090017 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY ENGLISH COLLECTION THE GIFT OF JAMES MORGAN HART PROFESSOR OF ENGIJSH A'^^^H^qi' DATE DUE JUl.-^r7l969 Mf jUt, s^ ^ fflBiJEI X oai:#si^ » — iMo: ^ jjBpaagas;^ GAYLORD PRINTED INU.S,A. Cornell University Library DA 120.M67 Mr. Gladstone and the nationalities of t 3 1924 015 762 101 h Cornell University J Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924015762101 QuaritcKs Reprints ^ No. 5. ^Pe (|tace0 OF ^^e f^xxiU^ ^eUe, MR. GLADSTONE AND THE NATIONALITIES OF THE UNITED KINGDOM. A Series of Letters to the " Times " BY SIR JOHN LUBBOCK, BART., M.P., F.R.S., D.C.L., LL.D. President of the Linnean Society, First President of the Anthropological Institute, Trustee of the British Museum. With Rejoinders by MR. J. BRYCE, M.P., AND LETTERS IN SUPPORT BY THE DUKE OF ARGYLL, DR. JOHN BEDDOE, &c. FOLLOWED BY " Gyfla : the Sctr of the Ivel Valley" By THOMAS KERSLAKE ; AND THE CORRESPONDENCE WHICH IT HAS ELICITED. LONDON : BERNARD QUARITCH, 15 PICCADILLY. ja_ 1887. & S l\ '9 f^.t^\^^'\S' INTRODUCTION. T N reprinting the interesting Letters of Sir John -■- Lubbock, Bart., M.P., to the Times, on the subject of the Nationalities and Races of Great Britain and Ireland, and the replies they elicited from Mr. Bryce, M.P., the Duke of_ Argyll, and others, I believe that I am doing a service to politicians and historical students. As an Appendix to that Correspondence, I reprint a pamphlet (" Gyfla," 9 pp., 1887) of my friend Thomas Kerslake, the spirited antiquary, formerly one of my most intelligent rivals in the old-book trade, with the correspondence to which it has led. I take the opportunity here of making a remark which has a close bearing upon the subject-matter of 6 Introduction. the following pages. It is a singular fact, that whilst in distant rural and mountainous districts, both in this country and on the Continent, we find whole villages bearing the same typical physiognomy, we meet in London and other large English towns with types of all the races which have settled in this country. Even in a single family, children of the same parents are frequently so different as to betoken clearly the' original elements of their mixed Teutonic and Celtic descent; while in the lower classes of the London, populace not only the Celtic, but even its forerunner, the Iberian, type seems to be largely reproduced. t . r.. . MR. GLADSTONE AND THE NATIONALITIES OF THE UNITED KINGDOM. To THE Editor of the " Times." 3iR,- — I observe that the supporters of Home Rule place in the forefront of their argument the assertion that " we have within the compass of the United Kingdotn no less than four real nationalities." By this I do not suppose that allusion is meant to the modern and, so to say, accidental divisions between England and Scotland in the first place,; England and Wales in th^ second, or to the silver streak between Britain and Ireland, for we are hardly so degenerate as to reverse our old boast and allow the waves to rule Britannia. In fact, the addition of the adjective "real" is, of course, intended to give emphasis to the declaration, 8 The Nationalities and Races which no doubt means that there are in the United Kingdom four distinct races, and that the existence of four distinct races is reason why we should permit one of them to have a separate Legislature and a separate Executive. It is, therefore, worth while to inquire what the facts really are. As regards South Britain, it will be generally admitted that, omitting the question of pre-Celtic races (though these form, I believe, a far more important element in our population than is generally recognised), Wales and Cornwall are pre- dominantly Celtic ; that the south and east are pre- dominantly Anglo-Saxon, with a considerable Norman intermixture ; that certain districts are mainly Scan- dinavian ; that our population is built up of three prin- cipal elements — Celtic, Anglo-Saxon, and Scandinavian. In Ireland the population of the east and north is mainly Saxon, in the north-west Celtic, while in the extreme south-west the basis is Iberian, akin to the population of parts of Spain. Very many of those who imagine themselves to be Celts, and the natural foes of the Sassenach, are descendants of English colonists, even in Munster and Connaught. The Parnells, Grays, Moores, Burkes, Fitzgeralds, Barrys, Butlers, and, according to some, the McMahons, are Anglo- Norman. Of the British Isles. 9 I pass to North Britain. Here we are met at once by the curious fact that the Saxons entered Caledonia, if not before, at any rate about the same time as, the Scots, In fact the Scots were an Irish tribe, Ireland, says Bede, " was the original country of the Scots" — " Ibernia propria Scotorum estpatria." " Scotia was originally Ireland," said Bozius, — "Scotia, quae tum erat Ibernia." The Scot came from Ireland, says Marianus, — " Scotus, de Ibernia insula natus." Ireland, says Chalmers in his great work, was " known at the end of the third century as the native country of the Scots, and in after-ages by the name of Scotland ; this appellation was afterwards transferred from Ireland to Scotland"; and he asserts, as the result of all his inquiries, tha:t no permanent settlement of the Scots in Caledonia took place till towards the close of the sixth century. In fact, down to the Middle Ages, if a person was called a Scot, it was meant that he was born in Ireland. I must not overwhelm you with quotations, but having given several of the earliest authorities, perhaps you will allow me to quote two of the latest, Mr, Bonwick says, " the real Scotia was Ireland, whose name got transferred to North Britain," and Mr, Taylor, in "Words and Places," remarks that "the Scots, this lo The Nationalities and Races conquering Irish sept, which appears to have actually colonised only a part of Argyle, succeeded in bestowing its name on the whole country." Argyle is indeed the country of the Gael or Irishman. In the North of Scotland, the Orkneys, and Shetlands, the population is mainly Scandinavian, Sutherland being so named as the southern portion of their territory. In the east and south the population is mainly Anglo-Saxon. Edinburgh is an Anglo-Saxon city, built by Edwin, King of Northumbria, and called after him. Of the great Scotch families, the Baliols came from Bailleul or Baliol in Normandy, the Bruces from Yorkshire, the Stewarts from Shropshire, the Hamiltons from Hambleton in Buckinghamshire, the Lindsays from Lindsay in Essex, the Sinclairs from St. Clair in Normandy, the Corny ns from Comines in Flanders. Some even of the Highland clans are Teutonic. According to some authorities, the Camerons derive their name from Cambronne. The Gordons, says MacLaughlan, the Erasers, the Chisholms, &c., are without any trace of a connection with the Celts, and originally without doubt of purely Teutonic blood ; while the Maclaughlans, Kennedys, Macdonalds, and Munroes are Irish, and the Elliotts, Erasers, Maxwells, Mathesons, and Keiths English. Of the British Isles. 