39, " Unity of the Empire " (7). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. 244 THE ROMAN EMPIRE Cruttwell, Bk. III., Ch. 3, "Seneca" (17). Suetonius, "Tiberius," "Caligula," "Claudius," "Nero" (11). Tacitus, Annals, Bk. I., Chs. 11-15, Tiberius and the Senate (4). SPECIAL STUDY The Law of "Maiestas" and Delation. — Leighton, p. 442 (1); Bury, Empire, pp. 194, 195 (7) ; Capes, Early Empire, pp. 57-61 (7) ; Merivale, Gen. Hist., pp. 446, 447 (1) ; Merivale, Empire, Vol. V., pp. 114-139 (7). CHAPTER XXV The Flavian Emperors — Vespasian to Domitian I. The Disputed Succession Extinction of the Julian Line. — With the death of ISTero, the imperial line which traced its descent from Julius Csesar and Augustus became extinct. We are now about to discover one of the great defects of the empire as established by Augustus. With all his prudence, Augustus had failed to pro- vide a definite law of succession. In theory the appointment of a successor depended upon the choice of the senate, with which he was supposed to share his power. But in fact it depended quite as much upon the army, upon which his power rested for support. Whether the appointment was made by the senate or by the army, the choice had hitherto always fallen upon some member of the Julian family. But with the extinction of the Julian line, the imperial office was open to any one. The War of Succession. — Under such circumstances we could hardly expect anything else than a contest for the throne. Not only the praetorian guards, but the legions in the field, claimed the right to name the successor. The rival claims ot different armies to place their favorite generals on the throne lea to a brief period of civil war — the first to break the long peaJ^ established by Augustus. THE FLAVIAN EMPERORS 245 Galba (A.D. 68-69).— At the time of Nero's death, the Span- ish legions had already selected their commander, Galba, for the position of emperor. Advancing upon Rome, this general was accepted by the praetorians and ap- proved by the senate. He was a man of high birth, and with a good military record. But his career was a brief one. The legions on the Rhine re- volted against him. The praetorians were discon- tented with his severity and small donations. He soon found a rival in Otho, the husband of the infamous Poppsea Sabina who had disgraced the reign of Nero. Otho enlisted the support of the praetorians, and Galba was murdered to give place to his rival. Otho (A.D. 69). — The brief space of three months, during which Otho was emperor, cannot be called a reign, but only an attempt to reign. On his accession the new aspirant to the throne found his right immediately disputed by the legions of Spain and Gaul, which proclaimed Vitellius. The armies of these two rivals met in northern Italy, and fortune declared in favor of Vitellius. Vitellius (A.D. 69). — No sooner had Vitellius begun to revel in the luxuries of the palace, than the standard of revolt was again raised, this time by the legions of the East in favor of their able and popular commander, Vespasian. The events of the previous contest were now repeated; and on the same battlefield in northern Italy where Otho's army had been defeated by that of Vitellius, the forces of Vitellius were now Galba 246 THE ROMAN EMPIRE defeated by those of Vespasian. Afterward a severe aiid bloody- contest took place in the streets of Rome, and Vespasian made his position s-ecure. The only significance of these three so-called reigns, and the civil wars which attended them, is the fact that they showed the great danger to which the empire was exposed by having no regular law of succession. II. The Reign of Vespasian (a.d. 69-79) Beginning of a New Era. — The accession of Vespasian was the beginning of a new era for Koine. Indeed, the next century may be regarded as the most prosperous in her whole history. The ide- als of Julius Caesar and Augustus seemed to be re- alized. The hundred and eleven years which elapsed from the beginning of Vespasian's reign to the death of Marcus Aurelius, have been called the hap- piest in the history of mankind. The new em- peror belonged to the Flavian family, which furnished three rulers, Vespasian, Titus, and Do- mitian. Vespasian was an able and efficient prince. He rescued Rome from the bankrupt condition into which it had been plunged by his predecessors. He retrenched the expenses of the court and set the example of moderation. He appointed good governors for the provinces, and extended the Latin right, that is, the commercium, to the people of Spain. Vespasian THE FLAVIAN EMPERORS 247 Roman Civilization in Gaul. — The first duty of Vespasian was to suppress a revolt in Gaul which, under Claudius Civi'lis, threatened to deprive Eome of that province. After three defeats Civilis was obliged to give up his ambitious scheme, and G-aul again was pacified. Nowhere in the West, outside of Italy, did the civilization of Eome take a firmer hold. Gaul became the seat of Roman colonies ; its cities were united by Eoman roads ; and the Eoman language, literature, law, Aqueduct of Nismes, Fbance manners, and art found there a congenial home. The ruins which we find to-day in Prance, of the ancient buildings, baths, aqueducts and amphitheaters, show how completely the prov- ince of Gaul was Eomanized. Destruction of Jerusalem (A.D. 70). — The most unfortunate event in the reign of Vespasian was the revolt of the Jews, which finally resulted in the destruction of Jerusalem. There had been many changes in the government of Judea since its first conquest by Pompey. Some of these changes had been made to reconcile the Jews to the Eoman sway. But there had been many things to awaken the opposition of the people ; 248 THE ROMAN EMPIRE for example, the unreasonable prejudice against them at Rome, the insane attempt of Caligula to place his statue in their temple, as well as the harsh government of Nero. At last the Jews were provoked into a general rebellion. Vespasian was conducting the war against them when he was proclaimed emperor by his legions. The war was then left in the hands of his son Titus, who, in spite of desperate resistance, captured and destroyed the sacred city. The Jews were left without a national home ; and Judea became a separate province of the Spoils op Jerusalem (From the Arch of Titus) empire. The representation of the golden candlestick cut upon the arch of Titus is a striking memorial of this unfortu- nate war. The Public Buildings. — By the strictest economy Vespasian was able to replenish the treasury ; and by the means thus obtained he spent large sums upon the public buildings of Rome. He restored the Capitoline temple, which had been destroyed during the late civil war. He laid out a new Forum which bore his name. He built a temple to Peace, the goddess whom he delighted to honor. But the most memorable of his works was the Flavian Amphitheater, or as it is sometimes called, the Colosse'um (see p. 313 ; also pp. 302, 303). This THE FLAVIAN EMPERORS 249 stupendous building occupied about six acres of ground, and was capable of seating nearly ninety thousand spectators. The sports which took place in this great structure were the most popular of all the Roman amusements. Amusements of the Romans. — The chief public amusements of the Romans were those which took place in the circus, the theater, and the amphitheater. The greatest circus of Rome was the Circus Maximus. It was an inclosure about two thousand feet long and six hun- dred feet wide. Within it were arranged seats for different classes of citizens, a separate box being reserved for the impe- rial family. The games consisted chiefly of chariot races. The excitement was due to the reckless and dangerous driving of the charioteers, each striving to win by upsetting his competi- tors. There were also athletic sports ; running, leaping, box- ing, wrestling, throwing the quoit, and hurling the javelin. Sometimes sham battles and sea fights took place. The Romans were not very much addicted to the theater, there being only three principal structures of this kind at Rome, those of Pompey, Marcellus, and Balbus (pp. 302, 303). The theater was derived from the Greeks and was built in the form of a semicircle, the seats being apportioned, as in the case of the circus, to different classes of persons. The shows con- sisted largely of dramatic exhibitions, of mimes, pantomimes, and dancing. It is said that the poems of Ovid were acted in pantomime. The most popular and characteristic amusements of the Romans were the sports of the amphitheater. This building was in the form of a double theater, forming an entire circle or ellipse. Such structures were built in different cities of the empire, but none equaled the colossal building of Ves- pasian. The sports of the amphitheater were chiefly gladia- torial shows and the combats of wild beasts. The amusements of the Romans were largely sensational, and appealed to the tastes of the populace. Their influence was almost always bad, and tended to degrade the morals of the people. «g§£ lip -,^ ' THE FLAVIAN EMPERORS 251 MlllffB III. Reign of Titus (79-81) The "Delight of Mankind." — Vespasian had prepared for his death by associating with him in the government his son, Titus ; so the change to the new reign was at- tended by no war of suc- cession or other disturb- ance. The great aim of Titus was to make himself loved by the people. He was lavish in the giving of public shows. _ He dedi- cated the great amphithe- ater built by his father with a magnificent naval spectacle. He ruled with so much kindness and moderation that he became the most popular of the emperors, and was called Ttttth the "Delight of Man- kind." It is related that one evening he remembered that he had bestowed no gift upon any one, and in regret exclaimed to his friends, " I have lost a day." Destruction of Herculaneum and Pompeii. — But the reign of Titus, delightful as it was, was marked by two great calamities. One was a great fire which consumed the new temple of the Capitoline Jupiter, which his* father had just erected ; and which also injured the Pantheon, the baths of Agrippa, and the theaters of Pompey and Marcellus. But the greatest calamity of this reign was due to the terrible eruption of Mt. Vesuvius, which destroyed the two cities of Hercula'neum and Pompe'ii, situated on the Bay of Naples (see map, p. 233). The Eomans had never suspected that this mountain was a volcano, although a few years before it had been shaken by an earth- 252 THE ROMAN EMPIRE quake. The scenes which attended this eruption are described by the younger Pliny, whose uncle, the elder Pliny, lost his life while investigating the causes of the eruption. The buried city of Pompeii has been exhumed, and its relics reveal in a vivid way the private life and customs of the Roman people. Buins of Pompeii IV. Life and Manners of the Romans Houses of the Romans. — The uncovered ruins of Pompeii show to us a great many houses, from the most simple to the elaborate "House of Pansa." The ordinary house (domas) consisted of front and rear parts connected by a central area, or court. The front part contained the entrance hall (vestibu- lum) ; the large reception room (atrium) ; and the private room of the master (tablinum), which contained the archives of the family. The large central court was surrounded by columns (peristylum). The rear part contained the more private apart- THE FLAVIAN EMPEEOES 253 ments — the dining room (triclinium), where the members of the family took their meals reclining on couches; the kitchen (culina) ; and the bathroom (balneum). The Romans had no Roman House, showing the Atrium in the Foreground stoves like ours, and rarely did they have any chimneys. The house was warmed by portable furnaces (foculi), like fire pans, in which coal or charcoal was burned, the smoke escaping through the doors or an open place in the roof; sometimes hot air was introduced by pipes from below. The rooms were lighted either by candles (can- delce) made of tallow or waxj or by oil lamps (lucernce) made of terra cotta, or of bronze, worked some- times into exquisite designs. Meals. — There were usually three daily meals : the breakfast Dining Couches 254 THE ROMAN EMPIRE ( ientaculuni), soon after rising ; the luncheon, or midday meal (prandium) ; and the chief meal, or dinner (cena), in the after- noon. The food of the poorer classes consisted of a kind of porridge, or breakfast food (farina), made of a coarse species of wheat (far), together with ordinary vegetables, such as tur- nips and onions, with milk and olives. The wealthy classes vied with one another in procuring the rarest delicacies from Italy and other parts of the world. Dress. — The characteristic dress of the men was the toga, a loose garment thrown about the person in ample folds, and covering a closer garment called the tunic (tunica). The Romans wore sandals on the feet, but gen- erally no covering for the head. The dress of a Roman matron con- sisted of three parts : the close- fitting tunica ; the stola, a gown reaching to the feet ; and the palla, a shawl large enough to cover the whole figure. The la- dies took great pains in arrang- ing the hair, and possessed the usual fondness for ornaments — ToGA necklaces, bracelets, earrings, and costly jewels. Writing Materials. — For writing the Romans used different materials: first, the tablet (tabula), or a thin piece of board covered with wax, which was written upon with a. sharp iron pencil (stylus) ; next, a kind of paper (charta) made from the Mawp^qaaaaiatawiiWKWMgs Stola and Palla THE FLAVIAN EMPERORS 255 plant called papyrus; and, finally, parchment (membrana) made from the skins of animals. The paper and parchment were written upon with a pen made of reed sharpened with a penknife, and ink made of a mixture of lampblack. ^^^ , ,, * ^fy When a book (liber) was '7ff_^^ < <<^^^ =! ^^W^» P% written, the different ^^"^^ ^^^^^ -'^JL^^LJw pieces of paper or parch- T^(||7? WWfh, ment were pasted together ' in a long sheet and rolled w ™ a M *™"» upon a round stick. When collected in a library (bibliotheca), the rolls were arranged upon shelves or in boxes. The Employments of the Romans comprised many of the chief occupations and trades with which we are familiar to-day, including professional, commercial, mechanical, and agricul- tural pursuits. To the learned professions belonged the priest, the lawyer, the physician, and the teacher. The com- mercial classes included the merchant, the banker, the broker, the contractor, to whom may also be added the taxgatherer of earlier times. The mechanical trades comprised a great variety of occupations, such as the making of glass, earthen- ware, bread, cloth, wearing apparel, articles of wood, leather, iron, bronze, silver, and gold. The artisans were often organ- ized into societies or guilds (collegia) for their mutual benefit ; these guilds were very ancient, their origin being ascribed to Numa. The agriculturists of Rome comprised the large land- owners, who were regarded as a highly respectable class, and the small proprietors, the free laborers, and the slaves, the last mentioned forming a great part of the tillers of the soil. In general, the Roman who claimed to be respectable disdained all manual labor, and resigned such labor into the hands of slaves and freedmen. Marriage. — The marriage customs comprised, first, the cere- mony of betrothal (sponsalia), which included the formal con- sent of the bride's father, and an announcement in the form of a festival or the presentation of the betrothal ring ; secondly, moket's bom. hist. — 16 256 THE ROMAN EMPIRE the marriage ceremony, which might be either a religious cere- mony, in which a consecrated cake was eaten in the presence of the priest (confarreatio), or a secular ceremony, in which the father gave away his daughter by the forms of a legal sale (coemptio). In the time of the empire it was customary for persons to be married without these ceremonies, by their sim- ple consent. During this time, also, divorces became common, and the general morals of society became corrupt. The Funeral Customs of the Romans show the great respect which was paid to the dead. The nearest relative received the last breath of the dying person ; and his hand closed the eyes and the mouth of the deceased. The body was prepared for burial by being anointed, clothed in garments suited to the rank of the deceased, and then placed upon a bier in the atrium, where the ancestral images were exhibited and where the body remained until the time for burial. A branch of cypress was hung at the door as a symbol of death. The funeral procession moved from the house, preceded by musi- cians and women hired to utter lamentations and to sing the funeral songs. Then came those who impersonated the ances- tors of the deceased, followed by the family and near relatives dressed in black, and then the bier carried on the shoulders of the bearers, and lastly the long train of mourning friends. If the deceased had been a person of high rank, the procession moved to the Forum, where a funeral oration was pronounced, and then continued its way to the place of burial, beyond the city walls. In case the body was burned, the ashes were mingled with wine, milk, and costly perfumes, and placed in the family tomb. The tombs and monuments erected for the dead were often costly and imposing. The greatest funeral ceremony among the Romans was the deification of the emperors, which took place on the Campus Martius. The image of the deceased emperor was burned upon a lofty funeral pile, an eagle was let loose bearing the soul to heaven, and to the name of the emperor was thereafter attached the appellation Divus. THE FLAVIAN EMPERORS 257 V. The Reign of Domitian (a.d. 81-96) Exceptional Tyranny of Domitian. — The happy period begun by Vespasian and Titus was interrupted by the exceptional tyranny of Domitian, the mm mi ^1111111 Ull younger brother of Titus. Domitian seemed to take for his models Tiberius and Nero. He ignored the senate and the forms of the constitution. He revived the practice of de- lation, and was guilty of confiscations and extor- tions. He teased and irritated all classes. He persecuted the Jews and the Christians. Like Ti- berius, he was suspicious, and lived in .perpetual fear of assassination. His fears were realized; domitian a conspiracy was organized against him, and he was murdered by a freedman of the palace. Agricola in Britain. — The chief event of importance in the reign of Domitian was the extension of the Roman power in Britain. Agric'ola had already been appointed governor of Britain by Vespasian ; but it was not until this time that his arms were crowned with marked success. The limits of the province were now pushed to the north, and a new field was opened for the advance of civilization. Britain became dotted with Roman cities, united by great military roads. As in Gaul, the Roman law and customs found a home, although they did not obtain so enduring an influence as in the continental provinces. The Silver Age of Roman Literature. — The period of Roman 258 THE ROMAN EMPIRE literature which followed the age of Augustus is often called "the Silver Age." The despotic rule of the Julian emperors had not been favorable to literature. Only two names of that period stand out with prominence, those of Seneca, the Stoic philosopher, and Lucan, who wrote an epic poem describing the civil war between Pompey and Caesar. Under the Fla- vians occurred a revival of letters, which continued under the subsequent emperors. Among the most noted writers who flourished at this time were Ju' venal, "the satirist; Tacitus, the historian ; Suetonius, the biographer of the " Twelve Caesars"; Martial, the epigrammatist; Quintilian, the rhetori- cian ; and Pliny the Younger, the writer of epistles. Although the writings of the Silver Age do not equal those of the age of Augustus in grace of style, they show quite as much vigor and originality. SELECTIONS FOR READING Capes, Early Empire, Ch. 9, "Vespasian," Ch. 10, "Titus," Ch. 11, "Domitian" (7). 1 Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 60, "The Wars of Succession" (1). Bury, Empire, Ch. 31, " Roman Life and Manners" *(7). Leighton, Ch. 56, " Manners and Customs" (1). Merivale, Empire, Vol. IV., Ch. 41, "Life in Rome" (7). Inge, Ch. 9, "Amusements" (16). Guhl and Koner, pp. 553-564, " Amphitheatrical Games" (16). Ramsay and Lanciani, Ch. 14, "Private Life of the Romans" (8). See also Appendix (16), "Life and Manners." SPECIAL STUDY The Roman House. — Inge, pp. 245-258 (16) ; Eschenbiirg, pp. 290- 292 (8) ;• Guhl and Koner, pp. 365-375, 437-460 (16) ; Harper's Diet. Antiqq., "Domus" (8) ; Becker, Gallus, pp. 231-314 (16). l The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, ■where a fuller title of the book will be fountl. CHAPTER XXVI THE FIVE GOOD EMPERORS,— NERVA TO MARCUS AtTRELIUS I. The Eeign of Neeva (a.d. 96-98) Prosperity of the Empire. — With the death of Domitian the empire came back into the hands of wise and beneficent rulers. The "five good emperors," as they are usually called, were Nerva, Trajan, and Hadrian (who were related to one another' only by adoption), and the two An'tonines, Antoni'nus Pius and Marcus Aurelius. The period of general prosperity which began under Vespasian continued under these em- perors. It is during this time that we are able to see Roman civilization at its best, its highest stage of development. Nerva was chosen neither by the praetorians nor by the le- gions, but by the senate. Within the brief time that he sat upon the throne, he could do little except to remedy the wrongs of his predecessor. He for- bade the practice of dela- tion, recalled the exiles of Domitian, relieved the people from some oppressive taxes and was tolerant to the Christians. His wise and just reign is praised by all ancient writers. In order to prevent any trouble at his death, he adopted Trajan as his successor and gave him a share in the government. 