m on the scene play their part as living contemporary men, each invested with a distinct person- ^^^^^ ' ality, which no subsequent generation could have reproduced. The individual prominence of single apostles is a characteristic feature of the Acts, in con- trast with the vague traditional view of their collective action which prevails in the language of the early Fathers. Barnabas, Stephen, Cornelius, present each a different type of faith, and Ananias, Simon Magus, Elymas, of sin. The elder Herod Agrippa is distin- guished by his affectation of religious zeal and his ostentatious vanity from the younger, who was a time- serving partizan of Rome. The administration of Roman justice reflects the character of the judge, accordingly as Gallio, Felix, or Festus is seated on the tribunal. (2) And these personal narratives are related with a wealth of local and circumstantial details, which must have been almost unattainable after the lapse of a few years, however easily accessible at the time. Such localities, for instance, as the field Aceldama, Solomon's porch, Herod's prison, the tower Antonia and the stairs connecting it with the temple courts, were swept away in 70 by the utter destruction of the temple and great part of the city. Everywhere 6 CONTEMPORARY CHARACTER. the local colouring is preserved with the same fidelity, whether the scene lies in Jerusalem amidst the stir of national and religious life, or in the Graeco-Roman capital of the Herods and the provincial governors; at Athens the sceptical curiosity of Greek philoso- phers, at Ephesus the trade of exorcists, the mercenary zeal of the craftsmen in support of the local worship, and the excitable temper of a Greek populace are reproduced in turn. The names and titles of kings and magistrates — Jewish, municipal, and imperial — are freely scattered up and down the pages with such accuracy of detail, that the resources of modern criti- cism can scarcely detect an apparent flaw. (3) Decisi^'e evidence of the extreme fidelity of the history in minute details is furnished by a comparison of the contemporary epistles of Paul. As these frequently touch on the outward events and circum- stances of his life, though their immediate concern is with his inner mind and personal relations with the churches, they come continually into incidental contact with the narrative of the Acts ; and the coincidence between the two is so close and cir- cumstantial, and at the same time apparently so undesigned, that it is impossible to explain it on any hypothesis but that of actual truth. The history implies an intimate knowledge of his circumstances, feelings, and actions which could only be gained by personal intercourse with him or his immediate companions. There are some, however, who admit that the book of the Acts is up to a certain point a genuine and trustworthy record of the first century, and yet maintain that the whole is a comparatively late ACTS NOT A COMPILATION. 7 compilation in which original documents have been incorporated. Now it is highly improb- ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ able that any such independent documents a mere corn- can have survived to the second century, ^ ^ ^ ^• and yet utterly perished without a trace of their existence, leaving the Acts as the unique record of the primitive Church. But the character of the book still more decidedly refutes this groundless theory ; for it is clearly not a mere compilation. There is great variety in its pages; for it ranges over thirty years, beginning amid past scenes in a foreign land of which the author knew little save by report, and ending with his own personal experiences ; but the unity is more conspicuous than the variety. The language is uniform throughout, and language is in his hands an instrument of singular power and delicacy : whatever materials he has pressed into his service, he has at least recast in his own well-chosen words. The style too is peculiarly his own : an extremely simple, but highly graphic, narrative of condensed facts presents the successive actors and crises in church history with great dramatic power. He rigorously suppresses the expression of his own opinions, and studies to efface himself, yet succeeds in thoroughly enlisting the sympathy of his readers. His frequent summaries of speeches are models of condensed thought. The impression of spiritual grandeur which he conveys in describing the apostolic age, though really a reflection of his own intense faith, seems to grow out of the simple facts. All this bespeaks, in my judgment, rare literary skill as well as Christian inspiration. His date and personality are clearly indicated by 8 SYMPATHIES OF THE AUTHOR. his special religious sympathies. From Pentecost Religious downwards he dwells (apart from personal sympathies. narrative) almost exclusively on two subjects, the marvellous expansion of the Church, and the struggle with Judaism, external or internal. Missionary enterprise has a special charm for him: he delights to record the onward march of the gospel, the rapid growth of new churches, and the addition of new provinces to the kingdom of Christ, while he dismisses pastoral work and in- ternal organization with scanty notice. Still more conspicuous is his enthusiasm for Christian freedom. His indignation against Jewish tyranny, his condem- nation of Jewish prejudice, his admiration for the successive champions of Gentile liberty, meet the reader everywhere. He expresses these feelings in the tone of an eager partizan, not of a dispassionate historian, who can survey calmly from a safe distance the trials of a past generation. Judaism faces him as a living and dangerous foe, which is assailing beneath his eyes the rights of Gentile Christians, and still threatening imprisonment or death to the apostle of the Gentiles. Now in the apostolic age these sentiments were a natural outcome of circumstances ; for the Church grew up in the centre of Judaism as a branch of the national creed, with unbounded faith in the Jewish scriptures, beneath the shelter of the Temple. It was therefore for a time exposed as an almost helpless victim to the caprices of Jewish tyranny. Even when Christians fled to the cities of the Gen- tiles, the synagogue was still their religious home ; they were themselves imbued with its prejudices, DEVOTION TO PAUL. 9 but the continual object of its bitter jealousy. All the persecutions o£ the Church in those clays were instigated by Jews, all the troubles which beset her peace were due to Judaism. But Jewish influence began to wane outside Palestine with the first con- siderable influx of Gentile converts into the Pauline churches. Christian congregations had seceded from the synagogue, and the Church had asserted her in- dependence at Corinth, Ephesus, and Rome, if not other cities, long before the fatal contest with Rome which prostrated Jewish power. Even as early as the epistles of the Roman imprisonment Judaism had lost its formidable character: Judaizers are but once denounced, and then as a discredited and heretical faction, to be classed with dogs and evilworkers. But the author of the Acts breathes the spirit of the earlier epistles, and it would be an anachronism to date his work after 70, when the Jews had become objects of compassion, and Rome, once the protector, had taken their place as the jealous persecutor of the Church. The author's intense devotion to the apostle Paul gives a further clue to his personality. From the thirteenth chapter onwards the book is personal de- wholly engrossed with his biography, motion to Paul. The two causes of church extension and of Christ- ian freedom are so closely identified with the career of their foremost champion that all other spheres of Christian progress are ignored : the earlier apostles drop out of sight: fellow-labourers like Barnabas and Silas disappear from view the moment they separate from Paul: his deliverance from manifold dangers engrosses exclusive attention. 10 USE OF FIEST PERSON. and the fortunes of the Church seem bound up m his life. This concentration of interest around the single person of Paul admits of only one explanation, that the author was a devoted friend of the apostle, actively associated with his work, and in fervent sympathy with his views. If Paul was his father in Christ, the spiritual leader under whose banner he had served, the recognized chief under Christ of his particular field of labour, we can understand it, but not otherwise. And this we gather from his own narrative to have been his exact position. For just as he opens Use of first both his books in his own name by person plural, -j^j^g ^gg ^f ^]-^q fjpg^ person singular, so in the latter half of the Acts he indicates his own presence in the company of Paul by employing the first person plural. The earliest trace of his presence is in xiv. 22 ; from which it appears that he was one of the disciples whom Paul converted in southern Galatia during his first visit, who clave to the apostle's teaching in spite of much persecution from the Jews. On Paul's next visit to Asia Minor with Silas the author (by that time a Christian of some standing) joins him at Troas, is admitted to his con- fidence, accepts the call to come over into Macedonia as a binding summons to him in common with Paul and Silas, and accordingly proceeds with them to Philippi. There he takes up the work of an evangelist, and remains behind, on their enforced departure, to carry it on (xvi. 10-40). As he rejoined Paul six years later at Philippi in the capacity of a delegate from the Church bearing their contribution to Jerusalem, it may SOUECES OF INFOEMATION. 1 1 be concluded that he spent much of the interval in evangelistic work in Macedonia (xx. 5 — xxi. 18). Two years and a half later he accompanied the apostle on his eventful voyage from Caesarea to Rome, with a view probably to personal ministration as well as the Roman mission (xxvii. 1 — xxviii. 16). This sketch of his life confirms the tradition that he was one of the two messengers of the Macedonian churches so highly commended in 2 Cor. viii. 18-23, and renders it prob- able that he is the ti^ue yoke-fellow of Phil. iv. 3. The author's life brings clearly into view the materials within his reach for the construction of his history. Besides his own personal sources of knowledge of Paul's later career, and "iformation. his opportunities for supplementing it by con- versation with his fellow-travellers, his intimate association with Paul himself enabled him to relate on the highest possible authority the proceedings of the Sanhedrin, first against Peter and John, then against the Twelve, and against Stephen, together with his defence and martyrdom, Saul's own conversion and subsequent career. During the two years and a half, through which Paul's imprisonment at Caesarea was prolonged, he had access at Jerusalem to the brethren of the Lord, the Twelve, and other original members of the Church : at Caesarea he was at one time a guest in the house of Philip, and had opportunity of hearing his narrative of the conversion of Samaria, of Simon Magus, and of the Ethiopian eunuch, and from Cornelius or other original members of that church the story of his baptism, and of Herod's death. It appears therefore that the visit to Palestine, which withdrew the author from evangelistic work, supplied 12 DATE OF PUBLICATION. him also with all the materials he required for the Acts. This visit to Palestine was indispensable for the due execution of his work : nowhere else Date of put)- could a Gentile convert obtain adequate lication. materials for a life of Jesus. But, these once obtained, the language of his own preface and the circumstances of the Gentile churches alike preclude the hypothesis of needless delay in the publication of his gospel. The Christians for whom he wrote, members probably of those Macedonian or Asiatic churches, amidst which he had been labouring as an evangelist, had (it seems) no written gospel worthy of the name ; and the want was so keenly felt that many futile efforts had been made to supply it. Few, in fact, in the Pauline congregations had so thorough a knowledge of gospel history as to commit it to writing or embody it in oral teaching, as may have been done in Palestine. The demand therefore for Christian scriptures was already urgent amidst the multitude of Greek believers who had been trained in the synagogue upon the Jewish scriptures, and were now flocking thence into the Pauline churches. Critics who postpone the publication of the synoptic gospels to the latter part of the first century, or later, hardly realize the urgency of this demand. This is, to my mind, the most forcible argument for fixing an early date for the completion of the third gospel. The need was already pressing in Greece and Asia Minor before the expedition to Palestine opened to the author an opportunity for meeting it, and the intercourse with Paul and his company on the journey was well calculated to ripen thought into action. His ACTS NOT A COMPILATION. 13 gospel, embodying the oral teaching then current in Palestine, was in all probability completed, and the materials collected for the Acts, before the arrival of the author at Rome. Its closing verses bring down the history to 62. Two years later came the Neronian persecution, and soon after that the Jewish war altered the face of the religious world. The Jews became down-trodden exiles : the Roman empire and populace took their place as the persecutors of the Church. Of that altered world the author gives no hint ; and I see no reason to date the publication of the Acts much later than the termination of the history in 62. The latest mention of the author in the Acts leaves him at Rome in company with Paul. As he had apparently gone there to assist in the piace of pub- Roman mission, he probably remained ideation. there during the greater part of the next two years. In the second chapter occurs a definite indication of a Roman stand-point. A list is given of the various nationalities represented in Jerusalem at Pentecost: and the point of view from which it is drawn up is neither Jewish nor Greek, for it travels from beyond the eastern frontier of the Empire across western Asia and along northern Africa to the Roman centre, barely noticing Judaea by the way and omitting European Greece, and then winds up with an emphatic recognition of Roman visitors. The geo- graphical order is natural if the writer was looking out from a Roman centre over the Empire, but not otherwise. The abrupt conclusion of the Acts takes the reader by surprise. After recording Paul's arrival 14 ABRUPT CONCLUSION. at Rome and futile appeal to the Roman Jews, the author breaks off suddenly with a statement that The Acts un- his ministry in bonds continued with- finished. q^j^ interruption for two whole years. Neither the effect of this ministry, nor the issue of his trial is recorded. If he had intended this as his last word, this silence would be inexplicable ; and yet he does in a way close the book : we have in short the end of a chapter, not a completed volume. This is explained by the nature of his design : it embraced a life of the ascended Christ in his Church, and contem- plated therefore not one book only, but an indefinite series which could never be really complete before the second advent. The close of his gospel clearly illus- trates his plan of composition. He winds it up with a brief statement of the Ascension, but reserves for his next book the detailed narrative of the event. So here he gives a summary of Paul's ministry in bonds, but reserves for an intended third book the full record of that ministry and the trial which brought it to an end. The name of Luke has been handed down by un- broken tradition as the author of the third gospel Luke tue ^^^ ^^^ Acts. That gospel has never author. been known by any other name. This universal acceptance goes far to prove the fact; the tradition could hardly exist at all, if it were not founded on truth : for the references to Luke in Scripture do not of themselves create a presumption that he was an author. Writing from Rome Paul sends a greeting from Luke the beloved 'pltysician to the Colossian church, and from Luke as a fellow- labourer to Philemon of Colossae. Again, in 2 Tim. AUTHORSHIP OF LUKE. 15 iv. 11, when his end was drawing near, he writes, only Luke is with me. Incidentally these passages strongly confirm the tradition of Luke's authorship. They present him in the very place in which the history leaves the author, viz. in Paul's company at Rome. They designate him as beloved, a fellow-labourer, a companion found most faithful to the end, which is exactly the position of the author towards the apostle in the Acts. They describe him as a physician, and the author exhibits in reference to various diseases the scientific knowledge of a physician (comp. Acts iii. 7 ; xii. 23; xiii. 11, xxviii. 8). They associate Luke with southern Phrygia, and the earliest trace of the author is in the region immediately adjoining.^ Luke is indeed the only friend of Paul mentioned in Scripture whose claim to the authorship can stand the test of criticism. The name of the author is definitely excluded from the Acts by his use of the first person wherever he refers to himself, and has to be sought amidst the additional names found in the Epistles of Paul. These are eight in number — Epaph- roditus and Epaphras, who joined him at Rome for a time only from Philippian and Colossian homes, Onesimus whom he converted at Rome, Jesus Justus who belonged to the circumcision, Demas who is ex- cluded by his character, Titus, and Luke. A comparison of Gal. ii. 1 shows Titus to have been one of the party ^ It deserves mention, though it may be an accidental coincidence, that Paul's visit to the Pisidian Antioch began with a severe illness through which he was tenderly nursed {see note on xiii. 14) : possibly this was his first contact with Luke the physician. Christian tradition connects Luke with Antioch: internal evidence connects the author with the Pisidian, not the Syrian, Antioch. 16 CONTENTS. designated in Acts xv. 2 as certain other of them : he cannot therefore have been the author. Luke alone remains. Thus the verdict of criticism confirms the tradition of the Church. Summary of The contents of the several chapters contents. a;re briefly as follows: I. 1-11. Account of the forty days and the Ascension. I. 12-26. Appointment of Matthias in place of Judas. II. 1-41. Descent of the Spirit ; address of Peter ; baptism of 3000. II. 42-47. Religious and social life of the Christian community. III. Restoration of the lame man ; address of Peter. IV. 1-31. Alarm of the ruling oligarchy ; arrest of Peter and John ; their release ; Christian hymn of praise. IV. 32-v. 42. Liberal provision for Christian poor ; Barnabas, Ananias, and Sapphira ; Christian enthusiasm ; arrest, imprisonment, and miraculous release of the Twelve ; issue of their trial. VI. The Seven ; charge of blasphemy against Stephen, vii. His defence and martyrdom with Saul's approval. VIII. Persecution and dispersion of Christians ; conversion of Samaria ; Simon the sorcerer ; Ethiopian eunuch ; further preaching of Philip. IX. 1-30. Mission of Saul to Damascus, conversion, baptism, ministry at Damascus, flight to Jerusalem and thence to Tarsus. IX. 31-43. Peter's visit to Lydda and Joppa ; restoration of Aeneas ; raising of Dorcas. X. 1-xi. 18. Caesarea ; visions of Cornelius and Peter; baptism of Cornelius ; Peter's vindication of his conduct at Jerusalem. XI. 19-30. Conversion of Gentiles at Antioch ; despatch of Barnabas thither ; joint ministry of Barnabas and Saul ; their visit to Jerusalem with alms. XII. Herodian persecution ; death of James ; miraculous release of Peter ; terrible death of Herod Agrippa I. XIII., XIV. Joint mission of Barnabas and Saul to Cyprus ; Elymas ; withdrawal of Mark ; mission-journeys from the Pamphylian coast to the Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, CONTENTS. 17 Lystra, Derbe, and back, address at Antioch, proffer of worsliip at Lystra, and subsequent stoning of Paul ; return to Antioch in Syria. XV. 1-34. Renewed agitation for the circumcision of Gentile converts ; council of Jerusalem ; letter to Gentile converts despatched to Antioch. XV. 35-39. Paul and Barnabas agree to divide their mission- sphere, and Barnabas goes with Mark to Cyprus. XV. 40-xviii. 22. Paul chooses Silas as companion for a second apostolic journey; after confirming churches in Syria, Cilicia, and the southern part of the Galatian province, he is guided by the Spirit to Macedonia ; Philippi ; Thessalonica ; Beroea ; Athens ; Corinth ; secession from synagogue ; trial before Gallic ; passing visit to Ephesus on the way to Jerusalem ; return to Antioch. XVIII. 23-xxi. 16. Third apostolic journey ; visit to the churches of Galatia and Phrygia ; Apollos ; return to Ephesus ; two years preaching there, three months in synagogue, the rest in the school of Tyrannus ; great effect produced by miracles ; riot of craftsmen ; tour through Macedonia and winter at Corinth ; start of deputation with Paul from Philippi and Troas ; address to elders of Ephesus ; voyage ; Tyre ; Ptolemais ; Caesarea ; Jerusalem. XXI. 17-xxin. 35. Welcome of the Church; attendance at the temple ; Jewish assault ; rescue by Roman garrison ; hearing before Sanhedrin ; plot against Paul's life ; removal to Caesarea. XXIV. Trial before Felix ; his private interviews with Paul ; two years' detention. XXV., XXVI. Hearing before Festus ; appeal to Caesar ; hearing before Agrippa. XXVII., XXVIII. 1-10. Voyage from Caesarea to Myra, and thence to Fair Havens ; shipwreck and winter at Malta. XXVIII. 11-31. Voyage from Malta ; Puteoli ; Rome ; two years' ministry at Rome under custody. The history of the Christian Church comes in contact at several points with external chronology of history, and a comparison of the notes ^^® ■^*^*^- of time, supplied by the Acts and the Epistles of 18 CHRONOLOGY. Paul, with the dates found in Josephus and other historians of that period, furnishes sufficient material for constructing a system of chronology at least approximately correct. If the true date of the birth of Christ be, as is generally supposed, four years earlier than the Ascension Christian era, then (allowing three years A.D. 29. fQj. ii^Q duration of his ministry) the statement in Luke iii. 23 that he was about thirty years of age at his baptism, brings down the date of his death to about a.d. 29. This agrees with the statement of Eusebius that the crucifixion took place in the consulship of the Gemini. The next date of importance is that of the first persecution. The circumstances of Stephen's death ^ ^^ . afford a clue to this. The clearness with Deatn of Stephen which the leading facts of his prosecution and martyrdom are related, evidently on the authority of an eye-witness, leaves no doubt that he was brought before the Sanhedrin on a charge of blasphemy, pronounced guilty by a tumultuary verdict in which the populace concurred with the court, hurried outside the walls, and there executed by stoning in the presence, and with the express sanction, of an active officer or member of the Sanhe- drin. These proceedings exhibit a literal compliance with the old Mosaic law, originally enacted for the congregation of Israel in the wilderness, but now revived in all its harshness under totally different conditions of national life. Now the Sanhedrin were quite capable, as their treatment of Jesus and Paul evinces, of perpetrating gross injustice under forms of law, and enlisting the populace in their support. CHRONOLOGY. 19 But the great difficulty which besets historical students in this narrative is to reconcile it with the fact of Roman government in Judaea. It is asked with reason how the Roman governor came to tolerate this out- rage on imperial justice in the capital of Judaea. For religious toleration was a cardinal principle in the imperial government of subject provinces. It was of course the result of prudence, indifference, or con- tempt, and vanished at once if a creed became danger- ous, or was suspected of fostering disloyalty or sedition. But, in the absence of disorder or suspicion, nations were left free to believe and to worship according to their own form of religion. A considerable latitude was allowed to local authorities in the infliction of minor punishments on offenders against their religious code ; for instance, Paul was five times scourged as a Jew for infraction of Jewish law. One invariable limit, however, was imposed on this discretionary power of punishment: the supreme power of life and death, which in allied and ti'ibutary states belonged to native rulers, was in the provinces strictly reserved to Roman officers, as an essential principle of policy. In Judaea espepially the intensity of religious ferment and the bitter feuds of rival factions made this safe- guard indispensable. There is abundant evidence of this system in the New Testament. Similar charges to those against Stephen were brought against Jesus himself, and against Paul, under three different governors, but with wholly different result. Pilate, Felix, and Festus differed widely in their characters ; but all alike maintained their high prerogative with- out the slightest hesitation. When the Sanhedrin pronounced Jesus guilty of blasphemy, Pilate made a ■20 CHEONOLOGY. mock of their sentence, until it was backed up by a plausible charge of treason before him. Nor can his jealous assertion of authority be explained by his haughty character and imperious severity. For Felix and Festus in like manner interposed their veto to shield Paul from condemnation, in spite of the utmost efforts of the Jewish authorities, who were ready even to connive at assassination as a means of procuring his death. Why then was the issue so different in Stephen's case ? The method of his execution, too, apart from the punishment of death, was a peculiarly flagrant violation of peace and order: the law of stoning, as enforced in his case, placed the lives of law-abiding citizens at the mercy of a bigoted and capricious mob, who might usurp the name of justice in any riotous outbreak of fanaticism. Later history furnishes, indeed, one exact parallel to the stoning of Stephen: Josephus relates how James the Just was tried before the high priest, convicted, and stoned to death at Jerusalem (Ant xx. 9, 1). But this act is expressly attributed to the arbitrary violence of the high priest, who took advantage of an interregnum caused by the death of Festus; and so far from its being sanctioned by the succeeding governor he warmly resented it as an abuse of power, and the high priest was at once deposed. Nor, again, was the death of Stephen an isolated event which took the government by surprise: it gave the sigTial for a reign of terror in Jerusalem, which consigned a number of Christians to prison and to death, and drove the mass of the remainder into distant exile. This state of affairs cannot have pre- vailed in Jerusalem without the tacit sanction of the CHEONOLOGY. 21 Roman government. Strange as it appears to the student of history that Rome should have tolerated at this period a persecution of Christians to the death, this is the only conclusion which the record here given admits. Nor was the persecution limited to the city of Jerusalem alone ; it extended to the cities of Syria : a Jewish mission actually started under the authority of the high priest and Sanhedrin to drag back refugees from Damascus to Jerusalem in bonds. How, then, can this entire reversal of Roman policy, extending beyond Judaea itself to the great province of Syria, be explained? Christians were as yet too insignificant a body to provoke Roman jealousy: their persecution was due entirely to Jewish rulers, and the only motive which could induce the Roman governor of Syria to sanction it would be a desire to win favour with them. Now for seven years and a half after the death of Christ, Pilate continued to govern Judaea with ex- treme severity, manifesting a haughty contempt for the people, and hated and feared by them in return. It is impossible to conceive his tolerating the execution of Stephen, or even threats of capital punishment against the Twelve. But during the last half-year of Tiberius ensued a complete revolution in policy, consequent on the quarrel between Herod Antipas and his father-in- law Aretas, the Arabian king of Petra. The latter, instead of submitting his grievance to Roman arbi- tration, made a successful inroad into Galilee; and Tiberius, warmly resenting this insult, ordered Vitellius governor of Syria to avenge it by an expedition against Petra. Now the hearty support of the Jews was extremely valuable for this operation, as their country lay immediately in the road of the invading army : 22 CHRONOLOGY. and Vitellius, an unscrupulous man, set himself to secure this support by any means in his power. His first step was to disgrace Pilate, and send him to Rome to answer the complaints of the Jews. He then despatched an officer of his own to Jerusalem, and subsequently proceeded thither himself, with the express object of conciliating the Jewish priests and people, while his army was on the march down the maritime plain. The measures which he adopted for this purpose, according to Josephus, were remission of taxes and ostentatious display of respect for their religion ; he surrendered to the charge of the priest- hood the sacred robes which Pilate had retained in Roman custody; he held court at Jerusalem during the passover, to which he doubtless contributed lavish offerings; he displaced Caiaphas, who had perhaps been too subservient to Pilate (comp. John xi. 48), and promoted two sons of Annas in succession to the high priesthood, Annas being at that time the head of the priestly oligarchy (Jos. Ant. xviii. 4, 2 and 3, also 5, 3). Hence it appears that Vitellius entered into a virtual compact with the Jewish rulers, according them a freer hand in matters of religion as the price of timely support in his military operations. It can scarcely be doubted that liberty to persecute the infant Church (though of course ignored by Josephus) was included in the bargain, and followed speedily on the removal of Pilate's heavy hand. The limits of this exceptional period are determined with tolerable precision by the death of Tiberius in the latter part of March, 37. For it began with the suspension of Pilate, who repaired at once (though probably by slow stages) to Rome. It was winter, and the long land CHRONOLOGY. 23 journey probably occupied more than two months : he did not arrive till after the death of the emperor. Again, the tidings of the emperor's death arrived in Palestine about Pentecost ; and Yitellius, who had a personal quarrel with Herod Antipas, eagerly seized the opportunity to patch up peace with Aretas, and withdraw his troops. The accession of Caius Caesar (Caligula) in fact reversed the imperial policy: Antipas was soon after deposed, and Aretas taken into favour. The period of persecution therefore fell within the first five months of 37. The arrest of Peter and John, and subsequently of the Twelve, were the earliest steps taken by the rulers against the Church, and belonged PrGVious apparently to the same period. For arrest of Caiaphas was deposed from the high a^^*,!^ priesthood by Vitellius after his arrival at Jerusalem, and in iv. 6 he is mentioned as no longer high priest, but subordinate to Annas, the acting president of the Sanhedrin. Again, in the subsequent trial, the capital punishment of the Twelve was proposed ; and their escape was due, not to dread of Roman intervention, but to divine interposition, and the consequent prevalence of moderate counsels in the Sanhedrin itself. The period of priestly dominion closes with the abortive mission of Saul to Damascus. When he started, the persecution was still running conversion of its career unchecked, and seeking new ®^"^ ■^■■^- ^'^■ victims outside the city. But intense as it was for a time within the walls, it did not last long enough to spread far beyond them. The next record tells the conversion of Samaria, and represents Christians 24 CHRONOLOGY. as coming in and going out in peace. Saul was in like manner suffered to preach Christ openly without hindrance in Damascus immediately after his conver- sion, and it may be inferred from this that the policy of Vitellius had by that time undergone a change which restored safety to the Christian Church: in other words, the conversion of Saul should be dated in May or June, 37. The flight of Saul from Damascus to Jerusalem is dated, in Gal. i. 18, three years after his conversion. 1 "^^is means only two years according from Damas- to English reckoning (as the Greeks in ^^^ ' ■ ' such cases counted the two broken years at the beginning and end as two separate years), and makes 39 the date of the flight. Damascus had by that time been transferred from the province of Syria to the dominion of Aretas (2 Cor. xi. 32), doubtless as a tributary ally of Rome. The accession of Caius Caesar led to this change ; for whereas Tiberius had steadily supported the Herodian family as a counter- poise to Jewish influence, Caius granted peace to Aretas, and subsequently deposed his rival. Damascus was naturally connected with Arabia rather than with western Syria, and had once belonged to an ancestor of Aretas. The fact of the transfer is indicated by a break in the series of Roman coins during the reigns of Caius and Claudius. There is good ground for dating Peter's peaceful Order of progress through the churches and sub- Usm of Cor- Sequent baptism of Cornelius not very neiius,(2)visit long after his return from Samaria ; saiem, for the circumstances of that baptism indicate that no Christian Church existed at the time CHEONOLOGY. 25 in Caesarea, though the position of that city on the high roacl from Jerusalem and Samaria . ^.j^q^^^jj ^^ to the Levant, to Syria and the western Gentile ciiurcii world, suggests an early date tor its foundation, and the record of Philip's preaching in viii. 40 lands him there at an early date. The flight of Saul from Damascus to Jerusalem is recorded indeed in an earlier chapter ; but this is obviously due to the exigencies of historical narrative which require the author to complete the account of Saul's conversion and his early preaching at Damascus, before resuming the thread of Peters life. It is impossible, on the other hand, to estimate the time which elapsed before the foundation of the more distant church of Antioch : the admission of Gentile converts was obviously sub- sequent to the divine sanction given in the case of Cornelius, and the departure of Barnabas to that church was certainly subsequent to Saul's meeting with the apostles, for Barnabas was still at Jerusalem at that time. The date of the second persecution is determined by the biography of king Herod Agrippa I. He was broue^ht up at Rome in the circle of the „ ,, ^. ^ , . Herodianper- imperial palace, incurred the jealousy of secution a.d. Tiberius by his intrigues with Caius Caesar, by whom he was afterwards promoted to royal dignity, but remained at Rome till the assassin- ation of Caius in January, 41. He rendered great services to Claudius at that juncture in securing his succession, and one of the first public acts of Claudius was to enlarge his dominion to the full extent over which his grandfather, the first Herod, had reigned. He died just three years after this, during 26 CHRONOLOGY. the winter of 44, in the sudden manner recorded in Acts xii. His last passover therefore was in 43, several months intervening between it and his fatal illness. This interval is suggested in 'y. 19 by the mention of a sojourn in Caesarea: and Josephus records an ambitious gathering of kings at Tiberias which gave umbrage to the governor of Syria before he went down to Caesarea. The death of James the son of Zebedee and imprisonment of Peter belong therefore to the early months of 43. Just as the Herodian persecution was breaking out in Jerusalem, i.e. very early , in 43, Bai^nabas Visit of Bar- ^^^ Saul repaired thither with alms from naDas and the church of Antioch, in which they had saiem early in spent the whole of the previous year, 4?, A. D. 43. together. They started apparently be- fore any tidings of danger had reached Antioch, but finding it in progress left their contribution with the elders, and hurried away without even seeing the Twelve. More than two years of Saul's life between his flight to Tarsus and the departure of Barnabas to seek him there are passed by without a record. But there is an incidental reference in xv. 41 to churches in Cilicia : and many of the dangers and sufferings enumerated in 2 Cor. xi. 23-27, for which no place can be found in the better-known period that followed, were probably encountered during these two years of lonely labour at the hands of Jewish enemies, or in the wild highlands and along the stormy coast of Cilicia. No materials exist for fixing the date of the mission undertaken by Barnabas and Saul to Cyprus and Asia Minor, or the length of time occupied in CHRONOLOGY. 