CORNELL 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
F 2554.G9a787ltup;;[^"'-^^ 
 
'M 
 
 "s^ 
 
 Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924020666990 
 
BRITISH GUIANA BOUNDARY. 
 
 ARBITRATION WITH THE UNITED STATES OF BRAZIL. 
 
 NOTES 
 
 TO 
 
 THE COTJNTEE-CASE 
 
 ON BEHALF OP 
 
 THE GOVERNMENT OF HIS BRITANNIC 
 
 MAJESTY. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 FEINTED AT THE FOREIGN OFFICE, 
 BY HARRISON AND SONS, PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HIS MAJESTY. 
 
 1903. 
 
TABLE OF COl^TENTS. 
 
 
 No. 
 
 Headings. 
 
 Page. 
 
 
 
 
 Introductory Note 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 I. 
 
 A criticism upon Eibeiro de Sarapaio as Historian 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 11. 
 
 The beginnings and gradual establishment of Portuguese 
 Dominion in the Eio Negro. 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 II [. 
 
 The Portuguese " Descimento's " of 1776-80 and 1784-90 
 
 35 
 
 
 
 IV. 
 
 The Crystal Mine and Pyramid 
 
 62 
 
 
 
 Y. 
 
 Illustration of the inaccuracy of Alexander von Humboldt 
 
 68 
 
 
 ■,■;■ ,. 
 
 . VI. 
 
 Cartography 
 
 79 
 
 
 [1045] 
 
BRITISH GUIANA BOUNDAEY. 
 
 AEBITRATION WITH THE UNITED STATES OE BRAZIL. 
 
 NOTES 
 
 THE OOUJNTEE-GASE 
 
 ON BEHALF OF 
 
 THE GOYERMENT OF HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY. 
 
 Introductory Note. 
 
 THIS volume is composed of sis Notes upon 
 subjects whicli are rather outside the main line 
 of the Counter-Case. The procedure followed by 
 the Brazilian Case has made it necessary to deal 
 with them, and it has been thought better to treat 
 them in a separate volume, so as not to encumber 
 the real matter of the reply made by the British 
 Government. 
 
 The six Notes are as follows : — 
 
 I. A criticism upon Bibeiro de Sampaio 
 as Historian. 
 
 II. The beginning's and gradual estab- 
 lishment of Portuguese Dominion in 
 the Rio Negro. 
 
 Ill, The Portuguese " Descimentos " of 
 1776-80 and 1784-90. 
 
 IV. The Crystal Mine and Pyramid. 
 
 V. Illustration of the inaccuracy of 
 Alexander von Humboldt. 
 
 VI. Cartography. 
 
 [iOl-.j] B 2 
 
NOTE I. 
 
 A CRITICISM UPON RIBEIRO DE 
 SAMPAIO AS HISTORIAN. 
 
 THE Brazilian Case for the period preceding 
 1775 is based largely upon historical evidence 
 taken direct from the writings of Francisco Xavier 
 Ribeiro de Sampaio. The statements from his 
 pen are constantly quoted and used, as testimony, 
 accepted and incontrovertible,^ on which an argu- 
 ment can be built up. To such an extent is this 
 the case that it is not too much to say that the 
 historical authoiity of the Case, in a very large 
 measure, stands or falls with the historical 
 authority of Ribeiro de Sampaio. 
 
 The trustworthiness of that authority is thus 
 made of vital importance to the Brazilian Case. 
 It is liere challenged in toto. The examination of 
 a number of important and representative passages 
 from his writings will be sufficient to afford con- 
 vincing proof that Ribeiro de Sampaio, as an 
 historian, was so inaccurate, alike in his facts and 
 his inferences, that his unsupported statements 
 cannot be accepted as evidence. For this purpose 
 six leading passages have been selected. 
 
 No. 1. 
 
 " In the year 1740 a Company ascended tlie river " Bnt. Annexe," 
 [Branco], in command of Francisco Xavier de Andrade, 7'^^" '' ^' ''^ ' 
 one of the leaders of the expedition commanded by •^^^\ j "„ i^^->^ ' ' 
 Louvenqo Belforte, who established his camp at a short 
 distance from the cataract of the said Uraricoera, from 
 which place he sent out picked bodies, who succeeded 
 in making a journey of two months' duration up along 
 the bank of that river in such a manner that they 
 traversed all the extensive plains which surround this 
 river. Immediately following this entry [" seguio-se 
 
 1 In drawing freely from this source the writers of the 
 Memoire have but followed the example of Southey and other 
 historians. The material furnished by Sampaio has been used 
 generally, and without question. Hence the importance of 
 testing its authenticity. 
 
logo depois clesta eiitrada "], one Avhich Jose Jliguel 
 Ayres ordered to be carried out on the Eio Braiico 
 itself, and both he and Loiiren(,'o Belforte were com- 
 missioned by the Governor and Captain-General of 
 
 Pard, Joao de Abreii Castello Branco." 
 
 * » * * 
 
 This first passage is taken from the Memoria 
 drawn up by Sampaio the 18th April, 1775, "as 
 a basis for the justification and deposition of 
 witnesses " in the Court of Inquiry held by him, 
 as Chief Magistrate of the Rio Negro, into the 
 Portuguese claims upon the Rio Branco. 
 
 This Memoria was read over to each and all of 
 the witnesses who were examined, and each was 
 asked to swear that, according to his knowledge, 
 all that was set forth in it was perfect truth. It 
 was thus a most important document of a judicial 
 character, which should have been drawn up with 
 the greatest care and accuracy. Some of the 
 statements in it have elsewhere suffered destruc- 
 tive criticism ; this treatment will now be ex- 
 tended to tlie history in the above paragraph. 
 
 Sampaio most distinctly implies that Loureu9o 
 Belforte in 1740 ascended the Branco; and on his 
 authority the Brazilian Case (p. 142) asserts not 
 only that such was the case, but also, what 
 Sampaio does not imply, that it was Belforte Avho 
 established his camp at a short distance from the 
 " cataract of the Uraricoera." 
 
 Contemporary documents tell a different tale. 
 A series of papers" show that Lourengo Belforte 
 was in the Rio Negro with his troop during a 
 considerable part of the j^ear 1738, but that his 
 sphere of operations, which extended as far as 
 Bararua, lay entirely in that river. A petition of 
 a certain Joseph Moniz de Mello, who had served 
 six months with Belforte, is extant,^ and it contains 
 a certificate signed by that Captain himself, which 
 proves that he had returned to Belem early in 
 1739. Anotlier document* states that Belforte was 
 engaged in business occupations at the Maranhiio 
 in 1740. 
 
 The expedition of Jose Miguel Ayres did not, 
 as Sampaio says, follow immediately " after this 
 enlry," i.e., 1740, but some eight years later, in 
 1748.^ Its primary object was an inspection of 
 
 ■ Printed in the British Annexe, vol. 1, No. 51. 
 ' " Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa, Requerimentos," No d'Ord. 104 
 * " Cartas do Maranhao," liv. ii, f. 3d2. 
 5 •' Biit. Annexe," vol. i, Nos; 68, 69 ; "Cartas do Maranhao," 
 Hv. iv, f. 145. 
 
fortresses ; its secondaiy, the forcible recalling of 
 a tropa de resgate, which had made its way 
 from the Rio Negro to the Rio Japura. On his 
 descent of the Amazon, probably while resting 
 at Aricari, Ayres appears to have sent a detach- 
 ment to make a slave-raid into the mouth of the 
 Branco. But his ft)rce being now attacked by the 
 ej)idemic of small-pox, which had for three years 
 been ravaging the Colony, he speedily resumed 
 his journey down the Negro.^ 
 
 One more blunder remains to be noticed. The 
 Governor, who sent out tiie expedition of Jose 
 Miguel Ayres, was Francisco Pedro de Mendonga 
 Gorjao, and not, as Sampaio states, Joao de Abreu 
 Castello Branco. 
 
 No. 2. 
 
 («■) 
 
 § oclxxxxvii. "... What is cei-tain is that the dis- "Diario"of Ribeim 
 coverer of the river [Negro] was Pedro da Costa Favella, ij" Sampaio. 
 famous as having been one of the ofEcers of the ai-med ^^j ; ' ^07 • ' 
 expedition, of Quito' . . . famous, too, for the expedi- " Braz. Auuexe,'' 
 tion of Urubii, aU-eady spoken of. After this expedi- ^ ^^' P" ^''^' 
 tion, whereby the revolted tribes of that river were 
 punished, the said Pedro da Costa returned to it, and as 
 he had received iuforiuatiou supplied by the Indians 
 that the tribe of the Tarumas was inhabiting the 
 Quiari or Rio Negro, he made his way thither, accom- 
 panied by Father Frei Theodosio, a priest of the 
 ilercenarian Order, and by the intermediation of the 
 Aruaguis, who had been brought to his notice by the 
 same Father, he succeeded in parleying with them, 
 and thus the first Settlement was made on the Rio 
 Negro." 
 
 § cclxxxxviii. " The General of the State, Antonio de 
 Albuquerque Coelho, gave orders for the erecting of 
 the fortress on the bar of this river by Francisco da 
 Motta Falcao, the first Commandant whereof was 
 Angelico de Barros. Now, as I am certain that tlie 
 expedition of the Urubii took place in the year 16()5, I 
 feel sure that the discovery of the Rio Negro, which 
 was a subsequent event, must be attributed to the 
 years 1668 and 1669 — -a conjecture which receives 
 weight from the fact that in those years Pedro da 
 Costa was busily engaged in the armed expeditions for 
 obtaining slaves on the Amazons.'' 
 
 With this passage must be taken two other 
 
 « Mello Moraes, " Corographia," ill, p. 496. 
 
short subsidiary quotations referring to the ex- 
 peditions of Pedro da Costa. 
 
 " Diario," § iv. 
 
 •' Brit. Annexe," 
 vol. i, p. 106 ; 
 " Bia/.. Annexe," 
 vol. ii, p. 6. 
 
 (b-) 
 
 ". . . . The Mercenarian priests had therein [in Rio 
 Urubii] a Mission, which was afterwards destroyed 
 by the rebelHon of the Indians and the murder of its 
 missionary. In order to give an adequate idea of the 
 extensive population of the River Urubii, it is sufficient 
 to call to mind the remembrance of the expedition 
 which was sent against the revolted tribes by the 
 Governor and Captain-G-eneral of the State, Rui Vaz 
 de Sigueh-a, in the year 1664, under the command of 
 the famous Pedro da Costa Favella, in which 300 
 villages were burnt, 700 Indians killed, and 400 pri- 
 soners taken . . . ." 
 
 (c.) 
 
 " We know as well by conjectures as by verification, 
 which I have been able to make in another -place, that 
 
 " Rela^ao," cap. ii. 
 " Brit. Annexe," 
 
 " Braz.' Annexe " *^® discovery of the Rio Negro is due to the indefatiga- 
 vol. ii, "Eel: ble labours of Pedro da Costa Favella; that this 
 
 jei)g. IS ., p. 8. (jigQQYgi.y. must be attributed to the years 1670 or 
 1671. . . ." 
 
 These passages exhibit an almc'St hopeless con- 
 fusion of dates and names. 
 
 The accuracy of the writer may be gauged by 
 the fact that he cannot even quote himself cor- 
 rectly. 
 
 In (b) he speaks " of the expedition which was 
 sent .... in the year 1664 under the command 
 of the famous Pedro da Costa Favella." 
 
 In the Diario (a) § cclxxxxvii he describes 
 Pedro da Costa as " famous for the expedition of 
 Urubii, already spoken of" (i.e., in § iv of the 
 Diario, vide (b) supra), and in § cclxxxxviii makes 
 the assertion, " Now, as I am certain that the 
 expedition of the Urubii took place in the year 
 1665, I feel sure the discovery of the Rio Negro, 
 which was a subsequent event, must be attributed 
 to the years 1668 and 1669," and yet in the 
 Relagao (c) he writes, "We know as well by con- 
 jectures as by verification, which I have been able 
 to make in another place (i.e., Diario, § cclxxxxviii), 
 that the discovery of the Rio Negro .... must 
 be attributed to the years 1670 or 1671." 
 
 The so-called " discovery of the Rio Negro in 
 the years 1668 and 1669" is, according to the 
 confession of Sampaio himself, purely conjectural 
 
and imaginative. It is supported by no evidence 
 of any kind. 
 
 The above, however, are but trifling and venial 
 errors compared with others, which will now be 
 dealt with seriatim. 
 
 The punitive expedition of Pedro da Costa was 
 dispatched to the Urubii in 16G4, but its cause 
 was not that indicated by the sequence of events 
 which Sampaio adopts. 
 