259 Nebta 260 THE ROMAN EMPIRE Nerva's Attempt to relieve the Poor. — One of the character- istic features of Nerva's short reign was his attempt to relieve the poor. In the first place, he bought up large lots of land from the wealthy landlords, and let them out to the needy citizens. It is noteworthy that he submitted this law to the assembly of the people. In the next place, he showed his great interest in the cause of public education. He set apart a certain fund, the interest of which was used to educate the children of poor parents. This interest in providing for the care and education of the poorer classes was continued by his successors. Roman Education. — Education among the Eomans, though not usually endowed by the state, was very general and was highly appreciated. Its main features were derived from the Greeks. It was intended to develop all the mental powers, and to train a man for public life. Children — both boys and girls — began to attend school at six or seven years of age. The elementary studies were reading, writing, and arithmetic. The children were tempted to learn the alphabet by playing with pieces of ivory with the letters marked upon them. They were taught writ- ing by a copy, set upon their tablets ; and arithmetic by means of the calculating board (abacus) and counters (calculi). The higher education comprised what were called the liberal arts (artes liberates), including the Latin and Greek languages, composition and oratory, and mental and moral philosophy. An important part of education consisted in public recitals and declamations, which were in- tended to train young men for the forum, and which were often held in the temples. The state sometimes patronized education, as we have already seen in the case of Nerva. Hadrian afterward instituted a public school in a building Boy with Calculating Board THE FIVE GOOD EMPERORS 261 called the Athense'um. Public fees were sometimes paid to the instructors (professores) in addition to the fees of the pupils. II. The Reign of Teajan (a.d. 98-117) The Greatness of Trajan. — After Julius Caesar and Augustus, Trajan may be called, in many respects, the greatest of the Roman sovereigns. Adopted by Nerva, he. was accepted by the senate. He made himself popular with the army and with the great body of the people. He was a Spaniard by birth ; and the fact that he was the first emperor who was not a native of Italy, shows that the distinction between Romans and pro- vincials was passing away. He was a brave general, a wise statesman, and a successful administrator. He continued the efforts of Nerva to remedy the evils which the early des- potism had brought upon Borne. To the people he restored the elective power ; to the senate, liberty of speech and of action ; to the magistrates, their former authority. He abolished the law of treason (lex maiestatis), and assumed his proper place as the chief magis- trate of the empire. He was a generous patron of literature and of art. He also desired to relieve the condition of the poor. It is said that five thousand children received from him their daily allowance of food. So highly was Trajan esteemed by the Romans that to his other imperial titles was added that of " Optimus" (the Best). Trajan PBOGRESSI ROMAN DOMINIONS At the Death of Trajan A.l>. 117 The greatest extent of the Empire SCALE OF MILES 6 TSj 200 800 400 600 262 SHE MAP No.' 203 A List of the Chief Eoman Provinces WITH THE DATES OF THEIR ACQUISITION OR ORGANIZATION I. European Provinces 1. Western. Spain (b.c. 205-19). Gaul (e.c. 120-17). Britain (a.d. 43-84). 2. Central. Rhaetia et Vindelicia (b.c. 15). Noricum (b.c. 15). Pannonia (a.d. 10). 3. Eastern. Illyricum (b.c. 167-59). Macedonia (b.c. 146). Achsea (b.c. 146). Moesia (b.c. 29). Thrace (a.d. 46). Dacia (a.d. 107). II. African Provinces Africa proper (b.c. 146). Cyrenaica and Crete (b.c. 74, 63). Numidia (b.c. 46). Egypt (b.c. 30). Mauretania (a.d. 42). III. Asiatic Provinces 1. In Asia Minor. Asia proper (b.c. 133). Bithynia et Pontus (b.c. 74, '65). Cilicia (b.c. 67). Galatia (b.c. 25). Pamphylia et Lycia (b.c. 25, a.d. 43). Cappadocia (a.d. 17). 2. In Sonthioestern Asia. Syria (b.c. 64). Judea (b.c. 63-a.d. 70). Arabia Petraea (a.d. 105). Armenia (a.d. 114). Mesopotamia (a.d. 115). Assyria (a.d. 115). IV. Island Provinces Sicily (b.c. 241). Sardinia et Corsica (b. c. 238) . Cyprus (b.c 58). Total, 32. Note. — Many of these chief provinces were subdivided into smaller prov- inces, each under a separate governor — making the total number of provincial governors more than one hundred. For a complete list of the Roman prov- inces in a.d. 117, see Leighton, p. xxix. 264 THE HVE GOOD EMPERORS 265 The Conquests of Trajan. — Since the death of Augustus there had been made no important additions to the Eoman territory, except Britain. But under Trajan the Romans became once more a conquering people. The new emperor carried his con- quests across the Danube and acquired the province of Dacia. He then extended his arms into Asia, and brought into subjec- tion Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria, as the result of a . Forum and Column of Trajan short war with the Parthians. Under Trajan the boundaries of the empire reached their greatest extent. His Public Works and Buildings. — Rome and Italy and the provinces all received the benefit' of his wise administration ; and the empire reached its highest point of material grandeur. Roads were constructed for the aid of the provincials. He restored the harbors of Italy, and improved the water supply of Rome. He built two new baths, one of which was for the exclusive use of .women. The greatest monument of Trajan im THE It OMAN EMPIRE ■was the new Forum, in which a splendid column was erected to commemorate his victories. Roman Art. — During this period Roman art reached its highest development. The art of the Romans, as we have before noticed, was modeled in great part after that of the Greeks. While lacking the fine sense of beauty which the Greeks possessed, the Romans yet expressed in a remarkable Tkmple op Jupiter Capitolinus (Restoration) degree the ideas of massive strength and of imposing dignity. In their sculpture and painting they were least original, repro- ducing the figures of Greek deities, like those of Venus and Apollo, and Greek mythological scenes, as shown in the wall paintings at Pompeii. Roman sculpture is seen to good advan- tage in the statues and busts of the emperors, and in such reliefs as those on the. arch of Titus and the column of Trajan. But it was in architecture that the Romans excelled ; and by their splendid works they have taken rank among the world's THE FIVE GOOD EMPERORS 267 greatest builders. We have already seen trie progress made during the later Republic and under Augustus. With Trajan, Rome became a city of magnificent public buildings. The architectural center of the city was the Roman Eorum (see frontispiece), with the additional Forums of Julius, Augustus, Vespasian, Nerva, and Trajan (see map, p. 303). Surrounding these were the temples, the basilicas or halls of justice, por- Temple of Juno Moneta (Restoration) ticoes, and other public buildings. The most conspicuous buildings which would attract the eyes of one standing in the Forum were the splendid temples of Jupiter and Juno upon the Capitoline hill. While it is true that the Romans obtained their chief ideas of architectural beauty from the Greeks, it is a question whether Athens, even in the time of Pericles, could have presented such a scene of imposing grandeur as did Rome in the time of Trajan and Hadrian, with its forums, temples, aqueducts, basilicas, palaces, porticoes, amphitheaters, theaters, circuses, baths, columns, triumphal arches, and tombs. 268 THE ROMAN EMPIRE III. The Reign of Hadrian (a.d. 117-138) The Statesmanship of Hadrian. — At the death of Trajan, his adopted son Hadrian was proclaimed by the praetorian guards. But Hadrian did not regard this as a constitutional act ; and he requested to be formally elected by the senate. In some respects he was similar to Trajan, with the same generous spirit and desire for the welfare of the people, and with the same wish to add to the architectural splendor of Rome. He was, like Trajan, a friend of literature and a patron of the fine arts. But he differed from Trajan in not thinking that the great- ness of Rome depended upon military glory. He believed that the army should be maintained ; but that foreign conquest was less important than the prosperity of his subjects. In his political ideas and administrative ability he was a type of the true statesman. He is said to have been a man of wider acquirements and greater general capacity than any previous ruler since Julius Ceesar. He was in the best sense liberal and cosmopolitan. He was tolerant of the Christians, and put himself in sympathy with the various races and creeds which made up the empire. Against the Jews only, who rose in revolt during his reign, did he show a spirit of unreasonable severity. His Abandonment of Trajan's Conquests. — Hadrian did not believe that the mission of Rome was to conquer the world, but to civilize her own subjects. He therefore voluntarily Hadriam THE FIVE GOOD EMPERORS 269 gave up the extensive conquests of Trajan in the East, the provinces of Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria. He de- clared that the Eastern policy of Trajan was a great mistake. He openly professed to cling to the policy of Augustus, which was to improve the empire rather than to enlarge it. The Imperial Council. — Another evidence of the statesman- ship of Hadrian is seen in the fact that he was willing to take advice. While he is said to have shown on some occasions an exceptional irritability of temper, he is represented as a man distinguished on the whole by " an affability rarely equaled by the Roman princes " (Merivale). He paid great deference to the senate ; and the body of imperial counselors (concilium principis), which had been occasionally consulted by the pre- vious emperors, became from his time a permanent institution. The emperor was not now the victim of unworthy advisers, as in the time of Tiberius, but was surrounded by men noted for their learning and wisdom. These men were often trained lawyers, who were skilled in the rules of justice. The Perpetual Edict of Salvius Julianus. — Perhaps the most important event in the reign of Hadrian was his compilation of the best part of the Eoman law. Since the XII. Tables there had been no collection of legal rules. That ancient code was framed upon the customs of a primitive people. It did not represent the actual law by which justice was now admin- istered. A new and better law had grown up in the courts of the praetors and of the provincial governors. It had been expressed in the edicts of these magistrates ; but it had now become voluminous and scattered. Hadrian delegated to one of his jurists, Salvius Julia'nus, the task of collecting this law into a concise form, so that it could be used for the better administration of justice throughout the empire. This collec- tion was called the Perpetual Edict (Edictum Perpetuum). The Visitation of the Provinces. — Hadrian showed a stronger sympathy with the provinces than any of his predecessors, and under his reign the provincials attained a high degree of prosperity and happiness. He conducted himself as a true 270 THE ROMAN EMPIRE sovereign and friend of his people. To become acquainted with their condition and to remedy their evils, he spent a large part of his time in visiting the provinces. Of his long reign of twenty-one years, he spent more than two thirds out- side of Italy. He made his temporary residence in the chief cities of the empire, — in York, in Athens, in Antioch, and in Alexandria — where he was continually looking after the in- Mausoleum of Hadrian (Castle of St. Aiigelo) " terests of his subjects. In the provinces, as at Rome, he con- structed many magnificent public works ; and won for himself a renown equal, if not superior, to that of Trajan as a great builder. Rome was decorated with the temple of Venus and Roma, and the splendid mausoleum which to-day bears the name of the Castle of St. Angelo ; a beautiful villa was also constructed at Tibur, a temple of Augustus at Tar'raco, a basilica at ISTemausus (Nismes), extensive ramparts in Britain, and costly buildings at Alexandria. THE FIVE GOOD EMPERORS 271 The Provincial and Municipal Systems. — The general organiza- tion of the provinces remained much as it had been established by Augustus. There were still the two classes, the senatorial, governed by the proconsuls and propraetors, and the imperial, governed by the legati, or the emperor's lieutenants. In some of the smaller provinces a procurator was appointed as gov- ernor, as in the case of Judea and Thrace. The improvement which took place under the empire in the condition of the provinces was due to the longer term of office given to the governors, the more economic management of the finances, and the abolition of the system of farming the revenues. But the province was in reality a collection of towns or cities, and the freedom of the provincials depended upon the status of the towns in which they lived. These towns were not all alike. While they almost always had their own gov- ernment and chose their own officers, their relations to Eome were quite various. The different kinds of towns and their relative numbers, in the provinces we may judge from Pliny's enumeration of the towns of Baet'ica, a province in Spain. Here were nine colonies, eight municipia, twenty-nine Latin towns, six free towns, three federate towns, and one hundred and twenty tributary towns. The colonies were generally settlements of soldiers or poor citizens sent out from Italy and retaining full Roman rights. The municipia were native towns which had received the same rights. The Latin towns were those which received the partial rights of citizenship (commercium). The free towns were the native cities which were exempted from all burdens. The federate towns were related to Eome by a special treaty. The tributary towns, which comprised the great mass of provincial cities, were sub- ject to the Roman tribute or tax, which might be paid in money or in produce. The town itself had generally for its own government a municipal council (curia), composed of the landed aristocracy (curiales) and presided over by two magis- trates (duumviri). The tendency of all towns in the West was to conform to this model. 272 THE ROMAN EMPIRE IV. The Reign of Antoninus Pius (a.d. 138-161) The Virtues of Antoninus. — If we desired to find in Roman history a more noble character than that of Hadrian, we should perhaps find it in his adopted son and successor, Antoninus, surnamed Pius. The description given of him by his son, Marcus Aurelius, is worthy to be read by the young people of all times. " In my father," he says, " I saw mildness of manners, firmness of resolution, contempt of vain glory. He knew when to rest as well as to labor. He taught me to forbear from all im- proper indulgences, to con- duct myself as an equal among equals, to lay on my friends no burden of servility. Prom him I learned to be resigned to every fortune and to bear myself calmly and se- renely ; to rise superior to vulgar applause, and to despise vulgar criticism ; to worship the gods with- out superstition and to serve mankind without ambition. He was ever prudent and moderate ; he looked to his duty only, and not to the opinions that might be formed of him. Such was the character of his life and manners — nothing harsh, nothing excessive, nothing rude, nothing which showed roughness and violence." The " Reign without Events.'' — The reign of Antoninus, although a long one of twenty-three years, is known in history as the uneventful reign. Since much that is usually called " eventful " in history is made up of wars, tumults, calamities, Antoninus Pius THE FIVE GOOD EMPERORS 273 and discords, it is to the greatest credit of Antoninus that his reign is called uneventful. We read of no conquests, no insurrections, no proscriptions, no extortions, no cruelty. His reign is an illustration of the maxim, " Happy is the people which has no history." Although not so great a statesman as Hadrian, he yet maintained the empire in a state of peace and prosperity. He managed the finances with skill and economy. He was kind to his subjects ; and interfered to prevent the persecution of the Christians at Athens and Thessaloni'ca. His Influence upon Law and Legislation. — If we should seek for the most distinguishing feature of his reign, we should doubtless find it in the field of law. His high sense of justice brought him into close relation with the great jurists of the age, who were now beginning to make their influence felt. With them he believed that the spirit of the law was more important than the letter. One of his maxims was this : " While the forms of the law must not be lightly altered, they must be interpreted so as to meet the demands of justice." He laid down the important principle that every, one should be regarded as innocent until proved guilty. He mitigated the evils of slavery, and declared that a man had no more right to kill his own slave than the slave of another. It was about the close of his reign that the great elementary treatise on the Roman law, called the '.' Institutes " of Gaius, appeared. Roman Jurisprudence. — Some one has said that the greatest bequests of antiquity to the modern world were Christianity, Greek philosophy, and the Roman law. We should study the history of Rome to little purpose if we failed to take account of this, the highest product of her civilization. It is not to her amphitheaters, her circuses, her triumphal arches, or to her sacred temples that we must look in order to see the most distinctive and enduring features of Roman life. We must look rather to her basilicas — that is, her courthouses — where the principles of justice were administered to her citi- zens and her subjects in the forms of law. 274 THE ROMAN EMPIRE If we would comprehend how Rome came to be the great lawgiver of the world, we should understand that the begin- nings of her great legal system grew out of the customs of the ancient patrician families, and were embodied in the XII. Tables. We should understand that with the growing, con- quests of Rome it became necessary to administer justice upon broader principles between Romans and foreigners ; that these Interior of the Basilica of Ulpian principles were expressed in' the edicts, of her magistrates and collected, as we have seen, in the Perpetual Edict of Salvius Julianus. We should understand, finally, that the law was made more just and equitable by such wise maxims as those of Antoninus Pius and the great jurists of the empire; and that it was afterward embodied in the immortal "Digest" of Justinian, through which it has obtained an influence over the jurisprudence of nearly all modern countries. THE FIVE GOOD EMPERORS 275 V. The Eeign of Makcus Aurelius (a.d. 161-180) The Philosopher on the Throne. — Marcus Aurelius was the adopted son of Antoninus Pius, and came to the throne at his father's death. The new emperor was first of all a philoso- pher. He had studied in the school of the Stoics, and was himself the highest embodiment of their principles. He was wise, brave, just, and tem- perate. The history of the pagan world presents no higher example of up- rightness and manhood. In whatever he did he acted from a pure sense of duty. But his character as a man was no doubt greater than his ability as a statesman. So ; far as we know, Marcus. Aure- lius never shrank from a known duty, private or public; but it is not so clear that his sense of personal duty was always in harmony with the best' interests of the empire. Misfortunes of his Reign. — In judging of this great man we must not forget that his reign was a time of great misfortunes. Borne was afflicted by a deadly plague and famine, the most terrible in her history. Prom the East it spread over the provinces, carrying with it death and desolation. One writer affirms, with perhaps some exaggeration, that half the popula- tion of the empire perished. The fierce barbarians of the north were also trying to break through the frontiers, and threatening to overrun the provinces. But Marcus Aurelius met all these dangers and difficulties with courage and patience. MOKEY'S ROM. HIST. 17 Makcus Aitrelitjs 276 THE ROMAN EMPIRE His Persecution of the Christians. — The most striking exam- ple of the fact that the emperor's sense of duty was not always in harmony with the highest welfare of the people is shown in his persecution of the Christians. The new religion had found its way throughout the eastern and western provinces. It was at first received by the common people in the cities. As it was despised by many, it was the occasion of bitter opposition and often