1 1 "The great heroes of Scottish history," says Bonwick, " Bruce and Wallace, were of English origin." The Lothians, says Hume, were " entirely peopled with Saxons." Thus, then, in Scotland, as in England, the east is mainly Teutonic, the west mainly Celtic. Huxley and Beddoe have both pointed out, and it will be geherally admitted, that the people north and south of the line dividing England and Scotland are practically identical. On the other hand, so far from Scotland being inhabited by a single homogeneouis people, the struggle between the east and west was bitter and prolonged. The Wolf of Badenoch and his Highlknders burned Elgin in 1390; and, says Burton, *' it will be difficult to make those not familiar with the tone of feeling in Lowland Scotland at that time believe that the defeat of Donald of the Isles (at Harlaw) was felt as a more memorable deliverance even than that of Bannockburn." I maintain, therefore, that the defence of Home Rule, on the ground that there are four " real nationalities " in our islands is entirely without foundation. If, however, we are to be divided at all according to blood, the divisions would not be into England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales. The m.ain c 2 12 The Nationalities and Races division in Great Britain would be not from east to westj but from north to south ; the Saxon division would include the greater portion of the east of England, the east of Ireland, and of Scotland ; the Celtic division would comprise most of the west of Ireland and west of Scotland, with Wales and Cornwall ; the Scandinavian the north of Scotland, several maritime districts on the east, Westmoreland, Cumberland, and Pembroke, while the extreme south- west of Ireland and part of Wales would be Iberian. The exact limits would give rise to an endless number of bitter disputes. Indeed, so much intermingled are the different races that one of our highest authorities. Dr. Beddoe, after careful and prolonged study, says : — "With respect to the distribution and commixture of race elements in the British Isles, we may safely assert that not one of them, whether Iberian, Gaelic, Cymric, Saxon, or Scandinavian, is peculiar to, or absent from, or everywhere predominant in any one of the three kingdoms." This being so, I submit that any argument in favour of Home Rule based on the existence of distinct nationalities falls utterly to the ground, while the effect of rousing race antagonisms, from which we have suffered so terribly in the past, and which are Of the British Isles. 1 3 now happily latent, can only add to our political difficulties and tend to weaken the British Empire ; while, on the contrary, if we recognise the undeniable ethnological fact that English, Irish, and Scotch are all composed of the same elements, and in not very dissimilar proportions, it would do much to mitigate our unfortunate dissensions, and add to the strength and welfare of our common country. I am. Sir, your obedient servant, JOHN LUBBOCK. House of Commons. \^' Times" March 18, 1887.] To THE Editor of the "Times." Sir, — In his interesting letter to you Sir John Lubbock entirely misses the bearing of Mr. Gladstone's remark by confusing races with nationalities. A nationality may be made up of any number of races, because race is only one of several elements which go to create a nationality. Everybody knows that from the fifth to the tenth century " Scotus " meapf an Irishman. Everybody knows that the Scottish- people consist of four or five races — -Picts, Scots, Angles, 14 The Nationalities and Races Northmen, Strathclyde Britons. But that does not make the Scotch any the less a nation, because history has slowly fused these various races into a cohesive whole. So the Swiss are both a nationality and a nation, although they spring from several races, and four languages are still spoken within their borders. The same may be said of the French and the Germans. It would take too long to point out the minor state- ments of Sir J. Lubbock's letter, which seem to be either very doubtful or erroneous, so I will only observe, in passing, that the Saxons were not in Caledonia before the Scots ; that the name Argyle has nothing to do with the Gael, nor the Camerons with Cam- bronne ; that in Sutherland there is very little Scan- dinavian blood ; that there is no reason to think the Kennedys, Munroes, and so forth, to be Irish ; that although Bruce, the claimant of the Scottish throne, was an Anglo-Norman, the name Bruce is Norwegian (Brusi), and probably most of the Scottish Bruces are descendants of Norwegian settlers ; and that William Wallace was not an Englishman, but, if we are to go by his name at all, a Welshman — i.e., a Strathclyde Briton. The point of Mr. Gladstone's remarks seems to me to be, that in a question involving national sentiment Of the British Isles. 15 the opinion of each of the nationalities surviving in our islands is worth regarding ; and that the people of Scotland and Wales, still cherishing a distinct national feeling of their own, though one happily com- patible with attachment to the greater nationality of the United Kingdom, have shown that they can extend their sympathy to the sentiment of nationality among the Irish, and that they do not deem it dangerous to Imperial unity. An Englishman has but one patriotism, because England and the United Kingdom are to him practically the same thing. A Scotchman has two, but he is sensible of no opposition between them. He is none the less loyal to the United Kingdom because he is also loyal to Scotland. And he believes the day may come when the same will be true of an Irishman. I am, Sir, faithfully yours, March 19. J. BRYCE. \^iTimes" March 2\,\'&%']::\ To THE Editor of the " Times." Sir, — I am very glad that my letter has so' far effected its object as to have extracted, from one of the most eminent advocates of Home Rule, the ad- 1 6 The Nationalities and Races mission that the argument in support of separate Legislatures for England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales, based on the supposed existence of four " real nationalities," in the sense of there being four distinct races occupying these four geographical regions, is entirely without foundation. Of course, I do not imagine that Professor Bryce ever supposed that there were such distinct races, but thousands of people not so well informed have so understood the argument. Professor Bryce, however, having entirely admitted my contention, proceeds to enumerate some points which he states to be either very doubtful or erro- neous. He gives, indeed, no evidence in support of his statements, still you will perhaps allow me to defend myself. The points on which he contradicts my statements are (i) the origin of Sir W. Wallace ; (2) the origin of the Bruces ; (3) that Argyle was called after the Gaels ; (4) that the Saxons were in Scotland before, or as soon as, the Scots ; (5) that Sutherland was so named from its relation to the Scandinavian settle- ments in the Orkneys and Shetlands ; (6) that the name Cameron is derived from Cambronne; and (7) that the Kennedys and Munroes are of Irish origin. Of the British Isles. 