'LSrw GJorneU Uniucraity ffitbrarg THE GIFT OF A-mfcrican. As5otia"tioi^. £or l-n.terna"t'icmal Cotlc'i liau cm. DATE DUE Ag 1 3 '37 OEC 3 I M3 D 515S65° rne " Un,versity Ubrar y iiSi™teliiKi 1 ,' rom German 3 1924 027 830 276 The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027830276 International Conciliation Published monthly by the American Association for International Conciliation. Entered as second class matter at New York, N. Y., Postoffice, February 23, 1909, under act of July 16, 1894. THE DISCLOSURES FROM GERMANY I. The Lichnowsky Memorandum II. The Reply of Herr von Jagow JUNE, 1918 No. 127 AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION SUB-STATION 84 (4O7 WEST II7TH STREET) NEW YORK CITY It is the aim of the Association for International Con- ciliation to awaken interest and to seek cooperation in the movement to promote international good will. This movement depends for its ultimate success upon increased international understanding, appreciation, and sympathy. To this end, documents are printed and widely circulated, giving information as to the progress of the movement and as to matters connected therewith, in order that individual citizens, the news- paper press, and organizations of various kinds may have accurate information on these subjects readily available. The Association endeavors to avoid, as far as possible, contentious questions, and, in particular, questions re- lating to the domestic policy of any given nation. At- tention is to be fixed rather upon those underlying principles of international law, international conduct, and international organization, which must be agreed upon and enforced by all nations if peaceful civilization is to continue and to be advanced. A list of publica- tions will be found on pages 183, 184 and 185. to Subscription rate : twenty-five cents for one year, or one dollar for five years. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. The Lichnowsky Memorandum Introduction by Munroe Smith, Professor of Jurisprudence, Columbia University 5 German Text from the Berliner Borsen- Courier, No. 135, March 21, 1918 . . 24 Translation by Munroe Smith .... 25 II. The Reply of Herr von Jagow .... 130 III. Appendix: Personal and Historical Notes, by Munroe Smith and Henry F. Munro 146 227 INTRODUCTION The Lichnowskys are a family of Upper Bur- gundian origin, a branch of the house of Granson. They have held estates both in Austrian and in Prussian Silesia since the 17th century. In the Almanack de Gotha for 1849 they were described as "possessing" one town and forty-five villages with 21,620 inhabitant^. The title of prince was first conferred by the King of Prussia toward the close of the 1 8th century. Early in the 19th century the Lichnowskys became princes in Austria also. I Karl Maximilian, sixth Prince Lichnowsky, was born in i860. He served for a time in the Prussian army, in which he holds the rank of major, and then entered the diplomatic service. In 1885 he was attach- ed to the German embassy in London; later he held diplomatic positions in Constantinople, in Bucharest, and in Vienna. During the latter part of his residence at Vienna he was first secretary of the embassy. Transferred in 1899 to the Berlin Foreign Office, he served there, as he tells us in his memorandum, for several years (1899-1904). After eight years of retirement from the diplomatic service, he was sent to London in 1912 as German ambassador. As his memorandum shows, Prince Lichnowsky is in many respects a diplomat of the older school. He is not of that oldest school, described as men sent abroad to lie for their country's good, for he is obvi- [5] 228 ously a truthful man; nor is he of the Frederician school, cynically described by the Great Frederick himself as spies, for he is clearly an honorable gentle- man. He tells us, in fact, that he had no espionage fund. That fund was expended in England by other agents, with whom he had no relations. The Prince is old-school in his belief that the relations between states, and even the great issues of peace and of war, are mainly determined by the relations established between their diplomatic representatives and the persons who play leading r61es, in society as well as in politics, in the countries to which the represen- tatives are accredited. He is, on the other hand, a modern diplomat in his recognition of the importance of keeping in touch with the leading men in commerce, industry, and finance, and of influencing general opin- ion, at least so far as this can be done by public speeches reported in the daily press. In his general view of German foreign policy, Lichnowsky is distinctly of the Bismarckian school. He declares indeed that Bismarck made a mistake in allying Germany with Austria and with Italy; but, given the situation created by those alliances, the policy which Lichnowsky steadily advocated and still defends is that which Bismarck consistently fol- lowed in the later years of his chancellorship and insistently recommended, after his retirement from office, in public speeches, in the press and in his posthumous memoirs. Germany's duty to Austria- Hungary, according to Bismarck, was limited to de- fending the integrity of the Dual Empire. Germany had not undertaken and should not undertake to support Austrian schemes of expansion in the Near East, for Germany had no interests in the Balkans. [6] 229 In all collisions of interests and of ambitions between Austria and Italy, Germany's r&le was that of the disinterested friend, and therefore of a possible umpire. Similarly, in all collisions of interests and ambitions between either of its allies and Russia, Germany was impartial. So only could Germany maintain its traditional friendship with Russia, which seemed to Bismarck, as to Lichnowsky, of the highest im- portance. Bismarckian again is Lichnowsky's conviction, clearly implied although not definitely stated, that the German Empire should have been satisfied with the position it held in Europe before the present war. He also believed, with Bismarck, that Germany's colonial expansion should be limited to such gains as could be secured without wa,r, particularly without conflict with Great Britain. His chief efforts, during his two years in London, were directed to this end, and were attended by a degree of success which he does not overstate. In his acceptance of these Bismarckian traditions, Lichnowsky was, at least from the point of view of Berlin, distinctly old-school. Ever since the retire- ment of Prince Bismarck there had been a growing conviction at Berlin that Germany had interests not only in the Balkans but also in Asia, and that these interests were to be realized by putting the whole force of the German Empire behind the wedge that Austria was driving into the Balkans and by acquir- ing for Germany a dominant influence in Constanti- nople and thus throughout the Turkish Empire. That this would mean war with Russia was fully understood, but such a war was not feared. The "Slav peril," so far as Germany was concerned, was [7] 230 a bugbear that might advantageously be employed in domestic politics, but it was not taken seriously by the German General Staff or by the German Foreign Office. In his belief that Germany should regard its posi- tion in Europe and in the wojrld as substantially satisfactory, Lichnowsky was again, from the point of view of Berlin, hopelessly old-school. He was not in touch with the Pan-German movement. He did not understand that Germany must obtain an abso- lutely dominant position in Europe, in order later to oust Great Britain from its leading position in the world. Given this complete antithesis between Lichnow- sky's antiquated views and the "new course" which the German imperial authorities had followed since 1890, the Prince may well wonder why, in 1912, he was exhumed from his Silesian estates and sent to London. Quite characteristically he seeks the explanation in his personal relations with the Emperor, the chancellor, and the foreign secretary; and quite frankly he tells us that he cannot find it there. An explanation, however, does not seem difficult. Pend- ing the outbreak of the long planned war for German hegemony on the continent, it was desirable that British suspicions of Germany's intentions should be quieted. When the war should come, it would be highly desirable that Great Britain should not inter- vene, at least not at the outset. British intervention, it was thought, would come more rapidly if Great Britain were already in a state of acute suspicion, less rapidly, and probably too late to be of value to France or to Russia, if Great Britain were taken by surprise. For this reason it was obviously politic [8] 231 that Germany should be represented in London by an ambassador who was not aware of Germany's real purposes, who was peacefully minded and friendly to Great Britain, and whose efforts to concentrate British attention on colonial negotiations and a rap- prochement between the Triple Alliance and the Entente Powers might be successful precisely because they were sincere. It was to secure these advantages that the Prince was, as he complains, kept uninformed of the most important matters. In the meantime, as has been intimated both in France and in England by persons familiar with German diplomacy and its methods, the Berlin government had in Great Britain agents who were in sympathy with its real designs and who were kept fully informed of all relevant facts and events. These agents controlled the spy system and discharged all the obscure and devious duties which could not be entrusted to a diplomat of Lich- nowsky's rank, traditions, and character. It has been suggested that the representative of Germany's real policy was Herr von Kiihlmann, then chief coun- selor of the London embassy, and now (1918) imperial foreign secretary.* If this were the case, von Kiihl- mann was clever enough to play his part without exciting any suspicion in the mind of his chief; for Lichnowsky speaks of him always with the highest appreciation. II The chief value of Prince Lichnowsky's memo- randum lies in the fact that he rejects and helps to disprove every plea in justification of Germany's con- duct that has been advanced since the outbreak of the World War by Germany's official apologists. His * Journal des Dlbats, idilion hebdomadaire, March 29, 1918. [9] 232 testimony is of especial value in refuting the German assertion that, for a long period before the war, France, Russia, and Great Britain had been united in efforts to check German commercial expansion and to deny to Germany, a newcomer among the Great Powers, its just share in the exploitation of the world's undeveloped resources. By their intrigues Germany was hemmed in or, as the Germans put it, "encircled." In this conspiracy of encirclement Great Britain, as the nation most seriously menaced in its economic interests by German competition, was the arch-conspirator. For its selfish purposes it supported the French desire to recover Alsace-Lorraine and the Russian desire to gain access to the Mediterranean — desires described as French lust for revenge and Rus- sian lust for conquest. We see today that the encirclement theory was one of the most valued drugs in Berlin's political medicine closet. It was at once an anodyne, by which the German people were made to bear more quietly the growing burden of armaments, and a stimulant adapted to fire them with a sense of wrong and a conviction that by war alone could they obtain satis- faction. Germany's encirclement could also be repre- sented, and was represented, as a prelude to aggres- sive action by the encircling Powers. Failing to stifle German competition by diplomatic wiles, these Powers would sooner or later seek to crush Germany in war. Thus the German people were prepared to look upon a European war either as necessary, in order to gain a free field for their industry and trade, or as inevitable for the defense of the Fatherland. And, since these different notions were simultane- ously presented to them, and were not disassociated [10] 233 in their minds, the German people were adroitly prepared to regard an aggressive war, whenever it should please Berlin to start it, either as a "preventive" war — that is, a war to anticipate attack — or as a war of defense. When war should come, the encirclement plea could of course be used, as in fact it was used, to influence neutral opinion. The theory was primarily con- structed, however, for domestic use. Lichnowsky attacks the encirclement theory on two sides. He asserts, in the first place, and adduces new evidence to prove, that the rapprochement between Great Britain and France and, later, between Great Britain and Russia was no offensive conspiracy, but a defensive entente. The provocative policy pursued by Germany during the years preceding the World War had awakened general distrust of Germany's intentions. It was this distrust, more than anything else, that brought Great Britain into closer touch with France and with Russia. Germany was not isolated by the wiles of its neighbors; it isolated itself by its own conduct.* * In his preface to an edition of Prince Lichnowsky's memorandum printed in Zurich, the Swiss Professor Nippold puts this point very clearly and very neatly: "Public opinion is regarded in Germany as a thing that is made from above; and since the press and the people consciously or unconsciously accept this situation as a matter of course, it is precisely those views which are regarded as desirable by the powers that be that are dominant in Germany in all questions of foreign policy. Under these circumstances it was of course not difficult to divert the attention of the German public from the mistakes which its own statesmen had made in the last decades. This of course was most easily done by rolling off these mistakes upon others. Thus the self-e*circlement of Germany, for which German policy was responsible, was artfully converted into an encirclement (so wurde aus der Selbstauskreisnng Deutscklands die eine Schuld der deutschen Polilik war, kunstlich eine Einkreisung gemacht)." ["1 234 Lichnowsky shows, in the second place — and here his testimony is of the greatest value because of the- position he held in London during the two years immediately preceding the war — that English jealousy of Germany's commercial and industrial development had come to be outweighed, in the minds of English manufacturers and merchants, by their recognition that Germany had become England's best customer. He testifies that Sir Edward Grey's policy, supported by the English premier, did not aim to exclude Ger- many from competition in the world's markets or even to arrest Germany's colonial development. On the contrary, Grey was anxious to adjust all disputes between Great Britain and Germany in the field of world politics, as he had previously adjusted all such disputes between Great Britain and France and, later, between Great Britain and Russia. He was ready to accord to Germany spheres of economic influence and of eventual political control in those parts of the world in which the competition of the Great Powers was keenest. Not only was he willing to meet Germany half way, but he was even disposed to accord to Germany, notably as regards the Congo, opportunities and expectancies which, to the German ambassador's surprise, Berlin hesitated to grasp. The African and the Bagdad treaties which Lich- nowsky negotiated gave substantial advantages, as he points out, to German commerce, industry, and finance. They also gave the German Empire important colonial expectations. Why were these treaties not welcomed in Berlin? Why was the Bagdad treaty not concluded? Why was the African treaty accepted only after long delay, and only on the eve of war, when its ratifica- tion was no longer possible? Lichnowsky 's explana- [12] 235 tion, that his rivals in German governmental circles grudged l^jm successes so conspicuous, is equally characteristic and unconvincing. The chief point in controversy, he tells us, was (at least as regards the African treaty) that of pub- lication. Sir Edward Grey insisted that the treaty should be published; Berlin insisted that it should be kept secret. The most plausible argument for secrecy advanced by Berlin, namely, that the par- tition of the Portuguese colonies into spheres of influence and of pre-emption would so offend Por- tuguese feeling that German entrepreneurs would be unable to obtain concessions, is rightly characterized by Lichnowsky as a pretext. England, as he points out, held Portugal in the hollow of its hand. He might have added that, under the circumstances, any Portuguese resentment would probably direct itself primarily against Great Britain, and that, if Great Britain could take the risk, Germany surely could. Even more absurd (although von Jagow still endorses it) is the pretext that, if the German people had learned that Great Britain was conceding rights of pre-emption in the colonies of Portugal, there would have been an outcry against British "perfidy" which would have embarrassed the German government and (as von Jagow now suggests) would have vitiated the "good atmosphere" which the Berlin Foreign Office desired to create in Anglo-German relations. It is, however, not easy to believe that in the Germany of the 20th century there would have been a general ethical revolt against any British action that was advantageous to Germany. The probable explanation — the probable reason why Berlin was willing to ratify the treaty but unwilling [I3l 236 to publish it — was that its publication would have shaken, and might even have destroyed I0 the fiction of encirclement. If the German people had been permitted, in 1913 or in 1914, to read treaties by which Great Britain accorded to Germany the eco- nomic control of Mesopotamia and of important parts of Africa, the belief in Germany's encirclement which the German government had created, and which it needed for the coming war, would have been seriously undermined. Von Jagow's reply to Lichnowsky shows that the opposition on which the African and Bagdad treaties were wrecked was neither made nor supported in the Berlin Foreign Office. The Berlin foreign sec- retary also desired a rapprochement with Great Britain and favored the ratification of the Grey-Lichnowsky treaties. This leaves but one possible conclusion. The opposition was higher up, in the militarist- Junker entourage of the Emperor. That in these circles there could be little enthusiasm for arrange- ments which would primarily subserve the interests of German commerce is quite intelligible. For decades the Junkers had witnessed with growing distaste and apprehension the rapidly increasing wealth of the middle classes. This new wealth was lessening the relative power and the prestige of their own order. Least of all were they disposed to welcome arrange- ments which would further enrich German merchants, manufacturers, and bankers, if these arrangements tended to avert or even to postpone war; for it was to war they looked to re-establish their threatened prestige and to assure their dominant influence in Prussia and in the Empire. [14] 237 When Lichnowsky reviews the fateful events of July, 1914, he rejects with the same candor the con- struction which his government has given to these events and which the German people have, for the most part, blindly accepted. For the official German theory that Serbia had inflicted upon Austria's honor a stain that could be washed out only by blood, he substitutes the statement that Serbia had to be "massacred" because it stood in the way of Austria's ambitions. The official German statement that Russian mobili- zation was an act of war he dismisses with contempt. 'He does not attempt to disprove it, because it is a purely military theory that has never had the least recognition in the diplomatic world. He reminds us only that the Czar had pledged his word that no Russian soldier should march so long as negotiations continued.* Against the theory formally advanced by Chancel- lor von Bethmann-Hollweg in his speech of December 2, 1914, before the Reichstag, that Great Britain was responsible for the war because it assured France, and therefore Russia also, of unconditional support against Germany — a theory fully disproved by the documents — Lichnowsky insists upon Grey's earnest desire and persistent efforts to prevent the outbreak of a European war. He expresses his own conviction that Grey's proposed conference with the German, Italian, and French ambassadors in London, for the purpose of devising an adjustment of the issue raised * Telegram of the Czar to King George August 1, 1914: "I have given most categorical assurances to the Emperor William that my troops would not move so long as mediation negotiations continued." Collected Diplomatic Documents (London, 1915). part ix, no. 2, page 537- [15] 238 between Austria and Russia, would undoubtedly have averted the war, had Germany wished to avert it. To justify Germany's refusal to take part in such a' conference, von Jagow now argues that "Italy was Serbophil and, with its Balkan interests, stood rather opposed to Austria." Has Herr von Jagow forgotten that, when he first heard of the proposed conference, he told the French ambassador, Jules Cambon, that he was "disposed to join in," and that it was only when he was instructed, from above, that the con- ference would be "a court of arbitration," that he changed his attitude? If the conference were to have been a court, Germany might properly have chal- lenged Italy's participation on the ground now first suggested by von Jagow. In fact, however, it was not proposed that the conference should attempt to decide anything; it was simply to suggest a settle- ment; and Bethmann-Hollweg's deliberate miscon- struction of Grey's proposal was simply a link in the chain of lies with which Berlin dragged Europe into war. Von Jagow's record is so much better than that of his superiors that it is painful to find him still coun- tenancing a misrepresentation for which he was not primarily responsible. On the more important question of Great Britain's alleged responsibility for the war, von Jagow supports Lichnowsky's view. Britain did not contrive the war; "on the contrary," von Jagow writes, "I believe in Sir Edward Grey's love of peace and in his earnest wish to arrive at an agreement with us." ' Perhaps the most valuable feature of Lichnowsky's memorandum for the future historian, certainly its most interesting feature for us today, is his character- ization of Sir Edward Grey. After two years' close 1 16] 239 association, Lichnowsky was assuredly in a position to form a just estimate of the man as well as of the statesman. Not only is he thoroughly convinced of Grey's love of peace, he is also profoundly impressed by Grey's complete honesty and unmistakable sincerity. Seldom, if ever, in the history of the world has a diplomat of one nation paid such^a tribute to a colleague of another nation as Lichnowsky pays to Grey. Never has such a tribute been paid at a moment when the two nations concerned were locked in a desperate struggle. In the light of subsequent events, many Englishmen have found that Grey was too peaceful. They have criticized him for his readiness to make concessions to a rival power which, as we now see, was unlikely to be satisfied with any concessions, because its appetite was insatiable. Grey has also been criticized because in his negotiations with predatory Balkan principalities, after the outbreak of the war, he was too scrupulous to be successful. There remains, how- ever, to his credit one achievement that far out- weighs any errors or failures, an achievement that was due to his love of peace, his honesty, and his scrupulous honor. He carried Great Britain into the greatest of all its wars with spotlessly clean hands. Ill The value of such evidence as Prince Lichnowsky gives us depends of course not alone on the witness's knowledge of men and of events, but also on his per- sonal characteristics. It would be an exaggeration to describe the Prince as a subtle man or even as a very acute man. He is possessed, however, of good sound understanding. [17] 240 His description of the public men with whom he came in contact in England shows discernment. His anal- ysis of the relations between society and government in England, as England was before this war, is sub- stantially correct. His truthfulness is apparently beyond question; he is too much of a grand seigneur to say anything that he does not believe. His chief foible is that to which the grand seigneur is most liable, an exaggerated sense of his own impor- tance. It is because he is so self-centered that he is inclined to ascribe to the envy of rivals all opposition to his policies. This illusion finds an extreme expres- sion in his belief that one reason, at least, why the authorities in Berlin clung to a policy that must lead to war was their disinclination to give to him and to Grey the credit of keeping the peace. It is on this weakest point that the German press, taking its cue as always from the German govern- ment, dwells with especial insistence. It should be noted, however, that Lichnowsky's vanity appears to mislead him only in the explanation of facts. *It does not anywhere appear that it has led him to misstate the facts themselves. He is very proud of his African and Bagdad treaties, but his summary of their provisions is confirmed by other testimony. In general, so far as his assertions can be controlled by other evidence — and most of them can — that evi- dence is confirmatory. If we accept the statement which Lichnowsky made to the imperial chancellor, in his letter of March 15, 1918, that he wrote his memorandum "with regard to the future" and for the sake of "noting the details of my experiences and impressions before they van- [18] 241 ished from my memory" — that is, that he wrote for his family archives and for history — the trustworthi- ness of the document is enhanced. There is, appa- rently, no reason to doubt the sincerity of this state- ment. The Prince had, indeed, urgent motives to desire that the living world as well as the future his- torian should appreciate his diplomatic activity. Even a more modest and more judicious man might well have found it unendurable to be made, as Lich- nowsky was made from the moment Great Britain entered the war, the chief scapegoat for the disastrous results of a policy which he had consistently opposed. Even such a man would probably have defended himself with equal energy and frankness in private conversation with his friends. Such a man, however, would hardly- have put his defense into writing, much less have put several typewritten copies into circula- tion, as Lichnowsky did, while the war was still raging. A less self-centered and more judicious man would have seen clearly that a document of such interest, thus made current, could hardly be kept secret; and he would not have characterized as "unprecedented" the breach of confidence through which it became pub- lic. That Lichnowsky foresaw such an outcome and was not unwilling that his defense should be published, provided this happened without his sanction, is con- ceivable indeed but highly improbable. Such a hy- pothesis is improbable, not only because so underhand a way of attaining an object would have been repug- nant to a man of his rank and character, but also be- cause the inconveniences which even an unauthor- ized publication would draw upon the writer would have been fully realized. [19] 242 IV Lichnowsky's memorandum was written in the sum- mer of 1916. According to German statements which have reached neutral and allied countries, and which, in spite of minor variations, are in the main accordant, a copy of the memorandum was lent by Privy Coun- cillor Witting, a brother-in-law of Maximilian Harden, to Captain von Beerfelde, who was employed in the political section of the General Staff. Von Beerfelde is described as an idealist and a pacifist. A man who was neither might well desire, in the interest of Ger- many itself, an early conclusion of peace. Such a man might well have thought, as Captain von Beerfelde is said to have thought, that one great obstacle to peace was the conviction prevailing in Germany that Great Britain was responsible for the war, and might well have believed that the publication of Lichnowsky's memorandum would tend to remove this misconcep- tion and lessen the resulting hatred. Since the pub- lication of the memorandum a similar view has been expressed by Captain Persius, military expert of the Berlin Tageblatt, who is apparently neither an idealist nor a pacifist. Captain von Beerfelde, without the au- thorization of Prince Lichnowsky, had a number of copies made and sent them to some of his friends and acquaintances. Early in February, 1918, the New Fatherland Alliance (a society formed in the autumn of 1914, which is neither socialist nor pacifist but is opposed to autocracy and has protested eloquently against annexations) had 2,000 copies printed in South Germany and sent to Berlin, where they were seized by the police. Such a seizure, of course, is seldom com- plete : there are usually copies, or at least proof sheets, [20] 243 which the police do not find. About the middle of March, 1918, a portion of the memorandum appeared at Stockholm in Politiken, the leading organ of .the Swedish socialists. Publication of further instalments was temporarily arrested by the Swedish government; but on March 21, 1918, the complete text of the mem- orandum was published in the Berlin B or sen-Courier. After this, the German government ceased to oppose further publication in Germany. Efforts were still made, however, to prevent printed Copies from pass- ing the frontier, and not until May was any copy of the German text available in this country. Captain von Beerfelde was placed under arrest and, according to the Bernese Freie Zeitung, which usually is well informed, he has been confined in an insane asylum. No such measures have been taken against the author of the memorandum. At a meeting of the main committee of the Reichstag, on March 16, Vice-Chancellor von Payer read to the deputies Lich- nowsky's letter of explanation, already cited, and stated that as the Prince had been guilty of impru- dence only and had resigned his diplomatic rank, no further steps would be taken against him. Since that time many German writers have demanded that he be placed on trial and be sent either to prison or to a sanatorium; and a movement was started in the Prussian Upper House to expel him from member- ship in that body. The most vehement demands for Lichnowsky's punishment very naturally came from leading militarists and annexationists who knew that his statements were substantially true. The imperial and Prussian governments, however, evidently wish to leave the matter where von Payer left it. Under [21] 244 governmental suggestion the German press has almost unanimously treated the memorandum as unimportant. Not only is the Prince described as a discredited diplomat, but his narrative and his conclusions are alleged to be so colored by his extreme vanity as to be valueless. As far as the German people are concerned, this view seems to be generally accepted. Upon some intelligent German readers the memorandum has undoubtedly made a strong impression; but most of these were already fully aware that the official expla- nations of the causes of the war were false. The effect of the memorandum was doubtless sensibly lessened by the absorbing anxiety with which all Germans were following their great offensive movement on the west- ern front. This, it will be remembered, was started at the very moment when the memorandum began to circulate freely in Germany. In a Germany sobered by defeat, the Lichnowsky memorandum, with the Miihlon letters and many other pieces of evidence that demonstrate the guilt of Berlin, will doubtless attract increasing attention, and it may be anticipated that the truth will slowly filter into the German mind, as it seems already to be filtering into the minds of many Americans of German descent who have heretofore accepted the German official legends. In the social-political strug- gles that will follow the conclusion of peace, all this mass of evidence will be re-examined, if only because it will be valuable campaign material. Among the peoples of the allied countries and among neutrals the importance of the memorandum was promptly appreciated. Its revelations did not surprise them nor change their views, for they had [22] 245 long known the truth. Nearly all intelligent Americans had understood the events of July, 1914, before the end of that year, as soon as the evidence then accessible was laid before them. We and our allies, however, welcome every new piece of corroborative testimony, and we rightly attach the highest importance to evi- dence that comes from GermanyJtself. Especial value attaches, of course, to the testimony given by men of political standing, like Lichnowsky, or of prominence in the industrial world, like Miihlon. From a lawyer's point of view, perhaps the greatest importance is to be attached to the admissions of the chief witness called by the German government for its defense, its former foreign secretary, von Jagow. The German text that follows is that published in the Berlin B or sen- Courier, JNlarch 21, 1918, with no changes except corrections of typographical errors. Every such change is indicated. For control of the accuracy of the Berlin text, the editor has had at his disposal a text published in Germany in pamphlet form and reproduced in photographic facsimile in London, and a text published in Zurich, also in pam- phlet form. These three texts are identical, except for typographical errors. As no one of the errors occurs in all three texts, it has been easy, with the aid of an excellent French translation published in the Paris Journal des Debats, to establish in every case the cor- rect reading. The French translation, which is faith- ful as well as felicitous, is of value for this purpose, because it is based on a fourth German text, published in the Milnchner Post. Columbia University Munroe Smith June, iqi8 [23] 246 True translation filed with the Postmaster at New York, N. Y., on June 26, 1918, as required by the Act of October 6, 1917. MEINE LONDONER MISSION 1912-1914 Von FtJRST LlCHNOWSKY ehemaliger deutscher Botschafter in England 1 Meine Berufung Im September 1912 starb Baron Marschall, der nur wenige Monate auf dem Londoner Posten gewesen war. Seine Ernennung, die wohl hauptsachlich wegen seines Alters und der nach London gerichteten Wiinsche seines jungeren Beam ten erfolgte, gehorte 2 zu den vielen Missgriffen unserer Politik. Trotz eindrucksvoller Personlichkeit und grossem Ansehen zu alt und zu miide, um sich noch in die ihm vollig fremde angelsachsische Welt einzuleben, war er mehr Beamter und Jurist als Diplomat und Staats- mann. Er war sofort eifrig bestrebt, die Englander von der Harmlosigkeit unserer Flotte zu iiberzeugen, wodurch natiirlich nur der gegenteilige Eindruck erstarkte. Zu meiner grossen Uberraschung wurde mir im Oktober der Posten angeboten. Ich hatte mich nach mehrjahriger Tatigkeit als Personalreferent auf das Land zuriickgezogen, da auch ein geeigneter Posten nicht zu meiner Verftigung war, und die Zeit zwischen 1 Borsen-Courier heading reads: "Die Aufzeichnungen des Fursten Lichnowsky : Die vollstandige Denkschrif t." » B.-C. has "gehoren." [24] 247 MY LONDON MISSION 1912-1914 By Prince Lichnowsky Former German Ambassador in England My Nomination Baron Marschall, who had held his post in London for a few months only, died in September, 1912. His appointment, which was due, probably, mainly to his age and the desire of a younger subordinate to get to London, was one of the many mistakes made in our foreign policy. In spite of his impressive personality and great reputation, he was too old and too tired to adapt him- self to the Anglo-Saxon world, with which he was wholly unfamiliar. He was rather an official and lawyer than a diplomat and statesman. He made prompt and earnest efforts to convince the English of the harmless character of our fleet — efforts which naturally had no result except to strengthen the oppor site impression. To my great surprise the post was offered me in October. After several years' service in draughting despatches [in the Foreign Office], I had withdrawn to the country, as no suitable post had been found for me; and I spent my time between flax and beets, or on horseback in the fields, reading much also, and occasionally publishing political articles. [25] 248 Flachs und Ruben und auf Pferden und Wiesen ver- bracht, dabei auch manches gelesen und gelegentlich politische Aufsatze veroffentlicht. So waren acht Jahre vergangen und dreizehn, seitdem ich Wien als Gesandter verliess. Meine letzte politische Wirksamkeit war eigentlich dort gewesen, da man damals im Amte zu keiner Betatigung 3 ge- langen konnte, ohne nach den Weisungen eines Man- nes, der an Wahnvorstellungen litt, schrullenhafte Erlasse mit krausen Instruktionen zu verfassen. Auf wen eigentlich meine Berufung nach London zuriickzufuhren war, weiss ich nicht. Auf S. M. allein keinesfalls, denn ich gehorte nicht zu seinen Intimen, wenn er mir auch stets mit Wohlwollen begegnete. Aus Erfahrung weiss ich auch, dass seine Kandidaten meist mit Erfolg bekampf t werden. Herr von Kiderlen wollte eigentlich Herrn von Stumm nach London schicken! Er begegnete mir sofort mit unverkenn- barem Ubelwollen und suchte mich durch Unhoflich- keit einzuschiichtern. Herr von Bethmann Hollweg brachte mir damals freundschaftliche Gesinnungen entgegen und hatte mich kurz vorher in Gratz besucht. So glaube ich, dass man sich auf mich einigte, weil kein anderer Kandidat augenblicklich zur Verfugung stand. Ware nicht Baron Marschall unerwartet gestorben, so ware ich damals ebensowenig hervorge- hplt worden, wie in den vielen vergangenen Jahren. Marokkopolitik Der Augenblick war zweifellos giinstig fur einen neuen Versuch, um mit England auf besseren Fuss zu gelangen. Unsere ratselhafte Marokkopolitik hatte wiederholt das Vertrauen in unsere friedlichen Gesin- 'B.