of popular tumults. The secret meetings of the Chris- tians had given rise to scandalous stories about their practices. They were also regarded as responsible in some way for the calamities inflicted by the gods upon the people. Since the time of ISTero, the policy of the rulers toward the new sect had varied. But the best of the emperors had hitherto been cau- tious like Trajan, or tolerant like Hadrian, or openly friendly like Antoninus. But Marcus Aurelius sincerely believed that the Christians were the cause of the popular tumults, and that the new sect was dangerous to the public peace. He therefore issued an order that those who denied their faith should be let alone, but those who confessed should be put to death. The most charitable judgment which can be passed upon this act is that it was the result of a great mistake made by the emperor regarding the character of the Christian's and their part in dis- turbing the peace of society. Encroachments upon the Frontiers. — During this reign the peace of the empire was first seriously threatened by inva- sions from without. The two great frontier enemies of Rome were the Parthians on the east and the Germans on the north. The Parthians were soon repelled. But the barbarians from the north, the Marcomanni and Quadi, continued their attacks for fourteen years. Pressed by the Slavonians and the Tura- nians on the north and east, these tribes were the forerunners of that great migration of the northern nations which finally overran the empire. With courage and a high sense of his mission the emperor struggled against these hordes, and suc- ceeded for the most part in maintaining the northern frontier. He died in his camp at Vienna, at his post of duty. However THE FIVE GOOD EMPERORS 277 much we may condemn his policy with reference to the Chris- tians, we must always admire him for the purity of his life and his nobility as a man. Roman Philosophy. — Marcus Aurelius expressed in his life and writings the highest ideas of Eoman philosophy. The Romans cannot, however, be said to have shown any origi- nality in their philosophical systems. These they derived almost entirely from the Greeks. The two systems which were most popular with them were Epicureanism and Stoi- cism. The Epicureans believed that happiness was the great end of life. But the high idea of happiness advocated by the Greek philosophers became degraded into the selfish idea of pleasure, which could easily excuse almost any form of indul- gence. In Rome we see this idea of life exercising its influ- ence especially upon the wealthy and indolent classes. The Stoics, on the other hand, believed that the end of life was to live according to the highest law of our nature. This doctrine tended to make strong and upright characters. It could not well have a degrading influence ; so we find some of the noblest men of Rome adhering to its tenets — such men as Cato, Cicero, Seneca, and Marcus Aurelius. The Stoic philosophy also exercised a great and beneficial influence upon the Roman jurists, who believed that the law of the state should be in harmony with the higher law of justice and equity. SELECTIONS FOR READING Capes, Antonines, Ch. 1, " Nerva," Ch. 2, "Trajan," Ch. 3, "Hadrian," Ch. 4, "Antoninus Pius," Ch. 5, "Marcus Aurelius" (7). 1 Pelham, Bk. VI., Ch. 1, "The Antonines" (1). Bury, Empire, Ch. 30, " Roman World under the Empire" (7). Dyer, City, Sect. 4, " Rome from Augustus to Hadrian " (9). Merivale, Empire, Vol. IV., Ch. 40, " Great Cities of the Empire" (7). Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 79, " The City of Rome " (1). Farrar, chapter on " Marcus Aurelius" (18). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the hook will be found. 278 THE ROMAN EMPIRE SPECIAL STUDY The Eorums or Rome.. — Bury, Empire, see index, "Eorum" (7) ; Burn, Chs. 2, 4 (9) ; Parker, Arch. Hist., Ch. 11 (9) ; Hare, Ch. 4 (14) ; Middleton, Ancient Rome, Chs. 5, 6, 8 (9) ; Lanciani, Ruins, pp. 232- 254 (9). See also Appendix (13) " Forum." CHAPTER XXVII THE DECLINE OF THE EMPIRE I. The Times of the Severi Review of the Early Empire. — As we review the condition of the Roman world since the time of Augustus, we can see that the fall of the republic and the establishment of the empire were not an evil, but a great benefit to Rome. In place of a century of civil wars and discord which closed the republic, we see more than two centuries of internal peace and tranquillity. Instead of an oppressive and avaricious treat- ment of the provincials, we see a treatment which is with few exceptions mild and generous. Instead of a government con- trolled by a proud and selfish oligarchy, we see a government controlled, generally speaking, by a wise and patriotic prince. From the accession of Augustus to the death of Marcus Aure- lius (b.c. 31-a.d. 180), a period of two hundred and eleven years, only three emperors who held power for any length of time' — Tiberius, Nero, and Domitian — are known as tyrants ; and their cruelty was confined almost entirely to the city, and to their own personal enemies. The establishment of the empire, we must therefore believe, marked a stage of progress and not of decline in the history of the Roman people. Symptoms of Decay. — But in spite of the fact that the empire met the needs of the people better than the old aristo- cratic republic, it yet contained many elements of weakness. The Roman people themselves possessed the frailties of human THE DECLINE OP THE EMPIRE 279 nature ; and the imperial government was not without the imperfection of all human institutions. The decay of religion and morality among the people was a fundamental cause of their weakness and ruin. If we were- asked what were the symptoms of this moral decay, we should answer : the selfish- ness of classes ; the accumulation of wealth, not as the fruit of legitimate industry, but as the spoils of war and of cupidity ; the love of gold and the passion for luxury; the misery of poverty and its attendant vices and crimes ; the terrible evils of slave labor ; the decrease of the population ; and the decline of the patriotic spirit. These were moral diseases, which could hardly be cured by any government. Military Despotism. — The great defect of the imperial gov- ernment was the fact that its power rested upon a military basis, and not upon the rational will of the people. It is true that many of the emperors were popular and loved by their subjects. But back of their power was the army, which knew its strength, and which now more than ever before asserted its claims to the government. This period, extending from the death of Marcus Aurelius to the accession of Diocle'tian (a.d. 180-284), has therefore been aptly called "the period of military despotism." It was a time when the emperors were set up by the soldiers, and generally cut down by their swords. During this period of one hundred and four years, the impe- rial title was held by twenty-nine different rulers, 1 some few of whom were able and high-minded men, but a large number of 1 The following table shows the names of these emperors and the dates of their accession : — 180 Gordia'nus I. ) Gordianus II. f 287 Gallie'nus . . . a.d. 260 Per'tinax .... " 198 A.I) Claudius II. . . ' 268 Julianus . . . " .193 Pupie'nus Maximus I" 238 Aurelian ' 2T0 Septimius Seve'rus " 193 Balbi'nus 1 Tacitus . . . ' 275 Oaracalla 1 ,, Geta f ' 211 Gordianus III. « . " 233 Floria'nus ' 276 .Philip'pus . . " 244 Probus .... ' 276 Macri'nus . . . " 217 Decius ... " 249 Carus . . ' 282 Elagab'alus ... " 218 " 251 Cari'nus ^ ' 283 Alexander Severus " 222 JBmilia'nuB . . . " 258 Numeria'nus 1 Maximi'ous . . . " 235 Valerian .... " 253 280 THE ROMAN EMPIRE them were weak and despicable. Some of them held their places for only a few months. The history of this time con- tains for the most part only the dreary records of a declining government. There are few events of importance, except those which illustrate the tyranny of the army and the general tend- ency toward decay and disintegration. After the reign of Commodus, the unworthy son of Marcus, the soldiers became the real sovereigns of Rome. His succes- sor Pertinax was dispatched by their swords ; and the empire was offered to the one who would give them the largest dona- tion. This proved to be a rich senator by the name of Didius Julianus, who offered for the vacant throne a sum equal to $15,000,000. He held this place for about two months. In the meantime three different armies — in Britain, in Pan- nonia, and in Syria — each proclaimed its own leader as emperor. Septimius Severus (A.D. 193-211). — The commander of the army in the neighboring province of Pannonia was the first to reach Home; and was thus able to secure the throne against his ri- vals. The reign of Septim- ius is noted for the dis- banding of the praetorian guard, which Augustus had organized and Tiberius had encamped near the city. In the place of this body of nine thousand soldiers, Septimius organized a Ro- man garrison of forty thousand troops selected from the best soldiers of the legions. This was in- tended to give a stronger military support to the government ; Septimius Severus THE DECLINE OF THE EMPIRE 281 but in fact it gave to the army a more powerful influence in the appointment of the emperors. Septimius destroyed his enemies in the senate, and took away from that body the last vestige of its authority. He was himself an able soldier and made several successful campaigns in the East. Edict of Caracalla (A.D. 211). — The Eoman franchise, which had been gradually extended by the previous emperors, was now conferred upon all the free inhabitants of the Eoman world. This im- portant act was done by Caracalla, the worthless son and tyrannical succes- sor of Septimius Severus. The edict was issued to increase the revenue by extending the inheritance tax, which had heretofore rested only upon citizens. Notwithstanding the ava- ricious motive of the em- peror this was in the line of earlier reforms and effaced the last distinction between Romans and pro- vincials. The name of Caracalla is infamous, not only for his cruel proscriptions, but especially for his murder of Papinian, the greatest of the Eoman jurists, who refused to defend his crimes. * Alexander Severus (A.D. 222-235). — After the brief reign of Macrinus, and the longer reign of the monster Elagabalus, the most repulsive of all the emperors, the throne was occupied by a really excellent man, Alexander Severus. In a corrupt age, he was a prince of pure and blameless life. He loved the true and the good of all times. It is said that he set up in his private chapel the images of those whom he regarded as the Cakacalla 282 THE ROMAN EMPIRE greatest teachers of mankind, including Abraham and Jesus Christ. He tried as best he could to follow the example of the best of the emperors. He selected as his advisers the great jurists, Ulpian and Paullus. The most important event of his reign was his successful resistance to the Persians, who had just established a new monarchy on the ruins of the Parthian kingdom (a.d. 226). II. The Disintegration oe the Empire Foreign Enemies of Rome. — Never before had the Roman Empire been beset by such an array of foreign enemies as it encountered during the third century. On the east was the new Persian monarchy estab- lished under a vigorous and am- bitious line of kings, called the Sassan'idse. The founder of this line, Artax'ares (Ardashir), laid claim to all the Asiatic prov- inces of Pome as properly be- longing to Persia. The refusal of this demand gave rise to the war with Alexander Seve- rus, just referred to, and to severe struggles with his suc- cessors. But the most formidable ene- mies of Pome were the Ger- man- barbarians on the frontiers of the Phine and the Danube. On the lower Phine near the North Sea were several tribes known as the Chatti, Chauci, and the Cherus'ci, who came to be united with other tribes under the common name of " Pranks." On the upper Phine in the vicinity of the Alps were various tribes gathered together under the name of Ale- manni (all men). Across the Danube and on the northern shores of the Black Sea was the great nation of the Goths, Alexander Severtts THE DECLINE OE THE EMPIRE 283 which came to be the terror of Rome. Under a succession of emperors whose names have little significance to us, the "Romans were engaged in wars with these various peoples — not now wars for the sake of conquest and glory as in the time of the republic, but wars of defense and for the sake of existence. Invasion of the Goths in the East. — The Goths made their first appearance upon the Roman territory in the middle of the third century (a.d. 250). At this time they invaded Dacia, crossed the Danube, and overran the province of Mcesia. In a great battle in Moesia perished the brave emperor Decius, a descendant of the Decius Mus who devoted his life at Mt. Vesuvius in the heroic days of the republic. His successor, Gallus, purchased a peace of the Goths by the payment of an annual tribute. It was not many years after this that the same barbarians, during the reigns of Valerian and Gallienus (a.d. 253-268), made a more formidable invasion, this time by way of the Black Sea and the Bosphorus. With the aid of their ships they crossed the sea, besieged and plundered the cities of Asia Minor. They destroyed the splendid temple of Diana at Eph'esus ; they crossed the iEgean Sea into Greece, and threatened Italy ; and finally retired with their spoils to their homes across the Danube. Invasion of the Franks and Alemanni in the West — In the meantime the western provinces were invaded by the bar- barians who lived across the Rhine. The Franks entered the western regions of Gaul, crossed the Pyrenees, and sacked the cities of Spain ; while the Alemanni entered eastern Gaul and invaded Italy as far as the walls of Raven'na. It was then that the Roman garrison, which took the place of the old praetorian guard, rendered a real service to Rome by prevent- ing the destruction of the city. Attacks of the Persians in Asia — But all the disasters of Rome did not come from the north. The new Persian mon- archy, under its second great king, Sapor, was attempting to carry out the policy of Artaxares and expel the Romans from their Asiatic provinces. Sapor at first brought under his con- 284 THE ROMAN EMPIRE trol Armenia, which had remained an independent kingdom since the time of Hadrian. He then overran the Eoman prov- inces of Syria, Cilicia, and Cappadocia; Antioch and other cities of the coast were destroyed and pillaged; and the em- peror Valerian was made a prisoner. The story of Sapor's pride and of Valerian's disgrace has passed into history ; to humiliate his captive, it is said, whenever the Persian monarch mounted his horse, he placed his foot on the neck of the Roman emperor. The Time of the "Thirty Tyr ants." — In the midst of these external perils Rome beheld another danger which she had never seen before, at least to the same extent, and that was the appearance of usurpers in every part of the empire — in Asia, in Egypt, in Greece, in Illyricum, and in Gaul. This is called the time of the " thirty tyrants " ; although Gibbon counts only nineteen of these so-called tyrants during the reign of Gallienus. If we should imagine another calamity in addition to those already mentioned, it would be famine and pestilence — and from these, too, Rome now suffered. From the reign of Decius to the reign of Gallienus, a period of about fifteen years, the empire was the victim of a furious plague, which is said to have raged in every province, in every city, and almost in every family. With invasions from without and revolts and pestilence within, Rome never before seemed so near to destruction. III. The Illyeian Emperors Partial Recovery of the Empire. — Eor a period of eighty-eight years — from the death of Marcus Aurelius (a.d. 180) to the death of Gallienus (a.d. 268) — the imperial government had gradually been growing weaker until it now seemed that the empire was going to pieces for the want of a leader. But we have before seen Rome on the verge of ruin — in the early days of the Gauls, during the invasion of Hannibal, and under the attacks of the Gimbri. As in those more ancient THE DECLINE OF THE EMPIRE 285 times, so now the Romans showed their remarkable fortitude and courage in the presence of danger. Under the leadership of five able rulers — Claudius II., Aurelian, Tacitus, Probus, and Carus — they again recovered ; and they maintained their existence for more than two hundred years in the West and for more than a thousand years in the East. Let us see how Rome recovered from her present disasters, and we may also understand how the early empire as established by Augustus was changed into the new empire established by Diocletian and Con'stantine. Claudius II. and the Defeat of the Goths (A.D. 268-270). — One of the reasons of the recent revolts in the provinces had been general distrust of the central authority at Rome. If the Roman emperor could not protect the provinces, the provinces were determined to protect themselves under their own rulers. When a man should appear able to defend the frontiers the cause of these revolts would disappear. Such a man was Claudius II., who came from Illyricum. He aroused the patriotism of his army and restored its discipline. Paying little attention to the independent governors, he pushed his army into Greece to meet the Goths, who had again crossed the Danube and had advanced into Macedonia. By a series of victories he succeeded in delivering the empire from these barbarians, and for this reason he received the name of Clau- dius Goth'icus. Aurelian and the Restored Empire (A.D. 270-275). — The fruits of the victories of Claudius were reaped by his successor Aurelian, who became the real restorer of the empire. He first provided against a sudden descent upon the city, by rebuilding the walls of Rome, which remain to this day and are known as the walls of Aurelian. He then followed the prudent policy of Augustus by withdrawing the Roman army from Dacia and making the Danube the frontier of the empire. He then turned his attention to the rebellious provinces ; and recovered Gaul, Spain, and Britain from the hand of the usurper Tet'ricus. He finally restored the Roman authority 286 THE ROMAN EMPIRE in the East ; and destroyed the city of Palmy'ra, which had been made the seat of an independent kingdom, where ruled the famous Queen Zenobia. The "Silent Invasions. " — The successors of Aurelian — Tacitus, Probus, and Carus — preserved what he himself had achieved. The integrity of the empire was in general main- tained against the enemies from without and the "tyrants" from within. It is worthy of notice that at this time a con- Rctins at Palmyra ciliatory policy toward the barbarians was adopted, by grant- ing to them peaceful settlements in the frontier provinces. This step began what are known as the "silent invasions." Not only the Roman territory, but the army and the offices of the state, military and civil, were gradually opened to the Germans who were willing to become Roman subjects. The New Class of "Coloni." — It became a serious question what to do with all the newcomers who were now admitted into the provinces. The most able of the barbarian chiefs were sometimes made Roman generals. Many persons were THE DECLINE OP THE EMPIRE 287 admitted to the ranks of the army. Sometimes whole tribes were allowed to settle upon lands assigned to them. But a great many persons, especially those who had been captured in war, were treated in a somewhat novel manner. Instead of being sold as slaves they were given over to the large landed proprietors, and attached to the estates as permanent tenants. They could not be sold off from these estates like slaves; but if the land was sold they were sold with it. This class of persons came to be called colo'ni. They were really serfs bound to the soil. The colonus had a little plot of ground which he could cultivate for himself, and for which he paid a rent to his landlord. But the class of coloni came to be made up not only of barbarian captives, but of manu- mitted slaves, and even of Roman freemen, who were not able to support themselves and who gave themselves up to become the serfs of some landlord. The coloni thus came to form a large part of the population in the provinces. This new class of persons, which held such a peculiar posi- tion in the Roman empire, has a special interest to the general historical student ; because from them were descended, in great part, the class of serfs which formed a large element of European society after the fall of Rome, during the middle Transition to the Later Empire. — The successful efforts of the last five rulers showed that the Roman Empire could still be preserved if properly organized and governed. In the hands of weak and vicious men, like Commodus and Elagabalus, the people were practically left without a government, and were exposed to the attacks of foreign enemies and to all the dan- gers of anarchy. But when ruled by such men as Claudius II. and Aurelian they were still able to resist foreign invasions and to repress internal revolts. The events of the third century made it clear that if the empire was to continue and the prov- inces were to be held together there must be some change in .the imperial government. The decline of the early empire thus paved the way for a new form of imperialism. 