27 it, with any precision. Seven years intervened between their previous visit to Jerusalem and their attendance at the council, spent partly in „ ., , , ' f ^ / Council of Je- preaching in Judaea, Samaria, or Syria on rusaiem a. d. their way to and fro between Jerusalem gtoi^^oumey and Antioch (comp. xxvi. 20 and xv. 3) ; previous to partly on the mission tour, which occupied at least two years, more probably three ; partly in or around Antioch, where Paul seems to have made a considerable stay before he received his commission. The date of the council is determined by Gal. ii. 1, It can hardly be questioned that the special mission which Paul there describes is the same that the author records in ch. xv., or that the date fourteen years (according to English reckoning thirteen) should be calculated from his conversion in 37. The date of the council is therefore 50. As for the mission journey the travel-notes recorded in the Acts require at least two winters spent on the northern side of Taurus. It may be assumed that the party started from Antioch in the spring, as Cyprus and the coasts of the Levant were their primary object, that they spent the whole summer in Cyprus (for they tra- versed it from end to end, preaching in all the synagogues on successive Sabbaths), and that they did not cross Mount Taurus much before the moun- tain passes were closed by winter. They subsequently founded four permanent churches, Antioch, Iconium, Derbe, and Lystra: which implies a stay of some months in each place, specially at Iconium. They returned to Iconium and Antioch, after they had been expelled, to confirm the churches which they had founded. This they could not do without a lapse 28 CHRONOLOGY. of several months that the popular excitement might subside and new magistrates come into ofl&ce. Prob- ably the whole tour occupied three or four years. After the council of Jerusalem in 50 the career of Paul is sketched in detail with so many accompanying notes of time that ten years can be fully Paul in Rome accounted for before his arrival in Rome. not later than ^^ f^^^ point it comes into incidental con- A.D. 61. ^ tact with the events of Roman history. After the arrival of Festus in Caesarea the Jews of that city organized a deputation with his permission to accuse Felix of misgovernment. This deputation proceeded eventually to Rome, but as it was already late in the year they probably awaited the opening of navigation in the spring ; certainly they had not reached Rome before the arrival of Paul, for the Roman Jews knew nothing of the recent proceedings against him at Caesarea (xxviii. 21), and the trial of Felix took place subsequently. It ended in his acquittal, partly through the influence of his wealthy brother Pallas, but mainly owing to the support of Burrhus the prefect of the Praetorians. Now Burr- hus died in February, 62, and the ruin of Pallas quickly followed, so that the trial of Felix was certainly not later than 61 : and as the influence of Burrhus and Pallas had been for some time waning, it is more probable that it took place in 60, which may therefore be accepted as the probable date of Paul's arrival. After the council was over in 50 Paul made a considerable stay in Antioch, visited churches in Syria, Cilicia, and Galatia, founded the Philippian, Thessalonian, and Beroean churches : then after a CHRONOLOGY. 29 short stay at Athens he spent nearly two years in all at Corinth (see note on xviii. 9-11) sailed to Caesarea as early as the spring- navi^a- •^ , , , . .j_\ Fourth visit tion was open, made a nasty visit to to Jerusalem Jerusalem and Antioch, and reached ^^^ !^^^^®^ ' than A.D. 64. Ephesus overland by about Pentecost.^ This important period of Paul's ministry can hardly be compressed into a shorter space than four years, which brings its close down to the year 54. The next two years were spent at Ephesus, the summer and autumn following in Macedonia, and the ensuing winter at Corinth. The return ,, 1 TIT 1 • T n 1 Fifth visit to tnrougn Macedonia and the voyage to Jerusalem at Palestine occupied the following spring, ^^^^^g^^* bringing the history down to Pentecost 57, at which time Paul was arrested in Jerusalem. Two years and a half were spent in confinement at Caesarea : ending in the autumn of 59 with Paul's departure as a prisoner for Rome. The shipwreck took place at the beginning Rome early in of winter, and the three winter months ^'-R'^^' J^^^ * . m A.D. 62. were spent in Melita. At the beginning of spring in 60 they sailed to Italy, and Paul re- mained two whole years in Rome under military custody awaiting his trial in 62. ^ The season of his arrival was approximately the same as that of his departure two years later, for he is said to have spent two years there {xix. 10), and he left the city apparently by Pentecost or a little later (see note on xx. 1). ABBREVIATIONS. B. V. Authorized version of the Bible. N. T. - New Testament. Lxx. Septuagint version. Rec. The Greek text generally received in the seventeenth and previous centuries. 1-3.] nPAEEIS AnOSTOAQN. TON MEN nPOTON AOrON eiroiwiM^ ^re^! 1 TrduTCjov, (h Geo^iXe, Siv //p^aro ^Ifjcrov^ iroieiv re kul SiSaa-KGLv o.xpt >?? ^juiepa^ €VTei\a{xevo<; Toh aTrocTToXoi^ 2 Slu irvevfxaTO? ay'iov 01)? e^eXe^aro av6X}]/j./V j^KOucaTe fiov' otl Iwavr}? fxev G^aiTTLcrev vSaTL, vjmeig Se ev irveufxaTi pairTia-Qr}- 6 (jea-Qe aytw ov /hcto. -TroXXag TavTCig rjfxepag. 01 fxev ovv crvve\Q6vTes i^pcoToov avTov \eyovTeg Ki/pfe, ei ev TO) xp6v(X) TOVTCC airoKaOiCTTaveLg Trju paciXeLav rw 7 l(rpay\ ; elTrev irpog avTOvg Ovx i^M^^ eaTtv yvwvai Xpovov? rj Kaipov? ovg b TraTrjp eOero ev Ttj ISia e^ovfTia, visions, either of Christ or of angels. The kindred verb (not found elsewhere in the N. T.) denotes in like manner a series of visible manifestations of himself by the risen Lord. 4. o-vvaXi^ofJLCVos] 'AXi-q {-a) was a common term for a popular assembly amongst Ionian and Dorian Greeks : the verb here implies a general gathering of believers not limited to the Twelve. The brethren of the Lord and the women are afterwards mentioned as belonging to it. *l€po(ro\ijfi(ov] The declinable form is often used after prepositions : otherwise the indeclinable form 'lepovo-aXrifi is the more common. 5. i)Ti] The B. V. renders For, making 6'rt causal ; but this causal sense of Htl is limited to double sentences whose two clauses are related to each other as cause and effect, except in cases of ellipsis : 3tl is here declarative, introducing the words spoken by Christ on this occasion. 6. diroKaOioTdvcts] This word denotes restoration in its most enlarged sense, not a mere re- establishment of the ancient kingdom, but the establishment of a new kingdom of God instinct with life and power, like the restoration of a withered hand by the quicken- ing power of Christ's word. The dative appended to it further describes this restoration as a blessing /or Israel. The B. V. restore to Israal implies on the contrary a mere giving back to Israel. The present tense denotes a purpose to be carried into immediate effect. 7- Two distinct objects of curiosity are specified: (1) the duration of future periods [xpovovs], (2) critical occasions of special import- ance yet to come {>catpoiis). oils . . . c|o\io-ia] The ordering of the future has been placed by the Father within the sphere of his own absolute sovereignty. i^ovaia denotes sometimes the limited authority of responsible officers, I. 14.] nPASEIS AnOXTOAfiN. 33 aXka \r] fxyfreaOe Svpa/niu eirekQovTO? tov aytov irvev- 8 fxaros € v/nwv ei"? tou ovpavov ovtco? eXevceTat ov TpOTTOv eOeao'aa'Oe avTOV iropevofxevov elg tov ovpavov. Tore V7r€(TTp€\f/-av elg ^lepova-aXrifj. cltto opovg tov i 2 KoXovjULevov EXaifoi/o?, 6 ecxTiv eyyi/9 'lepoucraXrj/j, aiov Kai "SijULODv 6 ^r}Xo)Tr}g Kai 'lovSag 'laKd/Sov. ovtoi TrdvTeg 14 }]o-av TrpotTKapTepovvTeg 6fJ.oQvfJ.aSov Trj ir pocrevyri aw but also supreme authority as here, or despotism of a tyrant as in xxvi. 28. 8. circXGovTos] This clause describes the method by which they were to receive power, viz. by the Holy Ghost coming upon them. It contemplates, not a single outpouring of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost, as the B. V. implies, but a new dispensation of the Spirit, whose indwelling presence should become a continuous power with- in them. 9. iiir^apev] This verb followed by aw6, as it is here, denotes withdrawal. 13. 8 T€ n^Tpos] When two or more names of persons or places are enumerated as members of a single group, only the first requires the article. 14. Rec. inserts Kai r^ Se-^tret after irpoa-evxv- irpoo-KapTtpovvTcs] This verb denotes either stedfast perseverance in a habit (as here and in ii. 42, vi. 4), or stedfast adherence to a, person (viii. 13), or constant attendance in a place (ii. 46). c 34 nPASEI2 AnOSTOAl^N. [I. M- yvvai^u Kcu M.apiaix t?] fj.r}Tp\ rod 'It](rov kol (tvv toIt/ elwev (^u te ox^o? ouo^arcov eirt 16 TO avTO to? eKaTOV etKoa-i) ' AvSpe^ a(5eX^oi, eSet irkripta- Otjuat Triv ypacprju rjv irpoelnre to irvedfxa to dyiov Sia (TTO/JiaTO^ Aav€tS irepl 'lovSa tov yevofxevov oSrjyov rok 17 (TvWa/Bova-LV 'I^croi'i/, oTt KaTf}pidixr}fxevob>v] Rec. (j.ad'qTwv. 17. Stl] The B. V. renders this Fov, but there is no causal connexion between this verse and the last to justify that rendering. 6ti ia here declarative, and introduces a statement of the prophecy contained in Ps. xli. 9, which was in substance that one of the chosen Twelve was to be the traitor. 18. O^Tos ^\v ofiv] This emphatic opening marks the commence- ment of the author's parenthetic comment as distinct from the speech of Peter. 1.26.] nPASEIS An02T0AiiN. 35 €Kelvo TH SiaXeKTO) avrcof A/ceX^a^ca;^, tovt e(TTiv ILtaplov AUfxaTO^. TeypawTai yap ev ^//3Xa) '^aX/ut-wu 20 feNHef^TO) H ^TTd,^K\C d^YTOY epHMOC KaI Mhl ^CTCO 6 Kd^TOlKCON EN AYTFI, /cat Thn emcKonhiN (\ytoy AekBeTO) erepoc— JeF oSt' Twt' arvifeXOovTOOV rjfxiu auSpwu ev iravrt \pov(p 21 (h eicrtjXdev koI e^rjXOep e

. kqi ea-Trjirap Svo, lo)] Literally a book, i.e. one of the five books, not the book of Psalms. 21. Sei o6v answers to ^dec in v. 16. That verse declared God's will in past time, this declares his will in the present. 24. avd8ei|ov] This word denotes Christ's actual appointment of the twelfth apostle, as it does of the Seventy in Luke x. 1, the issue of the lot being regarded as a declaration of his will. The B. V, renders it as an inward guidance of the voters, on the false assump- tion that all were casting lots. 25. irapepT)] The case which follows this verb determines its mean- ing. When followed by an accus. trapd means against or beijond, and irapa^aiveLV denotes transgression : when followed by dir6 or i^, as it is here, Trapd means aside and irapa^aiueiv denotes swerving from the right path. The latter is the meaning here, as often in the lxx. : the sense of transgression introduced by the B. V. is foreign to the passage. 26. OXOU TOV oIkOV OU rj(TaV Ka6}}/iJL€V0l, Koi uxpOrjcrau avT0i9 Sta/ULepi^o/uLepai yXwtTcrai wa-ei irvpo^j 4 KOLi €Kd6ia-€v e(j> eva cKacrTOV avTchvy Kai eirXYiaQricrav iravTe^ Trvef/xaro? ayiovy Kai 'i^p^avTO XaXetv cTepaig yXwtTCTai^ KaOcog to irvevfxa eSlSov a7rocj)QeyyeG'Qai 5 avTOie? 'la-parjXeiTat, aKovaaTe tol'9 Xo'yoL'9 toi^tol'?' I>;(Toi;^' rot' Na^copatov, avcpa aTroSeSety/ULevov airo rov Oeov efV v/iia$ Swd/uLecri Kac Tepacn kol (Tyifxeloi? oU 23 eTTOirjcrev Si avTOv o 0eo9 €v fj,e(T(p vjmwv, Ka6w9 uvtoi oiSare, tovtov tij wpLcjuei/r} /3ov\r] KOt Trpoyvcocrei tov Oeov €kSotou Sia x^fpo? avo/mwi^ irpocrTry/^avTeg aveiXare, 24 OP o Oeog au€(7Tr}(T€V Xvaag tcl^ co&a? tov OavoLTOv, 22. 8\)vd)J.€o-i Kal rtpacrt Kal o-TjfitCoLs] Three forms of divine cre- dentials are here glanced at: (1) special powers inherent in the person, (2) portents like the star in the east, choir of angels, voices from heaven, and the mysterious darkness and earthquake that heralded the death of Christ, (3) miracles wrought by Christ himself. 23. TOVTOV ... ^kSotov] Rec. adds Xa^di/res after this. 8ia X€Lpbs] Rec. x^^P'^"- This alteration is fatal to the sense. The Jews did not ciih laioless hands crucify the Saviour, but pro- cured his crucifixion by Gentiles. dv6/j.uiv is here used,' as in 1 Cor. ix. 21, for men who did not acknowledge the law of God, i.e. Gentiles. There was nothing lawless about the crucifixion. It was a judicial murder, not an act of lawless violence ; and the essence of its guilt lay in their giving over the Messiah to the Romans for execution. 24. The expression (hStvas Oavdrov is borrowed from the Lxx. It occurs there in 2 Kings (Sam.) xxii. 6, Ps. xvii. 6 (xviii. 4), cxiv. (cxvi.) 3, combining the sense travail-pangs with death. To loosen 11.28.] nPAHEI2 AnOSTOAiiN. 39 KauoTi ovK tjv SvvaTov KpaTeicrOat avTOV vir avTOv' AaveiS yap Xiyei et? avTOu 25 TTpOOpCOMHN TON KYPION eNCOHION MOy Al<\ HANTOC, OTi eK AelicoN MOY ecTiN Tna mh caA6y6co. K\i TOYTO HYP^NeH MOY H K<\pAlA KAl HTAAAiACATO H 26 ["ACOCCA MOY, en Ae kai h CApl moy KATACKHNcocei en' eAniAi* OTI OYK eNKATAAeivpeic thn yYX^^N moy eic (^Ahn, 27 OYAe Aa)cetc ton ocio'n coy lAeTN AiacJjOopan. efNuopicAC MOi oAoyc zcohc, 28 n\Hpcoc€ic M6 eY4)pocYNHC MeTA TOY npoccorroY coy. these is "jO produce a new birth (comp. Job xxxix, 2). This figure, which presents the death of Christ as a new birth unto life, beauti- ful and appropriate as it is in Itself, does not exist in the original, but only in the lxx. The Hebrew in both Psalms uses another figure, cords of death: and this is evidently the figure in the apostle's mind, for he passes on to the impossibility of Jesus being holden by them. This language afifords a conclusive argument that the original speech ivas in Hebrew, and has been translated into Greek by the author, like other speeches in the Acts. 25. IIpoopu|iT]v] The middle voice indicates the personal interest of the Psalmist. Looking forth for help in time of need, he saw the Lord tefore him standing at his right hand. 26. 7\wo-(ra] So the lxx. version of Ps. xa'. (xvi. ) 9. The B. V. ' glory ' denotes an utterance of praise. 27. 4vKaTaA€£\|;€Ls] This is a very forcible term for expressing entire abandonment. The emphatic language of Ps. xxi. (xxii). 1, adopted by Christ upon the cross, and that of Deut. xxxi. 6, Joshua i. 5, quoted in Hebrews xiii. 5, mark its true force as denoting divine abandonment. Here, as elsewhere, it should be rendered forsake. €ls $8t|v] The B. V. iii hell confounds eis with iv : its true force is to fix a limit to God's abandonment of his servant. Though he may hide his face a little while, he will not forsake him unto death. Sia<|)6opdv] This does not, like (pOopdv^ denote corruption {as ren- dered in the B. V.) but destruction. The lxx. use it in Ps. xv. (xvi.) 10, where the original speaks of the pit, i.e. the pit of death. God (it is there said) will not suffer his Holy One to see death. This is the spiritual truth conveyed by Christ in John viii. 51 ; 7/ a man keep my ivord, he shall never see death (see note on xiiL 34). 28. [iCTo, T. irpoirwirou trov] fxera denotes companionship and irpoa- 40 nPAHEIS An02TOA12N. [H. 29- 2^"A.vSpeoi, e^ov elirelv fxera 7rapp)]cria? x/309 i^/Wa? Trep} Tov TraTpictpxov AavelS, on kol eTeXevrtja-ev Km €Ta(j>t] KOL TO fxvrjfxa avTOV ecrnv ev ^-jfxlv o-Xpi rrj^ 30 rjfxepas Taurrj^' '7rpoeopAN. Tovrov top It]o-ovv aveo-Tricrev 6 Oeo^, ov iravTGf; rifxeh e(T^ev 33 jUidpTvpeg. t?? <5e^fa ovv tov Oeov v'yp-coOei^ rrjv t€ eirayyeXlav tov irvevfxaTO'i tov aylov Xa/Bwv irapa tov 7raTpo<5 e^e^eej/ tovto o v/jl€i^ koc /SXeTrere Kai cucoveTe. 34 ov yap AavetS ave^rj eh TOf? ovpavov^, Xeyei Se avTO? ETneN Kypioc tcjj kypicaj moy Kt^eoY 6k Ae^icoN moy SS 66oc<\N eo) TOYC ex9pOYC COY YTTono'AiON TCON noAwN COY- 36 a(Ta\(h£ ovv ytvaxTiceTCO wag o^Kog IcparfK on Kai KVpCOV aVTOV Kai XpKTTOV €7r0lt](T€V 6 OeO^, TOVTOV TOV 37 Irjcrovv ov v/mei^ ea-TavpocxraTe. KKOvaavTei; oe KaTevvyy}(Tav Tr]v KapSlav, elirav re tt/jo? tov TL^Tpov KUL Toiy? XoLTTOv? aTTOo-ToXov^ Ti "TTOLijcrwfxev, avSpe^ (hwov the actual presence of God, not his countenance in the sense of divine favour, as is suggested by the B. V. The fuhiess of joy is to consist in admission to God's presence, to stand beside him where he is, 29. €|bv] This participle has the force of a finite verb (comp. 2 Cor. xii. 4). 30. Rec. inserts rb /caret adpKa dvauTrja-eiu rbv xptcrriy after dc^iJo? a'droO. To Ka$icraL corresponds 9rj(rofj.aL in the original passage, Psalm cxxxi. (cxxxii.) 11 : Kadiaai therefore has probably a transitive force, its object being supplied out of iK Kapirov. 31. €VKaT€X€£(|>0'r]] Rec. inserts ij ■ipvx^ civrou after this, borrowing it from the Psalm. 33. Tfj 8€|La] This must be an instrumental dative. Its em- phatic position marks the intervention of God vi^ith power at the Ascension. 11. 47-J nPAHEI2 AnorrOAON. 41 aSe\opo?, woXXa Se TepaTa Ka] crj/neia Sia TO)u aTToa-ToXwv eytveTO. iravTei; Se ol iriaTeva-avTeg 44 eiTi TO avTO el^ov diravTa KOivd, Ka\ to. KTr/jmaTa KOt 45 Ta^ vTrap^ei? eirLirpaa-KOV Kai Siefxepi^ov avTo. irao'iv KauoTt av Tig xpeiav elx^^' f<^o.& rjfxepav re TrpoarKapTe- 46 povvTeg ofxoQvfxaSov ev tw lepo), KXwuTeg Te KaT oIkov apTov, fxeTeXaix^avov TpoeXoTr}Ti KapScag, alvovVTeg tov Qeov Kai exovTeg 47 40, SiE^apTvparo] This word defines the nature of the address, as a, protest against the wickedness of the crucifixion, accompanied by warnings to save themselves from the doom of a guilty generation. 41. diroSEldfiEvoi] This verb expresses hearty welcome. Hence later MSS. inserted atr^e^w? and /cat Tnareva-avres. 44. IttI rh avrb etxov] The phrase eirl rb avro denotes the unity of spirit with which Christians held all things common (see note on i. 15). The force of ^x^lv is the same as in Luke xiv. 18, Phil. ii. 29. Rec. , with some mss. , reads ijaav iiri to avro Kai elxov. 46. oHtjeXon^Ti] The B. V. singleness confounds this with aTrMTrjri. It really denotes evenness of temper and unruffled cheerfulness in social intercourse. The adj. d^eXijs was used to describe a smooth road, free from stones, and d tovto croi SiSwfxC ep TO) opofxaTL '\riG-ov ^piQ-Tov TOV Nafcoyoa/oi/ irepLiraTei. 7 Kat TTiaa-a^ avTOV Ttj^ Se^iag x^^P^^ tjyeipep gvtop' Trapaxpyjp-o. Se €(TTepea)9}](Tap al (3ay aoj^o/jL^vovs, which means sarmij the7Jiselres, as the previous ex- hortation (Tibdrjre in v. 40 had warned them to do. Converts were seeking refuge in the church from day to day with the same purpose of escaping the wrath of God, denounced on an evil generation, by repentance and faith. For iirl rb avrb see note on i. 15. 1 . dvepatvov . . . Kai . . epao-rd^cTo] The two imperfects are coupled together to express the coincidence of the two arrivals. Peter and John were going up as the lame man was carried to his post. 2. xiirdpxwv] The lameness is stated as the occasion of his being so carried. 6. ircpiTrdTci] Rec. 'iyeipai Kai TrfptTrdret, other MSS. have ^yetpe Kai tt. The language employed by Christ probably suggested the additions. in. i6.] nPA3EI2 AnOSTOA12N. 43 eia'^XOeu crvv avTol^ etV to lepov irepiTraTwv Kai aXXo- lut.euog KOI alvwv tov deov. kol etSev wag 6 Xaog avTOv 9 irepiiraTOvvTa kol alvovvra tov Oeov, eireyLVwa-KOV Se lo avTOV OTL ovTog rjv 6 TTpo? Tfjv eXerj/ixocTvvJjv Kaui]fievor}TO)v. 19. dvai|/il|€ws diro irpoa-coirou] Apparently the force of avafv^ews is not refreshing (as in the B. ^^) but respite (as in Exodus viii. 15). Peter is urging on the crucifiers the need for repentance that they may turn away the wrath of God and obtain a respite from the terrible visitation of which Joel had written (ii. 31 ). The face of the Lord is used in Ps. xxxiv. 16 to express such a visitation: The face of the Lord is against them that do evil, to cut off (he remem- hrance of them from the earth. 20. 7rpoKex€Lpi(r[j.evov] Rec. 7rpoK€K7]pvyfj.4voi'. The proper mean- ing of irpox^Lp^^eiv seems to be the shaping of a tool by the craftsman for the express use for which it is designed. The life of Christ on earth, with his appointed sufferings and death, is regarded as a pre- paration for his eventual return to reign as King Messiah, just as the early life of Paul is viewed in xxii. 14 as a preparation for his apostleship. 21. ovpavhv }i4v] The statement that heaven must receive him for a, time siiggests the antithesis that in due time he will return to earth. This is here indicated by dxp'- XP°^^^ i^ place of a separate clause opeuf'd by d^. inr' alwvos] This phrase marks the conmiencement of the line of prophets from the beginning, as els rbv alwva does continuance to the end, of a divinely appointed period. That period may be the life- time of a man, of a nation, or of a world, as the context may determine. In this case the beginning of the national life of Israel is clearly indicated. IV. I.] nPAHEIS AnOSTOAfiN. 45 M.(iovt^THN ymu ANACTHcei Kypioc 22 d Oeoc SK TOON &AeA(t)U)N y^(a>n ujc eme* aytoy <\K0Ycec6e KATa/jLovr]X Kai 24 Twv KaOe^rjg bcroi €\a\>](Tav koI KaTyyyeiXav to? rjfxepa^ TaVTa^- VfX€L 26 TvacSa avTOv aireareiKev avTov evXoyovvTa vfia^ ev tw a'7ro€tv eKa . must have preceded KaT-qyyeCKav. That verb is really part of the relative clause coupled to i\d\7)(ray. The statement that every single prophet from Samuel downwards had spoken of these Messianic days would neither be true nor relevant. The point which the apostle is urging here is that all the Messianic prophets had spoken words of warning like Moses. It is necessary therefore to understand elirov as the principal verb. The argument is that as iloses threatened all who would not listen to God's prophet with utter destruction, so spake also all the subsequent prophets who foretold the days of redemption. 26. dvacrTi]o-as] The reference here is not to the Resurrection but to the Incarnation. This explains the designation servant [iraida), which is limited to the earthly ministry of Jesus, for which he was raised up, as Moses and the prophets had been. L dpxiEp€Ls] Rec. with other arss. lepeh. If the former be genuine, it points to the priestly oligarchy, whose leading members were in the Sanhedrin : if the latter, to the priests then on duty in the temple. 46 nPAHEIS An02TOAi2N. [IV. 2. 2 Kaioi, Siairovovfj-evoi Sia to SiSdaKeLv avrov9 tov \aov Koi KaTayyeXXeiu ev rw 'lri(TOv rrju avaa-racriv rrjv €K 3 veKpodv, Koi eTre/Sakou avrol? rag X^^P^^ '^"^ eOevro eig 4 Tripr}(Tiv eh rrjv avpiov, rjv yap ecrirepa f/Sr]. iroXKot Se TMv aKovo-avTwv tov \6yov eirla-Teva-av, koi €yevi]6rj api9ao9 T03V avSpwv 0)9 X'^^^*^^? irevTe. 5 'EyeVero Se ex! tj^ oSpiov (TvvaxOrjvai avTo)P tov? apxovTa? KOI rovg Trpecr^vTepou? koI tov? ypa^^aTel? 6 eu 'lepov(TaX}]fx (/ca! '' Kvva? o apx^^pev? Koi. Kata^a? Kot ^Iwdvvt]? /ca! 'AXe^auSpog Kai otol ^aav e/c yevovg 7 apx^^^pf^TLKOv), Koi a-Ti}<7ai/T€9 avTOvg eu tw fiea-o) ewwOavovTO '^v irola Svvafxei rj ev ttolo) ovofiaTi 8 eTTon/o-are tovto vfxel]crOeh irvev- jULaTog dytov elirev irpo? avTOVs ' ApxovTC? tov Xaov 9 Koi Trpecr^vTepoi, el rj/nelg aYjfxepov avaKpivop-eOa ein evepyea-la avOpooirov cKrOepovg, ev tlvl ovto? (recrcoa'Tat, 4. dvSpwv] This word is distinctly restricted to men, and /cat yvvaLKdv is added to it where it is intended to denote a mixed body of men and women (v. 14). In ii. 41 the computation includes both. 5. €V 'l£poTJ(ra\T||i] These words cannot be taken in connexion with avvaxOTJvai, as is done in the B. V., on account of their position, nor does that give a reasonable sense ; for the events of these early chapters all took place at Jerusalem, and the Sanhedrin always met there ; the addition would therefore be a mere superiluity. The clause is really attached to roll's ypafx/xareh, and denotes that only the members of the .Sanhedrin then in Jerusalem attended, the summons being sudden and the meeting hastily gathered (see note on V. 21). The order of words is common in Hellenistic Greek {comp. vii. 44, 45, 1 Cor. x. 18 ... ), whereas classical Greek would require rods €P 'I. ypa/j., Rec. changes ii/ into els. 6. There is an irregular transition from the construction of avv- ax&rivat with accusative to the nominative subject "Ai/^as .... 9. cv t£vi] This interrogative requires, according to Greek usage, a, masculine rendering ' imvhom,^ rather than a neuter 'by what meaTis.'' The context also demands this: it was the o?eference of Peter to the name of Jesus that gave importance to the crisis ; and Peter and John had been questioned accordingly about the power IV. i6.] nPAHEI2 AnOSTOAfiN. 47 ypwo'Tov ecTTCD iraaiv vfj.lv kcu iravTi TOi Xaw 'I(Tpa>;X lo OTL ev T(p ovofxan 'Irjorou 'KpicTTOV tov l^a^copatov, ov v/ixecg €(TTavp(jO(raT€, ov o Geo? '^yeipev ck veKpcoVt ev TOVTO) ovTO^ TrapecTTrjKev evwinov v/j.wv i'yn/9. ovto^ ii ea-Ttv 6 AiBoc d eioyeeNHeelc y4>' W(Jov tcon oikoAo'mcon, d reNOMeNOC eic K64)d»AhiN ri^NfAC. Kai ovk ecTTiv ev 12 aXXw ovSevi t] (rcoTtjpia, ovSe yap ovofxa epY'!^^'^n eeNH K<\i \Aoi eMeAexHCAN KCNei; HApecTHCAN 01 BACiAeTc thc pHC 26 KcnI oi APXONT6C CYNHX6HCAN enl to ayto KATd. TOY KYPIOY KAI Ki^Tdv TOY XPICTOY d^YTOY- CYNHX0HC(\N ytip ^tt' aXifieux? ev nj TroXei TavTr] eiri 27 Tov dyiov iralSa crov 'Jt](TOvi/j on expiCAC, iipo)Si]? re /cal IloVrfo? IIeiXaT09 rrvi' eONeciN Kai AaoTc Icrpa>;X, iroLrja-ai ocra ^ X^^V ^^^ ^^'^ '? povKrj Trpocopta-ev 28 yevearQai. Km ra vvu, Kvpie, cTriSe eirt tol^s uTreiXag 29 ai/TCOi^, /ca; ^09 rot? ^OfXoi? crov fieTa irappyjcna's Trucrrj^ \a\eiu Tov \oyov crov^ ev T(o Ttjv X^lpa eKreiveiv ere ei^ 30 "tacTLv Kat crt]/j.€ia Koi Tepara ylveaQai Sta tov ovo/naTO^ TOV aylov iraiSo^ crov I>/crof. Kai SeriQevTo^v avToov 31 ecraXevOr} o Toirog eu w }]crav crvvy^yfxevoL, teat eTrXrjcrBricTav airavTes tov ayiov 7rv€v/j.aT0?, Kat eXaXovv tov Xoyov TOV 6eov fX€Ta Trapprjcria?- Tov Se 7rXi]6ov9 tmu iriCTTe-vcravTOiv rjv KupSia koI 32 is taken, contains no such expression. It is addressed to God in Luke ii. 29, but as the correlative to dovXov, and is applied to Christ in 2 Peter ii. 1, Jude 4, in like manner. Rec. inserts 6 deds after cru. 25. The confused accumulation of genitives suggests some primi- tive error. The reading of Rec. 6 Sti ar6/j.aTo^ Aa^l5 roO TratSos aov seems to be a conjectural emendation wanting authority. 27. €v Trj iroXcL TaiJTT]] Rec. omits these words. 30. It is not very clear whether ylveadai is attached to iKreiveiv ce or to XaXelv. 31. tirXTJo-BTio-av (aor.) ... Kai eXdXoiJv (imp,)] The assembly were filled at once with the Holy Spirit as an immediate response to prayer, and proceeded to speak. 32. TTia-Tiva-avTOiv] Belief, as the act of embracing the faith, is D 50 nPASEIS AnODTOAfiN. [IV. 32. yj/'uxh f'Ua, Aral oliSe eh rt toov v-jrapxo^^t^^ avr(f eXeyev 33 'tSiou ehai, aXX' ^u avrotg iravTa kolvcl. koc Swa^iei /meydXi] cLTreSiSovv to fxapTvpiov ol airoo-ToXoi rov Kvptov 'Ir]a-ou Trj^ avaa-TOnrew^, X^P^^ '^^ /neyaXrj jju ewi 34 Trdvrag avrovg. ovSe yap euSajg Tig fjv ev avToh' o(toi yap KT)]Top€q x^P^^^ h o( KLaJv virrjpxov, TrwXovvreg 35 €(p€pov Tag Tt/ndg T(hv ivLir pacTKOfxevoiv Kai enQovv irapa Tovg TToSa^ Twv aTTOfTToXoov' SieStSeTO Se eKatxTw KauoTi 36 au rig XP^^^^ etx^i/. 'l(jO(Tr](p Se 6 eTriKXrjOeh ^apvd^ag diro T(i)v airoG-ToXwv, o €(TTiv fieOepfxr}vevo(j.evov Ytop 37 Ilapa/cXj/o-eco?, Aei/e/r???, Y^virpiog too yevei^ virapxovrog avTO) aypov TrtoXjJcra? i]veyKev to XP^f^^ ^^'- ^(^^^^^^ irapa Tovg iroSag twv airoaToXwy. 5 'Avrjp Se Tig ' Avavlag ovofxaTi crvv Hairipeipi] rrj 2 yvuaiKi avTOv eirwXrjorev KT^/ma Kai evoi(TaTO airo T^v Tijuitjg, o-vveiSuirjg Kai Ttjg yvvaiKogj Kai eveyKag luepog Ti irapd Tovg iroSag twv aTrocTToXcov eOrjKev. 3 elirev Se 6 HeTpog Kvavia, Sia ti eirXi^pwcrev o ^aTavdg Trjv KapSiav crov ylrevcacrOai ere to iruev/jia to dyiov Kai voarK^io-aa-Oai airo Trjg Tip.rjg tov x^P^^^ ■> 4 ovx} fievov (Toi efxevev Kai "irpaQev ev t>/ o"?; e^ovcia virrjpx^v] Ti OTi eOou ev ti] KapSia (tou to irpayfxa expressed by this aorist part. ; a present state of mind would be expressed by a present part. 33. dircSCSouv] This verb denotes repayment of some kind ; in this case the fulfihnent of apostolic obligation. 34, 35. The series of imperfect tenses and present participles re- presents a continuous stream of offerings by which provision was made for the poor. 36. "y€V€L] This may either denote family as in iv. 6, vii. 13 ; or nationality as here and in xviii. 2, 24. 2. €Voo-(|>£(raTo] In the N. T. this denotes misappropriation {comp. Titus ii. 10) ; though its origin suggests merely setting apart for use or benefit. 3. 4'*'uo-ao-9ai] Here, with an accusative, this means to deal falsely with one : in v. 4, Avith a dative, to lie. V. 14-] npAEEis Ano:i;TOAi^N. 51 rovTO ; ovK i'yp-evcro avOpwTroi^ aXXa ro) Oew, aicovwv 5 (5e 6 'Avaulag tov^ Xoyov? rovTOvg ireawv e^i'^lrv^ev' KOL eyeVero f TravTa^ Tovg aKOvovTa^ TavTa. Aia Se TOW x^^P^^ '^^^ UTTOo-ToXwv eytveTO cr^jjueia 12 Kol TepaTa woXXa ev TCp Xacp' /cal ijcav ofxoQvfxaSov iravTe^ ev tu ^too. ^oXo/jlcovto^' twv Se Xolttwv ovSei^ 13 eToXjULa KoXkao-Qai auToIg, ctXX' efxeyaXvvev avTOv^ o Xao?j /jiaXXov Se TrpocreTiOevTO Trto'TevovTeg to) Kvpcw 14 5. oLKOvwv] The present participle marks the immediate result of Peter's words : as he heard them, Ananias fell down dead. T. aKOTJOvras] Here this word describes the actual hearers, in f. 11 the hearers of the report. 12. 4-yCv€To] The imperfect points to a succession of miracles, con- tinuing some time. 13. T«v 8^ XoLirwv] dXXa contrasts the populace who freely joined the apostles with the rest, men of position or wealth, who were afraid to do so openly. 14. T(p Kvplip cannot be detached from ina-Tevovres as is done in the B. V. It may be connected with irpoaerLSevTo also ; for that verb is sometimes used alone (ii. 41), sometimes combined with r. Kvplip (xi. 24), to denote the addition of new converts. 52 nPA3E12 AnOSTOAfixV. [V. 15. 15 7r\}]6rj avSpcoj^ re koi yvvaiKwv' (hare icai eig ra^ TrXarelag €Ka\€ia Kai tovs (pvXuKa^ etTTwra? €7ri tcou Ovpwv, avol^avTcg Se €(to) ovSeva evpofxev. wp ^e 'i^Kovtrav tov? \oyov? tovtov9 24 6 T£ (TTpaTyiyo r)fxa<$ to aTfxa tov avOpdirov tovtov. aTroKpiOecg Se JleTpo? Kat 29 ol aiTQCTToXoi elirav Ti.eiQap')(eLv Set Oew jmaXXov fj avOpujTTOi?. o 6eo9 twv TraTepwv rjfxwv tjyeipev ^\rj(Tovv. 30 'Ov vfxel^ Siexetplcraa-Oe KpeMACANxec enl iY^oy, tovtov 6 31 6eo9 apx^yov Kai a-wTrjpa v\f/-(ji3a'ev Tr] Se^ia avTov, tov 23. ccTTWTas eirl] Rec. ^^w iarun-as irpb. The alteration looks like a marginal comment inserted to explain the unconsciousness on the part of the keepers that their prisoners had escaped. 24. 8 re (rTpaT-q-yiis] Rec. 6 re iepeds Koi 6 (rrpaT-qybs. 28. IIapa7"yeXCa irap. ] This Hebraistic reduplication was a common method of conveying emphasis (Luke xxii. 15, Acts xxiii. 14), like that of verb and participle in Acts vii. 34, Hebrews vi. 14. Rec. opens the clause with ov, making it interrogative. Iirl Tu 6v6^a.Ti\ Compare iv. 17. povXeo-06] The B. Y. confuses this verb with ^ovXe^ea-de. The rendering intend is not in harmony with the context : for the Twelve had gone far beyond mere intention, having openly charged the rulers with the death of Jesus. [ 30. There is a marked contrast between the relative clause "Oi' ... and the antecedent tovtov. 31. cip)^ii76v] Compare iii, 15. 54 nPAHEIS An02T0AfiN. [V. 32. 32 Sovvai fj.€Tavoiav tw lirparjX Kai aavov, avSpa ifkrfpr} TrlcTTecog koI Tn^evfiaTO? ay tov, Kai ^iXittttov kui IIpoxopou KOI l^iKavopa kol T[fJLa>va Kat TLapfievav Kai 6 'NtKoXaov IT pom'fKxfTOv ' Avriox^Giy ovg ea-Tricrav evwiriov T(Jov airodToXwVy Koi irpoa-ev^afxevoi eireOrjKav avroig 7 Kaf 6 Xoyog tov Oeov ri'v^avev, Kai eirXyiQvvero o apidfj-o^ Ta)v fxaOyjTwv ev ^lepovcraXtj/u. o-rpoSpa, ttoXv? T€ oxXo? T(hv lepecou v7rY}KOvov Trj irio-Tet. 8 'ET€o\ Kai Trarepc?, 2 aKOvcaTC. eeoc thc AoIhc co(pOtj tw iraTpL rjjULcov Appaa/ui ovTL ev Trj ^ecOTTOTajiila irptv rj KaTOiKrjo-ai avTOv €v ^appdv, Kd.\ eTrreN npoc ayton "ElekOe eK thc 3 fHC coy kaI thc cyrreNeiAC coy, kaI Aeypo efc t^n thn hn d^N cor Aei5co* tote e^eXOcov e/c yyjg ^aXSaicov KaTWKJjcrev 4 €v X.appav. KaKeiOev (xeTo. to airoQaveiv tov -iraTepa avTOu jueTWKKTev avTOV a? Tr]i^ yyjv TavTrjv elg i]v v/neig vvv KaTOiK€iT€, Kat oy K feAoiKSN avTW KX^^povofxiav ev 5 avTn oyAe Bhm(\ noAoc, Kat eirriyyetXaTO Aoynai aytc?) eic KATACxeciN aythin kaI tcjj chgrmati aytoy mgt' ayton, ovK 0VT09 avTO) T6KVOV. eXaXrjorev Se ovTOog 6 Oeog otc 6 ecTAi TO crrepMA d.YTOY haroikon gn ffii aAAotpi, kaI AoyAcOCOYCIN AYTO Kd^l KAKOOCOYCIN 6TH TeTRAKOCIA" K^l TO 7 e9N0c cj AN AoYAeYCOYCiN krinco epco, 6 6eog elirev^ kaI 14. odros has the force of an invective against that man of Nazareth, who had dared to doom the temple to destrnction. 3. The call to Abraham in Haran, as related in the lxx. was^E^eX^e e/c rijs 777s aov Kai e/c tt)S cruyyeveias crou Kai ck tov olkov tov Trarpb^ aov (Gen. xii. 1). Stephen modifies the words so as to adapt them to the previous call in Ur which he dwells upon : as Abraham's family accompanied him to Haran, all reference to his departure from his kindred and father's house is dropped as inappropriate. Hence the eK before t^s (rvyyevelas (jov is omitted, as well as the whole succeed- ing clause. Some of the older mss. retain it, however, following the exact language of Gen. xii. 1, and not recognizing that the omission was intentional, 58 nPAHEIS AnOSTOAON. [VII. 7. MGTA TAYTd. eleAeyCONTd.! KAI AATpeyCOYCIN MOI eN tO tottw 8 TOYTtfi. /cai eSwKep afrw Ai 10 ATTeAoNTO eic AiVyttton' Km hn d Geoc n\£t aytoy, /ca( e^elXaTO avTOV ek wacrSfP tcov OXtyp-ecop avTOv, Kat lAcoKeN AYTci^ x-^R'n K^cit^ (TO(j)iav eNd^NTiON 4>ApACb BACiAeoic AifYTTTOY, Ki.1 KATecTHceN d-YTON HfOYMeNON en' Al'rYTTTON 11 K(\l oAoN TON oTkon (^ytoy- HA9eN Ae Aimoc ec|)' oAhn thn AVrYTTTON KCU X(\N(\d.N /CttJ OXl'^p-l^ fXeyoXr], Koi OVX J]Vpl(TKOV 12 ^opTaafxaTa 01 iraTepeg rjfxwv' ako^cac Ae 'IakcIiB 0NT^ ciTid. efV AtyuTTTOV e^airia-TeiXev Tovg Traripa? fifxwv '3 TTpwTOv' Kai ev rw Sevrepo) erNcopic0H 'looc^cj) toTc AAeA- ct)0Tc AYTOY, Kai (f>ai/€p6v eyevero rw ^apaw to y€V09 14 'lojcr??^. aTTOfrre/Xa? oe 'loxrrjcj) /jLereKaXea-aTO 'la/ctop TOi/ irarepa avTOv kqi iraaav Trju (rvyyeveiav eN vfYXd-Tc 15 eBAoMt^KONTdi neNxe, katcBh ^e 'Ia/c(jt)/3 eic ATrYTTTON. kai 16 exeAeYTHceN d.YT6c kai 01 Trarepeg ^julmi/, kaI MeTeTeOHCAN eic Zyxgm Kai €TeOr}(Tav eN Ttjj mnj^mati t^ wniAcato 'ABpaam 17 Tifxri which the B. V. renders the father of Shechem^ in order to bring the text into accordance with Cen. xxxiv. : if genuine, it would mean the son of Shecheyn. There is also a reading tov iv Sux^M- 18. ^Tepos] The later Pharaoh reversed the policy of his pre- decessor, and probably belonged to a different dynasty. He is therefore described as ^repos not dXKos, VII. 26.] nPA3EI2 AnOSTOAfiX. 59 oc OYK f^Aei TON 'I(joch4). ol'to9 K.TACO(t)icikMeNOC TO reNoc 19 rjfiojv SK^'KcoceN tou9 Trareyoa? rod iroielv Ta ^pe^t] CKuera avrcov eh to fxv} zcooroNeTcGAi. ev w Kaipo) eyev- 20 vriOfj M.o)va-)]?t Koi ^v ACxeToc toj Qew' o? aveTpaApd.(b /cat aveOpeyf/^aTO avrov eAYTi^ eic Y'ON. Kat eiraiSevOrj Mcoi/cr^? iraarn crof£€o-0at] This verb belongs to the same class of com- pounds as Ka,Tairo\eixGiv, KarairaXaieiv . . . , and means bring low hy subtlety {comp. Ex. i. 10, Judith v. 11. x. 19). Tou TTotetv] This genitive describes wherein consisted the tyranny of Pharaoh, viz. in having the children exposed. There is no ground for supposing that he made the parents themselves expose them, as in the B. V. l(t)0H aytcjj eN ti^ ept^Mtxi toy 31 opOYC Sa'a AfreAoc eN cjjAori hyroc Batoy' 6 ^e Mwivcri?? f^cot' eQavfxaa-ev to opa/na' irpocrep^ofxevov Se avTOv 32 KaTaporja-at eyet/eTO (pwvrj l^vptov 'Efto d Oedc tu)n hatc- pcoN coy, d 6edc 'ABraam kaI 'lcA(iiK kaI 'IakcoB. evrpo/mog 33 Se y€vo^evoQevTO's 26. >. ka) Syciac npocHNefKATe moi Ith TeccepAKONTA 6n th epj^Mc^, oTkoc 'IcpahA; KAI ANeA^BeTe thin ckhnhn toy A\oA6x 43 KAI TO ACTpON TOY OCOY ' POM0A, Tofc TYHOYC OYC enoiHCATe irpoa-KVvelv avToh- KAI MeTOiKio) Y^vvAC GHeKeiNA ^a^v\(Jovo9- H (7Kf]urj TOV fxapTvpiov i]V Toh TTaTpaaiv rifXWV €V TH 44 epYj(J.Wj Ka6o)9 SieTCL^aTO 6 AaAcon T(+) A\ooycm ttoihcai 37. ws k^i'] See note on iii. 22. 38. 7€vop.6vos ... jitTo.] Moses communed with the angel of God's presence in the face of the congregation, as recorded in Ex. xxxiii. 8-11. iPfjLiv] Other MSS. read rifuv. 41. £v4»paCvovTo] This imperfect presents a graphic picture of the excitement prevailing in the camp of Israel at the time of Moses' return. 44j 45. The prepositional clauses ev ry efyqixip and ixera. 'IrjaoO qualify 62 nPAHEI2 An02TOA12N. [VII. 45- 45 avTriv Kd^iS. ton TynoN on ecopcilKet, rjv Kai eiaryjyayov SiaSe^afxevoL ol xarepe? rifj.oov (xeTci 'Irjcrov eN Trj kata- cxecei Twv eOuwv wi/ i^wcrev 6 0eo? awo 7rpo;. 11 TTpoo'elxov Se avTw Sta to iKavip xpovw Taig /may tatg 3. €Xvp.a(v£To] This word is used by the lxx. in Ps. Ixxx. 13 (Ixxix. 14) to describe the ravages of the wild boar in the Lord's vineyard. Paul stigmatizes himself in Tim. i. 13 as u^pLarrjs with special reference to these personal outrages of which he had been guilty at that season. 4. \i.lv o5v] This verse states the general diffusion of the gospel in consequence of the persecution in Jerusalem, by way of preface : the next, <^l\L7nros 5^ ..., records a particular instance of it. 7. TToXXol "yap] Rec. ttoXXoZs, an alteration which would greatly simplify the grammar, if it had sufficient MS. authority ; for ttoWoI stands alone without a verb, and ti subject has to be supplied to i^rjpxovTO out of Tn^eufxara. It is possible that ttoWols was the original text, altered by a primitive error of transcription on account of its position at the head of the clause, and of iro'Wol begimiing the next clause. VIII. 22.J nPAHEIS AnOSTOAfiN. 65 e^€(TTaK€vat avTOv]v, o'lTive^ 15 KUTa^avTe^ irpotrriv^avTO irepi avTCvv oircog Xd/Bwcriv Trvev/aa dyiov' ovSewo) yap r}v eir ovSevi avTwu ein- 16 TreTTTo^KO^j fjiovov Se jSe/SaTrTio-juevot virrfp'xov eh to ovofxa TOV Kvpiov ^Irjcrov. totc eTreTiOea-ap ra? xelpa'5 17 eir avTOvg, Km eXa/m/Savov irvevfxa dyiov. ^\Soiv Se 6 18 HijULCOv OTi Sta TrJ9 eTTLOea-eo)? twv xeipwv tociv airo- CTToXwv SiSoTat TO irvevfxa irpomjveyKev avToh XP^1~ p.aTa Xeycov Aore Ka/noi Trjv e^ovcrcav TavTtiv \va (h 19 eav eTTiOo} Tag x^Zpa? XafxHavr} irvevfxa dyiov. IZerpo? 20 Se eiirev 7r/)o? avTOV To apyvptov e07]a'eTat ctol 13. 8w(l[iets] This word conveys primarily the idea of power resident in a, person, though it is sometimes transferred to the miraculous operation of those powers {xix. 11). Here, apparently, outward cures are classed as (nj/xeca, while d^vafxiSy which has been before personified in v. 10, denotes the restorative power of the Spirit upon the demoniac and the paralytic. 15. oI'tlvcs] This form of relative implies that Peter and John did not go in their personal capacity, but as representatives of the church to fulfil apostolic functions by laying their hands on the converts. 22. €i fipa] This particle expresses no such doubt of the forgive- 6Q nPASEI2 An02T0AfiN. [VIII. 23. 