-C: "Bestatigung." [26] 249 Thus eight years passed — thirteen since I had left Vienna with the title of envoy. That was my last really political employment, for in the [Foreign] Office there was at that time no chance to do anything, unless one drew up crotchety orders with crabbed instruc- tions, in accordance with the directions of a man who was subject to insane delusions. 1 To whom my appointment in London was really due, I do not know. Certainly not to His Majesty alone, for I was not one of his intimate associates, although he always gave me a cordial reception. I know, too, by experience that in most instances his candidates were successfully opposed. Herr von Kiderlen's real desire was to send Herr von Stumm to London! He met me at once with unmistakable ill- will, and tried to intimidate me by rudeness. Herr von Bethmann Hollweg was at that time on friendly terms with me; he had visited me shortly before at Gratz. I am therefore inclined to think that they settled on me because, at the moment, no other candi- date was available. Had Baron Marschall not died unexpectedly, I should have been left where I had lain for many years, on the shelf. The Morocco Question The moment was undoubtedly favorable for a new effort to establish better relations with England. Our enigmatic policy in Morocco 2 had repeatedly shaken confidence in our peaceful intentions; it had at least 1 See Appendix, note i. 1 Ibid., note vii. 1*7] 250 nungen erschiittert, zum mindesten aber den Verdacht erregt, dass wir nicht recht wussten, was wir wollten, oder dass wir beabsichtigten, Europa in Atem zu erhalten und die Franzosen gelegentlich zu demutigen. Ein osterreichischer Kollege, der lange in Paris war, sagte mir: „Wenn die Franzosen anfingen, die Re- vanche zu vergessen, dann habt Ihr sie regelmassig durch kraftige Tritte dran erinnert." Nachdem wir die Versuche des Herrn Delcass6, sich mit uns iiber Marokko zu verstandigen, zuriickge- wiesen und vorher feierlich erklart hatten, keine politischen Interessen dort zu besitzen — eine Haltung, die wohl den Uberlieferungen der Bismarckschen Politik entsprach — entdeckten wir plfitzlich in Abdul Asis einen zweiten Kriiger. Auch ihm verhiessen wir, wie den Buren, den Schutz des machtigen deutschen Reiches mit demselben Aufwand und dem gleichen Erfolge. Denn beide Kundgebungen endeten, wie sie enden mussten : mit dem Riickzug, falls wir nicht ent- schlossen waren, schon damals den Weltkrieg zu fiihren. Daran vermochte auch der traurige Kongress in Algeciras nichts zu andern, noch weniger der Sturz des Herrn Delcasse. Unsere Haltung forderte die russisch-japanische und spater die russisch-britische Annaherung. Gegeniiber der deutschen Gefahr — "the German peril" — traten alle anderen Gegensatze in den Hintergrund. Die Mog- lichkeit eines neuen deutsch-franzosischen Krieges war augenfallig geworden, und ein solcher konnte, anders wie anno 70, weder Russland noch England unberiihrt lassen. Die Wertlosigkeit des Dreibundes hatte sich bereits in Algeciras gezeigt, die der dortigen Vereinbarungen aber bald danach durch den Zusammenbruch des [28] 251 aroused the suspicion that we did not quite know what we wanted or that our purpose was to keep Europe on edge and, on occasion, to humiliate the French. An Austrian colleague, who had been long in Paris, said to me: "If the French begin to forget la revanche, you regularly remind them of it by a good hard kick or two." After we had repelled M. Delcasse's efforts to come to an understanding with us regarding Morocco and, before that, had solemnly declared that we had no political interests there — an attitude which was in harmony with the traditions of Bismarckian policy — we suddenly discovered in Abdul Aziz a second Krii- ger. 3 To him, as to the Boers, we promised the protec- tion of the mighty German Empire, at the same cost to ourselves and with the same outcome. Both demonstrations ended, as they were bound to end, in a retreat, so long as we had not yet decided to wage the World War at that time. The pitiable Congress of Algeciras could not modify this fact ; still less could the fall of M. Delcasse. 4 Our attitude furthered the Russo-Japanese and, later, the Russo-British rapprochement. In face of "the German peril" all other antagonisms slid into the background. The possibility of a new Franco- German war had become evident, and, as had not been the case in 1870, such a war could not leave either Russia or England unconcerned. The worthlessness of the Triple Alliance had al- ready been demonstrated at Algeciras. The equal worthlessness of the agreements there made was 8 See Appendix, note v. 1 Ibid., note vii. [29] 252 ■ Sultanats, der natiirlich nicht zu verhindern war. Im deutschen Volke jedoch verbreitete sich der Glaube, dass unsere Auslandspolitik schwachlich sei.und vor der „Einkreisung" zuriickweiche, und dass hochtonen- den Gebarden kleinmiitige Nachgiebigkeit folge. Es bleibt das Verdienst des Herrn von Kiderlen, der als Staatsmann sonst iiberschatzt wird, dass er die marokkanische Erbschaft liquidierte und sich mit den Tatsachen abfand, an denen nichts mehr zu andern war. Ob freilich die Welt durch den Coup von Agadir erschreckt werden musste, lasse ich dahingestellt. In Deutschland wurde das Ereignis lebhaft begrusst, in England aber hatte es um so mehr beunruhigt, als die Regierung durch drei Wochen vergeblich auf Auf- klarung iiber unsere Absichten wartete. Die Rede Mr. Lloyd Georges, die uns warnen sollte, war die Folge. Vor dem Sturze Delcasses und vor Algeciras waren Hafen und Gebiet an der Westkiiste zu haben gewesen, nachher aber nicht mehr. Sir Ed. Greys Programm Als ich nach London kam im November 191 2, hatte man sich iiber Marokko beruhigt, da inzwischen in Berlin eine Vereinbarung mit Frankreich erfolgt war. Die Mission Haldanes war zwar gescheitert, da wir die Zusage der Neutralitat verlangten, statt uns mit einem Vertrage zu begniigen, der uns vor britischen Angriffen und vor Angriffen mit britischer Unter- stiitzung sichern sollte. Sir Ed. Grey aber hatte den Gedanken, mit uns zu einer Verstandigung zu gelangen, nicht aufgegeben und versuchte es zunachst auf kolonialen und wirtschaft- [30] 253 shown soon afterward.by the collapse of the sultanate — a result which it was of course impossible for us to prevent. Among the German people, however, the belief was spreading that our foreign policy was feeble, that we were yielding ground to the "encirclement," and that ringing assertions were followed by pusil- lanimous concessions. It stands to the credit of Herr von Kiderlen, other- wise overrated as a statesman, that he liquidated the Moroccan inheritance and adapted himself to cir- cumstances which could not be altered. Whether, indeed, it was necessary to alarm the world by the Agadir coup is a question I leave unanswered. 5 In Germany this occurrence was warmly welcomed; in England, on the other hand, it aroused the more un- easiness because the government waited in vain for three weeks for an explanation of our intentions. Mr. Lloyd George's speech, intended to warn us, was the consequence. Before Delcasse's fall and before Algeciras we could have obtained harbors and territory on the West Coast, but not afterwards. Sir Edward Grey's Program When I came to London in November, 1912, anxiety regarding Morocco had subsided, for in Berlin, in the meantime, an agreement had been reached with France. Haldane's mission had indeed failed, because we demanded a promise of neutrality instead of contenting ourselves with a treaty which was to insure us against British attacks and against attacks with British support. 6 Sir Edward Grey, however, had not given up the idea of coming to an understanding with us, and made 6 See Appendix, note viii. 6 Ibid., note xvi. [31] 254 lichen Gebieten. Durch Vermittelung des befahigten und geschaf tskundigen Botschaf trats 4 von Kuhlmann waren Besprechungen iiber eine Erneuerung des portu- giesischen Kolonialvertrages und iiber Mesopotamien (Bagdadbahn) im Gange, die das unausgesprochene Ziel verfolgten, sowohl die genannten Kolonien, wie Kleinasien in Interessenspharen zu teilen. Der britische Staatsmann wollte, nachdem sowohl mit Frankreich wie mit Russland die alten Streitfragen geregelt waren, auch mit uns zu ahnlichen Abmachun- gen gelangen. Nicht uns zu vereinsamen, sondern uns moglichst zu Teilnehmern an der bestehenden Genos- senschaft zu machen, war seine Absicht. Wie es gelang, britisch-franzosische und britisch-russische Gegensatze zu iiberbriicken, so wollte er auch die britisch-deutschen moglichst beseitigen und durch ein Netz von Vertragen, zu denen schliesslich wohl auch eine Vereinbarung iiber die leidige Flottenfrage gehort hatte, den Weltfrieden sichern, nachdem unsere friihere Politik zu einer Genossenschaft, der Entente, gefuhrt hatte, die eine gegenseitige Ver- sicherung gegen Kriegsgefahr darstellte. Das war das Programm Sir Ed. Greys. In seinen eigenen Worten : unbeschadet der bestehenden Freund- schaften (zu Frankreich und Russland), die keinerlei agressive Zwecke verfolgen und keinerlei bindende Verpflichtungen fur England in sich schliessen, mit Deutschland zu einer freundschaftlichen Annaherung und Verstandigung zu gelangen. "To bring the two groups nearer" (die beiden Gruppen einander naher bring an). Es gab damals in England wie bei uns in dieser Hinsicht zwei Richtungen : die der Optimisten, die an ' B.-C: "Botschaf ters." 132] 255 such an attempt first in the colonial and economic fields. Through the agency of the capable and ex- perienced counselor of the embassy, von Kiihlmann, discussions were under way concerning a renewal of the Portuguese colonial treaty and concerning Mes- opotamia (Bagdad railway). The tacit aim of these negotiations was to divide not only the above-men- tioned colonies but also Asia Minor into spheres of interest. It was the desire of the British statesman, now that the old matters of dispute had been settled both with France and with Russia, 7 to come to similar arrange- ments with us. His intention was not to isolate us but to make us in so far as possible partners in the association already established. Just as he had suc- ceeded in bridging over British-French and British- Russian differences, so he wished as far as possible to get rid of causes of controversy between Great Britain and Germany, and by a network of treaties — which in the end would probably have included an agreement on the troublesome naval question — to secure the peace of the world. Our previous policy had already led to the formation of an association, the Entente, which represented a mutual assurance against the risk of war. This was Sir Edward Grey's program. As he him- self put it: Without impairing the existing friendships (with France and Russia), which have no aggressive purposes and involve no binding obligations for Eng- land, to attain a friendly rapprochement and understand- ing with Germany — "to bring the two groups nearer." In this matter there were then in England, as with us, two currents of opinion: that of the optimists, who 'See Appendix, notes vi and ix. [33] 256 die Verstandigung glaubten, und die der Pessimisten, die den Krieg friiher oder spater fiir unvermeidlich hielten. Zur erstern gehorten die Herren Asquith, Grey, Lord Haldane und die meisten Minister des radikalen Kabinetts, sowie die fuhrenden Hberalen Organe, wie "Westminster Gazette", "Manchester Guardian", "Daily Chronicle." Zu den Pessimisten namentlich konser- vative Politiker, wie Mr. Balfour, der mir dies wieder- holt zu verstehen gab, dann fuhrende Militars, wie Lord Roberts, die auf die Notwendigkeit der allge- meinen Wehrpflicht hinwiesen. ("The Writing on the Wall.") Ferner die Northcliffepresse und der bedeu- tende englische Journalist Mr. Garvin ("Observer"). Wahrend meiner Amtszeit haben sie sich jedoch aller Angriffe enthalten und personlich wie politisch eine freundliche Haltung eingenommen. Unsere Flotten- politik und unsere Haltung in den Jahren 1905, 1908 und 191 1 hatten bei ihnen aber den Glauben erweckt, dass es doch einmal zum Kriege kommen werde. Erstere werden heute in England gerade so, wie es auch bei uns geschieht, der Kurzsichtigkeit und Einfalt geziehen, letztere gelten als die wahren Propheten. Albanische Frage Der erste Balkankrieg hatte damals zum Zusam- menbruch der Tiirkei und damit zu einer Niederlage unserer Politik gefuhrt, die sich mit den Turken seit Jahren identifizierte. Nachdem die Tiirkei in Europa nicht mehr zu retten war, gab es zwei Moglichkeiten gegenuber der Regelung ihrer Hinterlassenschaft : entweder wir erklarten unser volliges Desinteressement an der Gestaltung der Grenzen auf dem Balkan und [34] 257 believed in an understanding, and that of the pes- simists, who considered war inevitable, sooner or later. In the first group were Messrs. Asquith, Grey, Lord Haldane, and most of the ministers in the Radical Cabinet, as well as the leading Liberal organs, such as the Westminster Gazette, the Manchester Guardian, and the Daily Chronicle. In the pessimist group were, in particular, Conservative politicians like Mr. Balfour, who repeatedly indicated to me that this was his attitude; also leading military men, like Lord Roberts, who insisted on the necessity of universal military service ("The Writing on the Wall") ; further, the Northcliffe press, and that influential English journalist, Mr. Garvin of the Observer. During my term of office, however, they abstained from all attacks and took up, personally and politically, a friendly attitude. Our naval policy and our attitude in the years 1905, 1908, and 1911 8 had, however, convinced them that some day or other it would come to war. Just as with us, so in England today, those who be- longed to the first group are censured as shortsighted and simple-minded, while the others are regarded as the true prophets. The Albanian Question At that time, the First Balkan War 9 had led to the collapse of Turkey and, consequently, to a defeat of our policy, which for years had tied itself up with the Turks. Now that European Turkey was past saving, two possible courses were open to us as regarded the settlement of its estate. Either we declared that we were in no wise interested in the determination of 8 See Appendix, notes vii, iv (last paragraph), and viii. 9 Ibid., note xi. [35] 258 iiberliessen die Regelung den Balkanvolkern, oder aber wir unterstiitzten unsere „Bundesgenossen", trieben Dreibundpolitik im Orient und traten dadurch aus der Rolle des Vermittlers heraus. Ich befiirwortete von Anfang an die erstere Losung, das Auswartige Amt aber vertrat um so entschiedener die letztere. Der springende Punkt war die albanische Frage. Unsere Bundesgenossen wunschten die Griindung eines selbstandigen Staates Albanien, da Osterreich die Serben nicht an die Adria und Italien die Griechen nicht nach Valona, ja, nicht einmal nordlich von Korfu gelangen lassen wollte. Im Gegensatz hierzu forderte bekanntlich Russland die serbischen und Frankreich die griechischen Wiinsche. Mein Rat ging nun dahin, diese Frage als ausserhalb des Bundnisses stehend zu betrachten und weder die osterreichischen noch die italienischen Wiinsche zu unterstiitzen. Ohne unsere Forderung aber ware die Errichtung Albaniens, dessen Lebensunfahigkeit vo- rauszusehen war, unmoglich gewesen. Serbien ware an das Meer gelangt und der jetzige Weltkrieg vermieden. Frankreich und Italien hatten sich iiber Griechenland ernstlich entzweit und die Italiener, falls sie nicht gegen Frankreich allein kampfen wollten, sich mit der Ausdehnung Griechenlands bis nordlich von Durazzo abfinden mussen. Die Zivilisation in dem grossten Teil Albaniens ist griechisch. Die Stadte sind es im Siiden vollkommen, und wahrend der Botschafterkonferenz kamen Abordnungen aus gros- seren Stadten nach London, um die Angliederung an Griechenland durchzusetzen. Auch im heutigen Griechenland leben albanische Volksteile und die sogenannte griechische Nationaltracht sogar ist al- [36] 259 boundaries in the Balkan Peninsula, and left their adjustment to the Balkan peoples, or we supported our allies, pursued a Triple Alliance policy in the East, and thus abandoned the r61e of mediator. I advocated from the outset the first of these solutions, but our Foreign Office gave its support all the more decidedly to the second. The salient point was the Albanian question. Our allies desired the establishment of an independent state of Albania, because Austria was unwilling to permit the Serbs to gain access to the Adriatic, and Italy did not wish the Greeks to push their boundary to Valona, or even to the north of Corfu. On the other hand, Russia, as is known, favored the Serbian, and France the Greek desires. My advice was to consider this question as one lying outside the alliance, and to support neither the Austrian nor the Italian desires. Without our sup- port, however, the Albanian state, whose incapacity to exist might have been foreseen, could not possibly have been established. Serbia would have pushed forward to the sea, and the present world war would have been avoided. Between France and Italy there would have been a serious dispute as to Greece, and unless the Italians had been willing to fight France singlehanded, they would have been obliged to accept the expansion of Greece to a point north of Durazzo. In the greater part of Albania the civilization is Greek. The southern towns are entirely Greek, and when the conference of ambassadors was in session, deputa- tions from the larger towns came to London for the purpose of securing annexation to Greece. In Greece today there are still Albanian groups, and the so- called Greek national dress itself is of Albanian origin. l37l 260 banischen Ursprungs. Die Einverleibung der iiber- wiegend orthodoxen und islamitischen Albaner in den griechischen Staat war daher die beste Losung, die nattirlichste wenn man etwa Skutari und den Norden den Serben und den Montenegrinern iiberliesse. Fur diese Losung war auch S. M. "aus dynastischen Grunden. Als ich den Monarchen brieflich in dieser Richtung bestarkte, erhielt ich vom Reichskanzler erregte Vorwurfe, ich galte als „Gegner Osterreichs" und er miisste sich solche Eingriffe und die direkte Korrespondenz verbitten. Orient und Dreibundpolitik Wir mussten uns von der verhangnisvollen Uber- lieferung endlich lossagen, Dreibundpolitik auch im Orient zu treiben, und den Irrtum erkennen, der darin lag, uns im Siiden mit den Tiirken und im Norden mit den Austro-Madjaren zu identifizieren. Denn die Fortsetzung dieser Politik, die wir beim Berliner Kongress begonnen und seither mit Eifer gepflegt hatten, musste mit der Zeit und namentlich, wenn die notige Gewandtheit an leitender Stelle fehlte, zum Zusammenstoss mit Russland und zum Weltkriege fiihren. Statt uns mit Russland auf Grundlage der Unabhangigkeit des Sultans, den man auch in Petro- grad nicht aus Konstantinopel entfernen wollte, zu einigen und uns, unter Verzicht auf militarische und politische Eingriffe, auf wirtschaftliche Interessen im Orient zu beschranken und mit der Zerlegung Klein- asiens in Interessenspharen zu begniigen, ging unser politischer Ehrgeiz dahin, am Bosporus zu dominieren. In Russland entstand die Meinung, der Weg nach Konstantinopel bzw. ins Mittellandische Meer fiihre [38] 26l The incorporation of the Albanians, of whom the great majority are either Orthodox Christians or Mussulmans, in the Greek state was, therefore, the best solution. It was also the most natural, if, let us say, Skutari and the northern part had been as- signed to the Serbs and Montenegrins. His Majesty also was in favor of this solution on dynastic grounds. When I wrote to the monarch in support of these views, I received from the imperial chancellor agitated reproaches: I was taken to be an "enemy of Austria," and he must beg me to refrain from such interferences and from all direct correspondence. The East and the Triple Alliance Policy ■We should have abandoned definitively the fatal tradition of pushing Triple Alliance policies in the Near East; we should have recognized that it was a mistake to make ourselves solidary with the Turks in the south and with the Austro-Magyars in the north; for the continuance of this policy, which we had started at the Berlin Congress and had after- wards zealously developed, 10 was bound in time, and particularly in case the requisite adroitness should be found wanting in the supreme directing agencies, to lead to the collision with Russia and the World War. Instead of coming to an understanding with Russia on the basis of the independence of the Sultan, whom even the St. Petersburg government did not wish to drive out of Constantinople; instead of renouncing military and political interference, confining ourselves to economic interests in the Near East, and contenting ourselves with a division of Asia Minor into spheres of interest, our political ambition was directed to the 10 See Appendix, notes ill and iv. [39] 262 iiber Berlin. Statt die kraftige Entwicklung der Balkanstaaten zu fordern, die, einmal befreit, alles eher sind als russisch, und mit denen wir die besten Erfahrungen raachten, stellten wir uns auf Seite der tiirkischen und madjarischen 6 Unterdriicker. Der verhangnisvolle Irrtum unserer Dreibund- und Orientpolitik, die Russland, unseren naturgemassen besten Freund und Nachbar, in die Arme Frankreichs und Englands gedrangt und von der asiatischen Ausbreitungspolitik abgedrangt hatte, war umso augenfalliger, als ein russisch-franzosischer Uberfall, die einzige Hypothese, die eine Dreibundpolitik rechtfertigte, aus unserer Berechnung ausscheiden konnte. Ober den Wert des italienischen Biindnisses eriibrigt sich ein weiteres Wort. Italien braucht unser Geld und unsere Touristen audi nach dem Kriege mit oder ohne Bundnis. Dass letzteres ira Kriegsfalle versagen wiirde, war vorauszusehen. Das Bundnis war daher wertlos. Osterreich braucht unseren Schutz in Krieg und Frieden und hat keine andere Anlehnung. Die Abhangigkeit von uns beruht auf politischen, natio- nalen und wirtschaftlichen Erwagungen und ist umso grosser, je intimer unsere Beziehungen zu Russland sind. Das hat die bosnische Krise gelehrt. Seit dem Grafen Beust ist noch kein Wiener Minister so selbst- bewusst gegen uns aufgetreten, wie Graf Ahrenthal in den letzten Jahren seines Lebens. Bei richtig geleite- ter deutscher Politik, die die Fiihlung mit Russland pflegt, ist Osterreich-Ungarn unser Vasall und auf uns angewiesen, auch ohne Biindnisse und Gegenleis- tungen, bei falsch geleiteter sind wir auf Osterreich angewiesen. Das Bundnis war daher zwecklos. 6 B.-C: ''majarischen.* [40] 263 attainment of a dominant position on the Bosporus. In Russia the opinion arose that the way to Constan- tinople and so into the Mediterranean ran via Berlin. Instead of furthering the development of strong Balkan states, which, once set free, are anything but Russian, and with which our experiences were most satisfactory, we placed ourselves on the side of the Turkish and Magyar oppressors. The fatal mistake of our Triple Alliance and East- ern policy, by which Russia, naturally our best friend and neighbor, was driven into the arms of France and England, and diverted from the policy of Asiatic expansion, was the more obvious, as a Franco- Russian attack, the sole hypothesis justifying a Triple Alliance policy, could be eliminated from our calcula- tions. As to the value of the Italian alliance, words may be spared. Italy needs our money and our tourists, and will need them after the war, with or without an alliance. That the alliance would fail to hold in the event of war was to be foreseen. The alliance, con- sequently, was worthless. Austria needs our protec- tion both in war and in peace, and there is no other Power on which it can lean. Its dependence on us is based on political, national, and economic grounds. This dependence increases in proportion to the inti- macy of our relations with Russia. This was proved in the Bosnian crisis. Since Count Beust, 11 no Vienna minister has assumed toward us so independent an attitude as was displayed by Count Ahrenthal dur- ing the last years of his life. Given a properly con- ducted German policy, which keeps us in touch with Russia, Austria-Hungary is our vassal, and must 11 See Appendix, note ii. [41] 264 Ich kannte Osterreich zu genau, um nicht zu wissen, dass eine Ruckkehr zur Politik des Fursten Felix Schwarzenberg 6 oder des Grafen Moritz Esterhazy dort undenkbar war. So wenig die dortigen Slawen uns Iieben, so wenig wollen sie in ein deutsches Kaiserreich zurtickkehren, selbst mit Habsburg-Lothringer Spitze. Sie streben den Foderalismus innerhalb Osterreichs an auf nationaler Grundlage, ein Zustand, der im Rahmen des Deutschen Reiches noch viel weniger Aussicht auf Verwirklichung hatte wie unter dem Doppeladler. Die Deutschen Osterreichs aber erkennen in Berlin den Mittelpunkt deutscher Macht und Kultur, und wissen, dass Osterreich niemals wieder Prasidialmacht werden kann. Sie wiinschen einen moglichst intimen Anschluss an das Reich, nicht aber eine antideutsche Politik. Seit den siebziger Jahren hatte sich die Lage von Grund aus verandert in Osterreich wie etwa in Bayern. Wie hier eine Ruckkehr zum grossdeutschen Partiku- larismus und zur altbayerischen Politik nicht zu be- fiirchten ist, so war dort ein Wiederaufleben der Politik des Fursten Kaunitz und Schwarzenberg nicht zu ge- wartigen. Unsere Interessen aber wiirden durch einen staatsrechtlichen Anschluss Osterreichs, das auch ohne Galizien und Dalmatien nur etwa zur Halfte von Germanen bewohnt ist, also etwa ein grosses Belgien darstellt, ebenso leiden wie andererseits durch Unter- ordnung unserer Politik unter Wiener und Pester Gesichtspunkte — d'epouser les querelles de VAutriche (sich mit den osterreichischen Zwistigkeiten zu vermahlen). 6 B.-C: "Schwanenberg." [42] 265 come our way even without an alliance and without reciprocal services. Under a misdirected policy, we must go Austria's way. Consequently the alliance served no purpose. I was too thoroughly acquainted with Austria not to know that a return to the policy of Prince Felix Schwarzenberg or to that of Count Moritz Esterhazy was unthinkable. The Slavs living there have little love for us, and equally little desire to come back into a German Empire, even with a Hapsburg-Lor- raine at its head. They are striving to develop in Austria a federal system based on nationality — a state of things which there would be far less chance of establishing within the framework of the German Empire than under the two-headed Eagle! The Ger- mans in Austria, on the other hand, recognize that Berlin is the center of German power and culture, and they know that Austria can never recover the presi- dency of the German states. They desire as close a connection as possible with the Empire but do not favor a policy directed against [the existing organiza- tion of] the German Empire. Since the seventies there has been a radical change of position in Austria — a change resembling that which has taken place in Bavaria. Just as here a return to the particularism of the Great German party and to the old Bavarian policy is not to be apprehended, so in Austria there was no prospect of a revival of the policy of Prince Kaunitz and Prince Schwarzenberg. 12 Our interests, however, would be as injuriously affected by a constitutional union with Austria, which even with- out Galicia and Dalmatia is inhabited only to the extent of, say, one-half by Germans, and which accord- 12 See Appendix, note ii. [43] 266 Wir brauchten daher keine Rucksichten auf die Wiinsche unserer „Bundesgenossen" zu nehmen, sie waren nicht nur unnotig, sondern auch gefahrlich, weil sie zura Zusammenstoss mit Russland fiihrten, wenn wir orientalische Fragen durch osterreichische Brillen betrachteten. Die Ausgestaltung des Bundnisses aus einem unter einer einzigen Voraussetzung geschlos- senen „Zweckverbande" zu einer „Gesamtgemeinde", zu einer Interessengemeinschaft auf alien Gebieten, war geeignet, eben dasjenige herbeizufiihren, was das Rechtsgeschaft verhindern sollte — den Krieg. Eine solche Biindnispolitik musste ausserdem den Verlust der Sympathien junger, kraf tiger, aufstrebender Gemeinwesen auf dem Balkan nach sich ziehen, die bereit waren, sich an uns zu wenden und uns ihre Markte zu offnen. Der Gegensatz zwischen Hausmacht und National- staat, zwischen dynastischer und demokratischer Staatsidee musste zum Austrag kommen, und wir standen wie gewohnlich auf falscher Seite. Konig Karol hat zu einem unserer Vertreter gesagt, er habe das Biindnis mit uns unter der Voraussetzung geschlossen, dass wir die Fiihrung behielten, ginge diese aber an Osterreich iiber, so andere das die Grundlage des Verhaltnisses, und er werde unter solchen Umstanden nicht weiter mitmachen konnen. Ahnlich lagen die Dinge in Serbien, wo wir gegen unsere eigenen wirtschaftlichen Interessen die oster- reichische Erdrosselungspolitik unterstiitzten. Wir haben stets auf das Pferd gesetzt, dessen Nieder- bruch vorauszusehen war, auf Herrn Kriiger, auf Abdul Asis, auf Abdul Hamid, Wilhelm Wied und— [44] 267 ingly is something like a larger Belgium, as, on the other hand, by a subordination of our policy to the points of view of Vienna and Budapest, with the obli- gation "d'epouser les querelles de VAutriche." We, therefore, had no need to consider the desires of our allies. Such considerations were not only un- necessary but also dangerous, inasmuch as they would lead to a collision with Russia if we looked at Eastern questions through Austrian glasses. The development of our alliance from a partnership with a definite pur- pose, formed in view of a single contingency, into a solidary union, with community of interests in every field, was adapted to produce the very result which the original treaty 13 was intended to prevent — war. Moreover, an alliance policy of this sort could not but entail the loss of the sympathies of the young, strong, and growing communities in the Balkan Pen- insula, which were ready to turn to us and open to us their markets. The conflict between family power and the national state, between the dynastic and the democratic theory of the state, had to be definitively settled, and, as usual, we stood on the wrong side. King Charles [of Rumania] told one of our repre- sentatives that he had made an alliance with us on the assumption that we were to keep the control of affairs. If that control passed to Austria, the basis on which his relations with us rested would be changed, and under such conditions he could no longer act with us. The situation was similar in Serbia, where against our own economic interests we were supporting the Austrian policy of strangulation. 13 Literally, "legal transaction." l45l 268 der verhangnisvollste von alien Irrtiimern — schliess- lich den grossen plunge auf den Stall Berchtold ge- macht! Botschafterkonferenz Bald nach meiner Ankunft in London Ende 1912 regte Sir Ed. Grey eine zwanglose Besprechung an, um zu vermeiden, dass aus dem Balkankriege sich ein europaischer entwickelt, nachdem wir leider die Aufforderung der franzosischen Regierung, einer Desinteressementserklarung beizutreten, bei Aus- bruch des Krieges abgelehnt hatten. Der britische Staatsmann nahm von Anfang an die Haltung ein, dass England an Albanien kein Interesse habe, wegen dieser Frage also nicht gewillt sei, es auf einen Krieg ankommen zu lassen. Er wollte als „ehrlicher Makler" lediglich zwischen den beiden Gruppen vermitteln und Schwierigkeiten beilegen. Er stellte sich daher keineswegs auf Seite der Ententegenossen und hat wahrend der Dauer der etwa achtmonatlichen Unter- handlungen durch guten Willen und seinen massge- benden Einfluss nicht unwesentlich zur Einigung beigetragen. Statt dass wir eine der englischen analoge Haltung einnahmen, vertraten wir ohne Ausnahme den Standpunkt, der uns von Wien aus vorgeschrieben wurde. Graf Mensdorff fiihrte den Dreibund in London, ich war sein „Sekundant". Meine Aufgabe bestand darin, seine Vorschlage zu unter- stiitzen. In Berlin schaltete der kluge und erfahrene Graf Szogyenyi. Sein Refrain war: „Und dann tritt der casus fcederis (der Biindnisfall) ein", und als ich die Richtigkeit dieses Schlusses einmal anzuzweifeln I46] 269 We have always bet on the horse whose breakdown might have been foreseen, on Kriiger, on Abdul Aziz, on Abdul Hamid, on Wilhelm of Wied, w and — the most disastrous of all our mistakes — we finally made our great plunge on the Berchtold stable ! The Conference of Ambassadors™ Soon after my arrival in London, at the close of the year 19 12, Sir Edward Grey suggested an informal discussion to prevent a European war from growing out of the Balkan war. We .had unfortunately already declined the request of the French government, made at the outbreak of the war, to join in a declaration of disinterestedness. From the outset the British states- man took the position that England had no interest in Albania and therefore did not mean to let war come on this issue. It was his purpose simply to act as a mediator, an "honest broker," between the two groups and to try to smooth away difficulties. Accordingly, he by no means placed himself on the side of his En- tente associates; and during the negotiations, which lasted some eight months, by force of his good will and his controlling influence he made no slight contribu- tions to an understanding. Instead of taking a posi- tion like the English, we invariably defended the point of view which was prescribed to us by Vienna. Count Mensdorff led the Triple Alliance in London, I was his second. My task was to support his proposals. In Berlin it was the shrewd and experienced Count Szogyenyi who ran the affair. His refrain was : "Here the casus foederis comes in"; and when on one occasion I ventured to dispute the correctness of this conclu- » See Appendix, notes v, vii and xi. a Ibid., note xi. [47] 270 wagte, wurde ich wegen „Austrophobie" ernstlich verwarnt. Unter Anspielung auf meinen Vater hiess es auch, ich sei „erblich belastet!" Bei alien Anlassen : Albanien, serbischer Adriahafen, Skutari, ferner bei der Bestimmung der Grenzen Albaniens stellten wir uns auf den Standpunkt Oster- reichs und Italiens, wahrend Sir Ed. Grey fast niemals den franzosischen oder den russischen unterstiitzte. Er trat vielmehr meist fur unsere Gruppe ein, um keinen Vorwand zu schaffen, wie ihn spater ein toter Erzherzog liefern sollte. So gelang es mit seiner Hilfe, den Konig Nikita aus Skutari wieder herauszulocken. Schon iiber diese Frage ware es sonst zum Weltkrieg gekommen, da wir sicher nicht gewagt hatten, „unseren Bundesgenossen" zur Nachgiebigkeit zu veranlassen. Sir Ed. Grey leitete die Verhandlungen mit Um- sicht, Ruhe und Takt. Wenn eine Frage sich zu ver- wickeln drohte, entwarf er eirie Einigungsformel, die das Richtige traf und auch stets Annahme fand. Seine Personlichkeit genoss bei alien Teilnehmern gleiches Vertrauen. Wir hatten tatsachlich wieder einmal eine der vielen Kraftproben, die unsere Politik kennzeichnen, gliick- lich iiberstanden. Russland hatte iiberall vor uns zuriickweichen miissen, da es niemals in der Lage war, den serbischen Wunschen Erfolg zu verschaffen. Albanien war als osterreichischer Vasallenstaat errichtet und Serbien vom Meere verdrangt. Der Verlauf der Konferenz war daher eine neue Demiiti- gung f iir das russische Selbstbewusstsein. Wie 1878 und 1908 hatten wir uns schon dem russischen Programm entgegengestellt, ohne dass deutsche Interessen im Spiele waren. Bismarck wusste den Fehler des Kon- gresses durch den geheimen Vertrag und diirch seine [48] 271 sion, I received a serious warning on the ground of my "Austrophobia." It was also asserted, alluding to my father, that I was under an "hereditary burden." On every issue — Albania, a Serbian harbor on the Adriatic, Skutari, also in drawing the boundaries of Albania — we took the point of view of Austria and of Italy, while Sir Edward Grey almost never supported that of France or of Russia. On the contrary, in most instances he lent his support to our group, in order to give no pretext for war, such as was subsequently fur- nished by a dead archduke. It was thus with his help that we succeeded in coaxing King Nikita out of Skutari. Otherwise the World War might have been started on this question, since we surely would not have ventured to urge our ally to make any concession. Sir Edward Grey conducted the negotiations with prudence, calmness and tact. As often as a question threatened to become complicated, he suggested a formula of agreement that met the case and was in- variably accepted. His personality won him equal confidence among all who took part in the conference. So far as [immediate] results were concerned, we had again passed successfully through one of those many tests of power which were characteristic of our policy. Russia had been obliged to give way to us all along the line; in no instance was it able to attain satisfaction of the Serbian desires. Albania was set up as an Austrian vassal state, and Serbia was thrust back from the sea. The outcome of the conference was therefore a new humiliation of Russian national senti- ment. As in 1878 and in 1908 we had placed ourselves in opposition to the Russian program, although no German interests were involved. Bismarck contrived to minimize the mistake made at the Congress [of [49] 272 Haltung in der Battenbergfrage zu mildern; die in der bosnischen Frage wieder betretene abschiissige Bahn wurde in London weiter verfolgt und spater, als sie zum Abgrund ftihrte, nicht rechtzeitig verlassen. Die Misstimmung, die damals in Russland herrschte, kam wahrend der Konferenz durch Angriffe gegen meinen russischen Kollegen und die russische Diplo- matic in den russischen Blattern zum Ausdruck. Seine deutsche Herkunft und katholische Konfession, sein Ruf als Deutschenfreund, und der zufallige Umstand, dass er sowohl mit dem Grafen Mensdorff, wie mit mir verwandt ist, kamen den unzufriedenen Kreisen zu statten. Ohne eine sehr bedeutende Personlichkeit zu sein, besitzt Graf Benckendorff eine Reihe von Eigenschaften, die einen guten Diplomaten kennzeich- nen: Takt, gesellschaftliches Geschick, Erfahrung, verbindliches Wesen, naturlichen Blick fur Menschen und Dinge. Er war stets bestrebt, eine schroffe Stellungnahme zu vermeiden und wurde durch die Haltung Englands und Frankreichs auch darin bestarkt. Ich sagte ihm spater einmal: Die Stimmung in Russland ist wohl sehr antideutsch. Er entgegnete: Es gibt auch sehr starke und einflussreiche prodeutsche Kreise, man ist aber allgemein antiosterreichisch! Es eriibrigt sich, hinzuzufiigen, dass unsere Austro- philie d outrance (Osterreich-Freundschaft bis zur aussersten Grenze) nicht gerade geeignet war, die Entente zu lockern und Russland seinen asiatischen Interessen zuzufiihren! Balkankonferenz Gleichzeitig tagte in London die Balkankonferenz, und ich hatte Gelegenheit, mit den Leitern der Balkan- [50] 273 Berlin] through the secret treaty [with Russia] and through the attitude he took in the Battenberg ques- tion; the dangerous slope down which we started again in the Bosnian question was followed further in London and was not abandoned later in time to save us from falling into the abyss. 