288 THE ROMAN EMPIRE SELECTIONS FOR READING Pelham, Bk. VI., Ch. 2, " The Empire in the Third Century" (1). Merivale, Empire, Vol. VII., Ch. 68, "Symptoms of Decline" (7). Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 69, "The Barbarian Confederations" (1). Gibbon, Decline, Ch. 10, "Emperor Decius, etc." (7). Gibbon, abridged, Ch. 2, "Septimius Severus" (7). Dyer, City, Sect. 5, " Prom Hadrian to Constantine " (9) . Curteis, Ch. 3, " The Barbarians on the Frontiers" (7). SPECIAL STUDY Roman Slavery. — Inge, pp. 159-171 (16) ; Guhl and Koner, pp. 511- 533 (16) ; Eschenburg, pp. 288-290 (8) ; Harper's Diet. Antiqq., " Ser- vus" (8) ; Ramsay and Lanciani, pp. 124-133 (8) ; Becker, Gallus, pp. 199-225 (16) ; Blair, Inquiry (21). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the hook will be found. PERIOD Till. THE LATEE ROMAN EMPIRE (A.D. 284-476) CHAPTER XXVIII THE REORGANIZATION OE THE EMPIRE I. The Reign of Diocletian (a.d. 284-305) The New Imperialism. — The accession of Diocletian brings us to a new era in the history of the Roman Empire. It has been said that the early empire of Augustus and his successors was an ab- solute monarchy disguised by republican forms. This is in general quite true. But the old republican forms had for a long time been losing their hold, and at the time of Diocletian they were ready to be thrown away entirely. By the reforms of Diocletian and Constantine there was established a new form of imperialism — an absolute monarchy divested of re- publican forms. Some of their ideas of reform no doubt came from the new Persian monarchy, which was now the greatest rival of Rome. In this 289 Diocletian 290 THE ROMAN EMPIRE powerful monarchy the Romans saw certain elements of strength which they could use in giving new vigor to their own govern- ment. By adopting these Oriental ideas, the Roman Empire may be said to have become Orientalized. The Policy of Diocletian. — Diocletian was in many respects a remarkable man. Born of an obscure family in Dalmatia (part of Illyricum), he had risen by his own efforts to the high position of commander of the Roman army in the East. It was here that he was proclaimed emperor by his soldiers. He over- came all opposition, assumed the imperial power, and made his residence not at Rome, but in Mcomedia, a town in Asia Minor (see map, p. 294). His whole policy was to give dignity and strength to the imperial authority. He made of himself an Oriental monarch. He assumed the diadem of the East. He wore the gorgeous robes of silk and gold such as were worn by eastern rulers. He compelled his subjects to salute him with low prostrations, and to treat him not as a citizen, but as a superior being. In this way he hoped to make the imperial office respected by the people and the army. The emperor was to be the sole source of power, and as such was to be venerated and obeyed. The "Augusti" and "Caesars." — Diocletian saw that it was difficult for one man alone to manage all the affairs of a great empire. It was sufficient for one man to rule over the East, and to repel the Persians. It needed another to take care of the West and to drive back the German invaders. He therefore associated with him his trusted friend and companion in arms, Maximian. But he was soon convinced that even this division of power was not sufficient. To each of the chief rulers, who "received the title of Augustus, he assigned an assistant, who received the title of Ccesar. The two Caesars were Galerius and Constan'tius ; and they were to be regarded as the sons and successors of the chief rulers, the Augusti. Each Caesar was to recognize the authority of his chief ; and all were to be subject to the supreme authority of Diocletian himself. The Roman world was divided among the four rulers as follows : — THE REORGANIZATION OF THE EMPIRE 291 The East The West ! I Diocletian Galerius Maximian Constantics (Augustus) (Caesar) (Augustus) (Caesar) ! . !__ . L_ I Thrace, Macedonia, Noricum, Pannonia, Italy and Spain, Gaul, Asia, and Egypt. * and Mcesia.* Africa. and Britain. The Last Persecution of the Christians. — Diocletian himself was not a cruel and vindictive man, and was at first favorably disposed toward the Christians. But in the latter part of his reign he was induced to issue an edict of persecution against them. It is said that he was led to perform this infamous act by his assistant Galerius, who had always been hostile to the new religion, and who filled the emperor's mind with stories of seditions and conspiracies. An order was issued that all churches should be demolished, that the sacred Scriptures should be burned, that all Christians should be dismissed from public office, and that those who secretly met for public wor| ship should be punished with death. The persecution raged most fiercely in the provinces subject to Galerius; and it has been suggested that the persecution should be known by his name rather than by the name of Diocletian. Effects of Diocletian's Policy. — The general result of the new policy of Diocletian was to give to the empire a strong and efficient government. The dangers which threatened the state were met with firmness and vigor. A revolt in Egypt was quelled, and the frontiers were successfully defended against the Persians and the barbarians. Public works were con- structed, among which were the great Baths of Diocletian at Pome. At the close of his reign he celebrated a triumph in the old capital. Abdication of Diocletian. — After a successful reign of twenty- one years Diocletian voluntarily gave up his power, either on account of ill health, or else to see how his new system would work without his own supervision. He retired to his native, province of Dalmatia, and spent the rest of his days in his mokey's bom. hist. — 18 292 THE EOMAN EMPIRE new palace at Salo'na on the shores of the Adriatic. He loved his country home; and when he was asked by his old colleague Maximian to resume the imperial power, he wrote to him, " Were you to come to Salona and see the vegetables which I raise in my garden with my own hands, you would not talk to me of empire." But before he died (a.d. 313) Diocletian saw the defects of the system which he had established. Eivalries sprang up among the dif- ferent rulers, which led to civil war. At one time there were six emperors • who were trying to adjust between themselves the government of the empire. Out of this conflict Constantine arose as the man destined to carry on and complete the work of Diocletian. II. The Beign of Constantine (a.d. 323-337) Accession and Policy of Constantine. — By a succession of victories over his different rivals, which it is not necessary for us to recount, Constantine became the sole ruler, and the whole empire was reunited under his authority. He was a man of wider views than Diocletian, and had even a greater genius for organization. The work which Diocletian began, Constan- tine completed. He in fact gave to Roman imperialism the final form which it preserved as long as the empire existed, and the form in which it exercised its great influence upon modern governments. We should remember that it was not Euins of Diocletian's Palace THE REORGANIZATION OF THE EMPIRE 293 so much the early imperialism of Augustus as the later impe- rialism of Constantine which reappeared in the empires of modern Europe. This fact will enable us to under- stand the greatness of Con- stantine as a statesman and a political reformer. His policy was to centralize all power in the hands of the chief ruler; to surround his person with an elabo- rate court system and an imposing ceremonial; and to make all officers, civil and military, responsible to the supreme head of the empire. Conversion of Constan- tine. — Constantine is gen- erally known as the " first Christian emperor." The story of his miraculous conver- sion is told by his biographer, Euse'bius. It is said that while marching against his rival Maxentius, he beheld in the heavens the luminous sign of the cross, inscribed with the words, " By this sign conquer." As a result of this vision, he openly professed the new religion ; ■ he adopted the cross as his battle standard ; and from this time he ascribed his victories to the G-od of the Christians. The truth of this story has been doubted by critical historians; but that Constantine looked upon Christianity in an entirely different light from his prede- cessors, and that he was an avowed friend of the Christian church, cannot be denied. His mother, Hel'ena, was a Chris- tian, and his father, Constantius, had opposed the persecutions of Diocletian and Galerius. He had himself, while he was ruler in only the West, issued an edict of toleration (a.d. 313) to the Christians in his own provinces. Constantine 294 THE ROMAN EMPIRE Adoption of Christianity. — Constantine was therefore pre- pared, when he became the sole emperor, to reverse the policy of Diocletian, and to recognize Christianity as the state reli- gion. How far Constantine himself was a sincere Christian it is not for us to say ; but no one can doubt that the adoption of Christianity was an act inspired by political wisdom. A large part of the empire was already Christian, and the recognition of the new religion gave stability to the new government. Constantine, however, in accepting Christianity as the state BLACK SEA SCALE OF MILES'- 10A20 .30 40 50- Site of Constantinople religion, did not go to the extreme of trying to uproot pagan- ism. The pagan worship was still tolerated, and it was not until many years after this time that it was proscribed by the Christian emperors. For the purpose of settling the disputes between the different Christian sects, Constantine called (a.d. 325) a large council of the clergy at Nice (Niccea), which de- cided what should thereafter be regarded as the orthodox belief. Removal of the Capital to Constantinople (A.D. 328). — The next important act of Constantine was to break away from the traditions of the old empire by establishing a new capital. The old Eoman city was filled with the memories of paganism THE REORGANIZATION OE THE EMPIRE 295 and the relics of the republic. It was the desire of Constan- tine to give the empire a new center of power, which should be favorably situated for working out his new plans, and also for defending the Roman territory. He selected for this purpose the site of the old Greek colony, Byzantium, on the confines of Europe and Asia. This site was favorable alike for defense, for commerce, and for the establishment of an Oriental system of government. Constantine laid out the city on an extensive scale, and adorned it with new buildings and works of art. The new capital was called, after its founder, the city of Con- stantine, or Constantinople. The New Court Organization. — Constantine believed with Dio- cletian that one of the defects of the old empire was the fact that the person of the emperor was not sufficiently respected. He therefore not only adopted the diadem and the elaborate robes of the Asiatic monarchs, as Diocletian had done, but reorganized the court on a thoroughly eastern model. An Oriental court consisted of a large retinue of officials, who surrounded the monarch, who paid obeisance to him and served him, and who were raised to the rank of nobles by this service. All the powers of the monarch were exercised through these court officials. These Oriental features were now adopted by the Roman emperor. The chief officers of the court comprised the grand chamberlain, who had charge of the imperial palace; the chancellor, who had the supervision of the court officials and received foreign ambassadors ; the quaestor, who drew up and issued the imperial edicts ; the treasurer-general, who had con- trol of the public revenues; the master of the privy purse, who managed the emperor's private estate ; and the two com- manders of the bodyguard. The imperial court of Constantine furnished the model of the royal courts of modern times. The New Provincial System. — Another important reform of Constantine was the reorganization of the Roman territory in a most systematic manner. This was based upon Diocletian's division, but was much more complete and thorough. The PROGBBSSIVE MA-P No. 8. 296 .THE REORGANIZATION OE THE EMPIRE 297 whole empire was first divided into four great parts, called " prefectures," each under a prsetorian prefect subject to the . emperor. These great territorial divisions were (1) the Prae- fecture of the East ; (2) the Prefecture of Illyricum ; (3) the Prefecture of Italy; (4) the Prefecture of Gaul. Each prae- fecture was then subdivided into dioceses, each under a diocesan governor, called a vicar, subject to the praetorian prefect. Each diocese was further subdivided into provinces, each under a provincial governor called a consular, president, duke, or count. Each province was made up of cities and towns, under their own municipal governments. Each city was gen- erally governed by a city council (curia) presided over by two or four magistrates (duumviri, quattuorviri). It had also in the later empire a defender of the people (defensor populi), who, like the old republican tribune, protected the people in their rights. The new divisions of the empire may be indicated as follows : I II Prefecture )f the East Prefecture of Illyricum Five Dioceses Ttco Dioceses (1) The East . (15 provinces) (1) Dacia ... (5 provinces) (2) Egypt . . (6 « ) (2) Macedonia . . (6 " ) (3) Asia . . (11 « ) (4) Pontus . . (11 " ) (5) Thrace . . (6 " > 49 provinces 11 provinces II L IV Prefecture OF Italy Prefecture of Gaul Three D ioceses Three Dioceses (1) Italy . . . (17 provinces) (1) Spain . . . ( 7 provinces) (2) Illyricum . (7 " ) (2) Gaul ... (17 " ) (3) Africa . . (6 « ) (3) Britain . . . ( 5 " ) 30 provinces 29 provinces Total, 13 dioceses and 119 provinces. 298 THE EOMAN EMPIRE The New Military Organization. — Scarcely less important than the new provincial system was the new military organization^ One of the chief defects of the early empire was the improper position which the army occupied in the state. This defect is seen in two ways. In the first place, the army was not subor- dinate to the civil authority. We have seen how the praeto- rian guards really became supreme, and brought about that wretched condition of things, a military despotism. In the Arch of Constantine next place, the military power was not separated from the civil power. In the early empire, every governor of a province had not only civil authority, but he also had command of an army, so that he could resist the central government if he were so disposed. But Constantine changed all this. He abolished the Roman garrison or praetorian guard. He gave to the terri- torial governors only a civil authority ; and the whole army was organized under distinct officers, and made completely subject to the central power of the empire. This change tended to THE REORGANIZATION OE THE EMPIRE 299 prevent, on the one hand, a military despotism; and, on the other hand, the revolt of local governors. The military ability of Constantine cannot be questioned. In commemoration of his early victories, the senate erected in the city of Borne a splendid triumphal arch, which stands to-day as one of the finest specimens of this kind of architec- ture. Effect of Constantine' s Reforms. — If we should take no account of the effects of Constantine's reforms upon the liberties of the Roman people, we might say that his government was a great improvement upon that of Augustus. It gave new strength to the empire, and enabled it to resist foreign inva- sions. The empire was preserved for several generations longer in the West, and for more than a thousand years longer in the East. But the expenses necessary to maintain such a system, with its elaborate court and its vast number of officials, was great. The taxes were oppressive. The members of every city council (curiales) were held responsible for the raising of the revenues. The people were burdened, and lost their interest in the state. Constantine also, like Augustus, failed to make a proper provision for his successor. At his death (a.d. 337) his three sons divided the empire between them, and this division gave rise to another period of quarrels and civil strife. III. The Successoes op Constantine (337-395) Attempt to Restore Paganism. — The first event of grave importance after the reign of Constantine was the attempt of the Emperor Julian (a.d. 360-363) to restore the old pagan religion, for which attempt he has been called " the Apostate." Julian was in many respects a man of ability and energy. He repelled the Alemanni who had crossed the Bhine, and made a vigorous campaign against the Persians. But he was by conviction a pagan, and in the struggle between the old and the new religion he took the part of the ancient faith. He 300 THE ROMAN EMPIRE tried to undo the work of Constantine by bringing back pagan- ism to its old position. He did not realize that Christianity was the religion of the future, and was presumptuous in his belief that he could accomplish that in which Marcus Aurelius and Diocletian had failed. He may not have expected to up- root the new religion entirely ; but he hoped to deprive it of the important privileges which it had already acquired. The religious changes which he was able to effect in his brief reign were reversed by his successor Jovian (a.d. 363-364), and Christianity afterward remained undisturbed as the religion of the empire. Revolt of the Goths. — After the death of Jovian the empire was divided between Valentinian and his younger brother Valens, the former ruling in the West, and the latter in the East. Valentinian died (a.d. 375), leaving his sons in control of the West, while Valens continued to rule in the East (till 378). It was during this latter period that a great event occurred which forewarned the empire of its final doom. This event was the irruption of the Huns into Europe. This savage race, emerging from the steppes of Asia, pressed upon the Goths and drove them from their homes into the Roman terri- tory. It was now necessary for the Romans either to resist the whole Gothic nation, which numbered a million of people, or else to receive them as friends, and give them settlements within the empire. The latter course seemed the wiser, and they were admitted as allies, and given new homes south of the Danube, in Moesia and Thrace. But they were soon provoked by the ill-treatment of the Roman officials, and rose in revolt, defeating the Roman army in a battle at Adriano'ple (a.d. 378) in which Valens himself was slain. Reign of Theodosius and the Final Division of the Empire (379-395). — Theodo'sius I. succeeded Valens as emperor of the East. He was a man of great vigor and military ability, although his reign was stained with acts of violence and injustice. He continued the policy of admitting the bar- barians into the empire, but converted them into useful THE REORGANIZATION OF THE EMPIRE 301 and loyal subjects. Prom their number he reenforced the ranks of the imperial armies, and jealously guarded them from injustice. When a garrison of Gothic soldiers was once mobbed in Thessalonica, he resorted to a punishment as re- vengeful as that of Marius and as cruel as that of Sulla. He gathered the people of this city into the circus to the number of seven thousand, and caused them to be massacred by a body of Gothic soldiers (a.d. 390). For this inhuman act he was compelled to do penance by St. Ambrose, the bishop of Milan — which fact shows how powerful the Church had become at this time, to compel an emperor to obey its mandates. Theodosius was himself an ardent and orthodox Christian, and went so far as to be intolerant of the pagan religion, and even of the worship of heretics. In spite of his shortcomings he was an able monarch, and has received the name of " Theodosius the Great." He conquered his rivals and reunited for a brief time the whole Roman world under a single ruler. But at his death (a.d. 395), he divided the empire between his two sons, Arca'dius and Hono'rius, the former receiving the East, and the latter, the West. SELECTIONS FOR READING Gibbon, Decline, Ch. 17, " Foundation of Constantinople" (7). 1 Gibbon, abridged; Ch. 7, " Reign of Diocletian" (7). Stanley, Lect. 6, "The Emperor Constantine" (12). Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 73, " Reign of Julian" (1). Seeley, Essay, " The Later Empire " (7). SPECIAL STUDY The Roman Baths. —Inge, pp. 232-236 (16) ; Bury, Empire, pp. 609- 612 (7) ; Parker, Arch. Hist., Ch. 10 (9) ; Guhl and Koner, pp. 396-406 (16) ; Harper's Diet. Antiqq., " Balneae " (8) ; Ramsay and Lanciani, pp. 487^190 (8) ; Becker, Gallus, pp. 366-387 (16). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will he found. ROME Onder the Later Emperors SCALE OF FEET 660 1000 2000 PRINCIPAL BUILDINGS FORUMS VI. CIRCUSES 1. Roman 31. Mazimus 2. Julius 32. Flaminius 3. Augustus 33. Nero 4. Nerva 6, Vespasian (i. Trajan VII. PORTICOES 34. Pompey 35. Octavius 36. Livia . TEMPLES Tin. EASILICAS 7. Jupiter CapltolinuB 37. Julia 8. Quirinua 38. ConBtantine 9. Minerva 39. TJlpian 10. Pantheon 40. ..Emilia 11. Trajan 12. Hope IX. PLACES OF ASSEM- 13. Fortune BLY 14. Ceres 41. SiteoftheComitium 15. Diana 42. Curia, or Senate 16. Honor and Virtue House 17. Divine Claudius 43. Saepta Julia(Voting) 18. Venus and Borne X. ARCHES 44. Titua , I. BATHS 45. Constantino 46. Septimius Sevens 19. Agrippa SO. Alexandria. XI. COLUMNS 21. Titus 47. Trajan 22. Trajan 48. Antoninus 23. Constant ine 49. Marcus Aureliua 24. Diocletian 25. Caracalla XII. TOMBS 50. Augustus 51. Hadrian T. THEATERS 62. Scipio 26. Pompey 27. Balbus 28. MarceU.ua XIII. CAMPS 63. Praetorian 54. Agrippa . AMPHITHEATERS XIV. MISCELLANEOUS 55. Arx 29. Flavian (Colosseum) 56. Palace of the Caesars SO. Military 57. Emporium 302 303 CHAPTER XXIX THE EXTINCTION OE THE WESTERN EMPIRE I. The Great Invasions The Divided Empire. — The death of Theodosius in a.d. 395 marks an important epoch, not only in the history of the later Eoman Empire but in the history of European civilization. From this time the two parts of the empire — the East and the West — became more and more separated from each other, until they became at last two distinct worlds, having different destinies. The eastern part, the history of which does not belong to our present study, maintained itself for about a thousand years with its capital at Constantinople, until it was finally conquered by the Turks (a.d. 1453). The western part was soon overrun and conquered by the German invaders, who brought with them new blood and new ideas, and furnished the elements of a new civilization. We have now to see how the Western Empire was obliged finally to succumb to these barbarians, who had been for so many years pressing upon the frontiers, and who had already obtained some foothold in the provinces. The General Stilicho. — When the youthful Honorius was made emperor in the West, he was placed under the guardian- ship of Stil'icho, an able general who was a barbarian in the service of Rome. As long as Stilicho lived he was able to resist successfully the attacks upon Italy. The first of these attacks was due to jealousy and hatred on the part of the Eastern emperor. The Goths of Moesia were in a state of discontent, and demanded more extensive lands. Under their great leader, Al'aric, they entered Macedonia, invaded Greece, and threatened to devastate the whole peninsula. The Eastern emperor, Arcadius, in order to relieve his own territory from 304 THE EXTINCTION OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE 305 their ravages, turned their faces toward Italy by giving them settlements in Illyricum, and making their chief, Alaric, mas- ter-general of that province. From this region they invaded Italy, and ravaged the plains of the Po. But they were defeated by Stilicho in the battle of Pollentia (a.d. 403), and forced to return again into Illyricum. The generalship of Stilicho was also shown in checking an invasion made by a host of Vandals, Burgundians, Sue'vi, and Ala'ni under the lead of Eadagai'sus (a.d. 406). Italy seemed safe as long as Stilicho lived; but he was unfortunately put to death to satisfy the jealousy of his ungrateful master, Honorius (a.d. 408). Invasion of Italy by the Goths. — ■ With Stilicho dead, Italy was practically defenseless. Alaric at the head of the Vis'i- goths (West Goths) immediately invaded the peninsula, and marched to Rome. He was induced to spare the city only by the payment of an enormous ransom. But the barbarian chief was not entirely satisfied with the payment of money. He was in search of lands upon which to settle his people. Honorius refused to grant this demand, and after fruitless negotiations with the emperor, Alaric determined to enforce it by the sword. He took the city of Rome and sacked it (a.d. 410). For three days the city was given up to plunder. He then overran southern Italy and made himself master of the peninsula. He soon died, and his successor, Adolphus (Ataulf), was induced to find in Gaul and Spain the lands which Alaric had sought in Italy. The Rule of Placidia. — The great invasions which began dur- ing the reign of Honorius (a.d. 395-423) continued during the reign of Valentinian III. (a.d. 425-455). As Valentinian was only six years of age when he was proclaimed emperor, the government was carried on by his mother, Placidia, who was the sister of Honorius and daughter of Theodosius the Great. Placidia was in fact for many years during these eventful times the real ruler of Borne. Her armies were commanded by Aetius and Boniface, who have been called the " last of the Romans." 306 THE ROMAN EMPIRE Invasion of the Huns under Attila. — The next great invasion of the Western Empire was made by the Huns under At'tila. This savage people from Asia had already gained a foothold in eastern Europe north of the Danube. Under their great chieftain, Attila, who has been called " the Scourge of God," they invaded Gaul, and devastated the provinces; they laid siege to the city of Orleans, but were finally defeated by the Eoman general Aetius, with the aid- of the Visigoths. The battle was fought near Chalons (a.d. 451), and has been called one of the great decisive battles of the world, because it relieved Europe from the danger of Tartar domination. Attila later invaded Italy, but retired without attacking Rome. Notwithstanding the brilliant service which Aetius had ren- dered, he was made the victim of court intrigue, and was murdered by his jealous prince Valentinian III. The fate of Aetius, like that of Stilicho before him, shows the wretched condition into which the imperial government had fallen. Invasion of the Vandals under Genseric. — The Vandals who had fought under Radagaisus had, upon the death of that leader, retreated into Spain, and had finally crossed over into Africa, where they had erected a kingdom under their chief Gen'seric. They captured the Eoman city of Carthage and made it their capital ; and they soon obtained control of the western Medi- terranean. On the pretext of settling a quarrel at Rome, Genseric landed his army at the port of Ostia, took possession of the city of Rome, and for fourteen days made it the sub- ject of pillage (a.d. 455).- By this act of Genseric, the city lost its treasures and many of its works of art, and the word " vandalism " came to be a term of odious meaning. Occupation of Britain by the Saxons. — While the continental provinces were thus overrun by the Goths, the Huns, and the Vandals, the Roman army was withdrawn from the island of Britain. Eor many years it was left to govern itself. But the tribes of northern Germany, the Jutes and the Saxons, saw in it a desirable place of settlement, and began their migration to the island (a.d. 449). THE EXTINCTION OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE 307 In the various ways which we have thus briefly described, the provinces of the Western Empire — Spain, Africa, Gaul, and Britain — became for the most part occupied by German bar- barians, and practically independent of the imperial authority at Eome. II. The Eall of the Western Empire Ricimer and the Last Days of the Empire. — The authority of the Western Eoman emperors became limited to Italy, and even here it was reduced to a mere shadow. The barbarians were the real power behind the throne. The Eoman armies were made up mostly of barbarians, under the control of barbarian generals ; and even the direction of affairs at the capital was in the hands of barbarian chiefs. The place which Stilicho the Vandal had held under Honorius, was filled by Eic'imer the Goth during the last years of the empire. This chieftain commanded the foreign troops in the pay of Eome. He received the Eoman title of " patrician," which at this time was equivalent to regent of the empire. For seventeen years (455-472) Eicimer exercised absolute authority, setting up and deposing emperors at his will. The Eoman Empire in the West had in fact already passed away, and nothing was now left but to extinguish its name. Odoacer deposes Romulus Augustulus (A.D. 476). — The part which Eicimer had played as " king-maker " was now assumed by Orestes the Pannonian, who. received the title of patrician. Orestes placed upon the throne his son, Eomulus Augus'tulus, a boy six years of age. The brief reign of this prince has no other significance than the fact that it was the last. The barbarian mercenaries demanded one third of the lands of Italy, and on the refusal of Orestes, they placed their cause in the hands of Odoa'cer (a Herulian, or a Eugian chief). Eomulus was obliged to resign his title as emperor, and word was sent to the Eastern ruler that there was no need of another separate emperor in the West. Odoacer was given the title of patrician, and ruled over Italy as the vicar of the PROG-EESSIVE JVL£.I» No. 9 308 THE EXTINCTION OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE 309 Eastern emperor. The West was then deprived of the impe- rial title ; and this event is called the "fall of the Western Roman Empire." Relation of the West to the Eastern Empire. — If we were asked to define the relation between the East and the West after the deposition of Romulus Augustulus, we might be in doubt how to answer the question. Since Odoacer was made a Roman ruler under the title of patrician, and since he recognized the authority of the Eastern emperor, we might say that the Western Empire was not destroyed, but was simply reunited once more to the Eastern Empire. This would be true so far as it referred to a mere matter of legal form. But as a matter of historical fact this event does not mark a return to the old system of things which existed before the death of Theodosius, but marks a real separation between the history of the East and the history of the West. Transition to a New Civilization in the West. — The West had gradually become peopled with various German tribes. In Africa were the Vandals; in Spain and southern Gaul, the Visigoths ; in northwestern Spain, the Suevi ; in southeastern Gaul, the Burgundians ; in Britain, the Saxons and the Jutes ; in Italy, the Her'uli. Only in the northern part of Gaul was the shadow of the Roman authority preserved by the governor, Syagrius, who still maintained himself for ten years longer against the invaders, but was at last conquered by the Franks under Clovis (a.d. 486). The chiefs of the new German kingdom had begun to exercise an independent authority and the Roman people had become subject to new rulers. The customs and manners of the Romans, their laws and their lan- guage, were still preserved, but upon them became engrafted new customs, new ideas, and new institutions. As the fall of the old republic was a transition to the empire, and as the decline of the early empire was a transition to a new phase of imperialism ; so now the fall of the Roman Empire in the West was in reality a transition to a new state of things out of which has grown our modern civilization. 310 THE ROMAN EMPIRE SELECTIONS FOR READING Pelham, Bk. VII., Ch. 2, " Extinction of the Western Empire " (1).* Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 77, "Loss of the Western Provinces" (1). Freeman, Ch. 4, " Dismemberment of the Empire " (14). Gibbon, Decline, Ch. 31, " Invasion of Italy " (7). Gibbon, abridged, Ch. 15, " Western Empire under Honorius" (7). Lord, Ch. 11, "Fall of Rome" (3). SPECIAL STUDY Causes of the Fall op the Empire. — Seeley, Essay II. (7) ; Leighton, Ch. 37 (1) ; Lord, Ch. 12 (3) ; Hodgkin, Italy, Vol. II., Ch. 9 (7) ; Bury, Later Empire, Bk. I., Ch. 3 (7). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. CHAPTER XXX THE GIFTS OF ROME TO CIVILIZATION I. The Monuments of Rome Remains of Roman Civilization. — We have now followed the career of Rome from the foundation of the city to the fall of the Western Empire. We have seen how a small' Latin vil- lage on the Palatine grew into the seven-hilled city on the Tiber ; and how this city became the controlling power of Latium, of Italy, and finally of the whole Mediterranean world. We have also seen how the Romans, with their grow- ing conquests, gradually developed the capacity to govern the countries of the Mediterranean better than they had ever been governed before. Moreover, we have seen how the Roman people, as they came into contact with their neighbors, became more and more civilized, gathering up the ideas of the Etrus- cans, the Carthaginians, the Greeks, and the countries of the East, and molding them into a new civilization. But we are interested not only in what Rome did for her- self, but in what she has done for others ; not only in what she gathered up from the ancient world, but in what she has given f to the modern world. It is the gifts of Rome to civiliza- tion that make her history especially important to us. Her real greatness must be judged not by that which perished with her fall, but by that which remained after her empire passed away, and which forms a part of the world's possessions to-day — her monuments, her language and literature, her ideas of government, and her legal system. The Monuments of the Kingdom. — The first and most strik- ing relics of Rome that appeal to us are the monumental buildings and other structures, the pictures of which every traveler brings home from his foreign tour. The person who 311 312 THE ROMAN EMPIRE visits the city on the Tiber to-day sees everywhere the mate- rial evidences of Eome's greatness and power ; and the various stages of her growth and progress are recorded in works of stone. There still remain to us the monuments of her kings, which suggest to us the time and place of her birth. As we stand in the Forum to-day, we are standing on the site where the Latins and Sabines found a common meeting place, and where the political life of Rome had its origin. We may see fragments of the original wall which was erected upon the Palatine, and which is known as the " Wall of Romulus." We may see portions of the Servian fortifications, which show to us the material greatness of the city under the later kings. Close by the Capitol, under the walls of a modern church, we may descend into the Mamertine prison, where criminals were confined ages ago. If we walk to the banks of the Tiber, we may see the mouth of the Cloaca Maxima, the great sewer constructed by the later kings to drain the low places of the city. The Monuments of the Republic. — There also remain monumental rel- ics of the republic, which show how the Forum became embellished with public buildings. Near the center of this open space we may see three beautiful pillars, which belonged to the temple of Castor and Pollux originally dedicated to the twin gods after the Ruins of the Temple op Castor and Pollux ^ . .-, « -r, •■.■. «. battle of Regillus. Cicero speaks of this temple as the most celebrated in Rome in his day; it was afterward rebuilt by Tiberius (a.d. 6). Close by THE GIFTS OE ROME TO CIVILIZATION 313 the Palatine is the site of the temple of Vesta, where the sacred fire of the city was kept, with the palladium (the statue of the goddess Pallas) said to have been brought from Troy. Near the Capitoline stand eight massive columns, a part of the temple dedicated to Saturn, the ancient god who presided over that hill. On the south side of the Forum we may still see the solid foundations of the Basilica Julia, the great hall of justice, or courthouse, built by Julius Caesar and finished by Augustus. Beneath our feet we can see the pavement of the Ruins of the Flavian Amphitheater Sacra Via, over which the victorious armies of the republic marched in triumph to the Capitol. Outside the city, stretch- ing away to the south, can still be seen the Appian Way, begun by Appius Claudius during the wars with Samnium. The Monuments of the Empire. — The empire has, of course, left us the largest number of architectural monuments. The old Forum itself received new buildings. Near the temple of Saturn still stand three artistic columns from the corner of the temple of Vespasian. New forums were also constructed by the emperors. In that of Augustus we may see the temple of Mars Ultor, which the first emperor dedicated to the god of war after avenging the death of his uncle. In the Forum 314 THE ROMAN EMPIRE of Trajan rises the column dedicated to that emperor, and decorated with a vast number of figures representing scenes in the Dacian wars. On the Palatine hill we may wander among the extensive ruins which mark the site of the palaces of the Caesars. Everywhere in Rome to-day the evidences of the empire meet the visitor's eye — the great dome of the Pan- theon erected by Agrippa — the immense circle of the Flavian Amphitheater — the imposing mausoleum of Hadrian, trans- formed into the Castle of St. Angelo — the triumphal arches of Titus, of Septimius Severus, and of Constantine — the ruins of the great Baths of Trajan, of Caracalla, and of Diocletian. And also throughout the countries of Europe, especially in the West, in Italy, in Spain, in Prance, and in England, are scat- tered similar monuments, which attest the greatness of a peo- ple who have passed away, but whose influence still remains. II. The Latin Language and Litebatuke Character of the Latin Language. -^- But the most important remains of Roman civilization are not to be found in the ruins of her buildings, imposing as these may be. "When we think how many words we use to-day that are derived from the Latin tongue, we may realize that the Romans have given to us some of the means by which we are able to express our thoughts. The speech of the Romans grew up with their growth, and was strengthened with their strength. Just as the Latin peo- ple became the ruling people of Italy and of the Mediterranean, so the Latin speech became the ruling speech of Italy and the most important language of the Mediterranean world, espe- cially of the western provinces. The Romans gave to the Latin tongue its dignity and power. Into it they breathed the spirit of patriotism. Over the countries which they con- quered they made it an instrument of dominion. And from their more civilized neighbors they derived a refining influence which made it the medium of culture and graceful expression. Preservation of the Roman Alphabet We may, perhaps, get THE GIFTS OP ROME TO CIVILIZATION 315 some idea of the permanence of the Latin language by looking at the way in which the Eoman alphabet has been preserved. The letters which the Romans used in writing were for the most part de- rived directly from old forms used by the Greek colonies in southern Italy, and these in turn came remotely from the Phoenicians. But the Romans gave to these characters more definite forms, which have been sub- stantially preserved by a great many mod- ern nations. The accompanying table may indicate how the Romans learned their letters from the Greeks and Phoenicians, and also how closely these letters are re- lated to our modern alphabet. By compar- ing the last two columns we may under- stand the significant words of Professor Whitney when he says, " The Latin alpha- bet has become the common property of nearly all the enlightened nations of mod- ern times whose civilization is derived from that of Greece and Rome." The Latin and Modern Languages. — Not only the letters which the Romans used in their writing, but the words with which they expressed their thoughts, have also become the common prope/ty of the world. The Latin language was preserved by the Church after the fall of the empire, and it became the language of Christian wor- ship, the language in which the ritual was read by the priests, in which the hymns were written, in which theological discus- sions were carried on. Moreover, what are to-day called the Romance languages — the Italian, the French, the Spanish, and the Portuguese — are based chiefly mobey's bom. hist. — 19 c* nf E„ c c Q> 6 « E o o += 8 ■o T} H't Q_ O O Slu 4 / A A 1 £ B B > c D D D 3 £ E E V C F F C G *H BH H H i l , I I J \ fc K K i V PL L w\ M M M M N N N o O P tp P 9 9 9Q Q q PR R R W XZ *s S t T T T U Y V V W X X X Y z z 316 THE ROMAN EMPIRE upon the Latin language spoken by the Roman provincials. The English language, also, has obtained many additions from the Latin, by means of the Norman Conquest, and in other ways. While the Saxon people in England were using the crude words of their barbarian ancestors, the Norman aristoc- racy was employing the more refined and dignified speech derived from the Latin. And after a while these two forms of speech became fused together into the English language; so that to-day we can scarcely utter a sentence without using some words which were once used by the old Eoman people. Permanence of Roman Literature. — Again, not only the letters and words, but the writings which made up the great body of Roman literature, have also become the common heritage of mankind. How much we owe to the Romans is seen in the fact that we are able to read to-day the thoughts which once amused, instructed, and inspired that great people in the times of the republic and the empire. We can still read the come- dies of Plautus and Terence, the historical works of Caesar and Sallust, of Livy and Tacitus, the poems of Lucretius and Vergil, the satires of Horace and Juvenal, and the masterly orations, the versatile letters, and the philosophical essays of Cicero. And these writings have exercised a wonderful influ- ence upon nearly all the great authors of modern times — upon Dante, Moliere, Goethe, and Milton. Roman Element in Modern Education. — Still further, by the preservation of the Latin language and literature the modern world has acquired some very important means necessary for mental culture and education. When, for example, in the fif- teenth and sixteenth centuries, Europe waked up to the need of a higher education, Latin and Greek became the most impor- tant studies in the schools and universities ; and it was believed that these studies