 There was no mission station in the Urubii in 
 1604, but the offending tribes had in the previous 
 year treacherously attacked an armed expedition 
 under Antonio Arnau, accompanied by two 
 Merceiiarian priests,^ with the result that Arnau 
 himself and a detachment of soldiers were killed 
 and one of the friars wounded 
 
 When Sampaio says, " The Merccnarian priests 
 had therein [in the Rio Urubii] a Mission, which 
 was afterwards destroyed by the rebellion of the 
 Indians and the murder of its missionary," he is 
 undoubtedly referring to a passage in the then 
 recently published itinerary of Padre Jose 
 Monteiro de Noronha.^ The rebellion of which 
 Noronha speaks did not take place in the period 
 of Pedro da Costa, but long afterwards in 1745." 
 There was no mission village on the Urubii earlier 
 than 1686." 
 
 The asserted relations of Pedro da Costa with 
 the Mercenarian Frey Theodosio and the supposed 
 foundation by them of the aldea of the Tarumas 
 involve several gross anachronisms. 
 
 In the first place, the village of the Tarumas, 
 situated above the bar of the Rio Negro, lay 
 within the sphere of the Jesuit Missions until 
 1694, not in that of the Mercenarians. The first 
 resident missionary was the Jesuit P. Joao Justo 
 Lucana Toscana, who entered upon his duties in 
 1693.^^ In 1694 it was transferred to the 
 Carmelite Friars. 
 
 In 1686 an expedition, dispatched by Governor 
 
 7 Bento da Fonseca, ' Maranhao Conquistado," cap. xxiii ; 
 " Berredo Annaes," § 1109, sqq. 
 
 8 " Braz. Annexe, ' vol. i, p. 179. 
 
 ^ The Jesuit chronicler, Jose de Moraes, states this. He 
 writes : " In this river [UrubiiJ there was a mission village 
 3 leagues up, that came to be destroyed in the year 1745, the 
 Indians flying into the bush, abandoning their missionary of 
 the Merceuarian Order." Printed in Mello Moraes' "Coro- 
 graphia," iii, p. 488. 
 
 1° Domingos Teyxeira, " Vida de Gomes Preire de Andrade," 
 torn, ii, pp. 386, sqq. 
 
 11 " Chronicas " of Domingos de A.raujo and Jose de Morase. 
 
Gomes Freire de Andrade, under Hilario de 
 Sousa de Azevedo, chastised the Aroaguis on 
 the Urubii for their acts of hostility against the 
 Portuguese, and reduced the tribes to submission 
 as far as the Matary and the Negro. The bio- 
 grapher of Gomes Freire de Andrade^^ in recount- 
 ing this expedition, mentions the fact that, in 
 January 168G, Frey Theodosio was residing at the 
 aldea de Bocas, near Belem,and that, later, Missions 
 were founded by Hilario de Sousa on the Urubii 
 and the Matary. In 1689 Father Samuel Fritz, 
 in his diary, states that, in his descent of the 
 Amazon he was hospitably entertained by the 
 Mercenarian priest Fr. Theodosio Vegas, at his 
 mission village on the Urubu. 
 
 It is obvious that Ribeiro de Sampaio ante- 
 dated the expedition of Hilario de Sousa by some 
 eighteen years, and placed it under the command 
 of Pedro da Costa. Fr. Theodosio was made by 
 him missionary of the Tarumas instead of the 
 Urubii, and this a quarter of a century before 
 the mission village of the Tarumas was founded. 
 
 But the list of blunders and anachronisms by 
 no means ends here. 
 
 The opening words of § cclxxxviii, (a) supra, 
 imply that the erection of the fortress at the bar 
 of the Rio Negro by Governor Antonio de Albu- 
 quex-que Coelho followed immediately after 1668. 
 Sampaio mixes up the two Governors of the same 
 name, one of whom came into office in 1667, the 
 other in 1691. The building of the fortress did 
 not begin till the summer of 1693.^^ It was not 
 erected by Fi'ancisco da Motta Falcao, but by his 
 son, Manoel da Motta,^'* the engineer. Francisco 
 da Motta Falcao was a Captain who commanded 
 a force under Governor Pedro Cesar de Meneses 
 against the Paulistas in 1672, and afterwards 
 served under Gomes Freii'e.-^" 
 
 Lastly, Angelico de Barros was not the first- 
 Commandant of the Fortress of the Rio Negro. 
 He was nominated to the post in 1702, but, 
 through ill-health, never served.^® The names of 
 three commandants nominated before 1702 have 
 
 1- " Domingos Teyxeira," liv. ii, p. 377. 
 IS "Cartas do Maranliao," ff. 99, 1036. 
 i* Albuquerque Coelho to the King-, July 26, 1697 ; "Brit, 
 innexe," vol. i, p. 10. 
 
 15 Berredo: Annaes, §§ 1187, 1200, 1320. Brit. Mus. Add. 
 MSS. 15198, f. 222 : Regimento que dam os ofiSciaes do Senado 
 da Camera desta Cidade de Bellem ao cabo e Capitao Francisco 
 da Motta Falcao. 
 
 16 Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa, Cartas do Maranhao. 
 
 [1045] C 
 
been preserved — Ambrosio Munis Barreyros, Luis 
 de Moraes Bitancour, and Martinho Fragozo.^'' 
 
 No. 3. 
 (a.) 
 
 § cclxxxxix. " When I speak of * discovery,' I " Diario " of 
 
 mtan to say that of the entry into the interior and Kibeiro _ 
 
 1 • r. T • P . ■■ , n 1 T 1 ^^ Sampaio. 
 
 reduction of the nations, for its bar had ah-eady been 
 
 known beforehand, seeing that an account of it is given 
 in the journey of our countryman, Pedro Teixeira, 
 where he mentions certain nations who inhabit the 
 same river, as, for example, the Uaranacuacenas, whom 
 we afterwards reduced. Sergeant Guilherme Valente 
 had then come [' tinha vindo '] for the garrisoning of the 
 fortress, and with heroic valour he accepted the under- 
 taking of penetrating the river, getting a knowledge of 
 and civilizing the various nations, who had been 
 reported to him as dwelling therein, and, as a matter of 
 fact, on arriving at the mouth of the River Caburiz he 
 established friendship with the Caburicenas, and after- 
 wards with the Carazais, and finally with the Manaos, 
 with which latter he allied himself by taking to wife 
 the daughter of one of its Headmen. These nations 
 the Carmelite priests proceeded to convert; and they 
 had already succeeded in this with others inhabiting the 
 rivers which discharge their waters into the Rio 
 Negi-o." 
 
 (&.) 
 
 " We know as well by conjectures as by verifica- " EelagSo," Cap. ii» 
 tion .... that this discovery [of the Eio Negro by 
 Pedro da Costa, suj^ra] must be attributed to the years 
 1670 or 1671 ;■ that after the first establishment on the 
 outlet of this river the discoveries were continued bv 
 Guilherme Valente, who entered the Eiver Caburis, 
 and reduced the Caburicena nation. Now, whereas 
 this river falls into the Rio Negro, higher up beyond 
 the Branco, small as it is and on the opposite bank, it 
 could not fail to be observed and discovered at the 
 (iame period when the enterprises of those discoveries 
 were in progress, especially as at the very commeace- 
 of the discovery of the Rio Negro, the Uaranacuacena 
 nation, occupying the River Uaranaciia, which runs 
 towards the Negro, in close proximity to the Branco 
 Avas known. 
 
 " This information is given to us by Father 
 Christovao da Cunha, in Chapter LXV of his ' Rela9ao 
 do Rio Amazonas,' written in conformity with observa- 
 tion made in the navigation of that river in the year 
 1639. I transcribe his words to fit them in with what 
 
 1" BibL Nac. de Lisboa, '• Kequerimentos." 
 
has gone before. ' The last are the Uaranacuacenas; 
 ■who inhabit an arm of the Rio Negro ....'" 
 
 * * * # * 
 
 " The lapse of time, or the excusable neglect of 
 causing certain actions to be put on record which 
 could now prove to us the certainty of the discovery 
 and entries into the River Branco, are not of serious 
 consideration in intervals which took place- previous to 
 the recorded knowledge which I have been able to 
 obtain in this behalf, an interval which is well filled by 
 the probable certainty of which I have taken count 
 above. 
 
 " This interval, then, is the period intervening be- 
 tween 1671 and the beginning of the present cen- 
 tury, &c." 
 
 (c.) 
 
 "Diario"of § cccxli. "... On the same bank we came upon the 
 
 de Sampaio. River Cauauari, commonly but corruptly called Caburis 
 
 On this river was established the second 
 
 Mission that was placed there when the Caburicena 
 nation which was settled there embraced the Gospel." 
 
 Here again is evidence of the total lack in 
 Ribeiro de Sampaio of the faculty of historical 
 perspective. 
 
 In the first sentence of (a) he begins with the 
 supposed "discovery" by Pedro da Costa in 1668 
 or 1669, then falls back suddenly to Pedro 
 Teixeira's voyage of 1639. Pedro Teixeira, he 
 says, heard of a nation, who lived up the Negro, 
 called the Uaranacuacenas,^^ adding " whom we 
 afterwards reduced." The word " afterwards " 
 [" depois "] would seem to imply shortly after 
 Teixeira's voyage. As a matter of fact, Sampaio 
 at one bound carries us forward far beyond the 
 time of Teixeira or even of Pedro da Costa's 
 " discovery " to that of the foundation of the 
 Mission of S. Alberto dos Caburis, about 1720, 
 by Fr. Mathias de S. Boaventura, at Aricari 
 (c/. (c) supra). 
 
 Next comes a mythical reference to heroic 
 explorations of an unknown sergeant at an un- 
 known time. A literal reading of (a) would make 
 Guilherme Valente a contemporary of Pedro 
 Teixeira. A reference, however, to (&) seems to 
 assign the years immediately following 1671 as 
 the period of this " sergeant's " activity. And 
 yet lower down in the same quotation the writer 
 
 1^ In (b) the Uaranacuacenas, the inhabitants of the mouth 
 of the Eio Branco, opposite to Aricari, are thus identified 
 ■with Acuiia's " Guaranaguazanas." 
 
 [1045] C 2 
 
10 
 
 confesses to the lack of records for the " period 
 intervening between 1671 and the beginning of 
 the present (eighteenth) century " with regard 
 to the very locality in ^^'hich Guilherme Valente 
 is represented as cultivating the friendship of a 
 number of tribes. -^^ 
 
 Now it happens that unusually full particulars 
 concerning the events of the decade after the 
 building of the fort of Rio Negfro are to be found 
 in the documents from the Lisboa and Evora 
 Archives, printed in the Annexes to the British 
 Case and Counter-Case. The names of the early 
 Commandants of the fortress, as stated above, 
 have been preserved. The name of Guilherme 
 Valente does not appear in any extant record, nor 
 is the Commandant ever styled " Sergeant." 
 
 Is it possible that Rlbeiro de Sampaio is really 
 referring to the Carmelite Friar, Joao Guilherme, 
 whose labours as an active Missionary have found 
 a place in the diary of Samuel Fritz, under the 
 dates 1702 and 1709, and who, according to a 
 later authority ^° established temporarily a mission 
 station on the River Javapery ? This man was 
 undoubtedly the first Portuguese who made a 
 settlement above the mouth of the Rio Negro, 
 and, as its existence was very brief, Sampaio 
 would seem to have confused this with the 
 pei'manent mission station planted by Fr. Mathias 
 de S. Boaventura in 1720 at S. Alberto dos 
 Caburls. Tlie words of Sampaio (c), in describing 
 this mission station, certainly imply that it was 
 the missionary who founded S. Alberto dos 
 Caburis, and not Sergeant Guilherme Valente, 
 who first established friendship with the Cabu- 
 ricenas. 
 
 No. 4. 
 
 Ribeiro de Sampaio himself essayed historical 
 criticism. In a lengthy passage of his Diario, 
 §§ cviii-cxxi, he attacks with great asperity 
 
 15 The actual words of Sampaio are " tinha yindo para a 
 guarDi9as da fortaleza o Sargeuto Guilherme Valente." The 
 writers of the Biazilian Memoire [p. 66, Note 43], in their 
 refereuce to this passage, endeavour to interpret it in accor- 
 dunce with fact, but in doing so attribute to Sampaio words 
 which he did not use. In writing, "vers la fin du XVIP 
 siecle,. toujours selon Eibeiro de Sampaio, un sergent de la 
 garnison de la forteresse, Guilherme Valente, s' engage dans 
 le fleuve . . . .," a date is deliberately inserted which is not 
 to be found in the original. 
 
 -f " Braz. Annexe," vol. i, p. 89. 
 
11 
 
 the views of M. la Condamine as to the locality 
 of Pedro Teixeira's famous " act of possession."^^ 
 The subject of dispute is of much interest, and. 
 lias been debated so often in the course of the 
 centuries, that it is proposed here, as briefly as 
 possible, to show that Ribeiro de Sampaio was 
 wrong, and la Condamine right, in the main 
 issue between them. 
 
 The digression in the Diarib, from which the 
 the following extracts are taken, is headed — 
 Hefutation of the Opinion of M. de Li Condamine 
 upon the Limits of the Portuguese Colonies in the 
 River Amazon, and the Establishment of the Incon- 
 testable Right of the Same against the Pretensions of 
 Spain. 
 