16 The dissatisfaction which prevailed at the time in Russia found expression during the conference in attacks in Russian journals upon my Russian colleague and upon the Russian diplomacy. Count Bencken- dorff's German origin and Catholic faith, his reputa- tion as a friend of the Germans, and the accidental circumstance that he was related both to Count Mens- dorff and to me, were exploited in the discontented circles. Although not a man of great force, Count Benckendorff possesses a number of qualities that are essential to a good diplomatist: tact, social adapta- bility, experience, pleasant manners and an instinctive appreciation of men and of things. It was always his effort to avoid taking an uncompromising position, and this disposition on his part was strengthened by the attitude of England and of France. I said to him once, on a later occasion : "The feeling in Russia, I suppose, is very anti-German." He replied: "There are also very strong and influential pro-German circles, but everybody is anti-Austrian." I I is almost needless to add that our extreme Austrophil attitudewas not precisely adapted to loosen the Entente or to direct Russia's attention to its Asiatic interests! The Balkan Conference 17 At the same period the Balkan conference was sit- ting in London, and I had opportunity to get in touch 16 See Appendix, notes iii and iv. 17 Ibid., note xi. [51] 274 staaten in Fiihlung zu treten. Die bedeutendste Personlichkeit war wohl Herr Venizelos. Er war damals nichts weniger als deutschfeindlich, besuchte mich wiederholt und trug mit Vorliebe und sogar auf der franzosischen Botschaft das Band des Roten Adlerordens. Von gewinnender Liebenswiirdigkeit, mit weltmannischem Auftreten, wusste er sich Sym- pathien zu verschaffen. Neben ihm spielte Herr Danew, der damalige bulgarische Ministerprasident und Vertrauensmann des Graf en Berchtold, eine grosse Rolle. Er machte den Eindruck eines verschlagenen und energischen Mannes, und es ist wohl nur dem Einfluss seiner Wiener und Pester Freunde zuzu- schreiben, iiber deren Huldigungen er sich gelegentlich belustigte, dass er sich zu der Torheit des zweiten Balkankrieges verleiten liess und die russische Ver- mittelung ablehnte. Auch Herr Take Jonescu war offers in London und besuchte mich dann regelmassig. Ich kannte ihn von der Zeit her, da ich Sekretar in Bukarest war. Er gehorte auch zu den Freunden des Herrn von Kiderlen. In London war er bestrebt, durch Verhandlungen mit Herrn Danew Zugestandnisse fiir Rumanien zu erreichen und wurde dabei von dem sehr befahigten rumanischen Gesandten Nisu unterstiitzt. Dass diese Verhandlungen an dem Widerstande Bulgariens scheiterten, ist bekannt. Graf Berchtold (und wir natiirlich mit ihm) war ganz auf Seiten Bulgariens, sonst ware es wohl gelungen, den Rumanen die ge- wiinschte Genugtuung durch einen Druck auf Herrn Danew zu verschaffen und uns Rumanien zu verpflich- ten, das durch die Haltung Osterreichs wahrend des zweiten Balkankrieges und danach den Mittelmachten endgiiltig entfremdet wurde. [52] 275 with the leading men of the Balkan states. Quite the most significant personality was that of M. Venizelos. At that time he was anything but hostile to Germany. He paid me repeated visits, and he wore by preference, even at the French embassy, the ribbon of the order of the Red Eagle. With winning and kindly ways and the manners of a man of the world, he made himself generally liked. M. Danef, at that time prime minis- ter of Bulgaria and confidant of Count Berchtold, also played a leading r61e. He impressed one as a subtle and energetic man; and the mistake he made in per- mitting himself to be drawn into the unwise venture of the Second Balkan War, refusing Russian mediation, is probably to be ascribed solely to the influence of his friends at Vienna and at Budapest, by whose homage he sometimes showed himself amused. M. Take Jonescu also was frequently in London and on such occasions always called on me. I had known him since the time when I was secretary at Bucharest. He was also one of Herr von Kiderlen's friends. In London he was trying to gain concessions for Rumania by negotiations with M. Danef, and he was supported in these efforts by the very able Rumanian envoy, M. Nisu. These negotiations, it is known, failed in consequence of the resistance of Bulgaria. Count Berchtold — and we of course with him — was alto- gether on the side of Bulgaria. But for this it would probably have been possible, by putting some pressure on M. Danef, to obtain for the Rumanians the con- cessions they desired, and thus to place Rumania under obligations to us. As it was, in consequence of the attitude of Austria during the Second Balkan War and afterwards, Rumania was completely estranged from the Central Powers. [53] 276 Zweiter Balkankrieg Die Niederlage Bulgariens im zweiten Balkankriege und der Sieg Serbiens sowie der rumanische Ein- marsch bedeuteten naturgemass fur Osterreich eine Blamage. Der Gedanke, diese durch einen Waffen- gang gegen Serbien auszugleichen, scheint bald in Wien Eingang gefunden zu haben. Die italienischen Enthullungen beweisen es, und es ist anzunehmen, dass Marquis San Giuliano, der den Plan als eine „pericolosissima aventura" (ausserst gefahrliches Aben- teuer) sehr treffend kennzeichnete, uns davor bewahrt hat, schon im Sommer 1913 in einen Weltkrieg ver- wickelt zu werden. Bei der Vertrautheit der russisch-italienischen Beziehungen wird die Wiener Anregung auch wohl in Petersburg bekannt geworden sein. Jedenfalls hat Herr Sasonow in Konstanza, wie Herr Take Jonescu mir erzahlte, offen gesagt, dass ein Angriff Osterreichs auf Serbien fur Russland den Kriegsfall bedeutet. Als einer meiner Herren im Friihjahr 19 14 von Urlaub aus Wien, zuriickkehrte, erzahlte er, Herr von Tschirschky erklarte, es gabe bald Krieg. Da ich aber uber wichtige Vorgange stets in Unkenntnis gelassen wurde, hielt ich diesen Pessimismus fiir unbegriindet. Seit dem Bukarester Frieden scheint tatsachlich in Wien die Absicht bestanden zu haben, eine Revision dieses Vertrages auf eigene Faust durchzufuhren, und man wartete anscheinend nur auf einen giinstigen Anlass. Auf unsere Unterstiitzung konnten die Wiener Staatsmanner selbstverstandlich rechnen. Das wussten sie, denn es war ihnen schon wiederholt „Schlappheit" vorgeworfen worden. Man drangte in Berlin sogar auf eine „Rehabilitierung" Osterreichs. 1 54] 277 The Second Balkan War n The defeat of Bulgaria in the Second Balkan War the victory of Serbia and the Rumanian march into Bulgaria meant for Austria a loss of prestige. The idea of offsetting this loss by a campaign against Serbia seems to have been entertained in Vienna shortly afterward. This is proved by the Italian revelations; and it is to be assumed that Marquis di San Giuliano, who quite appropriately characterized the plan as a "very risky adventure," saved us from being involved in a world war in the summer of 1913. 19 In view of the intimacy of the relations between Italy and Russia, it may be assumed that the Viennese overture was known in St. Petersburg. At all events, M. Sazonof declared openly in Constanza, as M. Take Jonescu informed me, that an attack of Austria on Serbia would amount to a castas belli for Russia. When, in the spring of 1914, one of the members of my embassy returned from a leave of absence in Vienna, he told me that Herr von Tschirschky had declared that there would soon be war. But as I was systematically kept in ignorance of important occur- rences, I regarded this pessimistic view as baseless. Ever since the Peace of Bucharest, Vienna seems really to have intended to secure a revision of this treaty by its own independent action and to have been waiting only for a favorable occasion. On our support the Vienna statesmen could reckon as a matter of course. They knew this, for they had been repeatedly reproached for "flabbiness." In Berlin there was actual insistence that Austria be "rehabilitated." 18 See Appendix, note xii. 19 Ibid., note xiv.' [55] 278 Liman von Sanders Als ich im Dezember 19 13 nach langerem Urlaub nach London zuriickkehrte, hatte die Frage Liman von Sanders zu einer neuen Verscharfung unserer Bezie- hungen zu Russland gefiihrt. Sir Edward Grey machte mich nicht ohne Besorgnis auf die Erregung aufmerksam, die dariiber in Petersburg herrsche! "I have never seen them so excited" (ich habe sie niemals so aufgeregt gesehen). Ich wurde von Berlin aus beauftragt, den Minister zu bitten, in massigendem Sinne in Petersburg zu wirken und uns bei Beilegung des Streites behilflich zu sein. Sir Edward war hierzu gern bereit, und seine Vermittlung hat nicht wenig dazu beigetragen, die An- gelegenheit zu ebnen. Meine guten Beziehungen zu Sir Edward und sein grosser Einfluss in Petersburg wurden auf ahnliche Weise wiederholt benutzt, wenn es gait, dort etwas durchzusetzen, da unsere Ver- tretung sich hierzu als vollig ungeeignet erwies. In den kritischen Tagen des Juli 1914 sagte mir Sir Edward: „Wenn Sie etwas in Petersburg erreichen wollen, wenden Sie sich regelmassig an mich, wenn ich aber einmal Ihren Einfluss in Wien anrufe, so versagen Sie mir Ihre Unterstiitzung." Kolonialvertrag Die guten und vertrauensvollen Beziehungen, die es mir gelang, nicht nur in der Gesellschaft und mit den einflussreichsten Personlichkeiten, wie Sir Ed. Grey und Mr. Asquith, sondern auch bei public dinners (bei offentlichen Diners) mit der Offentlichkeit anzu- kniipfen, hatten eine merkliche Besserung unseres Verhaltnisses zu England herbeigefuhrt. Sir Edward [56] 279 Liman von Sanders 20 When, after a lengthy leave of absence, I returned to London in December, 1913, the Liman von Sanders question had led to renewed tension in our relations with Russia. Sir Edward Grey called my attention, not without anxiety on his part, to the widespread agitation which this matter had aroused in St. Peters- burg, saying: "I have never seen them so excited." I received instructions from Berlin to ask the min- ister to work in favor of moderation in St. Petersburg and to assist us in settling the dispute. Sir Edward was quite willing to do this, and his mediation con- tributed in no small degree to smoothing the matter over. My good relations with Sir Edward and his great influence in St. Petersburg were repeatedly util- ized in a like manner when it was a question of carrying any point there; for our representative proved quite unfit for any such purpose. During the critical days of July, 1914, Sir Edward said to me: "If you wish to get anything in St. Peters- burg, you always come to me, but if once I ask for your influence in Vienna, you refuse me your support." Colonial Treaty The excellent and confidential relations I succeeded in establishing, not only in society and with the most influential personalities, such as Sir Edward Grey and Mr. Asquith, but also at public dinners with [the agencies of] publicity, had brought about a noticeable improvement in our relations with England. It was 20 See Appendix, note xv. [57] 280 war aufrichtig bemiiht, diese Annaherung weiter zu befestigen, und seine Absichten traten besonders in zwei Fragen hervor: dem Kolonial- und dem Bagdad- vertrag. Im Jahre 1898 war zwischen dem Grafen Hatzfeld und Herrn Balfour ein geheimes Abkommen unter- zeichnet worden, das die portugiesischen Kolonien in Afrika in wirtschaftspolitische 7 Interessenspharen zwischen uns und England teilte. Da die portugiesi- sche Regierung weder die Macht noch die Mittel besass, ihren ausgedehnten Besitz zu erschliessen oder sach- gemass zu verwalten, hatte sie sich friiher bereits mit dem Gedanken getragen, ihn zu veraussern und ihre Finanzen dadurch zu sanieren. Eine Einigung zwischen uns und England war zustande gekommen, welche die beiderseitigen Interessen begrenzte, und die um so grosseren Wert besass, als Portugal sich bekanntlich in volliger Abhangigkeit von England befindet. Dieser Vertrag sollte wohl ausserlich die Unver- sehrtheit und Unabhangigkeit des portugiesischen Reiches sichern, und er sprach nur die Absicht aus, den Portugiesen finanziell und wirtschaftlich behilf- lich zu sein. Er stand daher dem Wortlaut nach nicht im Widerspruch zu dem alten englisch-portugiesischen Bundnis aus dem 15. Jahrhundert, das zuletzt unter Karl II. erneuert wurde und den gegenseitigen Be- sitzstand verbiirgte. Trotzdem war auf Bestreben des Marquis Soveral, der vermutlich iiber die deutsch-englischen Abma- chungen nicht in Unkenntnis blieb, ein neuer Vertrag, der sogenannte Windsorvertrag, im Jahre 1899, zwischen England und Portugal geschlossen worden, 7 B.-C: "wirtschaftspolitischen." [58] 28l Sir Edward's honest endeavor to place this rapproche- ment on a firmer basis. His aims were most clearly manifested in two matters : the colonial and the Bagh- dad treaties. In the year 1898 a secret convention had been signed by Count Hatzfeldt and Mr. Balfour, which divided the Portuguese colonies in Africa 21 into economic- political spheres of interest as between us and England. As the Portuguese government possessed neither the power nor the means to open up its extensive posses- sions or to administer them suitably, it had already at an earlier date entertained the idea of selling them and thereby putting its finances on a sound basis. An agreement had been reached between us and England, delimiting the interests of the two parties. Its value was enhanced by the fact that Portugal, as is well known, is completely dependent upon England. On its face, of course, this treaty was designed to secure the integrity and independence of the Portu- guese realm, and the only purpose it expressed was to give to the Portuguese financial and economic assist- ance. In its wording, accordingly, it did not contra- vene the old Anglo-Portuguese alliance, dating from the fifteenth century, which was last renewed under Charles II and which contained a reciprocal guaranty of existing territorial possessions. 22 Nevertheless, at the instance of Marquis Soveral, who presumably was not left uninformed regarding the Anglo-German agreements, a new treaty, the so- called Windsor Treaty, was concluded in 1899 between England and Portugal, confirming the old agreements, which had never been put out of force. 21 See Appendix, note xvii. 22 Ibid., note xviii. [59] 282 welcher die alten, niemals ausser Kraft gesetzten Vereinbarungen bestatigte. Die Unterhandlungen zwischen uns und England, die bereits vor meiner Ankunft begonnen hatten, bezweckten, unseren Vertrag von 1898, der auch hinsichtlich der geographischen Abgrenzung manche Unzutraglichkeiten aufwies, umzugestalten und zu verbessern. Dank der entgegenkommenden Haltung der britischen Regierung gelang es mir, dem neuen Vertrag eine unseren Wunschen und Interessen durch- aus entsprechende Form zu geben. Ganz Angola bis an den 20. Langengrad wurde uns zugesprochen, so dass wir an das Kongogebiet von Suden gelangten, ausserdem noch die wertvollen Inseln San Thome und Principe, die nordlich des Aquators liegen und dadurch eigentlich dem franzosischen Interessengebiet zufielen, eine Tatsache, die meinen franzosischen Kollegen zu lebhaften, wenn auch vergeblichen Gegenvorstellungen veranlasste. Ferner erhielten wir den nordlichenTeil von Mosam- bik; der Licango bildete die Grenze. Unseren Interessen und Wunschen wurde seitens der britischen Regierung das grosste Entgegenkommen gezeigt. Sir Ed. Grey beabsichtigte, uns seinen guten Willen zu bekunden, er wiinschte aber auch unsere koloniale Entwicklung iiberhaupt zu fordern, da England die deutsche Kraf tentfaltung von der Nordsee und von Westeuropa nach dem Weltmeer und Afrika abzulenken hoffte. "We don't want to grudge Germany her colonial development" (Wir wollen Deutschland seine koloniale Entwicklung nicht missgonnen), sagte mir ein Mitglied des Kabinetts. Der Kongostaat sollte auf britische Anregung ursprunglich auch in den Vertrag einbezogen werden, [60] 283 The object of the negotiations between us and England, which had begun before my arrival, was to revise and amend our treaty of 1898, which con- tained a number of impracticable provisions, even as regarded geographical delimitation. Thanks to the conciliatory attitude of the British government, I succeeded in giving to the new treaty a form which entirely corresponded to our wishes and interests. All Angola, as far as the 20th degree of longitude, was assigned to us, so that we reached the Congo territory from the south. Moreover the valuable islands of San Thom6 and Principe, which lie north of the equator and therefore really belonged to the French sphere of interest, were allotted to us — a fact which caused my French colleague to enter energetic but unavailing protests. Further, we obtained the northern part of Mozam- bique ; the Licango formed the boundary. The British government showed the utmost readi- ness to meet our interests and wishes. Sir Edward Grey intended to prove his good will to us, but he also desired to promote our colonial development as a whole, because England hoped to divert the German output of energy from the North Sea and Western Europe to the ocean and to Africa. "We don't want to grudge Germany her colonial development," a member of the Cabinet said to me. Originally, at the British suggestion, the Congo State also was to have been included in the treaty, which would have given us a right of preemption and would have enabled us to penetrate it economically. But we refused this offer, out of alleged respect for Belgian sensibilities ! Perhaps the idea was to econo- mize our successes? Furthermore, as regarded the [61] 284 was uns ein Vorkaufsrecht und die Moglichkeit gegeben hatte, ihn wirtschaftlich zu durchdringen. Angeblich mit Riicksicht auf belgische Empfindlich- keiten lehnten wir aber dieses Angebot ab! Vielleicht sollte mit Erfolgen gespart werden? Auch hinsichtlich der praktischen Verwirklichung des eigentlichen un- ausgesprochenen Zweckes des Vertrages, der spateren tatsachlichen Teilung des portugiesischen Kolonialbe- sitzes, bot die neue Fassung wesentliche Vorteile und Fortschrittegegendiealte. Es waren namlichFallevor- gesehen, die es uns ermoglichten, zur Wahrung unserer Interessen auf den uns zugewiesenen Gebieten ein- zuschreiten. Diese Voraussetzungen wurden so weit gefasst, dass es eigentlich uns iiberlassen blieb, selbst zu bestimmen, wenn „vitale'' Interessen vorlagen, so dass es bei der volligen Abhangigkeit Portugals von England nur darauf ankam, die Beziehungen zu England weiter zu pflegen, um mit englischer Zu- stimmung unsere beiderseitigen Absichten spater zu verwirklichen. Die Aufrichtigkeit der britischen Regierung in ihrem Bestreben, unsere Rechte zu achten, zeigte sich darin, dass Sir Ed. Grey, noch ehe der Vertrag fertiggestellt oder unterzeichnet war, englische Unternehmer, die in dem uns durch den neuen Vertrag zugewiesenen Gebieten Kapitalanlagen suchten, und dafiir die britische Unterstiitzung wiinschten, an uns verwies, mit dem Bemerken, dass das betreffende Unternehmen in unsere Interessensphare gehore. Der Vertrag war schon zur Zeit des Konigsbesuches in Berlin, also im Mai 1913, im wesentlichen fertig. In Berlin fand damals unter dem Vorsitz des Herrn Reichskanzlers eine Besprechung statt, an der auch ich teilnahm, und bei der noch einzelne Wiinsche [62] 285 practical execution of the real but unexpressed purpose of the treaty — the actual partition at a later date of the Portuguese colonial possessions — the new formu- lation, as compared with the old, offered us important advantages and represented a distinct advance. Thus it was provided that in certain cases we should be au- thorized to intervene in the territories assigned to us for the protection of our interests. These conditional clauses were so broad that it was really left to us to de- cide whether "vital" interests were concerned ; so that, Portugal being completely dependent on England, it was necessary only to cultivate further our relations with England in order, later on, with English assent, to realize our respective intentions. The sincerity of the British government in its effort to respect our rights was proved by the fact that, even before the treaty was completed or signed, English entrepreneurs who wished to invest capital in the districts assigned to us under the new treaty, and who desired British support for their undertaking, were referred by Sir Edward Grey to us, with the information that the enterprise in question belonged in our sphere of interest. The treaty was substantially complete at the time of the King's visit to Berlin in May, 1913. At that time a discussion took place in Berlin, under the presidency of the imperial chancellor, in which I took part, and at which some further desires of ours were defined. On my return to London I succeeded, with the help of the counselor of the embassy, Herr von Kuhlmann, who was working with Mr. Parker upon the details of the treaty, in putting through our last proposals also; so that in August, 1913, before I [63] 236 festgelegt wurden. Bei meiner Riickkehr nach London gelang es mir mit Hilfe des Botschaftsrats, Herrn von Kiihlmann, der mit Mr. Parker die Einzelheiten des Vertrages bearbeitete, auch unsere letzten Vorschlage durchzusetzen, so dass der ganze Vertrag schon im August 1913, vor Antritt meines Urlaubs, von Sir Ed. Grey und mir paragraphiert werden konnte. Nun sollten aber neue Schwierigkeiten entstehen, die die Unterzeichnung verhinderten, und erst nach einem Jahre, also kurz vor Kriegsausbruch, konnte ich die Ermachtigung erhalten zum endgiiltigen Abschluss. Zur Unterzeichnung aber ist es nicht mehr gekommen. Sir Ed. Grey wollte namlich nur unterzeichnen, falls der Vertrag mitsamt den beiden Vertragen von i8q8 und i8qq veroffentlicht wiirde. England besitze sonst keine geheimen Vertrage, und es sei gegen die beste- henden Grundsatze, bindende Abmachungen zu ver- heimlichen. Er konne daher keinen Vertrag eingehen, ohne ihn zu veroffentlichen. Uber Zeitpunkt und Art der Veroffentlichung sei er aber bereit, unseren Wiin- schen Rechnung zu tragen, vorausgesetzt, dass die Veroffentlichung in langstens Jahresfrist nach Unter- zeichnung erfolge. Im Auswartigen Amt aber, wo meine Londoner Erfolge zunehmendes Missvergniigen erregten, und wo eine einflussreiche Personlichkeit, die die Rolle des Herrn von Holstein spielte, den Londoner Posten fur sich in Anspruch nahm, erklarte man, die Veroffent- lichung gefahrde unsere Interessen in den Kolonien, da die Portugiesen uns alsdann keine Konzessionen mehr geben wurden. Die Nichtigkeit des Einwandes erhellt aus der Erwagung, dass der alte Vertrag den Portugiesen hochst wahrscheinlich ebenso langst bekannt war, wie [64] 287 went on leave, Sir Edward Grey and I were able to paragraph the entire treaty. At this point, however, new difficulties were to arise, which prevented the signing of the treaty; and it was only a year later, shortly before the out- break of war, that I was able to obtain authorization for its definite conclusion. But it never reached the point of being signed. The difficulty was that Sir Edward Grey was will- ing to sign only if the treaty were published, together with the two treaties of 1898 and 1899. England, he said, had no other secret treaties, and it was con- trary to existing principles that binding agreements should be kept secret. He could therefore conclude no treaty without publishing it. As regarded time and manner of publication, however, he was ready to take account of our wishes, provided publication took place within one year, at latest, after the signing. In our Foreign Office, however, where my London successes aroused increasing dissatisfaction, and where an influential personage, who had taken over the role previously played by Herr von Holstein, 23 was claiming for himself the post at London, it was ex- plained that the publication would imperil our in- terests in the colonies, because the Portuguese would then give us no more concessions. That there was nothing in this objection becomes clear when we consider that in all probability, in view of the intimacy of the Portuguese-English rela- tions, the old treaty had long been known, and the new agreements had likewise been made known, to the Portuguese. It is also to be remembered that, with the influence England has in Lisbon, the Portu- n See Appendix, note i. [65] 288 unsere neuen Abmachungen, angesichts der Intimitat der portugiesisch-englischen Beziehungen, und dass bei dem Einfluss, den England in Lissabon besitzt, die dortige Regierung einem deutsch-britischen Einver- standnisse gegeniiber vollig willenlos ist. Es gait also, einen anderen Vorwand zu finden, um den Vertrag scheitern zu lassen : Die Bekanntgebung 8 des Windsorvertrages, der zur Zeit des Fiirsten Hohenlohe geschlossen wurde, und der nur eine Erneuerung des niemals ausser Kraft getretenen Ver- trags Karls II. war, konne die Stellung des Herrn von Bethmann Hollweg gefahrden, als Beweis britischer Heuchelei und Perfidie! Ich wies darauf hin, dass die Einleitung zu unseren Vertragen ganz dasselbe besage, wie der Windsorver- trag und wie andere ahnliche Vertrage, namlich, dass wir die souveranen Rechte Portugals wahren, und die Unversehrtheit seines Besitzes schiitzen wollten. Ver- gebens ! Trotz wiederholter Unterredungen mit Sir Ed . Grey, bei denen der Minister immer neue Vorschlage machte, fur die Veroffentlichung, beharrte das Aus- wartige Amt auf seinem Standpunkt, und verabredete schliesslich mit Sir Ed. Goschen, dass alles so bleiben sollte, wie es bisher gewesen! Der Vertrag, der uns ausserordentliche Vorteile bot, das Ergebnis einer mehr als einjahrigen Arbeit, war somit gef alien, weil er fur mich ein offentlicher Erfolg gewesen ware. Als ich im Friihjahr 1914 gelegentlich eines Diners 9 auf der Botschaft, an dem Mr. Harcourt teilnahm, den Gegenstand beriihrte, erklarte mir der Kolonialmi- nister, er befinde sich in Verlegenheit und wisse nicht, 8 B.-C: "Bekanntgabe." »B.-C: "Diner." [66] 289 guese government could not think of opposing a German-British understanding. Consequently, another pretext had to be found for wrecking the treaty. It was urged that the pub- lication of the Windsor Treaty, which was concluded in the time of Prince Hohenlohe — though it was only a renewal of the treaty of Charles II, which had never gone out of force — might jeopard the position of Herr von Bethmann Hollweg, because it would be proof of British hypocrisy and perfidy! I pointed out that the preamble to our treaties said exactly the same thing as the Windsor Treaty and other similar treaties — namely, that it was our purpose to protect the sovereign rights of Portugal and the integrity of its possessions. In vain! Although Sir Edward Grey, in repeated conversations, kept mak- ing fresh proposals concerning publication, our For- eign Office persisted in its attitude, and finally ar- ranged with Sir Edward Goschen that everything should be left as it was before. So the treaty, which gave us extraordinary advan- tages and was the result of more than a year's work, perished because it would have been a public success for me. When in the spring of 1914 I had an opportunity, at a dinner in the embassy at which Mr. Harcourt was present, to touch upon the matter, the colonial secretary explained that he found himself in a per- plexing position and did not know what attitude he should take. The present state of affairs was intoler- able, because he, Mr. Harcourt, wished to respect our rights, but, on the other hand, was in doubt as to whether he was to be guided by the old treaty or the new. It was therefore urgently desirable to clear [67] 290 wie sich zu verhalten. Der gegenwartige Zustand sei unertraglich, da er, Mr. Harcourt, unsere Rechte beriicksichtigen wolle, andererseits aber ira Zweifel sei, ob er sich nach dem alten Vertrage oder dem neuen zu richten habe. Es sei daher dringend erwiinscht, Klarheit zu schaffen und die Sache, die sich nun schon so lange hinziehe, zum Abschluss zu bringen. Auf einen diesbeziiglichen Bericht erhielt ich einen sehr wenig hoflichen, aber um so erregteren Erlass, demzufolge ich mich jeder weiteren Einmischung in der Sache zu enthalten hatte. Ich bedauere es heute, dass ich nicht daraufhin nach Berlin gefahren bin, um dem Monarchen meinen Posten zur Verfiigung zu stellen, und dass ich immer noch den Glauben an die Moglichkeit einer Ver- standigung zwischen mir und den leitenden Person- lichkeiten nicht verloren hatte, ein verhangnisvoller Irrtum, der sich wenige Monate spater in so tragischer Weise rachen sollte! So wenig ich auch damals das Wohlwollen des ober- sten Reichsbeamten noch besass, da er furchtete, ich strebe nach 10 seinem Posten, so muss ich ihm die Ge- rechtigkeit widerfahren lassen, dass er bei unserer letzten Unterredung vor Kriegsausbruch, Ende Juli 1914, auf die ich spater noch zuruckkomme, seine Zustimmung zur Unterschrift und Veroffentlichung erteilte. Trotzdem bedurfte es noch wiederholter Anregungen meinerseits, die von Herrn Dr. Solf in Berlin unterstiitzt wurden, um endlich Juli 1914 die Genehmigung zu erwirken. Da aber die serbische Krisis damals schon den Frieden Europas bedrohte, musste die Vollziehung des Vertrages verschoben werden. Auch er gehort zu den Opfern dieses Krieges. "B.-C: "nach nach." [68] 291 matters up and to bring the affair, which had dragged on so long already, to a conclusion. In reply to a report on this subject I received a dispatch that was far from courteous but was cor- respondingly excited, to the effect that I was to abstain from any further interference in the matter. I now regret that I did not go at once to Berlin and place my position at the Emperor's disposal; and that I still clung to the belief that an under- standing was not impossible between me and the persons who were directing our policies — a fatal mis- take, and one for which vengeance was to be exacted, a few months later, in so tragic a fashion ! Although at that time I was no longer in favor with the highest official of the Empire, since he feared that I aspired to his position, I must do him the justice to say that at the end of June, 1914, in our last conversation before the outbreak of war — a conver- sation to which I shall again refer later — he gave his consent to the signing and publication [of the treaty]. In spite of this, it still required repeated applications on my part, which were supported in Berlin by Dr. Solf, to obtain finally, in July, 1914, the [necessary formal] approval. Since, however, the Serbian crisis was then already threatening the peace of Europe, the execution of the treaty had to be postponed. It too is one of the victims of this war. [69] 292 Bagdadvertrag Gleichzeitig unterhandelte ich in London, dabei wirksam unterstiitzt durch Herrn von Kuhlmann, iiber den sog. Bagdagvertrag. Dieser bezweckte tatsachlich die Einteilung Kleinasiens in Interessen- spharen, obwohl dieser AusdruckTmit Riicksicht auf die Rechte des Sultans angstlich vermieden wurde. Sir Ed. Grey erklarte auch wiederholt, dass keine Abmachungen mit Frankreich und Russland bestan- den, die die Aufteilung Kleinasiens bezweckten. Unter Zuziehung eines turkischen Vertreters, als welcher Hakki Pascha erschien, wurden alle wirtschaft- lichen Fragen, die mit den deutschen Unternehmungen in Verbindung standen, im wesentlichen den Wunschen der Deutschen Bank entsprechend geregelt. Das wichtigste Zugestandnis, das Sir Ed. Grey mir per- sonlich gemacht hatte, war die Verlangerung der Bahnstrecke bis Basra. Dieser Standpunkt war namlich unsererseits aufgegeben worden zugunsten des Anschlusses nach Alexandrette ; Bagdad bildete bisher den Endpunkt der Bahn. Fur die Schiffahrt auf dem Schatt-el-Arab sollte eine internationale Kommission sorgen. Auch an den Hafenbauten in Basra wurden wir beteiligt und erhielten ferner Rechte an der Ti- grisschiffahrt, die bisher ein Monopol des Hauses Lynch war. Durch diesen Vertrag wurde ganz Mesopotamien bis Basra unser Interessengebiet, unbeschadet alterer britischer Rechte an der Tigrisschiffahrt und den Wilcox-Bewasserungsanlagen, ferner das ganze Gebiet der Bagdad- und Anatolischen Eisenbahn. Als britischer Wirtschaftsbereich galten die Kiisten des Persischen Busens und die Smyrna-Aidin-Bahn, [70] 293 The Bagdad Treaty 2i During the same period I was carrying on negotia- tions in London, with the efficient support of Herr von Kuhlmann, in reference to the so-called Bagdad Treaty. The real purpose of this treaty was to divide Asia Minor into spheres of influence, although this expression was anxiously avoided, out of regard for the rights of the Sultan. Sir Edward Grey repeatedly stated, moreover, that no agreements existed with France and with Russia aiming at the dismember- ment of Asia Minor. After we had drawn into conference a represen- tative of Turkey, Hakki Pasha, all the economic questions connected with the German enterprises were regulated, in substantial accord with the desires of the German Bank. The most important concession made to me personally by Sir Edward Grey was the prolongation of the railway to Basra. This particu- lar object had been abandoned, on our part, in favor of a connection with Alexandretta. Up to this time Bagdad formed the terminus of the line. Naviga- tion on the Shatt-el-Arab was to be placed under an international commission. We were also admitted to participation in the Basra harbor works and, in addition, we obtained rights in the navigation of the Tigris, which had been previously a monopoly of the firm of Lynch. By virtue of this treaty all Mesopotamia as far as Basra became our sphere of interest, without pre- judice to older British rights in the navigation of the Tigris and in the Wilcox irrigation works. Our sphere further included the whole region of the Bagdad and Anatolian railway. M See Appendix, note xix. [71] 294 als franzosischer Syrien, als russischer Armenien. Wiirden beide Vertrage vollzogen und veroffentlicht, so war damit eine Verstandigung mit England erreicht, die alien Zweifeln an der Moglichkeit einer "Anglo- German cooperation" (eines englisch-deutschen Zusam- menwirkens) fur immer ein Ende machte. Flottenfrage Die heikelste aller Fragen war und blieb die Flotten- frage. Sie wird nicht immer ganz richtig beurteilt. Die Schaffung einer machtigen Flotte am anderen Ufer der Nordsee, die gleichzeitige Entwickelung der bedeutendsten Militarmacht des Festlandes zur be- deutendsten Seemacht desselben musste in England zum mindesten als Unbequemlichkeit empfunden werden. Hieriiber kann billigerweise kein Zweifel bestehen. Um den notigen Vorsprung zu behalten und nicht in Abhangigkeit zu geraten und die Herrschaft der Meere zu sichern, die Britannien benotigt, um nicht zu verhungern, musste es zu Rustungen und Ausgaben schreiten, die schwer auf dem Steuerzahler lasteten. Eine Bedrohung der britischen Weltstellung ergab sich jedoch, wenn unsere Politik die Moglichkeit kriegerischer Entwickelungen gewartigen liess. Diese Voraussetzung war bei den Marokkokrisen und der bosnischen Frage in sichtbare Nahe getreten. Mit unserer Flotte nach den bestehenden Festle- gungen hatte man sich abgefunden, sie war den Briten gewiss nicht willkommen und bildete einen der Griinde, aber nicht den einzigen und vielleicht auch nicht den wichtigsten, fur den Anschluss Englands an Frank- reich und Russland ; aber wegen der Flotte allein hatte England ebensowenig zum Schwerte gegriffen, wie [72] 295 The British economic domain was to include the coasts of the Persian Gulf and the Smyrna-Aidin line; the French, Syria; the Russian, Armenia. Had these two treaties been executed and published, an understanding with England would have been reached which would forever have dissipated all doubts as to the possibility of an Anglo-German cooperation. The Naval Question™ The naval question was and remained the thorniest of all the questions at issue. It is not always quite rightly appreciated. The creation of a powerful fleet on the other side of the North Sea, the development of the most im- portant military power of the continent into its most important naval power as well, could not but arouse in England a sense at least of discomfort. On this point there can be no reasonable doubt. In order to keep the lead it had gained and needed and not to lose its independence, in order to secure the rule of the sea, which Great Britain requires to avoid starvation, it was forced to proceed to armaments and outlays that weighed heavily on the tax-payer. The British position in the world, however, was threatened if our policy caused possible warlike complications to be anticipated. This anticipation had been brought into the immediate field of vision in the Moroccan crisis and in the Bosnian question. The development of our fleet in accordance with the plans existing at that time had been accepted. It was certainly not welcome to the Britons, and it was one of the motives, although not the only and perhaps not the most important motive, that had 26 See Appendix, note xvi. [73] 296 etwa wegen unseres Handels, der angeblich den Neid und schliesslich den Krieg gezeitigt hat. Ich vertrat von Anfang an den Standpunkt, dass es trotz der Flotte moglich n sei, zu freundschaftlicher Verstandigung und Annaherung zu gelangen, wenn wir keine Novelle brachten und eine zibeifelsfreie Friedens- politik trieben. Auch vermied ich es, von der Flotte zu sprechen, und zwischen Sir Ed. Grey und mir ist das Wort uberhaupt nicht gefallen. Sir Ed. Grey erklarte gelegentlich in einer Kabinettssitzung: "The present German Ambassador has never mentioned the fleet to me" (Der gegenwartige deutsche Botschafter hat vor mir nie die Flotte erwahnt). Wahrend meiner Amtszeit regte bekanntlich Mr. Churchill, der damalige Erste Lord der Admiralitat, den sogenannten "naval holiday" (Flottenfeiertag) an und schlug aus finanziellen Griinden und wohl auch um der pazifistischen Richtung in seiner Partei ent- gegenzukommen, eine einjahrige Riistungspause vor. Amtlich von Sir Ed. Grey wurde der Vorschlag nicht unterstiitzt, zu mir hat er nie davon gesprochen, Mr. Churchill redete mich aber wiederholt darauf an. Ich bin iiberzeugt, dass seine Anregung aufrichtig gemeint war, wie uberhaupt Winkelziigigkeit nicht im Wesen des Englanders liegt. Es ware fur Mr. Churchill ein grosser Erfolg gewesen, dem Lande mit Erspar- nissen aufzuwarten und den Riistungsalp, der auf dem Volke lastete, erleichtern zu konnen. Ich entgegnete, es wurde aus technischen Griinden schwer sein, auf seinen Gedanken einzugehen. Was sollte aus den Arbeitern werden, die fiir diese Zwecke geworben seien, was aus dem technischen Personal? Unser Flottenprogramm sei einmal festgelegt und « B.