23^ eTTLvoia rrj'i KapSiag crov' eig yap xoK^n niKpi<\c Kai 24 CY N AecMO N aA I KfikC opM CTC ovTa, airoKpiBei'S oe o ^Ifxtjdv eTirev Aei^OfjTe vfxeh vTrep cjulov ttjOo? tov Kvpiov 25 OTTO)? ixriSev eireXOri eV, efxe wv etpi'jKare. Ot jmev ovu SiajmapTvpa/nevoi Kat XaX-^cravTeg tov \oyov Tov Kvplov v7r€(TT p€^ jSacriXLa'a-fjg Kiuio- ness as is implied in the B. V. if perhaps. The forgiveness is distinctly contemplated as the result of repentance, though condi- tional indeed on that repentance. So el &pa in Mark xi. 13 states that Christ looked whether the fig tree had fruit indeed (as the leaves promised : Acts xvii. 27 speaks of seeking God in the hope that men might find him indeed : 1 Cor. xv. 15 argues that Christ is Qot risen, if it he true indeed that the dead are not raised. 23. €15 xoX^v] The B. V. ignores the difference between this and iv ry x<^^V- ^^s before indefinite substantives has much the same force as uis, and answers to the English as ovfor. Comp. eh Kardo-x^o-f-v, vlov, diaTayds in vii. 5, 21, 53, els ^a(n\4a in xiii. 22, eh (TujTTfpiav, eh (pCbs in xiii. 47- So here eh xoX-fji' denotes the evil function which Simon would fulfil in the church of God if he con- tinued as he was. 24. After elpTJKare one ancient MS. adds os TroXXa firXattuc ou dieXifx- TTCKvev. 25. v7r£o-Tp€4>ov] This imperfect denotes their start on their return journey, not the actual return, for the next clause records their preaching in Samaritan villages on the way to Jerusalem (comp. Luke viii. 37, 38). Rec. vir^arpeypap. 26. Kara /j.eo)u Kai 28 KaQ}]fX€vo'5 iirl tov dpfxaTO^ avTOv koi aveyivot^a'Kev top 7rpoi]Tr]v 'Hcraiav. elTveu Se to irvevfxa tw ^LXiinrq) 29 Tlpoo'eXOe Kai KoXXrj6}]TL toj dpfJ.aTL tovtm. irpoo" 30 SpafX(jdv Se 6 ^iXltttto^ '^Kovcrev avrov avayivcoa-KOVTO^ Hcraiaj/ tou 7rpo(pi^Tt]Vi teat elirev 'Apa ye yfi'tocr/cet? a avayLvcocTKei? ; o Se elirev Ilto? yo.p olv Swaifxriv 31 euv fxri Tt9 oSrjyrjo-et fie ; irapeKaXeaev re tov ^lXitt- TTOV avapavTa KaOlo-ai avi/ avT(p. ^ Se 7re/)io^/y TrJ9 32 ypa(f>ri<5 rjv aveyivaxTKeu f}v avTrj 'fie npoBATON en} ccJ)d.ri^N hx6h, K(\l tbc (\Mn6c eNANTION TOY KeipONTOC AyTO N ACjjfAJNOC, oyTcoc OYK i\Nofrei to ctoma aytoy- 'En Thi TAneiNcocei h kricic <^ytoy HpeH" 33 THN r^NGAN AYTOY TIC AlH^^^CeT6vov eh tov? 2 fXaOriTGL? TOV KVptOV, TTpOCTeXOcOV TO) CipXiepel yjTJJG'aTO Trap OVTOV eTricTToXag eiV Aa/ULOCTKOV Trpo? Tag (Tvva- ycoya?, ottoo? eav Tivag evprj Trjg oSov ovTag^ avSpag T€ Kai yvvaiKag, SeSe/uievovg ayayr} elg 'lepovcraXij/ui.. 3 'Ei/ ^e TO) wopevecrOai eyevcTO avTOV eyyl^eiv Trj Aa/nacrKcpf €^evf]g re avTOv irepirjcrTpaylrev 4 (j>(t)g €K TOV ovpavov, Kat Tvetjoop eirt Tt]v yrju rjKOvcev oi)vtJ9 fJ.riSeva Se Oecopovi/Teg. ^yepOrj Se 'EavXo? 8 airo ri;? y^?, avewyfxev(£>v Se twv o"V'ns] The change of construction from the accus. iJKouas (pojv7]v in V. 4 to the gen. aKouovres t^s (pwyijs is clearly intentional, and should not be ignored. Saul heard an articulate voice, but his companions heard only the sound of the voice, not the voice itself, as appears from xxii. 9. 8. ^pXcircv] The imperfect indicates a chronic blindness. Saul was not merely blinded for the moment, but remained three days in that state. 11. *Avd(rTa] Some ancient mss. read A^atrras. 12. Some mss. read iv opd/xari after dvdpa, which is adopted by Rec. Some also insert ras before x^^pcty. 70 nPAHEIS An02TOA12N. [IX. 17. oiKiaVy Koi eiriQeh eir avrov ra^ x^^P^^ eiTrev 2aovX a^eA0e, o Kvpiog aTreVraX/ceV /me, ^Irjcov^ 6 ocpOeig croi €v Tij 6S(i) ij tjpxpv, oTTCog ava^Xhp-ri'S Kat 7rX>?cr0^p 18 irvevfj.aro'; aytov. kgu evOew? aTreTrecrav avTOv awo tcou 6(f)0aXfX(hv oj? XeTTiSe^, avejiXeylrev re, kou avacTTa^ 19 e/^aTTTia-Orj, koi Xa/3(ov Tpo^rju evicrx^^^- 'Eyei^ero Je /xera tmv ev Aa/aacrKO) fxaOrjTcop rjfX€pa^ 20 TLva<5^ Kai evOeco^ ev Toi^ a-vuaycoyal^ GKYipvcro'ev tov 21 'I^crot'i' OTi oStos* ecTTiv 6 vlo? tov 6eov. e^icTTavTO Se TravTeg oc aicovovTeg Kat eXeyov Ov\ ovto'; e(TTiv o TTOpOijcrag ev ^lepovcraXrjjUi Tovg eTriKoXov/mevovg to ovofxa TOVTO, Kai SfSe elg tovto eX^iXvOei \va SeSefxepovg avTOvg 22 ayayi] eiri roi/? apx^^P^^^ \ ^auXog Se /maXXov eve- Svva/ULovTO Koi CTVvexyvvev ^\ov§aiov<5 Tovg KaTOiKOVVTag €v Aajui.aa-K(py (rvv^t^a^ajv otl ovto^ ecrTtv o XP^^'^^^- 23 '^9 ^e eirXripovvTO r]fiepai iKavaiy oi KaT)'}yayov avTOV ei? Ka/crapfai^ Kai e^aire- (TTGiXav avTov 6(9 ^aparov. H IsYEK OYX EKKAHSIA Ka& SX^^g tT^ 'lovSalag 31 Kai TaXiXaiag Kai 'Ea/ixapiag el^ev eipyurju oiKoSo/uLOv/mei/r] Kai TTOpevo/aei/j] Tip (popo) tov Kvptov, Kai r^ irapa- KXyjcrei tov ayiov irvevfxaTOg eirXifivveTO. 28. els 'lepous.] Rec. ec. The preposition is connected with the preceding elo-jropevdfievos, a corresponding preposition being under- stood with kKTTopevhixevos, Peter and James were apparently lodging outside Jerusalem, perhaps at Bethany, and Saul abode with them, and went in and out of the city daily. 31. The connexion between the opening of this verse, "H fikv odv, and the next, 'Eyevero 5^, marks its introductory character : the peaceful growth of the church in general is related as a preface to the narrative of Peter's visitation of certain churches (see App. on fih odv). The B. V. can hardly be right in connecting rij irapaKX-^ia-ei. tov dy. irv. with iropevofxivT}, for whereas ira paK\r](T€L belongs to the sphere of the inward life, iropevo^^vT) can only be applied to the outward life, which is described as passed in the fear of the Lord. The two participles are really coupled together and attached to the verb eTxGi^, while ttJ Trapa/cX. t. 0,7. irv, is attached to ewX-qd^vero, express- ing a notable increase of spiritual strength and comfort. The language of this last clause is illustrated by the prayer, grace he multiplied^ in 1 Peter 1, 2. 72 nPASEIS An02T0AfiN. [IX. 32. 32 'EyeVfc'TO ^e Xlerpoi/ Siepxafxevov Sia iravTo^v KUTeX- Qelv Kcu irpo? Tovg ay/of? tov? KaTOiKOvvTa^ Avooa. 33 evpev Se €K€i avOpwirov Tiva ovofxaTi Alveav ef erwv OKTw KaTaKelfxevov eirl Kpa^drrov, o'? i]v irapaXeXv- 34 fxevo^, Koi. eiirev avTW 6 IleTyoo? Alvea, larai ere 'I>?t70iy? ^pL(rT60)vr](TapT€^ eirvOovTO el Y^ljxwv 6 GTriKoXovfievo^ i8 YLeTpog evQdSe ^evl^erat. ToiJ Se Jlerpov SievOv/uLOv- 19 fievov irept tov opa/naro? elirev to irvevfj-a 'Koiv auSpeg Suo ^>]TOvuTe$ (T€' aXXa apacTTCig KaTa/StjOi kcu iropevov 20 cvv avTOig, juLrjSev SiaKpivojuepog otl eyco airecTTakKa avTov?. KaTa/3a9 Se ILeTpo? Trpo? Tovg avSpag eiirev 21 loov eytt) efyUf o^* ^rjTeiTe Ttg rj aiTia 01 rju irapea-Te ; at Se elirav ^opvrfKioQ eKaTOVTcipxv^} avrip SiKaiog koI 22 (j)OJ3ovfi€i/09 TOV Qeov fJiapTvpovaeuog re vtto o\ov tov kQvovs T(hv ^lovSamv, ixp^l/^CLTicrOi] vtto ayyeXov aylov fieTair€{j.\j/-aa'Qai ae elg tov oIkov avTOv kol aKOVcrai py/fiaTa irapa crov. eiaKaXecra/nevoi; oSv avTOv? e^evto'ev- 23 i-l] Se eiravpLOv avaiTTag e^rjXOev avv avTOt?, Kat Tiveg twv aSe\;Xie, etcrrjKOvo-O}] crov // Trpocrevxh f<^<^'t ^^ eXerj/no- 32 (Tvvai (TOv G(j.v'i](Turi(Tav evdiTLOv Tov Qeov' irefx'yp'ov ovv €L^ loTTTTijv Kai fxeTaKaXetTai "Et/Jioova o? eiriKaXelTai lieTpo?' ovTO^ ^evL^eTUL ev oiKta '^liJ.wvo^ fSvpa-eojg irapa 33 QaXacra-av. e^avTrj^ ovi/ e7refX\j/^a Trpog ere, (tv re KaXoog €7roL}]cra? irapayevop.evo'S- vvv ovv iravre^ i]/Ji€i^ evoiiriov TOV Oeov irapecTfxev aKOvcrat iravra ra irpoaTeTayfxeva 34 (TOl VTTO TOV KVpLOV. aV0i^aMpo. Twv lovSaiayv Kai lepova-aX^/ix' bv Kai a grasp of spiritual truth gained by personal experience. In the material world it denotes the ascertainment of facts by inquiry (iv. 13, XXV. 25), 36, 37. Rec. inserts dv after \6yov, making it identical with rb y. pTJfJ-a, greatly to the detriment of the sense, rbv \6yov is really the gospel sent to Israel, which Peter's hearers did not yet know : rb ^Tjfia is the testimony of John the Baptist to the coming Messiah at his baptism, which can hardly have been unknown in the synagogue of Caesarea. iifi-eis] This emphatic pronoun contrasts the Gentile hearers to whom Peter now proffers the gospel, with the children of Israel to whom it had been already sent. dpgd|X€V05] The inversion of the participial clause dp^. . . . ^d-n-rta-fxa, and the relative clause d ... 'Iwdj/7?s, renders this obscure : its motive is to lay stress on the Galilean beginning of this testimony, that so the men of Caesarea might feel that it belonged to them as much as to Jerusalem. Rec. adopts dp^d/xevov, making it agree with pij/Ma : but the subject of dpx^cr$ac is properly a person. 38. KaTa8vva(rT£vo[i€vovs] This word forcibly expresses the tyranny with which the devil domineers over the wretched victims of moral and physical disease. 39. 8v Kai dv€tXav] The B. V. ignores the connexion between the relative and subsequent demonstrative tovtov. The two clauses ivhom they slew, him God raised^ are bound together in direct antithesis as in V. 30 : koX is rhetorical, marking the criicifixion as a climax of Israel's guilt : they were not content merely to reject him, but actually doomed him to the accursed death of the cross. 78 nPAHEIS An02T0AiiN. [X. 40. 40 avelXav KpeMt\c<\NTec eni iyAoy, tovtov 6 Qeo<5 '^yeipev 41 TV} TpLTij y}{J.Gpa Kai eStjOKCv avTOV €/jiayev avTOig. ap^afxevo^ Se IleTpo? e^ext Oero avToh 4 Kaue^vj^ Xeywu 'Eyw f^jmrju ev iroXet ^Iottttu 7rpo(T€vx6~ 5 /j.€vo^ Kai elSov ev eKCTTaa-ei opa/ma, Karajialvov ayes. 4. €|€t£6€to] Peter set forth his own account of the transaction, which they had impugned. 5. 'i^jiiiv] See note on x. 30. 6. Karevooijv] The B. V. renders this verb consider here as well as in Luke xii. 24, 27, hehold in Luke vi. 41, Acts vii. 31, discover in Acts xxvii. 39, In all these passages alike it denotes observation of external objects issuing in thought or action. 80 nPAHEIS AnO:STOAfiN. [XI. II. €v ij rjfxevj air€;jaaT£cTa( re TrpcoTO)^ ev ^ KvTioxela TOv bXtju 29 Trjp oiKOV(J.evriv' iJTi£ eyeveTO eiri KAauJ/of. twv Se fxaQr}TO)v KaOot)? eviropeiTO ti^ copKrav eKatTTO^ avTwi/ eig StaKoviav irifx^b-ai T019 KaTOiKOvcnv ev ty} ^lovSala 30 aSeXtpoig' 6 Kat eTrotrjcrav airocrTeiXavTe^ irpog Tovg Trpear/SvTepovg Sta x^'-P^^ ^apva/Sa Kat ^avXov. 12 Kar' eKelvov Se tov Kaipov eire^aXev UpwSrjg 6 for the article. Again, irpoafxiveLv can hardly denote cleaving to a person, as suggested by the B. V., omitting ev before ry Kvpiuj. The literal rendering of the Greek text, cleave to their 2^u'>'pose of heart in the Lord, presents no difficulty. 25. dva^iiTfia-ai] This word suggests some difficulty in hunting up Paul at Tarsus. His sojourn there seems to have been beset with dangers and trials, either in founding churches or fleeing from enemies. 26. cruva\9f]vat. €v] The prep, ev is fatal to the B. V. assembled themselves vrith. The literal rendering gives excellent sense. That Barnabas and Paul were brought together for a year in intimate association was of inestimable value to the church. XpTiH''"''''^*'""'''^ ^^ earlier Greek this denotes the transaction of business : as this involved the adoption of some style or title under which the business could be carried on, it gained in later Greek, from Polybius downwards, the sense which it bears here of being entitled so and so. 1. Kara] This preposition marks with some precision the exact hour, day, month, or year of an event. It is therefore at, not about as in the B. V. XII. 8.] nPAHEIi; An02T0A0X. 83 l3aa'iX€V9 Tci^ "xetpag KaKwcat Tiva^ twv airo riy? eKKXrj- <7tag. aveiXep Se 'Iclkoj^ov tov aS€\(pou 'Icoauov iJ.a\aLpip 2 ISwv Se OTL apecTTOV €(ttlv toI^s 'lovSaioig TrpocreOeTO 3 (TvWa^dv KOL YlerpoVy {T](Tav Se rj/nepat twv cl^u/j-Cov,) oV Koi. Tridcra^ eOero el^ (pvXaKijPj TrapaSovg Tecrcrapcnu 4 T€TpaSlotg (TTparicoTOov vXaKeg re Trpo TJ79 d6pa;5 evSv- 21 crdfxevog earQviTa ^acriXiKrjv Kadlcrag eirl tov 0t]jUiaTO^ eSrjp.Y}y6pei wpog avTOv^' 6 Se Stj/J.o? eirecfxivet Qeov (pwvri 22 Ka\ OVK avOpdirov. irapaxp^l^ci Se eirara^ev avTOv 23 ayye\o9 l\vpiov au6' &u ovk eSwKev Tr}v So^av rw Qew, Ka\ yevofxevo^ ]paio?, M^avai]v re Hp(pSov Tov Terpaapxov g-vvt po6evT€g viro tov ayiov irvev- fxaTO? KaTrjXQov eig ^eXevKiav, eKSiQev t€ aireirXevorav 5 et? KiyTTpov, Kat yevofxevoi ev ^aXafxivt KaTviyyeXXov TOV Xoyov TOV Qeov ev Tah (Tuvaywyaig toov 'lovSalwv' 6 etxov Se Kat 'Iwavrjv virrjpeTrjv. AieXOovTe? Se b Xi]v Trjv ptja-ov axpi YLaov evpov avSpa Tiva fxayov yf/'evSoir pocl»]Tr}v lovSalov w ovofia ^apitjaov*^, 7 09 ^v (£)u ric oAoyc TOY KYPioy tag eySeiAC ; Kat vvv iSov X^^P KfpiOf ii eiri ere, kol etrr] rvtpXo? fxr) ^Xeiroiv rov ifXiov oi\pi Kacpov. 7rapaxpf]/^<^ ^e eirecrev eir avTov axXvg KOI ckoto?, Kai irepiaywv e^tjTeL x^fpayajyoiys"- TOT€ iScoi/ 6 avOvTraro^ to yeyovo^ eina'Tevo'ev CKTrXrjT- 12 TO^evo^ ewi Tr] SiSaxu tov Kvptov. AvaxOevre^ Se airo TtJ9 TLa(pov ol irepi TiavXov tjXOov 13 €19 TLepyi^v T^9 TI.a/j.(f)vXia9' 'lojcti/?;? Se a7rox(*>pwo.9 ojit avTcJop vwecTTpeyj/'ep eiV 'lepoa-oXvfia. A^vtoi Se SieXuovTe? 14 aTTO T^? TLepyrj^ irapeyeuovTO eig A-vtiox^^^^^ t^iv TLlg-i- Siav. Ka£ eXOovTe^ eh tj]v 09 Troirjcrei 23 iravTa Ta QeKi^fxaTa fj.ov. tovtov o ueo? airo tov o"7r€pixaT0'5 KOT eirayyeKiav rjyayev tw ^laparjX awTrjpa 18. €TpoTro<|)6pii(r£v] The best mss. support this reading, -which is correctly rendered in the B. V., suffered their manners, and agrees entirely with the context and the circumstances ; for it exactly describes God's longsuffering "with a perverse and rebellious genera- tion. Another reading, iTpo(po(p6p7}a€v, derives some support from MS. authority in the original passage, Deut. i. 31, from which this is borrowed, and from the B. V. there, hear thee as a man doth bear his son. But even if rpocfiocpopelv could mean to carry, rather than to give suck {rpotprjv eopA n , ouTco^ eiprjKev on Aoicoo y^aTn ta ocia Aay^IA ta nicTQopav. Yvw<7tov ovv ecTTO) vfxlv, ca^Spe^ 38 aSeXipot, oTi Sta tovtov vfxtv ae(n<5 ajuapTioov KaTay- yeWeTai, Kai citto iravTWV wv ovk rjSvvrjQrjTe ev vofxcp 39 Majfo-eoj? OLKaLcoOtjvat cutovtw irag 6 7ri(7T€uo)p SiKaiovrat. pXeTrere ovu /at] eireXQn to elprjfxevov ev toIpoviiTa£] This Hellenistic vocative does not corre- spond to any words of Habakkuk {i. 5), but is due to the lxx., as is also the menace of extermination, a(pavi(TdT]Te. The subsequent prophecy, however, involves this menace of extermination at the hands of the Chaldeans. 42. Rec. expands the opening of this verse into 'E^t6i/rwi' 5^ ^k t^s v 'lovdaiwif irapeKdXovv to. '4dvq, These explanatory additions to the text are founded on a mistaken view of its meaning : by aiVtSy are really meant the apostles ; nor was there any such sharp line of distinction between Jews and Gentiles as is there asserted ; for many Jews and proselytes followed Paul and Barnabas with approbation. 'E^£6;/twj^ is incorrectly rendered in the B. V. when they ivere gone out, which introduces a confusion of time. The appeal was made to them 05 they ivere going out, before the break \\p of the congregation mentioned afterwards. H€Ta|ii] This is generally a preposition, bein-een, in the N. T. ; but the adverbial use is found in Josephus {J. W. v. i. 2), and in Plutarch {Inst. Lac. 4*2) as well as here. It evidently means the next Sabbath. 43. (rwa7W7^s denotes the congregation, not the building, as often elsewhere. 92 nPAHEIS An02TOAi2N. [XIII. 43- Kat Twv (T€^Ofxevwv IT po(TrjKvT(jtiv TO) TLavXa) kqi tw napva^ciy oiTive'^ ir pocrXaXovvTe^ avTol^ eireiOov avTovg 44 "irpoG-fxeveLv Trj -xpipiTL tov Oeov. Tw ^e ep)(0{xevw cra^^aTco ar-^eSov Tracra r} X0X19 (Tvvri\Qri 45 aKOvcrai tov \oyov tov Oeov. iSovTe^ Se ol ^\ov8aloi Tovs o)(Xov<; €ir\r}crQri(Tav ^r{kov kcu avTeXeyov Totg vtto 46 HavXov \aXov/jL€vot^ l3Xa(Ti]/j.ovvT€s. 48. -fjo-av TeTa7jJL^voi] The rendering of the B. V., luere ordained^ interprets this with reference to the eternal counsels of God, making Td.(T(T€Lv = irpQopi^eiv . But T6.a-(X€LV denotes the assignment of a definite post and specific duties, particularly military duties; and could only be applied figuratively to the sphere of God's providence which embraces our outward station, rank, and duties, rjcrav r^TayfiivoL really has the reflexive force of the middle voice in this passage, as is frequently foimd the case with the so-called perfect passive : like ^Ta^av eavroM in 1 Cor. xvi. 15, it describes a portion of the XIV. 3-] nPAHEI2 AnO^TOAON. 93 ^(ty^v aiojviov' SiecjiipETO Se 6 \6yog tov Kvpiov St oX»/? 49 rij? ^ddpa^. 01 Se ^lovSaioi irapiTpvvav Ta^ (re^ofxiva^ 50 yvvaLKa<; ra? €va'')(j^fxova<5 kul tovv] Some MSS. read avTwv. 15. bfxoLoiradeis denotes participation in all the sensations and affections of a common human nature, whether impressed from without or originating within. rCov fxaraiajv^ sc. deuiv, as suggested by Bebv ^G^vra immediately following. The vain gods of the heathen are contrasted with the living God. 19. 'E-TTTiXOav] This verb implies a viudictive pursuit on the track of the apostles by Jewish enemies, not casual visitors or traders. 96 nPAHEI2 An02T0A0N. [XIV. 23. 23 eiG-eXOeii' el? Tfjv ^atTiXeiav tov Oeov. xeipoTovr}(Tavreis Se avTOig KUT €KK\t]a-lav Trpea-^vrepovg ir poa-ev^a^evoi ^€Ta vr}(TTeL(hv irapeQevTO avTovv\iaVj kol Xa\}](ravT€^ ev Jlepyri tov \oyov 26 KaT€^r](Tau elg 'ArToXtav, KciKelOev aireifKeva-av etg AvTLox^tai/, oQev ^crav TrapaSeSofxevoi Tt] yapiTi tov 27 Oeov €ig TO epyov o ewXijpwo'av. Tlapayevojueuoi Se Kai (rvvayayouTeg Trju eKKXrjcrtav avrjyyeWov ocra eiroi- ri(T€V o 6eo9 fJ-eT avTwv koa. otl f/voi^ev toI^ eOver}U tcov eBuwv, Kai eTTOiovu xapav fxeyaXifv iracri TO19 aSeX^oi^- Trapa- 4 yevofxevoL Se el^ ^lepocroXv/Jia TrapeSe^xOrjcrav aTro t^9 eKKXrjarla? Koi. T(hv airocToXwv kuI twv 7rpecr/3i/Teptoi/, avriyyeiXav t€ baa 6 Oeog eiroiria-ev /jlct avTcof. 'Ec- rjpepwu apxpito^v eu vpj.v e^eXe^uTO o Oeog Sia tov a-Top.aTO'S fJ-Ov aKovarai ra eQvr} tov Xoyov tov evayyeXlov kol TriCTTevo-ai, koc 8 o KapSioyvo)(TTr]g Oeog efxapTv prior ev avTolg Sovq to irvevfxa TO dyiov KaOcog Kat ^jmiu, Kat ovOev SiGKpivev p.€Ta^v rjpiwv 9 T€ Kat avTwv, TH TTLCTTei KaOapLQ-a? Tag KapSlag avTWv. vvv ovv Ti ireipa^eTe tov Qeov, eiriQelvai ^vyov eiri tov 10 TpaxrjXov Tcov fxaOtjTCOV ov ovt€ ot iraTepeg rj/xcov ovte 4. fi€T' aiPTwv] The success is ascribed to God, whose grace wrought with the apostles as his fellow- workers. 6. rod X670U refers to X^oi/res in the previous verse. The question was that which had been raised by the sectarian party. 7. a.4>' Ti[jL€pwv] The Greeks used dird to date past events, where we should use at or in. 4v tiiJLLv] Rec. iu T]/j.Li/y which seems much more appropriate. I cannot understand the emphasis thrown on the words by their position before i^eXi^aro, and doubt whether they ought not to be connected with Apxaf-oiv. That can hardly be applied without quali- fication to so recent a period as the conversion of Cornelius when addressed to a congregation of Jewish Ciiristians, for it would carry back their thoughts to the times of Moses, as in ^. 2\ ; whereas apxa-lt^v iv v/juv would point to early Christian days. 8. KapStoYvwo-TTis] This term was used in the prayer of i. 24 : the language of that prayer was probably due to Peter. G 98 nPAHEI2 AHOSTOAON. [XV. ii. 11 rifx€L<5 la-xvcrafxev /Sao-Tdcrai ; aXXa Sia Ttjg xapiTO^ tov Kvpiov li](jOu TTLO-Teiofxev awOrivai KaO* op Tpoirov 12 KGLKelvoL. ^(Tiyr}(Tev Se irav to TrXrjOo?, Kat tjKOVOV BayOi/a/3a koi HavXov e^rjyovfxevwv ocra eirolrjijev 6 ueog 13 crt]jui€ia KOI T€f>aTa ev TOt' oOs] The preposition combines the idea of motion with the verb, implying that the name of God has been carried to the Gentiles [i.e. by the Israelites dispersed amongst them), and so invoked by them also. 18. 7vwcrTtta.Tr' aluvos] Different MSS. add t^j ^ey, ry Kvpi(f}, aurtfj. The variety of these readings suggests that they are explanatory additions to the text : it is possible, however, to supply their place in rendering the clause without altering the Greek. Rec. adds irdvra TO. ^pya auTov after alu>vos. On dir' alQvos see iii. 21 and note. 19. \ki\ irapevox^fitv] Not to trouble by unnecessary interference beyond the restrictions mentioned in the next clause. 20. e-n-io-TCLAai] When followed by an accusative, this verb XV. 26.] nPAHEIS An02TOAi2N. 99 Tov aire-)(€o-Qai twv aXKryrjfxaTwj/ twv eiScoXwu Kai t?]^ TTopveia^ Koi. ttviktov kolI tov difxaTO^' Mojivcr^? yap 21 e/c yeveodv apxaiwy Kara iroXtv tov? Kfjpvo'o-oi'Tag avTOv exei €v Tal? avvayotyyai? icaTa irav (rappaTOV avayivw- (TKOjULevo?. ToTe kSo^e toI? airocrToXotg Kat 22 Tols TrpeclBvTepoi? crvv oXr] T)j eKKXrjcria eKXe^a{xevovolfj.e0a tov9 aSeXtpou^ kutgl ttoXlv iracrav ev ah tcaTriyyeiXafiev tov \oyov too Kvpiov, TTOjp k^ovcriv. ^apvd/Ba^ Se e^ovXeTO avvTrapa- 37 \apeiv Kai tov ^\wavriv tov K(xKovp.evov ^l.apKov' IlaivXo? 38 Se rj^LOV, TOV airoG-TavTa air avTo^v airo Ha/jLfpvXla^ Kai PL)] (TvveXQovTa avTOi? elg to epyovy prj cvv- TrapaXajuL^aveiv tovtov. eyeveTO Se Trapo^va-fxo? cocrTe 39 airo^ospia-QrivaL avTOv? a7r' aXXrjXo^v, tov T€ ^apvd/3av irapaXa^ovTa tov Map/coi/ eKirXevcraL elg Is^virpov. TLcwXo? Se eTTiXe^apievo? ^tXav e^rjXQev irapaSoOel^ tyi 40 ^apiTi TOV KvpiOv viro tcov aSeXcov, SirjpyeTO Se Tt]V 41 Z.vpiav Kat Tf]V JLiXiKiav eTna-Trjpi^cov tu? eKKXtja-lag. ]\.aTr]VTr] 'X; TToXef SiuTpi^ovTe? rjfxepa's Tivag. Tij re rj^epa twv 13 a-a^^OLToov e^iikdofxev e^o) t^9 irvXt]? Trapa Trorafj.ov ov evo/J.l^OfX€v TTpoo-ev^v eivat, Kai KaQlcravTeg eXaXov- fxev Tolg (TweXOouaaLg yvvai^Lv. kqc ti? yvurj ovofxaTi 14 AvSla, TTOpcpvpOTrwXtg TroXecog QvaTelpcop cre^Ofxevri tov Qeov, fJKOuef, rjg 6 Kvpiog Su]V0L^ev t>]v KapSiav ir pO(Te')(eiv T019 XaXoujUi€vot9 viro HavXov. wg Se efSaTrTicrOr] koi 15 6 oIko^ avTij'i, irapeKoXecTev Xeyovcra 'El KeKpiKUTe fxe TncTTrjv Tw KvpLW elvai, ela-eXOopreg €19 tov ockov jixov jUL€V€Te' Koi. irape^Laa-aTO ^/mag. 'Eyei/ero Se 16 iropevofxeviDV rjjULWi/ eig ty^v tt pocrev^r^v TraiSio-Krjv Tiva 12. -f^TLS ... ] Here, as often, t^-tis introduces an explanation : they stopped at Philippi because it was the first city in Macedonia they came to, and their mission was to Macedonia. Philippi was not the chief city (as in the B. V.), for the district capital was Amphipolis, and the capital of the province Thessalonica. Neapolis was not generally accounted Macedonian, fieptdos can hardly be genuine : it is probably a corruption for some local name which has been lost, perhaps ILiepidos, for Pieria was an ancient name for that part of Macedonia. 13. TTjs 'iriiX'r]s ... ] Rec. ttJs 7r6\ews. The gate is described by the qualifying clause irapcL woTa(i6v as the river-side gate. In Hellenistic Greek such clauses are appended after the substantive which they qualify. evo}JLC^o[i€v Trpoo-€vx.^v] Rec. kvofxl^ero Trpoaevxr}. Greek usage hardly admits the consequent rendering of the verb in the B. V., was wont. 14. ■iJKoiiev] The imp. describes her as an habitual hearer. 104 nPASEi:2 AnOSTOAON. [XVI. i6. exovQ-av irvevfjia irvdodva vTravrrjcrai ^/niVj riri^ epyactap 17 TToXXr}}/ '7rapeL\ev tols KvpioL]yoh elirav Outol ol avQpwiroi eKTapacro'ova'ii' ^julwv ti-jv 21 TToXiv 'lovSaioi v7rdp\oi/Te?, kui KaTayyeXXoucriv eOrj a ovK e£eijTLv r){j.lv TrapaSexecrOai ovSe iroielv ^(jo/aaiot? 22 oOcriv. Kai crvveirea'Ty} o o')(Xo'; KaT avT(hv^ Kai ol (jTpaTriyoi irepLprj^avTeg avTcov Ta IfxaTia cKeXeuov 23 pa^ot^eiv, 'TToXXag Se eiridevTeg avTOi^ irXrjya^ e^aXov 6(9 }] K.vpLOi, tl 30 pie Set TTOieii/ %a crcoOco , ol Se elirav YLicrTevG-ov 6X^31 TOV Kvplov 'I?;crofi^, Kat (TcoOrja-r] av Kat o olfcog crov. KCLi e\a\r}ri TTyoo? avTOv<; AelpavTeg ^/mag Srj/jiocrta aicaTaKpiTOVv\aK}^v' Kai vvv \d6pa ^fxag €K^dX\nv(7LP ; ov yap, aWa 38 eXOoi/Teg avTol rjfxag e^ayayeTOOcrav. ain^yyeikav Se Toig crTpaTi]yoi9 ol pa/SSovxot TCt p)}uaTa TavTa' 39 etpopi'idrjCTav Se dfcoiKravTeg OTi Vco/maioc ela-iv, Kai eXOovTeg TrapcKaXecrap avTOvg, kol e^ayayovreg rjpccTOdv 40 aireXuelv diro tTj^ iroXewg. e^eXOovTeg Se airo Trjg \ov ovcrav Trjv ttoXiv. SieXeyeTO /mev ovv ev Trj o-vpayo)yrj TO19 ^lovSaioi? koi toI? cre^OjUievot? Kai ev Ttj ayopa kgtu iraaav rjfj.epav irpo^ tov? 'TrapaTvy\avovTa<;. 18 Tive's Se Kai twv '^iriKOvptcov Kai SrfiOf/cwi/ vfxlv. 6 Oeoc o noii^CAC Tov Koa-fxov Kd^l 'wavTa Td. eN ^ytO, ovto^ OYpANoy KAi fHC V7rapx<*^^ Kvpto^ ovk ev ■xeipo7roiy]TOLv KQrivwv rfkOev eh 18 YLoptvQov. fcat evpcov Tiva ^\ovSaiov 6vofj.aTL 'A/cJXai/, 2 YiovTLKOv TO) yevet, 7rpoaTO)? eXrjXvOoTa citto t^? iTaXia^ Kai TlptcFKiXXai^ yvvaiKa avTOv Sia to SiaTe- Toxevai l^\avSiov "xcopl^ea-Oai Travrag tov*^ ^JovSaloug ttTTO Tt]9 Pw^t?/?, irpoa-rjXQev avTohy Kai Sia to o/ulo- 3 Te\vop eivat efxevev Trap aivroF? Kai rjpyd^ovTO^ tjcrav yap cTKYivoiroioi tt} Tex^U- SieXeyeTO Se ev th o-vvaycjoyr} 4 KaTU irav orap/SaTOv, eTreiOev t€ lovSalovg Km. '^ Y/XXrji/ag. Q? Se KaTtjXOov ttTTO T^? M^aKeSopia? o T€ 5 StXa? Kat 6 Ti/uLo6eo9y (jvvetxeTO tw Xoyco 6 Hai/Xo?, SiafJ.apTvpofxevo OLKCp aVTOVj Koi TToXXoi. TWV Y^OpivOnaV aKOVOUTCg €7n- 9 crrevov koi e^aiTTi^ovro. EtTrei^ <5e 6 Kvpio^ ev vvkti Si opafxaroq rw IlaiJXw Mh cJ)oBoy, aXXa AaXef Kai 10 fxri ah. ovto? rju KarrixVf-^^^os Trjv 68ov tov 25 Kvpiov, Kac ^ewv tco irvevfxaTi eXaXet Kai eStSaa-Kev Jewish leader : other MSS. have ol lovdaioi, confounding this Sosthenes with the Christian mentioned in 1 Cor. i. 1. 19. KaTTjVTqtrav] Rec. KarrjVTTjcre. The singular verbs eXxev and KariXLirev in the immediate context probably suggested the alteration. 21. Rec. inserts AeT fxe Trdvrws rrjv idpTTjv tt)v epxof^^yyjv troiTJaai eis ' lepoadXv/jia before TrdXti'. It was probably added to explain why the visit to Jerusalem was so urgent at this time ; but the real motive has been already stated in v. 18 : it was to consummate a vow. This was usually done on occasion of the feasts ; but as Paul's object was to satisfy the Church, and he had reasons for avoiding publicity, he may have avoided the feasts. The passover is the only feast reconcilable with chronology. 24. X6710S conveys the idea of learningy as in Herodotus, Philo, and Josephus, dvvards of eloquence. 25. T(3 irvfitiiJLaTi] The literal meaning is hurnirig with the Spirit : the previous clause exhibited his learning, this marks the secret of his power. H 114 nPASEIS An02TOAi2N. [XVIII. 25. aKpipw? TO. irepL tov 'Ijjctoi/, e7n(TTdfj.evo^ fxovov to 26 paiTTiarfxa Twat/ou. ovto? tg l^p^aTO Trapprjcrid^ecrOaC €v Trj crvuay(joyr]' aKovcravTeg Se avTOv UpiarKiWa Kai A.Kv\a^ TTpocreXapoPTO avTOV Kai a.Kpipeo'Tepov avTW 27 G^eQevTQ Triv 6S0U TOV Oeou. ^oyXofxevov Se avTOV SieXOelv €19 Ttju 'Kyalav irpOTpeyf/'dfxevoi ol aSeXipot eypa^frav TOtg /naOrjTaig airoSe^aa-daL avTov' b? irapa- y€vofJievoeLv ets ttjv Acriav' dieXdiov 5e ra avujrepLKa (xepT) epx^Tat ets 'E(pea'ov Kai evpwv Tivas fiadrjTas uirev. TOL dv(OT€piKa] The land route through the interior of Asia Minor is specified by way of distinction from the sea route which he had before pursued on his way from Ephesus to Jerusalem. 4, Xvo. Trto-T£xl 7]crau Oe ot 7 7rdvT€9 avSpe? wcrel ScoSeKa. EicreXaojt' Se ei^ S Ti]V crvuaywyriv eirapprjo-id^eTO eirt fitjpag Tpel? Sia- Xeyofxepog kol TrelOcov irepi ri/? (Saa-iXelag tou Qeov. «? 9 Si Tiveg ea-KkrjpvvovTO kol ^Tretdovu KaKoXoyovvTe^ ttjv oSov evdwiov TOU '7r\r}Qov0T6p«v] Rec. a^Twv. This is an unnecessary correction. Two of the seven brethren only were present, it seems. 18. The B. V. interprets this verse as recording the confession of many professing Christians that they had been hitherto practising as exorcists. This is at once improbable in itself and inconsistent with the Greek text, for dvayy^WovTcs denotes report of what they had seen, not confession of what they had done : the addition of aurup to ras TTpd^ets points to the deeds of the exorcists, whose present action evinced the salutary effect produced by the recent event : ^^o/ioXoyo^- fievoi, being used absohitely without a/Aapr£as or TrapairTibfxara or the like following, denotes thanksgiving to God for this manifestation of his goodness and power. 20. TOV KvpCo\f 6 Xd-yos] Rec. 6 X6yos rod Kvpiov. But the expression KarcL Kpdros rod Kvpiov, by might of the Lord, is full of meaning after the preceding account of the dismay struck into the adversaries of Christ. XIX. 30.] nPAHEIS An02TOA12N. 117 fiS AE EnAHPneH ra^Ta, eOero 6 ILadXo^ iu tw 21 7rv€v/j.aTt SieXOibv Trju M-aKeSovlav KaVAxatap iropeveddat ek 'lepocroXv/jLa, elirwv on Mera to yevea-Qai ^e eKel Set fxe Koi 'Ydfxriv ISetu. aTroa-relXa^ Se eig Trjv Ma/ce- 22 Soulau Svo Twv SiaKovovvToav avT(fj Tt/moOeov KaV ^paaTOv, avT09 eirecrxev xpovov elg Tfjv 'Atrial/. 'EyeWro ^e /caret tou Kaipov eKelvov T(ipaxo9 ovk oXtyog 23 Trepi rrjg oSov. Ar]fX}]Tpios yctp t£? ovofiaTi, apyvpo- 24 KOTTO^, TTOiwu vaoxj<5 cipyupov^ ^ApTejuiSog irapsLX^TO TOig TexviTaL5? 'AcTias" o JlavXo9 ovto^ Treifxap iJ-ereaTrio-ev iKavov oxXov, Xeywv oti ovk etaiv Qeot ol Sia x^^P^^ yivofxevoL. ov fxovov Se tovto KivSwevei y^fjlv to /nepog 27 e£9 aireXeyfxov eXOeiu, aXXa Kai to Trjs fxeyaXr}^ Oea^ ^ApTe/JLiSog lepov eh ovOev Xoyia-Otjvaii /neXXeip re Kac KaOaipeia-QaL Ttjg fxeycjLXeL6Tf}T0^ avTrj<5i i]v bXrj rj Aaia KOL y} oiKOv/j.€Vf] o-e/BeTat. ciKOvo'ai/Teg Se Kai yevofxevoi 28 TrXyjpei? Ovfxov eKpa^ov XeyouTeg MeyaX>7 ^ ' ApTejuLig 'E^ecrtW. Kat eirXtjO-Qri rj itoXl's riy? (Ti/y)(fiTeft)9, wpfj.rii\oij Tre/uL'yp-avTeg irpo^ avTov irapeKoXovv fxr} Sovvat eavrov 32 eiV TO Oearpov. aXKoi fxev ovv aXKo ri eKpa^ov, ^v yap rj €KK\rj(na (TvvK€XU/j.€Vf], Kai ol TrXeiOiy? ovk [iSeKrav Ttvog 33 eveKa a-vveXrjXvOeicrav. e/c Se tov oxKov crvve^l^acrav ' AXi^avSpov irpo^aXovTOiv avTOv tcov 'lovSaicop, o Se AXe^avSpo^ Kaxao-eio-ag tvjv ')(€ipa '^OeXev airoXoyeio'uai 34 Tw SrjjiKp. eTTzyi/oi^Te? Se otl 'lou^aro? ecrnv (pwvrj eyevero fxia e/c iravTiav oocrei eiri copag Suo Kpa^ovTWV MeyaX>/ 35 yj ' ApT€/jLL<; 'E^ecTicoi/. KaTacTTeiXa? Se tov bxKou o ypajULjULaTev? rifj.ovvTa'; tyjv Oeov ^/ulcov. el fxev ovv ArjjUDjTpiog Kai ol (Tvv avTO) Te^y^Tai e^pvo'iv Trpog Tiva Xoyov, ayopaioi ayovTai Kai avQviraTOi eicriv, eyKaXeiTCjoa-av 39 aXX7]Xoi9- el Se tl irepaiTepw eiri^rjTeiTe, ev t^ cvvo/jlo) 40 €KKXy](Tta eiTiXvOija'eTaL. Ka\ yap KivSvvevofxev eyKa- XeiaOai a-Taaewg Trepi Trjg <7Y}{xepov /uLfjSevog aiTiov 33. oT)V€p£pa(rav] Kec. irpoe^l^aaav. The usual meaning of <7vv- ^L^d^eLv followed by an accusative is instruct, as in Is. xl. 14, quoted in 1 Cor. ii. 16, and often in lxx. This is probably the force of (Tvv^L^acrdhres ... els iirlyvojcrLv in Col. ii. 2. CK 8^ TOV 6\X0V] SC. TLvh. 35. 8toTr€Tovs] The statue was so designated in consequence of the tradition that it had fallen from heaven, the Ephesian Artemis being a personification of the vivifying power of nature. A similar tradition of the Tauric Artemis is preserved in Eur. Iphig. T. 977. 38. d'yopaioi] sc. rj/xipaij days on which the court of the proconsul was open for the administration of justice. 40. OTao-ews irep\ Tfjs cyjiJ-cpov] iKKXrjffias must be supplied after XX. 4.] nPAHEIS AnOSTOAfiN. 119 vTrapxovro^y irepi ov Svurjcro/neOa aTroSovvat Xoyov t^? eiv Sta M.aK€SovLag. (rvveiireTO Se avTW axP'- '^*i^ A(Tta9 4 TT]s (Tijfxepov out of the last clause, not o-racrews as in the B.V. The town-clei'k would hardly have denounced the gathering as a riot ; for this was a criminal offence of the most serious character. He is really warning the people of the danger that they might incur that charge. p.'qSevos alrCov] The B.V. takes this as = /i7?5e^ta5 alrias. But fXTjdevds is clearly masculine, and the clause points out that there was no guilty person upon whom the responsibility of this uproar could be laid. irepl o5 ... TTjs crv{rTpo(|>T]s] The weight of MS. authority inclines in favour of adding a second ov after oS, and a third Trept before ttjs. But the introduction of the negative 0^ may well be an error of transcription, the scribe failing to observe that the previous negative /j.7]d€v6s affects this clause and makes o^ redundant. A third Trept in two lines would be intolerable, and must be due to some primitive corruption. 1. p,ETair€p,i|;d|J.EVos] Some ancient MSS. TrpoaKaXecrafxevos. 3. -yvtiiiiis] Some ancient mss. yvto/j.7]. But MS. authority is in favour of yvwfxijs, which suits the sense better. 4. (mveCircTo] The verb is in the singular, indicating that Sopater was the responsible trustee of the whole fund, though individual churches sent also their several deputies. o-xpl- Tfis *Ao-£as] The omission of these words in some ancient MSS. seems due to a misconception of their meaning. This clause forms really an antithesis to 'Ao-tavol 5^ ... , and enumerates the deputies who travelled with Paul to Philippi, while that records the addition of two members at Troas. Thence the whole party proceeded together to Jerusalem. 120 nPAHEIS An02T0AflN. [XX. 4. 2w7raT/)0? TLvppov ^epoiaio^, Qea-a'aXoviKecov Se ^Apicrr- apxo^, tcai lleKOvvSog koI Faro? Aep^ato^ kol Ti/moOeog' 5 'Atrtavoi Se Tv-x^lko^ koi Tp6epojUL€vo^ virvw jSaOei SiaXeyofxevov tov YLavXov, ©€o-(raXoviK^(ov] Prominence is given to the nain^ of the church as an indication of the representative capacity in which Aristarchus went. Local designations, on the contrary, like Bepoiatos and Aep/3aios, follow the name. *A(rLavol 8J] Here again the name of the church-group precedes the names of its representatives. 5k cannot possibly be a mere copulative (as rendered in the B.V. ), following as it does several connecting particles, koL ... kclL It really marks the commencement of a new clause 'Aa-iavol ... ^(xevov. 5. o^Toi 8^] Some ancient MSS. omit 54. It may have been inserted through a misconception of the true sense, o^toi repeats the subject 'kaiavol with emphasis {as in xvii. 6, 24) in order to contrast the two parties, one arriving from Europe, the other from Asia. irpoo-AflovTcs] Rec. irpoekdbvTes with some ancient MSS. If genuine, this means that the Asiatic party arrived first at Troas. 6. &XP''] The limit of time spent on the way from Philippi to Troas was five days. iSxpi = within, 7. ^i^ T. o-aPpdTwv] This Hebraism is foimd in all the Gospels and in the first epistle to the Corinthians. "^jiwv] Rec. TGiv fxadrfrCiv. This is apparently a correction suggested by the fact that Paul's address was specially directed to the disciples at Troas ; but his companions were certainly present also at the farewell meeting, 9. The present part. KaTa(p€p6fi€vos describes the increasing XX. i6.] nPAHEI2 AnOSTOAI^N, 121 e7r! TrXeioi/ KarepexOeig axo tov vttuov eirecrev aTro tov Tpt(TT€yov KOLTW KaL '^pdrj vf.Kpo?. KaTu/Bag Se o llauXo9 lo eireireaev avTw kcll (TVP7r€pi\a/3ot)v eTirev M;; Qopvpel?9 rjfiepa^ a(j> rj^ eTreprju ef? Ttji^ 'Aarcav TTco? fxeO^ vfxHov tov iravra XP^^^^ eyevo/ULfju, 19 SovXeucou T(p Kvplcp fX€Ta Traa-rj^ Taireivocppocrvi/r]^ Kai SaKpvwv KOL TTCLpaa-fJicov Twv (TVfx^avTwv /not €v Tah 20 eiTL^ovXaig twv ^lovSaicov' cog ovSev virecrTeiXafxriv tSju (TVfx;(TOL'^'. Kat vvv ISov SeSefjiCPog eyoj TO) irvevfiaTi iropevofxai eh lepovaaXij/jL, Ta ev 23 avTn G-vvavTYicrovTa efxoi fxri eiSw^t TrXrju otl to irvevfj-a TO dytov KaTa "ttoXiv Sia/napTvpeTai /not Xeyov otl 24 Sea'fxa Kat OXiyp-etg jme fxevovcriv' aXX' ovSevoi^lv pov Xvkol fiapetg el^ vpa^ original text, J hold my life of no account that I may finish my course with joy J and / do not hold my life so precious as the finishing .... The variation of MSS. between reXetwtrat and rekenbaoj arises out of the same confusion of thought. Rec. inserts ^erct xctpcts after dpdfiov fxov. 25. PacTLXcCav] Rec. adds tov Qeov. 28. irpocrex^Te] Rec. adds ody. EKKXi]o-Cav TOV Oeov] The mss. vary, many of them changing Oeov into Kupiou, or coupling together deoD and Kvpiov. But these seem to be alterations devised in order to remove the obscurity of the clause which follows ; for the phrase €kk\. t. Kvpiov is unknown to the N. T., while ckkX. t. Oeov occurs constantly in the epistles of Paul, who viewed the Church, like Israel of old, as the congregation of God. Moreover, this passage is directly founded on the lxx. version of Is. xliii. 21, t6 y^vos fxov rb €kXekt6v, Xdov /xov 6v ir^pieTroiy}- a-d/jL7}v. The subject of the second clause is their God who, by free gifts and mercies, redeemed his people unto himself : here, too, God is the subject of TrepteTroiTjcraro, not the God-man. TOV a^|j,aTos TOV ISCov] Rec. rod Idiou a'lfxaros, which introduces an intolerable confusion between the divine and human nature of the God-man. But the ancient text hardly admits the rendering his own hlood. If genuine, it must mean the blood of his oivn, sc. Son. But probably Idiov represents some primitive corruption of the text ; perhaps LdiovvLov was the original text and the latter letters have been dropped in transcription owing to their identity with the preceding. 29. d(|>t|iv] This sense, departure, belongs to later Greek (comp. Jos. Ant. iv, 8. 47). In classical Greek It denoted arrival or return from exile. 124 nPAHEIS An02T0A0N. [XX. 30. 30 fxi] ^eiSofxevoL Tov -jroLfxviov, kcu e^ v/j.wv avrcov ava- (TTy]] peTrjcrav at x^^P^^ 35 avTai. wdvTa vireSei^a v/nip otl ovTOog KOTrtwvTa^ Set avTiKafx^avea-Qai twv ao-QevovvTOiVy fivrifMoveveiv re twv \6ywv TOV KVpiov ^Yricrov otl avTog eiwev M.aKapiov 36 €(TTiv fxaXKov SiSouat rj Xafx^aveiv. Kat TavTa eiirwv Oeig Ta yovaTa avTov crvv iratjiv avToI^ Trpocrrjv^aTO. 37 i/cai^o? ^e K\av6juL09 iyeveTO iravTWv, Kai einir€(T0VTe<; 38 eiTL TOV Tpax^^ov tov YiavXov KaTeepiXovi/ avTOV, oSvvw- fxevoL {j.aXi(TTa ein tw Xoyo) w eip/jKCi oti ouketi jULeXXovaiu TO TTpocrooTrou avTov Qewpelv. Trpoeire/uLirou Se avTOv eh to irXolov. 21 fi? <5e ey€V€TO avaxOijuai rifxa^ air oariracQevTats air avTihv, €v6vSpo/j.7]]X(OTat tou vojulov virap^ova-tv' KaTri-)(y}Qri(Tav Se irepi crov oti airoo'Taa-iav SiSacrKei^ utto 21 Mwt/crea)? rof? Kara Ta kOvrj iravTa's lovSaiov^y Xeywv fXf} irepiTefJ-vetv avTOV^ ra TeKva fxrjSe toI? eOecriv irept- iraTelv. tl ovv ecTLV ', TrauToyg aKOvtrovTai oti eXr/XvOag, 22 TOVTO ovv TTOifjcrov b (TOL Xeyofxev' eicriv rjfxlv avSpeg 23 upon their journey : the arrival is recorded in v. 17 {comp. inr4aTp€ eavTwv. TOVTOvg Trapa- \a^a)v ayvLo-driTi crvu avToig koI Sairavfio'ov kir avToh \va ^vp}](rovTai rrjv Ke(l>oXr)v, koI yvwaovTat Travreg oti Sciv Kanjxw^f^f- Trepl crov ovSiv ecTTiVj aXXa (ttoix^i^ '^ct' 25 auTO^ v TreTricrTevKOTOOv edvwv rjfxel^ eireo'TeiXafxev KpivavTe^ //cc6?' aXXoi Se 34 aXXo n €'7r€(f)(ivovv ev rca oxXcp' /jh] Swa/ixevov Se avrov yvcjovai rb acr^aXe? Sia rov Qopv^ov eKeXevcrev ayecrOai avrov €ig rrjv irapefx^oXriv. ore Se eyevero eiri rovg 35 ava^aO/jiovg, (Tvve^ri jSacrra^ea-Oat avrov vtto rwv crrpa- rtdorcov Sia rr}v ^lav rov oxXov, )]KoXov9ei yap ro 36 7rX}]6og rov Xaov Kpa^ovreg Aipe avrov. MeXXft)!^ re eLcrdyea-Oat elg rtjv 7rap€/J.^oXrjv 6 YLavXog 37 Xeyet rep x'-^^^PX^P ^^ e^ecmv fxoi elirelv rt irpog are\ 6 Se e(p}] YiXXj]PLa'ri yivwcKeig ; ovk dpa cv et o 38 AlyvTrriog 6 Trpo rovrcav rwv rjfxepwv avaa-rardcag Kai e^ayayoiv etg rrjv eprj/aov rovg rerpaKiaxtXtovg avSpag rcov (jiKaploov ; elirev Se 6 TlavXog Eyto avQpdi- 39 31. ociv€i avroig /naXXov irape- 3 crxoi^ r}a-v\Lav. Kal vf]v ovk riKOvcrav Tov XaXovi/TO^ fj.01. eTirov Se T/ 7rotr}(T(joto? cKeivov, yeipayoiyov^evog vtto twv ctvvovtojv fxoi rfkdov eh Aafxaa-Kou. ' KvavLa(s)vriv e/c tov (TTO/naTOg avTOv, OTi e(Tr} fxapTvg avTO) Trpog iravTag dvOpooirovg 15 v\aKL^o)v Kai o€pwv KUTa Ta? (Tvuayoyyag T01/9 TriarTevovTa? eiri ere 20 KOI OTe e^exvvveTO to aljua ^T€(j>dvov tov fxapTvpog aov, Koi avT09 fjfxriv €(f>e(TTW9 fcat (jvvevSoKwv Kai ]Sev 30 Se a^iov QavaTOv 1? SecrfJ-wv €')(0VTa eyKXrifxa. jurjvv- QeLo-^is Se fxoi eirifSovXrjg elg tov avSpa etrearQai e^avTtjg eirefxyj/^a irpo? crey TrapayyecXag kql toi9 KaTriyopoig 31 Xeyeiv TTpog avTOv eiri (TOV. Ot jmev ovv (TTpaTLWTai KUTa TO SiaTeTay/mevov avTOt? avaXa^ovTcg TOV TLavXov riyayov Std vvkto^ efV Tt]v 'A-VTiiraTpiSa' 32 Til Se eiraupiov eaa-avTeg tov? iTTTrei? aTrep^eaOai crvv 33 avTO) vTretTTpeylrav elg Tr)V irapep.^oXrjv' o'tTiveg eicr- eXOovTeg etg Trjv ^aiaapiav Kat avaSovTeg tj]v €iriv\aaH(Tav tw riyefxovt kutu tov HavXou. KXrjOiuTO^ Se avTOv rjp^aTO KaTrjyopeii/ 6 Tepri/XXo? 2 Xeyaip IIoXX^? elpr}vr}<5 Tvyxcti^ovTe^ Sia cov Kat Siop- QoofxaTOiv yii/o/j.€V(t)v rw eOuei tovto) Sia ri;? o-yj^ Trpopoia^ TravTrj re Kai iravTaxov airoSexo/aeOa, KpaTicrTe ^rjXi^, 3 jUi€Ta iraa-t]? euxctpiT€S yOLp TOV QvSpa TOVTOV XoLfXOV KOI $ KLvovvTa CTTaa-eis irFiat Toh 'Ioi;(5aiOip tols KUTa Tr}V oiKOVfievrju 7rp(s)T0(TTUTi]v T€ T^? Tcou 1^ Q^copatcov alp€- (760)?, b? KUL TO lepov eireipaa-ev j3€l3rjXw(Tat, 6v koi 6 eKpaTi')(Ta/j.€Vy irap ov Swijar] avTog avaKpLvad(7K0i/T€g ravTa ovrwg- 10 ex^tv- ^ KireKplOri re o IlaL'Xo? vevcravTog avTw tov i]y€jULO}/og Xeyeiv *Ea: TroXXfoJ^ eTcov bvTa ae KpiTrjv TO) eQvei TovTw e7ni}Tai vfxchv. 'Ave^aXeTO Se auTOvg 22 o ^yjXi^j ciKpi^ecTTepov elSco? tg irepi t^9 oSov, e'cTrag ' OTav Avcrla? 6 yCKlapxo? KaTa/3r] Siayvwcrofxai ra KaQ^ v/iia?' SiaTa^a.fj.evo'S T(p eKUTOVTapxn T^jpelcrOai avTov 23 ex^ff T€ av€(TLV Kai fxtjSeva KwXveiv to)v lSlwv avTOv v7ryjpeT€iv avTO). Mexa Se r^xepa? Ttvaavi(Tav re avTw ol apxiepeh teal ol irpwTot twv lovSatcov Kara 3 TOV TLavXov, Koi irapeKoXovv avrov aiTov/uLepoi X^P^^ KaT avTOv bircog fX€Tair€iJ.\}/-y}Tat avTov etV 'lepova-aXyi/j.j 4 eveSpav ttoiovute^ aveXelv avrov Kara rrjv oSov. 6 fxev ovv ^rjaro's aTreKptO)] rrjpeicrOai rov JlavXov eig Ka£- 5 aapLav, eavrov Se /ixeXXeiv ev raxet eKTropeveaOat' 01 ovv ev vfJi.LV, (j>ri(Tiv^ Svvaroi (TvvKara^dvreg el n eartv ev TO) avopL aroTTOV KartjyopeirciXTav avrov 6 Atarpf^ag Se ev avrot^ rifj.epa yevofxevov fxov etV 'lepocroXu/jia eve^avio-av 01 apxiepeig KoL ol TrpecrjSvTepot twv 'lovSaiwu, alrovfievoi Kar avrov 16 KaTaSiKrjv' irpog 01)? cnreKpiOriv otl ovk ecTiv eOog Pw- /jLaioig x^p'^^^^^^^ TLva avQpwTvov irpiv rj o Karrjyopov- jULevog Kara 7rpo(TC07rov €XOl rovg KaTi]yopovg Toirov re 17 ctTToXoyiag Xd(3ot Trepl tov ey/cX^/yuaros'. (TvveXQovrtav ovv evOaSe ava(3oXr)v fxri^efxlav 7roty}<7ap.ev09 rrj e^ijg KaOicrag evr! tov ^Y}fj.aTOv eyw virevoovv irovrjpthv, ^r]T>}/J.aTa Si Tiva irepl Trjg iStag SeKTiSai/iioPLag elxov irpog avTOv teat Trepl tlpo^ 20 'Irjcrov TedvriK0T0<5, ov eaX€g ti ypa\lrat to) Kvpioi ovk 26 exto* Sio IT por\yayov avTOV e