17 As regards the first point, Mr. Bryce asserts that Wallace " was not an Englishman, but, if we are to go by his name at all, a Welshman." But what says Chalmers ? " The original country," he states, " of this great man's family is idly supposed to be Wales ; but his progenitors were undoubtedly an Anglo- Norman family." . . " The Scottish antiquaries suppose," he adds, "the families of Wallace and Valoines, who both came from England into Scot- land, to have been the same ; but that these two families were distinct is apparent." Speaking of Wallace, Sir Walter Scott, in his History, says, " This champion of his country was of Anglo-Norman descent." Secondly, Mr. Bryce questions the assertion that Bruce was Anglo-Norman. " Robert de Brus or Bruce," says Burton, " was a cadet of Norman family, powerful among the baronial houses of the North of England." " Robert de Bruis," says Chalmers, "was an opulent baron in Yorkshire at the epoch of the Domesday Book." I do not doubt that the family are originally Scandinavian, but this does not affect the question. Thirdly, Mr. Bryce asserts that " the name Argyle 1 8 The Nationalities and Races • had nothing to do with the Gael." " The old Scotch form of Argyle," says Skene, " is Earrgaoidheal, from ' earr,' a limit or boundary, and this approaches most nearly to the form of the name in the old descriptions, with its etymology of margin or limit of the Gael." "Argyle," says Chalmers, "signified merely the limit or boundary of the Irishmen or Gael." " Here also," says Rhys (" Celtic Britain"), "may be mentioned Argyle, as it is found variously called Oirir Gaethel, Airer Gaethel, and Arregaethel, meaning the region belonging to the Goidel, or Gaelic-speaking people." "The name Gael," says Taylor, in "Words and Places," was used " as a national appellation by the Gaels of Caledonia and the Gauls of Gallia. Gal way, Donegal, Galloway, and Argyle are Gaelic districts." " Northern Argyle," says Robertson, " was that por- tion of the territories of the Oirir-Gael which reached from the northern boundaries of the modern county to the frontiers of the Gall-Gael," and in his map the district is marked as Oirir-Gael. Fourthly, Professor Bryce asserts that the Saxons were not in Scotland before the Celts. Chalmers says, " The Britons were the first, the Saxons were the Of the British Isles. 19 second people, whose descendants have finally pre- vailed over the posterity of the other two ; and the Irish-Scots were the third race." Professor Bryce will, I think, admit at any rate that there was no great difference in point of time. Fifthly, I stated that Sutherland was so named by the Scandinavians. On the contrary^ says Mr. Bryce, " in Sutherland there is very little Scandinavian blood." In support of my assertion I may again quote Isaac Taylor, who says — " It may seem strange that the extreme north-western corner of Great Britain should be called Sutherland. No inhabitant of Scotland could have bestowed so inappropriate a name. The name of Sutherland was evidently given by a people living still further to the north. Here, as well as in Caithness, we find numerous Norwegian names." In the map he gives, the straths and glens of Sutherland are coloured as Norwegian. The Scandinavians, says Burton, " spread over the northern mainland, occupying large tracts in Caith- ness and Sutherland." Caithness and Sutherland, says Skene, " became more Norwegian than Scotch," and again, " in 989 Sigurd was in possession of the four provinces of Moray, Ross, Sudrland or Suther- D2 20 The Nationalities and Races land, and Dali." The descendants of the Scandinavians, says Chalmers, " may still be distinguished within Caithness and Sutherland, as a distinct race of Gothic people, from the Saxon inhabitants of the more southern districts." His other two points are of minor interest, but if space permitted I should have been prepared to support my statements by ample evidence. I think, however, that I have said enough to vindicate myself from the charge of inaccuracy, which my friend must forgive me for saying he has too hastily brought against me. It is very satisfactory to find that Mr, Bryce does not attempt to maintain that any argument in favour of Home Rule can be based on difference of race. In truth, Celts, Anglo-Saxons, and Scandinavians people in no very different proportions, and with no fixed or clear boundaries, England and Scotland and Ireland alike. One word in conclusion. Race, says Mr. Bryce, " is only one of several elements which go to create a nationality." History, he adds, " may slowly fuse " various races into a cohesive whole." Is this, then, now his argument ? Has history done so in the case of Ireland ? Does he really maintain that Ulster is Of the British Isles. 2 1 fused into a cohesive whole with the rest of the island ? If not, then surely the second argument is as untenable as the first. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, JOHN LUBBOCK. House of Commons, March 21. [" Times" Supplement, March 25, 1887.J To THE. Editor of the "Times." Sir, — -In the concluding paragraph of the letter from Mr. J. Bryce, which appears in your columns of this day, he points to Scotland as a country cherishing a distinct national feeling of its own in conjunction with loyalty and attachment to a greater nationality, and he looks forward to the growth of a similar state of sentiment in Ireland. It may, therefore, be worth while to remind Mr. Bryce that his satisfaction with the present condition of national feeling in Scotland is not shared by his political confederate, Mr. Parnell, and that the ideal contemplated by the Irish Nationalist 22 The Nationalities and Races leader would seem to be a very different one. " Scot- land" (said Mr. Parnell on September i, 1885, in response to the toast of " Ireland a Nation " at a banquet in the Dublin Mansion-house) "has lost her nationality, and has practically become merged in England ; but Ireland has never done this. And she never will." Now, Sir, I am one of those who " entirely trust " Mr. Parnell, in Mr. Bright's sense, and I took note of his sneer at Scotland for its perfect consistency with aspirations for the severance of the last link which binds Ireland to Great Britain. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, March 2\. M.P. [" Times" Supplement, March 25, 1887.] To THE Editor of the '* Times." Sir, — Sir John Lubbock will, I hope, permit me to say that he awards to himself an easy victory over an imaginary foe. I know of no person of any authority who has ever argued for "separate Of the British Isles. 