-C: "unmoglich." I 74] 297 led England to establish closer relations with France and with Russia; but England would no more have grasped the sword on account of our fleet alone than on account, say, of our trade, which is alleged to have bred envy and finally war. From the outset I took the position that, in spite of the fleet, it was possible to reach a friendly under- standing and a rapprochement, provided we introduced no new naval bill and conducted our policy on indub- itably peaceful lines. I also avoided any mention of the fleet and, in the conversations between Sir Edward Grey and me, the word was never uttered. Sir Edward Grey declared incidentally, at a cabinet meeting: "The present German ambassador has never mentioned the fleet to me." During my term of office Mr. Churchill, at that time first lord of the admiralty, suggested, as is known, the so-called "naval holiday" and, for financial reasons and probably also in order to meet the pacifist tendency in his party, proposed a stay of armaments for one year. This proposal was not officially supported by Sir Edward Grey; he never spoke of it to me; Mr. Churchill, however, repeatedly addressed me on the subject. I am convinced that his suggestion was honestly intended. Chicane is not natural to the Englishman. It would have been a great success for Mr. Churchill if he could have come before the country with reduc- tions of expenditure and lightened the burden of armament that weighed like a nightmare on the people. My answer was that for technical reasons it would be difficult to accept his idea. What was to become of the workmen who had been hired for these purposes? [751 298 daran Hesse sich schwer etwas andern. Wir beabsich- tigten es andererseits auch nicht zu iiberschreiten. Er kam aber wieder darauf zuriick und machte geltend, dass die fur ungeheure Riistungen aufgewendeten Mittel auch besser fur andere, nutzbringende Zwecke Verwendung fanden. Ich entgegnete, dass auch diese- Ausgaben der heimischen Industrie zugute kamen. Es gelang mir auch durch Unterredungen mit Sir W. Tyrrell, dem Kabinettschef Sir Edwards, die Frage von der Tagesordnung 12 abzusetzen, ohne zu verstim- men, obwohl sie im Parlamente wiederkehrte, und zu verhindern, dass ein amtlicher Vorschlag erging. Es war aber ein Lieblingsgedanke Mr. Churchills und der Regierung, und ich glaube, dass wir durch Eingehen auf seine Anregung sowie auf die Formel 16:10 fur Grosskampfschiffe einen greifbaren Beweis unseres guten Willens geben und die bei der Regierung vor- herrschende Tendenz, mit uns in nahere Fuhlung zu kommen, wesentlich befestigen und fordern konnten. Aber wie gesagt, es war moglich, trotz der Flotte und auch ohne "naval holiday" zu einer Verstandigung zu gelangen. In diesem Sinne hatte ich meine Mission von Anfang aufgefasst, und es war mir auch gelungen, mein Programm zu verwirklichen, als der Ausbruch des Krieges alles Erreichte vernichtete. Handelsneid Der Handelsneid, von dem bei uns so viel die Rede ist, beruht auf unrichtiger Beurteilung der Verhalt- nisse. Gewiss bedrohte das Emporkommen Deutsch- 12 B.-C: "Tagesornung." [76] 299 What was to be done with the technical personnel? Our naval program was definitely fixed, and it would be difficult to make any change in it. On the other hand, we did not mean to go beyond it. Nevertheless he came back to the matter and urged that the sums expended for enormous armaments might better be ap- plied to other useful purposes. I answered that even these outlays were of advantage to our home industry. As a result of conversations with Sir William Tyrrell, Sir Edward Grey's private secretary, I succeeded in eliminating this question from the order of the day, and this without provoking any dissatisfaction, al- though it came up again in Parliament; and I was able to prevent the submission of any official proposal. It was, however, an idea strongly favored by Mr. Churchill and by the government; and I believe that by accepting his suggestion, and also the rate of sixteen to ten for large steam vessels, we might have given tangible evidence of our good will and sensibly strengthened and furthered the tendency that was dominant in the government to bring the two countries into closer touch. However, as I have said, it was possible to arrive at an understanding in spite of the fleet and also without a naval "holiday." I had viewed my mission in this sense from the outset, and I had succeeded, too, in carrying out my program, when the outbreak of the war swept away all that had been gained. Commercial Jealousy The [theory of] commercial jealousy, of which there has been so much talk in our country, rests on an erroneous view of the situation. Germany's growing importance as a commercial power, after the war of [771 300 lands als Handelsmacht nach dem siebziger Kriege und in folgenden Dezennien die Interessen der britischen Handelskreise, die mit ihrer Industrie und mit ihren Exporthausern eine Art Monopolstellung besassen. Der zunehmende Warenaustausch mit Deutschland aber, das an der Spitze aller britischen Exportlander in Europa 13 stand, eine Tatsache, auf die ich in meinen offentlichen Reden immer hinwies, hatte den Wunsch, mit dem besten Kunden und Geschaftsfreund in guten Beziehungen zu bleiben, gezeitigt und alle andern Erwagungen allmahlich zuriickgedrangt. Der Brite ist matter of fact, er findet sich mit Tatsachen ab und kampft nicht gegen Windmiihlen. Gerade in den kaufmannischen Kreisen fand ich das lebhafteste Entgegenkommen und das Bestreben, die gemeinsamen wirtschaftlichen Interessen zu fordern. Tatsachlich interessierte sich niemand dort fur den russischen, italienischen, osterreichischen, ja nicht einmal fur den franzosischen Vertreter, trotz seiner bedeutenderi Personlichkeit und seiner politischen Erfolge. Nur der deutsche und der amerikanische Botschafter erregte die offentliche Aufmerksamkeit. Ich habe, um mit den wichtigen Handelskreisen Fiihlung zu bekommen, den Einladungen der vereinig- ten Handelskammern sowie der Londoner und Brad- forder Kammer entsprochen und war Gast der Stadte Newcastle und Liverpool. Uberall war ich der Gegen- stand herzlicher Huldigungen. Manchester, Glasgow und Edinburg hatten mich gleichfalls geladen und ich wollte spater dorthin gehen. Es wurde mir von Leuten, die britische Verhaltnisse nicht kennen, und die Bedeutung der "public dinners'' nicht wiirdigen, und auch von solchen, denen meine 18 B.-C: omits "in Europa." [78] 301 1870 and in the following decades, undoubtedly men- aced the interests of British trade circles, since with their industry and their export houses these had a sort of monopoly. On the other hand, the increasing exchange of goods with Germany, to which Great Britain exported more merchandise than to any other country in Europe — a fact to which I invariably al- luded in my public speeches — had created a desire to maintain good relations with their best customer and business friend and had gradually supplanted all other considerations. The Briton is a matter-of-fact person, he adjusts himself to conditions and does not tilt against wind- mills. It was precisely in commercial circles that I found the liveliest disposition to establish good rela- tions and to promote common economic interests. As a matter of fact there was in these circles no particular interest in the Russian, the Italian, the Austrian or even the French representative, in spite of the latter's marked personality and political successes. Only the German and the American ambassadors attracted public attention. In order to get in touch with the most important trade circles, I accepted invitations from the United Chambers of Commerce and also from the London and Bradford Chamber. I was also entertained by the cities of Newcastle and of Liverpool. I received everywhere cordial tributes of respect. Manchester, Glasgow and Edinburgh had also sent me invitations, and I intended to visit these cities later. People who do not understand British conditions and who do not appreciate the importance of "public dinners," and also persons to whom my successes were unwelcome, accused me of doing harm by my [79] 3°2 Erfolge unerwunscht waren, der Vorwurf gemacht, ich habe durch meine Reden geschadet. Ich glaube viel- mehr, dass mein offentliches Auftreten und die Beto- nung gemeinsamer wirtschaftlicher Interessen nicht unwesentlich zur Besserung der Beziehungen beige- tragen hat, abgesehen davon, dass es ungeschickt und unhoflich gewesen ware, alle Einladungen abzulehnen. Auch in alien andern Kreisen habe ich die liebens- wurdigste Aufnahme und ein warmes Entgegen- kommen gef unden, bei Hof wie in der Gesellschaf t und bei der Regierung. Hof und Gesettschaft Der Konig, wenn auch nicht gerade sehr gebildet und bedeutend, aber ein harmloser und wohlwollender Mann mit einfachem, gesundem Sinn, common sense, war bestrebt, mir Wohlwollen zu zeigen und aufrichtig gewillt, meine Aufgabe zu fordern. Trotz der geringen Macht, die die englische Verfassung der Krone lasst, vermag der Monarch, kraft seiner Stellung, die Stim- mung doch sehr zu beeinflussen, sowohl in der Gesell- schaft, wie auch bei der Regierung. Die Krone ist die Spitze der Gesellschaftspyramide, von ihr geht der Ton aus. Die Gesellschaft, iiberwiegend unionistisch (konservativ), befasst sich, mit Einschluss der Damen, von jeher eifrig mit Politik. Sie ist im House of Lords (Oberhaus), wie bei den Commons (Haus der Ge- meinen), und daher auch im Kabinett vertreten. Der Englander gehort entweder zur Society (Gesellschaft) oder mochte zu ihr gehoren. Sein Streben ist und bleibt: ein vornehmer Mann, ein Gentleman zu sein, und selbst Leute bescheidener Herkunft, wie Mr. Asquith, verkehren mit Vorliebe in der Gesellschaft und mit schonen, eleganten Damen. [80] 303 speeches. I am convinced, on the contrary, that my public appearances and my insistence on common economic interests contributed in no slight degree to improving our relations, apart from the fact that it would have been awkward and discourteous to refuse all invitations. In all other circles I was most kindly received and warmly welcomed, at court as well as in society and on the part of the government. Court and Society The King, although not highly educated or of very marked personality, but yet an inoffensive and kindly man, with simple, sound sense — common sense — made a point of indicating his good will to me and was honestly desirous to further the accomplishment of my task. However slight the power that the English con- stitution leaves in the crown, the King is still able, by virtue of his position, to exercise much influence on opinion, not only in society but also within the govern- ment. The crown is the apex of the social pyramid ; it sets the fashion. Society, which is for the most part Unionist (conservative) has always taken a very active interest, the women no less than the men, in politics. It is represented not only in the House of Lords, but also in the Commons, and for this reason in the Cabinet as well. The Englishman is either in society or wishes to get into society. It is his constant effort to be a man of distinction, a gentleman; and even men of modest origin, such as Mr. Asquith, wish to move in society and prefer to meet handsome and fashionable women. [81] 304 Der britische Gentleman beider Parteien geniesst die gleiche Erziehung, besucht dieselben Colleges und Universitaten, betreibt die namlichen Sports, sei es nun Golf, Cricket, Lawn-Tennis oder Polo. Alle haben in der Jugend picket und Fussball gespielt, sie haben dieselben Lebensgewohnheiten und verbringen das week-end (Ende der Woche) auf dem Lande. Keine soziale Kluft trennt die Parteien, sondern nur eine politische, die sich in den letzten Jahren nur insofern zu einer sozialen entwickelte, als die Politiker beider Lager sich gesellschaftlich mieden. Man durfte selbst auf dem neutralen Boden einer Botschaft beide Lager nicht mischen, da die Unionisten seit der Veto- und Homerulebill die Radikalen achteten. Als wenige Monate nach meiner Ankunft das Konigspaar bei uns speiste, verliess Lord Londonderry nach Tisch das Haus, um nicht mit Sir Ed. Grey zusammen zu bleiben. Aber es ist kein Gegensatz, der in der Kaste und Erziehung liegt, wie in Frankreich ; es sind nicht zwei getrennte Welten, sondern dieselbe Welt, und das Urteil iiber einen Auslander ist ein gemeinsames und nicht ohne Einfluss auf seine politische Stellung, ob nun Mr. Asquith regiert oder Lord Lansdowne. Ein Gegensatz der Kaste besteht in England nicht mehr, seit der Zeit der Stuarts und nachdem die Welfen und die Whigoligarchie im Gegensatz zu dem tori- stischen Landadel die burgerlich-stadtischen Kreise emporkommen liessen. Es ist vielmehr ein Gegen- satz der politischen Meinungen iiber staatsrechtliche Fragen oder iiber Steuerpolitik. Gerade Aristokraten, die sich der Volkspartei, den Radikalen anschliessen, die Grey, Churchill, Harcourt, Crewe, wurden von der unionistischen Aristokratie am meisten gehasst. Nie- mals begegnete man einem dieser Herren in den [82] 305 The British gentleman, no matter to which party he belongs, enjoys the same education, goes to the same colleges and universities, engages in the same sports, whether it be golf, cricket, tennis or polo. They have all played cricket and football in their youth; they have the same habits of life, and they spend the week-end in the country. The cleavage between the parties is not social but purely political. In the last few years it has become a social cleavage only in so far as the politicians of the two camps avod social intercourse with one another. Even on the neutral territory of an embassy the two camps could not be brought together, for, since the Home Rule and Veto Bills, the Unionists have put the Radicals under a ban. When, a few months after my arrival, the King and Queen dined with us, Lord Londonderry left the house after dinner in order not to remain in company with Sir Edward Grey. There is, however, no barrier based on caste and education, such as exists in France. There are not two separate worlds, it is the same world, and its judgment regard- ing a foreigner is a common judgment and is not without influence on his political position, whether Mr. Asquith is governing or Lord Lansdowne. There has been no barrier of caste in England since the time of the Stuarts, since the Guelphs and the Whig oligarchy, in opposition to the Tory landed gentry, promoted the rise of the urban middle classes. There is rather a difference of political opinions re- garding constitutional questions or regarding tax pol- icies. The bitterest hatred of the Unionist aristocracy is directed precisely against aristocrats, such as Grey, Churchill, Harcourt and Crewe, who attach themselves to the popular party, to the Radicals. One never [83] 306 grossen aristokratischen Hausern, ausser bei den wenigen Parteifreunden. Wir wurden in London mit offenen Armen auf- genommen und beide Parteien iiberboten sich in Zuvorkommenheit. Es ware fehlerhaft, gesellschaft- liche Beziehungen bei dem engen Verhaltnis, das in England zwischen Politik und Gesellschaft besteht, zu unterschatzen, selbst wenn die grosse Mehrheit der obern Zehntausend sich in Opposition zur Regierung befindet. Zwischen Herrn Asquith und dem Duke of Devon- shire 14 besteht eben nicht die unuberbrtickbare Kluft wie etwa zwischen Herrn Briand und dem Due de Doudeauville. Sie verkehren zwar in Zeiten erregter Spannung nicht miteinander, sie gehoren zwei geson- derten gesellschaftlichen Gruppen an, es sind aber doch Teile derselben Gesellschaft, wenn auch ver- schiedener Stufen, deren Mittelpunkt der Hof ist, sie haben gemeinsame Freunde und Lebensgewohnheiten, sie kennen sich meist von Jugend an und sind auch oft verwandt und verschwagert. Erscheinungen wie Mr. Lloyd George, der Mann des Volkes, kleiner Advokat und Selfmademan, sind Ausnahmen. Selbst Mr. Burns, Sozialist, Arbeiter- fuhrer und Autodidakt, suchte Fiihlung in der Gesell- schaft. Bei dem verbreiteten Bestreben, als Gentle- man zu gelten, als dessen unerreichtes Vorbild der grosse Aristokrat noch immer erscheint, ist das Urteil gerade der Gesellschaft und ihre Haltung nicht zu unterschatzen. Nirgends spielt daher die gesellschaftliche Eignung eines Vertreters eine grossere Rolle wie in England. Ein gastreiches Haus mit freundlichen Wirten ist " B.-C: "Devoshire." [84] 307 met any of these gentlemen in the grrat aristocratic houses, except in those of their few party friends. We were received in London with open arms, and the two parties outbid each other in attentions. Given the close relation that exists in England be- tween politics and society, it would be a mistake to undervalue social connections, even though the great majority of the upper ten thousand are in op- position to the government. Between Mr. Asquith and the Duke of Devonshire there is nothing like the unbridgeable gulf that exists, let us say, between M. Briand and the Due de Dou- deauville. In periods of acute tension, indeed, they do not meet each other. They are members of two separate social groups; but these, although on different levels, are nevertheless parts of the same society, of which the court is the center. They have common friends and common ways of living. For the most part they have known each other from their youth and are often related or connected by marriage. Phenomena such as Mr. Lloyd George, a man of the people, a lawyer in a small way and a self-made man, are exceptional. Even Mr. Burns, a socialist, a labor leader, and a self-educated man, tried to get in touch with society. Given the general desire to rank as a gentleman, whose unattained prototype is still the great aristocrat, the judgment of society and its attitude are by no means to be undervalued. Nowhere in the world, accordingly, does the social adaptability of a [diplomatic] representative play a more important part than in England. An open house with friendly hosts counts for more than the profoundest scientific attainments, and a savant with [851 308 mehr wert al% die profundesten wissenschaftlichen Kenntnisse, und ein Gelehrter mit provinziellem Wesen und allzu kargen Mitteln wiirde trotz alles Wissens keinen Einfluss gewinnen. Was der Brite hasst, ist a bore, a schemer 11 a prig (ein langweiliger Kerl, ein Rankeschmied, ein Fant), was er liebt, ist a good fellow (ein guter Gesell)! Sir Edward Grey Sir Ed. Greys Einfluss war in alien Fragen der aus- wartigen Politik nahez.u unbeschrankt. Zwar sagte er bei wichtigen Anlassen : "I must first bring it before the Cabinet" (Ichmuss das erst im Ministerrat vorbringen), doch schloss dieses sich seinen Ansichten regelmassig an. Seine Autoritat war unbestritten. Obwohl er das Ausland gar nicht kennt und ausser einer kurzen Reise nach Paris niemals England verlassen hatte, beherr- schte er alle wichtigen Fragen durch langjahrige parla- mentarische Erfahrung und natiirlichen tJberblick. Franzosisch versteht er, ohne es zu sprechen. In jungen Jahren in das Parlament gewahlt, hatte er bald angefangen, sich mit Auslandspolitik zu befassen. Unter Lord Rosebery parlamentarischer Unterstaats- sekretar des Auswartigen, wurde er 1906 unter Mr. Campbell-Bannermann Staatssekretar und bekleidet diesen Posten nunmehr seit zehn Jahren. Aus einer alten, im Norden Englands begiiterten Familie stammend, die bereits den bekannten Staats- mann Grey geliefert hatte, schloss er sich dem linken Flugel seiner Partei an und sympatisierte mit Sozia- listen und Pazifisten. Man kann ihn einen Sozialisten im idealsten Sinne nennen, denn er iibertragt die The- orie auch auf sein Privatleben, das sich durch die " B.-C.: "Shemer." 186] 309 provincial manners and too limited means would, despite all his knowledge, gain no influence. What the Briton hates is a bore, a schemer, a prig; what he loves is a good fellow. Sir Edward Grey In all questions of foreign policy Sir Edward Grey's influence was almost unlimited. On important occas- ions he used indeed to say: "I must first bring it before the Cabinet," but this body regularly accepted his views. His authority was undisputed. Although he was wholly unacquainted with foreign countries and, except for one short journey to Paris, had never left England, he was competent to deal with all important questions by reason of many years of par- liamentary experience and a natural breadth of vision. He understands French, although he does not speak it. Elected to parliament at an early age, he soon began to occupy himself with foreign affairs. Parlia- mentary under-secretary of state for foreign affairs under Lord Rosebery, he became secretary of state under Mr. Campbell-Bannermann, and has now [1916] held this post for ten years. Sprung from an old family, possessing estates in the north of England — a family which had already produced the well-known statesman Earl Grey — he attached himself to the left wing of his party and exhibited sympathy with socialists and pacifists. He may be described as a socialist in the most ideal sense of the term; for he carries the theory of socialism even into his private life, which is marked by the [87] 3io grosste Einfachheit und Anspruchslosigkeit auszeich- net, obwohl er iiber reichliche Mittel verfiigt. Jede Representation liegt ihm fern. Er hatte in London nur ein kleines Absteigequartier, gab niemals Diners, ausserdem einen amtlichen im Foreign Office (Aus- wartigen Amt) zu Konigs Geburtstag. Wenn er aus- nahmsweise einige Gaste bei sich sah, so war es zu einem einfachen Essen oder Friihstiick in ganz kleinem Kreise und mit weiblicher Bedienung. Auch mied er grosse Geselligkeiten und Feste. Das week-end verbringt er, wie seine Kollegen, regel- massig auf dem Lande, doch nicht mit eleganten, grossen Parties. Meist bleibt er allein in seinem Cottage im Newforest, wo er lange Spaziergange macht, um Vogel zq beobachten als leidenschaftlicher Naturfreund und Ornithologe. Oder aber er ging nach Norden auf sein Gut, wo er Eichhornchen fiitterte, die den Weg durch das Fenster fanden, und verschiedene Arten Wasservogel ziichtete. Mit Vorliebe setzte er sich gelegentlich nach Norfolk in die Sumpfe, um seltene Reiherarten beim Briiten zu beobachten, die nur dort nisten. In seiner Jugend ein beruhmter Cricket- und Racketspieler, treibt er jetzt als Hauptsport das Angeln nach Lachs und Forellen in den schottischen Gewassern — in Begleitung seines Freundes Lord Glen- conner, des Bruders von Mr. Asquith. "All the rest of the year I am looking forward to it" (Das ganze Jahres- ende warte ich darauf). Er hat ein Buch iiber den Angelsport herausgegeben. Als wir ein week-end mit ihm allein bei Lord Glen- conner in der Nahe von Salisbury verbrachten, kam er auf dem Zweirad angefahren und kehrte ebenso [88] 3" greatest simplicity and absence of all pretension, al- though he is possessed of ample means. Display of any sort is foreign to him. He had in London modest quarters only, and gave no dinners except the one official dinner in the Foreign Office on the King's Birthday. If, exceptionally, he asked a few people to his house, it was to a simple meal or to a small luncheon served by a maid. He shunned large gatherings and celebrations. Like his colleagues, he regularly spends his week- ends in the country, but not at large, fashionable house parties. For the most part he lives alone, in his cottage in the New Forest, where he takes long walks to watch the ways of birds, being a devoted lover of nature and an ornithologist. Or, on the other hand, he goes north, to his property, where he feeds squirrels that make their way in through the window and breeds different kinds of water-fowl. He was specially fond of occasional excursions to the Norfolk marshes, to watch during the breeding season some rare varieties of heron that nest only in that region. In his youth he was a noted cricketer and tennis player. Now his chief sport is salmon and trout fishing, in Scotch waters, in the company of his friend Lord Glenconner, Mr. Asquith's brother-in-law. "All the rest of the year I am looking forward to it." He has published a book on fishing. When on one occasion we spent a week-end with him alone, at Lord Glenconner's, near Salisbury, he arrived on a bicycle and returned in the same way to his cottage, some thirty miles distant. The simplicity and sincerity of his character won for him the esteem even of his opponents, who were to be [89] 312 nach seinem etwa dreissig englische Meilen ent- fernten Cottage zuriick. Die Einfachheit und Lauterkeit seines Wesens verschafften ihm auch die Achtung seiner Gegner, die mehr auf dem Gebiete der innern als der auswartigen Politik zu suchen waren. Liigen und Intrigen sind ihm gleichmassig fern. Seine Frau, die er zartlich liebte, trotzdem sie an- geblich nicht eigentlich seine Gattin war, und von der er sich niemals trennte, starb infolge eines Sturzes aus einem Wagen, den sie selbst lenkte. Einer seiner Briider wurde bekanntlich durch einen Lowen getotet. Wordsworth ist sein Lieblingsdichter, und er konnte ihn auswendig vortragen. Der kuhlen Ruhe seines britischen Wesens fehlt nicht der Sinn fur Humor. Als er bei uns fruhstiickte in Gesellschaft der Kinder, und deren deutsche Unter- haltung horte, meinte er: "I can't help thinking how clever these children are to talk German so well" (Ich muss immer denken, wie klug sind diese Kinder, dass sie so gut deutsch sprechen) und freute sich iiber den Witz. So sieht der Mann aus, der als Liigen-Grey und als Anstifter des Weltkrieges verschrien wird. Mr. Asquith Mr. Asquith ist ganz anderer Art. Jovialer Lebe- mann, Freund der Damen, namentlich der jungen und hiibschen, liebt er heitere Gesellschaft und gute Kiiche, und wird dabei von seiner lebenslustigen Gattin unterstiitzt. Ehemals bekannter Advokat mit reichem Einkommen und langjahriger Parlamentarier, dann Minister unter Mr. Gladstone, Pazifist wie sein Freund Grey, und Freund einer Verstandigung mit Deutschland, behandelte er alle Fragen mit der [90] 313 found rather in the field of domestic politics than in that of foreign affairs, Falsehood and intrigue are equally foreign to him. His wife, -whom he loved tenderly (in spite of gossip that they did not live as man and wife) and from whom he was inseparable, was killed by being thrown from a trap which she herself was driving. One of his brothers, as is known, was killed by a lion. Wordsworth is his favorite poet, and he is able to recite long passages from memory. Under the cool repose of his British manner there is no lack of a sense of humor. When, on one occasion, he took lunch in our house in the company of the children and heard their German conversation, he said: "I can't help thinking how clever these children are to talk German so well," and he showed himself pleased with the joke. This is a true picture of the man who is denounced as "Liar Grey" and as instigator of the World War. Mr. Asquith Mr. Asquith is quite a different sort of man. Jovial, a bon vivant, a friend of the ladies, especially of those who are young and good looking, he loves cheerful society and good cooking. His social tastes are shared by his vivacious wife. Formerly a well-known barris- ter, with a large income, he was for many years a member of Parliament and then, under Mr. Glad- stone, a minister. Like his friend Grey, a pacifist and inclined to an understanding with Germany, he [91] 3H heiteren Ruhe und Sicherheit eines erfahrenen Ge- schaftsmannes, dessen gute Gesundheit und vortreff- liche Nerven durch fleissiges Golf spiel gestahlt sind. Seine Tochter gingen in deutsche Pensionate und sprachen fliessend Deutsch. Wir waren nach kurzer Zeit mit ihm und seiner Familie befreundet und seine Gaste auf dem Lande in dem kleinen Hause an der Themse. Um auswartige Politik kummerte er sich nur in seltenen Fallen, wenn wichtige Fragen vorlagen; dann war natiirlich die letzte Entscheidung bei ihm. In den kritischen Tagen des Juli kam Mrs. Asquith wiederholt zu uns, um zu warnen, und war schliesslich ganz ver- zweifelt iiber die tragische Wendung. Auch Herr Asquith war am 2. August, als ich ihn besuchte, um einen letzten Versuch im Sinne einer abwartenden Neutralitat zu machen, ganz gebrochen, wenn auch vollkommen ruhig. Die Tranen liefen ihm iiber die beiden Wangen hinunter. Nicolson Im Foreign Office (Auswartigen Amt) hatten neben dem Minister Sir A. Nicolson und Sir W. Tyrrell 16 den starksten Einfluss. Ersterer war nicht unser Freund, aber seine Haltung gegen mich war immer durchaus korrekt und zuvor- kommend. Unsere personlichen Beziehungen waren die besten. Auch er wollte den Krieg nicht, als wir aber gegen Frankreich zogen, hatte er zweifellos im Sinne des sofortigen Anschlusses gearbeitet. Er war der Vertrauensmann meines franzosischen Kollegen, mit dem er in dauernder Fuhlung stand ; auch wollte er Lord Bertie in Paris ablosen. "B.-C: "Tyrell." [92] 315 treated all questions with the cheerful calmness and the sure touch of an experienced man of affairs. His sound health and excellent nerves are strengthened by assiduous golf-playing. His daughters studied in German boarding schools and spoke German fluently. We were soon on friendly terms with him and with his family, and visited him in the country, at his little house on the Thames. With foreign affairs he occupied himself only on rare occasions, when important questions came up; at such times naturally the final decision lay with him. During the critical days of July Mrs. Asquith came repeatedly to our house to warn us, and in the end she was quite in despair over the tragic turn of events. Mr. Asquith, also, when on the second of August I called on him to make a last attempt to obtain a neutral and waiting attitude, was completely broken, although quite calm. Tears were rolling down his cheeks. Nicholson In the Foreign Office the men of greatest influence, aside from the minister, were Sir Arthur Nicholson and Sir William Tyrrell. Nicholson was not our friend, but his attitude to- wards me was always perfectly correct and courteous. Our personal relations could not have been better. He also had no desire for war ; but when we marched against France, he undoubtedly worked for immediate intervention. He was the confidant of my French colleague, with whom he kept in constant touch; he hoped, moreover, to succeed Lord Bertie in Paris. [93] 3i6 Bekanntlich war Sir Arthur vorher Botschafter in Petersburg und hatte den Vertrag des Jahres 1907 abgeschlossen, der es Russland ermoglichte, sich dem Westen und dem nahen Orient wieder zuzuwenden. Tyrrell 16 Viel grosseren Einfluss als der permanente Unter- staatssekretar besass der Kabinettschef oder "private secretary" Sir Edwards: Sir Tyrrell. 16 Dieser hochin- telligente Mann hatte in Deutschland das Gymnasium besucht und sich nachher der Diplomatie zugewandt, war aber nur kurze Zeit im Ausland gewesen. Zu- nachst schloss er sich der damals unter den jungeren britischen Diplomaten modernen antideutschen Rich- tung an, um spater ein iiberzeugter Befiirworter der Verstandigung zu werden. In diesem Sinne hat er auch Sir Ed. Grey beeinflusst, mit dem er sehr intim war. Seit Ausbruch des Krieges hat er das Amt ver- lassen und im Home Office (Ministerium des Innern) Anstellung gefunden, wohl infolge der gegen ihn wegen seiner germanophilen Richtung erhobenen Kritik. Haltung des Amies Die Wut gewisser Herren iiber meine Londoner Erfolge und iiber die Stellung, die ich mir in kurzer Zeit machen konnte, war unbeschreiblich. Schikanose Erlasse wurden ersonnen, um mein Amt zu erschweren ; ich blieb in volliger Unkenntnis der wichtigsten Dinge und wurde auf die Mitteilung belangloser, langweiliger Berichte beschrankt. Geheime Agentennachrichten iiber Dinge, die ich ohne Spionage und die notigen Fonds nicht erfahren konnte, waren mir niemals «B.-C: "Tyrell." [94] 317 Sir Arthur, as everyone knows, was formerly ambas- sador in St. Petersburg. He concluded the treaty of 1907, which enabled Russia to direct its attention again to the West and the Near East. Tyrrell An influence much greater than that of the perma- nent under-secretary of state was exercised by Sir Edward Grey's private secretary, Sir William Tyrrell. This exceptionally intelligent man had studied in a German preparatory school and had then entered the diplomatic service, but was abroad for only a short time. At the outset, he associated himself with the anti-German tendencies which at that time were up-to- date among the younger British diplomats; later, he became a convinced advocate of an understanding. His influence with Sir Edward Grey, with whom he was on a very intimate footing, was exercised in this direction. After the outbreak of the war he left the Foreign Office and obtained a position in the Home Office. This change was probably made on account of the criticism directed against him on account of his Germanophil tendencies. Attitude of the Berlin Foreign Office The rage excited among certain gentlemen by my successes in London, and by the position which I had been able to gain for myself in a short time, was indescribable. Captious orders were devised to make my position difficult; I was kept in complete igno- rance of the most important matters; and I was re- stricted to sending unimportant and tiresome reports. The information acquired by secret agents, regard- ing things which I could not ascertain without spies 195] 318 zuganglich, und erst in den letzten Tagen des Juli 17 1914 erfuhr ich zufallig durch den Marine-attache die geheimen englisch-franzosischen Abmachungen liber das Zusammenwirken beider Flotten im Falle eines Krieges. Auch andere wichtige und dem Amt langst bekannte Vorgange wie der Briefwechsel Grey-Cambon wurden mir vorenthalten. Kriegsfall Ich hatte bald nach meiner Ankunft die tJberzeu- gung gewonnen, dass wir unter keinen Umstanden einen englischen Angriff oder eine englische Unter- stiitzung eines fremden Angriffes zu befiirchten hatten, dass aber unter alien Umstanden England die Fran- zosen schiitzen wiirde. Diese Ansicht habe ich in wiederholten Berichten und mit ausfiihrlicher Be- griindung und grossem Nachdruck vertreten, ohne jedoch Glauben zu finden, obwohl die Ablehnung der Neutralitatsformel durch Lord Haldane und die Haltung Englands wahrend der Marokkokrise recht deutliche Winke waren. Dazu kamen noch die bereits erwahnten und dem Amte bekannten geheimen Abmachungen. Ich wies immer darauf hin, dass England als Handelsstaat bei jedem Kriege zwischen europaischen Grossmachten ausserordentlich leiden, ihn daher mit alien Mitteln verhindern wiirde, andererseits aber eine Schwachung oder Vernichtung Frankreichs im In- teresse des europaischen Gleichgewichts und um eine deutsche Ubermacht zu verhindern niemals dulden 17 B.