 " piario " of § cviii. ". . . . In his return from that voj-age in the 
 
 de Samnaio ^^° Xapo, in front of the mouth of the Rio do Ouro or 
 
 Aguarico, he [TeixeiraJ planted a mark to serve as a 
 boundary between the Portuguese and Spanish Colonies, 
 and immediately took possession, for the Crown of 
 Portugal, of that place, and of the rest that are in- 
 cluded within the same limits and demarcation. Of all 
 a solemn ' auto ' was made, that is registered in the 
 books of the Chamber of Para, a copy of which is 
 found in the historical annals of Berredo." 
 
 § cix. "M. de la Condamine holds that the mark 
 referred to was not planted in the Rio Napo, but in 
 front of the bar of the Rio Japura, in the place-- that 
 gave rise to this digression. He founds his opinion on 
 metaphysical arguments, useless for the verification of 
 historical facts. He says that in this ' auto de posse ' is 
 placed the date. ' Fi-om Guyaris, in front of the Mouth 
 of Gold ' . . . . that here is the Village of Gold, and 
 that in remaining in front of the entrance of Japura, 
 this is the Rio do Ouro [River of Gold], the boundary 
 
 in which the mark was planted of which we treat." 
 « * * * 
 
 § cxii. '■ The reply to his reflections will show the 
 weakness of them. Firstly, it is false that in the 'auto 
 de posse ' is placed the date — ' From Guaris in front of 
 the mouth of Rio do Ouro.' I appeal to the authen- 
 ticity of the same ' auto ' printed in the ' Historical 
 Aunals of the Governor and Captain-General of the 
 State of Para, Bernardo Pereira de Berredo,' from 
 which it can be seen and known that there are not 
 there such words, ' From Guaris . . . .' How can tlie 
 word ' Guaris ' have entered the thought of M. de la Con- 
 damine. I, so as not to impute such falsity to this famous 
 academician, will say that he equivocated, changing 
 the word 'Aguarico,' name of the river that in the ' auto 
 is called ' do Ouro,' into ' de Guaris,' although such 
 
 -1 The "auto" of Teixeira is referred to in the BraEiliaa 
 Me'moire, pp. 17, 18, 55, 56, 105. 
 -- Para^uari, or Parauri. 
 
12 
 
 equivocation cannot be pardoned him, since he marks it 
 
 in his map." 
 
 fm flu * * 
 
 § cxiv. " In this place [Aguarico] it is that the 
 
 Captain-Major Pedro Teixeira left a part of his fleet, 
 
 and on his return from Quito chose the same place for 
 
 planting the mark and forming a Settlement." 
 
 In § cxii Ribeiro de Sampaio directly charges 
 la Condamine with the deliberate falsification of 
 an important document. The French savant says 
 that Teixeira's "auto" is dated from Guyaris. 
 Sampaio triumphantly appeals to the copy of the 
 " auto " printed by IJerredo in his " Historical 
 Annals," and says that the words " dos Guyaris " 
 are not to be found in it. 
 
 Now, la Condamine states positively-^ that his 
 authority was the original " auto " itself. " It is," 
 he declares, " preserved in the archives of Para, 
 where I have seen it." 
 
 What defence can be offered for the critical 
 methods of an historian who dares to level so 
 grave an accusation against an eminent and 
 unprejudiced scientist, like la Condamine, on 
 such grounds ? Apparently, it never occurred to 
 Sampaio that if he wished to prove that the 
 great traveller "equivocated," he ought to have 
 followed his example by examining the original 
 document for himself. 
 
 One thing is certain, that whether or no the 
 words " dos Guyaris " stand at the head of the 
 authentic " auto," they were not misread or wil- 
 fully substituted by la Condamine, as Sampaio 
 suggests, for the word " Aguarico." 
 
 Evidence will now be produced from contem- 
 porary documents sufficient to set at rest, once 
 for all, this ancient question of dispute. 
 
 It is a matter not disputed that the date of the 
 "auto" is 16th August, 1639. Now, a comparison 
 of the two contemporary narratives of P. Chris- 
 tovao de Acuna and of P. Laureano de la Cruz^ 
 shows that Teixeira's expedition passed the 
 mouth of the Aguarico about the end of March 
 in that year. 
 
 As the whole voyage occupied ten months, the 
 
 -3 "Eelation abreg-ee d'un voyage de la Riviere des 
 Atnazones,'' pp. 98-101. 
 
 -* P. LaiiredDO de la Cruz wrote his " Nuevo Descobrimento 
 del Rio de Maranou" in 1653. It is printed in "Saggio di 
 BibliograSa Geographica Storica Sanfranciscana," by Fr. 
 Marcellino di Civezza. P. Laureano was himself an eye- . 
 witness of the departuie of Teixeira from Quito. 
 
13 
 
 date of the " auto " points to some spot about 
 half way between Para and Quito noted for its 
 gold. All historians of this great expedition 
 recount that the inhabitants of a village, appro- 
 priately named byTeixeira on his upward voyage 
 Aldea do Ouro,~" situated a little to the west of the 
 mouth of the Kiver Tefd^ and nearly opposite to 
 tlie mouth of the River Japura, wore gold orna- 
 ments which they received from other natives, 
 who brought them from a river called the Eio do 
 Ouro, some days' journey up the Japura. Amongst 
 others, Felippe de Mattos, one of the signatories 
 of the " auto," wrote by official request in 1645 
 an account"'' of the riches seen in the possession 
 of the natives of this district, which he describes 
 as half way [" meada a viagem "] between Para 
 and the sources of the river [Amazon]. Another 
 account written at the request of King Joao IV 
 by Ignacio do Rego Barretto, another of Teixeira's- 
 companions, in 1644,"^'' is even more explicit. 
 After telling of the village where the natives 
 wore ornaments of gold, he goes on to say that 
 this came from mines a few days' journey up 
 a river that fell into the Amazon [Japura]. To 
 these mines there was a unanimous wish on the 
 part of the voyagers to proceed, in order to dis- 
 cover the reported mines, but Teixeira was obsti- 
 nate. He was determined 'to go on without 
 delay, but promised that on his return they might 
 go in quest of the said mines. Then follow the 
 important words "leaving the place marked with 
 the name of the River of Gold — ' deixando demar- 
 cado o Lugar com o nome do Rio do Ouro.' " This 
 is decisive. Here at Parauari above the Tefe 
 on the south bank of the Amazon was the place 
 where on his return, " as well for reason of the gold 
 of which there were reports as for its good air 
 [pelos bons ares],"-^ he took solemn possession of 
 his " new discovery'' in the name of Philip IV. 
 
 -5 Afterwards called Parauaii, the modern Nogueira. Diario, 
 § Ixxxxiv. 
 
 "'' ]MS. Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa, Arch, do Conselho Ultramarino, 
 Lembretes, 580. 
 
 -"' MS. Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa, Arcli. do Conselho Ultramariuo, 
 Lembretes, 579. 
 
 -'' This is the description of the chosen spot in Tcixeira's 
 own words ["auto de posse," Bibl. Mun. Porto, 172, No. 11]. 
 If further evidence in favour of Parauari were needed, it can 
 be found by comparing this description with Acnua's descrip- 
 tion of the mouth of the Aguarico, Xuevo Desciibi:, § 4:9, " well 
 known both for its unhealthj- climate as for the gold that is 
 extracted from it " [" assi por sii temple menos sano, como por 
 
14 
 
 It was at the instigation of this Ignacio do 
 Hego Barretto that the expedition of Barreiros 
 de Athaide went up the Amazon in 1649 to 
 search for these reported gold mines. -^ Fr. 
 Laureano de la Cruz, in his descent of the river 
 in 1650, found that the voyagers had been pur- 
 suing their quest in this very neighbourhood, but 
 had returned without result. 
 
 Bibeiro de Sampaio had this evidence before 
 him, but entirely failed to appreciate it. 
 
 No. 5. 
 
 " § cxxvi. " The war called that of the Grand AUi- a Djano ■' of 
 ance had broken out over the Siiccession of Spain, Ribeiro 
 in which Portugal supported the rights of Charles III, ^^ Sampaio. 
 and the Spanish Jesuits, taking advantage of the con- 
 juncture in 1709, descended the Amazon with the 
 forces they could collect, and arriving on this occasion 
 at our Settlement, called in that time Parauri, made its 
 missionary prisoner, and the whites that were found 
 there. They attacked the Settlement of Taiacatyba, 
 composed of Indians, of the Jurimagua tribe, whom 
 they transported with them to form another Settlement, 
 to which they gave the name of the tribe, and it still 
 exists. Of our Settlements of the Cambebds that were 
 the farthest missions of the Carmelites, they carried off 
 sufficient Indians with them to form the Settlement of 
 S. Joaquin." 
 
 The well-known Methuen Treaty, by which 
 Portugal undertook to support the rights of 
 Charles III, was signed the 27th December, 1703. 
 The Spanish Jesuits in the Amazon can scarcely 
 be said to have been taking advantage of this 
 conjuncture by any action of theirs in 1709. The 
 whole sequence of these events of 1709 is given 
 in detail in the Diary of Padre Samuel Fritz, 
 whose narrative, though naturally tinged with a 
 Spanish colouring, gives, almost day by day at the 
 periods of special importance, a transparently 
 honest account of all that occurred, so far as 
 it fell within the personal cognizance of the 
 Avriter. 
 
 In 1704 Fritz had been made Superior of the 
 entire Jesuit Mission of the Maynas, while his 
 place, as missionary of the Omaguas and Jurima- 
 
 el oro del se saca "], one is healthy, the other unhealthy. The 
 gold of the Aguarico is in clear evidence, extracted from the 
 river itself ; at the Settlement gold is only known by report. 
 ^^ See Note on the Portuguese on tlie Rio Negro, infra, p. 18> 
 
15 
 
 guas, was taken by Padre Joao Baptista Sanna, 
 Fritz, however, continued to watch vigilantly over 
 the safety of the Missions, for whose establish- 
 ment he had worked so long and so heroically, 
 and he and Padre Sanna liad to be constantly on 
 the alert against the attacks of Portuguese rescue- 
 troops advancing up the river. Nothing can be 
 further from the truth than to represent the 
 events of 1709 as an act of unpro voiced aggres- 
 sion on the part of the Spanish Jesuits. A 
 succession of Portuguese raids culminated in that 
 year in a serious attack on the Spanish Missions 
 by a troop under the command of a certain 
 Ignacio Correa, which compelled the SjDaniards 
 either to abandon their posts or to meet force 
 with force. 
 
 The story of the doings of this troop is thus 
 told by a living Portuguese historian, Lucio 
 d'Azevedo, in his recently-published and erudite 
 work, " Os Jesuitas no Gi'So-Para" (pp. 158-159). 
 
 '• The last time that, a rescue-troop was sent oiit [at 
 the expense of the Royal Treasury] was in 1707 .... 
 This expedition, for well-nigh three years, made raids 
 into the up-comitry of the Amazon. Rescue-troop in 
 the first place, troop of wai- in the second, it marched 
 to expel the Castilian missionaries from the Upper 
 Solimoes that, it was asserted, had come into the 
 Portuguese dominions .... In the iirst shock the 
 Spanish missionaries were scattered from the aldeas 
 that they had established in our territory. It is to be 
 supposed that there was no lack of captives. In 
 reprisals a force descended ti-om Quito, which de- 
 stroyed our Portuguese aldeas and took prisoner the 
 Commandant of the troop from Para." 
 
 This accoimt, itself not quite exact, shows, at 
 any rate, conclusively, on competent Portuguese- 
 authority, that Ribeiro de Sampaio's attempt to 
 represent the Spaniards as the aggressors is un- 
 justifiable. 
 
 It can further be clearly proved by a reference 
 to facts established by Fritz's diary that almost 
 every statement made by Sampaio in this para- 
 gi-aph is hopelessly, almost perversely, inaccurate. 
 The settlement, where the Carmelite Missionary 
 Fr. JoSo de Luz was taken prisoner, was at Gua- 
 patate [or Huapatate], marked on Fritz's map as 
 opposite the mouth of the River Yurua, not at 
 Parauri at the mouth of the Biver Tefe, which 
 was much lower down. Correa, with four ofcher 
 white men and a negro, were not taken at Gua- 
 patate with the missionary, but at a place called 
 [1045] " D " 
 
16 
 
 Suruite, some twelve hours further down-stream, 
 Fritz mentions the names of the different villages 
 which the Spaniards visited in their descent ; 
 a.niong these the name of Taiacatyba does not 
 occur. 
 
 Again Sampaio says that in 1709 the Indians 
 of the Jurimagua tribe were transported up- 
 streaai to form another settlement to which their 
 name was given. A reference to Fritz's diary 
 will reveal the fact that the Jesuit Father first 
 attempted to persuade these Jurimnguas to escape 
 from the cruel raids of the Portuguese rescue- 
 troops by emigrating further up the river in 1692. 
 The emigration actually took place in 1700. In 
 1702 Fritz writes, "About the middle of August 
 I arrived at the new village of the Jurimaguas." 
 