23 Legislatufes for England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales on the basis of the existence of four distinct races occupying these four geographical regions." The idea is fantastic. What my letter of last Monday did was to point out that Sir J. Lubbock had mistaken the point of Mr. Gladstone's remark by hastily assuming that " race " and " nationality " are synony- mous. They are entirely different. You may have different nationalities of a race practically the same. You may have a nationality composed of several races. So far therefore from admitting Sir J. Lubbock's contention, I have shown that his contention is based on a misconception, and does not touch Mr. Gladstone's real argument As his second letter does not touch it either, it need not be repeated by me. With regard to the minor historical points of both his letters, I frankly admit that statements in support of which respectable, even if old-fashioned, authorities can be cited ought not to be called " inaccuracies," and I willingly withdraw any expression which can cause annoyance to a friend who, even in controversy, is fair and courteous. These points, as your article observes, are of no consequence to the present discussion, because I agree with him that the population of Scotland is composed of diverse elements, and have 24 The Nationalities and Races stated the fact more broadly than he did. But I must repeat my dissent from his details. As regards one of them, he mistakes my contradiction. Everybody knows that the name of Sutherland is, like Caithness, a name given by the Norsemen, but that proves nothing as to the population, which is overwhelmingly Celtic. London and Dover are Celtic names, but what does that prove as to their population } He practically admits my correction as to the Bruces ; and the writers he refers to on the other points are not, except Mr. Skene, such as modern students will deem weighty. Alex. Chalmers was a good antiquary for his time, but the very quotation Sir J. Lubbock makes from him about Britons and Saxons indicates, to those who have followed recent discussions, how much has been done since his day to clear up the ethnology of early Britain. But I must not occupy your space with inquiries and citations of counter-authorities fitter for the Historical Review than for the columns of a daily journal ; and I leave the subject by reiterating (what, indeed, your article has said) that questions relating to the original elements of the population of our islands shed so little light upon our present problem that to drag them into it is to make confusion worse confounded. We might as well inquire whether Lord Of the British Isles. 25 Edward Fitzgerald, Archibald Hamilton Rowan, and Mr. Parnell himself ought to be reckoned Nationalists, seeing that their families came from Great Britain. But at the end of his letter Sir J. Lubbock starts a new hare. He seems to attribute to me an opinion regarding Ireland which I have never held nor expressed, and which is no part either of Mr. Gladstone's argument or of my own. I have never said, no English Home Ruler known to me has said, that Ireland is at present a cohesive whole. What we do say, and what the history of the last no years amply proves, is that there exists a passionate feeling of nationality among the great bulk of the Irish people, a feeling which has resisted all the attempts of England to ignore or to extinguish it. It was just as strong among the Protestant patriots of 1782 and the Protestant insurgents of Ulster in 1 798 as it is among the Nationalists of 1887. It is not a matter of race or religion only, for it is now shared by many Protestants and many descendants of Englishmen and Scotchmen. We hold that it is the unwise policy of England that has forced this feeling into antagonism to what the Irish masses call "the English Government." Had Scotland been dealt with as Ireland has been, the 26 The Nationalities and Races national sentiment of Scotland might have been driven into the same hostility. Had the Scottish policy of James II. been continued by William and Anne and the Georges, had the Union of 1 707 been carried as a part of that policy, would Scotland have been any more loyal to the Act of 1707 than Ireland has been to the Act of 1800 ? If Ireland had received, even after 1800, the same treatment which Scotland has generally received since 1689, O'Connell would never have raised the standard of repeal. I well remember Mr. Parnell's speech in 1885, to which your anonymous correspondent "M.P."(who might with advantage imitate Sir J. Lubbock's courtesy) refers. I remember the amused astonishment with which Scotchmen received it. Scotland has not parted with her nationality or become merged in England. By her acceptance of the wider nationality of the United Kingdom and of the English-speaking race throughout the world, she has not lost her proper national feeling, her attachment to her own law, to her own form of Christianity, to her own historic memories and institutions. She does not honour William Wallace and John Knox the less because she can now also claim a share in Simon of Montfort and John Hampden. Satisfied in the main with her own Of the British Isles. 27 government, which is administered by persons whom she trusts, and with her own laws, which are generally conformable to her wishes (though she complains that the Imperial Parliament gives her far too little of its time), she does not ask for, because she does not need, the same changes in her relation to England as the vast majority of the Irish people now demand for themselves. Irish history has been so different from Scottish, that it woulc^ be strange indeed if the same measures of reform were required for both the countries. When, therefore, we are reminded of the contrast between the attitude of Scotland and that of Ireland our answer is twofold. Scotland is contented because she has received justice and equality, because she has practically been allowed to manage her own affairs. Why should not justice, equality, and the sensc^of, responsibility bear their appropriate fruits in Ireland also } Scotland, which so late as 1745 was a divided country, and whose national feeling was once bitterly hostile to England, is now a united country, and cherishes a local patriotism which strengthens instead of clashing with her Imperial patriotism. Why should not the same come to pass in Ireland also when the E 2 28 The Nationalities and Races springs of discontent and resentment have been dried up by a wise and generous policy ? Your faithful servant, March 25. J, BRYCE. [" Times" March 28, 1887.] To THE Editor of the "Times." Sir, — Mr. Bryce, in his reply to Sir John Lubbock, speaks in a somewhat ex cathedrA manner of Sir John's " minor inaccuracies," which he proceeds to point out. These so-called inaccuracies are all, however, either simple facts, or statements of opinion, based on authority, on matters not susceptible of complete prci/. Thus it is true that the Saxons were in Scotland a little before the Scots, i.e., that the Northumbrians occupied the. country about the Lower Tweed before the Dalriadic Scots effected a permanent settlement in Argyle. Celtic philol6gists seldom agree about etymologies ; but that which Sir John Lubbock gives for the word " Argyk," though not the only one in the field, is the one generally accepted. The names Of the British Isles. 