v eyKaXovfxat viro 'lovSaicov, ^aciXev 2 22. 'EpovXoji,Tiv Kai avrbs] ^E^ov\6fji.i]v is sometimes used, like t;ijX'^Mi?^ in Rom. ix. 3 and ijdeXov in Gal. iv. 20, to express a modified wish now existing, and so the B.V. renders it. But the emphatic Kai avrSs, which follows it, points to an actual former desire of the king in anticipation of the request now made by Festus, / was myself loishing. The position of Agrippa made it natural for him to feel and express an independent interest in the case. 26. KvpCip] The early emperors carefully repudiated the title of dominus (Sea-TrirTj?), borne by the master of slaves, as savouring of despotism, but welcomed K^pios, an indefinite title of respect and courtesy, which was addressed to gods and kings as well as private persons. 1. iiirlp] The alternative irepi is strongly supported by MSS., and is specially appropriate to the circumstances, as Agrippa was not trying the case, only hearing the prisoner's statement with a view to making a report about it. 144 nPAHEIS AnOSTOAON. [XXVI. 2. AypiTTTra, i'fyrifxai efxavTOv jmaKapiov eirl cov /uLeWoo]/ 3 a-yjfiepov aTroXoyeicOat, /maXio'Ta yvdxTT'^v ovTa ere iravTwv Tcov Kara lovSaiou^ eQihv re Km ^r)Ttj/j.dTwv. 4. Sio Seojuai fxaK poQv fxw^ ctKOvaral fxov. ^tjv fxev ovv /Slcoarlv fxov e/c v€OTt]Tog T7]p air apx^9 yevofxevriv ev Tip eOvei 5 jiiov ev re 'lepo(Jo9 kui tov? crvv e/ixol iropevofxevov?' TravTOi)V re KaTairea-ovTcav r}fxwv e/? 14 Trjv yrjv '^Kovcra (jxavriv Xeyovarav irpo? /^e Trj '^ppaL'Si SiaXeKTcp SaoJX HaovX, tl fie SiooKeii; ; cTicKrjpov (toi TTpb? KevTpa XaKTi^eiv. eyo) Se elira T/9 ei, Kvpie ; o 15 ^e Kvpio? elirev 'Eyco elfxi 'Ij/croi/? ov <^c /cat riy? e^ova-lag tov l^^aTava ewl tov deov^ TOV Xa^elv avT0v<5 a lepo) eiretpcovTO Siax^tplo-aaOai. €7riK0vpta? ovp tvx^v t^? a'^o T^y Qeov axpi- t^? r]fx€pa9 22 ravrrjg ea-rrjKa fxapTvpofxevog /uLiKpo) re Kai fX€yaX(pj ovSev e/CT09 Xeycoi/ oJv ts ol 7rpowvr} (prjo-h M.acvi], HayXe* tu ttoXXo. (re ypafj-fxaTa eh fxavlav irepiTpeTrei. 6 Se TLavXog Ov fxaivofxaij 9 SvvaiVTO KaTai/T}](TavTeg ei^ ^otviKa irapaxeif^ao-at, \ifxeva tT]^ K/)?;t»7? ^XeirovTa /cara 13 X//3a Kcu KaTa x^P^^- ' ")Ciro7rvevG'avTO<5 Se votov So^avTe^ Tt]9 irpoQecreod^ K€KpaTr]K€uat apavTeg acrcrov 14 irapeKeyovTO Tfjv JS-pj^Triv. julct ov ttoXv Se epaXeu KaT avTtJ9 ave/ixog tv^coviko^ 6 KaXovfj.evo^ov'] The force of Kara when coupled, as it is here, with the names of winds (S.W. and N.W.) is to denote a direction down the wind, i.e. the direction towards which, not the quarter from which, it blows. 13. dpavT€s] sc. rds a.yK()pa.s. 14. Kar' avT-iis] sc. ttjs Kp-qTris. The description is highly graphical. Modern navigators have described the preliminary gathering of whirlwinds on the heights of Mount Ida, and rush of hurricanes down the mountain valleys on to the sea below. EupaKuXwv] This is a, Graeco-Latin term otherwise unknown; XXVII. 19.] nPAHEID AnOSTOAON. 151 crvvapTra(TdevT09 Se rov TrXotov Kai fir] 8ui/a/j.euov 15 avTO0aXfxelv tw avifxa) eTriSoureg €(pep6iJ.e6a. vricriov 16 ^e TL vTroSpa/jLOvreg KoXovfxevov ^avSa lo-xvcafxev ^oXi^ irepLKpaTetg yevea-Qai t^9 (TKa(j>r}€povTO. ?TJ?9 K€pSr] ov Tpoirov XeXaX^jTac julol. 27 €ig VYJ(jov Se Tiva del tj/mag eKirea-elv. Qg Se Te(T(Tap€(TKaiSeKaTr} vv^ eyeveTO Sia€po|JL€vwv T|p.wv] Tliis gen. seems to depend on vu^ and not to be a gen. absolute. Throughout the Acts the habitual force of Sid in composition with verbs of motion, e.g. 8i4px€(r6aL, diaTrXelv, Sia^ievyeiVy hiaTrepq.v, dioSeveLV, whether governing an accus. or used absolutely, is to express continuous movement onwards over an intervening space. The context clearly points to a similar inter- pretation of dLa(p€pofi4vo3p : for the distance travelled in thirteen days (476 miles), and the silence of the narrative as to any fresh trim of the vessel after Canda, forbid the notion of her beating about up and down or to and fro. The Cretan whirlwind was the XXVII. 34] nPAHEIS AnOSTOAl^N. 153 Tw 'ASpiOi, Kara fxecrov rrj? pvkto^ virevoovv ol vavrai irpocrayeLV riva avToh X^P^^- '^"^ /3oXl(TavT€9 ev pop 2S 6pyvLa<; e'tKoa-i} ^pa)(y Se §iac7TY}cravT€riv €19 TrjV OaXacrcrau irpofpacreL oj? e/c irpoipri^ ayKvpa? jmeXXovTCoi/ eKTeiuetv, elirev o HatyXo? tw e/caroi^- 3^ Tapxn Kat T0t9 (TTpaTt(jOTat9 Eai/ fxr] ovTOt fxetv(i)a-tv ev Tip ttXoIo), v/aet? (rcoOrjvat ov SvvaarOe. t6t€ ciTreKO'yp-ap 32 01 (TTpaTicoTaL TO. ^9, tovto yap 7rpo£ t*?? vixeTepatj^, i^jULcOa Se at Tracrat yp^vxcu ev too ttXo/oj 38 cog k^SofXYjKOVTa e^. KOpea-Oivreg Se TpoTa Kai Sia to yp-vxo^' (Tv€v^ eaTiv avOpwTTO^ OVT09 ov Staaa^OevTU e/c Trjg OaXacrcrrjg 7] SiKrj ^HV ovK €LaclN AKOYCWCIN kaI th KApAi.^ CYNcociN kaI eniCTpe^t^ciN, kaI iacomai aytoyc. 28 yVW(TTOV OVU VfJUV eO'TW OTL TOTc 60 NEC IN aireCTTaXr} TOVTO TO ca)Ti^pi0N TOY OeoY" clvtol Kac aKovcrovTai. TT)v ^a(n\eiav be taken as its object, which the order of words seems to forbid. In both cases the middle voice imparts to it a reflexive force, the two apostles proceeding each of them to a vindication of his own conduct. 24. circCeovTo] The B. V. exaggerates the force of this verb by- rendering it believed. Some listened, but the result proves that none believed ; for they departed and the apostle condemned the whole body. 25. ipp.«v] Rec. 'n/j.Qi'. The second person is here significant : it embodies the reproach that these unbelievers are true children of unbelieving fathers. •26. *AKoy lays stress on the hearing of the ear, as distinct from understanding ; ^Xeiropres on the effort to see without perceiving. 28. tJ) (TcoTifipLov] sc, €vayy4\iov or prj/xa, the word of salvation proclaimed by the voice of the Lord, as prophesied in Isaiah xl. 5, Ix. 6 (lxx). This expression is incorporated in the song of Symeon also from the same source. aiPTol Kai oLKovo-ovrai] The Gentiles are here contrasted with the XXVIII. 31.] nPASEIS AnO2T0A0N. 159 aweSexeTO TravTag Tovg eKTiropevofxevovg wpo? avTov, KJjpvo'crcov Tf]v (Ba). XIV. I.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 261 I have set thee for a light of the Gentiles, That thou shouldest be for salvation unto the uttermost part of the earth. And as the Gentiles heard this, they were glad, and 48 glorified the word of God : and as many as had set themselves unto eternal life believed. And the word 49 of the Lord was spread abroad throughout all the region. But the Jews urged on the devout women 50 of good reputation, and the chief men of the city, and stirred up a persecution against Paul and Barnabas, and cast them out from their borders. But they shook off the dust of their feet against 51 them, and went unto Iconium. And the disciples 52 were filled with joy and with the Holy Ghost. And it came to pass in Iconium that they entered 14 49. The extension of the gospel, not only in the city but through- out the region, and the establishment of a permanent church as the result, implies a prolonged stay of some months in the place before Je^\"ish hostility culminated in their expulsion from the city. This was efifected apparently with the sanction of the magistrates : and though Roman law did not allow a permanent sentence of exile, they can hardly have returned until new magistrates had succeeded and several months at least elapsed. 51. In pursuance of Christ's command, they shook the dust off their feet against the unbelieving Jews ; it is doubtful whether they ■ever entered this synagogue again : their subsequent visits were made to the disciples. A military road, called the Royal Road, led from Autioch to Lystra in the time of the early Caesars, which was then the main road to the East. The apostles must have diverged from this at Misthia to the left in order to reach Iconium. This city, originally Phrygian, but during the last century before Christ and the first after Christ connected more or less intimately in political adminis- tration Avith Lycaonia (for it abutted on both districts), was growing at this time into the commercial importance which belonged to it in -subsequent centuries. One evidence of this is given in the name Claudiconiuni bestowed on it by Claudius. 1. In spite of Jewish opposition at Antioch the apostles on reach- 262 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XIV. i, in the same manner into the synagogue of the Jews, and so spake that a great multitude both of Jews 2 and of Greeks believed. But the Jews that were disobedient stirred up the souls of the Gentiles and 3 made them evil affected against the brethren. Long time indeed abode they speaking boldly of the Lord, which gave witness to the word of his grace, grant- ing signs and wonders to be done by their hands. 4 But the multitude of the city was divided ; and part 5 held with the Jews, and part with the apostles. And when there was a stir made both of the Gentiles and the Jews with their rulers to evil entreat and 6 to stone them, they became aware of it, and fled ing Iconiiim recommenced preaching in the synagogue according to their invariable rule. Attendants on its \vovship formed in con- sequence the nucleus of the Pauline churches, including some Jews, but mainly consisting of de^'out (^entiles. (See note on xiii. 16.) 3. This verse places in a striking light the mutual co-operation of Christ and his apostles. They spake boldly of him, he attested their word by granting them miraculous powers. 4. The -Jews readily succeeded in enlisting the support of many local magistrates against the Christians ; sometimes by exciting alarm amidst those who were interested in the popular religion, like the Ephesian craftsmen ; sometimes by denouncing them as revolutionary anarchists, dangerous to the peace of families and households, as in jNIacedonia. 6. This verse has been objected to on the ground that it excludes Iconium from the list of Lycaonian cities, whereas Cicero, Strabo, and Pliny all agree in including it. But does this language really ex- clude it? Iconium was a border city, peopled mainly by Phrygians, and possessing already a large measure of municipal independence, though associated in this and the previous century with the district government of Lycaonia. It touched on various sides Pisidia, Phrygia, and Lycaonia : the text merely defines the side towards which their flight was directed. Lystra was, next to Antioch, probably the most important of the so-called Pisidian colonies, i.e. of the military colonies planted by Augustus in that region for the security of the great military highway XIV. II.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 263 unto the cities of Lycaonia, Lystra and Derbe, and the region round about : and there they preached 7 the gospel. And a certain man at Lystra, 8 impotent in his feet, sat by, a cripple from his mother's womb, who never had walked. He was 9 listening to Paul speaking : who fastening his eyes upon him, and seeing that he had faith to be made whole, said with a loud voice, Stand upright on thy 10 feet. And he leaped up and walked. And n when the multitude saw what Paul had done, they lifted up their voice, saying in the speech of Lycaonia, The gods came down to us in the likeness to the eastern provinces of the Empire. The gradual pacification of the interior of Asia Minor rendered this special protection unneces- sary after the first century, commerce resumed its natural course through Iconiuni, and Lystra lost its temporary importance. Derbe was the frontier city of the Galatian province on the south-east : the mark of imperial favour bestowed upon it by the emperor Claudius in the name Claudioderbe suggests its importance in his time. Both cities contained a Graeco-Roman population, whose (ireek language made them accessible to the apostolic teaching, besides a Lycaonian populace, who usually spoke a loca^ dialect. The gods, though here designated by Greek names, had doubtless other local appellations. There was apparently no synagogue in either city. 8-10. The apostles were preaching in some public place, probably the market-place, to which the cripple had been carried to ask alms : here he attracted Paul's notice by his earnest attention to the word preached. The vi\id narrative proceeds apparently from the report of an eye- witness, perhaps Timothy of Lystra, who was afterwards so much in the author's company. 11-14. The statue of Zeus (Jupiter) stood beside the approach to the city without the walls. Close adjoining it therefore were the double gates leading into the city : it was to these apparently that the priest brought the oxen for sacrifice, the people pouring out through the gates. Paul and Barnabas had withdrawn to their lodging probably after their address to the people, while the restored cripple, going about the cit}-, had evoked popular enthusiasm. They were evidently absent when the sacrifice began : the cry of the 264 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XIV. 12. 12 of men. And they called Barnabas, Jupiter; and Paul, Mercury, because he was the chief speaker. 13 And the priest of Jupiter, whose statue was before the city, brought oxen and garlands unto the gate- ways, and would have done sacrifice with the multi- 14 tudes. But when the apostles, Barnabas and Paul, heard, they rent their own garments, and sprang 15 forth unto the multitude, crying out, and saying, Sirs, why do ye these things ? We also are men of like nature with you, and bring you good tidings that ye should turn from these vain gods unto the living God, which made the heaven and the earth 16 and the sea and all that is therein : who " in the past generations suffered all the nations to walk in 17 their own ways. Nevertheless he left not himself without witness, in that he doeth good, and giveth you rain from heaven and fruitful seasons, filling 18 your hearts with food' and gladness. And with these people, which was really the gods came down, not the gods are come doion^ seems to imply the disappearance of the heavenly visitors. Had they been present, they must have discovered beforehand the nature of the proceedings even from gestures, etc. Nor can we assume that the Lycaonian language alone was used throughout, seeing that the apostles address the people in Greek ; or that Saul of Tarsus was wholly ignorant of that dialect. It is A^^orth notice that a Phrygian legend represents these very gods Zeus and Hermes as visiting in human form the cottage of Baucis and Philemon in these parts (cf. Ovid, Met. viii. 626) ; for Lycaonia was a, part of ancient Phrygia. The designation of Paul as Hermes the ready- tongued ambassador of heaven, more conspicuous by his gifts of speech than by his personal presence, is explained in the text : the designation of Barnabas as king of the gods was perhaps suggested by his dignified attitude as chief of the mission. 15-17. This simple appeal to the principles of natural religion illustrates the care with which the apostles adapted their language to their audience. The description of the Creator is borrowed from the fourth commandment {Ex. xx. 11), or from Ps. cxlvi. 6. XIV. 23.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 265 sayings scarce restrained they the multitudes from doing sacrifice unto them. But there came 19 after them Jews from Antioch and Iconiiim who persuaded the multitudes, and stoned Paul, and dragged him out of the city, supposing he had been dead. But when the disciples had come round about 20 him, he rose up and went into the city : and on the morrow he departed with Barnabas to Derbe. And when they had preached the gospel to that 21 city, and made many disciples, they returned to Lystra, and to Iconium, and to Antioch, confirming 22 the souls of the disciples, exhorting them to continue in the faith, and that we must through many tribulations enter into the kingdom of God. And 23 when they had appointed them elders in every 19. The rejection of divine lionours coupled with a denunciation of their gods could not fail to produce a revulsion of feeling against the apostles amidst the populace ; of which the Jews, who had dogged their steps, skilfully availed themselves, perhaps denouncing them as sorcerers. The stoning of Paul was not, like that of Stephen, a judicial sentence, but an illegal act of mob-violence. He had therefore no difficulty on his recovery in withdrawing with the aid of his friends to a place of safety, though bruised and stunned. No hint is given of a miraculous escape either here or in 2 Cor. xi. 25. 22. The use of the first person plural instead of the third in this verse suggests the presence of the author himself on the scene : not indeed with the same certainty as in the later chapters : for it niay in this case be merely a rhetorical device, such as is often employed by Greek writers to add life to the narrative. But this is hardly consonant with the author's usual style : there is further ground for the presumption that he was converted during this mission -journey, for he reappears on the occasion of Paul's next visit to these parts as a Chrtstian of some standing. (See Intr. p. 10. ) Some vivid touches in the previous narrative suggest that the author had a share in the conflict of opinions at the Pisidian Antioch. 28. On the appointment of elders see Appendix. 266 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XIV. 23. church, they prayed with fasting, and commended them to the Lord, on whom they had believed. 24 And they passed through Pisidia, and came to Pam- 25 phylia. And when they had spoken the word in 26 Perga, they went down to Attalia ; and thence sailed away to Antioch, whence they had been committed to the grace of God for the work which they had 27 fulfilled. And when they were come, and had gathered the church together, they reported all that God had done with them, and that he had opened 28 a door of faith unto the Gentiles. And they abode no little time with the disciples. 15 And certain men came down from Judaea and taught the brethren, Except ye be circumcised after 25. As Perga was some miles up the river Cestrus, and Paul and Barnabas were now desirous of securing a passage to the coast of Syria in some passing ^'essel, they proceed overland to Attalia on the sea-coast. 28. The mission-journey took place during the seven years which intervened between the t^o visits of Paul and Barnabas to Jeru- salem, i.e. between 43 and 50. (See Intr. p. 27.) It may have absorbeil half the time : the rest was spent in Antioch either before their start or after their return. l-3"2. It seems strange at first sight that so many years elapsed after the first admission of Gentiles to Christian baptism before this agitation was set on foot to enforce their circumcision ; for the baptism of Cornelius was probably not later than 38, t^^elve years before. Though the outpouring of the Spirit upon them in itself settled once for all their right to baptism, communion with those whom every Jew had long regarded as unclean must have given serious offence to many pious Cliristians from the beginning. The truth is that the momentous consequences of the new departure were naturally slow in manifesting themselves. For some j'ears the mass of the Church still belonged to the circumcision ; and the Gentile Christians formed too insignificant a minority to excite religious jealousy or threaten the exclusive ascendency of their Jewish brethren. The success of Paul's preaching first opened men's eyes to the magnificent future of the Gentile church. Then for the first XV. 2.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 267 the custom of Moses, ye cannot be saved. And 2 when there arose a dissension, and no small question- ing on the part of Paul and Barnabas with them, the brethren determined that Paul and Barnabas, time devout Gentiles pressed into the Church in numbers that threatened to swamp the Jewish section ; and the alarming prospect of a Gentile church, raised by baptism to the same privileges in the sight of God, but free from the obligations of the la^v^ roused Jewish Christians to urge the value, if not the necessity, of circumcision, as the seal of the baptismal covenant. The Church was on the brink of a formidable schism ; for the mother church of Antioch under the leadership of Paid and Barnabas adopted the cause of Gentile liberty, while the enormous preponderance of the circumcision in the church of Jerusalem made it a stronghold of the Judaizing party. This danger was averted by the Christian wisdom of the leading apostles on both sides ; and a satisfactory moduH r/reiidi was devised, which might pave the way for the eventual fusion of Jew and Gentile in one united brotherhood. Gentile Christians were exempted from circumcision and the 1ll^\-, but the uncleannesses, \\'hether legal or moral, which were most offensive to Jewish feeling, were specially prohibited. This decision had not indeed distinct authority from the whole Church. For, l^esides the apostles and the representatives of the church of. Antioch, the council contained onl\' members of the church of Jerusalem; but it had sufficient authority \vith all Jewish Christians elseA\'liere to check agitation and restoie peace to the Church. This result was mainly due to the influence of the leading apostles, who heartily supported the claims of the Gentile Christians both in private conference and public address, though they abstained from pressing apostolic authority or pleading a divine commission for the settlement of the question. The great principle of Gentile liberty was finally established by this formal recognition at Jerusalem : the concessions on the other hand made to Jewish feeling in regard to ceremonial uncleauness, being in their nature temporary, were disregarded a few years later by Paul himself (1 Cor. vi, l*2-'20, viii. 1-13), when he promulgated a new law of uncleau- ness based on the teaching of Christ, and developed f, Christian doctrine of real uncleanness before God in place of the ceremonial purity required by the Mosaic law. Gal. ii. 1-10 presents a lively picture of the conference, its various parties and the currents of feeling that prevailed amidst them, the temper and conduct of the leading actors, written by Paul himself 268 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XV. 2. and certain other of them, should go up to Jerusa- lem unto the apostles and elders about this question. 3 They therefore, being brought on their way by the church, passed through both Phoenicia and Samaria, declaring the conversion of the Gentiles : 4 and they caused great joy unto all the brethren. And when they were come to Jerusalem, they were received of the church and the apostles and the elders, and they reported all things that God had done with 5 them. But there rose up certain of the sect of the Pharisees which had believed, saying, It is needful to circumcise them and to command them to keep the law of Moses. 6 And the apostles and the elders were gathered not long after, while circumcision was still a burning question in the Galatian church. (See Appendix on Gal. ii. 1-10.) From this it appears that the visit to Jerusalem was first suggested to Paul by a revelation : whether in a vision, or by the .Spirit in the Church, is left uncertain ; the history, after its manner, states only the decision of the Church, evidently prompted by him and Barnabas. It is there stated that Titiis, a Gentile convert, was one of the delegates — a choice which evinces clearly the spirit prevailing in the church of Antioch. The same passage records the complete recognition at Jerusalem of the apostolic independence of Paul and Barnabas as apostles of the Gentiles. 3. The predominance of Ci entiles in the Phoenician seaports ensured Paul and Barnabas an enthusiastic reception there : nor did the Samaritans cherish the same jealousy of Gentile converts as the Jews. Their hearty welcome at Jerusalem is more striking : their successes amongst the Gentiles were accepted as a proof that God was with them. 5. The antagonists to Christian liberty are here stigmatised as Pharisees in spite of their conversion : Gal. ii. 4 denounces them still more severely as false brethren who had made their way into the Church by a side door with treacherous designs. The term helieiyd here denotes simply profession of the faith without regard to its depth or sincerity. 6, 7. Gal. ii. 2 mentions private conferences on this occasion : this narrative records prolongeil discussion amidst tlie apostles and elders. XV. 12.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 269 together to consider of this matter. And when 7 there had been much questioning, Peter rose up and said unto them, Brethren, ye know how that a good while ago God made choice among you that by my mouth the Gentiles should hear the word of the gospel, and believe. And God, which knoweth the heart, 8 bare them witness, giving them the Holy Ghost, even as he did unto us; and put no difference be- 9 tween us and them, cleansing their hearts by the faith. Now therefore why tempt ye God, that ye 10 put a yoke upon the neck of the disciples which neither our fathers nor we were able to bear ? But we believe that we are saved, in like manner 11 as they, through the grace of the Lord Jesus. And all the multitude kept silence, and gave 12 The final meeting seems to have been public, for r. 12 notes the presence of a multitude, and v. 22 records the concurrence of the whole Church with the apostles and elders. The apostolic addresses carry out apparently a preconcerted plan, which had assigned the opening to Peter, the record of Gentile conversion to Paul and Bar- nabas, and the duty of moving the final resolution to James. 7-11. Peter pleads the divine commission formerly given him to preach the word to the Gentiles, and the divine attestation of the Spirit vouchsafed to them, as proofs of God's acceptance of them on an equal footing with Israel. He denounces the opposition as tempting God, i.e. trying his patience by resistance to his declared will. He reminds them that Israel had found it impossible to keep the law, and depended like the Gentiles on the free grace of God for salvation. The close agreement of this speech with Pauline doctrine is remarkable. 9. tlie faitli] Le. the Christian faith. The same language is used in Rom. iii. 30, where the uncircumcision are said to be justified through the faith, not like the circumcision by faith. Neither apostle attributes cleansing or justifying power to faith as an inward dis- position of the heart apart from its object. Faith in God or Christ alone is saving faith. 270 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XV. 12. audience to Barnabas and Paul recounting how many signs and wonders God had wrought among 13 the Gentiles by them. And after they had held their peace, James answered, saying, 14 Brethren, hearken unto me. Symeon hath re- counted how God at the first did visit the Gentiles, 15 to take out of them a people for his name. And with him agree the words of the prophets ; as it is written, 16 After these things I will return, And will build again the tabernacle of David, which is fallen ; 13. James] The prominence of James, the Lord's brother, in the church of Jerusalem has been already indicated in xii. 17 {see note there). In this narrative the two figures of Peter and James over- shadow the rest of the Twelve. Gal. ii. 9 so far corrects this view as to place the silent figure of John beside them ; but otherwise confirms it by distinguishing these three as acknowledged pillars of the Church. That epistle further classes James as one of the apostles. Unlike the Twelve, his apostolic functions seem limited to Jerusalem, but as the Twelve made that city their headquarters, and wielded supreme authoritj^ there by Christ's own commission, it is difficult to reconcile their position with the personal authority of James. 13-21. James accepts the Gentiles as called of God in his eternal counsels. The ground on which he urges their conformity in certain points with the Mosaic law is not as essential to their own salvation, but as a reasonable concession to their Jewish brethren, which might enable both branches of the Church to maintain un- broken communion in one Christian brotherhood. There is however a perceptible difference in his tone from that of Peter, for he does not, like Peter, admit the absolute ef^uality of baptized Jews and Gentiles before God; and the Judaizing party were perhaps en- couraged to hope for his sympathy in subsequent attempts to treat Gentile Christiana as, in a measure, unclean (Gal. ii. 12). 16-18. These verses reproduce substantially the Lxx. version of Amos ix. 11, 12. The prophet looks forward to a day of visitation and restoration after Israel had been sifted among the heathen, when XV. 21.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 271 Yea, the ruins thereof will I build again, And I will set it up : That the residue o£ men may seek after the Lord, 17 And all the Gentiles upon whom my name is called, Saith the Lord who doeth these things, known unto him from the beginning of the world. 18 Wherefore my sentence is, that we do not further 19 trouble them, which from among the Gentiles are turning to God ; but that we write unto them, that 20 they abstain from the pollutions of idols, and from fornication, and from things strangled, and from blood. For Moses from generations of old hath in 21 the remnant of Israel with the Gentiles who are called by the name of God shall seek him in his restored temple. The B. V. of Amos ix. 12 is very obscure. 18. known unto Mm] This clause is not adopted from Amos, but added by the speaker. The prophet had declared these things to be the Lord's doing, the apostle adds that they were also known unto him froTYi the heginnlnij, i.e. foreknown and preordained, intimating thereby that it was God's eternal purpose thus to bring the Gentiles eventually into his kingdom through the agency of his chosen people. 20. The restrictions here imposed on Gentile liberty are not based on any general principle, ceremonial or moral, but are aimed at practices which were habitual among Gentiles, but specially offensive to Jews. Two of them inculcate the sacredness of blood, which the law identified with life in the mystic symbolism of its sacrificial system — a principle which had become associated in the Jewish mind with the sanctity of life : two directly attacked the idolatrous feasts and licentious pleasures by ^\'hich votaries were attracted to many heathen temples. They differed from the Christian law of uncleanness which Paul developed a few years later out of his Master's teaching ; for while he condemned fornication as essentially unclean, he pronounced meats to be utterly indifferent, save so far as any conscience was affected by the act of eating. But for the present he accepted these rules as a proper sacrifice to the conscience of Jewish brethren and the peace of the Church. 21. This appeal to the reading of the Law on Sabbath days would come home with force to Gentile Christians who were then habitual worshippers in the synagogue. 272 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XV. 21. every city them that preach him, being read in the 22 synagogues every sabbath. Then pleased it the apostles and the elders with the whole church to choose out men of their own company, and send them to Antioch with Paul and Barnabas ; namely Judas called Barsabbas, and Silas, chief men among 23 the brethren : and they wrote by them. The apostles and the elder brethren unto the brethren which are of the Gentiles in Antioch and Syria and Cilicia, 24 greeting : Forasmuch as we heard that certain which went out from us had troubled you, unsettling your souls with words which we did not enjoin ; 25 it pleased us, having come to one accord, to choose out men and send them unto you with our beloved 26 Barnabas and Paul, men that have offered up their 22. pleased] This word must be taken as expressing a formal decision of the assembled congregation. The same Greek word recurs in the same sense in ct'. 25, 28, and the corresponding sub- stantive is rendered ordinaiicfs in xvi. 4. Barsabbas] The identity of patronymic suggests that this was a brother of Judas Barsabbas, named in i. 2o. Silas] This shorter form of his name is employed in the Acts, the longer Latin form Silvanus in the epistles of Peter and Paul. 23. The Greek forms of salutation, with ^hich the letter begins and ends, suggest that it was written originally in Greek, being addressed to Greek brethren. the elder brethren] Not the elders and brethren, as in the B. V. : the church of Jerusalem so describe themselves in addressing younger churches. Cilicia] These churches had probably been planted by Paul before he left Tarsus. 25. having come to one accord] This exact rendering of the Greek text notifies the fact that they did not arrive at agreement without mucli previous discussion. 26. oflfered up] The B. V. hazarded expresses imperfectly the pro- longed surrender of the whole life to Christ's service which is here asserted. XV. 35-] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 273 lives for the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. We 27 have sent therefore Judas and Silas, who themselves also shall report to you the same things by word of mouth. For it hath pleased the Holy Ghost and us 28 to lay upon you no greater burden than these neces- sary things ; that ye abstain from things sacrificed 29 to idols, and from blood, and from things strangled, and from fornication; from which if ye keep your- selves, it shall be well with you. Fare ye well. So they, being let go, went down to Antioch : and 30 when they had gathered the multitude together, they delivered the epistle. And they, when they had read 31 it, rejoiced for the comfort. And Judas and Silas, 32 being themselves also prophets, comforted the brethren with many words, and confirmed them. And after 33 they had spent some time there, they were let go in peace from the brethren unto those that had sent them. But Paul and Barnabas tarried in Antioch, 35 28. The Church claims the sanction of the Spirit for her decision in virtue of the promise of Christ to grant the Spirit as her living guide. 