 The most extraordinary, however, of Sampaio's 
 blunders remains to the last. He saj's, " Of our 
 settlements of the Cambebas, that M'ere the farthest 
 Missions of the Carmelites, they carried off 
 sufficient Indians to form with them the settle- 
 ment of San Joaquim." Will it be believed that 
 in 1709 San Joaquim had been in existence for 
 about a quarter of a century 1 It was from San 
 Joaquim that Fritz started in January 1689 upon 
 his voyage to Para,^° and he had been resident 
 there for several years previously. 
 
 No. 6. 
 
 § cxxvii. " Seiior de Pancas Christovao da Costa "Diario"of 
 Freire then governed the State of Para, who imme- Ribeiro 
 <Iiately sent out an escort commanded by Joz6 Autunes '^^ ampam. 
 <le Fonseca, wlio, after taking the Jesuit Joao Baptista 
 .Jnliao and other persons, went up as far as the Settle- 
 ment of Santa Maiia, and recovered our missionary and 
 the Portuguese." 
 
 As regards this Portuguese expedition of 1710, 
 which, in the absence of Fritz, succeeded in over- 
 powering the Spanish Missions, the account 
 given by Sampaio, short as it is, is once more ex- 
 traordinarily inaccurate. The missionary who was 
 captured was not named Juliao, but Sanna. 
 Padre Joao Baptista Juliao first arrived in Quito 
 in 1723. 
 
 This troop did not recover the missionary and 
 
 3" " Diario de la Bajada del Padre Samuel Fritz, Missioiiero 
 de la Corona de Castilla en el Eio Maranon, desde S. Juaquin 
 de omaguas hasta la Ciudad de Grau Para por el ano de 1689" 
 ia the heading of one section of Fritz!s diary. 
 
17 
 
 the Portuguese which had been taken prisoners 
 the year before. These had been sent by Fritz to 
 Quito. It was not till 1714 that Governor 
 Christovao da Costa asked, in the name of the 
 King of Portugal, for an exchange of prisoners, 
 which was effected. Ignacio Correa himself had 
 juarried in Lima, and did not return. 
 
 The passages examined above have been 
 selected because they have not been dealt with 
 thoroughly elsewhere, and because it M-as possible 
 to test their veracity and trustworthiness by the 
 evidence of contemporary documents. It is re- 
 spectfully submitted that the result has been 
 that Ribeiro de Sampaio has been convicted 
 of gross and systematic inaccuracy and of a 
 capacity for blundering amounting almost to per- 
 versity. The statements of such a writer in regard 
 to past historical events are absolutely valueless, 
 and unless those statements can be substantiated 
 by other and more reliable testimony, they should 
 not be quoted as authorities or ficcepted as. 
 evidence. 
 
 [10451 D 2 
 
18 
 
 NOTE II. 
 
 THE BEGINNINGS AND GRADUAL 
 ESTABLISHMENT OE PORTUGUESE 
 DOMINION IN THE RIO NEGRO. 
 
 THE subject divides itself into two parts : — 
 
 1. The period preceding 1092, during which, 
 "whatever might be the tlieoretical claims of the 
 Portuguese to sovereignty in the Rio Negro, there 
 is only a single recorded instance — in 1658 — of a 
 Portuguese expedition having actually entered the 
 Tiver ; no mission was established on its banks, 
 nor any political control exercised over its native 
 inhabitants. 
 
 2. The period from 1692 to 1732, during which 
 the Portuguese dominion was gradually extended 
 up the river. 
 
 1. The Period preceding 1692. 
 
 The companions of Pedro Teixeira, in his 
 famous voyage to Quito, were the first Portuguese 
 who saw the dark waters of the Rio Negro enter 
 the Amazon ; but Teixeira did not, either in his 
 voyage uj)-stream in 1638, nor in his return 
 journey in the following year, make any attempt 
 to explore the river. 
 
 In the Brazilian Case^ it is suggested that the 
 first Portuguese expedition to the Rio Negro was 
 that of Bartholemeo Barreiros de Athaide, which 
 the historian Berredo^ mentions as being dis- 
 patched by the Governcr in 1649 in search of the 
 Rio do Ouro. 
 
 No evidence is produced in support of this 
 conjecture, which can be proved to be incorrect. 
 
 Tlie origin of this voyage of Barreiros can be 
 traced to a Petition of a certain Ignacio do Rego 
 Barretto, one of the companions of Teixeira, who 
 asked for the Royal permission and assistance to 
 conduct an expedition in search of the gold 
 mines, which, according to native report, were to 
 be found in the neighbourhood of the Rio do 
 Ouro, or Japura, Two Minutes attached to this 
 Petition show that the information contained in 
 it was regarded as of great importance, and the 
 
 1 p. 65. 2 Annaes, §§ 950 and 951. 
 
19 
 
 request as worthy of serious consideration.^ In 
 the notice of the expedition of Barreiros given by 
 Berredo,'^' that historian remarl^s : "and Ignacio 
 do llego worked in such fashion in the sending 
 of it out, that with a preparation of little more 
 than a month on 21th August, 1619, it left the 
 city of Belem." The fate of the (expedition is 
 told by the Spanish Eranciscan missionary, 
 Pr. Laureano de la Cruz, in his narrative of his 
 descent of the Amazon from Quito to Para in the 
 years 1650-51.^ Among the villages of the 
 Omaguas, about 21 leagues above the mouth of 
 the E/iver Jurua, Tr. Laureano heard from the 
 natives that a Portuguese troop had been in those 
 parts in search of gold, and had returned. Lower 
 down, by the River Tapajos, the Spanish Priar fell 
 in with a certain Manuel de los Santos, who told 
 liim that the troop he had heard of among the 
 (Dmaguas had been sent up "by the Duke of 
 Braganza '' in search of some mines of gold, of 
 which information had been given ; that they had 
 spent some time in the search, but without 
 result; and many had died. According to 
 Berredo, Barreiros himself was among those who 
 perished in this unfortunate undertaking. 
 
 It is perfectly clear that this troop never Avent 
 into the E,io Negro. 
 
 The first journey up the Rio Negro by the 
 Portuguese Avas the result of the efforts of Padre 
 Antonio Vieyra. 
 
 This famous Jesuit Father landed at Sao Luis 
 early in 1653, and at once, with extraordinary 
 zeal and eloquence, set on foot a crusade against 
 the cruel and wholesale enslaving of the Indians 
 vtdrich he found practised. Baffled in his first 
 efforts, Vieyra sailed to Lisbon in November 
 
 3 Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa, Lenibretos, No. d'ordcm 579 : Th'e^ 
 date of this Petition is the 22ud February, 1G44. It is 
 important for the light that it throws upon the position of 
 Teixeira's Eio do Ouro, discussed previously. Barretto was at 
 this time Provedor Mor of the Fazenda Real in Maranhao, and 
 at a later time Sargento ifor {vide " Azevedo, Os Jesuitas no 
 Grao Para," pp. 4:!, 45, 48, &c.). 
 
 * Annaes, §§ 950-951. This reference to Ignacio do Rego 
 is omitted in the version of this passage given in the Brazilian 
 Memoir e, p. 65. 
 
 » Niievo descobrimento del Rio de Maranon .... escrito por 
 la obediencia de los Siipeviores en Madnd, ano de 1G53, por 
 Fr. Laureano de la Cruz, printed in Sdrjgio di BibH^gi-uJia 
 qeogrqfica, storica, etnograjica San Franciscana, por Fr. !Marcel- 
 lino da Civezza, pp. 259-207. It will be noticed that the 
 Spanish writer will not recognize King Joao IV. by any other 
 title than " Duke of Braganza." 
 
'20 
 
 l65i, and brought tlie matter personally before 
 the King. He met witli strong opposition, but 
 Was successful. A Law was promulgated April 
 1655 which embodied his views. This Law 
 ^declared that only Indians taken in just warfare, 
 or prisoners condemned to death and, rescued 
 from the cord (" resgatos de corda "). should be 
 enslaved. Such "rescued" slaves Atere to be 
 ^emancipated at the end of five years. This Law 
 ienacted further that no slave-making expeditions 
 (euphemistically called '•'resc;ue-troops"' — tropasde 
 resrjate) should start except by direction of the 
 Saperior of the Jesuits {i.e., Vieyra" himself) ; 
 that Indians brought down ("descidos") should be 
 settled in such villages ("aldeas") as the Jesuits 
 appointed, which sliould be under their sole 
 control ; that the captains of the rescue-troops 
 should be approved by the Jesuits, and all captive 
 Indians examined by the missionaries accom- 
 panying the troops, in order to certify that they 
 were legal traffic.^ 
 
 Vieyra returned to Maranhao in tlic spring of 
 1655, and with him a new Governor', Andre Vidal 
 de Negreiros, a strong and capable man, specially 
 intrusted with the carrying out of the new law 
 in the captaincies of Maranhao and Para, which 
 v\^ere, for the time, united under his jurisdiction. 
 
 The supremacy of Vieyra lasted but a few 
 years, but it was a period of great activity. The 
 Father^ has himself, the 12th February, 1661, in 
 reply to a remonstrance from the Senate of the 
 Chamber of Para complaining of the evil plight 
 of the Colony owing to the restrictions placed upon 
 the slave traffic, given a list of the expeditions 
 sent out with his sanction since the cominar into 
 force of the new Law. Among these he mentions — 
 
 " tliQ Mission of the Aroaguizes by Padre Francisco 
 Velloso ; that of the Rio Nogro by Padre Francisco 
 
 Gon9alves ; and now actually another in the 
 
 Eiver of the Amazons, in which the Padre Mannel de 
 Sousa died, and the Padre Manuel Pires remained, in 
 which missions, and others of less import, there have 
 been brought down (" descido ") more than 3,000 free 
 Indians and more than 1,800 slaves." 
 
 " Vieyra, Cartas, torn i, x, and xii. Barros, Vida do 
 P. Antonio Vieyra, torn ii, pp. 93-99. Azevedo, Os Jesuitas 
 no Grao Para, pp. 57-64. 
 
 " Eesposta que deu o P. A. V. ao Senado da Camera do 
 Para sobre o resgate dos Indies do Sertao. Obrasde P. A. V., 
 torn, i, p. 139. Vide also Carta. a el Eei, 11th February, IGGOJ 
 Obras, i, pp. 77, 78. . j • , 
 
21 
 
 ■ These -words explain at onee the nature of these 
 so-called "Missions." They were simply rescue-, 
 troops {tropas de resgatc) placed under the con-r 
 trol of missionaries, -n-ho, as judges, pronouuced. 
 upon the legality of the captures made, and 
 ■whose spiritual duties Avere confined to the conver- 
 sion, by persuasion or force, of the prisoners., 
 There was no question as yet of any serious effort, 
 to convert the inhabitants of rivers that were 
 frequented for the sole purpose of acquiring 
 slaves, still less of establishing permanent Mission 
 " aldeas " among them. 
 
 Further details as to these " Missions " may be 
 gleaned from Vieyra's writings. In a reply to 
 the accusations of Jorge de Sampaio (September 
 1662) the Padre says : " In the following year of 
 1657 the Padres Prancisco Velloso and Manoel 
 Pires went up the river of the Amazon, as far as 
 the lands of the Aroaguis and Eio Kegro, since 
 these are the places in which the inhabitants 
 hoped for a greater ' rescue ' of slaves .... 
 and there entered by this gate of lawful cap- 
 tivity in this Mission 600 slaves.'''^ He pro- 
 ceeds to say that as those who wish for no restric- 
 tion were not satisfied with these results, another 
 expedition was dispatched in 1658, accom- 
 panied by — 
 
 "Padres Manoel Pires and Francisco Gon^alves, who 
 had ceased to be Provincial of Brazil. This voyage 
 lasted fifteen months, the padres arrived as far as the 
 Rio Negro, and by it up to some tribes that had never 
 seen a Portuguese ; more than 700 slaves Avere, 
 examined according to the form of the law of His 
 ]\rajesty as in the previous mission .... This Missiott 
 cost Padre Francisco Gon9alves his life .... In the 
 year lfi60 Padre Manoel de Sousa and Manoel Pires went 
 in a mission to the river of the Amazons as far as the 
 Aroaguis .... in Avhich nation the said Padre built 
 tlie first church." " 
 
 8 Blbl. Pub. de Evora. Cod. cxv, 2-11, MS. : " Mas esta 
 Mis!=ao [a Mission to the Amazon frustrated in 165C] se 
 reciiparou no anno seguinte de G57. e forao a ella os pi^^Fran™ 
 Velloso 6 M^' Pires pelo Kyo das Almazonas ate as terras dos 
 Aroaguis e Eio Negro por serem estes os Lngares em q'os 
 nioradores esperauao mayor resgate de escravos." 
 » * * « 
 
 " E entrarao pela dita porta do captiveiro li^ito nesta 
 Missao (=eis centos escravos." 
 