29 Cambrun and Camburn occur in the Ragman Roll, and their owners were probably the ancestors of the Lowland Camerons, if not of the chiefs of the Highland clan. Sir John did not, as I read him, positively assert that there was very much Scandinavian blood in Sutherland ; but he might have done so with safety : the people of Western Sutherland exhibit unmistakable signs of Scandinavianism in their physique as well as in clan and place-names. The Kennedys were derived by Nisbet from Ireland ; and the Munroes have a tradition that they came from Ulster. That the Bruces were directly or indirectly of Norwegian origin we are all agreed, and it makes in Sir John's favour ; while the pedigree of Sir William Wallace, as given by the author of " The Norman People," brings his family to Scotland from the borders of Shropshire. Yours, &c., Clifton, March 23. JOHN BEDDOE. [" Times," March , 1887.J To THE Editor of the "Times." Sir, — Sir John Lubbock is unquestionably right when he asserts the identity of the people of Ireland 30 The Nationalities and Races and the people of Great Britain, as regards their common origin in a mixture of the same races. There is absolutely no distinction between them in this respect. We are all mongrels, and not only are we all equally mongrels, but we are the result of the intermixture of precisely the same breeds all over the United Kingdom. In examining lately the earliest history of Scotland, I have been much struck by the comparative lateness of the period down to which the constituent races were still so separate as to be separately named and enumerated in the language of authority. During the two centuries and more which elapsed between the Norman conquest of England and the war of Scottish independence, there were in Scotland four, if not five, "well-marked nationalities." They were sometimes separately addressed in Royal proclamations and in other public documents as Scots, Angles, French (Normans), and Galwegians. Of these, two were Celtic of different branches, the Scots and Galwegians, and two were Teutonic, while a fifth element of great power, the Scandinavian, was predominant in the north and west. It was the work — the glorious and civilising work — of our best kings to effect the welding and amalgamation of these separate nationalities into one. It is now the barbarous work of the Parnellite Of the British Isles. 31 Liberals to undo the work of union all over the three kingdoms, and to sunder the "goodly fellowship" which had been established by greater men and in happier times. Why is it that no Englishman thinks or speaks with reluctance of the Conquest ? It is because he is conscious of that ancient union which makes him a representative both of those who con- quered and of those, who were subdued. Sir John Lubbock does good service when he reminds all Irish- men that they are in precisely the same position. It is true that the processes of amalgamation in Ireland were less happy, but, so far as the mixture and inheritance of common blood are concerned, those processes were not less complete. The proudest names in the history of Ireland are names representing a perfect union of the races. Not a few of the most devoted adherents of each and of all the political parties into which Ireland has been unhappily divided have borne indifferently names of Celtic and of Nor- man origin, and at the present moment many of those whom the Parnellite faction desire to expropriate and banish from Ireland are, and have been for 700 years, " more Irish than the Irish." The language of party leaders who dare to speak of these men as unpatriotic because they refuse to sacrifice the Union at the 32 The Nationalities and Races bidding of faction, is thoroughly characteristic of the unscrupulous and fanatical spirit in which the whole movement is conducted. But, besides the absence of any dividing line between us and the Irish people in respect to race, there is also a complete absence of any historical separation between them in respect to those other elements which sometimes contribute to establish the national distinctions. There may be real separate nationalities among people of the same race. Widely separated geographical positions, distinct, definite, and continuous growths of law and government, may estab- lisli, and may even of necessity constitute, such separate nationalities. Can this be truly said of Ireland as distinguished from Great Britain ? Let us hear the voice of an Irish historian — animated with almost a fierce spirit of antagonism to those he calls "the English" — Mr. Prendergast, author of the "Crom- wellian Settlement of Ireland." In condemning the language, born of local and temporary contests, which used to designate insurgent septs as the " Irish enemy," Mr. Prendergast uses these remarkable words : — " Now, the ' Irish enemy ' was no nation in the modern sense of the word, but a race divided into many nations or tribes. Of the British Isles. 33 separately defending tiieir lands from the English barons in their immediate neighbourhood. There has been no ancient national government displaced — no national dynasty overthrown ; the Irish had no national flag, nor any capital city as the metropolis of their common country, nor any common administration of law ; nor did they ever give a combined opposition to the English. The English, coming in the name of the Pope, with the aid of the Irish Bishops, and with a superior national organisation, which the Irish easily recognised, were accepted by the Irish. Neither King Henry II. nor King John ever fought a battle in Ireland." Again, a few pages further on, the same author says : — " The Irish gave no national resistance to the English ; they had no dynasty to set up; no common government to restore ; no national capital to recover." (Pages 28 and 30.) These statements, remarkable in themselves, and still more remarkable coming from such a source, are not only strictly true, but they are far within the truth — by which I mean that they do not nearly exhaust the facts which establish the same conclusions. The " superior national organisation," which the Irish " easily recognised," consisted in a system of law and of jurisprudence, and it was the great sin and blunder of the English for a long time that they excluded the native Irish from its benefits, which they were anxious to secure and to enjoy. It can be shown beyond question that most of the miseries of the Irish people 34 The Nationalities and Races have arisen from the long survival of some ancient native usages and habits, and from the grudging and reluctant application to the Irish of that higher organ- isation to which they ought to have been admitted universally and at once. Complete union and amal- gamation on perfectly equal terms with the noblest Empire in the world was the natural issue and the right consummation of all the facts. This is what Mr. Pitt intended to offer. This is what we should endeavour to complete ; and it is this which we need never be ashamed to defend. March 26. ARGYLL. [" Times" March 31, 1887.] To THE Editor of the "Times." Sir, — There was unquestionably a very widely entertained idea that, when the existence of " real nationalities " was adduced as an argument in favour of Home Rule, it was implied that there were different races of men in England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales respectively. If indeed the argument does not mean this, it seems to have very little meaning at all, and my first letter has effected, its object in clearing up this point. Of the British Isles. 