31, 32. comfort, comforted] The letter did not convey consolation or exhortation so much as encouragement (in Scripture language coTnfort) by the sympathy of which it assured them : so also Judas and Silas, being prophets, i.e. inspired preachers, encouraged them in the faith. ;M. This verse JSTotivithstanding it pleased Silas to abide there still is an addition to the original text, inserted probably to explain his subsequent companionship with Paul. Silas did not however, like Barnabas, receive a Joint commission with Paul at Antioch, nor start with him from that city, but joined him in Asia Minor ; for the plural is first used in reference to the mission at xvi. 4. Probably he repaired to Jerusalem to render an account of his mission to Antioch before joining Paul, 35. This verse points to a prolonged stay at Antioch, though it might have been expected that Paul would have hastened to revisit his churches in Asia Minor with the message of peace from Jerusalem. s 274 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XV. 35- teaching and preaching the word of the Lord, with many others also. 36 And after some days Paul said unto Barnabas, Let us go again and visit the brethren in every city where we proclaimed the word of the Lord, and see how 31 they do. And Barnabas wished to take with them 38 John also, who was called Mark. But Paul thought not good to take him with them, who fell off from them from Pamphylia, and went not with them to 39 the work. And debate grew hot between them, so that they parted asunder one from the other, and Barnabas took Mark with him, and sailed away to 40 Cyprus ; but Paul chose Silas, and went forth, being The epistle to the Galatians fully explains this delay. The centre of interest was transferred from Jerusalem to Antioch, which Peter visited after the return of Paul and Barnabas. Here some Christians from Jerusalem, who still retained prejudices against full communion with Gentile Christians, attempted indirectly to undermine the recent settlement, and succeeded in gaining some countenance from Peter and Barnabas, against which Paul found it necessary to protest openly. His presence was therefore much needed at Antioch. On the other hand, no movement of this kind manifested itself in the Galatian churches till after his next visit. 36-39. The altercation which determined Paul and Barnabas to follow each of them his own independent course, though it turned on the conduct of Mark, was not purely personal. While Mark had formerly preferred the ties of Jerusalem to the claims of the mission to the Gentiles, Barnabas had recently been tempted by Jerusalem influences to put a slight on Gentile Christians. The hearts of both were evidently turning back to Jerusalem, while Paul was looking forth to the great Gentile world as his future harvest. They did well therefore to sever their connexion. It enabled each to choose the sphere of labour he most coveted. There is no trace of per- manent estrangement. Paul writes of both in subsequent epistles with continued respect and affection as trusted fellow-labourers. Both disappear at this point from the Acts. 40. The same antecedents that made Silas a welcome representa- tive at Antioch of the Jerusalem church recommended him to Paul XVI. 3.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 275 commended by the brethren to the grace of the Lord. And he went through Syria and Cilicia, confirming 41 the churches. And he stayed at Derbe also and at Lystra : and 16 behold a certain disciple was there, named Timothy, the son of a Jewess which believed; but his father was a Greek, The same was well reported of by the 2 brethren that wex^e at Lystra and Iconium. Him 3 would Paul have to go forth with him ; and took as a companion in his new mission. While he stood high In the confidence of his own church, his selection proves his cordial sympathy with Paul and Barnabas on the question of Gentile liberty. He was moreover like Paul a Roman citizen, and therefore more in sympathy with a Graeco-Ronian population than most Jews, and better able to enter into Paul's enthusiastic desire to win the Roman world to Christ. 41. The first object of this visitationtour was the group of churches in Syria and Cilicia, of which Antioch was itself the centre ; he then proceeded to those north of Mount Taurus. As he crossed the range from Cilicia, he approached these in the inverse order to his former visit, beginning with Derbe and ending with the Pisidian Antioch. 1-3. Timothy, though found at Lystra, was known at Iconium also : that was probably his mother's home, for the synagogue and principal Jewish colony were there. He was already a disciple : and as Paul claims him in his epistles as his own child in the faith, he must have been converted during the former mission-journey. He attached himself with singular devotion to the apostle, and inspired in him the utmost confidence and affection, as is attested by epistles from Asia, Greece, and Rome alike. He was already half a Jew by birth, and more than half in faith ; for his mother had trained him carefully from a child in the Jewish scriptures, and doubtless in general accordance with Jewish law and customs. But he had not yet been circumcised, probably from respect to the wishes or the memory of his Greek father. He was now of an age to decide between the faith of his father and his mother, and chose the latter with Paul's approval. It would have seriously prejudiced the apostle in addressing Jews, if his chosen minister and companion had taken occasion by his conversion to draw back from his mother's faith and claim Gentile freedom from the law. 276 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XVI. 3. and circumcised him because of the Jews that were in those parts : for they all knew that his father was 4 a Greek. And as they went through the cities, they delivered them the ordinances to keep, that had been determined of the apostles and elders which were at 5 Jerusalem. Now the churches were strength- ened in the faith, and were increasing in number 4. The cities here referred to are evidently those of southern Galatia, Derbe and Lystra, Iconium and Antioch. These churches had not been represented at the council of Jerusalem, and the letter despatched by the council was not formally addressed to them (see XV. 23). But the decision could not fail to carry great weight with the Jewish Christians there, and Paul had good reason for delivering copies of it to those churches. His rivals however apparently misconstrued the act as a virtual submission on his part to the Twelve and the church of Jerusalem, and he was forced in con- sequence to vindicate his apostolic independence by his epistle to the Galatians. ordinances] The term decrees adopted in the B. V. suggests that these rules had been made binding on the whole Church. They were in fact merely resolutions adopted by the church of Jerusalem in condemnation of the claims urged by certain members of their own church, and claimed no authority in Galatia beyond the moral weight of apostolic sanction. 5-10. The opening words Aoid so of v. 5 in the B. V. present that verse as a mere conclusion of the preceding section, and the Revised Version carries out the same view by placing a wide break at its close. But this rendering conveys a false idea of the author's meaning ; for the verse is really an introduction to the subsequent narrative, just as ix. 31 is to the journey of Peter. The welfare of the established churches is here related as an indispensable preliminary to the missionary tour which filled the author's mind ; and the central thought of the whole paragraph is the providential guidance which led the apostles, without any design of their own, from the heart of Asia Minor to the city of Philippi. The arrival at Philippi was a crisis in the author's life ; for there he entered on his career as an evangelist in obedience to a distinct call from God. And this section recounts the successive steps by which the Spirit overruled the will of the apostles in order to shape the destined course for them and him. XVI. 6.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 277 daily. And they went through the country of Phrygia 6 and Galatia, having been forbidden of the Holy Ghost Pour events determined this course : first, the completion of the visitation tour ; secondly, the prohibition to preach in Asia, which in the Acts means Asiatic Greece, the western zone of the province Asia, its eastern zone being designated Phrygia (see Appendix) ; thirdly, the prohibition to preach in Bithynia ; fourthly, the vision at Troas. These are here presented in combination, and an examin- ation of the circumstances enables the reader to see in them one continuous chain of divine appointment. On reaching the last of the Galatian churches, the Pisidian Antioch, three courses only were open to Paul and Silas, to retrace their steps and revisit the Galatian churches, to proceed westwards in the direction of Ephesus, or northwards across Phrygia (for the southward route to the Levant was barred by the compact with Barnabas). The first divine revelation left them therefore no option but to turn north- wards. Their route now led direct to Nicaea and Nicomedia, great Greek cities in Western Bithynia, and Paul meditated preaching there. But the same road led also to Troas ; for at a certain point, described in v. 7 as ovei^ against Mysia, a road branched ofi" to the left, and there the Spirit bade them turn aside from their intended journey onward. This new road eventually landed them at Troas, wliere the sea was open before them, and they received the final intimation of the Spirit summoning them to cross into Macedonia. It is interesting to note here what free play the Spirit allowed to the spontaneous energy of the apostles, intervening only at three decisive turning points, viz. at Antioch, at the next junction of roads, and at Troas, yet guiding them effectively to the goal. The author evidently viewed, and intended his readers to view, the three revelations as successive links in a continuous chain which bridged the interval between Antioch and Philippi. This view is obviously fatal to the theory which interposes in the middle of this journey a successful missionary tour into Northern Galatia. If so, Paul and Silas must have turned their backs on Troas when they reached the point over against Mysia, and inter- rupted their journey for some months. The silence of the author, who joined them at Troas, about such an event would be incredible. I have however no doubt that the Galatian country here referred to was the southern part of the province. But why (ib is asked) is this journey described as crossing Phrygia and the Galatian country, when it really started from Antioch in the Galatian province and afterwards traversed Phrygia ? The 278 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XVI. 7. 7 to speak the word in Asia : and when they came over against Mysia, they were assaying to go into Bithynia : and the Spirit of Jesus suffered them not : S so passing along Mysia they came down to Troas. 9 And a vision appeared to Paul in the night ; a man of Macedonia was standing, beseeching him, and say- 10 ing, Come over into Macedonia, and help us. And when he had seen the vision, immediately we sought suggestion that Phrygia and Galatia may possibly have formed a compoiuid terra seems untrue as well as far-fetched. For the Phrygia of the Acts is as distinct from Galatia as it is from Asia (see Appendix on Provinces of Asia Minor), and here the Phrygian portion of the journey belonged in fact to the province of Asia. The reversal of what might seem the more natural order admits of simpler explanation ; either because the whole journey, except the start across the territory of Antioch, lay across Phrygia, or because the author's point of view was retrospective : it was at Troas that he joined the party, heard their report, and received the summons to Macedonia ; and there the distant fragment of the Galatian country fell naturally into a subordinate place. 7. Spirit of Jesus] This expression is peculiar to this passage. The direction emanated from Jesus as supreme head of the Church ; but he did not appear in person : his Spirit warned them of the Lord's will. 8. passing along Mysia] Apparently the road to Troas skirted for some distance the southern border of Mysia. This part of their journey took them across Asia, and some critics have found a diflfi- culty in reconciling this with the previous prohibition to preach in Asia. But that was not a general prohibition, only a temporary intervention of the Spirit, forbidding the execution of a specific plan for preaching at Ephesus. The mission to Asia was thereby simply postponed, not discouraged in future. Troas] This port was an important link in the communication between Rome and the East by the great imperial highway ending at Philippi. 10. The abrupt change in this verse to the first person plural announces the presence of the author, and throws valuable light on a critical period of his life. For he not only met the apostolic party at Troas, but joined them as an important partner in their work, accepting the summons to Macedonia as a personal call, and embrac- XVI. 1 6.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 279 to depart to Macedonia, gathering that God had called us for to preach the gospel unto them. Putting out therefore from Troas we made a 1 1 straight course to Samothrace, and the day follow- ing to Neapolis, from thence to Philippi, being the 12 first city of Macedonia in the region, a Roman colony : and we were in that city abiding certain days. And on the sabbath we went forth without 13 the gate by the river side, where we supposed there was a place of prayer; and we sat down, and spake unto the women which came together. And a certain 14 woman named Lydia, a seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira, which worshipped God, was a hearer : whose heart the Lord opened, to give heed unto the things which were spoken of Paul. And when she 15 was baptized, and her household, she besought us, saying, If ye have judged me to be faithful to the Lord, come into my house and abide there. And she constrained us. And it came to pass, as 16 we were going to the place of prayer, that a certain ing the mission as his own. He accompanied them to Philippi, took part in preaching there, and abode in the city after the enforced departure of Paul and Silas, to complete the work of the mission. He had probably been converted during Paul's previous visit to Asia Minor. 12. The great importance of Philippi as commanding the eastern end of the great military highway to Home, led Augustus to plant a Roman colony there after his victory over Brutus and Cassius. It was governed accordingly by two Roman magistrates (duumviri), who are referred to in v. 20. Apparently the Jews had no synagogue nor any regular house of prayer, but often met in a place near the river Gangites, outside the walls, for Sabbath worship. 14. The crimson dyes of the Ionian coast were much prized, and the manufacture of crimson stuffs flourished in those parts. The existence of a guild of dyers at Thyatira is noted in in- scriptions. 280 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XVI. i6. maid having a spirit of divination met us, which brought her masters much business by soothsaying. 17 The same following Paul and us cried out, saying, These men are servants of the Most High God, which 18 proclaim unto you a way of salvation. And this did she many days. But Paul, being soi*e vesed, turned and said to the spirit, I command thee in the name of Jesus Christ to depart from her. And he departed that very hour. 19 But when her masters saw that the hope of their business had departed, they laid hold on Paul and Silas, and dragged them into the marketplace before 20 the rulers, and when they had brought them to the magistrates, they said. These men, being Jews, do 21 exceedingly trouble our city, and proclaim customs which it is not lawful for us to receive or to observe, 22 being Romans. And the multitude rose up together 17. Delirious and incoherent utterances of this afflicted girl were probably interrupted by her masters, as those of the Pythia were by the Delphian priests ; but her recognition of the divine mission of the apostles, as attested by an eye-witness, was due to an inward prompting, analogous to the recognition of Christ by demoniacs. 18. depart] The threefold repetition of this word is obviously intentional. Paul charged the evil spirit to depart^ he departed^ and the masters' hope departed with him. Its use in Luke v. 8 also illustrates its true meaning and the inadequacy of the B. V. come out of her. Its repeated use in the third gospel to denote the cure of demoniacs proves that the author recognized the independent existence of the evil spirit after he had come out, and the danger of his returning to haunt his victim, unless bidden also to depart. 20. There was no doubt a, strong prejudice in a Roman colony like Philippi against Jews, as starting from an alien basis of faith and morals. 22. The treatment of Paul and Silas illustrates the summary proceedings of Roman magistrates in dealing with disorder amongst provincials. The accused being foreign Jews, and the accusers well- known citizens, they assume the truth of the charge without inquiry, XVI. 3I-] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 281 against them : and the magistrates rent off their garments, and commanded to beat them. And when 23 they had laid many stripes upon them, they cast them into prison, charging the jailor to keep them safely : who, having received such a charge, cast 24 them into the inner prison, and made their feet fast in the stocks. And in the midnight watch Paul 25 and Silas were praying and singing hymns unto God, and the prisoners were listening to them ; and sud- 26 denly there was a gre at earthq uake , so that th e foundations of the prison-house were shaken : and immediately all the doors were opened, and every one's bands were loosed. And the jailor being awaked 27 out of sleep, and seeing the prison doors open, drew his sword, and was about to kill himself, supposing that the prisoners had escaped. But Paul cried with 28 a loud voice, saying, Do thyself no harm : for we are all here. And he asked for lights, and sprang in, and, 29 trembling for fear, fell down before Paul and Silas, and brought them out, and said, Sirs, what must I do 30 to be saved? And they said. Believe on the Lord 31 command their attendant lictors to use their rods, and shut Paul and Silas up for the night with the intention of turning them out of the city next day. It appears from 2 Cor. xi. 25, that Paul was three times beaten by order of Roman magistrates : no other occasion is specified in the Acts. 24-26. The inner prison was probably a dark cell within the common prison. The nightly round of the watch was the only note of time. By this they knew, that the time of the earthquake was in the midnight watch. They were probably chained to the wall and their feet in the stocks, but both fastenings were loosened by the earthquake. 30. The appeal of the jailor to Paul and Silas in his alarm, though mainly due to their fearless bearing, indicates some knowledge of their preaching as "well, for the slave-girl had described them as announcing a way of salvation. 282 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XVI. 31. Jesus, and thou shalt be saved, thou and thy house. 32 And they spake the word of the Lord unto him, with 33 all that were in his house. And he took them the same hour of the night, and washed their stripes ; 34 and was baptized, he and all his, immediately. And he brought them up into his house, and set meat before them, and rejoiced greatly with all his house, that he had believed God. 35 But when it was day the magistrates sent the 36 Serjeants, saying, Let those men go. And the jailor reported the words to Paul, saying, The magistrates have sent to let you go : now therefore depart, and 37 go in peace. But Paul said unto them. They beat us publicly uncondemned, being Romans, and cast us into prison : and do they now cast us out privily ? nay verily, but let them come themselves and bring 38 us out. And the Serjeants reported these things unto the magistrates : and they feared, when they heard 39 that they were Romans ; and they came and besought them, and brought them out, and asked them to go 40 away from the city. And they departed from the 32-34. The jailor's household had doubtless been impressed like him by the earthquake and the bearing of the apostles : their final conversion was determined by his example, as it seems. 35. Serjeants] The Roman name for these officers was lictors : they attended on magistrates of consular or praetorian authority to guard their persons and execute their orders. 37-39. The most important privilege of a Roman citizen was the sacredness of his person : this was guarded by a right of appeal to the sovereign people in republican times, and subsequently to the emperor. Its violation was a serious offence, and the magistrates had reason to dread the consequences of their hasty violence. They therefore at once withdraw the order of expulsion, and request the apostles to depart quietly, that there may be no further disturbance. 40. It appears from the change of person that the author did not XVII. 4-] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 283 prison, and entered into the house of Lydia : and when they had seen the brethren, they comforted them and departed. Now when they had journeyed through Amphi- 17 pohs and Apollonia, they came to Thessalonica, where was a synagogue of the Jews: and Paul, as his custom 2 was, went in unto them, and for three sabbath days reasoned with them from the scriptures, opening and 3 alleging that it behoved the Christ to suffer, and to rise again from the dead, and that this Jesus, whom (said he) I proclaim unto you, is the Christ. And 4 some of them were persuaded and threw in their lot with Paul and Silas ; and of the devout Greeks a great multitude, and of the chief women not a share the imprisonment of Paul and Silas, nor accompany them on their departure. The first person plural does not reappear in the narrative till xx. 5. We there find him rejoining Paul at Philippi, and accompanying him from that city to Jerusalem as a delegate of the churches. Coupling this fact with his previous acceptance of the mission to Macedonia in v. 10 as a personal obligation, we may con- clude that he remained at Philippi to complete the unfinished work of conversion there, and devoted himself in the interval mainly to the churches of Macedonia. 1. The apostles travelled rapidly over the 100 miles of the Egnatian highway between Philippi and Thessalonica, without makiug a &tay at Amphipolis or Apollonia, neither of which cities contained a synagogue. The first they met with in Europe was at Thessa- lonica. 3. Special mention is made of three Sabbaths only, but they stayed long enough in Thessalonica to receive two successive contributions from Philippi (Phil. iv. 15), and the establishment of a permanent church can hardly have been effected without a longer stay. The purport of these discourses was to open up the whole Scripture scheme of redemption, to set before the hearers the sufferings and resurrection of the destined Messiah, as there foreshown, and identify Jesus with him by comparison of his actual life. The line of reason- ing corresponded to that of Jesus on the way to Emmaus. 284 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XVII. 5. 5 few. But the Jews, being moved with jealousy, took unto them certain vile fellows of the rabble, and gathering a crowd, set the city on an uproar; and assaulting the house of Jason, sought to bring them 6 forth to the people. And when they found them not, they dragged Jason and certain brethren before the rulers of the city, crying, These that have turned 7 the world upside down are come hither also : whom Jason hath received : and these all act contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is another 8 king, one Jesus. And they troubled the multitude and the rulers of the city, when they heard these 9 things. And they took security of Jason and the rest, and let them go. 10 And the brethren immediately conducted Paul and Silas away by night unto Beroea : and when 5-7. Thessalonica was a free city with municipal magistrates and a, popular assembly, besides being the residence of the Roman governor of Macedonia. The Jewish agitators hoped, by exciting the city mob of this commercial city against the preaching of the apostles, to provoke the interference of the assembly, and perhaps convince the magistrates that they were revolutionary and anarchical fanatics. It is worthy of note that the first epistle to the Thessa- lonians, written not long afterwards, though it warmly commends the zeal and constancy of the converts under persecution, their faith and mutual love, suggests at the same time that excited expectation of the return of Christ and of the day of the Lord, had somewhat impaired the modesty, sobriety, and good order of some converts, creating in consequence a prejudice against the gospel. The recent action of the magistrates at Philippi made it easy too to denounce the apostles as revolutionary fanatics, and Paul's discourses gave a specious handle for the charge that he was setting up king Messiah against Caesar. Jason is otherwise unknown : his Greek name would suggest that he was one of the devout Greeks who believed, were it not that foreign Jews constantly adopted Gentile names. The Jason named in Rom. xvi. 21 was at Corinth. XVII. i6.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 285 they had come to the synagogue of the Jews went away. Now these were more noble than those in n Thessalonica, in that they received the word with all readiness of mind, examining the scriptures daily, whether these things were so. Many of them there- 12 fore believed; also of the Greek women of good reputation, and of men, not a few. But when the 13 Jews of Thessalonica had knowledge that the word of God was proclaimed of Paul at Beroea also, they came, stirring up and troubling the multitudes there also. But the brethren then immediately sent away 14 Paul to go as it were to the sea : and both Silas and Timothy stayed behind there. And they that con- 15 ducted Paul brought him as far as Athens : and receiving a commandment unto Silas and Timothy that they should come to him with all speed, they departed. Now while Paul waited for them at Athens, his 16 spirit was stirred within him, as he beheld the city 14, 15. Paul was evidently the chief object of Jewish hostility. Silas and Timothy were comparatively safe. This narrative suggests that in spite of his urgent summons they did not rejoin him (as he expected) at Athens, nor till some weeks after his arrival at Corinth. It appears however from 1 Thess. iii. 1-6 that Timothy at least did follow him to Athens and was sent back to Thessalonica : he probably visited Philippl also, for Silas and Timothj^ brought with them a contribution from the Christians of Philippi. (Compare 2 Cor. xi. 9 with Phil. iv. 15.) The party who conducted Paul made a feint of proceeding to the coast to take ship for Greece, but really made their way by land to Athens. As a further precaution they left their destination uncertain, so that Silas and Timothy had to await their return from Athens before they could follow. 16. Roman Athens retained the literary preeminence of the ancient city, though its extensive commerce and political importance were gone. It was now the principal university, in which the young 286 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XVII. 17. 17 filled with idols. He reasoned therefore in the syna- gogue with the Jews and the devout persons, and in the market-place daily with them that met with him. 18 But certain also of the Epicurean and Stoic philoso- phers encountered him. And some said, What would this babbler say? other some, He seemeth to be a setter forth of foreign gods; because he preached 19 Jesus and the resurrection. And they took hold of him and brought him to the Areopagus, saying, May Roman nobility received their higher education from Greek instruc- tors, and in which the schools of philosophy, whose lectures contri- buted largely to determine the theoretical standard of morality and religion, had their headquarters. The language of the B. V. loholly given to idolatry gives quite a false impression of the city. It was filled with statues of gods, but these represented religious aestheticism or art-worship rather than superstition. It was the absence of earnest devotion or serious faith in God that stirred the spirit of Paul to indignant protest. 18. Epicureans and Stoics were then the great teachers of morality in the Roman world. The former recognised the pursuit of happiness as the great incentive to human action, but differed widely in their definitions of happiness ; some associating it with perfect peace of mind, and so urging the importance of virtuous life and kindly feelings for its attainment, while others impaired the springs of faith and action by degrading it to the level of careless ease and selfish pleasure. The Stoics set a nobler ideal of perfect wisdom and virtue before their followers, and inculcated the faithful fulfilment of duty in language worthy of the best Christian moralists ; but the isolation of their system from human sympathy fostered a cold self- centered pride, as disdainful of humanity or loving kindness as their fatalist theories were alien from belief in divine love. The Stoic impersonation of Destiny and the Epicurean description of passion- less gods rose above the degraded images of polytheism, but were alike removed from the Christian ideal of a loving God and Father. foreign gods] The worship of the risen Jesus sounded to Greek ears like the addition of another foreign deity to the Greek Pantheon. 19. It is uncertain whether the name Areopagus {Mars^ hill) denotes the hill or the ancient court which sat there and took its XVII. 23-] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 287 we know what this new teaching is, which is spoken of by thee ? For thou bringest certain amazing things 20 to our ears : we would know therefore what these things mean. (Xow all the Athenians and the 21 strangers sojourning there had leisure for nothing else, but either to tell or to hear some new thing.) And 22 Paul stood in the midst of the Areopagus, and said, Men of Athens, in all things I perceive that ye are somewhat religious. For as I went about, and 23 observed the objects of your worship I found an name from it ; but the statement that the men, who encountered Paul and questioned him, laid hold of him also and brought him to the Areopagus, indicates that they brought him before a court : nor was Mars' hill at all an appropriate place for a public address. The subsequent context contains indeed no trace of criminal procedure : the motive assigned in v. 21 is simply curiosity : the attitude of Paul is not that of a prisoner on his trial, nor is any hint given of a verdict bemg so much as expected. A criminal prosecution in defence of the established religion would in fact have revolted free- thinking and philosophic Athens. On the other hand, Paul's answer does read like a formal vindication of the new creed : there is reason to believe that the ancient court retained some function of quasi- religious supervision over teaching, though without penal juris- diction, and one of the hearers is described as a member of the court. Though not himself on his trial, his teaching was apparently subjected to inquiry before the court. 22-31. The divine nature forms the central subject of Paul's address. It enlarges on the one God (in contrast with the mere puppets whom men call gods) — creator and lord of all, author of life and breath and all things — a real living personal God, whose provi- dence has ordered man's history, unseen yet ever near, who is man's spiritual father. He it is who now summons men to repentance, who has ordained a day of righteous jiidgment, and given token of his will by raising from the dead the future judge of the world. 22, 23. The existence of altars to an unknown god is confirmed by Pausanias (i. 1, 4) and by Philostratus {Vit. Apollon. vi. 3). The apostle interprets it as an indication of right religious instinct, groping in the dark after the true God, and seizes on this imperfect beginning of the fear of God as affording him common ground with his hearers. 288 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XVII. 23. altar also with this inscription, To an unknown God. What therefore ye worship in ignorance, that declare 24 I unto you. The God that made the world and all things therein — he, being Lord of heaven and earth, 25 dwelleth not in temples made with hands ; neither is he tended by men's hands, as though he needed anything, seeing he himself giveth to all life and 26 breath and all things : and he made from one father every nation of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth, determining appointed times and the bounds 27 of their habitation ; that they should seek God, if they might indeed feel after him and find him, though 28 he is not really far from each one of us : for in him we live and move and have our being; as certain also of your own poets have said, For we are his 29 offspring also. Being then the offspring of God, we ought not to think that the Godhead is like unto gold, or silver, or stone, graven by art and device 30 of man. Now the times of ignorance God overlooked ; but now announceth to men that all everywhere 31 should repent; inasmuch as he hath appointed a day, in the which he will judge the world in righteousness by the man whom he hath ordained; whereof he 24. This verse coincides closely with the argument and language of Stephen in vii. 48. 25. This language points to ceremonial attendance rendered by the priests, such as washing and dressing the statues, carrying them in state, installing them on couches for the banquet, which confounded the idol form with the deity. 28. In order the better to gain a hearing, Paul adopts the language of Greek poets, Aratus and perhaps Cleanthes, describing man as the offspring of God, to express the Scripture revelation that man is made in the image of God. So Adam is called in Luke iii. 38 the son of God, and God is described in Heb. xii. 9 as the Father of our spirits. XVIII. 2.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 289 hath given assurance unto all men, in that he raised him from the dead. Now when they heard 32 of a resurrection of the dead, some mocked, but others said, We will hear thee yet again of this matter. So 33 Paul departed from among them. But certain men 34 clave unto him, and believed : among whom was also Dionysius the Areopagite, and a woman named Damaris, and others with them. After these things he departed from Athens, and 18 came to Corinth. And he found a certain Jew ^ 32. The immortality of the disembodied spirit was a familiar thought to Athenians, not so the Christian doctrine of the Resurrec- tion, which excited interest or provoked mockery by its novelty. 1. There was little in the new Corinth to recall the more famous ancient city. Her imperial pride as the mother of colonies, the hereditary dignity and splendour of her merchant princes, the artistic skill of her artisans, had perished in the utter ruin of city and people in e.g. 146. Roman Corinth was a new colony consisting mainly of freedmen, planted by J. Caesar in his last years. It soon became a wealthy mart of commerce, the capital of Achaia and residence of the proconsul, but suffered from democratic license and turbulence. The Isthmian games were revived, it became a favourite resort of pleasure seekers, and the temple of Aphrodite became again infamous for vicious self-indulgence. But with all its vices the growing city offered a more favourable opening for the preaching of the gospel by its vigorous and varied life than philosophic Athens, and Paul made it his home for nearly two years. 2. Aquila and Priscilla were intimately associated with the life of Paul as fellow -labourers both in the gospel and in daily handiwork for some years after their conversion. He abode with them during his long stay at Corinth : when he departed they crossed with him to Ephesus, took up their abode there as pioneers of the gospel during his visit to Jerusalem, and probably provided a home and manual employment for him on his return. They were still there on the eve of his departure two years afterwards, and in the course of that year preceded him to Rome, probably with a view to preparing the way for him there as at Ephesus, Their exile therefore was not permanent : probably the edict which drove Jews from Rome was a temporary police regulation ; neither T 290 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XVIII. 2. named Aquila, a man of Pontus by birth, lately come from Italy with his wife Priscilla, because Claudius had commanded all the Jews to depart 3 from Rome : and he came unto them : and because he was of the same craft he abode with them, and they wrought, for by their craft they were tent- 4 makers. And he discoursed in the synagogue every 5 sabbath, and persuaded Jews and Greeks. But when Silas and Timothy came down from Mace- donia, Paul was taken up wholly with the word, 6 testifying to the Jews that Jesus was the Christ. But Josephus nor Tacitus notices it ; Dio Cassius, while mentioning the closing of their synagogues, adds that they were not expelled ; Suetonius alone confirms the statement here made^ and attributes the expulsion to constant disorders instigated by Chrestus — perhaps a blundering allusion to feuds between Jews and Christians, perhaps a reference to the many false Christs of this period. Certainly the edict was no longer in force when the epistle to the Romans was written ; for greetings are there sent, not only to Aquila and Priscilla, but to other Jewish Christians, who had apparently been brought to Christ like them in Corinth or Ephesus, and had since returned to Rome. 3. Tents and rough garments were made of Cilician cloth, a local fabric of goat's hair. Paul had probably been taught this local handicraft at Tarsus according to the Jewish habit of instructing young men of education in some mechanical industry. He resorted In like manner to manual labour for his own support at Thessalonica (1 Thess. ii. 9) and at Ephesus (Acts xx. 34). 5. Paul's complete devotion to the ministry of the Word after the coming of Silas and Timothy is contrasted with his previous occupa- tion for many hours in manual labour except on the Sabbath day. The reason for this cha^nge is not stated here, but is found in 2 Cor. xi. 8, 9 and Phil. iv. 15. They brought him a contribution from Macedonia, which set him free from the obligation of daily labour, and enabled him to give his whole time to the Word. On withdrawing from the synagogue Paul shook out his garments, as he had shaken the dust off his feet in departing from Antioch (xiii. 51), according to Christ's command in Matt. x. 14. The denunciation, Your blood be upon your ovm heads, was familiar to XVIII. 