were necessary for the best scholarship. We all know that these studies hold an important place in modern education. The boy who is preparing for college still studies the etymology of Latin words, the syntax of Latin sentences, the rhythm of Latin verses, and the thoughts of Latin authors. THE GIFTS OF ROME TO CIVILIZATION 317 But Latin is not simply a study for schoolboys ; every literary man feels that his power to write his own language is not fully developed until he has obtained some culture by the study of the Latin language and literature. So it is that while the Roman state has passed away, the language, the thoughts, and the spirit of the Roman people still remain to enrich the intel- lectual life of the world. III. The Political System of Rome Roman Genius for Organization — There are other gifts of Rome to the world which are quite as important as her alpha- bet, her language, or even her literature. The possessions which we have already noticed she obtained in large measure from her predecessors, the people whom she conquered, and passed them on to the nations which succeeded her. But we should remember that we have received from Rome other valuable gifts, which she did not borrow from her predeces- sors, but which she may be said to have created. It is in her political system that we may see the special marks of her genius, and her own original contributions to the progress of the world. No nation, before the Romans, had developed a system of government so well suited to maintain an author- ity over such a wide territory, and to hold together so many different kinds of people. The great glory of Rome does not rest upon her conquests ; but upon the way in which she maintained her conquests in times of peace. It is in her genius for organization that her greatness chiefly consists. We have seen how her ideas of government were slowly devel- oped and expanded with the expansion of her territory; how she gradually "incorporated" her subjects, and made of them loyal citizens, having equal rights and inspired by her own spirit and ambition ; and how successfully she governed her provinces for hundreds of years. Although we have seen many instances of corruption and bad administration, we may yet truthfully say that before the growth of modern ideas of 318 THE EOMAN EMPIRE representation and constitutional law, the Roman system of government was the most perfect that the world had ever seen. Preservation of Roman Political Ideas — If we should study the condition of Europe after the fall of the empire, we should find that the political ideas of Rome continued to exercise an influence after she herself had ceased to rule. The new German settlers from the north, it is true, brought with them certain ideas of freedom and democracy ; but they hardly knew what was meant by an efficient and well-organized government. They therefore adopted Roman ideas. Their kings aspired to rule like Roman monarchs. Their officers received Roman titles, and exercised powers like Roman officials. Although the Ger- mans introduced some important principles regarding personal liberty and local self-government, still it is true that the chief states of modern Europe have derived their ideas of a strong central authority and an efficient administration from the politi- cal system of Rome. The Roman Imperial Idea — We may illustrate how the politi- cal ideas of Rome were preserved in Europe after the fall of the empire by the way in which the idea of "imperialism" continued to influence men's minds. The Romans, as we know, came to believe that the highest political power must be exercised by one man, the Caesar, who personified the nation. To him all must look as the highest source of authority. This idea floated before the minds of the barbarian kings after they had destroyed the empire ; and when they built up their new states they aspired to the position and to the name of em- peror. Thus it came to pass that Char'lemagne, the great king of the Franks, had himself crowned as emperor, and established a new Roman Empire in western Europe. So, afterward, the German kings were crowned as Roman em- perors, and their dominions were called the Holy Roman Empire. The influence of this imperial idea which was associated with the name of " Caesar " we see still preserved in the names of the German " Kaiser " and the Russian " Czar." The Roman Provincial Government. — One of the chief features THE GIFTS OP ROME TO CIVILIZATION 319 of the Roman government was the division and subdivision of the territory for purposes of administration. These provincial districts, whatever they might be called, were controlled by officers sent out from the capital city ; and thus the central authority was maintained throughout the whole Roman domain. This method of maintaining the central power over a large ter- ritory, by local divisions and subdivisions, has been adopted by modern states. We might say that every modern European coun- try has, to a greater or less extent, modeled its administrative system upon Roman provincial methods. This is perhaps least true as regards England ; but even here the English kings who have sought to strengthen the central authority have adopted methods similar to those employed in the Roman provinces. The Roman Municipal System. — In many respects the most important elements of the whole political system of Rome were the municipalities, or the cities. It has been said that the Roman Empire was a " collection of cities." The conquests which Rome made were conquests of cities. The government which she established was a government over cities. Her life and activities were concentrated in cities. And when the provinces were finally overrun and the last emperor was deposed, the cities still remained with their government and their insti- tutions. On this account the cities of Rome may be regarded as the most permanent features of her political organization. The Roman city was what we should call to-day a " munici- pal corporation," established by a charter, having the right to elect its own officers and to be governed by its own city council. This idea of the city has descended to modern times, and forms nearly as important an element in our own political sys- tem as it did in that of the Romans. As we look at these various features of the Roman govern- ment which have exercised such influence in the formation of modern states, we may not be so strongly impressed by them as we are by the architectural monuments and the literary remains, but we must remember that they have been, none the less, important contributions to the world's civilization. 320 THE ROMAN EMPIRE IV. The Roman Law Character of Roman Jurisprudence. — If we were asked what was the most valuable gift of Home to the modem world, we. should probably be obliged to say that it was none of the things which we have thus far mentioned — but her jurisprudence, or system of law. When we remember that our life, our personal security, and our property are protected only by means of the law, we can appreciate how important it is that a nation's laws should be founded upon broad ideas of justice. It was in the development of just and liberal laws, by which the rights of her citizens were protected in their relations with one another, that the Romans showed their greatest ability, and have exer- cised their most powerful influence upon modern nations. When the Romans began their career on the banks of the Tiber, they had very crude and meager ideas of law and justice. But as they established their authority over other peoples, they grad- ually learned that it would be the best policy to put their new subjects upon a plane of equality with their older citizens, to regard all men as equal before the law, and to protect them all alike in their rights of person and property. By extending this policy throughout Italy and the provinces, the Romans were able to create a body of just laws, such as the ancient world had never before seen, and from which the modern world has drawn a large part of its jurisprudence. While we must admit that the government of Rome was often corrupt and despotic in its political and financial administration, we must not lose sight of the spirit of fairness and equity which almost uni- formly marked her legal system. Influence of the Roman Jurists. — If we believe that the greatness of men is to be measured by the extent of their influence, we must concede that the greatest men that Rome produced were not her warriors, her poets, her historians, or even her statesmen — but her lawyers and jurists. It is a question whether Cicero or Caesar, whose names are so familiar to us, has exercised so great an influence upon the world as THE GIFTS OF ROME TO CIVILIZATION 321 sortie other Romans, whose names may not be so familiar to us — Gaius, Ulpian, Paullus, and Papinian. These were the men who, with others like them, gave to the Roman law its liberal and scientific character, and laid its foundations upon the broad principles of justice. Like the fraruers of our own Declaration of Independence, they believed that all men are created equal, and that they are all alike entitled to the rights of life and property. With such ideas of right and justice they settled a vast number ©f legal questions, such as naturally arise among the people of every country. They thus built up a noble system of jurisprudence suited to the wants of those nations which sprang up and became civilized in Europe after the Eoman Empire had passed away. Preservation of the Roman Law. — In order to understand how the Roman law was preserved after the fall of the empire, we must bear in mind what we have already learned, that the empire at the death of Theodosius was divided into two parts, the western part and the eastern part. We must also remember that it was the Western Empire that was over- run and destroyed by the barbarians from the north, while the Eastern Empire remained intact. The Roman people who still lived in the West, that is, in Italy, Spain, and Gaul, found themselves now subject to the new German rulers, and living side by side with the new German people who had conquered their territory. The new German kingdoms were thus made up of two kinds of people, the Romans and the Germans. But the German kings, while ruling their German subjects according to their old barbarian customs, permitted their Roman subjects still to be judged by the laws of Rome. How liberal these barbarian kings were is seen in the fact that they even took the pains to make special collections of the Roman law by which to govern their Roman subjects. They also permitted the Christian clergy to retain the Roman law in the tribunals of the Church. While the Roman law was thus preserved in the West after the barbarian conquest, it was also preserved in the East 322 THE ROMAN EMPIRE in quite as remarkable a way. The Emperor Justinian, when he was ruling at Constantinople, saw the importance of gathering together the great mass of laws, which had been growing up for centuries, and of putting it into a complete codified form. This collection was called the Body of the Civil Law — Corpus Iuris Civilis. It was made up of four parts : (1) the " Code," comprising the laws made by the previous emperors ; (2) the "Digest," made up of the numerous writings of the great jurists ; (3) the " Institutes," a concise text-book for the use of students ; and (4) the " Novels," or the new laws made by Justinian. Revival of the Study of the Roman Law. — The Roman law never lost its hold upon Europe after the fall of the Western Empire. It was preserved in the cities, in the courts where the Romans were tried, and in the tribunals of the Church. But after the twelfth century, when there came to be a greater demand for scientific education, a renewed interest was shown in the Roman law, and it became the object of eager study. It came to be expounded by learned men in Italy, in Spain, in France, in Holland, in Germany, and in England. Students flocked from all parts of Europe to the great centers of learn- ing to listen to the teachers of the Roman law. And to this day, in the great universities of Europe this important subject has never lost its place as a liberal and scientific study. The Roman Law in Modern Countries. — By the preservation of the Roman law after the fall of the Western Empire, by its codification by Justinian, and by the revival of its scientific study, it has become in fact the basis of the modern laws of Europe. Professor Bryce says, "Being studied by all the educated men, the poets, the philosophers, the administrators of the Middle Ages, it worked itself into the thoughts of Christen- dom, losing the traces of its origin as it became the common property of the world." By appreciating this fact the student who reads Blackstone will be able to understand what that writer means when he says that the revival of the Roman law " established in the twelfth century a new Roman Empire over THE GIFTS OE ROME TO CIVILIZATION 323 most of the states of the Continent." In various ways which we cannot here review, the legal principles worked out by the Eoman jurists and embodied in the "Digest" of Justinian, have found their way into the laws of nearly all modern coun- tries, and are to-day practiced in nearly every European court. If Rome had done nothing else in the long course of her his- tory, she would be entitled to the gratitude of the world for the noble body of laws which she has left us. V. The Christian Chukch The Church and the Empire. — To complete our brief review of the gifts of Rome to civilization we should notice, finally, the influence which she has continued to exercise through the organization of the Christian Church. We must remember that Christianity became the religion of the Roman Empire before it became the religion of the modern world. It may therefore be regarded as one of the valuable possessions which Rome received from her subjects, and which she bequeathed to her descendants. In the organization of the Church we may see especially the influence of the imperial system. Upon the territorial divi- sions of the empire were modeled the divisions of the Church. For example, in the town was organized the parish church ; the diocese furnished the field of the bishop ; the province was the district over which presided the archbishop, or metropolitan; and the great cities of the empire, like Constantinople, Antioch, and Alexandria, formed the seats of the patriarchates, the largest ecclesiastical divisions. The organization of the empire was thus gradually impressed upon the organization of the Church ; and with the adoption of Christianity by Constantine the Church became an integral part of the imperial system. We may, therefore, say that as the Roman Empire became Christianized, the Christian Church became Romanized ; and with the preservation of the Church were also preserved the Roman features of its organization. 324 THE ROMAN EMPIRE The Church Fathers, Chrysostom and Augustine. — Moreover, as the empire became Christian, many of the leaders of Roman thought became the leaders and expounders of the new religion. The names which stand out with marked prominence in the literature of the later empire are those of Chrys'ostom and Au'gustine, the former the greatest of the Greek fathers, and the latter the greatest of the Latin fathers. Chrysostom received the education of a Roman lawyer ; but giving up the bar he became the most eloquent preacher of his day — some say of the world — on account of which he received his name, " the golden-mouthed." Leaving his native city of Antioch, he became the archbishop of Constantinople, and his eloquence became the terror of evil-doers. His enemies obtained his banishment ; but from his retreat he continued his work and became one of the most voluminous writers of the early Church. Augustine received the training of a Roman rhetorician, but afterward became the bishop of Hippo (a town in Africa), and one of the most distinguished expounders of the Christian religion. His most noted work, the " City of God," was intended to vindicate the Christian faith against those pagans who asserted that the capture of Rome and the other calami- ties of the time were a judgment of the gods upon the new religion; and to show that the kingdom of God was more enduring than the empire of Rome. Thus it happened that in the midst of moral decay and of external dangers Rome gave to the Church her brightest minds and her strongest defenders. Conversion of the Barbarians. — Not only did Christianity become the religion of the Roman Empire, it also became the religion of the barbarians who were invading and destroying the empire. When the Goths invaded the provinces in the reign of Gallienus, they carried back with them numbers of Roman captives who were Christians, and who succeeded in converting their new masters. Afterward Ul'filas, the "apostle of the Goths," came to Constantinople on an em- bassy, and while there he was consecrated as a Christian priest. THE GIFTS OF ROME TO CIVILIZATION 325 He translated the Bible into the Gothic language, and con- tinued the work of Christianizing his people. It is said that Chrysostom, while archbishop of Constantinople, founded an institution in which the Goths might be trained to preach the gospel to the barbarians. From the Goths the new religion spread among the neighboring tribes of the Vandals and Bur- gundians. It should be noticed that the barbarians who settled within the empire before its fall, had accepted the Arian form of Christianity, that is, the form which had been condemned as a heresy by the Council of Nice. But in the course of time this form gave way to the prevailing Boman form, or what was regarded as the orthodox faith. It may be said, then, that Rome not only accepted Christianity herself, but was instru- mental in giving it to other nations. The Church succeeds the Empire. — By taking advantage of Boman principles of organization, by appropriating the best intellect of the empire, by adopting rules of the Boman law, and by extending her influence over the invading nations, the Church attained a great degree of solidity and strength. More- over, the prestige of the city of Borne gave to the bishop of that diocese a commanding position in the West. These were some of the causes which prepared the Latin Church, at the close of the fifth century, to take the place of the Boman Empire as the imperial power in western Europe. When the empire at last fell, the Church remained standing ; and assumed the duty of helping to organize and control the new nations which were coming into existence. The 'spirit of Borne thus remained in the Church, and continued to exercise its powerful influence in the reorganization of European society. Conclusion. — As we look back over the course of study which we have pursued, we must conclude that there is much truth in the statement of Professor Freeman that " the history of Borne is in truth the same as the history of the world." It is cer- tainly true that the history of Borne touches at some point or other the history of nearly every other people, ancient and mod- ern. Every important nation of the ancient world seems to 326 THE ROMAN EMPIRE have contributed something to her civilization : Phoenicia, her letters ; Carthage, her commercial spirit ; Egypt, her science ; Persia, her court organization ; Greece, her art and philosophy ; Palestine, her religion. But so complex #nd comprehensive was the civilization of Rome that it is difficult to indicate all the sources from which it was derived. The more we study the origin of our modern life and institutions, the more shall we be convinced that nearly everything of value which has come to us from antiquity has come to us through Rome. She has thus been one of the great civilizing nations of the world. While we think of the events of her history as belonging to ancient times, we must think of her civilization as something which has not passed away, but which remains a permanent posses- sion for all time. This idea of Rome's continued influence can- not perhaps be better expressed than in the eloquent words of the great French jurist D'Aguesseau : " The mighty destinies of Rome have not yet been accomplished ; she reigns throughout the world by her reason after having ceased to rule by her authority." SELECTIONS FOR READING Gibbon, Decline, Ch. 71, "Ruins of Rome" (7). 1 Ereeman, Essays, 2d Ser., "Mommsen's History of Rome" (3). Whitney, Language and the Study of Language, pp. 462-467, "The Latin Alphabet." Ramsay and Laneiani, Ch. 9, "Roman Law and the Administration of Justice" (8). Morey, Roman Law, pp. 192-216, " Roman Element in Modern Juris- prudence" (15). Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 80, " Reflections upon the History of Rome" (1). SPECIAL STUDY Rome op To-dat. — Hare, Walks in Rome (14) ; Burn, Rome and the Campagna (14) ; Laneiani, Ruins (9) ; Middleton, Remains (9) ; Bae- deker, Central Italy and Rome (14) ; Murray, Handbook (14) ; Story, Roba di Roma (14). 