-C: "Jahres." [96] 319 and the necessary funds, was never placed at my disposal; and it was not until the last days of July, 1914, that I learned by chance from the naval attache of the secret Anglo-French agreements concerning the cooperation of the two fleets in case of a war. Moreover, other important correspondence, longknown to the Foreign Office, such as the Grey-Cambon cor- respondence, was withheld from me. 26 The Casus Belli Soon after my arrival I became convinced that under no circumstances had we to apprehend an English attack or any English support of an attack by a third power, but that under any circumstances England would protect the French. I advanced this opinion in repeated reports, with detailed statement of my reasons and with great emphasis, but without obtaining any credence, although Lord Haldane's re- fusal of the proposed neutrality clause 27 and England's attitude during the Morocco crisis gave us very clear hints. Besides all this, there were those secret agree- ments which I have already mentioned and which were known to the Foreign Office. I always pointed out that, in any war between European Great Powers, England, as a commercial state, would suffer enormously, and that it would therefore make every effort to prevent such a war, but that, on the other hand, because of its interest in main- taining the European balance of power and in pre- venting Germany from gaining a dominant position, England could never tolerate a weakening or annihila- 28 See Appendix, note x. 27 Ibid., note xvi. [97] 320 konne. Das hatte mir bald nach meiner Ankunft Lord Haldane gesagt. In ahnlichem Sinne ausserten sich alle massgebenden Leute. Serbische Krise Ende Juni begab ich mich auf Allerhochsten Befehl nach Kiel, nachdem ich wenige Wochen vorher in Oxford Ehrendoktor geworden war, eine Wiirde, die vor mir kein deutscher Botschafter seit Herrn von Bunsen bekleidet hatte. An Bord des „Meteor" erfuhren wir den Tod des Erzherzogthronfolgers. S. M. bedauerte, dass dadurch seine Bemiihungen, den hohen Herrn fur seine Ideen zu gewinnen, vergeblich waren. Ob der Plan einer aktiven Politik gegen Ser- bien schon in Konopischt festgelegt wurde, kann ich nicht wissen. Da ich iiber Wiener Ansichten und Vorgange nicht unterrichtet war, mass ich dem Ereignisse keine weitgehende Bedeutung bei. Ich konnte spater nur feststellen, dass bei osterreichischen Aristokraten ein Gefuhl der Erleichterung andere Empfindungen iiber- wog. An Bord des „Meteor" befand sich auch als Gast S. M. ein Osterreicher, Graf Felix Thun. Er hatte die ganze Zeit wegen Seekrankheit, trotz herr- lichen Wetters, in der Kabine gelegen. Nach Ein- treffen der Nachricht war er aber gesund. Der Schreck oder die Freude hatte ihn geheilt! In Berlin angekommen, sah ich den Reichskanzler und sagte ihm, dass ich unsere auswartige Lage fur sehr befriedigend hielt, da wir mit England so gut standen, wie schon lange nicht. Auch in Frankreich sei ein pazifistisches Ministerium am Ruder. Herr von Bethmann Hollweg schien meinen Opti- mismus nicht zu teilen und beklagte sich iiber rus- [98] 321 tion of France. Lord Haldane had told me this shortly after my arrival. All the influential people expressed themselves in the same sense. The Serbian Crisis At the end of June I went to Kiel, by command of the Emperor. A few weeks earlier I had received an honorary doctorate at Oxford, a distinction which had not been conferred on any German ambassador since Herr von Bunsen. On board the Meteor we learned of the death of the archducal heir to the throne. His Majesty regretted that his efforts to win that prince's support for his ideas had thus been rendered vain. Whether the plan of an active policy against Serbia had already been decided on at Kono- pischt, I am not in a position to know. As I was not kept posted regarding views and proceedings in Vienna, I did not attach very great importance to this event. All that I could ascertain later was that among Austrian aristocrats a feeling of relief outweighed other sentiments. On board the Meteor, also as a guest of His Majesty, was an Aus- trian, Count Felix Thun. In spite of the splendid weather, he had remained in his cabin all the time, suffering from sea-sickness. After receiving the news, however, he was well. Alarm or joy had cured him! On my arrival in Berlin I saw the imperial chancel- lor. I told him that I considered our foreign situation very satisfactory, since we were on better terms with England than we had been for a long time. In France, too, a pacifist ministry was at the helm. Herr von Bethmann Hollweg did not seem to share my optimism and complained about Russian arma- ments. I tried to calm him, emphasizing in particular [99] 322 sische Rustungen. Ich suchte ihn zu beruhigen und betonte namentlich, dass Russland gar kein Interesse habe, uns anzugreifen, und dass ein solcher Angriff auch niemals die englisch-franzosische Unterstiitzung finden wtirde, da beide Lander den Frieden wollten. Darauf ging ich zu Herrn Dr. Zimmermann, der Herrn von Jagow vertrat, und erfuhr von ihm, dass Russland im Begriff sei, 900,000 Mann neuer Truppen aufzu- stellen. Aus seinen Worten ging eine unverkennbare Misstimmung gegen Russland hervor, das uns iiberall im Wege sei. Es handelte sich auch um handels- politische Schwierigkeiten. Dass General von Moltke zum Krieg drangte, wurde mir natiirlich nicht gesagt. Ich erfuhr aber, dass Herr von Tschirschky einen Verweis erhalten, weil er berichtete, er habe in Wien Serbien gegeniiber zur Massigung geraten. Auf meiner Riickreise aus Schlesien auf dem Wege nach London hielt ich mich nur wenige Stunden in Berlin auf und horte, dass Osterreich beabsichtigte, 18 gegen Serbien vorzugehen, um unhaltbaren Zustanden ein Ende zu machen. Leider unterschatzte ich in dem Augenblick die Tragweite der Nachricht. Ich glaubte, es wurde doch wieder nichts daraus werden und, falls Russland drohte, leicht beizulegen sein. Heute bereue ich, nicht in Berlin geblieben zu sein und sogleich erklart zu haben, dass ich eine derartige Politik nicht mitmache. Nachtraglich erfuhr ich, dass bei der entscheidenden Besprechung in Potsdam am 5. Juli die Wiener Anfrage die unbedingte Zustimmung aller massge- benden Personlichkeiten fand, und zwar mit dem Zusatze, es werde auch nichts schaden, wenn daraus ein Krieg mit Russland entstehen sollte. So heisst I8 B.-C: "beabsichtige." 323 [my belief] that Russia had no interest whatever in at- tacking us, and that such an attack would in no case receive Anglo-French support, since both countries de- sired peace. Next I went to Dr. Zimmermann, who was acting for Herr von Jagow, and learned from him that Russia was about to raise 900,000 additional troops. His words revealed unmistakable dissatisfaction with Russia, which he found everywhere in our way. There was question also of difficulties in the field of trade policy. Of course I was not told that General von Moltke was pressing for war. I learned, however, that Herr von Tschirschky had received a reprimand, because he reported that in Vienna he had counselled moderation toward Serbia. On my return from Silesia, on my way to London, I stopped only a few hours in Berlin, where I heard that Austria intended to take steps against Serbia in order to put an end to an untenable situation. At the moment, unfortunately, I underestimated the significance of the news. I thought that nothing would come of it, this time either, and that in case Russia made threats the matter would be easily ad- justed. I now regret that I did not stay in Berlin and at once declare that I would not cooperate in a policy of this kind. Subsequently I learned that, at the decisive con- ference at Potsdam on July 5th, 28 the Vienna inquiry received the unqualified assent of all the controlling authorities, with the further suggestion that it would not be a bad thing if war with Russia should result. At least this statement was made in the Austrian protocol which Count Mensdorff received in London 28 See Appendix, note xx. [101] 324 es wenigstens im osterreichischen Protokoll, das Graf Mensdorff in London erhielt. Bald darauf war Herr von Jagow in Wien, um mit Graf Berchtold alles zu besprechen. Dann bekam ich die Weisung, darauf hinzuwirken, dass die englische Presse eine freundliche Haltung einnehme, wenn Osterreich der grossserbischen Be- wegung den „Todesstoss" versetze, und durch meinen Einfluss moglichst zu verhindern, dass die offentliche Meinung gegen Osterreich Stellung nahme. Die Erinnerungen an die Haltung Englands wahrend der Annexionskrise, wo die offentliche Meinung fur die serbischen Rechte auf Bosnien 19 Sympathie zeigte, sowie auch an die wohlwollende Forderung nationaler Bewegungen zur Zeit Lord Byrons und Garibaldis, dieses und anderes sprach so sehr gegen die Wahr- scheinlichkeit einer Unterstutzung der geplanten Strafexpedition gegen die Furstenmorder, dass ich mich veranlasst sah, dringend zu warnen. Ich warnte aber auch vor dem ganzen Projekt, das ich als aben- teuerlich und gefahrlich bezeichnete, und riet, den Osterreichern Mdssigung anzuempfehlen, da ich nicht an Lokalisierung des Konfliktes glaubte. Herr von Jagow antwortete mir, Russland sei nicht bereit, etwas Gepolter wiirde es wohl geben, aber je fester wir zu Osterreich standen, um so mehr wiirde Russland zuriickweichen. Osterreich beschuldigte uns schon so der Flaumacherei und so diirften wir nicht kneifen. Die Stimmung in Russland wiirde anderseits immer deutschfeindlicher, und da miissten wir es eben riskieren. Angesichts dieser Haltung, die, wie ich spater erfuhr, auf Berichten des Grafen Pourtales fusste, dass » B.-C: "Bosniens." 1 102] 325 Soon afterwards Herr von Jagow was in Vienna, to talk everything over with Count Berchtold. Next I received instructions to try to induce the English press to adopt a friendly attitude, should Austria administer the "death blow" to the Pan- Serbian movement, and to use my influence'so far as possible to prevent public opinion from becoming hos- tile to Austria. Recollections of the English attitude during the annexation crisis, when public opinion showed sympathy for the rights of Serbia to Bosnia, and of the benevolent furtherance of national move- ments in the -days of Lord Byron and of Garibaldi — these and other considerations argued so strongly against the probability of any support of the in- tended punitive expedition against the regicides that I found myself moved to give an urgent warning. I added a warning against the whole plan, which I characterized as adventurous and dangerous; and I advised that moderation be recommended to the Aus- trians, as I did not believe that the conflict could be localized. Herr von Jagow replied to me that Russia was not ready. There would probably be some blustering, but the more firmly we stood by Austria the more certainly would Russia give way. Already Austria was accusing us of flabbiness, and for this reason we must not hold back. Public opinion in Russia, on the other hand, was becoming more and more anti- German, so we must just risk it. In view of this attitude (which, as I found later, was based on reports from Count Pourtales that Russia would not move under any circumstances — [reports] that caused us to incite Count Berchtold to the utmost energy) I hoped for rescue through English mediation, 1 103] 326 Russland unter keinen Umstanden sich riihren werde, und die uns veranlassten, den Grafen Berchtold zu moglichster Energie anzufeuern, erhoffte ich die Rettung von einer englischen Vermittlung, da ich wusste, dass Sir Ed. Greys Einfluss in Petersburg im Sinne des Friedens zu verwerten war. Ich benutzte daher meine freundschaftlichen Beziehungen zum Minister, um ihn vertraulich zu bitten, in Russland zur Massigung zu raten, falls Osterreich, wie es schien, von den Serben Genugtuung verlangte. Zunachst war die Haltung der englischen Presse ruhig und den Osterreichern freundlich, da man den Mord verurteilte. Allmahlich aber wurden immer mehr Stimmen laut, welche betonten, dass, so sehr eine Ahndung des Verbrechens notig sei, eine Aus- beutung desselben zu politischen Zwecken nicht zu rechtfertigen ware. Osterreich wurde eindringlich zur Massigung aufgefordert. Als das Ultimatum erschien, waren alle Organe, mit Ausnahme des stets notleidenden und von den Oster- reichern anscheinend bezahlten "Standard" einig in der Verurteilung. Die ganze Welt, ausser in Berlin und Wien, begriff, dass es den Krieg, und zwar den Welt- krieg bedeutete. Die britische Flotte, welche zufallig zu einer Flottenschau versammelt war, wurde nicht demobilisiert. Ich drangte zunachst auf eine moglichst entgegen- kommende Antwort Serbiens, da die Haltung der russischen Regierung keinen Zweifel mehr an dem Ernst der Lage liess. Die serbische Antwort entsprach den britischen Bemuhungen, denn tatsachlich hatte Herr Paschitsch alles angenommen, bis auf zwei Punkte, iiber die er sich bereit erklarte zu unterhandeln. Wollten Russ- I104] 327 as I knew that Sir Edward Grey's great influence in St. Petersburg could be utilized in favor of peace. I therefore availed myself of my friendly relations with the minister to request him in confidence to advise moderation in Russia, in case Austria, as seemed likely, should demand satisfaction from Serbia. At first the attitude of the English press was calm and friendly to the Austrians, because the murder was generally condemned. But gradually more and more voices were raised, insisting that, however much the crime merited punishment, its exploitation for political purposes could not be justified. Austria was earnestly exhorted to show moderation. When the ultimatum was published, all the papers, with the exception of the Standard, which was always in financial difficulties and was apparently paid by the Austrians, were unanimous in condemnation. The whole world, except in Berlin and Vienna, realized that it meant war, and what was more, world war. The British fleet, which by chance was assembled for a naval review, was not demobilized. I urged, in the first place, that as conciliatory a reply as was possible be obtained from Serbia, since the attitude of the Russian government left room for no further doubt as to the gravity of the situation. Serbia's answer was in accord with the British efforts; M. Pashitch in fact agreed to everything, except two points, about which he declared his willingness to negotiate. Had Russia and England wished for war, in order to fall upon us unawares, a hint to Belgrade would have been enough, and the unprecedented [Austrian] note would have been left unanswered. [105I 328 land und England den Krieg, um uns zu uberfallen, so geniigte ein Wink nach Belgrad, und die unerhorte Note blieb unbeantwortet. Sir Ed. Grey ging die serbische Antwort mit mir durch und wies auf die entgegenkommende Haltung der Regierung in Belgrad. Wir berieten dann seinen Vermittlungsvorschlag, der eine beiden Teilen an- nehmbare Auslegung dieser beiden Punkte vereinbaren sollte. Unter seinem Vorsitz waren Herr Cambon, Marquis Imperiali 20 und ich zusammengetreten, und es ware leicht gewesen, eine annehmbare Form fur die strittigen Punkte zu finden, die im wesentlichen die Mitwirkung der k. u. k. Beamten bei den Untersu^ chungen Belgrad betrafen. In einer oder zweiSitzungen war alles bei gutem Willen zu erledigen, und schon die blosse Annahme des britischen Vorschlages hatte eine Entspannung bewirkt und unsere Beziehungen zu England weiter verbessert. Ich befiirwortete ihn daher dringend, da sonst der Weltkrieg bevorstehe, bei dem wir alles zu verlieren und nichts zu gewinnen hatten. Umsonst! Es sei gegen die Wiirde Oster- reichs, auch wollten wir uns in die serbische Sache nicht mischen, wir iiberliessen sie unserem Bundes- genossen. Ich solle auf „Lokalisierung des Kon- fliktes" hinwirken. Es hatte naturlich nur eines Winkes von Berlin bedurft, um den Graf en Berchtold zu bestimmen, sich mit einem diplomatischen Erfolg zu begniigen und sich bei der serbischen Antwort zu beruhigen. Dieser Wink ist aber nicht ergangen. Im Gegenteil, es wurde zum Kriege gedrangt. Es ware ein so schoner Erfolg gewesen . Nach unserer Ablehnung bat Sir Edward uns, mit einem Vorschlag hervorzutreten. Wir bestanden auf »» B.-C: "Imperioli." [106] 329 Sir Edward Grey went through the Serbian reply with me and pointed out the conciliatory attitude of the Belgrade government. Thereupon we discussed his proposal of mediation, which was to establish by agreement an interpretation of the two points which should be acceptable to both parties. M. Cambon, Marquis Imperiali and I were to meet under his presidency; and it would have been easy to find an acceptable formula for the points at issue, which in substance concerned the cooperation of Austrian officials in the investigations at Belgrade. Given good will, everything could have been settled at one or two sittings, and the mere acceptance of the British proposal would have brought about a relaxa- tion of the tension and would have further improved our relations with England. I therefore strongly supported the proposal, because otherwise the World War was in sight, in which we would have everything to lose and nothing to gain. In vain! It was declared to be derogatory to the dignity of Austria; moreover we did not intend to interfere in the Serbian affair; we were leaving this to our ally. I was to work for the "localization of the conflict." It would of course have required only a hint from Berlin to induce Count Berchtold to content himself with a diplomatic success and quietly accept the Serbian answer. This hint, however, was not given. On the contrary, pressure was exercised in favor of war. It would have been so fine a success. After our refusal, Sir Edward Grey begged us to come forward with a proposal of our own. We insisted on war. I could not obtain any reply except that Austria was showing itself enormously "concili- [107] 330 dem Kriege. Ich konnte keine andere Antwort erhalten, als dass es ein kolossales „Entgegenkommen" Osterreichs sei, keine Gebietserwerbungen zu beab- sichtigen. Sir Edward wies mit Recht darauf hin, dass man auch ohne Gebietserwerbung ein Land zum Vasallen erniedrigen kann, und dass Russland hierin eine Demutigungerblicken undes daher nicht duldenwerde. Der Eindruck befestigte sich immer mehr, dass wir den Krieg unter alien Umstanden wollten. Anders war unsere Haltung in einer Frage, die uns doch direkt gar nichts anging, nicht zu verstehen. Die instandigen Bitten und bestimmten Erklarungen des Herrn Saso- now, spater die geradezu demiitigen Telegramme des Zaren, die wiederholten Vorschlage Sir Edwards, die Warnungen des Marquis San Giuliano und des Herrn Bollati, meine dringenden Ratschlage, alles niitzte nichts, in Berlin blieb man dabei, Serbien muss massa- kriert werden! Je mehr ich drangte, um so weniger wollte man ein- lenken, schon weil ich nicht den Erfolg haben sollte, mit Sir Edward Grey den Frieden zu retten! Da entschloss sich letzterer am 29. zu der bekannten Warnung. Ich entgegnete, dass ich stets berichtet hatte, wir wurden mit der englischen Gegnerschaft rechnen mussen, falls es zum Kriege mit Frankreich kame. Wiederholt sagte mir der Minister: "If war breaks out, it will be the greatest catastrophe the world has ever seen" (wenn ein Krieg ausbricht, gibt es die grosste Katastrophe, die die Welt je erlebt hat). Die Ereignisse iibersturzten sich bald darauf. Als endlich Graf Berchtold, der bis dahin auf Berliner Weisungen den starken Mann spielte, sich zum Ein- lenken entschloss, beantworteten wir die russische [108] 331 atory" in that it aimed at no annexation of territory. Sir Edward rightly pointed out that, without annex- ation of territory, it was possible to reduce a country to vassalage, and that Russia would see in this a humiliation and therefore would not suffer it. The impression grew continually stronger that we desired war under any circumstances. In no other way was it possible to interpret our attitude on a question which, after all, did not directly concern us. The urgent requests and explicit declarations of M. Saz- onof, followed by the Czar's positively humble tele- grams; the repeated proposals of Sir Edward Grey; the warnings of Marquis di San Giuliano and. of Signor Bollati; my own urgent counsels — all were of no avail. Berlin would not budge; Serbia must be massacred. The more I pressed, the less inclination there was to turn back, if only that I might not have, together with Sir Edward Grey, the credit of preserving peace. Then, on the 29th, Sir Edward decided to give his famous warning. 29 I replied that I had invariably reported that we should have to reckon with English oppositiqn if it came to a war with France. Repeated- ly the minister said to me: "If war breaks out, it will be the greatest catastrophe the world has ever seen." Soon after this events were precipitated. Until this time, following the directions he received from Berlin, Count Berchtold had played the part of the strong man. When at last he decided to change his course, and after Russia had negotiated and waited 38 See Appendix, note xxi. [109] 332 Mobilmachung, nachdem Russland eine ganze Woche vergeblich unterhandelt und gewartet hatte, mit dem Ultimatum und der Kriegserklarung. Englische Kriegserklarung Noch immer sann Sir Edward Grey nach neuen Auswegen. Am i. August vormittags kam Sir W. Tyrrell 21 zu mir, um zu sagen, sein Chef hoffe noch immer, einen Ausweg zu finden. Ob wir neutral bleiben wollten, falls Frankreich es auch tate? Ich verstand, dass wir dann bereit sein sollten, Frankreich zu schonen, er hatte abergemeint, dass wir uberhaupt, also auch gegen Russland, neutral bleiben. Das war das bekannte Missverstandnis. Sir Edward hatte mich fiir den Nachmittag bestellt. Da er sich gerade in einer Kabinettsitzung befand, rief er mich an das Telephon, nachdem Sir W. Tyrrell 21 gleich zu ihm geeilt war. Nachmittags aber sprach er nur mehr von der belgischen Neutralitat und von der Moglichkeit, dass wir und Frankreich uns bewaffnet gegenuber standen, ohne uns anzugreifen. Es war also uberhaupt kein Vorschlag, sondern eine Frage ohne Verbindlichkeit, da, wie ich friiher schon gemeldet, bald darauf unsere Besprechung stattfinden sollte. Die Nachricht wurde aber in Berlin , ohne erst die Unterredung abzuwarten, zur Grundlage einer weitge- henden Aktion gemacht. Dann kam der Brief des Herrn Poincare, der Brief Bonar Laws, das Telegramm des Konigs Albert. Die Schwankenden wurden im Kabinett bis auf drei Mitglieder, die austraten, umgestimmt. Ich hatte bis zum letzten Augenblick auf eine ab- wartende Haltung Englands gehofft. Auch mein franzosischer Kollege fiihlte sich keineswegs sicher, » B.-C: "Tyrell." [no] 333 a whole week in vain, we answered the Russian mobilization with the ultimatum and the declaration of war. The English Declaration of War Even then Sir Edward Grey continued to search for new expedients. On the morning of August 1st, Sir William Tyrrell called on me, to tell me that his chief still hoped to find a way out. Would we remain neutral in case France did the same? I understood that we were to declare ourselves ready, in such case, to spare France ; but his meaning was that we should remain altogether neutral, that is, toward Russia also. That was the well-known misunderstanding. Sir Edward had an appointment with me for that afternoon. At the moment he was at a meeting of the Cabinet, and, Sir William Tyrrell having hurried to him at once, he called me up on the telephone. In the afternoon, he talked only about Belgian neutrali- ty and the possibility that we and France might face one another in arms without attacking. There was accordingly no proposal at all, but a question that carried with it no binding engagement, since, as I have already stated, our interview was to take place soon afterwards. Berlin, however, without waiting for the interview, made the news the basis of far-reaching [diplomatic] activity. Then came M. Poincare's letter, Bonar Law's letter, King Albert's telegram. 30 The waverers in the Cabinet — excepting three members who resigned — were converted. Till the very last moment I had hoped for a waiting attitude on the part of England. My French col- league, too, as I learned from a private source, felt far *° See Appendix, notes xxii-xxiv. [Ill] 334 wie ich aus privater Quelle erfuhr. Noch am I. August hatte der Konig dem Prasidenten ausweichend geantwortet. In dem Telegramm aus Berlin, das die drohende Kriegsgefahr ankundigte, war aber England schon als Gegner mitgenannt. Man rechnete also bereits in Berlin mit dem Kriege gegen England. Vor meiner Abreise empfing mich am 5. Sir Edward Grey in seiner Wohnung. Auf seinen Wunsch war ich hingegangen. Er war tief bewegt. Er sagte mir, er werde stets bereit sein, zu vermitteln: "We don't want to crush Germany" (Wir wollen Deutschland nicht zerschmettern). Diese vertrauliche Unterredung ist leider veroffentlicht worden. Damit hat Herr von Bethmann Hollweg die letzte Moglichkeit zerstort, iiber England den Frieden zu erlangen. Unsere Abreise vollzog sich durchaus wurdig und ruhig. Vorher hatte der Konig seinen Equerry (Stall- meister) Sir E. Ponsonby zu mir gesandt, um sein Bedauern iiber meine Abreise auszusprechen.und dass er mich nicht selbst sehen konnte. Prinzess Louise schrieb mir, die ganze Familie betrauere unseren Fortgang. Mrs. Asquith und andere Freunde kamen zum Abschied in die Botschaft. Ein Extrazug brachte uns nach Harwich. Dort war eine Ehrenkompagnie fur mich aufgestellt. Ich wurde wie ein abreisender Souveran behandelt. So endete meine Londoner Mission. Sie scheiterte nicht an den Tucken der Briten, sondern an den Tiicken unserer Politik. Auf dem Bahnhof in London hatte sich Graf Mens- dorff mit seinem Stabe eingefunden. Er war vergnugt und gab mir zu verstehen, dass er vielleicht dort bliebe, den Englandern aber sagte er, Osterreich habe den Krieg nicht gewollt, sondern wir; [112] 335 from sure [that England would intervene]. As late as August 1st the King had given the President an evasive reply. 31 In the telegram from Berlin an- nouncing imminent danger of war, 32 England how- ever was already included in the list of adversaries. Berlin was therefore already reckoning on war with England. Before my departure, Sir Edward Grey received me, on the 5th, at his house. I had called at his request. He was deeply moved. He told me he would always be ready to mediate. "We don't want to crush Ger- many." Unfortunately this confidential interview was made public, and thus Herr von Bethmann Hollweg destroyed the last possibility of gaining peace through England. Our departure was put through in a thoroughly dignified, quiet way. The King had previously sent his equerry, Sir E. Ponsonby, to express his regret that I was leaving and that he could not himself see me. Princess Louise wrote to me that the whole family was sorry that we were going away. Mrs. Asquith and other friends came to the embassy to take leave. A special train took us to Harwich. There a guard of honor was drawn up for me. I was treated like a departing sovereign. Such was the end of my London mission. It was wrecked, not by the wiles of the British, but by the wiles of our policy. Count Mensdorff had come with his staff to the station in London. He was cheerful, and gave me to understand that perhaps he would remain there. He told the English that we, and not Austria, had desired the war. 31 See Appendix, note xxii. 32 July 3 ist. See German White Book, No. 25. [113] 336 Ruckblick Wenn ich jetzt nach zwei Jahren mir alles ruckwarts schauend vergegenwartige, so sage ich mir, dass ich zu spat erkannte, dass kein Platz fur mich war in einem System, das seit Jahren nur von Tradition und Routine lebte und das nur Vertreter duldet, die so berichten, wie man es lesen will. Vorurteilslosigkeit und unab- hangiges Urteil werden bekampft, Unfahigkeit und Charakterlosigkeit gepriesen und geschatzt. Erfolge aber erregen Missgunst und Beunruhigung. Ich hatte den Widerstand gegen die wahnsinnige Dreibund politik aufgegeben, da ich einsah, dass es zwecklos war, und dass man meine Warnungen als Austrophobie (Feindschaft gegen Osterreich), als fixe Idee hinstellte. In der Politik, die nicht Akrobaten- tum oder Aktensport ist, sondern das Geschaft der Firma, gibt es keine Philie oder Phobie (Freundschaft oder Feindschaft), sondern nur das Interesse des Gemeinwesens. Eine Politik aber, die sich bloss auf Osterreicher, Madjaren und Tiirken stiitzt, muss in Gegensatz zu Russland geraten und schliesslich zur Katastrophe fiihren. Trotz friiherer Irrungen war im Juli 1914 noch alles zu machen. Die Verstandigung mit England war erreicht. Wir mussten einen wenigstens das Durch- schnittsmass politischer Befahigung erreichenden Ver- treter nach Petersburg senden und Russland die Gewissheit geben, dass wir weder die Meerengen beherrschen, noch die Serben erdrosseln wollten. "Ldchez VAutriche et nous Idcherons les Frangais" (lasst Osterreich fallen, und wir werden die Franzosen fallen lassen), sagte uns Herr Sasonow. Und Mr. Cambon sagte Herrn von Jagow: "Vous n'avez pas besoin de [114] 337 Retrospect When now, after two years, I review the whole course of events, I tell myself that I realized too late that there was no place for me in a system that for years has lived on traditions and routine alone, and that tolerates no representatives save those who report what [their superiors] wish to read. Absence of prejudice and an independent judgment arouse hostility; incapacity and want of character are praised and esteemed; successes, on the other hand, beget disfavor and awaken disquietude. I had given up my opposition to the insane Triple Alliance policy, because I realized that it was useless and that my warnings were attributed to an incurable Austrophobia. In politics, which are neither acro- batics nor a game played with documents, but the business of the firm, there is no "philia" or "phobia," but only the interest of the community. A policy, however, which leans only on Austrians, Magyars, and Turks, must come into conflict with Russia and finally lead to a catastrophe. In spite of former mistakes, all might still have been put right in July, 1914. An understanding with England had been attained. We ought to have sent to St. Petersburg a representative who was at least of average political capacity, and to have con- vinced Russia that we wished neither to control the Straits nor to strangle Serbia. "Ldchez VAutriche et nous Idcherons les Frangais" ("Drop Austria and we will drop the French") M. Sazonof said to us. And M. Cambon told Herr von Jagow, "Vous n'avez pas besoin de suivre VAutriche partouf ("You need not follow Austria everywhere"). [115] 338 suivre I'Autriche partout" (Ihr braucht mit Osterreich nicht alles mitzumachen). Weder Biindnisse noch Kriege, sondern nur Vertrage brauchten wir, die uns und andere schiitzten und einen wirtschaftlichen Aufschwung sicherten, der in der Geschichte ohne Vorgang war. War Russland aber im Westen entlastet, so konnte es sich wieder nach Osten wenden, und der anglo-russische Gegensatz trat als- dann automatisch und ohne unsere Mitwirkung her- vor, nicht minder aber der russisch-japanische. Wir konnten auch der Frage der Rustungsbeschran- kung naher tretenhund brauchten uns um osterrei- chische Wirrnisse nicht mehr zu kiimmern. Osterreich- Ungarn war dann der Vasall des Deutschen Reiches und ohne Biindnis und namentlich ohne Liebesdienste, die schliesslich zum Kriege ftihrten fur die Befreiung Polens und die Vernichtung Serbiens, obwohl die deutschen Interessen gerade das Gegenteil heischten. Ich hatte in London eine Politik zu unterstiitzen, deren Irrlehre ich erkannte. Das hat sich an mir geracht, denn es war eine Sunde wider den heiligen Geist. Ankunft In Berlin angekommen, sah ich sofort, dass ich zum Siindenbock fur die Katastrophe gemacht werden sollte, die unsere Regierung im Gegensatz zu meinen Ratschlagen und Warnungen verschuldet hatte. Von amtlicher Seite wurde geflissentlich verbreitet, ich hatte mich durch Sir Ed. Grey tauschen lassen, denn wenn er den Krieg nicht gewollt, wiirde Russland nicht mobilisiert haben. Graf Pourtales, auf dessen Berichterstattung man sich verlassen konnte, sollte geschont werden, schon wegen seiner Verwandtschaft. In6] 339 We needed neither alliances nor wars; we needed only treaties protecting us and others and affording security to an economic progress that was without precedent in history. If Russia had been freed from pressure in the West, it could again have turned to the East, and the Anglo-Russian rivalry would then have reappeared automatically and without our help, and not less certainly also the Russo-Japanese rivalry. We could, also have considered the question of the limitation of armaments, and we need no longer have troubled ourselves about Austrian complications. Austria would then have been the vassal of the German Empire, and this without an alliance and, what is most important, without the gratuitous services which finally led us into war — a war for the liberation of Poland and the annihilation of Serbia, although Ger- man interests demanded the exact opposite. I had to support in London a policy, the heresy of which I recognized. For this I have been justly punished, for it was a sin against the Holy Ghost. My Arrival As soon as I arrived in Berlin, I saw that I was to be made the scapegoat for the catastrophe which our government had brought upon itself against my coun- sels and warnings. A report, proceeding from official sources, was indus- triously circulated, that I had allowed myself to be deceived by Sir Edward Grey, since if he had not desired war Russia would not have mobilized. Ceunt Pourtales, whose reports could be relied on, was to be protected, not least on account of his family [117] 340 Er habe sich „grossartig" benommen, er wurde be- geistert gelobt, ich um so scharfer getadelt. „Was geht denn Serbien Russland an?" sagte mir dieser Staatsmann nach achtjahriger Amtszeit in Petersburg. Die ganze Sache sollte eine britische Tiicke sein, die ich nicht gemerkt. Im Amte erklarte man mir auch, im Jahre 1916 ware es doch zum Kriege gekommen, dann ware Russland „fertig", daher sei es besser jetzt. Schuldfrage Wir haben, wie aus alien amtlichen Veroffentli- chungen hervorgeht und auch durch unser Weissbuch nicht widerlegt wird, das durch seine Diirftigkeit und Liickenhaftigkeit eine schwere Selbstanklage darstellt, 1. den Grafen Berchtold ermutigt, Serbien anzu- greifen, obwohl kein deutsches Interesse vorlag und die Gefahr eines Weltkrieges uns bekannt sein musste — ob wir den Wortlaut des Ultimatums gekannt, ist vollig gleichgiiltig; 2. in den Tagen zwischen dem 23. und 30. Juli 1914, als Herr Sasonow mit Nachdruck erklarte, einen Angriff auf Serbien nicht dulden zu konnen, die britischen Vermittlungsvorschlage abgelehnt, obwohl Serbien unter russischem und britischem Drucke nahezu das ganze Ultimatum angenommen hatte und obwohl eine Einigung iiber die beiden fraglichen Punkte leicht zu erreichen und Graf Berchtold sogar bereit war, sich mit der serbischen Antwort zu begniigen ; 3. am 30. Juli, als Graf Berchtold einlenken wollte und ohne dass Osterreich angegriffen war, auf die blosse Mobilmachung Russlands hin ein Ultimatum [118] 34i connections. He had conducted himself "magnifi- cently," he was praised enthusiastically, and I was blamed the more severely. "What does Serbia matter to Russia?" this states- man said to me, after eight years' service at St. Petersburg. The whole affair was declared to be a British trick that I had not noticed. At the Foreign Office I was told that war would in any case have come in 1916. Then Russia would have been ready; therefore it was better now. The Question of Responsibility It is shown by all official publications and is not disproved by our White Book, which, owing to the poverty of its contents and to its omissions, constitutes a grave indictment against ourselves, that: 1. We encouraged Count Berchtold to attack Ser- bia, although no German interest was involved and the danger of a World War must have been known to us. Whether we were acquainted with the wording of the ultimatum is completely immaterial. 