 ^ Jbid. :".... Op* M'' Fires e o p® Fran''" Glzs., que 
 tinha acabado de ser Provincial do Brazil, diirou a dita viagem 
 quinze mezes; chegarSo os p" at6 o Ryo Kegro, e por elle 
 acima a algiinos geutios que nmique tinhao uisto Poitu.mnes; 
 fizeriio se mais de sette centos escravos examinados na fm-ma 
 
22 
 
 Tlius it was not till 1660 that a cliurcli was 
 erected by Manoel Pires and permanent mission 
 work undertaken. This was apparently in the 
 same locality as that visited by Manoel Pires and 
 Prancisco Yelloso in 1657, since the expedition 
 is called in both instances by Vieyra the mission 
 of the Aroaguis. This tribe at that time lived 
 chiefly on the River TJrubu. It was a short- 
 lived effort, for four years later the Aroaguis rose 
 in fierce revolt. ^° 
 
 Of these "tropas de resgate," the only one which 
 actually entered the Rio Negro was that of 1058. 
 Prancisco Goncalves and his companions in that 
 year were the first Portuguese who ever made 
 their wav above the immediate neighbourhood of 
 the mouth of that river, and there is no recorded 
 instance that any other Portuguese espedition 
 followed their example during the following 
 thirty-seven years. 
 
 The reason for this is to be found in the turbu- 
 lent history of Maranhao-Para during that 
 pei'iod. It is impossible here to enter into 
 detail s^^ as to the long struggle between the 
 Jesuits, the Priars, and the colonists, for the 
 control of the slave traffic. It was marked by 
 frequent outbursts of virulence and bloodshed, 
 ending in open insurrection. 
 
 For nearly a quarter of a century tlie struggle 
 continued, till the Government, thoroughly 
 alarmed, dispatched a man of mark and proved 
 capacity. Gomes Preire de Andrade, to restore 
 order. The new Governor entered on the 
 duties of his post May 1685, and, acting with, 
 vigour and prudence, first put down the revolt 
 with severity, and then proceeded to reorganize 
 the prosperity of the State.^^ 
 
 This period of anarchy, as it is styled by its 
 
 da Ley de S. Mag'^" como tanbem os da Missao passada .... 
 
 Onstou esta Missan a vida do V'^ Fran"° GIz Neste 
 
 anno de 660 foi o p<= M«' de Sousa co p^ M."^ Pires em Missao 
 pelo ryo das Almazonas ate os Aroaguis . . . . na quelle 
 nacao .... edificou o dito p® a pr' Igr"." 
 
 ^^ Maranbao couquistado a Jesii Christi .... per Bento 
 da Fonseca, cap. 23, MS. da Bibl. Publ. de Evora. Berredo, 
 Annaes , 1663, 99. 
 
 ^1 Lucio de Azevedo. Os Jesuitas no Griio Para, chap, v, 
 pp. 101-121. "A Anarchia," 16G1-1686. Brit. Mus. Add. 
 MSS. 15196. ?^oticia dos successos e expulsam dos padres 
 da Companhia, 1662, § 149. 
 
 '- Vida de Gomes Freire de Andrade por Domingos Teyxeii'a. 
 Tom ii. Berredo, Annaes., §§ 1303-1351. Brit. Mus. Add. 
 MSS., 15198: Noticias do Maranham por seu procurador, 
 Manuel Guedes Aranha. Cap. ii, §§ 200-252. 
 
23 
 
 inost recent historian (Lucio d'Azevedo), was 
 marked, as might be expected, by decadence in 
 colonizing energy and feebleness of missionary 
 effort. In 1671 there were, according to Bento 
 da Eonseca,'^ two missionaries in Gurupa and 
 two in the Solimoes ; in 1679 two in the Eio 
 Xingu, who Iiad charge of Gurupa, none in the 
 Solimoes ; even after peace had been established 
 in 1688 none higher than the E,io Madeira. 
 Gurupd was the only fortified post, and this 
 important place had been allowed to fall into 
 ruins.^* But Avitli the restoration of order by 
 Gomes Freire a period of greater activity and 
 expansion began. In 1686 a strong force under 
 the Captain-Major Hilario de Sousa ascended 
 the Amazon,'" as far as the mouth of the Negro, 
 and reduced to submission the tribes living on 
 the TJrubu. and Matary. .i\.t the same time, a 
 new law, dated the 21st December, 1686,''' and 
 commonly known as " o regimento das Missoes," 
 was promulgated, which placed the absolute 
 dominion over the Indians in the hands of the 
 missionaries. It differed from previous law^s, 
 in this, that it extended to the other religious 
 orders the powers hitherto confined to the Jesuits 
 only. It further established a register, in which 
 all particulars concerning the enslaved Indians 
 had to be entered, and it assigned to each one 
 of the missionaries a certain number of domestic 
 slaves^" (" casaes ") for the service of the aldeas, 
 and created the office of procurator of the 
 Indians; this office to be selected from a list 
 of two by the Superior of the Jesuits. A 
 further important regulation affected the in- 
 terests of the colonists and accentuated the 
 triumph of the Orders, perhaps more than any 
 other. This was the prohibition to all inhabi- 
 tants, whether whites or mamelukes, to reside in 
 the aldeas under pain of heavy penalties. The 
 
 i"> Cataloc^o dos primeiros religiosos da Companhia da Vicc- 
 Provincia do Maiauhao, cxtrahido de iim Qianuscripto do 
 Jesuita Bento da Fonseca, printed by Mello Moraes. Coro- 
 graphia historica do Brasil, iii, pp. 107-122. 
 
 1* In 1689 Manoel Guedes Aranha, Captain of Gurupa, was 
 asked to rebuild the fort at his own charges, and in con- 
 sequence sent in his resignation, whicli was declined. In 
 1G91 Royal orders were sent out that it should be rebuilt as a 
 centre for propagating missions. " Cartas do Maranhao." 
 Liv. i, ff. 69, 77. MS. Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa. 
 
 i» Domingos Teyxeira, Vida de Gomes Freire-deAndrade, ii, 
 pp. 614, sqq. 
 
 16 Lucio d'Azevedo, pp. 15C-1.58. 
 
 1" Formerly they had one-third of the descimenios, 
 [1045] E 
 
24 
 
 missionary was heiicefortli absolute in liis aldea, 
 and all clandestine slave traffic became an offence 
 liable to punishment. A further Law, the 28th 
 April, 1688, reafl&rmed the restrictions that only 
 prisoners taken in just war, and captives of the 
 cord, could be enslaved, and enacted that every 
 year a rescue-troop should be dispatched at the 
 expense of the Royal Treasury. This last regu- 
 lation, through the veiled hostility of the mis- 
 sionaries, always jealous of secular intrusion, and 
 the indifference of the Governors to expeditions 
 which brought them no personal profit, fell into 
 practical disuse. 
 
 In consequence of this, the richer inhabitants 
 in need of slaves for their factories and planta- 
 tions took the matter into their own hands; hence 
 those private rescue-troops, of which mention is 
 made in the records of the early eighteenth 
 century. The Governors, despite the opposition 
 of the heads of the Mission and the loss to tlie 
 Treasury, found it politic to connive at irregu- 
 larities whose suppression would have aroused 
 popular resentment. 
 
 In 1687 Gomes Preire was succeeded as 
 Governor by Artur de Saa e Meneses. In his 
 hands the policy of consolidation and expansion 
 set on foot by his predecessor was vigorously 
 pursued, and Portuguese sovereignty in the 
 Amazon asserted by the erection of new forts 
 and the pushing forward of missionary settle- 
 ments. The diary of the Spanish missionary 
 Samuel I'ritz,^^ who descended the river to Para 
 in 1689 and was reconducted by a Portuguese 
 escort back to the Spanish Missions in 1691» 
 gives an accurate account from the pen of an 
 eye-witness of the exact state of the river at those 
 two dates. 
 
 Pritz had come down-stream in the first 
 instance because he had heard that a Portuguese 
 troop had made their way into what he considered 
 Spanish territory, the mouth of the Cuchivara 
 (Puriis). On his arrival at this place he found 
 tliat the Portuguese had gone away, and then, 
 being seized with serious illness, he resolved to 
 descend to ParA, partly to recruit, but still more 
 to protest in person against what he regarded as 
 Portuguese intrusion into Spanish territory. On 
 his way he met with hospitable entertainment 
 for fifteen days at the hands of the Meroenarian 
 
 18 MS. Bibl. Pub. dc Evora. 
 
25 
 
 Priar, Theodosio Vegas, in his aldea on the 
 Urubii.^" Here he awaited the arrival of the 
 Portuguese troop, which, accompanied by the 
 Jesuit missionary, JoJio Maria Gorsoni, had 
 paused en route at the mouth of the Negro, and 
 with them he went down to Belem. At Belem 
 he was detained twenty-tAvo montlis, the Governor 
 awaiting instructions from Lisbon. At length 
 permission for his return arrived, and he started 
 the 9th July, 1691, attended by an escort com- 
 manded by Antonio de Miranda. At Gurupa, 
 the 26th July, he was entertained by the cap- 
 tain, Manoel Guedes Aranha, but was not 
 allowed to enter the fort. On the 30th July 
 he passed an old fort at Paru; here there 
 were only a sergeant and a few Indians. 
 He found at Curuputaba, the 2nd August, a 
 village with Padre Joseph Barreiros, as mis- 
 sionary, and four days later at the mouth of the 
 Tapajos a new fort with a sergeant. On the 
 l7th August the flotilla reached the aldea of 
 the Tupinambas : here Padre Antonio Ponseca 
 was missionarv. After this for six days no 
 village or Indians were seen. Two days, the 
 2nd to the 4th September, were spent with Prey 
 Theodosio on the Urubu. On the 7th September 
 Pritz arrived at the mouth of the Pio Negro, 
 where, he remai'ks,-" the King of Portugal had 
 some years back ordered a fortress to be made. 
 Clearlv at this date Pather Samuel saw no sis-ns 
 of such an erection. While halting here he 
 visited the Tarumas, who lived on the northern 
 bank, and met with the friendliest reception. 
 They begged Fritz to remain with them, as their 
 Padre, as they had no love for tlie people from 
 Pard. 
 
 Prom this narrative it is evident that these 
 people had as yet no Portuguese mission-station 
 among them, and that they knew from their own 
 experience and that of their neighbours on the 
 Matary and Urubii, the cruel practices of the 
 Portuguese rescue-troops, and would have liked 
 
 15 Established there two j-ears before by Hilario de Sousa. 
 Vid. Domiugos, Teyxeira, liv. ii, p. 377. 
 
 30 " Llegamos a la boca del Rio Negro en donde el Eey de 
 Portugal aiios ha mando se haga una fortaleza." It is not 
 known to what order Fritz refers ; but a Royal letter of the 
 21st December, 1686, orders the building of fortresses on the 
 frontiers. 
 
 [1045] E 2 
 
26 
 
 to have placed themselves under Spanish pro- 
 tection.^^ 
 
 The testimony of Fritz completely establishes 
 the fact that at the end of 1691 the Portuguese 
 had taken no steps to assert their sovereignty 
 over any part of the Eio Negvo. Even at the 
 mouth of that river there was no trace either 
 of military post or missionary village. 
 
 2. The Period 1692-1 73;2. 
 
 The promotion to the Governorship in 1690 of 
 Antonio de Albuquerque Coelho de Oarvalho, 
 the Captain-Major of Fara, a man thoroughly 
 acquainted with the Colony and its needs, was 
 a proof of the determination of the home 
 Government to proceed witb the policy of 
 restoration and expansion begun by Gomes 
 Preire.""^ Eor him, however, as for his prede- 
 cessors, the miserable poverty of the Captaincy-^ 
 was a great obstacle to the carrying out of any 
 plans involving expenditure. 
 
 A Royal Order, dated the 19th February, 1691, 
 urged that the task of building the fortresses on 
 the frontiers should be taken in hand, but v,"ithout 
 result : for two years later another Eoyal letter of 
 the 17th February, 1693, not only bears evidence 
 to the fact that the ncAv fortresses (of Gurupa, 
 Rio Negro, and the defences of Belem itself) had 
 not been commenced, owing to the want of 
 master masons in the Captaincy, but, while 
 
 "' "Me pedio el cacique que bolviese a ellos y fuese su 
 Fadre, que los suios do (jueriaii a los del Para." — Diario, 
 September 7, 1G91. 
 
 " For aminos se dierou .... los Taromas de llio Negro, de 
 mauera, que el caz;ique principal destos Taromas a los Portu- 
 gupses, que me acompanaron desde Pura el aiio pasado de 
 091, les exprovio los agYavios, que avian experimentadq 
 dellos, y que no querian Portugueses, sino a mi que fuese su 
 Padre." — Memorial de S. Fritz al Virrcy, KJIii'. 
 
 -- Autonio de Albuquerque was son, grandson, and nephew 
 of former Governors of the State, and had proved his capacity 
 by serving under the two previous Governors. His appoint- 
 ment was, no doubt, due to the advice of Gomes Preire, 
 wliose influence in Lisbon, in matters relating to Para, was 
 .supreme. 
 