35 Professor Bryce sneers at the authorities I cited. I will only say that, writing in the library of the House of Comnions, I quoted the writers selected by our worthy librarian, who would, no doubt, be prepared to defend them if necessary. As a Unionist, I have read the latter part of Pro- fessor Bryce's letter with both surprise and pleasure. He says that Scotland, which " so late as 1 745 was a divided country, and whose national feeling was once bitterly hostile to England, is now a united country, and cherishes a local patriotism which strengthens instead of clashing with her Imperial patriotism. Why should not the same come to pass in Ireland also, when the springs of discontent and resentment have been dried up by a wise and generous policy?" Why not, indeed? But, Sir, we did not then yield to this " bitterly hostile" feeling in Scotland ; we did not constitute separate Legislatures in 1 745 ; our forefathers maintained the union with Scotland then, as, if we are true to ourselves, we shall maintain the union with Ireland now. From economic causes Ireland has suffered much in recent years, but we hope that better times may now be in store for her; and, as England and Scotland have " accepted the wider nationality of the United King- dom," so I ask, in the words of Professor Bryce him- F 3 36 The Nationalities and Races self, "why should not the same come to pass ia Ireland also, when the springs of discontent and resentment haV'e been dried up by a wise and generous policy ? " I am, Sir, your obedient servant, JOHN LUBBOCK. House of Commons, March 28. [" Times," March 31, 1887.] To THE Editor of the " Times." SiR,-^Sir John Lubbock's third letter requires only a very few words in reply. As he cites no passage in which Mr. Gladstone or any other Liberal has maintained the strange notion against which his first fetter was directed, it may, I think, be assumed that he withdraws the charge it contained, and that he admits that race and nationality are different things. The reason he gives for not citing weightier authorities needs no comment. If I understand aright his reference to Scotland, it rests on a miscon- ception of the events of 1745. His argument seems to assume that the rebellion of that year was an effort of the Scottish nation to shake off the union widi England. It was nothing of the kind. It was Of the British Isles. 37 essentially a rebellion of Highland chiefs with some Lowland Jacobites, nearly all Episcopalians. As Sir Walter Scott says, " by far the greater part of Scot- land was attached to the House of Hanover and to the principles which placed them on the throne." Neither at nor after 1745 did England refuse any deittaind of the Scottish people for an alteration in the relations of the countries, for no such demand was made^ It is pleasant to find, at the end of this controversy, that Sir J. Lubbock does not deny that the difference between the attitude of Scotland and of Ireland may be attributed t0 the different way in which the two countries and their respective national feelings have been dealt with, and that he joins in the hope I have ventured to express as to the I'esults of a wise and generous, policy towards Ireland. One cannot but hope further that he and others equally fair-minded will join in opposing a measure in which few signs of generosity can be discerned, and in demanding other measures more likely to implant in the Irish people that attachment to the United Kingdom which Scot- land, displays. I am your faithful servant, House of Commons, March 31. J. BRYCE. l^'Times" April 2, 1887.] 38 The Nationalities and Races To THE Editor of the "Times." Sir, — Will you allow me space once more for a few words, in reply to Professor Bryce. In the first place, I see no reason to retract anything I have said ; and, secondly, I did not give a " reason for not citing weightier authorities." On the con- trary, I gave my reason for considering that the authorities were weighty. But, what is of more importance. Professor Bryce says that I do " not deny that the differences between the attitude of Scotland and of Ireland may be attributed to the different way in which the two countries and their national feelings have been dealt with." If Professor Bryce means that this is the main cause, I must entirely demur. I have admitted nothing of the kind. My contention, on the contrary, has alwayis been that the discontent in Ireland is mainly due to the sufferings which the people have undergone from the partial failure of the potato, the fall in agricultural prices, and other economical causes. " Before the Irish famine," says Sir Lyon Playfair, " the average Of the British Isles. 39 produce of potatoes in Ireland was between six and seven tons per acre, but it then fell to three and a quarter tons per acre, or to less than one-half; and in other crops the same melancholy reduction of produce has occurred." Under these circumstances, her population, ^yhich had risen between 1800 and 1840 from 5,000,000 to over 8,000,000, has dwindled, from circumstances over which we had no control, down again to about 5,000,000. This implies great misery, and if we sometimes think our Irish fellow- countrymen unjust and unreasonable, we must remember how terribly they have suffered, and that under such circumstances no Government could be popular. We may, however, I think, fairly hope that the present population is one which the country can main- tain in reasonable comfort, and that with happier times a happier feeling will arise. It is, moreover, I believe, the opinion of the vast majority of men of business that Ireland has a better chance of material prosperity if the Union is maintained intact than if it be in any way weakened ; and I do not think that under such circumstances we should be justified in giving way to the present desire for a separate Parlia- ment, more especially as it is strenuously opposed 40 The Nationalities and Races by so large and intelligent a minority in Ireland itself. I am your obedient servant, JOHN LUBBOCK. 33, Belgravk Square, S.W., April 7. [" Times" April 9, 1887.] To THE Editor of the " Times." Sir, — Let us accept Mr. Bryce's idea of nationalities. According to him they are independent of race, language, &c., and are based, in short, on the mere sentiment of national union. No one such sentiment imbues all Ireland. If we admit the existence there of one, which is anti- British, disloyal, separatist, we cannot shut our eyes to that of another, which is loyal and Imperialistic, dominating, it may be, a minority of the population, but a larger part of the intellect, energy, and wealth of the country. And it is this second nationality which Mr. Bryce and his friends would induce us to abandon in the faint hope of conciliating the first. Yours obediently, Clifton, April 3. JOHN BEDDOE. ['* Times" April 9, 1887.] Of the British Isles, 41 To Sir John Lubbock. My dear Lubbock, — I have read your Iptter with ilnterest, and, as against Bryce, I certainly concur with you. At the same time I think both you and the Duke of Argyll tend to. minimise the Celtic predominance in certain districts. Whether the Saxons