2. During the period between the 23d and the 30th of July, 1914, when M. Sazonof emphatically declared that he could not tolerate an attack on Serbia, we rejected the British proposals of mediation, al- though Serbia, under Russian and British pressure, had accepted almost the whole of the ultimatum, and although an agreement about the two points at issue could easily have been reached and Count Berch- told was even prepared to content himself with the Serbian reply. 3. On the 30th of July, when Count Berchtold showed a disposition to change his course, we sent an ultimatum to St. Petersburg merely because of [119] 342 nach Petersburg geschickt und am 31. Juli den Russen den Krieg erklart, obwohl der Zar sein Wort ver- pfandete, solange noch unterhandelt wird, keinen Mann marschieren zu lassen, also die Moglichkeit einer friedlichen Beilegung geflissentlich vernichtet. Es ist nicht zu verwundern, wenn angesichts dieser unbestreitbaren Tatsachen ausserhalb Deutschlands die gesamte Kulturwelt uns die alleinige Schuld am Weltkriege beimisst. Feindlicher Standpunkt Ist es nicht begreiflich, dass unsere Feinde erklaren, nicht eher ruhen zu wollen, bis ein System vernichtet ist, das eine dauernde Bedrohung unserer Nachbarn bildet? Miissen sie nicht sonst befiirchten, in einigen Jahren wieder zu den Waffen greifen zu miissen und wieder ihre Provinzen iiberrannt und ihre Stadte und Dorfer vernichtet zu sehen? Haben diejenigen nicht recht behalten, die weissagten, dass der Geist Treit- schkes und Bernhardis das deutsche Volk beherrschte, der den Krieg als Selbstzweck verherrlicht und nicht als Ubel verabscheut, dass bei uns noch der feudale Ritter und Junker, die Kriegerkaste regiere und Ideale und Werte gestalte, nicht aber der biirgerliche Gen- tleman, dass die Liebe zur Mensur, die die akade- mische Jugend beseelt, auch denen erhalten bleibt, die die Geschicke des Volkes leiten? Hatten nicht die Ereignisse in Zabern und die parlamentarischen Ver- handlungen des Falles dem Ausland gezeigt, wie staatsburgerliche Rechte und Freiheiten bei uns bewertet werden, wenn militarische Machtfragen entgegenstehen? [120] 1 343 the Russian mobilization and though Austria had not been attacked ; and on the 31st of July we declared war against the Russians, although the Czar pledged his word that he would not permit a single man to march as long as negotiations were still going on. 33 Thus we deliberately destroyed the possibility of a peaceful settlement. In view of these incontestable facts, it is no wonder that the whole civilized world outside of Germany places the sole responsibility for the World War upon our shoulders. The Enemy Point of View Is it not comprehensible that our enemies declare that they will not rest until a system which constitutes a permanent menace to our neighbors is destroyed? Must they not otherwise fear that within a few years they will again be obliged to take up arms and again see their provinces overrun and their cities and villages destroyed? Have not those proved to be right who divined that the German people was dominated by the spirit of Treitschke and of Bernhardi, which glorifies war as an end in itself and does not loathe it as an evil; that with us the feudal knight and Junker, the warrior caste, still rules and shapes ideals and values, and not the civilian gentleman; that the love of the duel which animates our academic youth still persists in those who guide the destinies of the nation? Did not the occurrences in Zabern and the parliamentary discussion of this matter show to for- eign countries the value we place on the rights and 83 See Collected Diplomatic Documents,' p. 537; also German White Book, p. 16. [121] 344 In die Worte Euphorions kleidete der geistvolle, seither verstorbene Historiker Cramb, ein Bewunderer Deutschlands, die deutsche Auffassung: „Traumt Ihr den Friedenstag? 22 Traume wer traumen mag, Krieg ist das Losungswort! Sieg, und so klingt es fort." Der Militarismus, eigentlich eine Schule des Volkes" und ein Instrument der Politik, macht die Politik zum Instrument der Militarmacht, wenn der patriarcha- lische Absolutismus des Soldatenkonigtums eine Haltung ermoglicht, die eine militarisch-junkerlichen Einfliissen entriickte Demokratie nicht zulassen wiirde. So denken unsere Feinde, und so miissen sie denken, wenn sie sehen, dass trotz kapitalistischer Industriali- sierung und trotz sozialistischer Organisierung die Lebenden, wie Friedrich Nietzsche sagt, noch von den Toten regiert werden. Das vornehmste feindliche Kriegsziel, die Demokratisierung Deutschlands, wird sich verwirklichen ! — Bismarck Bismarck, gleich Napoleon, liebte den Kampf als Selbstzweck. Als Staatsmann vermied er neue Kriege, deren Sinnlosigkeit er erkannte. Er begniigte sich mit unblutigen Schlachten. Nachdem er in rascher Folge Christian, Franz Joseph und Napoleon besiegt, kamen Arnim, Pius und Augusta an die Reihe. Das geniigte ihm nicht. Gortschakow hatte ihn wiederholt gear- gert, der sich fur grosser hielt. Er wurde bis hart an den Krieg bekampft, sogar durch Entziehung des Salonwagens. So entstand der traurige Dreibund. ^B.-C: "Krieg." [122] 345 liberties of the citizen, if questions of military power stand in the way? The keen-witted historian Cramb, who has since died, an admirer of Germany, clothed the German conception in the words of Euphorion : Dream ye of peaceful day? Dream on while dream ye may! War is the signal cry; Hark I shouts of victory! u Militarism, which is properly a school for the nation and an instrument of policy, turns policy into the instrument of military power, if the patriarchal abso- lutism of a soldier-kingship makes possible an attitude which a democracy, placed beyond the control of militarist-Junker influences, would not permit. So think our enemies; and so they must think if they see that, in spite of capitalistic industrialization and in spite of socialistic organization, the living, as Friedrich Nietzsche says, are still ruled by the dead. The highest war aim of our enemies, the democratiza- tion of Germany, will be realized! Bismarck Bismarck, like Napoleon, loved conflict for itself. As a statesman he avoided fresh wars, the folly of which he recognized. He contented himself with bloodless battles. After he had vanquished, in rapid succession, Christian, Francis Joseph, and Napoleon III, it was the turn of Arnim, Pius and Augusta. That did not suffice him. Gortschakof , who thought himself the greater, had repeatedly annoyed him. The conflict was carried almost to the point of war. It was carried even to the point of depriving Gort- 81 Anna Swanwicks' translation. [123I 34 6 Zum Schluss folgte der Kampf gegen Wilhelm, in dem der Gewaltige unterlag, wie Napoleon gegen Alexander. Politische Ehen auf Tod und Leben geraten nur im staatsrechtlichen, nicht im volkerrechtlichen Ver- bande. Sie sind um so bedenklicher mit einem briichigen Genossen. So war das Bundnis von Bis- marck auch niemals gemeint. Die Englander aber hat er stets schonend behandelt; er wusste, dass es so kliiger war. Die alte Viktoria wurde von ihm besonders ausgezeichnet, trbtz des Hasses gegen die Tochter und gegen politische Englanderei, der gelehrte Beaconsfield und der welter- fahrene Salisbury umworben, und auch der sonderliche Gladstone, den er nicht mochte, hatte sich eigentlich nicht zu beklagen. Das Ultimatum an Serbien war die Kronung der Politik des Berliner Kongresses, der bosnischen Krise, der Londoner Konferenz; doch noch war die Zeit zur Umkehr. Was vor allem zu vermeiden war, der Bruch mit Russland und mit England, das haben wir gliicklich erreicht. Unsere Zukunft Heute nach zweijahrigem Kampfe kann es nicht mehr zweifelhaft sein, dass wir auf einen bedingungs- losen Sieg iiber Russen, Englander, Franzosen, Italiener, Rumanen und Amerikaner nicht hoffen durfen, mit dem Niederringen unserer Feinde nicht rechnen konnen. Zu einem Kompromissfrieden ge- langen wir aber nur auf Grundlage der Raumung der [124] 347 schakof of his special railway carriage. Thus arose the lamentable Triple Alliance. At last came the conflict with William, in which the mighty one was vanquished, as the first Napoleon was vanquished in the conflict with Alexander. Political marriages "until death do us part" are successful only when the union is constitutional, not when it is international. They are all the more ques- tionable when the partner is tottering on the verge of the grave. Bismarck never intended that the alli- ance with Austria should be such a marriage. The English, however, he always handled carefully; he knew that this was wiser. He always paid marked respect to the old Victoria, despite his hatred of her daughter and of political anglomania. He courted the learned Beaconsfield and the worldly-wise Salis- bury; and even that strange Gladstone, whom he did not like, had no real ground for complaint. The ultimatum to Serbia was the culminating point of the policy of the Berlin Congress, of the Bosnian crisis 35 and of the London Conference: but there was yet time to turn back. What above all we should have avoided, the breach with Russia and with England, we have successfully attained. Our Future Today, after two years of fighting, it can no longer be doubted that we cannot hope for an unconditional victory over the Russians, English, French, Italians, Rumanians, and Americans, nor count on being able to wear our enemies down. A peace by compromise, however, we can obtain only on the basis of an evacua- * See Appendix, notes iii and iv. [125] 348 besetzten Gebiete, deren Besitz fur uns iiberdies eine Last und Schwache und die Gefahr neuer Kriege bedeutet. Daher sollte alles vermieden werden, was denjenigen feindlichen Gruppen, die fur den Kom- promissgedanken vielleicht noch zu gewinnen waren, den britischen Radikalen und den russischen Reak- tionaren, ein Einlenken erschwert. Schon von diesem Gesichtspunkte aus ist das polnische Projekt ebenso zu verwerfen, wie jeder Eingriff in belgische Rechte oder die Hinrichtung britischer Burger, vom wahn- witzigen U-Boot-Plane gar nicht zu reden. Unsere Zukunft liegt auf dem Wasser. Richtig, also nicht in Polen und Belgien, in Frankreich und Serbien. Das ist die Riickkehr zum heiligen Romischen Reich, zu den Irrungen der Hohenstaufen und Habsburger. Es ist dies die Politik der Plantagenets, nicht die der Drake und Raleigh, Nelson und Rhodes. Dreibund- politik ist Riickkehr zur Vergangenheit, Abkehr von der Zukunft, dem Imperialismus, der Weltpolitik. Mitteleuropa ist Mittelalter, Berlin-Bagdad eine Sackgasse, nicht der Weg ins Freie, zu unbegrenzten Moglichkeiten, zur Weltmission des deutschen Volkes. Ich bin kein Gegner Osterreichs oder Ungarns oder Italiens undSerbiens oderirgendeines anderen Staates, sondern nur ein Gegner der Dreibundpolitik, die uns von unseren Zielen ablenken und auf die schiefe Ebene der Kontinentalpolitik bringen musste. Sie war nicht deutsche, sondern k. u. k. Hauspolitik. Die Oster- reicher hatten sich daran gewohnt, das Biindnis als einen Schirm zu betrachten, unter dessen Schutz sie nach Belieben Ausfliige in den Orient machen konnten. Und welches Ergebnis des Volkerringens haben wir zu gewartigen? Die Vereinigten Staaten von Afrika werden britisch sein, wie die von Amerika, Australien [126] 349 tion of the occupied territories. For this there is the more reason, in that their possession constitutes for us a burden and a cause of weakness and involves the risk of further wars. Therefore everything should be avoided that impedes a change of attitude on the part of those enemy groups which may perhaps still be won over to the idea of a peace by compromise, namely, the British radicals and the Russian reactionaries. Simply from this point of view the Polish scheme is as objec- tionable as is any interference with Belgian rights, or the execution of British civilians, to say nothing of the insane submarine plan. "Our future lies on the water." 36 Quite right; there- fore it does not lie in Poland and Belgium, in France and Serbia. This is a reversion to the Holy Roman Empire, to the mistakes of the Hohenstaufen and the Hapsburgs. It is the policy of the Plantagenets, not that of Drake and Raleigh, Nelson and Rhodes. The policy of the Triple Alliance turns back to the past; it turns away from the future, from im- perialism, from a world-policy. "Middle Europe" is of the middle ages; Berlin-Bagdad is a blind alley and not the way into the open, to unlimited possi- bilities, to the universal mission of the German nation. I am no enemy of Austria, or Hungary, or Italy, or Serbia, or of any other state ; I am an enemy only of the Triple Alliance policy, which was bound to divert us from our aims and bring us on the downward slope of a continental policy. It was not a German policy, but an imperial and royal [Hapsburg] house policy. The Austrians had accustomed themselves to regard the alliance as a screen, under cover of which they could make excursions into the East whenever they pleased. 88 Emperor William II, Speech of June 18, 1901. [127] 35o und Ozeanien. Und die lateinischen Staaten Europas werden, wie ich schon vor Jahren sagte, in dasselbe Verhaltnis zu dem Vereinigten Konigreich geraten, wie die lateinischen Schwestern Amerikas zu den Vereinigten Staaten. Der Angelsachse wird sie beherrschen. Das durch den Krieg erschopfte Frank- reich wird sich nur noch enger an Grossbritannien anschliessen. Auf die Dauer wird auch Spanien nicht widerstehen. Und in Asien wird der Russe und der Japaner sich ausbreiten mit seinen Grenzen und Sitten, und der Suden wird den Briten bleiben. Die Welt wird den Angelsachsen, Russen und Japanern gehoren und der Deutsche allein bleiben mit Osterreich und Ungarn. Seine Machtherrschaft wird die des Gedankens und des Handels sein, nicht aber die der Bureaukraten und Soldaten. Es war zu spat erschienen, und die letzte Moglichkeit, das Ver- saumte nachzuholen, ein Kolonialreich zu griinden, hat der Weltkrieg vernichtet. Denn wir werden die Sonne Jahwes 23 nicht ver- drangen, das Programm des grossen Rhodes wird sich erfiillen, der in der Ausbreitung des Britentums, im britischen Imperialismus das Heil der Menschheit erblickte. Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento. Hae tibi erunt artes: pacisque imponere morem, Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos. (Du sollst die Volker im Romerreiche regieren. Deine Kunst wird sein, Friedenssitten zu erzwingen, die Unterworfenen zu schonen und die Hochmutigen des Krieges zu entwohnen.) a B.-C: "Ichwes." [128] 351 And to what outcome of the struggle of nations have we to look forward? The United States of Africa will be British, like those of America, Australia, and Oceania. And the Latin states of Europe, as I pre- dicted years ago, will come into the same relation to the United Kingdom as their Latin sisters in America to the United States. The Anglo-Saxon will dominate them. France, exhausted by the war, will attach herself all the more closely to Great Britain. Nor will Spain maintain, in the long run, an attitude of resistance. In Asia, the Russians and the Japanese will extend their frontiers and diffuse their customs, while the south will remain in the hands of the British. The world will belong to the Anglo-Saxons, the Russians and the Japanese, and the German will be left alone with Austria and Hungary. His dominion will be that of thought and trade, not that of the bureaucrat and the soldier. He made his appearance too late; and his last chance of making up what he had missed, of founding a colonial empire, has been destroyed by the World War. For we shall not supplant the sons of Jehovah. The future will realize the program of the great Rhodes, who saw the salvation of humanity in the expansion of British influence, in British imperial- ism. Roman, be mindful to rule the people with orderly power. These shall be thine arts: enforcing peace as a custom, Warring the arrogant down, and sparing those who have yielded. [ 129 1 352 Remarks on the article of Prince Lichnowsky "MY LONDON MISSION" By Gottlieb Von Jagow Former Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs [From the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, March 23, igiSi Translation by Munroe Smith * So far as it is possible, in general, I shall refrain from going into the statements that relate to the policy followed before my administration of the Foreign Office. I should like to make the following remarks about particular points in the article: When I was appointed secretary of state, in Jan- uary, 1913, I regarded a German-English rapproche- ment as desirable, and I also believed an agreement attainable on the points where our interests touched or crossed each other. At all events, I wished to try to work in this sense. A principal point for us was the Mesopotamia-Asia Minor question — the so- called Bagdad policy — as this had become for us a question of prestige. If England intended to force us out there, it certainly appeared to me that a con- flict could hardly be avoided. In Berlin I began, as soon as it was possible to do so, to negotiate concerning the Bagdad Railroad. We found a favor- * The editor wishes to acknowledge the courtesy of The New York Times in permitting the translation which appeared in the June, 1918, issue of Current History, to be used in part as a basis for Professor Munroe Smith's translation. [130] 353 able disposition on the part of the English government, and the result was the agreement that was almost complete when the World War broke out. At the same time the negotiations over the Portu- guese colonies that had been begun by Count Metter- nich, continued by Baron Marschall, and reopened by Prince Lichnowsky, were under way. Further nego- tiations regarding other — for example, East Asiatic — problems I meant to start later, when what was in my opinion the most important question, that of the Bagdad Railroad, should be settled, and an atmos- phere of more confidence thus created. I also left the naval question aside, as it would have been difficult to reach an early agreement over that matter, after past experiences. I can pass over the development of the Albanian question, as it occurred before my term of office began. In general, however, I would like to remark that such far-reaching disinterestedness in Balkan questions as Prince Lichnowsky advocates does not seem possible to me. It would have contradicted the essential character of the alliance if we had completely ignored really vital interests of our ally. We, too, had demanded that Austria should second us at Algeciras, and at that time Italy's attitude had caused serious resentment among us. Russia, too, although she had no interest whatever in Morocco, stood by France. Finally, it was our task, as the third member of the alliance, to support such measures as would render possible an adjustment of the divergent in- terests of our allies and avoid a conflict between them. It further appeared impossible to me not to pursue a "Triple Alliance policy" in matters where the interests of the allied powers touched each other. Had no h3i] 354 such policy been pursued,' Italy would have been driven entirely into line with the Entente in Oriental questions, Austria would have been handed over to the mercy of Russia, and the Triple Alliance would thus have really gone to pieces. And we, too, would have been unable, in the absence of any support, to safeguard our interests in the Orient. Even Prince Lichnowsky does not deny that we had there great economic interests to represent. But today economic interests are no longer to be separated from political interests. That St. Petersburg desired "the independence of the Sultan" is an assertion that Prince Lichnowsky will hardly be able to prove; it would contradict every tradition of Russian policy. If we, furthermore, had not had at our command the influence at Con- stantinople established by Baron Marschall, it would hardly have been possible for us to defend our eco- nomic interests in Turkey in the desired way. When Prince Lichnowsky further asserts that it was first through "our Triple Alliance and Eastern policy that Russia, our natural friend and best neigh- bor, was driven into the arms of France and England," he is in conflict with the historical facts. It was because Prince Gortschakof was guiding Russian policy toward a rapprochement with a France lusting for revenge that Prince Bismarck was first induced to enter into the alliance with Austria-Hungary; through the alliance with Rumania he barred the advance of Russia toward the south. Prince Lichnowsky con- demns the basic principles of Bismarck's policy. Our attempts to draw closer to Russia went to pieces — Bjorki proves it — or remained ineffective, like the so- called Potsdam agreement. Moreover, Russia was [132] 355 not always our "best neighbor." Under the Empress Elizabeth, as at present, Russia strove for possession of East Prussia to extend its Baltic coasts and to secure for itself the domination of the Baltic Sea. The St. Petersburg "window" has gradually widened, so as to take in Esthonia, Livonia, Courland, and Finland and has stretched over toward Aland. Poland was arranged as a field in which to concentrate troops against us. Pan-Slavism, which was dominat- ing the Russian policy to an ever greater degree, had positive anti-German tendencies. Nor did we divert Russia "from the policy of Asiatic expansion," but only tried to check its encroach- ments in European policy and its encirclement of our Austro-Hungarian ally. Just as little as Sir Edward Grey did we wish war to come over Albania. Therefore, in spite of our unhappy experiences at Algeciras, we agreed to a conference. The credit of an "attitude of mediation" at the conference should not be denied Sir Edward Grey; but that he "by no means placed himself on' the side of his Entente associates" is, after all, rather an overstatement. Certainly he often advised yield- ing in St. Petersburg (as we did in Vienna) and found "formulas of agreement," but in dealing with the other side he represented the Entente, because, like us, he neither would nor could abandon his associates. That we, on the other hand, "uniformly defended the point of view which was prescribed to us by Vienna" is absolutely incorrect. We, like England, played a mediatory r61e, and in Vienna also we advised yielding and moderation far more than Prince Lichnowsky appears, or pretends, to be aware. And then Vienna made far-reaching concessions in several instances [i33] 356 (Dibra, Djakowa). If Prince Lichnowsky, who always wished to be cleverer than the Foreign Office, and who clearly allowed himself to be strongly impressed by the representatives of the Entente, did not know this, he ought now, at any rate, to refrain from making false assertions! If, to be sure, the degree of yielding that was necessary was obtained in Vienna, then of course we had to represent the Austrian standpoint at the conference. Ambassador Szogyenyi himself was not one of the extremists; in Vienna they were by no means always satisfied with his attitude. That the ambassador, with whom I was negotiating almost every day, constantly sounded the refrain of the casus foederis is entirely unknown to me. It certainly is true that in Vienna Prince Lichnowsky had been regarded, at an earlier period than this, as no friend of Austria. Nevertheless, complaints about him came oftener to my ears on the part of Marquis di San Giuliano than on the part of Count Berchtold. King Nikita's seizure of Skutari constituted a mockery of the entire conference and a snub to all the powers taking part in it. Russia was by no means "obliged to give way to us all along the line;" on the contrary, it obtained "satisfaction of the Serbian desires" in several matters; to such an extent, indeed, that some towns and strips of territory that could have been regarded as purely or mainly Albanian were allotted to Serbia. Prince Lichnowsky says that "the outcome of the conference was a fresh humiliation of Russian national sentiment" and that "dissatisfaction" prevailed in Russia on that account. It cannot be the task of our policy to secure, at the cost of our ally, satisfaction of all the unjustified demands of the exaggerated national I i34l 357 sentiment of a Power by no means friendly to us. Russia has no vital interests on the Adriatic, but our allies certainly had. If we, as Prince Lichnowsky seems to wish, had completely adopted the Russian point of view, the result would have been a humilia- tion for Austria-Hungary and thus a weakening of our group. It seems to be Prince Lichnowsky 's constant and sole anxiety that Russia be not humiliated; a humiliation of Austria is obviously a matter of in- difference to him. When Prince Lichnowsky says that our "Austro- phil attitude" was not adapted "to direct Russia's attention to its Asiatic interests," it is not quite clear to me what this means. After a disastrous diversion towards East Asia — in the Japanese war we had favored Russia without ever being thanked for it! — Russia again took up its policy aimed directly toward the European Orient (the Balkans and Constantinople), and this with increased energy (the Balkan Alliance, Buchlau, Iswolsky, etc.). Venizelos, the cunning Cretan with the "ribbon of the order of the Red Eagle," evidently knew how to throw a little sand into the eyes of our ambassador. He, in contrast to King Constantine and Theototy, was always pro-Entente. His present attitude shows most clearly this tendency on his part. Herr Danef, however, was entirely inclined toward St. Peters- burg. That Count Berchtold displayed certain leanings toward Bulgaria even in its differences with Ru- mania is true; but that we "of course went with him" is entirely false. With our support, King Charles [of Rumania] had the satisfaction of the Bucharest Peace. If then, in the case of the Bucharest Peace, [i35l 358 in which we favored the wishes and interests of our Rumanian ally, our policy deviated somewhat from that of Vienna, the Austro-Hungarian Cabinet cer- tainly did not believe — as Prince Lichnowsky asserts — that it "could reckon on our support as a matter of course" in securing a revision of this treaty. That Marquis di San Giuliano, by his warning, "saved us from being involved in a world war in the summer of 19 1 3," because at that time "the idea of a campaign against Serbia was entertained in Vienna," is entirely unknown to me. Just as little do I know that Herr von Tchirschky — who, it is true, was naturally, rather inclined to pessimism — is said to have declared in the spring of 1914 that there soon would be war. Of the "important occurrences" that Prince Lich- nowsky here suspects I was accordingly just as ignorant as he was himself! Such events as the English visit to Paris — Sir Edward Grey's first to the Continent — surely must have been known to the ambassador, and we informed him about the secret Anglo-Russian naval agreement; to be sure, he was unwilling to believe it! In the matter of Liman von Sanders, we made an important concession to Russia by renouncing the general's power of command over Constantinople. I am willing to admit that this point in the agreement regarding the military mission was politically not op- portune. When Prince Lichnowsky boasts of having suc- ceeded in giving the colonial treaty a form corre- sponding to our wishes, this credit is not to be denied him. Strong pressure was necessary, however, on several occasions to induce him to represent some of our desires with more emphasis. 1 136 1 359 When Prince Lichnowsky says that he received authorization definitely to conclude the colonial treaty, after previously asserting that the treaty "perished," his story contains a contradiction which we may leave to the Prince. to explain. Lichnowsky's assertion, however, that we delayed publication be- cause the treaty would have been for him "a public success" that we begrudged him, is an unheard-of insinuation that can be explained only through his egocentric view of things. The treaty would have missed its practical and moral effect — one of its main objects was to create a good atmosphere between us and England — if its publication had been greeted with violent attacks upon "perfidious Albion" in our Anglophobe press and in our Parliament. For such attacks, in view of our internal situation at that time, the simultaneous publication of [the colonial and] the so-called Windsor Treaty would undoubtedly have furnished occasion. And the howl about English perfidy that the internal contradiction between the text of the Windsor Treaty and our treaty would doubtless have evoked could hardly have been so met as to satisfy our public opinion through the assurance of English bona fides. With justified pre- caution, we intended to allow the publication to be made only at a suitable moment, when the danger of hostile criticism was no longer so acute, if possible simultaneously with the announcement of the Bag- dad Treaty, which also was on the point of being concluded. The fact that two great agreements had been established between us and England would have materially helped to gain for them a favorable recep- tion and would have made it easier to overlook the aesthetic defects of the Portuguese convention. It [137] 360 was consideration for the effect of the agreement, through which we wished to obtain an improvement in our relations with England— not to stir up more trouble — that caused our hesitation. It is true that account was also taken — although in a secondary degree — of the efforts just then being made to acquire economic interests in the Portu- guese colonies, which would naturally have been harder to obtain if the terms of the convention had been announced. These conditions Prince Lichnow- sky may not have been able to perceive fully from London, but he should have had confidence in our judgment as regarded matters of fact and should have acquiesced in it, instead of replacing his lack of understanding with aspersions and insinua- tions of personal motives. Particularly in dealing with English statesmen, he would surely have found that our arguments were understood by the English statesmen themselves. The ambassador's speeches gave much offense in this country. For the creation of a better atmosphere, in which alone the rapprochement we were seeking could flourish, it was necessary that confidence in our English policy and in our London representative should be widely established in our own public opinion. Prince Lichnowsky, otherwise so susceptible to public opinion, did not take this factor sufficiently into account, for he saw everything only through his London spectacles. His charges against the attitude of the Foreign Office are too untenable to need dis- cussion. I think it desirable, however, to state that Prince Lichnowsky was not left in ignorance regard- ing the "most important things," in so far as they were pertinent to his mission. On the contrary, I gave [138] 36 1 the ambassadors generally much fuller information than they had usually received under previous ad- ministrations. My own experiences as ambassador induced me to do so. But with Lichnowsky there was the inclination to rely more upon his own impres- sions and conclusions than upon the communica- tions and instructions of the Central Office. To disclose the sources of our information, indeed, I had not always either occasion or authority. Here there were quite definite considerations, particularly anxiety not to compromise our sources. The Prince's memo- randum furnishes the best justification for the caution exercised in this regard. It is not true that in the Foreign Office the reports that England would protect France under all circum- stances were not believed. At Konopischt, on the occasion of the visit of His Majesty the Emperor to the Archduke, heir to the [Austrian] throne, no plan of an active policy against Serbia was laid down. Archduke Franz Ferdinand was not at all the advocate of a policy leading to war for which he has often been taken. During the London conference he advised moderation and the avoidance of war. Prince Lichnowsky's "optimism" was hardly justi- fied, as he has probably since convinced himself through the revelations of the Sukhomlinof trial. Besides, the secret Anglo-Russian naval agreement (of which, as has been said before, he was informed) should have made him more skeptical. The mistrust voiced by the imperial chancellor and the under secretary of state was, unfortunately, well grounded. How does this agree with the assertion that we, replying upon the reports of Count Pourtales that h39] 362 "Russia would not move under any circumstances," had not considered the possibility of a war? Further- more, so far as I* can recollect, Count Pourtales never made any such report. That Austria-Hungary wished to intervene against the repeated provocations fomented by Russia (Herr von Hartwig), which reached their climax in the Serajevo assault, we had to recognize as justified. In spite of all former compromises and adjustments of threatened conflicts, Russia did not abandon her policy, which aimed at the complete exclusion of the Austrian influence (and naturally of ours also) from the Balkans. The Russian agents inspired by St. Petersburg, continued • their incitement. It was a question of the prestige and the existence of the Dan- ube monarchy. It must either submit to the Russo- Serbian machinations, or command a quos ego, even at the risk of war. We could not leave our ally in the lurch. Had it been intended to exclude altogether the ultima ratio of war, the alliance should not have been concluded. Besides, it was plain that the Russian military preparations (for instance, the extension of rail- roads and reconstruction of forts in Poland) , for which a France lusting for revenge had lent the money and which would have been completed in a few years, were directed principally against us. But despite all this, despite the fact that the aggressive tendency of the Russian policy was becoming constantly more evident, the idea of a preventive war was far removed from us. We did not decide to declare war on Russia until we had to face the Russian mobilization and to defend ourselves against a Russian invasion. I have not at hand the letters exchanged with the Prince — it was a matter of private letters. Lich- [140] 363 nowsky pleaded for an abandonment of Austria. I replied, so far as I remember, that we, aside from our treaty obligation, could not sacrifice our ally for the uncertain friendship of England. If we abandoned our only trustworthy ally, we should stand later entirely isolated, face to face with the Entente. It is probable that I also wrote that "Russia was becom- ing more and more anti-German" and that we must "just risk it." Furthermore, it is possible that in order to steel Lichnowsky's nerves a little and to prevent him from exposing his views in London also, I wrote that there would probably be some "blustering," and that "the more firmly we stood by Austria the more certainly would Russia give way." I have said already that our policy was not based upon alleged reports excluding war. At that time, it is true, I still thought war could be avoided, but, like all of us, I was fully aware of the very serious danger. We could not agree to the English proposal of a conference of ambassadors, for it would undoubtedly have led to a serious diplomatic defeat. For Italy, too, was Serbophil and, with its Balkan interests, stood rather opposed to Austria. The "intimacy of the relations between Italy and Russia" is admitted by Prince Lichnowsky himself. The best and only feasible way of escape was a localization of the conflict and an understanding between Vienna and St. Petersburg. We worked toward that end with all our energy. That we "insisted upon" the war is an unheard-of assertion, which is sufficiently invalidated by the telegrams of His Majesty the Emperor to the Czar and to King George, published in the White Books — Prince Lich- nowsky chooses to speak only of "the Czar's positively humble telegram" — as well as by the instructions [141] 364 we sent to Vienna. The worst distortion of facts is contained in the following sentence: "When Count Berchtold at last decided to change his course, and after Russia had negotiated and waited a whole week in vain, we answered the Russian mobilization with the ultimatum and the declaration of war." Should we, perhaps, have waited until the mobi- lized Russian army was streaming over our borders? The reading of the Sukhomlinof trial has probably given even Prince Lichnowsky a feeling of "0 si tacuisses!" On July 5th, I was absent from Berlin. The statement that I was "soon afterwards in Vienna to talk everything over with Count Berchtold" is false. I returned to Berlin on July 6th, from my wedding journey, and I did not stir from there until August 15th, on the occasion of the shifting of the Great Headquarters. As secretary of state I was only once in Vienna before the war, in the spring of I9I3- Prince Lichnowsky slides over the matter of the confusing dispatch that he sent us on August 1st — I have not the exact wording at hand — as a "misunder- standing" and even seems to intend to reproach us because "without waiting for the interview," we "made the news the basis for far-reaching activity." The question of war with England was a matter of minutes, and immediately after the arrival of the dispatch it was decided to make an eleventh-hour attempt to avert the war with France and England. His Majesty sent the well-known telegram to King George. The content of the Lichnowsky dispatch could not have been understood in any other way than we under- stood it. [142] 365 In matters of fact, Prince Lichnowsky's narrative presents such an abundance of inaccuracies and dis- tortions that it is scarcely surprising that his con- clusions are also entirely wrong. A really grotesque effect is produced when he reproaches us for sending an ultimatum to St. Petersburg on July 30th, merely because of the mobilization of Russia, and for de- claring war upon the Russians, on July 31st, although the Czar had pledged his word that not a man should march so long as negotiations were under way, thus willfully destroying the possibility of a peaceful ad- justment. At the close, his point of view seems to become almost identical with that of our enemies. When the ambassador makes the accusation that our policy identified itself "with Turks and Austro- Magyars" and subordinated itself to the "viewpoints of Vienna and Budapest," he may be suitably an- swered by saying that he saw things only through London spectacles and exclusively from the point of view of his desired rapprochement with England a tout prix. He also appears to have forgotten com- pletely that the Entente was formed much more against us than against Austria. I, too, pursued a policy which aimed at an under- standing with England, because I was of the opinion that this was the only way for us to escape from the unfavorable position in which we were placed by the unequal division of strength and the weakness of the Triple Alliance. But Russia and France pressed towards war. We were under obligations resulting from our treaty with Austria, and we too were menaced in our position as a Great Power — hip Rhodus, hie salta. But England, that was not tied up in the same way with Russia and that had received far-reaching [143] 3 66 assurances from us regarding the sparing of France and of Belgium, seized the sword. In saying this, I by no means accept the view- that is widely held among us today, that England laid all the mines for the outbreak of the war; on the contrary, I believe in Sir Edward Grey's love of peace and in his earnest wish to arrive at an under- standing with us. But he had allowed himself to become entangled too far in the net of the Franco- Russian policy ; he no longer found the way out, and he did not prevent the World War — a thing that he could have done. Neither was the war popular with the English people; Belgium had to serve as battle field.