12.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 291 when they set themselves against him and blasphemed, he shook out his raiment, and said unto them, Your blood be upon your own heads: I am clean; from henceforth I will go unto the Gentiles. And 7 he removed thence, and went into the house of a certain man named Titius Justus, one that wor- shipped God, whose house joined hard to the synagogue. But Crispus, the ruler of the synagogue, believed 8 the Lord with all his house; and many of the Corinthians hearing believed, and were baptized. And 9 the Lord spake unto Paul at night in a vision, Be not afraid, but speak, and hold not thy peace : for 10 I am with thee, and no man shall set on thee to hurt thee : for I have much people in this city. And 1 1 he took his seat for a year and six months, teaching the word of God among them. But when 12 the Jew (Lev. xx. 9, 2 Sam. i. 16, Ezek. xxxiii. 4). By clean is meant clear of guilt as to their blood (comp. xx. 26). The M'arning from henceforth is limited to Corinth. He still continued to address the Jews first in every city that he visited. 7, 8. This secession from the synagogue of Corinth is the first distinct note of Christian ' separation from the Jewish church. The Christian congregation found a home in the house of Justus, a devout Gentile {^ one that tvorshipped GocV), though including Jewish con- verts like Crispus — probably one of the early converts made before the coming of Silas and Timothy, for he was baptized by Paul himself (1 Cor. i. 14-16). 9-11. The vision was probably granted soon after the open rup- ture, for its object was to encourage Paul amidst threats of Jewish violence. After this ensued eighteen quiet mouths, during which he sat after the fashion of a Jewish rabbi, teaching in the house of Justus. Before these eighteen months he had spent much time in Corinth, for he had been preaching habitually in the synagogue before the coming of Silas and Timothy ; and he remained many days after Gallio's hearing of his case, so that his whole stay at Corinth cannot have fallen far short of two years. 12-17. Achaia, having been handed over by Claudius to the charge 292 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XVIII. 12. Gallio was proconsul of Achaia, the Jews with one accord made a set assault upon Paul, and brought 13 him before the judgment-seat, saying, This man persuadeth men to worship God contrary to the 14 law. And as Paul was about to open his mouth, Gallio said unto the Jews, If it were a matter of wrong or wicked mischief, O ye Jews, reason would 15 that I should bear with you: but if there be questions about words and names and your own law, look to it yourselves ; I am not minded to be judge of such 16 matters. And he drave them from the judgment-seat. 17 And they all laid hold on Sosthenes, the ruler of the synagogue, and beat him before the judgment-seat. And Gallio cared for none of these things. 18 And Paul, after tarrying yet many days more, took his leave of the brethren, and sailed away for Syria, and with him Priscilla and Aquila: having of the senate, was at this time governed by a proconsul. The of&ce was now filled by L. J. A. Gallio, the brother of Seneca, whom he describes as of easy careless temper. This may have emboldened the Jews to bring their complaint before his tribunal. They claimed jurisdiction over Christians as members of their synagogue (for Eioman law allowed wide discretion to subject provinces in the management of their own religious affairs). But after the admission of Gentile converts and the secession of the Christian congregation, the claim of authority was clearly inadmissible. The Jewish rulers had neither moral nor legal right ; and Gallio's decision was true to the Roman principles of imiversal toleration, wherever religion was not made a pretext for sedition, disorder, or debauchery. But his subsequent indifference to the maltreatment of the Jewish leader argues a. prejudice in his mind against them, which was not un- common amidst the Roman nobility. 18. The shaving of the hair indicates the nature of Paul's vow, as a vow of separation like that of the Nazirite prescribed in Numb. vi. The essential ceremony in these vows consisted in the presentation of the hair of separation with certain specified sacrifices at the altar. The vow could only be consummated therefore at the temple ; and XVIII. 19.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 293 shorn his head in Cenchreae: for he had a vow. And they stayed at Ephesns : and them he left 19 there, and himself entered into the synagogue, and it appears from Acts xxi. 27 that it was the practice of the Nazirites to attend for seven days in the temple before the completion of the vow. The preceding period of separation was of indefinite dura- tion and was not necessarily spent at Jerusalem, though it often was so : Josephus mentions thirty days as a common period of separation {/. W. ii. 15, 1). The hair was shorn at the beginning and end of the period, so as to present that grown in the interval. As the conditions of the vow forbade intercourse for a time with Gentile Christians, Paul deferred its commencement till he had left Corinth and was about to embark. This vow is a signal proof of Paul's readiness to become all things to all men for the gospel's sake. He had been driven to break altogether with the synagogue at Corinth, and had been recently prosecuted by the Jews for breach of the law, though without success. Yet he now lays this voluntary burden on himself, in order to appear at Jerusalem as a true Hebrew and a faithful disciple of Moses. For what purpose was this? evidently that he might retain the sympathy of the churches of the circumcision, and that they might know that the apostle to the Gentiles still paid homage to the law, and submitted to its rules. For next after the freedom of the Gentile churches the crying need of the Church at this time was unity between its two sections. He was even now foremost in the struggle for Christian freedom ; but the greater his success, the more solicitous did he become to maintain intact the brotherhood between the uncircumcision and the circumcision. 19. His next care after cementing the alliance with the circum- cision was to draw closer the union of the Pauline churches. For the Christians of Macedonia and Achaia were divided from the brethren in Asia Minor by the great province of Asia, and an apostle with the eye of a statesman could not but long to fill the gap in the continuous chain of Christian churches. Asiatic Greece ofi^ered also an exceptionally promising field for his mission ; for it was full of populous cities, and the Asiatic Greeks, an active-minded and culti- vated race, had already acquired much of the preliminary training of the sj'nagogue from the considerable Jewish colonies there planted, and were otherwise by language and education specially accessible to his teaching. Once already he had planned to penetrate this province from the East ; but the Spirit then overruled his purpose, 294 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XVIII. 20. 20 reasoned with the Jews. But when they asked him 21 to abide longer time, he consented not; but bade them farewell, saying, I will return again unto you, 22 if God will ; and put to sea from Ephesus. And he landed at Caesarea, and went up and saluted 23 the church, and went down to Antioch. And after he had spent a certain time there, he departed, and went through the Galatian country and Phrygia in order, strengthening all the disciples. 24 Now a certain Jew named Apollos, an Alexandrian by birth, a learned man, came to stay at Ephesus; 25 and he was mighty in the scriptures. This man had been instructed in the way of the Lord; and being fervent in the Spirit, he spake and taught diligently the things concerning Jesus, knowing only sending him first across to Europe. He was now bent on a fresh effort to plant the standard of the cross at Ephesus, and landed there accordingly on his way to Jerusalem, to deliver a preliminary address and establish Aquila and Priscilla there as pledges of his own speedy return. 22. Under these circumstances he did not linger at Jerusalem ; but after greeting the Church, and completing his vow, hurried on to the mother church at Antioch to report the result of his mission and secure their approval. From Antioch he proceeded overland to Ephesus, visiting by the way the four existing churches in South Galatia, and some others in Phrygia, which had been planted during his absence — perhaps Metropolis and Apamea, which were not far from the Pisidian Antioch, not Colossae, for that church was one of the fruits of his subsequent labours at Ephesus (Col. ii. I). 24-28. The description of Apollos as a learned Alexandrian, mighty in the Scriptures, suggests that he had been trained in that famous school of Jewish theology to employ the resources of Greek as well as Hebrew philosophy and criticism in the interpretation of the Scriptures. Even after his conversion his special power was manifested in supporting the claims of Jesus from Messianic pro- phecy. Though his knowledge and teaching about Jesus was accurate to a certain extent, it was founded mainly on the baptism XIX. 3-] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 295 the baptism of John : and he began to speak boldly 26 in the synagogue. But when Priscilla and Aquila heard him, they took him unto them, and expounded unto him the way of God more perfectly. And 27 when he was disposed to pass into Achaia, the brethren encouraged him and wrote to the disciples to receive him : and when he was come, he helped them much, which had believed, through the grace given him : for he powerfully confuted the Jews, 28 and that publicly, shewing by the scriptures that Jesus was the Christ. And it came to pass, while Apollos was at Corinth, 19 that Paul after passing through the inland parts came to Ephesus, and found certain disciples : and 2 he said unto them. Did ye receive the Holy Ghost when ye believed ? And they said unto him, Nay, we did not so much as hear whether there was a Holy Ghost. And he said, Into what then were 3 and teaching of John the Baptist : he had not yet received Christian baptism, nor known its spirit and power : probably he knew Jesus only In his earthly life, not as his risen and ascended Lord. His success at Corinth is testified in 1 Cor. iii. 4-6 : he returned however after a time to Ephesus (comp. 1 Cor. xvi. 12). 27. the brethren] He could not have a better introduction at this time to the Corinthian church than that of Aquila and Priscilla with the church in their house. 2-7- The narrative of these twelve disciples follows immediately on the episode of Apollos ; and their imperfect faith so closely resembles his that they may reasonably be regarded as either a fruit of his earlier teaching or in some way connected with him. They seem to have been accepted as members of the Church in virtue of their baptism without due inquiry as to its nature until Paul noticed their lack of spiritual gifts. They did not disclaim all knowledge of the Spirit, as the B. V. conveys (for John the Baptist had himself spoken expressly of Jesus baptizing with the Spirit), but stated that they did not so much as hear of him at their conversion. 296 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XIX. 3. ye baptized ? And they said, Into John's baptism. 4 And Paul said, John baptized with the baptism of repentance, speaking unto the people that they might believe on him which should come after him, 5 that is, on Jesus. And when they heard, they were 6 baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus. And when Paul had laid his hands upon them, the Holy Ghost came on them ; and they spake with tongues, 7 and prophesied : and the men were in all about 8 twelve. And he went into the synagogue, and spake boldly for the space of three months, discoursing and persuading them concerning the king- Q dom of God. But when some were hardened and disobedient, speaking evil of the Way before the 8.... Ephesus, once the city of Ionian Greeks and now the capital of a Roman province and seat of a proconsnl, had become under the fostering care of Greek monarchs the principal emporium for the trade of Asia Minor. These kings, being also masters of Syria, had encouraged the settlement of a large Jewish colony in this as in other cities {Jos, Ant xii. 3. 4), so that Paul found a synagogue there as a starting-place for his mission. The efiect of his prolonged ministry there was not limited to the city, though he himself abode in Ephesus. He made it a centre for the diffusion of the gospel throughout Asiatic Greece by means of his disciples. In this way were founded the seven churches of the Apocalypse : the churches of the Lycus valley, mentioned in the Epistle to the Colossians, which exhibits his apostolic care for these churches, also owed their origin to his labours at Ephesus, though they had not seen his face in the flesh. 9. Greater publicity was given to the secession from the synagogue at Ephesus than at Corinth ; for there he had merely withdrawn to an adjoining house, now he resorted to a lecture-hall, formerly occupied by a Greek sophist, one Tyrannua. Apparently he had now adopted this course as a settled policy for encountering Jewish opposition in every city, perhaps after consultation with the church of Antioch. the Way] Christianity was so designated as early as the first per- secution (ix. 2). XIX. 15.] ACTS or THE APOSTLES. 297 multitude, he withdrew from them, and separated the disciples, discoursing daily in the school of Tyrannus. And this continued for the space of two years ; so lo that all they which dwelt in Asia heard the word of the Lord, both Jews and Greeks. And n God wrought special miracles by the hands of Paul : so that handkerchiefs or aprons even were 12 carried off from his body to the sick, and the dis- eases departed from them, and the evil spirits went out. But certain also of the strolling Jews, exorcists, 13 took upon them to name over them which had the evil spirits the name of the Lord Jesus, saying, I adjure you by Jesus, whom Paul preacheth. And 14 there were seven sons of one Sceva a Jew, a chief priest, which did this. And the evil spirit answered 15 10. The two years here specified seem to include the three months of synagogue preaching; for Paul left Ephesus about Pentecost in 5G, and he cannot have arrived much earlier in the year 54, as he had previously sailed from Corinth to Caesarea and paid a hurried visit to Jerusalem and Antioch {see Intr. p. 29). The second clause also describes the whole effect of Paul's ministry there. 12. Apparently cures were wrought at a distance from Paul by the application of his garments ; but the narrative gives no account of the circumstances under which they were wrought. The touch of Christ's garment was once effectual to heal, but it is clear that the garment had no virtue in itself apart from his conscious agency : and here it may be presumed that some direct exertion of Paul's will was put forth to heal. 13. Luke xi. 19 mentions Jewish exorcists, who cast out evil spirits. Jews are also mentioned as practising sorcery (Acts xiii. 6). But the professors of magical arts at Ephesus were probably votaries of Artemis for the most part, as special virtue was attributed to her shrines. 14. a ctdef priest] This designation was applied rather loosely to all priests who had tt position of authority as members of the Sanhedrin or heads of courses. 15. The answer of the evil spirit makes a, distinction between 298 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XIX. 15. and said unto them, Jesus I know, and about Paul 16 I know; but who are ye? And the man in whom the evil spirit was leaped on them, and mastered both of them, and prevailed against them, so that they fled out of that house naked and wounded. 17 And this became known to all, both Jews and Greeks, that dwelt at Ephesus ; and fear fell on them all, and the name of the Lord Jesus was magnified. 18 Many also of them that had believed came giving 19 thanks, and reporting the deeds of those men. And a great number of them that practised curious arts brought their books together, and burnt them in the sight of all : and they counted the price of them, and 20 found it fifty thousand pieces of silver. So by might of the Lord the word grew and prevailed. 21 Now after these things were ended, Paul purposed in the spirit, when he had passed through Macedonia Jesus and his servant Paul, as the form of adjuration had done. Jesus I know, and I know about Paul, i.e. about his preaching. The language does not express the same personal knowledge of Paul as of his Lord. 19. By curious are meant magical arts. The coin (drachma) employed in computing the value of the books was the equivalent in Greek currency to the Roman denarius, a silver coin somewhat less than a franc. 21. This verse sketches briefly but clearly the scheme of future action which Paul propounded before leaving Ephesus. It embraced first a visitation of the Greek churches in Europe, next a visit to Jerusalem, then a mission to Rome. He did not in fact reach Rome till four years later, and then only as a prisoner. But the purpose is notwithstanding regarded as a suggestion of the Spirit : just as in XX. 22, Paul declares himself bound in the Spirit to go forward to Jerusalem, whatever may betide him there, so here he is described as purposing in the Spirit. The three epistles of this year to the Corinthians and Romans further develop his motives and exhibit the far-reaching design which he had conceived. It embraced first the union of the Pauline churches in a joint scheme for the relief of XIX. 22.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 299 and Achaia, to go to Jerusalem, saying, After I have been there, I must also see Rome. And sending into 22 Macedonia two of them that ministered unto him, Timothy and Erastus, he himself stayed for a while Christian poverty in Palestine, then a mission to the farthest western bounds of the Roman Empire together with Rome itself. Having in the previous year sounded the Corinthian and Galatian groups, and received a favourable answer, he gradually expanded his design into a general contribution and representative deputation from all the churches he had planted in Greece and Asia Minor. The com- bination of these four important groups, Galatia and Asia, Macedonia and Achaia, in one joint manifestation of brotherly fellowship with the church of the circumcision was the climax of his apostolic labours in the East. It not only sealed the success of the gospel amidst the (Jreeks, but paved the way for a federation of all the churches, and gave promise of realising at last that magnificent conception of Christian unity which found expression in his epistle to the Ephesians. Hence his intense earnestness to be himself the bearer of this message of peace and love to the church of Jerusalem. Until he had set this seal to the union of the Eastern churches he did not feel free to enter on a mission to Rome and the West. The most immediate call however upon the apostle came from the Corinthian and Macedonian churches ; for the disorders in the church of Corinth had reached a height which seriously needed apostolic intervention, and his previous visit to Macedonia had been so quickly broken off everywhere by the violence of his adversaries that he had been unable to do more in person than open the gospel campaign, leaving to others the duty of following up and extending his work. His first plan had been to go into Macedonia by way of Corinth, crossing the Aegean Sea direct to that city, and to return in like manner through Corinth. But eventually he decided to write a previous letter of reproof to Corinth, and accordingly he delayed his visit till after his toiir in Macedonia, which occupied several months (2 Cor. i. 15, 16, 23). 22. Timothy had instructions to proceed to Corinth eventually (1 Cor. iv. 17), but only in certain contingencies (1 Cor. xvi. 10) : his first mission (it seems) was into Macedonia, and it appears from 2 Cor. i. 1 that he was still in Macedonia with Paul when that epistle was written. One object of his mission with Erastus, perhaps its principal motive, was to start the collection for the saints, which was habitually made before the coming of Paul (1 Cor. xvi. 2). 300 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XIX. 23. 23 to preach in Asia, And at that time there 24 arose no small stir about the Way. For a certain man named Demetrius, a silversmith, which made silver shrines of Diana, brought no little business 25 unto the craftsmen ; whom he gathered together with the workmen of like occupation and said, Sirs, ye know that by this craft we have our wealth. 26 And ye see and hear, that not alone at Ephesus, but almost throughout all Asia, this Paul hath per- suaded and turned away much people, saying that 27 they be no gods which are made with hands : and not only is there danger that this our trade come into disrepute, but even that the temple of the 23. tlie Way] Compare ix. 2. 24. Tlie Epliesian Artemis (Diana) was a distinct goddess from her Hellenic namesake the virgin huntress and moon-goddess, being in fact an Oriental personification of Nature as the universal mother. Her temple, restored with great magnificence after its destruction by fire on the night of Alexander's birth, was one of the most famous in the world ; and tu stream of pilgrims resorted to it from motives of devotion or curiosity. A busy traf&c in votive offerings sprang up in consequence ; and the manufacture of shrines became au important industry. These shrines were models of the sanctuary, representing the goddess seated in her temple -chamber with attendant symbols. The majority were of marble and terra-cotta, and speci- mens of these still abound : they were iised for dedication at home and in tombs as well as in the temple. The more valuable and ornamental specimens in silver have disappeared, probably on account of their intrinsic value. Demetrius was a master silver- smith, probably head of a guild, who gave employment to many workmen under him. When the temple industries were threatened by the spread of Christianity, the silversmiths became the natural leaders of the heathen reaction, as the most skilful and best-paid artisans : the mercenary motives of the movement are almost cynically avowed, in spite of an affectation of pious zeal for the honour of the goddess. 25. wealth] Not riches, but comfort and well-being, according to is told English sense. XIX. 33-] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 301 great goddess Diana be made of no account, and even that she be at the point to be brought down from her magniiicence, whom all Asia and the world wor- shippeth. And when they heard this, they were filled 28 with wrath, and cried out, saying, Great is Diana of the Ephesians. And the city was filled with the con- 29 fusion : and they rushed with one accord into the theatre, having caught Gains and Aristarchus, men of Macedonia, Paul's companions in travel. And 30 when Paul would have entered in unto the people, the disciples suffered him not. And certain also of 31 the chief officers of Asia, which were his friends, sent unto him, and besought him not to adventure himself into the theatre. Some therefore cried one 32 thing, and some another: for the assembly was con- fused; and the more part knew not wherefore they were come together. And some of the multitude 33 27. great] This was the official title of the goddess, regularly used in addressing her : the craftsmen accordingly adopted it as a popular cry. 29. The theatre was often the regular meeting-place for the popular assembly in Greek cities ; but this was a tumultuous gather- ing, who, failing to find Paul himself, hurried off two Christians to give account of their doctrine. A Macedonian Aristarchus is mentioned in xx. 4 as «. delegate from Thessalonica. (See also xxvii. 2.) 31. cMef officers] A board of ten commissioners entitled Asiarchs was elected annually by the cities of Asia to defray the expense and superintend the management of the religious festivals and public games in honour of the emperor and the gods throughout the pro- vince. Eusebius, in relating the martyrdom of Polycarp, mentions one of them as presiding in the theatre {Hist. Eccl. iv. 15) ; and the theatre at Ephesus was probably under their charge. They belonged to the wealthiest class of provincials. 33. The object of the Jews in putting forward Alexander as spokes- man was no doubt to dissociate themselves from the Christians. But their antagonism to idolatry was too notorious for the mob to listen. 302 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XIX. 33. instructed Alexander, the Jews putting him forward. And Alexander beckoned with the hand, and would 34 have made defence unto the people. But when they knew that he was a Jew, all with one voice about the space of two hours cried out, Great is Diana of 35 the Ephesians. Howbeit the townclerk quieted the multitude, and said. Men of Ephesus, what man is there then that knoweth not how that the city of the Ephesians is temple-keeper of the great Diana, and of the image which fell down from heaven ? 36 Seeing then that these things cannot be gainsaid, ye 2p ought to be quiet and to do nothing rash. For ye have brought hither these men, which are neither robbers of temples nor blasphemers of our goddess. 38 If therefore Demetrius and the craftsmen which are with him have a matter against any man, the courts are open, and there are proconsuls ; let them implead 39 one another. Or if ye seek anything further, it shall 40 be settled in the lawful assembly. For we are in 35. The townclerk was probably the highest municipal authority. He had charge of the official documents of the city. temple-keeper] Ephesus prided itself on the designation temple- keeper to Artemis, as did other cities connected with famous temples, though the term was originally applied to ordinary attendants on the temple. 37. The language of the townclerk, and the friendly warning of the Asiarchs before-mentioned, prove how little religious hostility liad been hitherto roused by the Christian preaching among the upper class of Gentiles. 38. The grievance of the craftsmen was either matter for the ■courts of law to decide between the two parties, or for the regular assembly to legislate about. But the present gathering was thoroughly lawless ; and the warning the,re. are proconsvls was perhaps intended to remind them, not only that he administered justice, but that they were insulting the majesty of the Empire, -which he represented. XX. 4.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 303 danger to be accused of riot concerning this day's assembly, there being no man guilty by reason of whom we shall be able to give account of this con- course. And when he had thus spoken, he dismissed 41 the assembly. And after the uproar had ceased Paul, having sent 20 for the disciples and exhorted them, took leave of them and departed for to go into Macedonia. And 2 when he had gone over those parts, and had given them much exhortation, he went into Greece ; and 3 spent three months : and a plot being laid against him by the Jews, when he was about to put to sea for Syria, he determined to return through Macedonia. And there accompanied him as far as Asia Sopater 4 1, 2. Paul wrote to the Corinthians that he should tarry at Ephesus until Pentecost (1 Cor. xvi. 8), but he seems to have hastened his departure in consequence of the riot, which alarmed the authorities for the peace of the city. It appears incidentally that he left Ephesus soon after that epistle was written, for, though the letter called for an immediate reply and produced a sincere penitence which must have sought expression without needless delay, he did not receive the answer before he arrived in Macedonia, and did not even expect it till he reached Troas : probably therefore he left Ephesus before Pentecost, As he spent three months of the next winter only at Corinth, the mission to Macedonia appears to have absorbed more than six months. The language in which he described it at the time gives an impression of its extent and thoroughness, round dbovi even unto niyricum I have fully preached the gospel (Rom. xv. 19). 4, 5. Hitherto Paul has travelled with one or two companions only. Here a detailed list is given of seven Christians, besides the author, who accompany him to Jerusalem. The prominent mention in several cases of the churches to which they belonged indicates that they were representatives chosen by the churches to carry their bounty to Jerusalem. (See note on xix. 21.) At the head of the list, as invested with some special precedence, stands Sopater of Beroea, though his church was one of the smallest. It may reasonably be inferred that he was the Christian appointed by the churches as a body to travel with Paul in charge of the fund (2 Cor. viii. 19). No 304 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XX. 4. the son of Pyrrhus, of Beroea; and of the Thessalonians Aristarchus ; and Secundus, and Gains of Derbe, and Timothy. Bnt as for those of Asia, Tychicus and 5 Trophimns, they had come, and were waiting for us 6 at Troas. And we sailed away from Philippi after the days of unleavened bread, and came unto them to Troas within five days ; where we abode seven mention is made in this list of the Achaian or Galatian churches, though both were contributors : but Gains of Derbe and Timothy- belonged to the latter group ; and Secundus, who is otherwise un- known, may well have represented the former. As far as Philippi these deputies alone accompanied Paul : at Philippi the author joined them, and from that time he speaks of the deputation in the first person plural, and identifies himself with them throughout as a colleague. As he before distinctly associated himself with the mission to Macedonia, and abode at Philippi for the purpose, it may be reasonably conjectured that he was representative of that church, which had thrown itself with characteristic liberality into this scheme {2 Cor. viii. 1), but finds otherwise no place in the text. At Troas the deputation was completed by the addition of Tychicus and Trophimus. Both these were probably Ephesians, Trophimus certainly was ; but they came as representatives of the whole Asiatic group, and are so designated. According to the original plan, they were to have been picked up at Ephesus after crossing from Corinth, but Troas had now been chosen as the most convenient starting-point for the voyage to Syria. Sopater] This may be the Sosipater who was with Paul at Corinth (Rom. xvi. 21). He is otherwise unknown. Aristarclius] This is probably the Aristarchus mentioned in xix. 29 and xxvii. 2. Gaius] The local designation of Derhe is probably added to dis- tinguish him from other Christians of the same name, e.g. Gaius the Macedonian in xix. 29, Gaius of Corinth in Rom. xvi. 23. Tychicus was afterwards an active agent of the apostle (Eph. vi. 21, Col. iv. 7, 2 Tim. iv. 12, Tit. iii. 12). 6. within] The five days include probably some time spent at Neapolis ; the whole time between Philippi and Troas is here reckoned, not merely the sea-voyage : ». previous crossing took but two days. Some stay at Troas was unavoidable as a vessel had to be pro- XX. 13.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 305 days. And upon the first day of the week, when we were gathered together to l^reak bread, Paul 7 was discoursing with them, being about to depart on the morrow; and prolonged his speech until midnight. And there were many lights in the upper chamber, where we were gathered together. And there sat in 8 the window a certain young man named Eutychus, who 9 becoming oppressed with deep sleep as Paul discoursed, and being still more overcome with the sleep, fell down from the third story, and was taken up dead. And Paul went down, and fell on him, and embracing him 10 said, Make not this ado ; for his life is in him. And when he had gone up, and had broken the bread, n and eaten, and had talked with them a long while, even till break of day, he so departed. And they brought the lad alive, and were not a little comforted. 12 But we, going before to the ship, put to sea for Assos, there intending to take in Paul : for so 13 cured and equipped for the long coasting voyage, but it was prolonged to seven days to enable the apostle to complete his ministry at Troas, He had hurried away from this place reluctantly the year before (2 Cor. ii. 13), and lingered now to the last possible moment. It formed an important link of communication between Macedonia and Asia Minor. 7. The reference in 1 Cor. xvi. 2 to the first day of the week as the regular time for collecting church alms suggests that the Pauline churches had already adopted that as their special day of meeting in place of the Jewish Sabbath. On breaking of bread see ii. 42, 46. 9-12. The account of Eutychus' fatal accident and revival is singularly precise and graphic, besides resting on the authority of an eye-witness ; for the author was present. The reality of the miracle can only be questioned by impeaching his veracity or his competence. The action of Paul in raising Eutychus to life reproduces that of Elijah and Elisha, 13-17. Erom Troas to Patara the party, now nine in all, charter a coasting vessel to be at their own disposal. As it had to round the u 306 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XX. 13. had he appointed, intending himself to go by land. 14 And as he came to meet us at Assos, we took him 15 in, and came to Mitylene. And we sailed away thence, and landed the following day over against Chios; and the next day we touched at Samos ; and the day 16 after we came to Miletus. For Paul had determined to sail past Ephesus that he might not have to spend time in Asia : for he was hastening, if it were possible for him, to be at Jerusalem the day of Pentecost. 17 And from Miletus he sent to Ephesus, and called 18 to him the elders of the church. And when they were come to him, he said unto them, promontory Lectum before entering the channel between Lesbos and the mainland, Paul saved some honrs by going to Assos overland. Thence their course took them past the islands Lesbos, Chios, and Samos to Miletus in Northern Caria, which was a day's journey to the south of Ephesus. The gathering of the elders there must have involved two or three days' delay, but probably less than it would have cost to work into the bay and out again. Nor would the apostle have found it easy, when once at Ephesus, to tear himself away at once. 17. elders] The functions of the elders are clearly reflected in the address. They had been constituted the local centre of authority and influence with apostolic sanction, commissioned by the Spirit to watch over the whole social and religious life of the community. They combined pastoral duties with the responsibility of government and discipline. The daily care of the Church devolved on them in the absence of the apostle. 18-35. No other address of the apostle to a Christian audience is reported in the Acts. The occasion too was one of the deepest personal interest to speaker and hearers alike. Eor he was en- countering certain danger at Jerusalem, was afterwards bound on a distant mission which might involve years of absence, and was bidding farewell to devoted friends and fellow-labourers, who were to fill his place in a beloved church. The address is therefore intensely personal and eminently characteristic of the speaker. It closely resembles in tone and spirit the most personal passages of his epistles, breathing the same readiness to suffer all things for the XX. 23.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 307 You know from the first day that I took ship for Asia, after what manner I was with you all the time? serving the Lord with all lowliness of mind, and with 19 tears, and with trials which befell me by the plots of the Jews : that I shrank not from declaring unto 20 you aught that was profitable or teaching you, publicly and from house to house, testifying both to Jews and 21 Greeks repentance toward God, and faith toward our Lord Jesus. And now, behold, I go bound in the 22 Spirit unto Jerusalem, not knowing the things that shall befall me there : save that the Holy Ghost 23 testifieth unto me in city after city, saying that gospel's sake, the same devoted love and care for his children in the faith, the same spirit of self-sacrifice. The language is simpler however, either because it was spoken, not written, or because it is a mere summary of the actual speech delivered. The apostle presents his own life to his hearers as a model for their imitation, not {as is the case throughout 2 Cor.) in reply to personal attacks, or for the sake of vindicating his ministry. He reminds them that he had been a humble servant to Christ and faithful minister to the Church : ' neither fear nor favour had deterred him from preaching the whole gospel of repentance and faith, though beset with dangers, and now doomed to bonds. For the ministry was more precious to him than life. Let them now watch against the coming dangers of Christ's flock, as he had watched night and day with tears.' He finally commends them to God with a farewell warning against a selfish or covetous spirit, enforced by the remem- brance of his own labour with his hands, that the Church might not be burdened nor the poor go in want. 22. bound in the Spirit] So xix. 21 spoke of Paul as purposing in the Spirit. The antithesis between the bonds of the Spirit and the material bonds awaiting him seems intentional. For one already bound in the Spirit those bonds had no terror : the warnings which met him from city to city (this may refer to Corinth, Thessalonica, Philippi, or Troas) had no weight against the inner voice of the Spirit bidding him go forward. His resolute determination to face imprisonment or death in conducting this deputation to Jerusalem shows his sense of its importance. (See note on xix. 21.) 