 -■' Lucio d'Azevedo, Os Jesuitas no Grao Para, pp. 132-136, 
 gives a terrible picture of the poverty of Para during the last 
 decades of the 17th century: "Para todos a existencia 
 era difBcil." "0 commercio interior era ueuhum, o certo e 
 que em 1700, a unica moeda corrente eram rolos de panno, e 
 novelios de algodao, estes ultimos muitas vezes falsificadas, 
 com pedagos de pan, e trapes velhos mettidos no amago." 
 
27 
 
 promising to send out four from Lisbon, 
 proceeds — 
 
 " and inasmuch as it will be right that they be paid for 
 their work .... and whereas the revenue of my 
 Treasury in your State is exhausted and recourse 
 thereto cannot be had for meeting this outlay, you are 
 to make provision for their payment out of the proceeds 
 of the dutiable merchandise and negroes "'* 
 
 truly a pitiful revelation of the financial condition, 
 of Maranhao-Para. 
 
 The erection of a fort implied the previous 
 erection of an aldea in its immediate neiijhbour- 
 liood for the purpose of supplying it with pro- 
 visions and slaves.-'^ 
 
 A Royal despatch of the 6th July, 1691, 
 refers to tlie first attempts to establish such an 
 aldea in the Rio Negro, for it states that when 
 request had been made, in accordance with the 
 Roval orders, from the Jesuit College for a mis- 
 sionary for the Rio Negro, " no one was supplied 
 on. account of the deficiency of such persons in 
 the State.'"^" The poverty of Para was not con- 
 fined at this time to its material resources. The 
 despatch concludes by urging that a missionary 
 should be sent as soon as possible. 
 
 The tribe of the Tarumas then occupied the 
 northern bank of the Rio Negro a short distance 
 above its mouth, and though these had at times 
 been visited by itinerant missionaries accompany- 
 ing the " tropas de resgate," the evidence of 
 Samuel Fritz"" proves that in September 1691 no 
 attempt had been made to establish a mission- 
 station among them. 
 
 The first steps were taken in 1692 by order of 
 the Superior of the Jesuits, Joao Fellipe, through 
 the agency of Padre Joao Maria Gorsoni, the 
 same missionary with whom Fritz travelled down 
 from the Urubu in 1689. Gorsoni chose two 
 sites for mission aldeas : one on the Matary 
 below the Negro and the other at the Tapera 
 {i.e., native village) of the Tarumds about 2 
 
 '^ MS. Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa, Cartas do MaranMo, liv. i, 
 f. 99. 
 
 -5 Padre Domingos de Araujo, iu his Chronica da Compunlda 
 de Jesus, MS. Bill. Pub. de Evora, expressly mentions that th^ 
 Mission of the Tarumas was founded '• em ordem a assisterem 
 e ajudarem a fortaleza." 
 
 "" MS. Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa, Cartas do Marauhao, ,liv.. i, 
 
 f. 85. ' . , ; , 
 
 27 See the clcsiiig paragraphs of Part I. 
 
.28 
 
 leagues above the already selected site of the 
 proposed fortress. 
 
 In 1693 a troop sent up the Amazon under the 
 Captain-Major Hilario de Sousa de Azevedo was 
 entrusted witli the duty of placing two Jesuit 
 priests in possession of those missions. The 
 name of the missionary for the Matary was 
 Aloysio Corra da Constauciense ; for the aldea 
 of the Tarumas, which received tlie name of 
 Nossa Senhora da Conceicao, JoSo J.usto de 
 Lucana Toscana."® 
 
 It appears-'' that Avork upon the block-house in 
 Bio ]S'cgro^° had been begun iu June 1693, and it 
 may be assumed that it was completed before 
 the end of that year. The date upon which the 
 first Commandant entered on his duties is 
 unknown, but a copy^^ of the letter patent exists, 
 dated the 12th December, 1696, appointing Luis 
 de Moraes Bitancurt " to the post of Lieutenant 
 and officer in charge of the block-house of Jesus- 
 Maria-Joseph of the Hio Negro, vacant by the 
 death of Ambrosio Munis Barreyros."^' 
 
 About Ihe same date that the two aldeas 
 just mentioned were founded, a Royal letter 
 (19tli March, 1693) fixed the limits of the mission 
 spheres of the Franciscans of the Orders of St. 
 Anthony and of Mercy, and of the Society of 
 Jesus. The former had the district of the Cabo 
 do Korte, the Mercenarians the north bank of the 
 Amazon as far as the Urubii, while the south bank 
 of the Amazon, with the districts of the Rio 
 Negro and Solimoes, fell to the Jesuits. But 
 these declined the burden of so vast a charge, 
 
 "8 Tliese facts are derived from the Chronica da CompaMxt 
 de Jesus, pelo I'adre Domingos do Aranjo, MS. Bibl. Pub. de 
 Evora ; the Chronica do Padie Jose de Moraes, as printed in 
 the work of Mello Moraes {Corograplda, iii, p. 49o) ; and from 
 the Eoyal Letter to Go^•ernor Antonio de Albuquerque, 28th 
 November, 1693, MS. Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa. 
 
 "" MS. Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa. Royal letter, 28th November, 
 1693. Cartas do Maranhao, liv. i, f. 103. 
 
 3ti MS. Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa. Annexe, Vol. i. Nog. 11 and 22. 
 The fact that the fort, v^hen erected, was placed 3 leagues up 
 the Negro shows that it was not intended to block the 
 passage of Spaniards from the SolimOes, but the Dutch down 
 the Negro. 
 
 31 MS. Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa. A. C. U., Requerimentos, No. 76. 
 
 •''- In a note.f rom a " Chronica Manuscripta," in Mello Moraes' 
 Co7-ographia, iii, p. 39, about the murder of three missionaries 
 by the Tapajos in 1649, mention is made of this man: 
 "Ambrosio Muiiiz, filho natural de Antonio Muniz (Sargento- 
 Mor do Maranhao), que sobreviveu muitos annos, ate que 
 depois, sendo superintendente da fortaleza do Rio Negro, 
 morreu ja de muita idade." 
 
29 
 
 and, by arrangement with the Carmelites, another ' 
 Eoyal letter (29th November, 1694) handed over to 
 them, the bare-footed Friars, the wliole of the Rio 
 Negro, which was taken to reach to the northern 
 bank of the Solimoes and the soutli bank of the 
 Amazon and Solimoes west of the Rio Madeira. 
 At the same time, the district of the Mercenarians 
 was extended westward to the mouth of the Rio 
 Negro.^^ 
 
 In consequence of this partition, a Carmelite 
 Priar, Father Jofio Evangelista, became the mis- 
 sionary of the aldea of Nossa Senhora da Con- 
 cei9ao, the name of which was changed to that of 
 Santo Elias dos Tarumas.^^ To this missionary 
 was for the time entrusted the spiritual supervision 
 of the Rio Negro. In 1695 the Captain Antonio 
 de Miranda,^^ the same wlio had escorted Samuel 
 Fritz back to his Mission, was sent with a troop 
 by the Governor up the Solimoes, with the order 
 to investigate, and, if necessary, to resist, the ad- 
 vance of the Castilians down that river. Before 
 discharging this mission, Miranda made his way 
 two days' journey up the Negro, as far as the 
 Rio Anavilhanas, to parley with the natives and 
 to warn them to cease their intercourse and com- 
 merce with the Dutch. Two years later, Albu- 
 querque Coelho himself, accompanied by the 
 Provincial of the Carmelites, Frei Manoel de 
 Esperanca, appears to have visited, among other 
 Carmelite mission villages, that of Santo Elias 
 dos Tarumas, but not to have proceeded further 
 up the Rio Negro. '^^ 
 
 During the first two decades of the eighteenth 
 century, the attention of the Portuguese was 
 directed chiefly to the Rio Solimoes, where the 
 ceaseless activity and striking success of the 
 Spanish missions, under Padre Samuel Fritz, ex- 
 cited their jealousy and alarm. Again and again 
 the efforts of expeditions from Pard, to advance , 
 into his missionary sphere were thwarted by the 
 
 5' Lucio d'Azevedo. Os Jesuitas no Grilo Para, pp. 203 
 and 3.52. Samuel Fritz writes: "Me dijo se avia eclio nuebo 
 repartimiento de las Missiones hasta el Rio Negro los de la 
 Oompania ocupavan las Aldeas de la vauda del Sur hasta el 
 Eio de la Madera, en la vanda del Norte estavan los capuchinos 
 ■Mercenarios y Carmelitas." February 1696. Vide Treaty 
 Map of 1 749-00. Brit. Atlas, Xo. 10. 
 
 "^ Chronica de Jose' de Moraes, in Mello Moraes' Corograpliia, 
 
 p. 495. 
 
 36 Brit. Annexe, vol. i, p. 8. 
 
 S6 Braz. Annexe, vol. i, Nos. 8, 9, 10, 11. Diary of S. F. 
 Fritz describes at length bis interview with the Carmelite 
 Provincial, Manoel de Esperanca, 17th April, 1607. 
 
30 
 
 courage of the redoubtable Jesuit Father and 
 tbe hold he had upon the afifections of the natives. 
 At last, in 1709, a Portuguese troop, under 
 Ignacio Correa, Avere met and surprised by a 
 Spanisli force, Correa himself and the missionary 
 Pr. Juan de Luz being captured. To avenge this 
 defeat, in 1710 a large expedition was sent up 
 the river, and, in the absence of Padre Samuel, 
 succeeded in overthrowing the Spanisli mission 
 of the Omaguas, and in taking prisoner Padre 
 Juan Eaptista Sanna, Pritz's deputy.^" 
 
 During these two decades uothinaj was done to 
 extend Portutjuese dominion in the Ilio Negro. 
 The concentration of effort towards the Upper 
 Solimoes appears to have led to neglect else- 
 where, and specially in the district contiguous to 
 the mouth of the PJo Negro. The Portuguese 
 records are silent, but from Fritz's diary it may 
 be gathered that Fr. Joao Guilherme was, in 
 1709, and probably for some years previously, 
 the missionary of Santo Elias dos Tarumas at 
 that point. A .Uoyal letter to the Commissary of 
 the Mercenarians (12th December, 1712) shows 
 that the Indians in the aldeas of Urubu and 
 Matary had risen against their missionaries.^* 
 Three years later a passage from a petition from 
 the captain of the fort of K,io Negro, Diogo lloiz 
 Pereira, refers to — 
 
 " the remoteness of his post, and the great scarcity of 
 inhabitants, and the impossibility of missionaries going 
 there. As the nearest missions are chstaiit four or 
 five d.'iys' jom'ney, there is consequently no one to 
 administer the Sacrament to the soldiers who serve in 
 that depot, and they are all in great need for want of 
 Indians, Avhom they require to send in seai'cli of pro- 
 visions, and also for stopping the injury done to us by 
 hostile natives.""" 
 
 From this it is evident that not only were the 
 aldeas of Matary and Urubu still without mission 
 priests, but that the aldea of tlie Tarumas, with 
 its resident missionary, must temporarily have 
 disappeared.'^ Such a migration of a body of 
 Indians under provocation or alarm was by no 
 
 37 Diary of Samuel Fritz. Bras. Annexe, vol. i, J^os. 21 
 and 22. 
 
 °8 MS. Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa. Cartas do Maranhao. Liv. ii, 
 f. 5. 
 
 39 July 13, 1715. MS. Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa. Cartas do 
 Maiauhao. Liv. ii, f. 41. 
 
 *" In 1691 it took Fritz three days going up-stream from 
 the ahha of Fr. Theodosio up the Urubu, past the Matary to 
 the mouth of the Eio Negro. 
 
31 
 
 ineans unusual, and the notice in a later docu- 
 ment *i that Fr. Joao Guilherme founded a 
 temporary mission upon the River Javapery fits 
 in exactly with the supposition that the Tarumas 
 for a while forsook*^ their usual habitat for 
 another higher up the river. Be this as it may, 
 tbey had returned to the old aldea hefore 1719, 
 in which year a Royal letter sanctioned the 
 appointment of Tr. Jeronimo Coelho to the 
 administration of the mission of Santo Elias dos 
 Tarumas.'''^ 
 
 This is an important date, for it is the first 
 year of the Governorship of Eerredo, and is 
 marked by the first recognition of the existence 
 of the Rio Branco in any extant Portuguese 
 document. A despatch from the new Governor 
 (14th March, ITIO'*^) informed the home authori- 
 ties that — 
 
 "the strong-ho-use of the Eio Negro, established for 
 the sole purpose of checking the very serious loss that 
 accrues to us from the traffic of the foreigners, served 
 merely as a charge on your Majestj^'s Treasury in the 
 position it now occupies, as it leaves all the trade free 
 to the Dutch, "who introduce it with the greatest ease 
 through the Indians subject to them." 
 