* "Political marriages until death do us part" are, as Prince Lichnowsky says, not possible in international unions. But neither is isolation, under the present condition of affairs in Europe. The history of Europe consists of coalitions, which sometimes have led to the avoidance of warlike outbreaks and sometimes to vio- lent clashes. A loosening and dissolving of old alli- ances that no longer answer all conditions is only in order when new constellations are attainable. This was the object of the policy of a rapprochement with England. So long as this policy did not offer reliable guarantees we could not sacrifice the old guarantees — even with their obligations. The Morocco policy had led to a political defeat. In the Bosnian crisis this had been luckily avoided, as was the case also at the London Conference. A fresh diminution of our prestige was not endurable for our position in Europe and in the world. The * "Schlachtfeld." This may possibly be a misprint for Schlachtruf (battle-cry). [144] 367 prosperity of states, their political and economic suc- cesses, are based upon the prestige that they enjoy in the world. The personal attacks contained in the article, the unheard-of aspersions and slanders of others, condemn themselves. The ever-recurring suspicion that every- thing happened only because it was not desired to allow him, Lichnowsky, any successes speaks of wounded self-love, of disappointed hopes for personal successes, and has a painful effect. In closing, let me recall the memorandum of Prince Bismarck, which Hermann Oncken also has quoted in his work, The Old and The New Middle Europe — the memorandum which was written in the year 1879, and in which the idea is developed that the German Empire can never permit a situation to arise in which it would remain isolated on the Euro- pean Continent between Russia and France, side by side with a defeated Austria-Hungary that Germany had left in the lurch. [145] 368 APPENDIX TO PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S MEMORANDUM # Personal and Historical Notes By Munroe Smith and Henry F. Munro I The Berlin Foreign Office During Prince Lichnowsky's term of service in the Foreign Office (i 899-1 904), Count (later Prince) von Biilow was chancellor, Baron von Richthofen was foreign secretary, and Herr von Miihlberg was under- secretary. The foreign secretary was director of the section of politics and personnel, in which Lichnowsky was employed, and it is he, presumably, who is de- scribed as laboring under insane delusions. The senior counselor in the same section was Herr von Holstein. His long service, which began in 1879, and the fact that he represented the traditions of the Bismarckian period naturally gave him a certain authority. His retirement from office, in April, 1906, was ascribed to "differences" with Prince von Billow. It gave rise to much comment, since he had been regarded, in many circles, as the virtual director of German foreign policy since 1890. [Schultess, Europaiscker Geschichtskalen- der, 1906, p. 97, citing Zukunft, July, 1906, and Preus- sische Jahrbiicher, vol. 125, 3.] In 1912, when Lichnowsky was sent to London, Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg was chancellor, Herr von Kiderlen-Wachter was foreign secretary, and Herr von Stumm was director of the political section. Von [146] 369 Stumm had previously been connected with the German embassies in London, Washington, Paris, Vienna, St. Petersburg and Madrid, and then, a second time, with the London embassy. It is he, apparently, who is described by Lichnowsky as en- deavoring to play the r61e of Herr von Holstein. In January, 1913, Herr von Jagow was appointed foreign secretary. II Austro-Prussian and Austro-German Relations The long struggle between the Hapsburgs and the Hohenzollerns for a controlling influence in German affairs was brought to an end by the Prussian victory of Sadowa in 1866. Germany was reorganized under a Prussian hegemony. In the 1 8th century, Count (later Prince) Kaunitz (1711-1794) was one of Prussia's most dangerous enemies. In retaliation for the conquest of a large part of Silesia by Frederick the Great, Kaunitz suc- ceeded in forming an Austrian-French alliance against Prussia, to which Russia became a party. In the Seven Years' War which followed (1 756-1 763) Prussia was brought to the verge of destruction. It was saved only by Russia's abandonment of the Austrian cause. After the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation in 1804 and the reconstruction of Germany as a confederation in 1814, Austria remained the dominant power in Germany. On account of the large proportion of non-German elements in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, many Germans began to desire a closer union of the rest of Germany under Prussian leadership. These were called "Little Ger- mans" (Kleindeutsche) . A more numerous party advo- [147] 370 cated the retention of all Germans within a single federal union. These were the "Great Germans" (Grossdeutsche) . Inasmuch as neither of the two leading states could be expected to submit to a supe- rior authority exercised by the other, it was clear that any such wider union must remain decentralized. "Great German" and "particularism thus became prac- tically interchangeable terms. The looser union recommended itself to most of the smaller states of Germany, as preserving their independence. In order that these states might be more effectively protected against both Austria and Prussia, a closer union among them and the organization of Germany as a "triad" found many advocates. The "old Bavarian" policy, to which Prince Lichnowsky alludes, aimed at the establishment of such a union of the smaller states under the leadership of Bavaria. The question of a greater or smaller Germany be- came one of the chief issues in the revolutionary Frankfort Parliament of 1848. The refusal of Aus- tria to come into the new German Empire with its German territories only, Hungary and the Slav pro- vinces remaining outside, gave the Little Germans the victory; and the imperial crown was offered to King Friedrich Wilhelm IV of Prussia. He rejected the offer; but his ministers took steps for a narrower union of North Germany through the cooperation of the kings of Prussia, Saxony and Hanover. This plan was not really welcome either to Saxony or to Hanover, and was bitterly resisted by Austria. A conflict was averted by a complete Prussian surrender at Olmiitz, in 1850, and the old confederation, as it had existed since 18 14, was reestablished. In this period the Austrian policy was directed by [148] 371 Prince Felix Schwarzenberg (1800-1852). It was under his leadership that Austria forced Prussia to submit at Olmiitz. His program was, first to humiliate Prussia, then to destroy it — "avilir puis dSmolir." Count Moritz Esterhazy (1807-1890) was a mem- ber of the Austrian ministry from 1861 to 1866. He was of the clerical party and was bitterly hostile to Prussia. He is said to have been one of the strongest advocates of war with Prussia. By the victory of Prussia in 1866, Austria was ex- cluded from the new Germany. It was, of course, not reconciled to the new order of things, and its con- tinued hostility to Prussia is shown in the selection of Friedrich Ferdinand von Beust (1 809-1 886) as Austro- Hungarian minister of foreign affairs. From 1867- 187 1 he held the post of Austrian premier. He had been minister of foreign affairs in Saxony since 1849 and Saxon prime minister since 1853, and had been a persistent opponent of Prussia. After 1866 he was, of course, impossible as a Saxon minister. From 1866 to 1870 there were negotiations between France and Austria for an alliance against Prussia, but these came to nothing. At the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian war, von Beust found it inadvisable to take sides with France in a war which was regarded, even in South Germany, as a national German war. Before the end of 1870 he established fairly friendly relations between Austria and Prussia. Baron (later Count) Aloys von Ahrenthal (1854- 1912), whom Lichnowsky describes as more inde- pendent in his' attitude than his immediate predeces- sors, was Austro-Hungarian foreign minister from 1907 to his death in February, 1912. In this office he was succeeded by Count Berchtold. [149] 372 III The Berlin Congress (1878) The war of 1 877-1 878 between Russia and Turkey was terminated by the treaty of San Stefano. The provisions of this treaty were unsatisfactory to other Great Powers, notably to Great Britain and to Aus- tria, and Russia agreed that the arrangements made at San Stefano should be revised by a European Con- gress. This met at Berlin, in July, under the presi- dency of Prince Bismarck, who declared that his r61e was that of an "honest broker." The Congress re- stored to Turkey much of the territory ceded at San Stefano and changed the status and limits assigned to the Christian Balkan states. In giving to Austria the right to occupy and administer Bosnia and Herze- govina, the Congress, as we now know, simply put into execution a secret agreement made between Rus- sia and Austria at Reichstadt before the outbreak of the war — an agreement by which Russia secured Aus- trian neutrality in that war (Bismarck, speech in the Reichstag, February 6, 1888; see also Hofmann, Furst Bismarck, vol. ii, p. 5). This concession to Austria, however, as well as other provisions of the Berlin Treaty, aroused resentment in Russia, and this resentment was directed largely against Germany. In return for the friendly neutrality of Russia in the Franco- Prussian war of 1 870-1 871, the Russians had expected that Germany would support their interests in the Near East. Bismarck subsequently claimed that he had given them all possible support, that he had acted almost as "the fourth Russian plenipoten- tiary" in the Congress; but the Russians held him largely responsible for their diplomatic defeat. Rela- [150] 373 tions between the two countries became so strained that, much against the wishes of Emperor William I, who regarded friendship with Russia as the first of German political interests, Bismarck formed, in 1879, a defensive alliance with Austria. IV German-Russian Relations (1884-1008) The relations between Germany and Russia, strained by the revision of the Peace of San Stefano at the Congress of Berlin, were greatly improved in 1884, when Bismarck negotiated a treaty by which Germany and Russia each agreed to remain neutral in case the other should be attacked by a third Power. This is generally known as the "reinsurance treaty"; because by the treaty of 1879 with Austria Germany was assured of Austrian support in case it should be attacked by Russia, and by this new treaty it was assured of Russian neutrality in case it should be attacked by France. This treaty was renewed in 1887 ; but in 1890, when Bismarck was removed from office, his successor, General von Caprivi, declined to renew it, because he found the relations of Germany to Aus- tria and to Russia "too complicated." The real reason, apparently, why it was not renewed was because William II wished to be free to support Austria against Russia in the Near East, even if it should be found advisable that Austria should attack Russia. The existence of this German-Russian treaty from 1884 to 1890 was first made known to the general public by Bismarck, after his retirement from office, in an article published in the Hamburger Nachrichten, Octo- ber 24, 1896. [151] 374 It was Bismarck's desire to lessen the chance of war between Austria and Russia by inducing them to recognize that each had its special sphere of influence in the Balkans, Austria in the West, Russia in the East. Bulgaria, accordingly, was in the Russian sphere of influence. - Alexander of Battenberg, Prince of Bulgaria, suc- ceeded in 1885 in uniting East Rumelia with Bulgaria, thus establishing for his principality the boundaries which Russia had sought to give it in the Peace of San Stefano. Attacked by Serbia, "to maintain the balance of power in the Balkans," the Bulgarian army, under Prince Alexander's leadership, was completely victorious. Serbia was protected against loss of terri- tory only by the diplomatic intervention of Austria. Prince Alexander, however, had accomplished all these results without the consent of Russia. He had shown himself independent of Russian influence; and in August, 1886, Russian agents stirred up a revolution, kidnapped the Prince, and carried him out of the country. Reinstated by a counter-revolution, he re- signed his throne, in order, as he said, to save Bulgaria from occupation by Russian troops. In Germany there was general sympathy with Alexander, as a German prince. Great admiration was aroused by his achievements, and extreme indignation was felt on account of the treatment he had received at the hands of Russia. Bismarck, however, sup- ported Russia, insisting that Germany had no inter- ests in the Balkans. After Bismarck's retirement from office, Germany not only supported Austrian interests in the Balkans, but also sought to acquire a dominant influence in Constantinople. This was regarded in Russia as an [152] 375 invasion of its special sphere of influence, justifying a counter-invasion of the Austrian sphere. When, in 1908, Austria converted its occupation and adminis- tration of Bosnia and Herzegovina into a formal annexation of these provinces, the protest of the Serbs was supported by Russia. The German Emperor, however, "took his stand in shining armor at the side of his ally," and Russia, weakened by its recent con- flict with Japan, was forced to acquiesce. V The Kriiger Telegram (,i8q6) One of the aspirations of Germany has been the creation of a great colonial empire in Africa. To that end she began, in the nineties, to cultivate intimate relations with President Kriiger of the Transvaal, in the hope of controlling and, possibly, of ultimately absorbing the Boer republic. German support of Kriiger, it was clearly realized, would make trouble for Great Britain, between which and the Transvaal there were serious controversies over suzerainty and over the political grievances of the Uitlanders. Early in 1895 President Kriiger stated, at a celebration in honor of the Kaiser's birthday, that "the time had arrived for the establishment of the closest friendly relations between the Transvaal and Germany." On December 29, 1895, in response to an invitation from the Uitlanders, Dr. Jameson, with 400 or 500 troopers of the British South African Company, crossed the Transvaal frontier and marched towards Johannesburg. The Reform Committee (Uitlanders) failed to cooperate, and Jameson was forced to sur- render. The situation, already serious, was intensified h53] 376 by the action of the Kaiser, who, on January 3, 1896, after consultation with his chancellor and other minis- ters, sent the following telegram to President Kriiger: I express to you my sincere congratulations that, without appealing to the help of friendly powers, you and your people have succeeded in repelling with your own forces the armed bands which had broken into your country and in maintaining the independence of your country against foreign aggression. In Great Britain this telegram caused profound in- dignation. It was felt to be directed against Great Britain, and it was regarded as a deliberate attempt to challenge the British position in South Africa. The incident marked the beginning of, and in large part contributed to, that settled antagonism between Great Britain and Germany which is being fought out in the present war. By holding out specious hopes to President Kriiger, it helped to bring on the South African War and the defeat of the Boers. In this instance, as in others, Germany, as Lichnowsky points out, "backed the wrong horse." The English journalist, Mr. Valentine Chirol, has recently given the substance of a conversation which he, as correspondent of the London Times, had with Baron Marschall at the German Foreign Office con- cerning the Kriiger telegram. See the London Times of May 14, 1918. VI The British-French Colonial Agreements {18Q8-IQ04) The chief cause of friction between France and Great Britain during the later decades of the 19th cen- tury had been their colliding interests in Egypt, which Britain occupied in 1882. When in 1898 the control . of the upper Nile was wrested from the Mahdi by the [154] 377 British-Egyptian forces under Kitchener, a conflict arose over the French occupation of Fashoda. This was adjusted March 21, 1899, by a joint declaration, supplementing an earlier convention, which had been signed June 14, 1898. The convention of 1898 de- limited French and British possessions and spheres of influence east and west of the Niger; the supplemen- tary agreement of 1899 drew a boundary between the British Egyptian Soudan and the French possessions and spheres of influence in Central Africa. A general settlement of all outstanding differences between the two countries was attained by a conven- tion and two declarations signed at London, April 8, 1904. In this general settlement, France recognized the existing British control of Egypt, and Great Britain recognized that France was entitled to a domi- nant interest in Morocco (see note vii, below) . France undertook to come to an understanding with Spain regarding their respective interests on the Moorish coast, and a treaty embodying such an understanding was concluded in the same year (1904). The British- French agreement contained five secret articles; and», although it was officially announced in October, 1904, that Spain had accepted the British-French arrange- ments and had itself signed a convention with France, this convention was not published. The only reason, apparently, why these further arrangements were kept secret was that the contingency that the Sultan of Morocco might "cease to exercise authority" was envisaged, in which event there was to be a division of his realm between France and Spain. On the west coast of Africa minor cessions of terri- tory were made to France by Great Britain, and in Central Africa the line drawn in 1898 was modified [i55] 378 to the advantage of the French. British objections to the tariff introduced by France in Madagascar were withdrawn. In Siam the British and French spheres of influence were delimited. Privileges in the Newfoundland fishing industry- secured to France by the Treaty of Utrecht were re- linquished, French citizens engaged in that industry being indemnified by Great Britain. The respective rights of British and French fishermen in the New- foundland waters were accurately defined. All the British-French conventions above summar- ized were published in British and Foreign State Papers. The Egypt-Morocco convention of 1904 was repub- lished in 1911, with the secret articles, as number 24 of the Treaty Series. According to Bertrand Russell (Justice in War Time, 1916, page 144) the French- Spanish Morocco treaty was published in Le Matin (Paris), in November, 191 1. VII The Moroccan Question (1Q05-IQ06) Morocco, at the beginning of the present century, was one of the few desirable fields still open for colonial enterprise on the part of the Powers. In consequence, it was for a decade or so one of the storm centers of European diplomacy. By reason of geo- graphical proximity (in Algeria) France had a special interest in suppressing the chronic disorder in Mo- rocco, particularly on the Algerian border. This French interest was recognized by Great Britain in the following article of the convention of April 8, 1904: [156] 379 His Britannic Majesty's Government, for their part, recog- nize that it appertains to France, more particularly as a Power whose dominions are coterminous for a great distance with those of Morocco, to preserve order in that country, and to provide assistance for the purpose of all administrative, eco- nomic, financial and military reforms which it may require. Apparently this was satisfactory to Germany; for on April 2, 1904, von Biilow, the German chan- cellor, stated in the Reichstag that "from the point of view of German interests we have nothing to complain of." But Germany was not satisfied, because the con- vention indicated that England and France were ready to compose their quarrels, which had long been a source of diplomatic profit to Germany. Nothing was done, however, until the defeat of Russia in the battle of Mukden revealed the weakness of France's ally. Suddenly, on March 31, 1905, the German Emperor appeared at Tangier, Morocco, and pro- ceeded to pay a visit to the Sultan, Abdul-Aziz, in the course of which he spoke as follows : It is to the Sultan in his position of an independent sovereign that I am paying my visit today. I hope that under the Sovereignty of the Sultan a free Morocco will remain open to the peaceful rivalry of all nations, without monopoly or an- nexation, on the basis of absolute equality. The object of my visit to Tangier is to make it known that I am determined to do all that is in my power to safeguard efficaciously the in- terests of Germany in Morocco, for I look upon the Sultan as an absolutely independent sovereign. This demonstrative intervention created a diplo- matic crisis in Europe and was generally regarded as a challenge to the recently formed Entente. The demand of Germany that France bring the Moroccan [i57l 38o question before an international conference was ac- cepted, in spite of the opposition of M. Delcasse, the French foreign minister, who was thus virtually com- pelled to resign at German dictation. The Conference met at Algeciras, in Spain, in Janu- ary, 1906. The participants were the twelve Powers (including the United States) who were parties to the Convention of Madrid of 1880, and Morocco. The outcome was a diplomatic defeat for Germany, which was supported by Austria-Hungary alone, even Italy, the ally of Germany, ranging itself on the side of France. The Act of Algeciras provided for the settle- ment of the Moroccan question upon "the triple principle of the sovereignty and independence of His Majesty the Sultan, the integrity of his domains, and economic liberty without any inequality." How- ever, while accepting in theory the German demand for internationalization of control, the Act accorded to France and Spain a privileged position with respect to financial and police measures in Morocco. VIII Agadir (1911) Germany's last card in Moroccan diplomacy was played in 191 1. On July 1 of that year the German gunboat Panther appeared at Agadir, on the southern coast of Morocco, ostensibly to protect German in- terests, but in reality to test the strength of the Triple Entente. This action of Germany was the more surprising because, by the treaty of February, 1909, it had recognized the paramount position of France in Morocco. For some time Germany ignored the re- peated requests of Great Britain for explanation as to [158] 3»i German intentions, but the positive intimation by Lloyd George, in his speech at the Mansion House, July 21, that Great Britain intended to back up France, led Germany to compromise, by withdrawing completely from Morocco in consideration of terri- torial concessions by France in West Africa (Franco- German treaty of November 4, 1911). With this adjustment the Moroccan question disappeared from European diplomacy. IX The British-Russian Convention {1907) On August 31, 1907, a convention was signed by Great Britain and Russia, similar in its nature to that concluded by Great Britain and France in 1904. The purpose of the British-Russian agreement was to settle all outstanding differences between the two Powers with respect to their interests in Asia. It comprises three separate arrangements, as follows: 1. The two parties mutually engage to respect the integrity and independence of Persia; but, having regard to each other's special geographical or economic interests, they agree to recognize certain spheres of influence in that country: a Russian sphere in the north and a British sphere in the south, with Central Persia not directly included in either. 2. Afghanistan is recognized as lying outside of Russian influence. All Russian relations with Afghanistan are to be carried on through the British government, which declares that it has no intention of changing the political status of Afghanistan. The principle of equality of commercial oppor- tunity in Afghanistan is maintained. 3. Thibet is recognized as under the suzerainty of China. All negotiations with Thibet are to be conducted through the [159] 3«2 Chinese government. Its territorial integrity is to be re- spected; neither party is to send representatives to Lhassa; and no concessions or other rights in Thibet are to be sought or obtained. X The Grey-Cambon Correspondence (1Q12) Sir Edward Grey to M. Cambon, French Ambassador in London Foreign Office, November 22, 1912 My dear Ambassador: From time to time in recent years the French and British naval and military experts have consulted together. It has always been understood that such consultation does not restrict the freedom of either Government to decide at any future time whether or not to assist the other by armed force. We have agreed that consultation between experts is not, and ought not to be regarded as, an engagement that commits either Government to action in a contingency that has not arisen and may never arise. The disposition, for instance, of the French and British fleets respectively at the present moment is not based upon an engagement to cooperate in war. You have, however, pointed out that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third Power, it might become essential to know whether it could in that event depend upon the armed assistance of the other. I agree that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third Power, or something that threatened the general peace, it should immediately dis- cuss with the other whether both Governments should act together to prevent aggression and to preserve peace, and, if so, what measures they would be prepared to take in common. If these measures involved action, the plans of the General Staffs would at once be taken into consideration, and the Governments would then decide what effect should be given to them. [160] 3§3 M. Cambon, French Ambassador in London, to Sir Edward Grey French Embassy, London November 23, 1912 Dear Sir Edward : You reminded me in your letter of yesterday, 22nd No- vember, that during the last few years the military and naval authorities of France and Great Britain had consulted with each other from time to time ; that it had always been under- stood that these consultations should not restrict the liberty of either Government to decide in the future whether they should lend each other the support of their armed forces; that, on either side, these consultations between experts were not and should not be considered as engagements binding our Governments to take action in certain eventualities; that, however, I had remarked to you that, if one or other of the two Governments had grave reasons to fear an unprovoked attack on the part of a third Power, it would become essential to know whether it could count on the armed support of the other. Your letter answers that point, and I am authorized to state that, in the event of one of our two Governments having grave reasons to fear either an act of aggression from a third Power, or some event threatening the general peace, that Government would immediately examine with the other the question whether both Governments should act together in order to prevent the act of aggression or preserve peace. If so, the two Governments would deliberate as to the mea- sures which they would be prepared to take in common ; if those measures involved action, the two Governments would take into immediate consideration the plans of their General Staffs and would then decide as to the effect to be given to those plans. [British Diplomatic Correspondence, relating to the outbreak of the War, No. 105, enclosures I and 2.] [161] 3§4 XI The First Balkan War (1912-1913) In 1912 Turkey was at war with Italy over Tripoli. In addition, Albania was in revolt, Crete was clamor- ing for annexation to Greece, and Macedonia, for years in a state of anarchy, became the scene of fright- ful massacres of Bulgarians and Serbians at the hands of the Mohammedan Turks. All this at a time when German influence was paramount at Constantinople. Early in the year, the Balkan states achieved what had been deemed impossible — a league against the common enemy. This was brought about by a series of treaties between Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece, and Montenegro, supplemented by military conventions, all of which contemplated not only relief for the sub- ject Christian populations of Turkey but also the extension of territory at Turkey's expense. In spite of efforts by the Great Powers to preserve peace, the Balkan League mobilized in the early autumn of 1912. Montenegro declared war against Turkey on October 8, and its allies issued similar declarations ten days later. Then followed a remark- able series of campaigns, in which the Balkan Allies were uniformly successful. By the first of December, Adrianople was invested; Macedonia and, in part, Albania were occupied; Serbia had reached the Adriatic; Greeks and Bulgarians were at Saloniki, and the Montenegrins were laying siege to Skutari. An armistice was signed on December 3, and a peace conference between Turkey and the Allies was opened at London on December 16. By this time, however, the Balkan War had raised several questions affecting the general peace of Europe [162] 385 and necessitating action on the part of the European Powers to prevent a general war. Consequently, par- allel with the peace conference, an ambassadorial conference sat in London under the presidency of Sir Edward Grey for the purpose of advising the belligerent parties and of taking necessary decisions on matters of European concern. The demand of Serbia for territory on the Adriatic conflicted with the foreign policies of Austria and Italy. So, also, did the desire of Montenegro to capture and retain Skutari. This town, in the opinion of Austria and Italy as well as of the other Powers, should form part of an autono- mous Albania, "the independence and neutrality" of which had already been proclaimed by an Albanian assembly at Avlona on November 28. The ambassa- dorial conference promptly agreed that Albania should be autonomous and that Serbia should have commer- cial access to Adriatic ports. The peace conference, however, found it impossible to reconcile the demands of the respective belligerents and, the armistice having expired, the war was re- newed. Again Turkey was defeated and again, after much diplomatic discussion with the Great Powers, an armistice was signed by all the belligerents save Montenegro. The Balkan Allies accepted the media- tion of the Powers, and the peace conference opened for a second time in London on May 20. On this occasion a treaty of peace was successfully negotiated. It was signed on May 30. By its terms the frontier of Turkey in Europe was established by a line running from Enos on the ^Egean to Midia on the Black Sea. All territory west of this line was ceded to the Allies, who were left to divide it among themselves in accordance with their respective treaties of alliance. [163] 386 Turkey gave up Crete, which was later apportioned to Greece; the autonomy of Albania was recognized; and the disposal of the ^Egean islands was left in the hands of the Great Powers. Meanwhile Montenegro, in defiance of the Powers, had persisted in the siege of Skutari. On April 10 a blockade of the Montenegrin coast was put in force by an international squadron. On April 22 Skutari fell, but this made the Powers only the more insistent that Montenegro should evacuate the captured for- tress. Finally, faced by an intervention which would probably be entrusted to Austria-Hungary, Monte- negro yielded. For its compliance, it received assur- ance of a loan. At the London ambassadorial conference in 1912, it was agreed that a European prince should be nom- inated as ruler of Albania. Early in 1914 the new throne was offered to William of Wied. He arrived at Durazzo March 7, 1914. Early in the summer of the same year he was driven out of Albania by a suc- cessful insurrection. XII The Second Balkan War (1913) The Second Balkan War arose out of disputes over the spoils of the war against Turkey. The peace con- ference had failed to reach agreement on this matter, and the treaty left it to the Balkan Allies to apportion the ceded territory among themselves by supple- mentary conventions. But there was slight prospect of settlement. Bulgaria disputed the claim of Greece to possess Saloniki and the territory to the north and east of it. Serbia challenged the arrangement made in the Bulgar-Serbian treaty of 1912, maintaining that [164] 3»7 the creation of Albania had essentially modified the equity of that arrangement. A military convention was promptly concluded between Greece, Serbia and Montenegro. An attempt was made to avert conflict through Russian mediation, but difficulties were raised over demobilization and all parties refused to recede. Suddenly, on June 30, 1913, the Bulgarians attacked the Greek and Serbian armies, hoping to crush them separately before they could unite. In the campaign that followed the Greeks and Serbians were more than a match for the Bulgarians, but the issue was decided by the intervention of the Rumanian army. Meanwhile Turkey took advantage of Bulgaria's extremity to recover Adrianople. As a result Bulgaria was compelled to ask for an armistice. Peace was restored in the Balkans by the Treaty of Bucharest (August 10, 1913). Bulgaria, recognizing defeat, had to yield most of its new acquisitions to Greece and Serbia and a considerable portion of its former territory to Rumania. A treaty of peace with Turkey on September 29 involved further ces- sions on the part of Bulgaria. XIII Rumanian Intervention {1913) in the negotiations following the First Balkan War, Rumania had demanded a "rectified" frontier in the Dobrudja, in return for its neutrality, which was alleged to have been maintained on the understand- ing that Austria-Hungary and Russia would support the Rumanian claims when the war was over. In consequence, Bulgaria ceded to Rumania the town of Silistria with some adjoining territory. This did not [165] 388 