308 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XX. 24. 24 bonds and afflictions await me. But I hold not my life of any account or precious unto myself, so that I may fulfil my course, and the ministry which I received from the Lord Jesus, to testify the gospel 25 of the grace of God. And now, behold, I know that ye all, among whom I went about preaching the 26 kingdom, shall see my face no longer. Wherefore I testify unto you this day, that I am pure from 27 thfe blood of all men. For I shrank not from declaring 28 unto you all the counsel of God. Take heed unto yourselves, and to all the flock, in the which the Holy Ghost hath made you overseers, to feed the church of God, which he purchased with the blood 29 of his own son. I know that after my departing shall grievous wolves enter in among you, not sparing 2.3. no longer] The B. Y. 7io more conveys a false impression that he was to return no more ; but the real statement of the apostle is that he was to remain no longer in these regions of Greece and Asia Minor, where he had spent the greater part of his last ten years ; in the same strain he wrote to the Romans in the previous winter that he hoped to come to them haring no 7nore place in these parts (Rom. XV. 23). 28. overseers] The Greek term ejiz.sco2>os denoted a superintendent in the widest sense of the word. It cannot here denote an ecclesias- tical title as it did a few years later in Phil. i. 1 ; for the context is referring not to the title of an office but to the duties incumbent on the elders. But this passage makes a considerable step towards the ecclesiastical usage by applying the term to the spiritual functions with which the Spirit had invested these elders. purcliased...] This passage has suggested the words of ancient collects, which are reproduced in the Ember Collect, who Hast pur- chased to thyself an universal Church by the precious blood of thy dear Son. 29. The imagery is borrowed from the words of Christ in Matt, vii. 15. It is an instructive proof of the free intercourse that pre- vailed throughout the primitive Church that the principal source from which heresies were apprehended was from abroad. XX. s^'] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 309 the flock ; and from among your own selves shall 30 men arise, speaking perverse things, to draAv away the disciples after themselves. Therefore watch, 31 remembering that by the space of three years I ceased not to admonish every one night and day w^th tears. And now I commend you to God, and to the word 32 of his grace, which is able to build you up, and to give you your inheritance among all them that are sanctified. I coveted no man's silver, or gold, or 33 apparel. Ye yourselves call to mind that these hands 34 ministered unto my necessities, and to them that were with me. In all things I gave you an example, how 35 that so labouring ye ought to help the weak, and to remember the words of the Lord Jesus, how he himself said, It is more blessed to give than to receive. And when he had thus spoken, he kneeled down, 36 and prayed with them all. And they all wept sore, 37 and fell on Paul's neck, and kissed him, sorrowing 38 most of all for the word M'hich he had spoken, that 31. three years] The stay at Ephesus lasted two years; a, third year had since been spent on the coasts of the Aegean, and some at least of his hearers had been with him during that year. 32. The figure of an inheritance among the saints recurs in xxvi. 18 and often in the Epistles. 33-35. At Corinth Paul made it his boast in Christ to preach the gospel for nought, though justly entitled to maintenance as an apostle (1 Cor. ix., 2 Cor. xi. 7-12) ; he accepted however without scruple contributions from former converts. He wrought there with his hands for his support : it appears that he did the same at Ephesus, probably with Aquila and Priscilla as before. By this practice he at once gave an example of disinterested zeal and honest work, and was enabled to relieve the destitute. 35. It is more blessed ..,] The stress laid on relief of the poor in the primitive Church led perhaps to the preservation of this saying, though not recorded by the evangelists. 310 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XX. 38. they should behold his face no longer. And they brought him on his way unto the ship. 21 And when it came to the point that we tore our- selves away from them, and put to sea, we came with a straight course unto Cos, and the day following unto 2 Ehodes, and from thence unto Patara : and finding a ship crossing over unto Phoenicia, we went 3 aboard and put to sea. And when we had come in sight of Cyprus, leaving it on the left hand, we sailed for Syria, and landed at Tyre : for there the 4 ship was to unlade her burden. And finding out the disciples, we tarried there seven days : and they said to Paul through the Spirit, Do not go aboard 5 to go to Jerusalem. And when it proved that the days furnished us, we departed and went our way ; and they all with wives and children brought us on our way, till we were out of the city : and we 6 kneeled down on the beach and prayed : and after bidding each other farewell, we went on board the 7 ship and they returned home. And we having finished our voyage fi-om Tyre, landed at Ptolemais, and saluted the brethren, and abode with 38. no longer] See note on r. 25. Miletus, once a famous port, was now some little distance from the sea in consequence of the delta formed round the mouth of the Maeander. 1. The north-west winds which prevailed along that coast carried them speedily by way of Cos and Rhodes to Patara. Here they were on the main track of vessels sailing from the west to Phoenicia, and secured places in one bound for Tyre. The only landmark on their voyage thither was the south-west coast of Cyprus on their left. 4. Paul did not regard the warning at Tyre as a prohibition of the Spirit, but rather like the earlier and later revelations as an intima- tion of personal risk. XXI. 13-] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 311 them one day. And on the morrow we departed, 8 and came unto Caesarea : and we entered into the house of Philip the evangelist, which was one of the seven, and abode with him. Now this man 9 had four daughters, vii*gins, which did prophesy. And as we stayed on there some days, there came 10 down from Judaea a certain prophet, named Agabus. And coming to us, and taking up Paul's girdle, he u bound his own feet and hands, and said, Thus saith the Holy Ghost, So shall the Jews bind at Jerusalem the man that owneth this girdle, and shall deliver him into the hands of the Gentiles. And when we 12 heard these things, both we, and they of that place, besought him not to go up to Jerusalem. Then 1 3 answered Paul, What do ye, weeping and breaking down my heart ? for I am ready not to be bound only, but also to die at Jerusalem for the name of the 8. Philip's arrival at Caesarea has been noted in viii. 40. He had now made it his perznanent home. Whether he continued his missionary labours is not known : his success in Samaria sufficiently accounts for the title evangelist. Eph. iv. 11 distinguishes evangelists from apostles and 'prophets, as inferior to them in the special gifts of the Spirit, and from pastors and teachers as engaged in extraordinary work of conversion. Timothy wrought the work of an evangelist within the sphere of the apostle Paul (2 Tim. iv. 5) as Philip within that of the Twelve. The application of the term to missionary work continued to the time of Eusebius [H. E. iii. 37). 10. The delay at Caesarea may be accounted for by the necessity of communicating the arrival of this important deputation to Jerusalem beforehand, or providing for their entertainment by the way. As the prophet Agabus mentioned in xi. 28 came from Jerusalem, he is probably the same as the one here mentioned, though the identity is not noticed in the text. 11. The danger was more distinctly localised in Jerusalem than the B. V. suggests : it was there that the threatened bonds awaited him : by turning back from that city he might yet be safe. 312 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XXI. 14. 14 Lord Jesus. And when he would not be persuaded, we ceased, saying, The will of the Lord be done. 15 And after those days we made ready our baggage, 16 and went on our way up to Jerusalem. And there went with us also certain of the disciples from Caesarea, to bring us to the house of one Mnason of Cyprus, an old disciple, with whom we should lodge. 17 And when we were come to Jerusalem, the brethren 18 received us gladly. And the day following Paul went in with us unto James ; and all the elders 19 were present. And when he had saluted them, he 15, 16. An ancient variation of the text suggests that the house of Mnason was on the way, not at Jerusalem ; and circumstances confirm the probability. The journey to Jerusalem (sixty-eight Roman miles) required two days at least, and the Christians of Caesarea were sure to know where to seek Christian hospitality on the way. But at Jerusalem the party were the guests of the Church. 17. The leisurely proceedings of the party since reaching Tyre indicate that they had then plenty of time to arrive before Pentecost. The notes of time lead to the same conclusion. Eor at Philippi they had fifty days before them : allowing for three days' halt at Miletus they reached Patara in twenty-two days. Again, allowing two days for the journey from Caesarea to Jerusalem, only twelve were spent between the landing at Tyre and the arrival at Jerusalem, besides those at Caesarea. There remains therefore an ample margin out of the fifty days for the voyage from Patara to Tyre and the stay at Caesarea. The presence of Jews from Asia in Jerusalem further indicates that it was near the time of the feast. In spite of the disastrous result of this visit to the apostle per- sonally, it succeeded perfectly in its effect on the Church. The deputation, consisting in part of Gentile Christians, was cordially welcomed by the brethren : the elders under the presidency of James gave them a public reception, at which the offerings of the Pauline churches were no doubt presented : they glorified God at the success of the gospel among the Gentiles : they fully recognised the real loyalty of Paul to the law, and suggested means by which he might soften the prejudices of the unbelieving Jews, 18. James] See notes on xii. 17 and xv. 13. XXI. 24.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 313 recounted one by one the things which God had wrought among the Gentiles by his ministry. And 20 they, when they heard, glorified God : and they said unto him, Thou seest, brother, how many thousands there are that have believed among the Jews ; and they are all zealous for the law : and they have been 21 informed of thee that thou teachest all the Jews which are among the Gentiles to forsake Moses, tell- ing them not to circumcise their children, neither to walk after the customs. What is it therefore ? they 22 will certainly hear that thou art come. Do therefore 23 this that we say to thee : We have four men which have bound themselves under a vow : these take, and 24 purify thyself with them, and be at charges for them, that they may shave their heads : and all shall know that there is no truth in the things that they have 20-22. The correct text distinguishes those that have believed from the Jews, a term applied throughout the Acts to the unconverted exclusively. It is important to note that the two next verses refer to the unconverted alone. The Jewish Christians were indeed all zealous for the law, but the false reports about Paul were circulated amongst the unbelieving only. They it was of whom James said they would certainly hear of Paul's coming. The brethren had already welcomed him with joy, but the events at Corinth and Ephesus had embittered the Jews more than ever against him. 23-26. The vow here recorded resembled probably that which Paul had himself undertaken (xviii. 18). But the commencement of the vow only is there related, here some details of the consumma- tion. Men of wealth were in the habit of displaying their zeal for the law by bearing the charges of Nazirites, and it seems to have been the established custom that they should present themselves in the temple with those whose charges they bore on seven successive days. 24. The insertion of 'orderly' in the B. V. gives a false colour to the charge against Paul, who was not accused of disorderly con- duct, but of bringing circumcision into contempt by treating Gentiles as clean. 314 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XXI. 24. been informed of thee ; but that thou thyself also 25 so walkest as to keep the law. But as touching the Gentiles which have believed, we wrote determining that they should keep themselves from things sacri- ficed to idols, and from blood, and from what is 26 strangled, and from fornication. Then Paul took the men, and the next day purifying himself with them entered into the temple, to notify the fulfilment of the days of purification, until the offering had been offered for every one of them. 27 And when the seven days were almost completed, the Jews from Asia beheld him in the temple and began to stir up all the multitude ; and laid hands 28 on him, crying out. Men of Israel, help : This is the man that teacheth all men everywhere against the people, and the law, and this place : and further brought Greeks also into the temple, and hath defiled 29 this holy place. For they had seen before with him in the city Trophimus the Ephesian, whom they sup- 30 posed that Paul had brought into the temple. And all the city was moved, and the people ran together: and they laid hold on Paul, and dragged him out of the 31 temple: and straightway the doors were shut. And as they sought to kill him, tidings went up to the chief captain of the band, that all Jerusalem was astir. 29. Trophimus the Ephesian was evidently a Gentile cou"\'ert : he has been already named as one of the deputies from the churches of Asia. 30. The closing of the doors was a natural precaution after the uproar within the temple and violent expulsion of worship- pers. 31. Where the B. V. speaks of the hand and chief captain, the Greek text indicates by precise military terms a Roman cohort and military frUnuie. This cohort formed the garrison of the tower XXI. 37-] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 315 And forthwith he took soldiers and centurions, and 32 ran down upon them : and they, when they saw the chief captain and the soldiers, left oflf' beating Paul. Then the chief captain came near and laid hold on 33. him, and commanded him to be bound with two chains, and began to inquire who he was, and what he had done. And some cried one thing against him, 34 some another, among the multitude : and when he could not know the certainty for the uproar, he com- manded him to be brought into the castle. And 35 when he came upon the stairs, so it was that he was borne of the soldiers for the violence of the crowd ; for the multitude of the people followed after, crying 36 out, Away with him. And as Paul was 37 about to be brought into the castle, he saith unto the chief captain, May I say somewhat unto thee ? And he said, Dost thou know Greek ? Antonia which commanded the temple and its coiirts, and its com- mander was responsible for the peace of Jerusalem in the absence of the procurator. Special vigilance was exercised during the great feasts on account of the religious excitement and concourse of Jews from abroad. 33-40. Josephus mentions an Egyptian impostor who gathered a multitude of adherents on the Mount of Olives by promises that the walls of Jerusalem would fall down before them. They were dispersed by the Roman soldiery with great slaughter, but he escaped {Ant. xx. 8. 6; /. W. ii. 13. 5). The chief captain is led by the sudden outburst of indignation against Paul to confound him with the Egyptian, and secures him as a prisoner. Paul's language and bearing produce a favourable effect upon him ; but the fresh out- burst of rage evoked by his speech, which was itself unintelligible to the Roman, revives his suspicion that he M-as a dangerous character. The flight of steps leading up directly from the courts of the temple to the fortress outside the building offered u. convenient position for addressing the multitude below. 36. Away witli Tn'm] This had been the outcry against Jesus (Luke xxiii. 18) : it was repeated after Paul's address. 316 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XXI. 38. 38 Thou art not then the Egyptian, which before these days moved sedition, and led out into the wilderness the four thousand men of the Assassins. 39 But Paul said, I am a Jew, of Tarsus in Cilicia, a citizen of no mean city : and I beseech thee, give 40 me leave to speak unto the people. And when he had given him leave, Paul, standing on the stairs, beckoned with the hand unto the people ; and when they were much quieted, he spake unto them in the Hebrew language, saying, 22 Brethren and fathers, hear ye my defence which I now make unto you. 2 And when they heard that he spake unto them in the Hebrew language, they kept the more quiet ; and he saith, 3 I am a Jew, born in Tarsus in Cilicia, but brought up in this city, at the feet of Gamaliel, trained in strict observation of the law of our fathers, being 39. Paul refers to his city Tarsus witli just pride ; for it was not only the capital of Cilicia and a free city, but its schools of literature and philosophy ranked next to those of Athens and Alexandria amidst Greek universities. 40. The gesture by which Paul appealed for a hearing had a con- siderable efl'ect in stilling the outcry ; but his use of the Hebrew language had more, for though Greek was commonly spoken and understood in Jerusalem, the national party clung to Hebrew as the language of a genuine Israelite. By Hebrew is meant the later dialect, often called Aramaic, which had superseded the Biblical Hebrew as the current language of Palestine. 3-21. Paul recites the facts of his life, as his best vindication. Born a, Jew, trained in Jerusalem under the most famous doctor of the law, and in strict observance of its requirements, he had proved his zeal by persecuting Christians to death, till the voice of Jesus from heaven arrested him : the same Jesus also had commissioned him, when the Jews would not hear him, to go far off to the Gentiles. At this point he was interrupted by an outburst of rage. XXII. 9.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 317 zealous for God, even as ye all are this day ; for 4 I persecuted this Way unto death, binding and delivering into prisons both men and women. As 5 also the high priest doth bear me witness, and all the estate of the elders : from whom I received letters also unto the brethren, and was on my way to Damascus, to bring them also who had gone there bound unto Jerusalem, for to be punished. And it 6 came to pass that, as I made my journey, and drew nigh unto Damascus, about noon, suddenly there shone from heaven a great light round about me. And I fell unto the ground, and heard a voice saying 7 unto me, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me ? And 8 I answered, Who art thou. Lord ? And he said unto me, I am Jesus of Nazareth, whom thou persecutest. And they that were with me beheld indeed the light, 9 4. this Way] See note on ix. 2. 5. The appeal to the testimony of the high priest and Sanhedrin was justified by the fact that Saul carried ofiicial letters from them to the synagogues of Damascus. The Greek text here indicates that the Christians whom it was proposed to bring bound to Jerusalem were refugees, not citizens of Damascus. This explains one of the harshest features of the mission. The synagogues were probably urged to deal with citizens, but refugees only were to be handed over. The language of xxvi. 11, / persecuted them unto strange cities, corresponds with this view. 6. The previous history made no definite mention of the hour. Here, and in xxvi. 13, Paul, speaking before unbelievers, notices for their better assurance of the reality of the vision that it was at mid- day. 8. of Nazaretli] This designation of Jesus was omitted in the previous history. The addition must have come home to Saul's conscience, for this was the opprobrious term which he had hitherto applied to Jesus (see xxvi. 9), and which was still in use amidst his present hearers. 9. It is here stated that the rest of the party did not hear the 318 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XXII. 9. but they heard not the voice of him that spake to lome. And I said, What shall I do, Lord? And the Lord said unto me, Arise, and go into Damascus: and there it shall be told thee of all things which 11 are appointed for thee to do. And when I could not look upon them for the glory of that light, being led by the hand of them that were with me, I came 12 into Damascus. And one Ananias, reported a devout man according to the law by all the Jews which 13 dwelt there, came unto me and stood over me and said, Brother Saul, look up and receive sight. And in that very hour I looked up on him and 14 saw. And he said, The God of our fathers hath prepared thee to know his will, and to see the Righteous One, and to hear a voice from his mouth, 15 telling thee that thou shalt be his witness unto all 16 men of what thou hast seen and heard. And now why tarriest thou ? Arise, and be baptized, and wash voice. In ix. 7 it is stated that they did hear the sound of the voice ; but the natural inference from the narrative is that they gathered no distinct meaning from it. There is therefore an apparent contradiction, but a substantial agreement. (See note on ix. .S for comparison of the three accounts. ) 12. The interview with Ananias assumes a new aspect in this address. The previous narrative presented him as a Christian coming in the name of the Lord Jesus ; this as a devout Jew, speaking in the name of Jehovah, and designating Christ as the Righteous One : the summons to baptism is the only distinct indi- cation of his faith. The two characters are not altogether inconsistent ; but it is a conspicuous instance of the freedom with which Paul adapted his language to his audience. 13. The B. V. Receive thy sight gives an imperfect impression of the language used. Ananias really summoned Saul to an act of faith, look up, which contained an implicit promise that he should recover his Sight, but demanded a preliminary effort of faith on his own part. XXII. 24-] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 319 away thy sins, calling on his name. And it came 17 to pass, when I had returned to Jerusalem, that while I prayed in the temple I fell into a trance, and saw 18 him saying unto me, Make haste and get thee quickly out of Jerusalem, because they will not receive wit- ness from thee concerning me. And I said, Lord, 19 they know that I imprisoned and beat in every synagogue them that believed on thee : and when 20 the blood of Stephen thy witness was shed, I was indeed myself standing by, and approving, and keep- ing the garments of them that slew him. And he 21 said unto me, Go thy way : for I will send thee away far hence unto Gentiles. And they 22 gave him audience unto this word, and then lifted up their voice, and said. Away with such a fellow from the earth, for it was not fit that he should live. And as they cried out and threw off their 23 garments, and cast dust into the air, the chief 24 17-21. The bitter animosity of the Jews against Saul as a rene- gade is recorded in ix. 29, but not the appearance of the Lord, which belongs to his personal history. 20. Through the sacredness of blood the Hebrew scriptures taught the sanctity of human life. Innocent blood spilt upon the ground left an abiding curse on the very land itself until atonement had been made. Paul never forgot the guilt he had incurred by the blood of Stephen, even after he had found forgiveness in Christ. witness] This word has a special force here in connexion with V. 18. When Stephen was witness of Christ, Saul was a party to his death : now that he himself bears witness, the Jews will not receive it. approving] The B. V. consenting is quite inadequate to express Saul's entire approval of the martyrdom. 21. Gentiles] Not the Gentiles, Gentiles are here contrasted with Jews as a class : since Jews refused to listen, his mission was to Gentiles, as such. 24. The summary punishment of provincials accused of disorder 320 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XXI I. 24. captain commanded him to be brought into the castle, and bade that he should be examined by scourg- ing; that he might know for what cause they cried 2r so against him. But as they tied him up for the thongs, Paul said unto the centurion that stood by, Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a 26 Roman, and uncondemned ? And when the centurion heard it, he went to the chief captain, and told him, saying, What art thou about to do ? for this man 27 is a Roman. And the chief captain came, and said unto him, Tell me, art thou a Roman ? And he said, 28 Yea. And the chief captain answered, With a great sum obtained I this citizenship. And Paul said, 29 But I have been so born. Straightway then they by Roman magistrates without form of trial has been already exemplified at Philippi. The preparation for scourging is here graphically presented : the victim was laid upon a post, his hands stretched out above his head, and wrists and ankles securely fastened. 25. Roman law gave stringent protection to citizens against per- sonal maltreatment by an unlimited right of appeal, to the People of old, and now to the Emperor. But in practice this was largely subordinated in imperial times to military law. Prisoners like Paul, for instance, were habitually chained to a soldier for safe custody, while awaiting trial, at the discretion of the officer in charge. 28. Paul did not inherit Roman citizenship by his birth as a citizen of Tarsus (for it was not a Roman colony), but in some other Avay. It had probably been conferred on one of his ancestors for services rendered to the State. The corrupt intrigues of the im- perial court fostered so considerable a traffic at this time in the franchise that purchase was easy for the chief captain. False claims were rare, being easily exposed and severely punished. 29. The chief captain had laid himself open to a serious charge by so far siding with a Jewish mob as to bind a Roman citizen without valid charge. This explains his extreme care for the prisoner's safety, and his subsequent pretence that he had interfered for his rescue as a citizen. XXIII. 3-] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 321 departed from him which were to have examined him; and the chief captain also was afraid, when he knew that he was a Roman, and that he had bound him. And on the morrow, desiring to know the cer- 30 tainty whereof he was accused of the Jews, he loosed him, and commanded the chief priests and all the council to assemble, and brought Paul down, and set him before them. And Paul fastening his eyes on the council, said, 23 Brethren, I have lived in all good conscience before God until this day. And the high priest Ananias 2 commanded them that stood by him to smite him on the mouth. Then said Paul unto him, God shall ^ 30. The reference to the Sanhedrin became a necessity when the true nature of the charge against Paul was ascertained. It was purely a religious question on which the Sanhedrin must be consulted. 1. Attempts have been made to explain Paul's intent scrutiny of the Sanhedrin by a supposed weakness of sight : of which there is however no sufficient proof. Nor is the history here noting a habitual feature, but an act peculiar to the occasion. He had good reason for scrutinising the temper of his audience. For the risk of which James had warned him, of reviving the slumbering animosity of the Jews against the churches of Palestine, was now imminent. The direct issue on which the verdict was likely to turn was his admission of uncircumcised converts to the social and religious privileges of Israel, which the Church had sanctioned, but the Sanhedrin were certain to condemn. His only hope of evading an adverse verdict was to direct attention to other Christian doctrines on which he might enlist the sympathy of Pharisees. His successful appeal to a section of the court is a striking instance of the care with which he watched, and adapted himself to the temper of his hearers. 2. Ananias, son of Nebedaeus, had been high priest some years : he had been so seriously implicated in the disorders of Cumanus' time that he ^^'as sent to Rome for trial, but had been acquitted and restored (Jos. Ant. xx. 5. 2 and 6. 2). X 322 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XXIII. 3. smite thee, thou whited wall : and sittest thou to judge me according to the law, and commandest 4 me to be smitten contrary to the law ? And they that stood by said, Revilest thou God's high priest ? 5 And Paul said, I wist not, brethren, that it was the high priest: for it is written, Thou shalt not 6 speak evil of a ruler of thy people. But when Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees 5. It has been argued with great force that Paul could not fail to recognise the person of the high priest, since he presided in the Sanhedrin in his official robes. But the real meaning of his apology is that he did not know who the speaker was. He had heard the words, and was provoked by their intemperate violence into an angry retort, but did not know from whom they proceeded. The kindred phrase lohited sepulchres, in Matt, xxiii. 27, suggests that lohited wall was a proverbial expression contrasting an outward parade of judicial dress with an unjust and insolent spirit. The quotation is from Ex, xxii. 28. 6-9. The main body of Paul's defence is not reported, only one sentence, which produced a collision with the high priest, and another which enlisted the support of the Pharisees. The first appears to be the actual opening ; the second is detached from its context. No practised orator would have thrown out at once so abrupt an appeal to partisan zeal : it is evidently torn from a previous context of which it formed a climax. The language of his supporters in v. 9 supplies a clue to his actual line of defence. He had evidently pleaded the voice of the risen Jesus as his justification before the Sanhedrin, as he did before the multitude and before Agrippa ; and had used it as an argument for the Resurrection, as he did before the king. Now the Pharisees believed in a resurrec- tion, and in voices from heaven, though not in the risen Jesus, and their broken sentence expresses just that amount of hesitating support to the speaker. This would be the more readily accorded if he had before dwelt, as he had on those two occasions likewise, upon his Pharisaic birth and training. Paul nowhere else identifies his present faith with that of Pharisees; for Phil. iii. 5 refers to his earlier antecedents. The context explains the meaning of this plea : Christians and Pharisees alike believed in an unseen world of spirits, in the prophets, in the Messiah whom they foretold, and in the Resurrection. He claimed XXIIL 12.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 323 and the other Pharisees, he cried out in the council, Brethren, I am a Pharisee, a son of Pharisees : touching the hope and resurrection of the dead I am called in question. And as he so spake, there 7 arose a dissension between the Pharisees and the Sadducees : and the multitude was divided. For 8 Sadducees say that there is no resurrection, neither angel, nor spirit : but Pharisees confess both. And 9 there arose a great cry : and some of the scribes of the Pharisees' part stood up, and strove, saying, We find no evil in this man : and what if a spirit spake to him, or an angel ? And when there arose a great 10 dissension, the chief captain, fearing lest Paul should be torn in pieces by them, commanded the soldiers to go down and take him by force from among them, and bring him into the castle. And n the night following the Lord stood over him, and said, Be of good cheer : for as thou hast testified concern- ing me at Jerusalem, so must thou bear witness also at Rome. And when it was day, the Jews 12 therefore to be true to the faith of his fathers, and to the spirit of the law, and so a truer Pharisee than those who usurped the name. 8. The faith of the Sadducees is well described by negations ; for though they accepted the worship of Jehovah and strictly enforced the law, both moral and ceremonial, as a basis of practical govern- ment, they had no faith in spiritual religion or an unseen world (comp. note on iv. 1). 10. The Sanhedrin met in the temple buildings, and as Paul was a, Roman prisoner, though not in bonds at the moment, and a Roman citizen, there was doubtless an escort in charge who would promptly report any disturbance to the castle. 11. Hitherto the plans for conciliating the Jews, and Paul's hope of starting on his mission to the west, had issued in i^ter failure. The vision of his Lord was the first ray of much-needed liglit. 12.... Assassination was a common weapon of the Jew'sh Zealots in the last troubled years of the national existence. Religious 324 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XXIII. 12. banded together and bound themselves under a curse, saying, that they would neither eat nor drink till they 13 had killed Paul. And they were more than forty 14 which made this conspiracy. And they came to the chief priests and elders, and said, We have bound our- selves under a great curse, to taste nothing until we 15 have killed Paul. Now therefore do ye with the council signify to the chief captain that he bring him down unto you, as though ye would determine his case more exactly : and we, or ever he come near, are 16 ready to slay him. But Paul's sister's son heard of their lying in wait, and he came and entered into 17 the castle, and told Paul. And Paul called unto him one of the centurions, and said, Bring this young man unto the chief captain : for he hath something 18 to tell him. So he took him, and brought him to the chief captain ; and he saith, Paul the prisoner called me unto him, and asked me to bring this young man unto thee, who hath something to say 19 to thee. And the chief captain took him by the hand, and went aside with him, and inquired of leaders resorted to it the more readily as the Sanhedrin had no power of life and death. There had been secret intrigues to procure the murder of Jesus and Lazarus (John xi. 53, xii. 10), as now of Paul, to all which members of the council were privy. This was a traditional form of Hebrew curse (comp. 1 Sam. xx. 13 and 1 Kings ii. 23), by which a man devoted himself before God as anathema, i.e. an offering unto death, if he failed to fulfil his pledge. 16. As Paul belonged to a family of Pharisees who sent liim to Jerusalem for education in the most famous Pharisaic school, it is not imlikely that his nephew was in like manner attending the i*harisaic schools in Jerusalem. There is nothing to suggest that he was a Christian : he was, in fact, miich more likely to gain infor- mation as a Jewish student than as a Christian. XXIII. 25.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 325 him privately, What is that thou hast to tell me ? And he said, The Jews have agreed to desire of thee, 20 that thou shouldest bring down Paul to-morrow unto the council, as though thou mightest learn some- what more perfectly concerning him. Do not thou 21 therefore yield unto them: for there lie in wait for him of them more than forty men, which have bound themselves under a curse, neither to eat nor drink till they have slain him : and now are they ready, looking for the promise from thee. So the 22 chief captain let the young man go, charging him, Tell no man that thou hast signified these things to me. And he called unto him two of the centurions, 23 and said, Make ready two hundred soldiers to go as far as Caesarea, and horsemen threescore and ten, and spearmen two hundred, at the third hour of the night : and he bade them provide beasts, that they 24 might set Paul thereon, and bring him safe unto Felix the governor. And he wrote a letter after 25 this fashion : 23. The desperation and number of the conspirators, the extreme insecurity of the open country, and the facilities offered by a night march for an ambuscade, account for the large escort. The spear- men mentioned were probably light-armed skirmishers who acted as scouts. 24. Felix] Felix, like his brother Pallas, was a freedman of Antonia, and after her death passed into the imperial household. He was advanced to a high position in Samaria under Cumanus, and after his deposition to the procuratorship of Judaea. Josephus and Tacitus agree in giving a very unfavourable picture of him as a profligate intriguer : the seeds of civil war were sown in Judaea, according to Josephus, by his corrupt and tyrannical adminis- tration. His recall and trial at Rome are chiefly interesting from their bearing on the chronology of the Acts. (See Tac. Ann. xii. 54, Jos, Anl. XX. 8. 5-9.) 25. The report of the chief captain was probably in Latin : the 326 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XXIII. 26. 26 Claudius Lysias'unto the most mighty governor 27 Felix sendeth greeting. This man was seized by the Jews, and was about to be slain of them, when I came upon them with the soldiery, and rescued 28 him, having learned that he was a Roman, And desiring to know the cause wherefore they accused 29 him, I brought him down unto their council : whom I found to be accused about questions of their law, but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of 30 death or of bonds. And when it was shewn me that there would be a plot against the man, I sent him to thee forthwith, charging his accusers also to 31 speak against him before thee. So the soldiers, as it had been commanded them, took Paul, 32 and brought him by night to Antipatris. And on the morrow they left the horsemen to go with him, 33 and returned to the castle : and they, when they were come to Caesarea and had delivered the letter author does not profess to reproduce more than its general tenor, which may have been communicated by Felix at the subsequent trial, as he expressly referred to the need of a further personal report from the chief captain. 