 He adds that, in accordance with his orders, 
 the Captain of the fort had explored the entrances 
 of the Eio Branco, and was going in pursuit of a 
 large Dutch convoy of commodities on its way 
 to the Manaos, Avho live in the head-waters of 
 the river, and that the said Captain and some 
 missionaries of experience had recommended that 
 the site of the fort should he moved above the 
 mouth of Javapery"^ as far as the " river of the 
 Dutch," i.e., the Rio Branco. 
 
 The Council received the proposal somewhat 
 cautiously and coldly, as was usually the case 
 with them in matters which involved expendi- 
 ture, and, as a matter of fact, the fort was never 
 
 41 Bras. Annexe, vol. i, No. 51. 
 
 *3 Was it at this time that a portion of the Tarumas, in 
 theif liatred of the Portuguese, fled northwards and took 
 refuge in the Dutch dominions? The remnant of this once 
 numerous tribe now lives near the head of the Essequibo. 
 
 *3 MS. Bibl. Kac. de Lishoa. Maranhao Cartas, Liv. ii, 
 f. 109. From the terms of this document it may be gathered 
 that Coelho had before this been serving as a missionary in 
 the Carmelite district of the Eio Negro. 
 
 ** MS. Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa. Brit, xinnese, vol. i. No. 22. 
 
 45 This reference to the Javapery and missionaries of 
 experience points to Fr. Joao Guilherme as the author of this 
 
 [1045] 'F 
 
32 
 
 built. They promised the captaincy of the new- 
 fort of the Rio Branco to Diogo Roiz Pereira, 
 provided he will build it at his own expense. 
 A petition from Pereira two years later, however 
 (16th Pebruary, 1723), reveals this unfortunate 
 officer as still at his old post on the Eio JS^egro, 
 Avhere he had rebuilt the fort, which had been 
 burnt down, and was paying a priest at his own 
 charges. *° 
 
 Under such circumstances, all questions of an 
 aggressive policy against the Dutch traders*' fell 
 to the ground. On the other hand, there is a 
 strong consensus of evidence as to the vigour 
 with which these traders took advantage of the 
 slackness, if not the connivance, of the Portu- 
 guese for pushing their commerce on the Pio 
 Negro, alike eastward and westward of the 
 mouth of the Pio Branco. Westward thev 
 trafficked with the Manaos ; eastward they suc- 
 ceeded even in establishing, probably through 
 native intermediaries, close relations for their 
 mutual advantage with the in.issionary of the 
 aldea of the Tarumas. Like many others in his 
 position of whom the records speak,*^ Pr. 
 Jeronimo Goelho could not resist the temptation 
 of trading for his own profit, and for some years 
 he appears to have used his aldea as an em- 
 porium for Dutch wares, and himself to have 
 
 information. When on the Javapery he had found the natives 
 in regular intercourse with tlie Dutch and supplied by thecr 
 with ironware and other goods. Bras. Annexe, vol. i. No. 51 
 Jeronimo Coelho no doubt may have also testified to this 
 traffic. 
 
 *' MS. Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa. Eequerimentos. No. 32. 
 
 ^^ There are references to this trade of the Dutch in the 
 Rio Negro in a Report of Governor Gomes Freire in 1687, of 
 Captain Antonio de Miranda ia 1697, and of Governor 
 Albuquerque Coelho in 1697. 
 
 ■*8 An elaborate indictment was made against the mis- 
 sionaries by a certain Paulo da Silva Nunes, 1722-34, an account 
 of which may be read in Lucio d'Azevedo's Os Jesuitas no Grao 
 Para, cap. vii, Campanha de Libellos. Among the charges is 
 the following : " They are trading also, by means of the 
 Indians, with foreign nations — with the Dutch along the Rio 
 Negro ; with the Spaniards along the Rio dos Solimoes .... 
 Prom this traffic and intercourse of the Indians with those 
 nations serious disasters may arise to affect the integrity of 
 the State by reason of the disloyalty of the said Indians." 
 MS. Bibl. Publ. de Evora. Azevedo, p. 199, quotes a Royal 
 Order, 13th April, 1723, as threatening to withdraw the 
 Carmelite and Mercenarian Missions, " for it is certain that 
 they are making use of the Indians, as slaves, for their own 
 gHin and commerce." This was preceded by a Royal Letter 
 to the Provincial of the Carmelites, 23rd November 1722 
 
33 
 
 kept up communications witli the Hollanders 
 from the Tacutu.'^^ 
 
 In or about the year 1720 Fr. Mathias de S, 
 Boaventura founded a second aldea on the Rio 
 Negro, at Aricari, opposite the chief mouth of 
 the Rio Branco, under the name of S. Alberto 
 dos Caburis.^° The date and the locality alike 
 suggest that tlic erection of this mission-station 
 was the first step taken for the carrying out of 
 the proposal to build a fort at the mouth of the 
 Bio Branco referred to above. In any case, the 
 result of the presence of a missionary at Aricari 
 was a distinct advance, and brought the Portu- 
 guese face to face with the fact that Dutch 
 traders, by means of an alliance with the Manaos, 
 held possession commercially of the whole course 
 of the Bio Negro. These Manaos, who con- 
 sisted of a number of tribes scattered along the 
 river, but chiefly inhabiting the upper reaches, 
 were at this time united in their allegiance to the 
 famous Headman Ajuricaba, who, with his fleets 
 of canoes fl.ying the Dutch flag, kept the natives in 
 subjection, barred the passage of the tropas de 
 resgate, and even three times attacked the 
 Portuguese Missions.^^ So loud were the com- 
 plaints against the Manaos that poured into 
 Governor's ears, that he felt compelled to take 
 vigorous action, and the legal assent of the 
 Board of missions having been obtained, war 
 was declared against Ajuricaba.^^ A series of 
 expeditions were dispatched under Jdao Paes 
 do Amaral and Belchior IMendes de Moraes 
 during the years 1726-31, with which it is 
 unnecessary to deal hero in detail. ^^ It is suffi- 
 
 •which orders him to inquire into the conduct of certain Car- 
 melite missionaries who were not conducting themselves as 
 " relig-iosos." MS. Bibl. Nac. de Lisbon. Mar. Cartas, Liv. ii, 
 f. 221. 
 
 ■'8 The natives seem to have described the Dutch traders as 
 coming from the Tacutu, this being the river by which they 
 brought their goods to the Branco. 
 
 150 This appears from the petition of Fr. Matli. de S. Boaven- 
 tura, dated 10th August, 1734. Brit. Annexe, vol. i. No. 47. 
 
 51 '• Asaltou tres vezes com os seus alliados as nossas 
 Aldeyns Missionadas," i.e., Aricari and Tarumas. Bras. 
 Annexe, vol. i, p. 37. 
 
 53 Despatch of Governor Joao da Maya da Gama, Brit. 
 Annexe, vol. 1, Nos. 31 and 36 ; of Mendonja Furtado, No. 9G. 
 Evidence of Ribeiro de Sampaio, p. 114. 
 
 63 Before the strong force under Amaral, accompanied by 
 artillery, the Manaos retreated to their stronghold on the 
 river Hiyaa, a stream on the north bank of the Negro 
 between the places known later as Lamalonga and S" Tzabel, 
 and almost opposite the mouth of the Urubaxi. A letter from 
 [1045] P 2 
 
34 
 
 cient to say that Ajuricaba's power was com- 
 pletely overthrown and himself made prisoner, 
 and that afterwards another Chieftain named 
 Theodosio and the tribes of the Mayapenas were 
 brought into subjection. Serious accusations were 
 brought against Belchior Mendes for liis barba- 
 rous treatment of the offending tribes, and it was 
 alleged that his actions were illegal. At least, 
 his -work was so thorough that from this Ume 
 forward the authority of the Portuguese Crown 
 in the E,io Xegro up to the mouth of the Caci- 
 quiari was undisputed. 
 
 This assertion of control was accompanied 
 by a rapid increase in the number of mission 
 aldeas upon the river. Already in 1729 there was 
 a mission bearing the name of Santa Eita dos 
 Carajais, or Santa Rita do Pedreira,^^ a little 
 below that of Aricari. In 1732 the Mission of 
 Santo Elias dos Tarumas was moved higher up- 
 stream, and placed on the opposite bank of the 
 river at the mouth of the Rio Jau, and about the 
 same date the Missions of St. Angelo, of Dara, 
 and St. Elizeii, of Mariua, were founded above 
 Aricari by Er. Mathias de S. Boaventura.^* 
 These aldeas were to become the later townships 
 of Ayrao, Carvoeiro, Poyares, and Barcellos. 
 
 It is worth noting that the characteristics of 
 the next decade, during which the Portuguese 
 dominion was gradually pushed up the Rio 
 Negro and consolidated, were as follows : — 
 
 (1.) All the early Settlements lie on the south, 
 bank of the river. 
 
 (2.) A flying force was maintained for pre- 
 serving order, whose permanent camp and centre 
 of operations was just below the cataracts. 
 
 (3.) This camp was the rendezvous towards 
 which the tropas de rengate regularly made their 
 way, and the upper river above the cataracts 
 with its affluents became the ordinary hunting- 
 ground for slaves. 
 
 (4.) The northern tributaries of the Negro 
 Ijelow the cataracts were but rarely entered, 
 and never frequented, 
 
 the Jesuit Father Salvador de Oliveyra ou the 21st February, 
 1728 [Bibl. Nac. de Lisboa, Cod. 4517, f. 128, MS.], shows 
 that the camp of Amaral at this date was at the mouth of the 
 Ilrubaxi. Belchior Mendes afterwaids pushed his way up 
 the river as far as the cataracts. [Brit. Annexe, vol. i, No. 47.} 
 
 The whole of these operations took place in the Rio Negro 
 above Lamalonga. 
 
 ■^■* Chronica de Jose de Moraes (in Mello Moraes' Coro- 
 (//■ajihia, iii, p. 496). Brit. Annexe, vol. i, No. 40. 
 
35 
 
 NOTE III. 
 
 THE PORTUGUESE " DESCIMENTOS "^ 
 OF 1776-80 AND 1784-90. 
 
 I. 
 
 General Effect op " Descimentos." 
 
 EROM the earliest daj'^s of Portuguese coloni- 
 zation on the Amazon the Indians in the 
 Amazon Basin invariably fled before the advance 
 of the Portuguese. Each onward step of the 
 Portuguese was marked by the retirement of the 
 native tribes. It is not necessary to consider the 
 cause of the phenomenon, nor to embark on a 
 complete examination of it. It will be sufficient 
 to ]3rove the fact by a few well- vouched instances 
 taken in order of date. 
 
 The destruction of the Topinambas* will not 
 be counted amongst them. It was merely a part 
 of the conquest of the Amazon. The examples 
 cited shall begin at a date Avhen the Portuguese 
 had established their hold on that river for a 
 considerable period. 
 
 In 1661 , Padre Antonio Vieyra, in his replyf 
 to the Senate of the Chamber of Pard, writes of 
 the natives of the banks of the Amazon : — 
 
 "The said natives are afraid to come out of the 
 Avoods, where geuerally they have retired from the fear 
 of past oppressions." 
 
 And in regard to the same period of history the 
 most recent historian of the church in Grand 
 Pard:|: writes as follows of the systematic slave- 
 hunting on the Amazon : — 
 
 ■' In this manner went on disappearing the Imman 
 i;aiiie, annihilated Hke the other bj^ the frequency of 
 the battues. In the time of Governor Rny Yaz de 
 Sequeira (lGli2 to ICiliT), from the coast of the Maraohao 
 as far as Gurupa in the Amazons, there were no more 
 Indians; it was necessary to go and seek for many- 
 leagues up the river and in its affluents." 
 
 * .\good accouut is given in Sampaio's " Diario daVingem,"' 
 .^e., §§ xv-xxiv. 
 
 I Cartas do Padre Antonio Yieyra, torn, iii., Cod. MS. BibL 
 Nae. de Lisboa, Xo. 172.'). 
 
 J Lwdo d'Azevedo "Os Jesuitas uo Grao Para," p. 141. 
 
36 
 
 111 1692, Padre Samuel Pritz, returning to 
 Quito from Para with a Portuguese escort, relates 
 how — 
 
 '=tho principal Cacique of these Taiamias set forth to 
 the Portuguese that accompanied me from Para last 
 year (1691) the injuries that they had experienced at 
 their hands, and that they did not love the Portuguese, 
 but me." 
 
 And in 1700 Padre Samuel writes thus of the 
 Solimoes : — 
 
 "During the march seven other Urimaguas came up 
 to see me, also sent hy Mativa, who asked me to come 
 down at once to his laud to conduct them up-stream, 
 because they could no longer endure the Portuguese, 
 •who, amongst other injuries, had consumed almost all 
 their food .... 
 
 " Shortly aftct my departure from San Joaquim a 
 large number of Urimaguas, flying from the clutches of 
 the Portuguese, arrived at that village in more than 
 twenty-flve canoes. I found them some quartei' of 
 a-mile below the mouth of the Napo, where they had 
 ""already made some clearings for settlement." 
 