were in Caledonia before the Scots or not, the Scots were only a section of the Goidhelic Celts, who certainly occupied Scotland before the arrival of the Teutons. We Maxwells trace our descent from Maccus, a Manx pirate, probably a Norseman; one of the eight sub-kings who are said to have rowed King Edgar on the Dee. He appears on a grant by King Edgar to the monastery of Glastonbury, on which he describes hitp3elf as " Arch-pirate." The signatures are in the following order: — Ego + Edgar rex tocius Britannise, " " Eggifa ejusdem regis mater, „ „ E;4wa^rd (his son), ,, ,, Kynadius rex Albaniae, ,, ,, Mascusius Archipirata, „ „ Dwnstanus Dorobernensis Eccl. Arohi- episcopus, ,, „ Oswald Ebo^acensis E^ccl. primus, 42 The Nationalities and Races and so on. The appearance of the Arch-pirate between the King and the Archbishop is vety curious ! The present form of our name is territorial, derived from Maccus well, a pool in the Tweed, now called Maxwheel. Yours truly, HERBERT EUSTACE MAXWELL. House of Commons, il/'anr/^ 31, 1887. My dear Lubbock, — I am glad to have had the opportunity of perusing, as a whole, the correspondence in which you have been (engaged respecting the nationalities included within the, as yet. United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. It particularly interests me to observe that the plea for dealing with the inhabitants of Ireland on political and moral principles inconsistent with those which are accepted in Scotland and England, on the ground of a supposed difference of race; ap;^ears to be abandoned. I remember when it was in high favour. The desire to possess yourself of your neighbour's land was admitted to be a breach of the tenth commandment in Great Britain ; but in Ireland' such craving was " earth-hunger "-^a sort of natural and commendable Of the British Isles. 43 appetite innat^ in the " Celt," and confounded ^ith dishonesty only by the gross and unpoetic nature of the Saxon, ^ So long ago as 1870, I brought a great storm upon my head by a lecture on the " Forefathers and Forerunners of the English People," in which I vent,yred to point out^tliat, evenif we make the serious and questionable admission that the principles- of morality and polity are different for Celtic from what they are for Teutonic races, that wonderful doctrine can have no more applipation in any one of. the three kingdoms, than in another, \\ , ■ • ..■".,-• For, as you have well urged, we have as good evidence as can possibly be attained on such questions, that the same ejemei^ts have ^efitered into the composition of the population in ; England, Scotland, and Irelan4;,and,,that the ethnic differences between the three-, lie simply in the general and local proportiq^s of these elements in each region. I assertet^,, in 1870, that the population of Cornwall and Devon has as much claim to the title of "Celtic" as that of Tipperary. The statement was hotly repudiated on both the English and the Irish sides ; but, in my judgment, its accuracy remains unaffected. I believe I should; be justified in extending it to a G 2 44 The Nationalities and \kaces very much larger area— certainly to north-west England and south-west Scotland. It really is a great comfort to find that scientific truth mcikes its way, however slowly ; and that when a statesman speaks of the existence of four " real nationalities " in these islands, he doeis not mean to revive the exploded fallacies iiboiit Celt and Teuton which were durrent and did endless mischief a score of years ago. And it must be an equally great comfort to those who accept this loose talk about " four nationalities "that they have got out of the grip of Science, and can avail themselves of the popular connotation of a phraseology Which is not susceptible of clear definition. Undoubtedly there are fbur gedgraphical regions, England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, and the people who live in them cafl themselves and are called by others the English, Scotch, Welsh, and Irish nations. It is also true that the inhabitants of the Isle of Man call themselves Manxmen, and are jiist as proud of their nationality as ahy other " nationalities." I am not sure that the Orcadians would be quite content to mdrge themselves altogether in the Scottish nationality.^ And there iS,' at any rate, one Hebridean isle whose pastor used to pray for " the people of the Of the British Isles. 45 adjacent island of Great Britain," and who, therefore, would seem to have considered his own people a distinct " nationality." We may admit the existence of all these nationalities or groups of people, more or less individualised by geographical or historical circumstances ; and, indeed, the list might be plausibly extended. But if we mean no more than this by " nationality," the term has no practical significance. If we dp mean more, then we must ascribe to such nationalities either ethnological or historical individuality. The Irish " nationality " is no more an ethnological individuality than the English or the Scotch ; and as to historical individuality, Ireland has, unhappily, been a house divided against itself, from the earliest ages to the present day. When the inhabitants of Ireland constitute a "nationality" in the sense that the term applies to those of England, Scotland, and Wales, it will be possible to speak of the " four nationalities " of our common country, without deluding ourselves and others. I am yours very faithfully, T. H. HUXLEY. May 2, 1887. gyfla: THE SCIR OR PAGUS OF THE IVEL VALLEY, SOMERSET. BY THOMAS KERSLAKE. AVERY early catalogue of above thirty Anglo- Saxon settlements in the southern half of this island has long engaged the attention of our political antiquaries. It consists entirely of Teutonic names, or of names which had already fallen into Teutonic forms or usage ; but it shares with the earlier Celtic list of British cities, usually printed with Nennius, in* that, whilst the majority of the names in both are the merest riddles as to what places are meant, a small number in each can be fairly guessed, and a few can be positiv;ely recognised. This Anglo-Saxon list has been several times printed, from more or less corrupted copies; by Sir Henry Spelman in his " Glossarium"*; in Gale and Fell's "Scriptores"t; and by Mr. KemblaJ But a muchjearlier and. evidently a more accurate copy * Voc. Hida. t Vol. in. p. 743.' X "Saxons in England," i. 81. 48 The Nationalities and Races was lately discovered by Mr. W. De Gray Birch, and printed in his " Cartularium Saxonicum "* ; also supplemented by an exposition, ^attempting to localise the names, in the Journal of the British Archaeological Association.t Mr. Birch attributes the writing of this copy to the tenth or eleventh century, but justly considers it to represent a document of an earlier date, and we shair presently see an additional reason to consider it to have been derived from a record of the early part of the eighth century, by an example of what must have been the condition at that time of one of the territories mentioned, to qualify it for a place in such a contemporary catalogue. Among the names in this Teutonic list is one which can not only be recognised with certainty, but of which, I believe, I am able to fairly indicate the extent of the district intended. This is " Gifla," numbered 15 by Mr. Birch. Spelman prints it " Eyfla." Gatle and Fell print "Cifla," but suggest '' Gyfla," but they all confess 110 knowledge of the place meant. Mr. Kemble prints " Eysla," but three other manuscripts printed by Mr. Birch read " Gyfla," which is no doubt the true reading. The name had already otherwise been well known * No. 297. t Vol. XL. p. 28. Of the British Isles. 