26. most miglity] This was apparently the iisual term of official respect applied to the procurator as the supreme local authority. (Comp. xxiv. 3, xxvi. 25.) 27. The chief captain, having been forced to offend the Sanhedrin by the secret and hurried removal of his prisoner, is careful to represent the whole transaction as a case of Jewish violence and religious prejudice against a Roman citizen. 31. Caesarea was sixty-eight Roman miles from Jerusalem. The site of Antipatris is not quite certain ; but the most recent survey places it rather more than half way on the road. The distance from Jerusalem, and the nature of the road, which had there emerged from the mountain defiles and traversed the open plain, rendered it safe to leave the horsemen alone to escort the prisoner by day from that point. XXIV. 3.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 327 to the governor, presented Paul also before him. And when he had read it, and inquired of what 34 province he was, and learned that he was of Cilicia, I will hear thee fully, said he, when thine accusers 35 also are come : and he commanded him to be kept in Herod's palace. And after five days the high priest Ananias went 24 down with certain elders and an orator, one Tertullus : and they informed the governor against Paul. And 2 when he was called, Tertullus began to accuse him, saying. Seeing that by thee we enjoy much peace, and that by thy providence things are ordered aright for this nation, we accept it in all ways and in all 3 places, most mighty Felix, with all thankfulness. 34, 35. After reading the letter Felix makes further Inquiry as to the prisoner's antecedents, probably with a view to verifying the Koman citizenship, and announces his intention of hearing the case fully on the arrival of the accusers. province] Cilicia was not strictly speaking a province, but a district of the great province of Syria. It had however, like Judaea, a distinct administration of its own under an imperial procurator. palace] The palace of Hej^od at Caesarea, afterwards the residence of the procurator, was also a fortress containing quarters for soldiers and guard-rooms for prisoners. 1. It is not clear from what date the five days are reckoned ; probably from Paul's arrival at Caesarea : the twelve days of v. 11, after he went up to worship in the temple, are apparently reckoned from the Jewish assault on him. After that he spent two days under arrest, and two on the road. If the high priest started five days later, and spent two on the journey, this would account for the twelve days before the hearing at Caesarea. 2-8. Tertullus, a professional advocate, probably addressed Felix in Latin: his name is Latin. The government of Felix displayed merciless severity in putting down seditious movements, many of which arose out of religious excitement : accordingly the advocate compliments the governor on his success in restoring order, and denounces Paul as a dangerous agitator. 328 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XXIV. 4. 4 But that I be not further tedious unto thee, I pray 5 thee to hear us of thy clemency a few words. For we found this man a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world, 6 and a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes ; who even went about to profane the temple : on whom 8 also we laid hold : by examining whom thyself thou wilt be able to take knowledge of all these things whereof we accuse him. 9 And the Jews also joined in the assault, affirming that these things were so. 10 And Paul answered, when the governor had beckoned unto him to speak, Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been of many years a judge unto this nation, I do cheerfully make 1 1 my defence : seeing that thou canst take knowledge that there are yet but twelve days since I went up to 1 2 worship at Jerusalem : and they neither found me in the temple disputing with any man or raising up a crowd, nor in the synagogues, nor in the city. 13 Neither can they prove to thee the things whereof 14 they now accuse me. But this I confess unto thee, 10-21. The preamble of Paul's speech is at once courteous and sincere. Felix had been six or seven years procurator, and had previously resided some years in Samaria in a subordinate capacity: his experience of religious parties in Judaea was really valuable. Paul meets the charges of profaning the temple and exciting riot with specific denial, invites inquiry into the events of the last few days, urges the peaceable motive of his visit and the absence of witnesses against him, while he confesses and vindicates his faith. 11. The reference to worship in this verse, and in the next to the circumstances under which he was found in the temple, show that the date in Paul's mind was when the Jews came upon him there twelve days before. XXIV. 21.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 329 that after the Way which they call a sect, so serve I the God of our fathers, believing all things that are contained in the law and written in the prophets : and * 5 have hope toward God, which these men themselves also look for, that there shall be a resurrection both of the just and unjust. Meanwhile I exercise myself i6 also to have a conscience void of offence before God and men alway. Now after some years I came to 17 bring alms to my nation, and offerings : amidst which 18 they found me purified in the temple, with no crowd, nor yet with tumult : but there were certain Jews from Asia — who ought to have been here before thee 19 and to have made accusation, if they had aught against me. Or else let these men themselves say 20 what wrong-doing they found, when I stood before the council, except it be for this one voice, that I cried 21 standing among them, Touching the resurrection of the dead I am called in question before you this day. 14. the Way] See note on ix. 2. 15. Though the leading deputies were Sadducees, their acceptance of the doctrine of the Resurrection is assumed. Few of them cared openly to disavow the popular creed. 16. Meanwhile] This is the obvious meaning of the Greek text. The last verse asserted Paxil's hope in God of a future resurrection unto judgment : this maintains his endeavour meanwhile {i.e. in this earthly life) to keep a conscience void of offence in the sight of God and man. The meaning of the B. V. Herein is obscure. 17. some] Not many as rendered in the B. V. ; for there had been two visits during the last seven years. The indefinite term here employed may denote any number more than one, it merely implies that he was not, like many Jews, an annual visitor to Jerusalem at the feasts, 18. To have repeated the charges of the Asiatic Jews would have prejudiced the prisoner ; to show that they were the only witnesses against him, and they absent, strengthened his case. The sentence therefore is purposely broken. 330 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XXIV. 22. 22 But Felix, having more perfect knowledge of the Way, deferred them, and said, When Lysias the chief captain comes down, I will determine your matter. 23 And he gave order to the centurion that he should be kept in charge, and should have indulgence, and not to forbid any of his own people to minister unto him. 24 And after certain days Felix came with Drusilla, his own wife, which was a Jewess, and sent for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith in Christ Jesus. 25 And as he discoursed of righteousness and temperance 22. The absence of the chief captain was evidently a mere pretext for delay ; for the charge of seditious acts, on which alone he could report, had broken down. The religious controversy between Jews and Christians did not as yet interest Roman governors, who despised both as fanatics, and sternly suppressed disorderly outbreaks of religious excitement. But Felix did not care to offend the Jews by releasing the prisoner, unless he or his friends made it w^orth his while by a bribe. the Way] See note on Ix. 2. 23. Prisoners in military custody were as a rule chained to a soldier. No exception was made to this rule in Paul's case. Speak- ing at Rome he mentions his chain (xxviii. 20). His bonds are named on three earlier occasions in tjie Acts, viz. when he was brought before the Sanhedrin, when Felix departed, and when he appeared before king Agrippa (xxii. 30, xxiv. 27, xxvi. 29). In- dulgence was granted him in respect of food, lodging, and friends, but did not probably include removal of his chain. It did not certainly in the case of Agrippa's imprisonment at Rome, which is related in similar language by Josephus {Ant. xviii. 6. 7). Ms own people] The Christians of Caesarea and personal friends like the author are probably included in this term. 24. Drusilla, daughter of the first Agrippa and sister of the second, married Azizus, king of Emesa, on condition of his being circumcised. Felix tempted her to leave her husband, procure a divorce, and marry him, though he was a Gentile. his own wife] This expression marks apparently the private and informal character of the interview. 25. temperance] This term must be understood in its widest sense of self-control : it implied keeping under the body with all its passions and appetites. XXV. 7-] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 331 and the judgment to come, Felix became afraid and answered, Go thy way for this time ; and when I get a convenient season, I will call for thee. He 26 hoped withal that money would be given him of Paul : wherefore also he sent for him the oftener, and communed with him. But when two years were 27 expired, Porcius Festus came into Felix' room ; and Felix, being minded to gain favour with the Jews, left Paul bound. So Festus entered on his province, and after three 25 days went up to Jerusalem from Caesarea. And the 2 chief priests and first of the Jews informed him against Paul, and besought him, asking favour 3 against him, that he would send for him to Jerusa- lem, laying wait to kill him on the way. Thereupon 4 Festus answered that Paul was in ward at Caesarea, but that he himself was about to depart thither shortly. Let them therefore, saith he, which are of 5 power among you, go down with me, and whatever there is amiss in the man, let them accuse him. And when he had tarried among them not more than 6 eight or ten days, he went down unto Caesarea : and the next day seating himself on the judgment seat com- manded Paul to be brought. And when he was come, 7 27. liound] It is not implied that the bonds were now added : they had been continuous since his first arrest (see note on v. 23). The point is that Fehx left him still a prisoner, as before, awaiting trial. 2. tlie chief priests] The ruling oligarchy consisted of a small number of priestly families, together with some influential scribes and elders who were associated with them in the .Sanhedrin. 4. Festus had probably received information from his officers of the previous plot against the prisoner's life and his hasty removal to Caesarea. 7, 8. The accusation and defence turn, as before, on three points : 332 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XXV. 7- the Jews which had come down from Jerusalem stood round about him, and laid many grievous charges 8 against him, which they could not prove ; while Paul answered for himself, Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar, have 9 I offended at all. But Festus, willing to gain favour with the Jews, answered Paul and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these things 10 before me? And Paul said, Standing at Caesars judgment seat, I am where I ought to be judged : to Jews have I done no wrong, as thou also art getting 1 1 to know better. If then I am a wrong-doer and have committed anything worthy of death, I plead not violation of the law, profanation of the temple, seditious conduct or language. 9-11. Festus seems to have been a just and able ruler: his pre- mature death after two years' government brought disaster on Judaea. From his point of view the proposal to hear the case him- self at Jerusalem was wise and reasonable. He was satisfied that the charge of sedition had broken down, and that the issue turned solely on religious questions (comp. xxv. 18-20) : in his eyes these were trivial, for he was u, stranger to the country and people, and quite unable to comprehend the force of religious enthusiasm (comp. xxvi. 24). Accordingly he hoped to settle them readily by the interposition of his own authority. But for this purpose it was necessary to consult the religious authorities and doctors of the law at Jerusalem. As for the prisoner's safety there under his charge he had no fear. But Paul knew well that the Sanhedrin were irreconcilable, that their advice would prevail at Jerusalem, and that the result must be fatal to him : he foresaw also that the Church would suffer ; for it was important for her welfare and pro- gress in this stage of transition to maintain peace with the Jews (comp. xxi. 20...). He had therefore no further hesitation about transferring the trial to Rome by an appeal to Caesar. The B. V. puts into his mouth an ungracious and unjust retort, as thou very well hioivest. His actual words present the real truth, that Festus had not till then heard both sides of the case, and was now begin- ning to understand its true character better than before. XXV. i;.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 333 for life, but if none of these things is true, whereof these accuse me, no man may give away my life unto them. I appeal unto Caesar. Then Festus, when he 12 had conferred with the council, answered. Thou hast appealed unto Caesar : unto Caesar thou shalt go. And after certain days were passed, king Agrippa 13 and Bernice came to stay at Caesarea and saluted Festus. And as they tarried there some days, Festus 14 laid Paul's case before the king, saying, There is a certain man left prisoner by Felix: about whom, when 15 I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed me, asking for sentence against him. To whom I answered that it is not the custom 16 of the Romans to give away any man's life, before that the accused have the accusers face to face, and have licence given to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him. When therefore they were 17 come together here, I made no delay, but on the next 12. Provincial governors were assisted by a council, who acted as assessors and aided them with their advice in difficult or doubtful points. It was composed of Roman officials or residents. 13. Herod Agrippa II, did not succeed his father Herod Agrippa I. , being only seventeen at his death ; but on the death of his uncle Herod was invested with the title of king of Chalcis. He afterwards obtained instead the territories of Philip and Lysanias with others. He had in addition the superintendence of the temple and the nomination of the high priest. This recognition of his religious supremacy in Judaea gave him great weight in a question of Jewish religion, and the procurator naturally desired to bring this case before him. Bernice made her home with her brother Agrippa after the death of her first husband Herod of Chalcis, and again after her separation from Polemo. Her life gave occasion to grievous scandal. 14. some] Not many, as in B. V. The indefinite term here used indicates that they stayed longer than was requisite for a complimentary visit to the new procurator. 334 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XXV. 17. day I sat on the jud^nent seat, and commanded the 1 8 man to be brought. Concerning whom, when the accusers stood up, they brought none accusation of 19 such evil deeds as I supposed ; but had certain questions against him of their own religion, and of one Jesus, which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be 20 alive. And I, being perplexed about such manner of questions, said that, if he would, he should go to 21 Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters. But when Paul appealed to be kept for the decision of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept till I should 22 send him to Caesar. And Agrippa ^said unto Festus, I was myself wishing to hear the man. To-morrow, saith he, thou shalt hear him. 23 So on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp, and they were entered into the place of hearing, with chief captains and principal men of the city, at Festus' commandment Paul was 24 brought. And Festus saith. King Agrippa, and all men which are here present with us, ye behold this man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews made suit to me, both at Jerusalem and here, crying that he 25 ought not to live any longer. But I found that he 19. religion] The rendering superstition is inadmissible here in a courteous address to a Jewish king who was at the time recognised at Rome as tlie representative of the national religion. The name of Jesus does not occur in the brief summary of the previous hearing ; but Paul was not likely to omit the name in Ms defence. 23. place of hearing] The original term had a very wide applica- tion, embracing an ordinary lecture-room, or ti royal chamber of audience for State occasions or judicial proceedings. 24. The bloody feud between the Jews and Greeks of Caesarea in the last days of Felix accounts for the bitter animosity of the local Jews against the apostle to the Gentiles. XXVI. 5.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 335 had committed nothing worthy of death, and as he himself appealed to Augustus, I determined to send him. Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto 26 my lord. Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and specially before thee, king Agrippa, that, after examination had, I might have somewhat to write. For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a 27 prisoner, and not withal to signify the charges laid against him. And Agrippa said unto Paul, Thou art permitted to 26 speak for thyself. Then Paul stretched forth his hand, and answered for himself: I have thought myself happy, king Agrippa, that I 2 am to make my defence before thee this day touching all the things whereof I am accused by Jews; because 3 thou art specially acquainted with all the customs and questions among Jews; wherefore I beseech thee to hear me patiently. My manner of life from my 4 youth, which was from the beginning among mine own nation and at Jerusalem, know all Jews ; assuring 5 2-23. After a courteous preamble, Paul describes the revolution wrought in his life by his conversion, Aindicates the doctrine of the Resurrection as the liope of all true Israelites, and urges the consis- tency of his faith in Christ with the ancient scriptures. 2. The unfortunate transposition of the word especialli/ in the B. V. from its proper position before expert imports a tone of per- sonal flattery into the preamble. Paul had one good and sufficient reason for satisfaction in pleading before Agrippa rather than the Roman governor, and one only, that he was a Jew, thoroughly cognisant of Jewish questions and customs. Jews] The article is purposely omitted by Paul in the description of his accusers both here and in c. 7. He claims to be himself a true sou of Israel, and is careful not to identify his accusers with the nation of the Jews. In w. 3 and 4 also the name is used indefinitely without the article. 336 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XXVI. 5- themselves of me from the first, if they be willing to testify, that after the straitest sect of our religion I 6 lived a Pharisee. And now I stand here to be judged in hope of the promise made of God unto our 7 fathers ; unto which promise our twelve tribes, earnestly serving God night and day, hope to attain. Touching which hope, I am accused by Jews, O king ! 8 Why is it thought incredible with you that God doth 9 raise the dead ? I verily thought with myself, that I ought to do many things contrary to the name of 10 Jesus of Nazareth. Which thing I did indeed in Jerusalem: and many of the saints did I shut up in prison, having received the authority for this from the chief priests, and when they were put to death, I 11 gave my voice against them. And punishing them oft in all the synagogues, I would fain have compelled them to blaspheme : and being exceedingly mad against them, I set about persecuting them even to 1 2 the cities without our land. Whereupon as I journeyed to Damascus with authority and com- 13 mission of the chief priests, at midday, king, I saw 10. This verse mentions distinctly the fact that a number of Christians besides Stephen suffered martyrdom which the history had left obscure. The statement that Saul gave his vote for death has been adduced as a proof that he was a member of the 8anhedrin rather than an officer under them. But the language of the law, coupled with the narrative of Stephen's trial, creates a presumption that the sentence of the court was confirmed by some kind of popular vote in cases of stoning. 11. blaspheme] The denial that Jesus was the Son of God might with reason be entitled blasphemy, and this was pressed on Christians. The indefinite reference to foreign cities suggests that the abortive mission had been intended to comprehend other cities of Syria besides Damascus. XXVI. i6.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 337 on the way a light from heaven, above the brightness of the sun, shining round about me and them which journeyed with me. And when we were all fallen to 14 the earth, I heard a voice saying unto me in the Hebrew tongue, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? it is hard for thee to kick against the goad. And 1 15 said. Who ai-t thou. Lord? And the Lord said, I am Jesus whom thou persecutest. But arise and stand 16 upon thy feet: for to this end have I appeared unto thee, to prepare thee to be a minister and a witness both of what thou hast seen, and of what thou shalt 14. In ix. 7 it is stated that Saul's companions stood speechless, here that all fell to the ground. The two accounts are quite consis- tent, if taken as presenting two successive stages of the event. All fell to the ground, but the rest rose after the first shock, while S;iul remained prostrate. We learn here distinctly that the voice spake in Hebrew : this is indicated in ix. 4 and xxii. 7 by the exceptional use of the Hebrew form of the name Saul. ag'ainst tlie goad] This proverb denotes a stubborn but inefifectual resistance to the will of an irresistible master, under the figure of an ox who by kicking back against the goad drives it deeper into his flesh. So Saul is warned that by rebelling against God's will he is only wounding his conscience the more deeply, and will in the end be forced to yield. This throws an interesting light on the state of Saul's mind before his conversion : it seems that he was already stifling conscientious doubts and scruples. The language of heartfelt penitence in which he elsewhere deplores his guilty share in the persecution leads to a corresponding inference. 16-18. There can be no doubt that Paul here combines subsequent revelations of Christ which were promised at his conversion and communicated through Ananias or in later visions, like that recorded in xxii. 18, with the previous words of Christ. For it is expressly stated in ix. 6 that the full revelation of his future commission was withheld at the time, and reserved till after his entrance into the city. 16. stand upon tliy feet] So Ezekiel was encouraged when he had fallen to the ground at the sight of the glory of God (Ezek. ii. 1). 338 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XXVI. 17. 17 see, me do ; choosing thee out of the people and out of i8 the Gentiles, unto whom I send thee, to open their eyes that thou mayest turn them from darkness to light, and from the dominion of Satan unto God, that they may receive remission of sins and an inheritance among them that are sanctified, by faith in me. 19 Wherefore, O king Agrippa, I was not disobedient to 20 the heavenly vision : but declared first to them at 17. choosing] The B. V. delivering is inconsistent with the cir- cumstances as "well as incorrect. Saul's urgent need at that time was not deliverance from enemies, for he was not yet subject to persecution, but relief from an accusing conscience. Nor was he in fact delivered from enemies, being persecuted all his life long till his final imprisonment and martyrdom. The true version choosing re- produces the central point of the revelation made to Ananias ; He is a chosen vessel unto me..., while that of delivering runs counter to it; for it was said, / loill show him how great things he must suffer for my name's sake. It is worthy of note that Paul is here described as chosen out of the people and the Gentiles — a marked combination of his two special antecedents. He was by birth at once a Jew and a Greek, a, true representative of those Jews of the Dispersion to whose number he belonged, and united in his person the varied elements of Greek and Koman character and culture with Hebrew race and religion. The actual appointment of Paul to be an apostle can hardly be placed earlier than his commission from the church of Antioch : even at the time of his departure from Jerusalem it was described as future: / will send thee (xxii. 21). But these earlier revelations prepared the way for the eventual result which they foreshadowed. The description of his mission to the Gentiles is borrowed from the picture of God's elect in Is. xlii. 7 with slight variation of language. 20. Paul here intimates that at an early period of his ministry before commencing his mission to the Gentiles he had traversed all Judaea, preaching the gospel as he went. Now before that time he had paid but two visits to Judaea : the hasty flight from Damascus to Jerusalem and thence through Samaria to Tarsus excludes the idea of systematic preaching by the way ; but his second visit in A.D. 43, when he went up with Barnabas from Antioch, furnished occasion for it during the return to Antioch. XXVI. 27.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 339 Damascus and Jerusalem, and through all the country of Judaea, and to the Gentiles, that they should repent and turn to God, and do works worthy of that repentance. For this cause the Jews seized me in the 21 temple, and assayed to kill me. Through the help 22 therefore that I have obtained from God, I stand unto this day testifying both to small and great, saying nothing beyond what the prophets and Moses did say should come to pass: that the Christ should be subject 23 to suffering, and that he should be the first after rising from the dead to proclaim light both to the people and to the Gentiles. And as he thus answered for himself, Festus saith 24 with a loud voice, Paul, thou art mad : thy much learning doth drive thee to madness. But Paul saith, 25 I am not mad, most mighty Festus ; but am uttering words of truth and soberness. For the king knoweth 26 of these things, unto whom also I speak freely: for I persuade myself that none of these things is hidden from him: for this hath not been done in a corner. King Agrippa, believest thou the prophets ? I know 27 At a later time he wrote, / was hecoming unknown hy face to the churches of Judaea {Gal. i. 22). 22. Paul attributes his escape from the Jewish attempt on his life to a special interposition of Providence on his behalf. 23. Moses and the prophets had predicted a Messiah subject to suffering, foretelling his humiliation, death, and resurrection, as well as the redemption of Jews and Gentiles. Its universality, and his sufferings in accomplishing it, had been foreshadowed from the beginning in the seed of the woman with his bruised heel ; and the Scriptures had filled up the outline. 24. Festus had before noticed Paul's faith in the risen Jesus with the same philosophic disdain as his Athenian hearers (comp. xvii. 32 with XXV. 19) : he now denounces it as a religious frenzy. 27, 28. Agrippa was a Jew, and professed belief in the prophets : he was also no unfriendly listener, as appears from his subsequent 340 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XXVI. 28. 28 that thou believest. Then Agrippa said unto Paul, At little cost thou wouldest fain persuade me to make 29 me a Christian ! And Paul said, I would to God that, whether at little cost or at great, not thou only, but also all that hear me, might this day become such as I am, except these bonds. 30 And the king rose up, and the governor, and Ber- 31 nice, and they that sat with them: and when they were gone aside, they spake one to another, saying, This man doeth nothing worthy of death or of bonds. 32 And Agrippa said unto Festus, This man might have been set at liberty, if he had not appealed unto Caesar. 27 And when it was determined that we should sail away for Italy, they delivered Paul and certain other prisoners to a centurion named Julius of the Augustan remark to Festus. But he ridiculed this futile effort at his conver- sion ; and his use of the by-word Christian indicated his contempt for the faith. The B. V. misses the irony. The name Christian grew up amongst the Gentiles of Autioch as a designation for the believers : it was of course not adopted by the Jews, who themselves believed in a Christ, nor until a later time by Christians themselves. Agrippa's use of the term is an evidence of his Roman education and familiarity with Gentile terms. 1. Augustan band] Though this designation is obscure, modern criticism has determined pretty clearly the character of the force to which Julius belonged. He was charged with the custody of a State prisoner ; and the conveyance of prisoners to Rome, whether thev were citizens appealing to imperial justice, or criminals condemned to die in a Roman amphitheatre, was an important duty of the Roman military police in Imperial times. It appears further from V. 11 that he assumed authority in the Alexandrian cornship over the officers of the vessel. From this it may be inferred that he was also an officer of the imperial commissariat which was charged with the supply of Rome, and these two functions of detective police and commissariat were united in the corps called the Frumentarians. It is further stated in an ancient marginal note, which has found its XXVII. 2.] ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 341 "band. And embarking in a ship of Adramyttium, 2 which was about to sail to the coasts of Asia, we put way into the B. V. of xxviii. 16, that Julius delivered his prisoners to a superior officer, who is there entitled captain of the guard, but in an old Latin version Princeps Peregrinorum. Now this was the ■exact title of the commander of the Frumentarians, who were known as Peregrini from their being constantly on duty in the provinces bearing imperial communications, and had a. camp on the Caelian hill known as Castra Peregrinorum. The corps was probably recruited out of veterans who had served their time in the Praetorians or the Legions : the officers were confidential agents of the emperor : the name Augustan may have been a title of honour and mark of imperial favour, as it was at various times bestowed on certain legions by way of distinction. The reappearance of the first person in this and the next chapter shows that the author accompanied Paul to Rome. This is the third occasion on which he attached himself to the apostle : he joined him first at Troas and became a partner in the Macedonian mission, and secondly at Philippi as a delegate from the churches to Jerusalem ; he now goes apparently to take part in the Roman mission, as he had before in the JMacedonian, besides rendering such friendly offices and personal ministration as the position of a prisoner called for. There is no trace of his presence during the imprisonment at Caesarea. He was evidently not one of the prisoners. 2. The description of the ship as belonging to Adramyttium in Mysia, and bound for the coasts of Asia, suggests that it was on its way home. It was therefore on the direct route to Neapolis, the port of Philippi, and it was probably the intention of the centurion to convey his prisoners thence by the land route to Rome, had he not fallen in at Myra with an Alexandrian cornship bound to Italy by sea. Owing to the prevalence of west winds in the Levant, the cornships usually made that port on their voyage to Rome ; but it was now full late in the season to catch any of these : the main fleet had already gone on their way. Aristarchus the Macedonian may be confidently identified with the companion in travel of xix. 29, and the delegate of xx. 4. The author does not class him as one of us, i,e. of Paul's company, on this occasion, but only loith them for the time. It is not likely there- fore that he went with them beyond Myra. When the centurion put his prisoners on board the second ship, Aristarchus proceeded homewards in the first. His name occurs however in Col. iv. 10 as then one of Paul's companions at Rome. 342 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. [XXVI I. 2. to sea, Aristarchus the Macedonian of Thessalonica ^ being with us. And the next day we touched at Sidon: and Julius kindly entreated Paul, and gave him leave to go unto his friends and refresh himself. 4 And putting to sea from thence, we sailed under the 5 lee of Cyprus, because the winds were contrary. And when we had sailed over the sea off Cilicia and Pam- 6 phylia, we came to Myra in Lj^'cia. And there the centurion found a ship of Alexandria sailing for Italy; 7 and he put us therein. And when we had sailed slowly many days, and were come with difficulty over against Cnidus, the wind not suffering us to make way beyond, we sailed under the lee of 8 Crete off Salmone ; and with difficulty coasting along 3. The friends at Sidou were probably Christians : nothing is known of them. 4. In sailing from Lycia to Phoenicia they had crossed the open sea, leaving Cyprus on the left : they now ran between Cyprus and the mainland. This was the usual course on the return voyage, as the island afforded shelter for some time from the prevalent north- west winds, and the highlands of Asia Minor shielded them afterwards, besides the benefit gained from land breezes and a westerly current off the coast of Asia Minor. 7, 8. As far as Cnidus, the south-west point of Asia Minor, the general direction of the coast was westwards : they were therefore screened from the north, but open to head winds from the west, against which they struggled slowly on ; but on rounding Cnidus they were exposed to the. full force of the north-west wind sweeping across the Aegean, and found it impossible to pursue their direct course westwards to the north of Crete. They therefore ran to the s.s.w. past Salmone, the eastern promontory of Crete, hoping to make their way along its southern coast. As the first half of this trends a little to the south, they were able to creep slowly along as far as Cape Matala ; but from that point the northward trend of the coast rendered it impossible to proceed in the teeth of a north-west wind. So they put into a roadstead called Fair Havens, on the eastern side of Cape Matala. XXVII. I3.J ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 343 it we came unto a certain place called Fair Havens ; nigh whereunto was the city of Lasea. And when much time was spent, and sailing was 9 now dangerous, because the Fast was already past, Paul admonished them, and said unto them, Sirs, I 10 perceive that sailing will be with hurt and much damage, not only of the lading and the ship, but also of our lives. But the centurion gave more heed n to the pilot and the master of the ship than to those things which were spoken by Paul. And 12 because the haven was not commodious to winter in, the more part advised to put to sea from thence, if by any means they could make their way to Phoenix and winter there, which is a haven of Crete looking north-east and south-east. And when 13 Fair Havens] The survival of the Greek name, Kcdoi Limenes, and of a ruined city five miles off, still known as Lasos, determine its position. 9-12. As the autumnal equinox found them still windbound at Fair Havens, the voyage to Italy was abandoned for the season, but i^is, XX. 29. iSXjO^ xiii. 11, XX. 6, xxvii. 33. ^o-^deia, xxvii. 17- d€LffL8alfj.iov, xvil. 22, xxv. 19. deffTrdrTjs, iv. 24. dtav4fx€ff6ai, iv. 17. dia^dopd, ii. 27, xiii. 34. SiddXaa-ffOS, xxvii. 41. SiOTrer^s, xix. 35. d^va/jLLs, viii. 13. iyKaraXelireiv , ii. 27. d &pa, viii. 22. els, viii. 23. iK^oKy, xxvii. 18. if d\iy({), xxvi. 28. i^aipeXffdaiy xxvi. 17. e^apri^eiv, xxi. 5. i^eXddv, xvi. 18. ^^TjyeTffdaL, x. 8. i^ovaia, i. 7, xxvi. 18, iirdvayKGS, xv. 28. €Trapxda, xxv. 1. eTTt, iv. 17. iiTLffTp^^eiVy xxvi. 18. emaipeiv, xvil. 21. EypaKyXwy, xxvii. 14. c'uffxvfJ'^i', xiii. 50. /ca£, p. 160. Ka/coOi', xiv. 2. /card, xii. 1, xvi. 7. KaTaXaf/.^dveffdai, x. 34. KaTavoeiVj xi. 6. Karavrav, xvi. 1^ xxv. 13. Kara(jo(pi^€ffdat, vii. 19. Kare(piffT affdai, xviii. 12. /fivptos, X. 33, xvi. 31, xxv. 26. XeiTovpyeLv, xiii. 2. X67tos, xviii. 24. Xv/jLaiveffdaiy viii. 3. fjiaiveffdai, xxvi. 24. fxaprvpo^fjievos, vi. 3. 361 362 GREEK INDEX. fM^v odv, pp. 160-165. fj.€Ta^u, xiii. 42. fj.-^7roT£, V. 39. v€6t7}5, xxvi. 4. opju^, xiv. 5. 5o-rt?, p. 165. 7rape/A/3oXT7, xxi. 34. irapo^vcr/x6s, xv. 39. TrepLox'n, viii. 32. TrepLTO/jLTJs, ol iK, xi. 2. TroKLTapxci, xvii. 6. irpoadyeiv, xxvii. 27. TrpotrKXyjpovtjdaLy xvii. 4. irpox^i-pl-^ei-v, iii. 20, xxii. 14. TrpojTOffTaTTjs, xxiv. 5. TTvdiov, xvi. 16. TTuXciz'j xii. 13. 2e/3ao-T6s, xxv. 21, xxvii. 1. (TLfltKlpdlOV, Xix. 12. (TovddpLov, xix. 12. (XTTelpa., X. 1.