1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found. APPENDIX A CLASSIFIED LIST OF BOOKS UPON" ROMAN HISTORY, FOR READING AND REFERENCE N.B. — This list includes only English works and English translations. I. GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS WORKS (1) Roman History, Compends. Gilinan, A. Story of Rome. N. Y. 1892. (Story of the Nations.) How, W. W. , and Leigh, H. D. History of Rome to the Death of Csesar. N. Y. 1896. Leighton, R. F. History of Rome. N. Y. 1890. Liddell, H. G. History of Rome. N. Y. 1868. Matheson, P. E. Skeleton Outlines of Roman History. (Chrono- logically arranged.) Lond. 1890. Merivale, C. General History of Rome. N. Y. 1880. Pelham, H. F. Outlines of Roman History. N. Y. 1893. Shuckburgh, E. S. History of Rome to the Battle of Actium. N. Y. 1894. Schmitz, L. History of Rome. Andover, 1847. Taylor, T. M. Constitutional and Political History of Rome. Lond. 1899. (2) General Treatises. Arnold, T. History of Rome. N. Y. 1866. 3 vols, in one. Duruy, V. History of Rome and the Roman People. Ed. J. P. Mahaffy. Bost. 1883. 8 vols. Ihne, W. History of Rome. English Edition. Lond. 1882. 5 vols. Mommsen, T. History of Rome. Tr. W. P. Dickson. N. Y. 1871. 4 vols. Abridged by C. Bryans and F. J. R. Hendy. N. Y. 1889. 327 328 APPENDIX Niebuhr, B. G. History of Rome. Tr. L. C. Hare and C. Thirwall. Phil. 1844. 5 vols, in two. Epitomized by T. Twiss. Oxf. 1845. Lectures on Roman History. Tr. L. Schmitz. Lond. 1849. 3 vols. (3) Miscellaneous Works. Fowler, W. W. The City-state of the Greeks and the Romans, N. Y. 1893. Freeman, E. A. Historical Essays. 2d series. N. Y. 1873. Lord, J. Old Roman World. N. Y. 1869. (4) Original Histories. Ammianus Marcellinus. Roman History. (Bohn.) Appian. Roman History. Tr. H. White. ST. Y. 1899. 2 vols. Caesar. Commentaries. (Harper's Classical Library.) Livy. History of Rome. (Harper's Classical Library.) 2 vols. (Bohn.) 4 vols. Polybius. Histories. Tr. E. S. Shuckburgh. Lond. 1889. 2 vols. Sallust. Works. (Harper's Classical Library ; Bohn.) Tacitus. Works. (Harper's Classical Library ; Bohn.) 2 vols. See also (11) Biography, "Plutarch," "Suetonius." II. SPECIAL PERIODS (5) The Kingdom (B.C. 753-510). Dyer, T. H. History of the Kings of Rome. Lond. 1868. Ihne, W. Early Rome. N. Y. (Epochs of Anc. History.) Lewis, G. C. An Inquiry into the Credibility of Early Roman History. Lond. 1855. 2 vols. Newman, F; W. Regal Rome. Redfield, 1852. (6) The Republic (B.C. 510-31). Arnold, T. History of the Later Roman Commonwealth. N. Y. 1846. Second Punic War. Ed. W. T. Arnold. Lond. 1886. Beesly, A. H. The Gracchi, Marius, and Sulla. N. Y. (Epochs of Anc. History.) Long, G. Civil Wars of Rome : Select Lives from Plutarch, newly trans., with notes. Lond. 1844^48. 5 vols. Decline and Fall of the Roman Republic. Lond. 1864. 5 vols. APPENDIX 329 Merivale, C. The Roman Triumvirates. N. Y. (Epochs of Anc. History.) Michelet, J. History of the Roman Republic. Tr. W. Hazlitt. Lond. 1847. Smith, R. B. Rome and Carthage. N. Y. (Epochs of Anc. History.) (J) The Empire (B.C. 31-A.D. 476). Bury, J. B. History of the Roman Empire from its Eoundation to the Death of Marcus Aurelius. N. Y. 1893. History of the Later Roman Empire. Lond. 1889. 2 vols. Capes, W. W. The Early Empire. N. Y. (Epochs of Anc. His- tory.) Age of the Antonines. N. Y. (Epochs of Anc. History.) Curteis, A. M. History of the Roman Empire, a. d. 395-800. Lond. 1875. Gibbon, E. The History of the Decline and Eall of the Roman Empire. Phil. 6 vols. Abridged by W. Smith. N. Y. 1869. Hodgkin, T. Italy and her Invaders. Oxf . 1888-1890. 8 vols. Merivale, C. A History of the Romans under the Empire. N. Y. 1866. 7 vols. Seeley, J. R. Roman Imperialism and Other Lectures and Essays. Bost. 1871. III. SPECIAL TOPICS (8) Antiquities. Adam, A. Roman Antiquities. Ed. J. Boyd. Phil. 1872. Eschenburg, J. J. Manual of Classical Literature (Antiquities). Tr. N. W. Fiske. Phil. 1864. Puss, J. D. Roman Antiquities. Eng. Trans. 1840. Gow, J. Companion to School Classics. N. Y. 1889. Harper's Dictionary of Classical Literature and Antiquities. Ed. H. T. Peck. N. Y. 1897. Ramsay, W., and Lanciani, R. Manual of Roman Antiquities. Lond. 1894. Rich, A. Dictionary of Roman and Greek Antiquities. Lond. 1873. Seyffert, O. Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Ed. H. Nettle- ship and J. E. Sandys. Lond. 1891. Smith, W. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. 3d edi- tion. Lond. 1890. 2 vols. See also (16) Life and Manners. 330 APPENDIX (9) Archaeology. Burn, R. Old Rome : a Handbook to the Ruins of the City and the Campagna. Lond. 1880. Ancient Rome and its Neighborhood. Lond. 1895. Dyer, T. H. A History of the City of Rome. Lond. 1883. Lanciani, R. Ancient Rome in the Light of Recent Discoveries. Bost. 1891. ■ Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome. Bost. 1897. Middleton, J.H. Ancient Rome in 1888. Edin. 1888. ■ Remains of Ancient Rome. Lond. 1892. Parker, J. H. Archaeology of Rome. Oxf. 1876-79. 11 vols. Architectural History of the City of Rome. Abridged from his "Archaeology of Rome." Lond. 1881. (10) Art. De Forest, J. B. Short History of Art. N. Y. 1881. (p. 85 et seq. "Roman Art.") Eergusson, J. History of Architecture. Lond. 1871. 4 vols. (Pt. I., Bk. 4, " Etruscan and Roman Architecture.") Liibke, W. History of Art. Tr. E. E. Burnett. Lond. 1888. 2 vols. (Ch. III., " Roman Art.") Mitchell, L. M. History of Ancient Sculpture. N. Y. 1883. Rosengarten, K. Handbook of Architectural Styles. Tr. W. Col- lett-Sanders. N. Y. 1876. (Bk. VII., " Roman Architecture.") (11) Biography, General. De Quincey, T. The Caesars. Lond. 1880. Gould, S. Baring-. Tragedy of the Caesars. N. Y. 1892. 2 vols. Herbert, H. W. Captains of the Roman Republic. N. Y. 1854. Plutarch. Lives. (Bohn.) Smith, W. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythol- ogy. Lond. 1880. 3 vols. Suetonius. The Twelve Caesars. (Bohn.) See also IV. Biography. Individuals. 12) Christianity and Rome. Carr, A. The Church and the Roman Empire. N. Y. 1887. (Epochs of Church Hist.) Eisher, G. P. Beginnings of Christianity. N. Y. 1877. Hardy, E. G. Christianity and the Roman Government. Lond. 1894. APPENDIX 331 Merivale, C. Conversion of the Roman Empire. N. Y. 1870. Ramsay, W. M. The Church in the Roman Empire. N. Y. 1893. Renan, E. Influence of Rome upon Christianity. N. Y. Stanley, A. P. History of the Eastern Church. N. Y. 1884. Uhlhorn, G. Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism. N. Y. 1879. (13) Forum. Huelsen, C. Roman Eorum. Rome, 1892. Nichols, F. M. Roman Eorum. Lond. 1877. (14) Geography and Description. Baedeker, K. Central Italy and Rome. Leipzig. Boissier, G. Country of Horace and Virgil. Tr. D. H. Fisher. Lond. 1896. Burn, R. Rome and the Campagna. Camb. 1876. Cramer, J. A. Description of Ancient Italy. Oxf. 1826. 2 vols. Freeman, E. A. Historical Geography of Europe. N. Y. 1881. 2 vols. Hare, A. J. C. Walks in Rome. N. Y. Kiepert, H. Atlas Antiquus. Bost. Murray, J. Handbook of Rome and its Environs. Lond. Schmidt, H. I. Course of Ancient Geography. N. Y. 1860. Story, W. W. Roba di Roma. Lond. 1884. 2 vols. (15) Law. Hadley, J. Introduction to Roman Law. N. Y. Mackenzie, Lord. Studies in Roman Law. Lond. 1870. Maine, H. S. Ancient Law. N. Y. 1884. Morey, W. C. Outlines of Roman Law ; Comprising its Histori- cal Growth and General Principles. N. Y. Muirhead, J. Historical Introduction to the Private Law of Rome. Ed. H. Goudy. Lond. 1899. Ortolan, E. History of Roman Legislation. Tr. Pritchard and Nasmith. Lond. 1871. (16) Life and Manners. Becker, W. A. Gallus ; or, Roman Scenes of the Time of Au- gustus. Tr. F. Metcalfe. Lond. 1866. Church, A. J. Pictures from Roman Life and Story. N. Y. 1892. Roman Life in the Days of Cicero. N. Y. 1884. Dill, S. Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire. Lond. and N. Y. 1898. MOEEY'S ROM. HIST. — 20 332 APPENDIX Elliot, E. M. Roman Gossip. N. Y. 1894. Guhl, E., and Koner, W. The Life of the Greeks and Romans. Tr. E. Hueffer. Lond. Inge, W. R. Society in Rome under the Caesars. N. Y. 1892. Preston, H. W., and Dodge, L. Private Life of the Romans. Bost. Shumway, E. S. A Day in Ancient Rome. Bost. 1893. Thomas, E. Roman Life under the Csesars. N. Y. 1899. See also (8) Antiquities. (17) Literature. Cruttwell, C. T. History of Roman Literature. N. Y. 1877. Mackail, J. W. Latin Literature. Lond. 1896. Simcox, G. A. History of Latin Literature. Lond. 1883. 2 vols. Teuffel, W. S. History of Roman Literature. Tr. G. C. Warr. N. Y. 1891-92. 2 vols. (18) Philosophy. Enfield, W. History of Philosophy. Lond. 1837. (Bk. III., " Philosophy of the Romans.") Earrar, E. W. Seekers after God. N. Y. 1883. (19) Provinces. Arnold, W. T. Roman System of Provincial Administration. Lond. 1879. Mommsen, T. Provinces of the Roman Empire. N. Y. 1887. 2 vols. (20) Religion. Clarke, J. F. Ten Great Religions. Bost. 1871. (Ch. VIII., " Religion of Rome.") Coulanges, E. de. Ancient City. Tr. W. Small. Bost. 1877. Guerber, H. A. Myths of Greece and Rome. N. Y. 1893. Murray, A. S. Manual of Mythology. N. Y. 1874. (21) Slavery. Blair, W. Inquiry into the State of Slavery amongst the Romans. Edin., 1833. IV. BIOGRAPHY. INDIVIDUALS Caesar, Julius. Abbott, J. History of Julius Csesar. N. Y. 1849. Dodge, T. A. Caesar. Bost. 1892. APPENDIX 333 Fowler, W. W. Julius Caesar and the Foundation of the Roman Imperial System. N. Y. 1892. Froude, J. A. Csesar ; a Sketch. N. Y. 1880. Napoleon, Louis. History of Julius Csesar. N. Y. 1865. 2 vols. Williams, J. Life of Julius Caesar. Loud. 1854. (23) Cicero. Boissier, G. Cicero and his Friends. Tr. A. D. Jones. Lond. 1897. Davidson, J. L. S. Cicero and the Fall of the Roman Republic. N. Y. 1894. Forsyth, W. Life of Cicero. N. Y. 1866. 2 vols. Middleton, C, and others. Life and Letters of Cicero. Lond. 1876. Newman, J. H. Historical Sketches. (In vol. 2.) N. Y. 1891. Trollope, A. Life of Cicero. N. Y. 1881. 2 vols. (24) Cons tan tine. Cutts, E. L. Constantine the Great. Lond. 1881. (25) Hannibal. Abbott, J. History of Hannibal. N. Y. 1849. Arnold, T. Life of Hannibal. Bost. 1860. Dodge, T. A. Hannibal. Bost. 1891. Henty, G. A. The Young Carthaginian. N. Y. 1887. (26) Julian. Gardner, A. Julian, Philosopher and Emperor. N. Y. 1895. Neander, J. A. W. Emperor Julian and his Generation. N. Y. 1850. (27) Marcus Aurelius. Watson, P. B. Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. N. Y. 1884. V. HISTORICAL FICTION Note. — Dramas are indicated thus, [D.] ; novels, [N.J ; poems, [P.]. 1. The Early Republic (28) Brutus the Elder. Payne, J. H. Brutus ; or the Fall of Tarquin. [D.] (29) Horatius Codes. Macaulay, T. B. Horatius. (In Lays of Ancient Rome.) [P.] 334 APPENDIX (30) Coriolanus. Shakespeare, W. Coriolanus. [D.] (31) Appius Claudius. Chaucer, G. The Phisioiens Tale. (In Canterbury Tales.) [P.] Knowles, J. S. Virginius. [D.] Maeaulay, T. B. Virginia. (In Lays of Ancient Rome.) [P.] 2. The Later Bepublic (32) Gracchus. Knowles, J. S. Calus Gracchus. [D.] (33) Marius. Otway, T. Caius Marius. [D.] (34) Spartacus. Eckstein, E. Prusias. [N.] (35) Catiline. Herbert, H. "W. The Roman Traitor. [N.] Jonson, B. Catiline his Conspiracy. [D.] (36) Caesar. Beaumont, F., and Fletcher, J. The False One. [D.] Lucan. Pharsalia. (Bonn.) [P.] Shakespeare, W. Julius Caesar. [D.] (37) Antony. Hemans, F. D. Last Banquet of Antony and Cleopatra. [P.] Shakespeare, W. Antony and Cleopatra. [D.] 3. The Early Empire (38) Augustus. Jonson, B. The Poetaster. [D.] (39) Tiberius. Graham, J. W. Nesera. [N.] Jonson, B. Seianus his Fall. [D.] (40) Nero. Baillie, J. The Martyr. [D.] Church, A. J. Burning of Rome. [N.] Eckstein, E. Nero : a Romance. [N.] Sienkiewicz, H. Quo Vadis. [N.] Story, W. W. Nero : a Historical Play. [D.] APPENDIX 335 (41) Vitellius. Melville, G. J. W. The Gladiators. [N.] (42) Titus. Lytton, Buhver. The Last Days of Pompeii. [N.] Otway, T. Titus and Berenice. [D.] (43) Domitian. Eckstein, E. Quintus Claudius. [N.] Marks, M. A. M. Masters of the World. [N.] Massinger, P. The Roman Actor. [D.] (44) Trajan. Lockhart, J. G. Valerius. [N.] (45) Hadrian. Richardson, B. W. Son of a Star. [N.] (46) Aurelian. Ware, W. Aurelian ; or, Rome in the Third Century. [N.] Zenobia; or, the Fall of Palmyra. [N.] 4. The Later Empire (47) Diocletian. Crake, A. D. The Victor's Laurel. [N.] Eckstein, E. The Chaldean Magician. [N.] Massinger, P. The Virgin Martyr. [D.] (48) Constantine. Bayle, A. Thalia. [N.] Crake, A. D. Evanus. [N.] Lytton, Bulwer. Licinius. [P.] Rounds, N. C. Arius the Libyan. [N.] (49) Julian. Bungener, L. L. F. Julian, the Close of an Era,. [N.] De Vere, A. Julian the Apostate. [P.] Lee, E. B. Parthenia ; or, the Last Days of Paganism. [N.] Ware, W. Julian ; or, Scenes in Judea. [N.] (50) Theodosius. Massinger, P. The Emperour of the East. [D.] (51) Valentinian. Beaumont, F., and Fletcher, J. Tragedy of Valentinian. [D.] LIST OF "SPECIAL STUDIES" WHICH FOLLOW THE PRECEDING CHAPTERS AND WHICH CONTAIN SPECIAL REFERENCE LISTS UPON THE TOPICS MENTIONED 1. Sources of Roman History 18 2. Credibility of Early Roman History 28 3. The Roman Religion 33 4. The City under the Kings 40 5. The Servian Classes and Centuries 45 6. The Office of Consul 52 7. The Public Land, ager publicits 58 I. The Twelve Tables 63 Table of the Republican Magistrates 72 Map of Latium and Campania 79 Roman Roads 85 The Roman Army 91 Roman and Latin Colonies 99 The Roman Navy Ill Battle of Cannse 125 161 Achaean and JEtolian Leagues 133 17.\ Taxation of the Provinces 143 18. NDato the Censor and the Greek Influence 152 19. The Roman Equites 162 20. The Roman Senate 179 21. Csesar's Campaigns in Gaul 201 22. Character of Cicero 215 23. The Writers of the Augustan Age 229 24. The Law of " Maiestas " and Delation 244 25. The Roman House 258 26. The Forums of Rome 278 27. Roman Slavery 288 28. The Roman Baths 301 29. Causes of the Fall of the Empire 310 30. Rome of To-day 324 336 INDEX Diacritic marks : -e, -eh, as in chasm ; c as in ice ; g as in gem ; n, the French nasal. The long and short marks used with vowels need no explanation. {For abbreviations of proper names, see p. 70.) Accen'si, 96. Achse'a, a province, 136. A«hse'an league, 127, 130, 135. Actium (ak'shi-um), battle of, 211. Adol'phus (Ataulf), king of the Goths, 306. Adriano'ple, battle of, 300. iE'dlles., 55 ; curule, 71. JEga'teg Islands, battle at, 108. JEne'as, Trojan hero, 19. JE'quians, 16 ; wars with, 56, 57, 69. jEra'rium, 224. Aetius (a-e'shi-us), "last of the Romans," 305, 306. iEto'lian league, 120, 127 ; intrigues of, 129 ; subjection of, 130. A'ger pub'licus, 54. See Agrarian laws. , Ager Roma'nus, 45, 92, 93, 170. Agra'rian laws, of Sp. Cassius, 56 ; of Tiberius Gracchus, 157. Agric'ola, in Britain, 257. Agrigen'tum, captured, 105. Agrip'pa, adviser of Augustus, 209, 211, 212, 225. Agrippi'na, wife of Claudius and mother of Nero, 238, 241. AKaric, king of the Visigoths, 304, 305. Al'ba Lon'ga, 16, 19, 21, 24, 44. Al-e-man'ni, 282, 283, 299. Alexan'der of E-pi'rus, 79. Alexandria, 126. Al'gidus, Mt., battle of, 57. Al'lia R., battle of, 68. Allies, in Latium, 78 ; Italian, 94 ; and C. Gracchus, 161 ; and Dru- sus, 168 ; revolt of, 169 ; enfran- chisement of, 170. Ambra'cia (-shi-a), captured, 130. Am'brose, St., bishop of Milan, 301. Amphitheater, sports of, 249. Amusements, of the Romans, 249. Anco'na, captured, 90. An'cus Marcius (mar'shi-us), king, 21. Androni'cus, poet, 150. An'tio-eh, destroyed, 284. Anti'o«hus III. of Syria, 126, 129, 130. A'ntium (an'shi-uni), a colony, 93. Anto'nius, M. (An'tony), friend of C&sar, 203 ; supremacy at Rome, 204 ; displaced by Octavius, 205 ; attacked by Cicero, 205 ; in second triumvirate, 206-209 ; war with Octavius, 210-212 ; his death, 212. Antoni'nus Pius, emperor, 272-274. Anx'ur, a colony, 93. Ap'pian Way, 98, 313. Apu'lians, 17 ; join Hannibal, 119. A'qu* Sex'tiaa, battle of, 165. Aqueduct of Claudius, 239. Arau'sio (-shi-o), battle of, 165. 337 338 INDEX Arca'dius, emperor, 301. Arches, Roman, 214, 314. Architecture, under the Tarquins, 37 ; under the republic, 214 ; under Augustus, 225 ; under Tra- jan, 266. Arim'inum, captured, 90 ; a colony, 94. Ariovis'tus, German prince, 193. Arme'nia, conquered, 265 ; relin- quished, 268. Armin'ius, German chief, 224. Armor, Roman, 96. Army, under Servius Tullius, 42 ; under the republic, 94 ; under Augustus, 220 ; under Constan- tine, 298. Art, under the republic, 150 ; under the empire, 266. See Architecture. Artax'areg, king of Persia, 282. As'culum, battle of, 89. Asia, a province, 141. Assemblies, under early republic, 51 ; after the conquests, 145 ; under Sulla, 177 ; under Augustus, 219; under Tiberius, 232. See also Comitia and Concilium. Assyr'ia, conquered, 265; relin- quished, 268. Ath'eng, captured by Sulla, 173. At'talus III. of Pergainus, 141. At'tila, king of the Huns, 306. "Augus'ti," office of, 290. Au'gustine, 324. Augus'tus, emperor, 217-229. See Octavius, C. Aure'lian, emperor; 285. Aure'lius, Marcus, emperor, 275- 277. Basil'ica Ju'lia, 214. Baths, Roman, 314. Battles (chronologically arranged) : Lake Regillus, '49 ; the Allia, 68 ; Mt. Gaurus, 75 ; Suessula, 75 ; Mt. Vesuvius, 76 ; Caudiue Forks, 80 ; Lake Vadimonis, 82 ; Sentinum, 83; Heraclea, 87; Asculum, 89; Beneventum, 89 ; Mylae, 106 ; Ec- nomus, 107 ; Panormus, 107 ; Drepanum, 108 ; iEgates Is. , 108 ; Ticinus, 115 ; Trebia, 115 ; Trasu- menus, 115; Cannae, 117; Metaurus R., 120 ; Zama, 123 ; Cynoscepha- lae, 128 ; Thermopylaa, 130 ; Mag- nesia, 130 ; Pydna, 132 ; Arausio, 165 ; Aquae Sextiae, 165 ; Vercel- lse, 166 ; Chaeronea, 173; Orchome- nus, 173; Clusium, 175; Colline Gate, 175 ; Dyrrachium, 196 ; Pharsalus, 196; Thapsus, 197; Munda, 197 ; Philippi, 208 ; Ac- tium, 211 ; Adrianople, 300; Pol- lentia, 305 ; Chalons, 306. Beneven'tum, battle of, 89. Bes'tia, L. Caipur'nius, in Jugur- thine war, 164. Bib'ulus, L. Caipur'nius, colleague of Caesar, 189. Bithyn'ia, 126 ; a province, 185. Bon'iface, Roman general, 305. Bo-vi-a'num, captured, 82, 169. Britain, invaded by Caesar, 193 ; under Claudius, 239 ; under Doini- tian, 257 ; occupied by Saxons, 306. Britan'nicus, son of Claudius, poi- soned by Nero, 241. Brut'tians, 85 ; conquered, 90 ; join Hannibal, 119. Bru'tus, Dec'imus, 204, 205, 206. Brutus, L. Ju'nius (the elder), 35, 48, 49. Brutus, M., conspirator, 201 ; as- signed to Macedonia, 204 ; de- feated at Philippi, 208. Burgun'dians, invasions of, 305 ; settle in Gaul, 309. Bur'rhus, adviser of Nero, 240, 241. Byzan'tium (-shi-um), 295. Cae'rS, 24 ; partial citizenship given to, 78. INDEX 339 Cae'sar, C. Julius, leader of the popu- lar party, 185 ; in first triumvirate, 188 ; consulship of, 189, 190 ; con- quest of Gaul, 191-193 ; war with Poinpey, 195, 196 ; pacifies the provinces, 196, 197 ; his titles, 198 ; his reforms, 198-200 ; his death, 201; his " Commentaries," 215. Caesar, C, 235. " Csesars," office of, 290. Calig'ula, emperor, 235-237. Camil'lus, his capture of Veii, 67 ; consecrates temple to Concord, 71. Campa'nia, 14 ; in first Samnite war, 74, 75 ; in Latin war, 76 ; in second Samnite war, 80-82; invaded by Hannibal, 116. Cam'pus Mar'tius (-shi-us), 44, 179. Can'nae, battle of, 117. Canule'ian law, 63. Cap'ua, occupied by Samnites, 74 ; taken by the Romans, 75 ; joins Hannibal, 119; recovery of, 130;, gladiatorial school at, 182. Carac&l'la, emperor, 281. Carac'tacus, Celtic chief, 239. Car'bo, Cn. Paplr'ius, consul, 174. Car'thage, 101-103 ; treaty with Rome, 123 ; revival of, 136 ; de- struction of, 138 ; captured by Vandals, 306. Ca'rus, emperor, 286. Cassius Longi'nus, C. (kash'I-us), conspirator, 201; assigned to Syria, 204; defeated at Philippi, 208. Cassius, Sp. , league of, 56, 66 ; his agrarian law, 56. Cat'I-line, conspiracy of, 186. Ca'to, M. Porcius (por'shi-us), cen- sor, at Thermopylae, 130 ; his ha- tred of Carthage, 137. Cato Uticen'sis, M. Porcius, leader of senatorial party, 185, 187 ; gov- ernor of Crete, 190; threatens Csesar, 195 ; death at Utica, 197. Catul'lus, poet, 215. Cat'ulus, C. Luta'tius (-shi-us), con- sul (b.c. 241), at battle of iEgates Is., 108. Catulus, Q. Lutatius, consul (b.c 102), at battle of Vercellae, 165. Catulus, Q. Lutatius, consul (b.c. 78), defeats Lepidus, 180. Cau'dine Forks, battle of, 80. Celtibe'rians, subdued, 140. Censors, appointed, 65. Centuries, Servian, 42. -Chaerone'a, battle of, 173. QhaioNs', battle of, 306. Christianity, adopted by Constan- tine, 294 ; by barbarians,324. Christians, favored by Nerva, 259 ; by Hadrian, 267 ; by Antoninus Pius, 273 ; persecuted under Nero, 242 ; under Marcus Aurelius, 276 ; under Diocletian, 291. Chrys'ostom, 324, 325. Church, 323-325. Cic'ero, M. Tullius, party leader, 185 ; suppresses Catilinian con- spiracy, 186 ; banished, 190 ; re- called, 191 ; leader of the senate, 203, 204 ; attacks Antony in the "Philippics," 205; death and character, 207 ; his writings, 215. Cilicia (si-lish'i-a), a province, 185. Cim'bric war, 164-166. Cincinna'tus, rescues the Roman army, 57 ; dictator, 65. Cin'e-as, envoy of Pyrrhus, 87. Cin'na, L. Coriie'lius, 173, 174. Cir'cus Max'imus, 39, 249. Cisal'pine Gaul, 14; conquered, 110 ; province of Caesar, 190 ; united to Italy, 222. Citizenship, 64. See also Franchise. Civita'tes foedera'tce, immu'nes, sti- pendia'rice, 147. Classes, Servian, 42. Clau'dius, emperor, 238-240. Claudius II. ,' emperor, 285. 