49 as " Gifle," from that Gazetteer of old Wessex Topography, King Alfred's Will ; but this both Mr. Kemble and Mr. Thorp had perversely explained as " Gidley," and so the real rendering had been hitherto diverted and lost from general knowledge. Mr. Birch, however, comes nearer home when he suggests "Yeovil," but when he goes on to call it "the supposed Roman Station Velox," he seems rather to have meaiit the town of Ilchester or Ivelchester, and we shall see that it does mean a large pagus, or tract of country, in which both these places are situated. In either case, he appears to forget that this Teutonic list is not, like the older Celtic one, a list of cities or towns, but of districts. Sir H. Spelman calls them " regiunculae." Mr. Kemble includes the list in his chapter " The Gd or Scfr." This v/ord, " Ga," is probably one of Mr. Kemble's German importations. The only resting-place for this word in any English record is this very Saxon list ; on the ground that six of the names therein contained end with "ga." But there is no reason to value this as a significant annexed word at all, but simply an ordinary termination. Fifteen other of the names end in " na." All end in " a." So that all that is peculiar to the six that end in "ga" is that "g" happens to be the 50 The Nationalities and Races penultimate letter, which is "n" in fifteen other names, and other consonants in the rest. If, however, we had found the other word " Scir " in any title or rubric of this Anglo-Saxon list, we need not have been surprised ; for this word would have been at home in an English record. But, even with respect to this word, it has been contended that our word " shire " is distinctive of those English counties that had not been original territories or " regiunculse," afterwards constituents of larger territories or kingdoms, but that it indicates later divisions or shares of such larger territories that had been already established or consolidated. Long before our con stitution of shires, as an administrative sub-division of an already consolidated kingdom, there is reason to believe that " scirs " had a different and independent existence. Shearings off they may have been, but from the possessions of the invaded Celtic peoples : colonies, conquests, or encroachments; not always even hostile, though afterwards aggregated by the advance of the Anglo-Saxon aggressive central powers, incited by the imperial instinct. Hallamshire and Hexhamshire are among many examples of the survival in local usage of the names of some territorial arrangements older than our divisions of a greater Of the British Isles. 51 centralisation into our shires. Another example is the name " Triconscir " in King Alfred's will. In the most authentic printed books this has always been interpreted as meaning "Cornwall" at large, but it only means that part or " scir " of Cornwall which had been inherited by Alfred, and of which the name still remains, in a reduced form, in the name of the two hundreds of "Trigg." It is remarkable that this is the very part of Cornwall which had long been exceptionally English, having, as I have elsewhere shown,* been already sheared off from Celtic Damnonia by ^thelbald of Mercia, a.d. 743 : and this perhaps accounts for Alfred's possession of it, by heritage under his West-Saxon absorption of the territories and royalties of Mercia. If, indeed, the circumstances of this Cornish "Triconscir," or " Trigg," should be looked at a little nearer, it is thought that it will offer a strong confirmation of the above suggestion, that "scir" originally signified a shearing off or annexation of territory from that of our Celtic forefathers, by those of the Teutonic or sinister field of our pedigree. Although Triconscir has survived to us in the name of * "Vestiges of the Supremacy of Merda," 1879, 15-19 (Bristol and Glouc. Trans., vol. in., pp. 119, &c.). H2 52 The Nutionalities mid Races Trigg", it did not so survive as the name of the two hundreds as it has since become. The name, no doubt, continued to live in the ecclesiastical division of the deaneries of Trigg Minor and Major, which still retained the name as " 'Yr\^x'\sschir" a.d. i 291-2.* These two deaneries occupy the whole of the north- eastern angle of Cornwall, with the coast of the Severn Sea all the way to the obvious western natural frontier of the estuary of the Camel. These eccle- siastical divisions, still called Trigg, extend over the three present civil hundreds, of Trigg, Lesnewth, and Stratton. But these three civil hundreds, although they were already divided, a.d. i 402-3, t must have had a later, or at least a separate and independent cause. So much for Triconscir and its descent to our time. But this district is very exactly continued to the south coast in two other deaneries, which are also hundreds,^ now known by the naked names of " East " and " West." But these two names are only the outlying prefixes of the ancient names of these two deaneries : "EstweWwre" and " Westwelk//2V'," J of which a second manuscript readsy " Estwewel«>«« March 25 „ 21 Beddoe (Dr. John) — ^Letter to the Times, March „ 28 ■ April 9 „ 40 The Duke qf Argyll — letter to the Times March 31 „ 29 Maxwell (Herbert E.)"-Letter to Sir John Lubbock March 31 „ 41 Huxley (Professor) — Letter to Sir John Lubbock ... ... May 2 „ 42 Place and River Names in England: Kerslake (Thomas) — Gyfla, the Scir of the Ivel Valley 47 — ^>v.^^. . ..,.. letter to Mr. Quafifcchj Match 24, 1887 ,.. ,,. ,.. 62 — The Name "Oxford," Academy, April 2, April 9, 1887 65, 75 Hall (A.) — Letters to the Academy, April 2, April 9, 1887 ' 68, 73 Abrahall (J. Hoskyns) — Letter to the Academy, April 2, 1887 69 Quaritch (Bernard) — Letter to Mr. Kerslake, March 23. 1887 61 Sibree (E.) — Letter to the ^ca(/«»2j', April 9, 1887 ... 77 Stevenson (W. H.) — Letter to the Academy, April 2, 1887 70 ■ _ „ . „- . . , ..— ^ — " - — ■ ' April 33 „ 78 QUARITCH'S REPRINTS. I, — ^Vespucci (Amerigo) Lettera delle Isole nova- mente trovate, sm, 4to. Florence, 1505, facsimile reprint, price £t,. Jj. the same, translated, with notes, sm. 4ta, £2. I2s. 6d. II. — Lace Book : Studio delle Virtuose Dame, dissegn. da Parasole, Roma, 1 597, v oblong 4to., facsimile reprint, 21s, III. — Lace Book-. La Gloria et I'Honore de Ponti tagliati, M. Pagan, Venetia, 1558, sm. ^^o., facsimile reprint, 2ls. IV. — Falconry : Perfect Booke for kepinge of Spar- HAWKES or G05HAWKES, written about 1575, now printed from the original MS., with Introduction and Glossary by J. E. Harting, i voL 4to., 1886, hf. bd., £1. IS. WVMAM AND SONS, rKINTBKS, GSBAT QUBBH STEST, LONDON, W.C