satisfy Rumania; and, as already stated, it inter- vened in the Second Balkan War. Its reasons for intervening were set forth in its declaration of July 9 : The Rumanian Government gave due warning to the Bul- garian Government that, if the Balkan allies were to find them- selves in a state of war, Rumania would not be able to main- tain the reserve which it has hitherto observed in the interests of peace and would be compelled to take action. The Bul- garian Government did not consider it necessary to reply to this communication. On the contrary, war unhappily began by a series of sudden attacks by the Bulgarians against the Serbian troops, without any observance by the Bulgarians of even the elementary rules of preliminary notification, which would at least have testified to a respect for the conventions of international usage. In presence of this situation the Rumanian Government has ordered the Rumanian army to enter Bulgaria. [Annual Register, 1913, p. 351.] XIV San Giuliano's Warning to Austria (1Q13) In a speech delivered in the Italian Parliament, December 5, 19 14, Signor Giolitti declared that on August 9, 1913, Austria communicated to Italy and to Germany its intention of taking action against Serbia. It described such action as defensive and stated that it hoped to receive Italian as well as Ger- man support. Signor Giolitti was at that time prime minister and, on receiving the report of the Italian minister of foreign affairs, Marquis di San Giuliano, he directed the latter to reply in the following sense: If Austria intervenes against Serbia, it is clear that a casus foederis cannot be established. It is a step which she is taking on her own account. There is no question of defense, inas- [166] 3»9 much as no one is thinking of attacking her. It is necessary that a declaration to this effect should be made to Austria in the most formal manner, and we must hope for action on the part of Germany to dissuade Austria from this most perilous adventure. XV Liman von Sanders After its crushing defeat at the hands of the Balkan Allies, Turkey applied to Germany for a military com- mission to reorganize its army. In October, 1913, it was announced that General Liman von Sanders had been chosen head of such a commission, which was to include some thirty other German officers. Russia at once began to protest, and protested the more strongly when it was stated that Liman von Sanders, in addition to his advisory duties, was to command the First Army Corps at Constantinople. This created a delicate situation. According to the Russian con- tention, this German military command would con- trol the capital and the Straits and would thus be in a position to affect Russian interests adversely. Be- sides, the German ambassador at Constantinople would, in effect, be backed up by military power to the prejudice of the other (and especially of the En- tente) ambassadors. The Russian press was intensely excited over the appointment, but the Russian govern- ment worked for a compromise, suggesting that Liman's headquarters be transferred to Adrianople and that Germany support Armenian reforms. On December 14, the Russian, French and British am- bassadors asked the grand vizier for information as to the scope of the powers conferred on Liman von Sanders. No official answer was given, but it was [167] 39° announced in the course of a day or two that Turkey was not actuated by political motives but had merely applied for the services of an expert whose duties were to be chiefly educational. It was further stated that Liman would not command the garrisons at the Bos- porus and the Dardanelles. According to Mr. Henry Morgenthau, former American ambassador to Turkey, it was asserted by the German charge d'affaires, in the matter of prece- dence at a diplomatic dinner given by Mr. Morgen- thau, that von Sanders was "the personal representa- tive of the Kaiser and as such . . . entitled to equal rank with the ambassadors. He should have been placed ahead of the cabinet ministers and the foreign ministers" [The World's Work, May, 1918, p. 66]. Fortunately for Morgenthau, the order of precedence at the dinner had been arranged by Palla- vicini, the Austrian ambassador, who was at the time doyen of the diplomatic corps. It may be added that after the outbreak of the war in August, 1914 (but before Turkey had become a belligerent), Liman von Sanders was appointed com- mander-in-chief of the Turkish army. XVI British-German Negotiations (iqi2-iqi/j) The rapid development of German naval power had, as Prince Lichnowsky indicates, aroused anxiety in Great Britain ; and the necessity, arising from Brit- ain's insular position, of keeping its fleet equal to the combined fleets of any two other Powers was throwing a heavy burden on the British taxpayers. Lord Hal- dane was sent to Berlin early in 1912, to see whether [168] 391 the German plan for the creation of a third squadron could not be modified. This suggestion being nega- tived, he inquired whether it would not be possible to delay construction, to "spread the tempo." It was in- dicated, on the German side, that no concessions could be made in the matter of naval construction unless Germany could be assured that, in case it should be involved in war, Great Britain would remain neutral. It was proposed that such assurance should be given by a formal treaty. After Haldane's return to Lon- don, negotiations on this matter were continued between Sir Edward Grey and the German ambassa- dor, Count Metternich. Various formulas were sug- gested, but no agreement was attained, because the German diplomats found the British proposals inade- quate, while the British regarded the German pro- posals as ambiguous. The Germans wished for an agreement that, if either nation should become in- volved in a war "in which it cannot be said to be the aggressor," the other nation should remain neutral ; but they proposed to add: The duty of neutrality which arises out of the preceding article has no application in so far as it may not be reconcila- ble with existing agreements which the high contracting par- ties have already made. This, as Lord Haldane puts it, meant that while Germany, in the case of a European conflict, would have remained free to support her friends, this country would have been forbidden to raise a finger in defense of hers. Germany could arrange without difficulty that the formal inception of hostilities should rest with Austria. Another clause in the German draft forbade "the making of new agreements which render it impossible for either of the parties to observe neutrality towards [169] 392 theother." This, of course, meant that while the Triple Alliance treaties were to remain binding and Great Britain was to be pledged to neutrality if Germany should make war to support Austria, Great Britain was to make no similar treaty arrangements with Russia or with France. "In a word," as Lord Haldane observes, "there was to be a guaranty of absolute neu- trality on one side, but not on the other." In response to a request for counter-proposals, Sir Edward Grey, on March 14, 1912, gave Count Metter- nich the following draft formula, which had been approved by the Cabinet: England will make no unprovoked attack upon Germany, and pursue no aggressive policy towards her. ' Aggression upon Germany is not the subject, and forms no part of any treaty, understanding or combination to which England is now a party, nor will she become a party to any- thing that has such an object. Count Metternich thought this formula inadequate, and suggested two alternative additional clauses : England will therefore observe at least a benevolent neu- trality should war be forced upon Germany, or: England will therefore, as a matter of course, remain neutral if a war is forced upon Germany. Sir Edward Grey considered that the British pro- posals were sufficient. He explained that if Germany desired to crush France, England might not be able to sit still, though if France were aggressive or attacked Germany, no support would be given by His Majesty's government or approved by England. He even- tually proposed the following formula: The two powers being mutually desirous of securing peace and friendship between them, England declares that she will neither make nor join in any unprovoked attack upon Ger- [170] 393 many. Aggression upon Germany is not the subject, and forms no part of any treaty, understanding or combination to which England is now a party, nor will she become a party to anything that has such an object. Count Metternich, in accordance with instructions received from Berlin, stated that the project for a further increase of the German navy could not be abandoned except on the basis of a neutrality treaty of a far-reaching character and leaving no doubt as to its interpretation. "He admitted," Lord Haldane writes, "that the chancellor's wish amounted to a guaranty of absolute neutrality." At this point the negotiations for a reduction of naval armaments and for a neutrality agreement were dropped. Sir Edward Grey, however, expressed the hope that this result would not put an end to negotiations or form an insurmountable obstacle to better relations. The British government hoped that the formula which it had suggested might be considered in con- nection with the discussion of territorial arrange- ments, even if it did not prove effective in preventing the increase of naval expenditure. Sir Edward Grey added that, if some arrangement could be made be- tween the two governments, it would have a favorable though indirect effect upon naval expenditure as time went on; it would have, moreover, a favorable and direct effect upon public opinion in both countries. This suggestion was taken up; and at this point the British-German negotiations entered upon their third phase, that of the adjustment of conflicting interests in Africa and in Asia. These, as Prince Lichnowsky indicates, were under way when he came to London. Brief statements regarding the negotiations for a [171] 394 neutrality agreement were made by Prime Minister Asquith, in a speech at Cardiff, October 2, 1914, and by Sir Edward Grey, in a speech at London, March 22, 19 1 5. These statements were substantially con- firmed by extracts from the correspondence of 1912, published by the German Foreign Office in July, 1915. Further documentary material was published by the British Foreign Office, August 31, 1915. The fullest account of the negotiations — an account in which the question of naval armaments is brought into connec- tion with the question of British neutrality — is given in Lord Haldane's report, made in 1912, a large part of which was published by the British government late in May, 1918. See New York Times, June 2, 1918. XVII The Portuguese Colonies in Africa The African treaty negotiated by Prince Lichnow- sky dealt, as he states, with German and British spheres of influence in the Portuguese colonies. The following are the Portuguese dependencies in Africa (excluding the Cape Verde Islands), with statistical data, as given in the Statesman's Year Book for 1915: 1. Portuguese Guinea, on the west coast of Africa, south of Cape Verde; area, 13,940 square miles; population, 820,000. 2. Islands of Principe and St. Thomas,! in the Gulf of Guinea; area, 360 square miles; population, 42,103. 3. Angola, between German South-West Africa on the south and the Belgian and French Congo on the north; area, 484,800 square miles; population, 4,119,000. 4. Portuguese East Africa, bounded by British Central and South Africa and German East Africa; area, 293,400 square miles; population, 3,120,000. [172] 395 XVIII Anglo-Portuguese Treaties According to the British and Foreign State Papers (vol. i, page 462) there were still subsisting in 1814 (and presumably still subsist) several ancient treaties of friendship and alliance between England and Por- tugal, the earliest dating back to 1373, in the reign of Edward III. The treaty of Charles II's time, referred to by Lichnowsky, was made in 1661 and constituted the marriage contract between Charles II and Cathe- rine, Infanta of Portugal. Article 16 promised that if the King of Portugal shall be pressed in any extraordinary manner by the power of the enemies, all the King of Great Britain's ships which shall at any time be in the Mediterranean Sea or at Tangier shall have instructions in such cases to obey any orders they shall receive from the King of Portugal and shall betake themselves to his succour and relief. Also, under Article 17, the King of Great Britain was to afford timely assistance of men and shipping according to the exigency of the circumstances, and proportionable to the necessity of the King of Portugal. XIX The British-German Bagdad Agreement In his book entitled Obstacles to Peace (Boston, 1917, pp. 41-42), Mr. S. S. McClure states that in 1916 he obtained from Dr. Jaeckh, who had been private secretary to von Kiderlen-Wachter, the terms of the Bagdad Treaty which was to have been signed in 1914. He took this statement, he tells us, to the German Foreign Office in Berlin, where certain slight correc- tions were made; and he publishes the document [i73] 396 "exactly as I got it from Dr. Zimmermann, the for- eign minister of the imperial German government." 1. The Bagdad Railway from Constantinople to Basra is definitely left to German capital in cooperation with Turkey. In the territory of the Bagdad Railway German economical working will not be hindered by England. 2. Basra becomes a sea harbor in the building of which German capital is concerned with sixty per cent, and English capital with forty per cent. For the navigation from Basra to the Persian Gulf the independence of the open sea is agreed to. 3. Kuweit is excluded from the agreement between Ger- many and England. 4. In the navigation of the Tigris, English capital is inter- ested with fifty per cent., German capital with twenty -five per cent., and Turkish with twenty-five per cent. 5. The oil-wells of the whole of Mesopotamia shall be de- veloped by a British company, the capital of which shall be given at fifty per cent, by England, at twenty-five per cent, by the German Bank, at twenty-five per cent, by the "Royal Dutch Company" (a company which is Dutch, but closely connected with England). For the irrigation works there had been intended a similar understanding. The rights of the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, in which, as is known, the English Government is concerned, remained unaffected. This society exercises south of Basra, on the Shatt-el-Arab. as well as in all south and central Persia, a monopoly on the production and transport of oil. 6. A simultaneous German-French agreement leaves free hand to French capital for the construction of railways in southern Syria and Palestine. Besides this, there is an agreement, already made before, between Germany and England, concerning Africa, with a repartition of their spheres of influence in Angola and Mo- zambique. Finally there is to be mentioned the Morocco agreement, which established the political predominance of France in 397 Morocco, but, on the other hand, stated the principle of "open door" to the trade of all nations. An analysis of the German-French agreement alluded to above, under point 6, is to be found in a dispatch dated February 20, 1914, from the Belgian minister at Berlin to the Belgian foreign minister. This dispatch is to be found in the collection of Bel- gian documents seized by the Germans at Brussels and published by the German imperial government. [See American Journal of International Law, April, 1918, page 392.] XX The Potsdam Conference of July 5, ig 14 In "Ambassador Morgenthau's Story," of which the first two instalments have appeared in The World's Work, May and June, 1918, Mr. Morgenthau, our ambassador at Constantinople during the earlier part of the World War, tells what he learned from the German ambassador, Baron von Wangenheim. On July 4, 1914, Mr. Morgenthau was surprised to note the absence of the German ambassador from the requiem mass for the Archduke Ferdinand and his wife, and also from the celebration of Independence Day at the American embassy. Afterwards Mr. Morgenthau had the explanation from Wangenheim's own lips. He had left some days before for Berlin. The Kaiser had summoned him to an imperial council, which met on July 5th at Potsdam (page 73). The Kaiser presided ; nearly all the ambassadors attended ; Wangenheim came to tell of Turkey and enlighten his asso- ciates on the situation in Constantinople. Moltke, then chief of staff, was there, representing the army, and Admiral von Tirpitz spoke for the navy. The great bankers, railroad direc- [175] 398 tors, and the captains of German industry, all of whom were as necessary to German war preparations as the army itself, also attended. Wangenheim now told me that the Kaiser solemnly put the question to each man in. turn: Was he ready for war? All replied "Yes" except the financiers. They said that they must have two weeks to sell their foreign securities and to make loans. At that time few people had looked upon the Serajevo tragedy as something that was likely to cause war. This con- ference took all precautions that no such suspicion should be aroused. It decided to give the bankers time to readjust their finances for the coming war, and then the several members went quietly back to their work or started on vacations. The Kaiser went to Norway on his yacht, von Bethmann Hollweg left for a rest, and Wangenheim returned to Constantinople. In telling me about this conference, Wangenheim, of course, admitted that Germany had precipitated the war. I think that he was rather proud of the whole performance; proud that Germany had gone about the matter in so methodical and far-seeing a way; especially proud that he himself had been invited to participate in so momentous a gathering. . . . Whenever I hear people arguing about the responsi- bility for this war or read the clumsy and lying excuses put forth by Germany, I simply recall the burly figure of Wangen- heim as he appeared that August afternoon, puffing away at a huge black cigar, and giving me his account of this historic meeting. Why waste any time discussing the matter after that? . . . This imperial conference took place July 5; the Serbian ultimatum was sent on July 22. That is just about the two weeks interval which the financiers had demanded to complete their plans. All the great stock exchanges of the world show that the German bankers profitably used this interval. Their records disclose that stocks were being sold in large quantities and that prices declined rapidly. At that time the markets were somewhat puzzled at this movement; Wangenheim 's explanation clears up any doubts that may still remain. Ger- I176] 399 many was changing her securities into cash, for war pur- poses. . . . Wangenheim not only gave me the details of this Potsdam conference, but he disclosed the same secret to the Marquis Garroni, the Italian ambassador at Constantinople. Italy was at that time technically Germany's ally (pages 170, 171). XXI Sir Edward Grey's Warning of July 29, 1914 Sir Edward Grey to Sir E. Goschen, British Ambassador at Berlin Foreign Office, July 29, 1914 Sir: After speaking to the German ambassador this afternoon about the European situation, I said that I wished to say to him, in a quite private and friendly way, something that was on my mind. The situation was very grave. While it was restricted to the issues at present actually involved we had no thought of interfering in it. But if Germany became involved in it, and then France, the issue might be so great that it would involve all European interests; and I did not wish him to be misled by the friendly tone of our conversation — which I hoped would continue — into thinking that we should stand aside. He said that he quite understood this, but he asked whether I meant that we should, under certain circumstances, inter- vene? I replied that I did not wish to say that, or to use anything that was like a threat or an attempt to apply pressure by saying that, if things became worse, we should intervene. There would be no question of our intervening if Germany was not involved, or even if France was not involved. But we knew very well, that if the issue did become such that we thought British interests required us to intervene, we must intervene at once, and the decision would have to be very rapid, just as the decisions of other Powers had to be. I hoped [177] 400 that the friendly tone of our conversations would continue as at present, and that I should be able to keep as closely in touch with the German Government in working for peace. But if we failed in our efforts to keep the peace, and if the issue spread so that it involved practically every European interest, I did not wish to be open to any reproach from him that the friendly tone of all our conversations had misled him or his Government into supposing that we should not take action, and to the reproach that, if they had not been so mis- led, the course of things might have been different. The German ambassador took no exception to what I had said; indeed, he told me that it accorded with what he had already given in Berlin as his view of the situation. That this warning was promptly transmitted to Berlin is shown by the following extract from a dis- patch sent to Sir Edward Grey by Sir Edward Goschen, British ambassador at Berlin, on July 30, reporting a conversation with Foreign Secretary von Jagow: His Excellency added that [the] telegram received from Prince Lichnowsky last night contains matter which he had heard with regret, but not exactly with surprise, and at all events he thoroughly appreciated [the] frankness and loyalty with which you had spoken. [British Diplomatic Correspondence, relating to the outbreak of the War, Nos. 89, 98.] XXII Correspondence between the President of . the French Republic and King George The President of the French Republic to His Majesty King George Paris, July 31, 1914 Dear and Great Friend : In the grave events through which Europe is passing, I feel bound to convey to your Majesty the information which the [178] 401 Government of the Republic have received from Germany. The military preparations which are being undertaken by the Imperial Government, especially in the immediate neighbour- hood of the French frontier, are being pushed forward every day with fresh vigour and speed. France, resolved to continue to the very end to do all that lies within her power to maintain peace, has, up to the present, confined herself solely to the most indispensable precautionary measures. But it does not ap- pear that her prudence and moderation serve to check Ger- many's action; indeed, quite the reverse. We are, perhaps, then, in spite of the moderation of the Government of the Republic and the calm of public opinion, on the eve of the most terrible events. From all the information which reaches us it would seem that war would be inevitable if Germany were convinced that the British Government would not intervene in a conflict in which France might be engaged : if, on the other hand, Ger- many were convinced that the entente cordiale would be af- firmed, in case of need, even to the extent of taking the field side by side, there would be the greatest chance that peace would remain unbroken. It is true that our military and naval arrangements leave complete liberty to your Majesty's Government, and that, in the letters exchanged in 1912 between Sir Edward Grey and M. Paul Cambon, Great Britain and France entered into nothing more than a mutual agreement to consult one another in the event of European tension, and to examine in concert whether common action were advisable. But the character of close friendship which public feeling has given in both countries to the entente between Great Britain and France, the confidence with which our two Governments have never ceased to work for the maintenance of peace, and the signs of sympathy which your Majesty has ever shown to France, justify me in informing you quite frankly of my impressions, which are those of the Govern- ment of the Republic and of all France. [179] 402 It is, I consider, on the language and the action of the British Government that henceforward the last chances of a peaceful settlement depend. We, ourselves, from the initial stages of the crisis, have en- joined upon our Ally an attitude of moderation from which they have not swerved. In concert with your Majesty's Government, and in conformity with Sir E. Grey's latest suggestions, we will continue to act on the same lines. But if all efforts at conciliation emanate from one side, and if Germany and Austria can speculate on the abstention of Great Britain, Austria's demands will remain inflexible, and an agreement between her and Russia will become impos- sible. I am profoundly convinced that, at the present mo- ment, the more Great Britain, France, and Russia can give a deep impression that they are united in their diplomatic ac- tion, the more possible will it be to count upon the pre- servation of peace. I beg that your Majesty will excuse a step which is only inspired by the hope of seeing the European balance of power definitely reaffirmed. His Majesty King George to the President of the French Republic Buckingham Palace, August I, 1914 Dear and Great Friend: I most highly appreciate the sentiments which moved you to write to me in so cordial and friendly a spirit, and I am grateful to you for having stated your views so fully and frankly. You may be assured that the present situation in Europe has been the cause of much anxiety and preoccupation to me, and I am glad to think that our two Governments have worked so amicably together in endeavouring to find a peaceful solution of the questions at issue. It would be a source of real satisfaction to me if our united efforts were to meet with success, and I am still not without 'hope that the terrible events which seem so near may be averted. [180] 4«3 I admire the restraint which you and your Government are exercising in refraining from taking undue military measures on the frontier and not adopting an attitude which could in any wise be interpreted as a provocative one. I am personally using my best endeavours with the Empe- rors of Russia and of Germany towards finding some solution by which actual military operations may at any rate be post- poned, and time be thus given for calm discussion between the Powers. I intend to prosecute these efforts without inter- mission so long as any hope remains of an amicable settlement. As to the attitude of my country, events are changing so rapidly that it is difficult to forecast future developments; but you may be assured that my Government will continue to discuss freely and frankly any point which might arise of in- terest to our two nations with M. Cambon. [Collected Diplomatic Documents, part ix, sec. v, pp. 542- 544-1 XXIII Bonar Law's Letter of August 2, 1914 The letter to which Lichnowsky alludes is undoubt- edly that in which the Conservative leader tendered to the prime minister the support of his party. 2d August, 1914 Dear Mr. Asquith: Lord Lansdowne and I feel it our duty to inform you that in our. opinion, as well as in that of all the colleagues whom we have been able to consult, it would be fatal to the honour and security of the United Kingdom to hesitate in supporting France and Russia at the present juncture; and we offer our unhesitating support to the Government in any measures they may consider necessary for that object. Yours very truly, A. Bonar Law [First published in the London Times. December 15, 1914.] [181] 404 XXIV King Albert's Telegram Sir Edward Grey to Sir E. Goschen, British Ambassador at Berlin Foreign Office, August 4, 1914 The King of the Belgians has made an appeal to His Majesty the King for diplomatic intervention on behalf of Belgium in the following terms: "Remembering the numerous proofs of your Majesty's friendship and that of your predecessor, and the friendly atti- tude of England in 1870 and the proof of friendship you have just given us again, I make a supreme appeal to the diplo- matic intervention of your Majesty's Government to safe- guard the integrity of Belgium." His Majesty's Government are also informed that the Ger- man Government have delivered to the Belgian Government a note proposing friendly neutrality entailing free passage through Belgian territory, and promising to maintain the in- dependence and integrity of the kingdom and its possessions at the conclusion of peace, threatening in case of refusal to treat Belgium as an enemy. An answer was requested within twelve hours. We also understand that Belgium has categorically refused this as a flagrant violation of the law of nations. His Majesty's Government are bound to protest against this violation of a treaty to which Germany is a party in common with themselves, and must request an assurance that the demand made upon Belgium will not be proceeded with and that her neutrality will be respected by Germany. You should ask for an immediate reply. [British Diplomatic Correspondence, No. 153.] [182] LIST OF PUBLICATIONS Nos. 1-105 (April, 1907, to August, 1916). Including papers by Baron d'Estournelles de Constant, George Trumbull Ladd, Elihu Root, Barret Wendell, Charles E. Jefferson, Seth Low, John Bassett Moore, William James, Andrew Carnegie, Pope Pius X, Henrich Lammasch, Norman Angell, Charles W. Eliot, Sir Oliver Lodge, Lord Haldane, Alfred H. Fried, and others; also, a series of official documents dealing with the European War. A list of titles and authors will be sent on application. 106. The Proposal for a League to Enforce Peace. Affirmative — William Howard Taftj Negative — William Jennings Bryan. September, 1916. 107. Nationality and Beyond, by Nicholas Murray Butler. Do We Want Half the Hemisphere? By Brander Matthews. October, 1916. 108. War and Human Progress, by James Bryce. November, 1916. ' 109. The Principle of Nationality, by Theodore Ruyssen. December, 1916. no. Official Documents Looking Toward Peace. Series 1. January, 1917. in. Official Documents Looking Toward Peace. Series II. February, 1917. 112. What Is a Nationality? Part II of The Principle of Nationality, by Theodore Ruyssen. March, 1917. 113. The Bases of an Enduring Peace, by Franklin H. Giddings. April, 1917. 114. Documents Regarding the European War. Series No. XV. The Entry of the United States. May, 1917. 115. The War and the Colleges, from an Address to Representatives of Col- leges and Universities, delivered by the Hon. Newton D. Baker, May 5, 1917. June, 1917. 116. The Treaty Rights of Aliens, by William Howard Taft. July, 1917. 117. The Effect of Democracy on International Law, by Elihu Root. August, 1917. 118. The Problems of Nationality. Part III of The Principle of Nationality, by Theodore Ruyssen. September, 1917. 119. Official Documents Looking Toward Peace, Series III. October, 1917. 120. The United States and Great Britain, by Walter H. Page. The British Commonwealth of Nations, by Lieutenant-General J. C. Smuts. America and Freedom, by Viscount Grey. November, 1917. 121. The Conference on the Foreign Relations of the United States, held at Long Beach, N. Y., May 28-June 1, 1917. An Experiment in Educa- tion, by Stephen Pierce Duggan. December, 1917. [183] 122. The Aims of the War: Letter of Lord Lansdowne to the London Daily Telegraph, November 29, 1917. Reply by Cosmos printed in the New York Times, December 1, 1917. The President's Address to the Con- gress, December 4, 1917- January, 1918. 123. Victory or Defeat: No Half-way House, speech delivered by the Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George, December 14, 1917; British Labor's War Aims, statement adopted at the Special National Labor Conference at Central Hall, Westminster, December 28, 1917; Great Britain's War Aims, speech delivered by the Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George at the Trade Union Conference on Man Power, January 5, 1918; Labor's After-War Economic Policy, by the Rt. Hon. Arthur Henderson, M.P.; America's Terms of Settlement, address by President Wilson to the Congress, January 8, 1918. British Labor Party's Address to the Russian People, January is. 1918. February, 1918. 124. The United States and Japan: text of the Root-Takahira Understanding of November 30, 1908, and of the Lansing-Ishii Agreement of Novem- ber 3, 1917; Japan and the United States, address by the Hon. Elihu Root, October 1, 1917; The Lansing-Ishii Agreement, address by the Hon. James L. Slayden, November is, 19*7; What of Our Fears of Japan? by Kenneth S. Latourette. March, 1918. 125. The Awakening of the German People, by Otfried Nippold. April, 1918. 126. The Anniversary of America's Entry into the War: an address deliv- ered by President Wilson at Baltimore, Maryland, April 6, 1918;' an article written for The Daily Chronicle of London by Professor Gilbert Murray. May, 1918. 127. The Lichnowsky Memorandum: Introduction and translation by Munroe Smith, German text from the Berliner B6r sen-Courier, Appendix by Munroe Smith and Henry F. Munro; Reply of Herr von Jagow. June, 1918. Special Bulletins: The War and Peace Problems, Material for the Study of International Polity, by John Mez. February, 1915. Syllabus of Lectures on the War and Peace Problem for the Study of International Polity, by John Mez. February, 1915. « A Dozen Truths About Pacifism, by Alfred H. Fried. March, 1915. A Brief Outline of the Nature and Aims of Pacifism, by Alfred H. Fried. April, 1915* Internationalism. A list of Current Periodicals selected and annotated by Frederick C. Hicks. May, 1915. Is Commerce War? By Henry Raymond Mussey. January, 1916. Peace Literature of the War, by John Mez. January, 1916. Is There a Substitute for Force in International Relations? by Suh Hu. Prize essay, International Polity Club Competition, awarded June, 1916. [184] Labor's War Aims: Memorandum of War Aims, adopted by the Inter- Allied Labor and Socialist Conference, February 22, 1918; The Allied Cause is the Cause of Socialist Internationalism: Joint Manifesto of the Social Democratic League of America and the Jewish Socialist League. June, 1918. Copies of the above, so far as they can be spared, will be sent to libraries and educational institutions for permanent preservation postpaid upon receipt of a request addressed to the Secretary of the American Association for Inter- national Conciliation. A charge of five cents will be made for copies sent to individuals. Regular subscription rate twenty-five cents for one year, or one dollar for five years. [185] AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION Executive Committee Nicholas Murray Butler Stephen Henry Olin James Speyer Robert A. Franks James L. Slayden George Blumenthal Joseph P. Grace Gano Dunn Thomas W. Lamont Acting Secretary Henry S. Haskell Director of Interamerican Division Peter H. Goldsmith Correspondents Francis' W. Hirst, London, England T. Miyaoka, Tokio, Japan Organizing Secretaries for South America Benjamin Garcia Victorica, American Legation, Buenos Aires A. G. Araujo Jorge, Foreign Office, Rio de Janeiro Juan Bautista de Lavalle, San Pedro, 88, Lima COUNCIL OF DIRECTION OF THE AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION Lyman Abbott, New York Edwin A. Alderman, Charlottesville, Va. John R. Alpine, Chicago, III. Robert Bacon, New York Richard Bartholdt, St. Louis, Mo. George Blumenthal, New York Clifton R. Breckenridge, Fort Smith, Arkansas William J. Bryan, Lincoln, Nebraska T. E. Burton, Cleveland, Ohio Nicholas Murray Butler, New York Andrew Carnegie, New York Richard H. Dana, Boston, Mass. Arthur L. Dasher, Macon, Ga. Horace E. Deming, New York Gano Dunn, New York Charles W. Eliot, Cambridge, Mass. Austen G. Fox, New York Robert A. Franks, Orange, N. J. John P. Frey, Cincinnati, Ohio Robert Garrett, Baltimore, Md. Joseph P. Grace, New York William Green, Indianapolis, Ind. William J. Holland, Pittsburgh, Pa. Hamilton Holt, New York David Starr Jordan, Stanford University, Cal. J. H. Kirkland, Nashville, Tenn. Mrs. James Lees Latdlaw, New York Thomas W. Lamont, New York Adolph Lewisohn, New York Clarence H. Mackay, New York Theodore Marburg, Baltimore, Md. Brander Matthews, New York Silas McBee, New York George B. McClellan, Princeton, N. J. Andrew J. Montague, Richmond, Va. Mrs. Philip N. Moore, Washington, D. C. W. W. Morrow, San Francisco, Cal. Levi P. Morton, New York Stephen H. Olin, New York Mrs. Percy V. Pennybacker, Austin, Tex. Henry S. Pritchett, New York A. V. V. Raymond, Buffalo, N. Y. Ira Remsen, Baltimore, Md. James Ford Rhodes, Boston, Mass. Elihu Root, Washington, D. C. J. G. Schurman, Ithaca, N. Y. James Brown Scott, Washington, D. C. Charles Hitchcock Sherrill, New York Mrs. Seward A. Simons, Los Angeles, Cal. F. J. V. Skiff, Chicago, III. James L. Slayden, Washington, D. C. William M. Sloane, New York James Speyer, New York Oscar S. Straus, New York Mrs. Mary Wood Swift, Berkeley, Cal. George W. Taylor, Demopolis, Ala. O. H. Tittman, Washington, D. C. W. H. Tolman, New York Charlemagne Tower, Philadelphia, Pa. Edward Tuck, Paris, France George E. Vincent, New York William D. Wheelwright, Portland, Ore. Mary E. Woolley, South Hadley, Mass. '■ -V^ "-^f r* j»n l^? , ft