340 INDEX Claudius, Ap'pius, decemvir, his tyranny, 61. Claudius, Appius, censor, opposes embassy of Cineas, 89. Claudius, Appius, consul, in the first Punic war, 104. Claudius, P., defeated at Drepanum, 107, 108. Claudius Ci-vi'lis, his revolt in Gaul, 247. Claudius Nero, C, at battle of the Metaurus, 121. Cleopa'tra, and Csesar, 196, 197 ; and Antony, 210, 211 ; and Octavius, 212. Clients, 29. Clo-a'ca Max'ima, 38, 312. Clo'dius, P. , agent of Csesar, 190 ; killed, 194. Clo'vis, king of the Pranks, 309. Clusium (clu'zhi-um), battle of, 175. Collati'nus, colleague of Brutus, 48. Col'line gate, battle of, 175. Colo'ni of the later empire, 286. Colonies, Latin and Roman, 78, 93 ; military, of Sulla, 177. Colosse'um, Flavian amphitheater, 248. Comitia centuria'ta (Bng. pron. ko- mish'i-a), 44, 51, 145. Comitia curia'ta, 31, 51, 145. Comitia tribu'ta, 62, 71, 145, 177. Comitium, 26. Commer'cium, 64. Com'modus, emperor, 280. ConcVlium Augusti, 268. ConcVlium plebis, 55, 62. Con'stantine, emperor, 292-299. Constantino'ple, the new capital, 294, 304. Constan'tius (-shi-us), colleague of Diocletian, 290. Consuls, appointed, 50. Conu'bium, 64. Corfin'ium, capital of Italian allies, 169. Cor'inth, destruction of, 136. Coriola'nus and the Volscians, 57. Corne'lia, mother of the Gracchi, 157. Corn laws, of C. Gracchus, 160 ; of Claudius, 190 ; of Csesar, 199. Cor'pus Iu'ris Civi'lis, 322. Cor'sica, annexed, 109. Court organization of Constantine, 295. Cras'sus, M., in gladiatorial war, 182; consul with Pompey, 182; in first triumvirate, 188, 189; gov- ernor of Syria, 191 ; his death, 194. Crete, a province, 185. Cura'tor via'rum, 223. Cu'ria, municipal council, 297. Cu'rice, Roman, 29. Curia'les, responsible for taxes, 299. Curia' tii (-shi-i), 21. Cu'rius Denta'tus, Ma'nius, 84. Cur'sor, L. Paplr'ius, defeats the Samnites, 82. Cu'rule offices, 144. Cynosceph'alse, battle of, 128. Dacia (da'shi-a), conquered, 265. Debt, law of, 54, 69. Decem'virs, 60. Decius (de'shi-us), emperor, 283. Decius Mus, at the battle of Mt. Vesuvius, 76, 77. Decius Mus (son), at the battle of Sentinum, 83. Dela'tion, under Tiberius, 233; for- bidden by Nerva, 259. Dictatorship, 50; perpetual under Sulla, 176. Di'do, queen of Carthage, 101. Diocle'tian (-shan), emperor, 289- 292. Dionys'ius (-nish'i-us) of Halicar- nassus, historian, 227. Domitian (do-mish'I-an), emperor, 257, 258. Drep'anum, battle of, 108. INDEX 341 Dress, Roman, 254. Dru'sus, son of Tiberius, 232 ; quells revolt of the legions, 232 ; mur- dered by Sejanus, 234. Drusus, M. Liv'ius, tribune, opposes C. Gracchus, 161. Drusus, M. Livius (son), and the Italians, 168. Duil'ius, C, at the battle of Mylae, 106. Duum'viri, 297. Dyrra'ehiuru, battle of, 196. Ec'nomus, battle near, 107. Edic'tum Perpe'tuum of Salvius Julianus, 269. Education at Rome, 260. Egypt under the Ptolemies, 126 ; subordinate to Rome, 141 ; a province, 212. Elagab'alus, emperor, 281. Employments of the Romans; 255. En'nius, poet, 150. Epicure'anism at Rome, 277. Eq'ui-tesjj, under Servius Tullius, 42 ; an aristocratic order, 153; under C. Gracchus, 161 ; under Sulla, 177 ; favored by Csesar, 189. Etru'ria conquered, 91. Etrus'cans, 17 ; wars with Rome, 56, 57, 69, 81. Eu'nus, leader of the slave revolt in Sicily, 141. Euse'bius, historian, 293. Fa'bian gens, destruction of, 58. Fa'bius Max'imus Cuncta'tor, Q., envoy to Carthage, 112 ; dictator, 116 ; after battle of Cannre, 119 ; disapproves of Scipio's plans, 122. Fabius Maximus Rullia'nus, Q., in second Samnite war, 82 ; in third Samnite war, 83. Fabius Pic'tor, historian, 150. Family, early Roman, 28. Fas'ces, 36, 50. Fetia'les, 32. Fide'nse, 24 ; captured, 66. Finances under Augustus, 224. Fis'cus, the imperial treasury, 224. Fla'mi-nes, 32. Flamini'nus, T. Quinc'tius, at battle of Cynoscephalse, 128 ; proclaims the liberation of Greece, 129; demands the surrender of Han- nibal, 131. Flamin'ius, C, at battle of Trasu- menus, 115. Fo'rum Roma'num, 26, 266. Forum, of Julius (Forum Julii), 214, 226 ; of Trajan, 266; of Ves- pasian, 248. Franchise, extension under the re- public, 213 ; under Claudius, 240 ; under Vespasian, 246 ; under Car- acalla, 281. Franks, 282 ; invasion of, 283, 309. Fregel'lse, lost, 81 ; recaptured, 82. Fu'cine lake, drained by Claudius, 239. Ful'via, wife of Antony, 207. Funeral customs, 256. Gabin'ian law, 184. Ga'deg, captured by Scipio, 121. Gaius (ga'yus), jurist, 273, 321. Gal'ba, emperor, 245. Galba, Ser'gius Sulpicius (sul-pish/- I-us), his perfidy, 140. Gale'rius, colleague of the Diocle- tian, 290. Galli-e'nus, emperor, 283, 284. Gal'lus, emperor, 283. Gaul, conquered by Caesar, 191-193 ; civilization in, 247. Gauls, 18 ; their destruction of Rome, 67 ; in third Samnite war, 82, 83. Gau'rus, Mt., battle of, 75. Gens (plu. gentes), early Roman, 29 ; plebeian, 41. Gen'seric, king of the Vandals, 306. 342 INDEX German'icus, 232. Glad'iators, war of, 182. Glau'cia, C. Servil'ius (glaw'shl-a) , popular leader, 166. Goths, invasion of Paeia, 283 ; de- feat by Claudius II., 285 ; revolt of, 300 ; settled in Illyricum, 304 ; invasion of Italy, 305. Grac'-ehus, C, his reforms, 159-162. Gracchus, Tiherius, his reforms, 156-159. Greece, liberation of, 129. See Achma, Achaean league, ^Etolian Greek influence at Rome, 148. Greeks in Italy, 18. Ha'drian, emperor, 267-271, 226. Hamil'car Bar'ca, in Sicily, 108 ; his policy, 111. Han'nibal, succeeds Hasdrubal, 112 ; invades Italy, 113 ; early victo- ries, 115; battle of Cannae, 117; his allies, 119 ; at the gates of Rome, 120; in Apulia, 121; re- treats into Bruttium, 122 ; recalled to Africa, 122 ; defeated at Zama, 123 ; assists Antiochus III., 130 ; his death, 131. Han'no, in first Punic war, 105. Har'sa, C. Terentil'ius, proposals of, 59. Harus'pices, 36. Has'drubal, in Spain, 111. Hasta'ti, 96. Hel'ena, wife of Constantine, 293. Helve'tii (-shi-I), conquered by - Cawr, ^93. HeracTe'a, battle of, 87. Hercula'neum, destruction of, 251. Her'nicans, league with, 56. HSr'od Agrip'pa, king of Judea, 240. Her'uli, settlement in Italy, 309. JJono'res, 64. Hono'rius, emperor, 301. Hor'ace (Q. Horatius Flaccus), poet, 227. Hora'tii (-shl-I), 21. Hora'tius Co'cles., story of, 49. Houses, Roman, 252. Huns, their invasions, 300, 306. Icil'ian law, 55. Illyr'icum, piracy suppressed in, 109 ; a province, 146 ; under Caesar, 190. Impera'tor, title of, 198, 219. Impe'rium proconsulate, 218. Incorporation, policy of, 26, 45, 155. Insignia, royal, 36. Intermarriage, right granted to plebeians, 62. Italian allies. See Allies. Italy, geography of, 12 ; Roman supremacy in, 91 ; enfranchise- ment of, 170; under ■ Augustus, 222.. Iu'dices, under C. Gracchus, 161 ; under Sulla, 177, 178 ; under Pompey and Crassus, 183. lus gen'tinm, 147. Jeru'salem, destruction of, 247. Jo'vian, emperor, 300. Jugur'thine war, 163, 164. Ju'lian, emperor, 299. Ju'lian law {lex Julia), 170. Julia'nus, Did'ius, emperor, 280. Julianus, Sal'vius, jurist, 269. Ju'piter Latiaris (la-shi-a'ris), wor- ship of, 16. See Temples, for other names of Jupiter. Jurists, influence of, 320. Justin'ian, emperor, 322. Jutes, settle in Britain, 306, 309. Ju'venal, satirist, 258. King, Roman, 30 ; royal insignia, 36 ; power compared with that of consuls, 50 ; hatred of the name, 176, 217. Knights. See Equites. INDEX 343 Laevi'nus, Vale'rius, in war with Pyrrhus, 87. Latin language, its influence, 314. Latin Way, 98. Latins, 15 ; demand their rights, 76 ; war with Rome, 76. Latium (la'shi-um), 14 ; Roman supremacy in, 44 ; pacified, 77. Law, Roman, during the republic, 214 ; under the empire, 269, 273 ; influence upon modern jurispru- dence, 320. Lega'ti, 223. Legion, 87, 94. Lep'idus, M. iEmil'ius, consul, revolt of, 180. Lepidus, M. iEmilius, triumvir, 203 ; joins Antony and Octavius, 206; at Rome, 208 ; rupture with Octa- vius, 209 ; pontifex maximus, 210. Lex Canuleia, 63 ; Gabinia, 184 ; Icilia, 55 ; lulia, 170 ; nia-ies-ta'tis, 232, 233, 261 ; Manilla, 185 ; Plautia Papiria, 170 ; Publilia, 56 ; Thoria, 161. Licin'ian legislation, 70. Life and manners, 252-256. Lilybse'um, 89, 107. Literature, Roman, beginnings of, 150 ; during the civil wars, 215 ; under Augustus, 226; "Silver age "of, 257; its permanence, 316. Liv'ia, wife of Augustus, 227. Liv'y (T. Liv'ius), historian, 227. Lu'can, poet, 258. Luca'nians, 17, 85 ; conquered by Rome, 90 ; join Hannibal, 119. Luc'ca, conference at, 191. Lu'cereg, early Roman tribe, 26. Luce'ria, taken by the Romans, 80 ; lost to the Samnites, 81 ; recap- tured, 82. Lucre'tius (-shi-us), poet, 215. Lucul'lus, L. Licin'ius, in Mithri- datic war, 184, 185 ; in the senate, 188. Lycia (lish'I-a), a province, 240. Macedo'nia, in second Punic war, 123 ; relation to Greek cities, 126 ; first and second wars with Rome, 127-129 ; third war with Rome, 131-133 ; settlement of, 132 ; dis- turbances in, 134; a province, 136. Masce'nas, friend of Augustus, 225. Mse'lius, Sp., 65. Magne'sia (-shl-a), battle of, 130. Mam'ertines, relation to the first Punic war, 104. Manil'ian law, 185. Man'iple, 96. Man'lius, M., savior of the Capitol, 68 ; philanthropic acts, 69 ; his death, 70. Manlius Torqua'tus, T. , commander in Latin war, 76, 77. Manlius Vul'so, L., in Africa, 107. Marcel'lus, M. Claudius, captures Syracuse, 120. Marcoman'ni, 276. Marcus Aure'lius, emperor, 275-277. Ma'rius, C, in Jugurthine war, 164 ; in Cimbric war, 164 ; as a party leader, 166 ; in the Social war, 169 ; rejoins the popular party, 171 ; flight from Rome, 172 ; his massacres, 173 ; his death, 174. Marius, C. (adopted son), 174. Marriage customs, 255. Mar'tial (-shi-al), epigrammatist, 258. Masinis'sa, a king of Numidia, 122, 137. Maureta'nia, a province^240. Maxen'tius (-shi-us), rival of iCon- stantine, 293. Maxim'ian, colleague of Diocletian, 290. Meals, Roman, 253. MSsopota'mia, conquered, 265 ; re- linquished, 268. Messall'na, wife of Claudius, 238. 344 INDEX Messa'na, held by the Mamertines, 104 ; taken by the Romans, 105. Metau'rus R. , battle of, 120. Metel'lus, Q. Caecil'ius, commander in Greece, 136. Metellus, Q. Caecilius (nephew of the preceding), commander in Jugur- thine war, 164. Metellus Pi'us, Q. Caecilius (son of the preceding), commander in Spain, 181. Metellus Pius Scipio, Q. Csecilius (adopted son of the preceding), 197. Mi'lo, T. An'nius, 194. Mithrida'teg, king of Pontus, 172, 184, 185. Mum'mius, L., commander in Greece, 136. Mun'da, battle of, 197. Municipal system, 271 ; its influence, 319. Municip'ia, 93. Mu'tina, war of, 206. My'lss, battle of, 106. Nae'vius, poet, 150. Narbonen'sis, a province, 164 ; un- der Caesar, 190. Narcis'sus, freedman of Claudius, 238. Nasl'ca, P. Cornelius Scipio, 159. Ne'ro, emperor, 240-243. Nero, C. Claudius, 121. Ner'va, emperor, 259-261. New Carthage, founded by Hasdru- bal, 111 ; taken by Scipio, 121. Nice, council of, 294. Nicome'dia, residence of Diocletian, 290. No'biles, 144. Nu'ma Pompil'ius, king, 21. Numan'tia (-shi-a), destroyed, 140. Numid'ia, ally of Rome, 123 ; rela- tions with Carthage, 137; con- quered by Caesar, 197. Octa'vius, C. (Octavia'nus) , appears at Rome, 204 ; relations with the senate, 205 ; in second triumvi- rate, 206 ; at battle of Philippi, 208 ; position in the "West, 209 ; rupture with Antony, 210 ; at battle of Actium, 211 ; sole ruler, 212 ; Augustus, 217-229. Octavius, Cn., friend of Sulla, 173. Octavius, M., tribune, opposes Ti- berius Gracchus, 158. Odo-a'cer, king of the Heruli, 307. Optima'tes, 144, 159. Orehom'enus, battle of, 173. Ores'tes. enthrones Romulus Augus- tulus, 307. Orleans (or-la-oN')i siege of, 306. Os'ca, school at, 181. Os'cans, 116. O'tho, emperor, 245. Ov'id (P. Ovid'ius Na'so), poet, 227. Pses'tum, a colony, 90. Palsep'olis, in second Punic war, 80. Pal'las, freedman of Claudius, 238. Palmy'ra, destruction of, 286. Panor'mus, victory at, 107. Pan'theon, 226, 314. Papin'ian, jurist, 281, 321. Par'thia, invaded by Crassus, 194 ; Anthony's campaigns in, 210 ; war with Trajan, 265 ; succeeded by new Persian monarchy, 282. Patrician, title of, 307. Patricians, an aristocracy, 40 ; their power, 53. Patriotism, decay of, 155. Paul'lus, jurist, 284, 321. Paullus, L. iEmil'ius, at battle of Cannae, 117. Paullus, L. iEinilius (son), at battle of Pydna, 132. Per'gamus, under protection of Rome, 126 ; threatened by Philip, 128 ; supports Rome, 130 ; be- queathed to Rome, 141. INDEX 345 Per'seus of Macedonia, 132. Persians, new monarchy, 282 ; attack Roman provinces, 283 ; campaign of Julian against, 299. Per'tinax, emperor, 280. Pha'lanx, Macedonian, 87. Phar'nacei, defeated by Caesar, 197. Pharsa'lus, battle of, 196. Philip V. of Macedonia, in second Punic war, 119; at war with Rome, 127, 129, 131. Philip the pretender, 134. Philip'pi, battle of, 208. " Philip'pics " of Cicero, 205. Philosophy at Rome, 149, 215, 277. Pice'num, 14 ; subject to Rome, 84. Placid'ia, rules at Rome, 305. Plau'tian (-shi-an) law, 170. Plau'tius (-shl-us), Au'lus, lieuten- ant of Claudius, 239. Plau'tus, dramatist, 150. Plebe'ians, rise of, 41 ; their distress, 63 ; first secession, 54 ; obtain tribunes, 55 ; their assembly, 55 ; second secession, 61 ; successes of, 63 ; made equal with patricians, 71. Plin'y the elder, 252. Pliny the younger, 252, 258. Pollen'tia (-shl-a), battle of, 305. Polyb'ius, freedman of Claudius, 238. Polybius, historian, 133. Pompe'ii (-yi), destruction of, 251. Pompe'ius, Cn. (Pompey the Great), joins Sulla, 174 ; aids Catulus, 180 ; defeats Sertorius in Spain, 181 ; consul with Crassus, 182 ; war with the pirates, 183 ; conquests in the East, 184, 185 ; in first trium- virate, 188, 189 ; sole consul, 194 ; war with Caesar, 195, 196 ; his death, 196. Pompeius, Sextus, 204 ; in posses- sion of Sicily, 208 ; defeated by Octavius, 209. Pompeius Stra'bo, 169. Pons SublVcius, 22. Pon'tifex max'imus, 32. Pon'tins (-shi-us), Samnite general, 81. Pon'tus, kingdom of, 126 ; its power in Asia Minor, 172 ; a province with Bithynia, 185. Poppae'a Sabi'na, 241. Popula'res, 159. Porsen'na, Lars, Etruscan prince, 49. Por'tus Boma'nus, constructed by Claudius, 239. Prae'fectures of later empire, 297. Prtefec'tus ur'bi, 221 ; vl'gilum, 222; anno'nce, 222. Praenes'te, subject ally of Rome, 72 ; inhabitants massacred by Sulla, 175. Praetor, first appointed, 71. Praeto'rian guard, established, 220 ; brought to Rome, 233 ; disbanded, 280 ; abolished, 298. Prcetor peregri'nus, 213. Prin'ceps civita'tis, 219. Prin'cipes, 96. Pro'bus, emperor, 286. Proper' tius (-shi-us), poet, 227. Proscriptions of Sulla, 175 ; of sec- ond triumvirate, 206. Provinces, under the republic, 146- 148 ; under Caesar, 199, 200 ; under Augustus, 223 ; under Tiberius, 235; under Hadrian, 269, 271; under Constantine, 295 ; list of, 264. Provincial system, 271 ; its influence upon modern states, 318. Publica'ni, 148; Public land, 54. See Agrarian laws. Publil'ian law, 56. Publil'ius Phi'lo, Q., in third Sam- nite war, 80. Pu'nic war, first, 101-108; second, 111-123 ; third, 136-139. 346 INDEX Pute'oli, country home of Sulla, 178. Pyd'na, battle of, 132. Pyr'rhus, king of Epirus, 86 ; war with Rome, 87-90. Qua'di, 276. Qucestio'nes perpe'tum, established by Sulla, 178. Quaestors, appointed, 65. Quattuor'viri, 297. Quintil'ian, rhetorician, 258. Quiri'nus, 21, 31. Ead-a-gai'sus, barbarian chief, 305. Ram'nes, early Roman tribe, 24. Regil'lus, Lake, battle of, 49. Reg'ulus, in first Punic war, 107. Religion, early, 31 ; under the re- public, 215 ; under Augustus, 227. Representation, absence of, at Rome, 155. Rhodes, protected by Rome, 126; threatened by Philip, 128 ; receives new territory, 130. Rie'imer, the "king-maker," 307. Roads, military, 97-99. Romance languages, 315. Bo'ma Qitadra'ta, 24. Rome, its situation, 22 ; a Latin set- tlement, 24 ; its threefold origin, 26 ; under the Tarquins, 37 ; de- struction by the Gauls, 67 ; its restoration, 68 ; threatened by Hannibal, 120 ; captured by Sulla, 171 ; under Augustus, 221 ; fire under Nero, 241 ; its splendor under Trajan, 266 ; sacked by the Goths, 305 ; pillaged by the Van- dals, 306. Rom'ulus, king, 20, 21. Romulus Augus'tulus, emperor, 307. Bora'rii, 96. Ru'bicon, crossed by Csesar, 195. Sa'bine§, 14, 17 ; settlement on the Quirinal, 25 ; union with Romans, 25 ; receive citizenship, 84. Sacred Mount, 55, 62.. Sagun'tum, taken by Hannibal, 112. Salina'tor, M. Liv'ius, at the Metau- rus, 121. Sal'lust, historian, 215. Salo'na, home of Diocletian, 292. Sam'nltes, 14, 17 ; first war with Rome, 74 ; second war, 79 ; third war, 82 ; relation to Rome, 84 ; revolt crushed, 90 ; join Hannibal, 119. Sa'por, king of Persia, 283. Sardin'ia, a province, 109. Sassan'idss, Persian dynasty, 282. Saturnl'nus, L. Appule'ius, popular leader, 166. Saxons, settle in Britain, 306, 309. Scip'i-o, Cn. Corne'iius, 114. Scipio, P. Cornelius, 113; opposes Hannibal on the Po, 115. Scipio jEmilia'nus, P. Cornelius, de- stroys Carthage, 138 ; destroys Numantia, 140. Scipio Africa'nus, P. Cornelius, re- duces Spain, 121 ; carries war into Africa, 123 ; defeats Hannibal at Zama, 123 ; in Asia, 130 ; his death, 131. Scipio Asiat'icus, L. Cornelius, at battle of Magnesia, 180. Scipio Nasi'ca, P. Cornelius, sena- torial leader against Tiberius Grac- chus, 159. Secession of the plebs, first, 54; second, 61. Seja'nus, adviser of Tiberius, 233, 234. Sempro'nius, commander in second Punic war, 113 ; joins Scipio, 115. Senate, under the kings, 31 ; under early republic, 51 ; after the con- quests, 144 ; under C. Gracchus, 160; under Sulla, 177; under Caesar, 198, 199 ; under Augustus, 219 ; under Tiberius, 232. Senatorial order, 153. INDEX 347 Sen'eca, philosopher and adviser of Nero, 240, 241, 258. Senti'num, battle of, 83. Serto'rius, Q., colleague of Carbo, 174 ; revolt in Spain, 181, 182. Ser'vius Tul'lius, king, 35. Seve'rus, Alexander, emperor, 281. Severus, Septim'ius, emperor, 280. Sex'tius, L., colleague of C. Licinius Stolo, 70. Sib'ylline books, 35. Sicily, in first Punic war, 103-108 ; a province, 109. Sinues'sa, a colony, 84, 93. Slavery at Rome, 140, 154, 156. Social war, 167-170. So'cii. See Allies. Spain, Carthaginian power in, 111 ; reduced by Scipio, 121 ; divided into two provinces, 123 ; pacifica- tion of, 139 ; revolt under Serto- rius, 181 ; occupied by Visigoths, 309. Sparta, appeals to Rome, 135. Spar'tacus, the Thracian gladiator, 182. Spo'lia opi'ma, 97. Stil'i-eho, general of Honorius, 304. Sto'icism at Rome, 149, 277. Sto'lo, C. Licin'ius, his legislation, 70. Stra'bo, geographer, 227. Sues'sula, battle of, 75. Sueto'nius, biographer, 258. Sue'vi, 305, 309. Suffe'tes, 102. Suffra'gium, 64. Sul'la, L. Corne'lius, in social war, 169 ; appointed commander in the East, 170 ; marches on Rome, 171 ; in the Mithridatic war, 172 ; war with the Marian party, 174 ; his proscriptions, 175 ; perpetual dic- tator and political reforms, 176 ; his death, 178; his constitution overthrown, 183. MOREY'S ROM. HIST. 21 Sulpician (sul-pish'T-an) laws, en- acted, 171 ; annulled, 172. Sy-a'grius, Roman governor in Gaul, 309. Sy'phax, rival of Masinissa, 122. Syr'acuse, possessions in Sicily, 104 ; joins Hannibal, 119; reduced, 120; added to the province of Sicily, 123. Syr'ia, under Antiochus III., 126; war with Rome, 129 ; conquered by Pompey, 185. Tac'itus, emperor, 286. Tacitus, historian, 258. Taren'tum, aided by Alexander of Epirus, 79 ; rupture with Rome, 86 ; captured, 90 ; betrayed to Hannibal, 119. Tarquin'ius Pris'cus, king, 34. Tarquinius Super'bus, king, 35, 47. Taxes, 148. Temples : Apollo, 226 ; Castor and Pollux, 49, 312; Concord, 71, 214 ; Dian'a, 35, 38, 241 ; For- tune, 214 ; Her'cules, 214 ; Honor, 214 ; Julius, 226 ; Juno, 266 ; Ju- piter Capitoli'nus, 35, 38, 214, 248, 266 ; Jupiter Fere'trius, 97 ; Jupi- ter Sta'tor, 241 ; Jupiter To'nans, 226; Loyalty, 149; Mars Ultor, 226, 313 ; Minerva, 214 ; Saturn, 38, 313 ; Venus and Rome, 270 ; Vespasian, 313 ; Vesta, 31, 226, 241, 313 ; Virtue, 214. Terentil'ms Harsa, C, 59. Tet'ricus, usurper, 285. Teu'tones. (Teu'tons), 164, 165. Thap'sus, battle of, 197. Theaters, at Rome, 249. Theodo'sius (-shi-us) I., emperor, 300, 301. Thermop'ylse, battle of, 130. Thessaloni'ca, inhabitants massa- cred by Theodosius I. , 301 . 348 INDEX "Thirty Tyrants," 284. Tho'rian law, 161. Thrace, a province, 240. Tibe'rius, emperor, 231-235. Tibul'lus, poet, 227. Ti'bur, 24, 77 ; subject ally of Rome, 92 ; Hadrian's villa at, 270. Ticl'nus R., battle at, 115. Tigelll'nus, adviser of Nero, 241. Tit'i-es,, early Roman tribe, 25. Ti'tus, emperor, 251, 252. Titus Tatius (ta'shi-us), Sabine king, 21. Tra'jan, emperor, 261-266. Trasume'nus, Lake, battle at, 115. Treason, law of, 232, 261. Tre'bia R., battle at, 115. Tribes, early Roman, 26, 29 ; local, 42, 73. Trib'unes, military, 64. Tribunes of the people, 55, 59 ; under Sulla, 178. Tribu'ni xra'rii, 183. TribunVcia poles' tas, 215. Trium'virate, first, 188 ; second, 206. Tul'lius Hostil'ius, king, 21. Twelve Tables, 60. Ul'fllas, 324. Ul'pian, jurist, 282, 321. Um'brians, 14, 17 ; conquered, 84. Vadimo'nis, Lake, battle at, 82. Va'lens, emperor, 300. Valentin'ian, emperor, 300. Valentinian III., emperor, 305. Vale'rian, emperor, 283, 284. Valerio-Horatian laws, 62. Vale'rius Poplic'ola, his laws, 51, 52. Vanadate, invasions of, 305, 306 ; settled in Africa, 309. V&r'ro, C. Teren'tius (-shi-us), at battle of Cannse, 117. Va'rus, defeated by Arminius, 224. Veii (ve'yi), 24 ; captured, 66. Ven'eti, on the Adriatic, 18. Veneti, in Transalpine Gaul, 193. Venu'sia (-shi-a), a colony, 118. Vercel'lse, battle of, 166. Ver'gil (P. Vergil'ius Ma'ro), 227. Ver'res., impeachment of, 186. Vespa'sian (-zhl-an), in Britain, 239 ; emperor, 246-249. Vestal virgins, 32. Vesu'vius, Mt., battle of, 76. Vi'a sa'cra, 313. Virgin'ia, story of, 61. Viria'thus, Lusitanian chief, 140. Vig'igoths, settled in Spain, 309. Vitel'lius, emperor, 245. Vol'scians, wars with, 56, 57, 69. Volsin'ii, its reduction, 91. Vul'so, L. Manlius, 107. Wall, of Romulus, 25, 312 ; of Ser- vius, 37 ; of Aurelian, 285. Writing materials, 254. Xanthip'pus, defeats Regulus, 107. Yoke, 57. Za'ma, battle of, 123. Zeno'bia, queen of Palmyra, 286. TYPOUKAi'IlY BY J. S. CUS11ING & CO., NORWOOD, MASS.