 After 1731, on the upper waters of the Rio 
 Negro and E,io Japura, very serious depopulation 
 was the chief result of the expedition under 
 Belchior Mendes de Moraes. It is described by 
 Pray Mathias de S. Boaventura as follows : — 
 
 " Of these villages, with the exception of three (that is 
 to say, that belonging to the Headman .Jeropun^, whom 
 Captain Diogo Pinto da Gaya is sending down, that of 
 the Headman Serrao, whom Captain Joao da Cunha 
 sent doAvn, and that of the Headman Arameo, whom 
 Xareizo Iguacio is bringing in), not one is left in 
 existence ; so that, as a matter of fact, no fewer than 
 twelve, villages, by reason of the depletions and enslav- 
 ings of their injiabitants which have been just recently 
 perpetrated, were destroyed, and nothing was left to be 
 seen of them except the sites which they stood on, for 
 all those who dwelt therein have disappeared — some 
 put to death, others put to flight, others captured for 
 slaves; a few only have made good their escape by 
 taking shelter in the neighbouring Missions ; the result 
 of all this is that the rivers have remained depopulated 
 from the Mission of St. Angelo of Dara as far as beyond 
 the Cataract, an extent of seventy days' journey, a little 
 more or less. Earnestly did your petitioner desire to 
 prevent this calamitous result when he wrote last year 
 to your Excellency, pointing out in detail' sundry 
 nie'A'sures conducive to the preservation of those back- 
 woods ; but what must be cannot be prevented." 
 
37 
 
 And in 1738 similar testimony occurs in 
 instructions drawn up for Lourenzo Belforte : — 
 
 "I have been iuformed that, on account of the havoc 
 committed by an armed expedition sent out from here 
 in the year 1728 in the village of the Indians, who 
 occupied the borders of the Rio Negro, by seizuig and 
 tying up treacherously the Headmen and the subjects 
 <^f those tribes who lived under the peace and protection 
 of His Majesty, thereliy reducing them to an unjust 
 condition of slavery, all those tribes became alarmed 
 and scandalized to such a degree that they abandoned 
 their old dwellings and withdrew to the for^/st country, 
 where they are in safety, justly complaining of and 
 horrified at the treatment and intercourse which they 
 had experienced at the hands of the Portuguese, 
 whereby this State has suffered an irreparable loss, 
 because of the difficulties of making a journey of two 
 or three months' duration up the Rio Negro before 
 reaching the district where it is possible to obtain 
 slaves and parties of native colonists to be sent down — 
 so much wanted in our establishments — whereas 
 formerly this could be carried out with ease by the 
 instrumentality of the same Indians, who dwelt in peace 
 on either side of the same river." 
 
 But perhaps the strongest evidence of all is 
 contained in the following despatch of the Sth. 
 July, 1755, from Francisco Xavier de Mendonga 
 Furtado to his brother the Marquis of Pombal : — 
 
 "It is certain that we have bordering on us the very- 
 powerful nations of the French, Dutch, and Spaniards, 
 and it is likewise certain that, in proportion to the 
 tyranny with which we treat the Indians, as soon as they 
 roach the lands of any of the above-said nations they 
 
 are treated with courtesy and gentleness and 
 
 the diversity of procedure which we and they have used 
 with the Indians has brought about this : that our lands 
 are being depopulated in proportion as theirs are being 
 filled, and this in such a fashion that Cayenne, once a 
 desert island, and their mainland in much the same 
 state, are now found — both the coast and the said 
 island — to be peopled with numerous Adllages of 
 Indians." 
 
 And almost immediately afterwards occur the 
 words : — 
 
 "... even among the Dutch, who in some respects 
 permit tiie slavery of the Indians. The barterings are 
 conducted alter such a manner that almost all the tribes 
 who used to inhabit the banks of the Rio Branco have 
 gone to estabhsh themselves close to their Colony, 
 leaving innumerable lauds of our territory deserted, 
 wherein they had been treated with hostility and 
 jiersecution over and over again." 
 
38 
 
 Both in the Eoteiro of the Vicar Geral de 
 Noronha and in the Diario of the Ouvidor Geral 
 Sampaio there are frequent allusions to sites in 
 their day deserted, but formerly oocupied by 
 Indians who had fled before the Portuguese. 
 These casual references from such writers are a 
 striking corroboration of the passages just set 
 out. 
 
 Accordingly, from a study of the previous 
 history it might confidently have been assumed 
 that the Portuguese " descimentos " on the Rio 
 Branco and its tributaries would be followed by 
 the retirement of the tribes inhabiting the 
 district. Tlie reports of the Portuguese officials 
 who were in charge of those " descimentos " are 
 complete affirmative proof of a fact which was a 
 priori to be expected. 
 
 The passages dealing with these " descimentos" 
 of 1776 and subsequent years are set out on 
 pp. 93-5 of the British Counter-Case, and it is not 
 necessary to repeat them here. They show the 
 retiring movement in operation. 
 
 II. 
 
 Localities occupied by the Indians before 
 and aetee, the "descimentos." 
 
 It is of importance to determine the localities 
 occupied by the tribes whose names chiefly con- 
 cern this question, 
 
 Pirst, before the beginning of Portuguese 
 entries into the district now in question; 
 
 Seciondly, as at the period when the " desci- 
 mentos " had had their full operation, and the 
 tribes had been driven by these raids into a 
 district which was presumably beyond Portuguese 
 reach. 
 
 There are in existence certain documents wliich 
 furnish the material for the determination of the 
 locality of certain tribes at the critical dates. 
 
 The principal documents are the Boteiro of 
 Koronha (based largely on an earlier Memoran- 
 dum from Prancisco Perreira), in 1770-71, and 
 the Report of Colonel Manoel Lobo de Almada 
 in 1788. 
 
 It is obviously more satisfactory in such a case 
 to take documents of Portuguese origin. Yet 
 
39 
 
 Account of the 
 Rio Branco, 
 Francisco 
 Ferreira, App. I, 
 p. 66. 
 
 Itinerary, &c., 
 Noronlia, App. I, 
 p. 89. 
 
 Account of the 
 Eio Branco, 
 Gama Lobo, 
 App. I, p. 192. 
 
 App. I p. 192. 
 
 it is not admitted that the statements of even 
 so careful a Report as Loho de Almada's must be 
 taken as absolute. He evidently wrote partly 
 from the information which he received from the 
 escort in charge of the " descimentos," and it is 
 necessary to interpret his remarks by other know- 
 ledge. 
 
 There are six tribes whose names appear 
 prominently in the documents of the period 
 under consideration. Taken in alphabetical order, 
 they are the Atorais, Caripunas, Macusis, Para- 
 vilhanos, Saparas, and Wapisianas ; and the evi- 
 dence for the locality of each at the two periods 
 just indicated will be set out in turn. 
 
 (a.) Atorais : — 
 
 Before the foundation of Fort Sao Joaquim — 
 
 1755. — "Aturajus" inhabit the rapids of the 
 Guanauau [i.e., Uanauaii]. 
 
 1770-71. — "The River Uanauaii, wherein live the 
 Indians of the Aturayu nation. This river is the 
 same as that commonly called Guanauau." 
 
 After the operation of the " descimentos " — 
 
 1787. — " The Aturahis, who dwell near the same 
 plains and ranges " [i.e.] " towards the head- 
 waters of the River Tacutu along the ranges 
 between that river and the Repunuri." 
 
 Thus it is clear that the Atorais had shifted 
 from the Uanauau, where they had been first 
 found by the Portuguese, to the less accessible 
 district at the headwaters of the Takutu in and 
 near the district now in dispute : the account of 
 Michael Arcanjolo's last visit to the neighbour- 
 hood of that district indicates the source of the 
 Colonel's information 
 
 (&.) Caeipunas: — 
 
 Before the foundation of Port Sao Joaquim — 
 
 No Portuguese information. 
 
 After the operation of the " descimentos " — 
 
 1737. '-The Caripunas dwell to the west of the 
 
 Repunuri, in the more eastern ranges of the 
 
 Cordillera None of this tribe has come 
 
 down to our establishn^ente These 
 
 Tapuyas are those which have most trade ia 
 slaves with the Dutch." 
 
 [1045] Gr 
 
40 
 
 The Caripunas, in fact, are in early clays never 
 mentioned by the Portuguese; that is to say, 
 they were unknown to them. The Caripunas 
 were always distinctively a Dutch tribe ; as in- 
 dicated not only by the above extract from the 
 report of Colonel Gama Lobo de Almada, but by 
 every contemporary document. 
 
 (c.) Macusis : — 
 
 Before the foundation of Eort Siio Joaquim — 
 
 1770-71. — The Parinia "peopled by Indians of the 
 Macuxi and Wapisana nations." 
 
 1771. — -"Mount Dorado .... adjoming the afore- 
 said lake (Farime) at the month of the creek of 
 Gruarictiru, inhabited or gnarded hy the Macnsi, 
 Arecvma, and many other nations." 
 
 After the operation of the " descimentos " — 
 
 (1,) First series — 
 
 1781. — "All those vast hills (up the Kiver llahu Serra and Pontes 
 beyond the 4th degree of north latitude) are ■'^uly 19, 1781, 
 
 Itinerary, &e., 
 Noronlia, App. I, 
 p. 89. 
 
 Centurion, 
 December 20, 
 1771, App. I, p. 90 
 
 inhabited by the Macuchi tnbe." 
 (2.) Second series — 
 
 App. I, p. 139. 
 
 1787.' — Inhabiting the ranges between the Tacutu Gama Lobo 
 and the Rupunuui, and " having five separate Account of 
 
 malocas, which extend towards the we.st as far 
 as the watersheds of the River Surumu." 
 
 p. 192. 
 
 The Parima mentioned by Noronha is the little 
 stream (Maruwa) on which alone the Portuguese 
 ever really knew the Macusis. 
 
 There is a singular concurrence of evidence 
 pointing to the fact that the Macusis never 
 materially changed their locality ; they Avere 
 always really outside the range of Portuguese 
 activity. Covering nearly the whole of the 
 district now under discussion, they were, in the 
 main, effectively under the protection of the 
 Dutch and their successors. 
 
 (d.) Pakavilhanos : — 
 
 Before the foundation of Port Sao Joaquim — 
 
 1750.— Dutch prevent them from leaving with the Portug. doct. 
 Portuguese a village in " the interior district of June 25, 1750. 
 the Paravilhanos, twelve days up the Rio 
 Branco." 
 
 App. I, pp. 51, 52. 
 
41 
 
 Account of 
 R. Branco, 
 F. Ferreira, 
 App. I, p. 66. 
 
 Itinerary, &c., 
 
 Noronha, App. 1, 
 
 p. SiJ. 
 
 Cf. Dir.-Gen., 
 
 Essequibo, 
 
 App. I, p. 86. 
 
 Port, dcot., 
 March 27, 1775, 
 App. I, p. 92. 
 
 Gama Lobo, 
 Account of Rio 
 Branco, App. I, 
 p. 192. 
 
 Account of Rio 
 Branco, 
 F. Ferreira, 
 App. I, p. 66. 
 
 Noronha, 
 Itinerary, &c., 
 App. I, p. 89 
 
 175.5. — " Peralvilhanos " inhabit — 
 
 (1.) The lands between the Ocahy and Ayarany, 
 (2.) The rapids of the Guanauau [i.e., UanauanJ, 
 (3.) The Tacutu. 
 
 1770-71.— " The River Tacntu, where live the 
 Paraviaua nation." 
 
 1775. — Gervase Leclerc "reached,' by land, a 
 settlement of the Paravianas Indians, not A^ery 
 far from the post of tlie Spaniards " [A\'hicli was] 
 " on the east bank of the river (Uraricuera), one 
 day's journey above the cataract, which is the 
 second on the Rio Branco." 
 
 After the operation of the " descimentos " — 
 
 1787. — The Paravi'hanos "to-day dwell towards 
 the headwaters (jf the River Tacutu, along the 
 ranges between that river and the Repunuri." 
 
 With this last passage it is desirable to com- 
 pare a very instructive passage, dated in the 
 previous year, from one of Michael Arcanjolo's 
 reports — 
 
 " I asked him further why they kept the said Pera- 
 vilhanos in their lands, and he replied that they 
 had already sought to cast them out, but that 
 the order of the Governor of Esquivo with 
 respect to the said Peravilhanos was that they 
 should make no account of them nor afiord thenr 
 any protection, but also that they should not run 
 after them, if the Portuguese came there and the 
 said Peravilhanos should, of their own accord, 
 seek to go with them, but let them go." 
 
 which shows clearly that the presence of Paravil- 
 hanos in this district was due to flight from the 
 Portuguese. 
 
 The Paravilhanos had, in a manner, been 
 doubled back from all their central positions on to 
 their two wings. It is curious that Gama Lobo de 
 Almada should not have mentioned the Paravil- 
 hanos at this time in any other district than that 
 near the Takutu, though the information left as 
 regards the Chief Miquiapa and others show that 
 there were many of them on the Uraricoera at 
 this date. 
 
 (e.) Sapakas : — 
 
 Before the foundation of Fort Sao Joaquim — 
 
 1755. — Inhabit the lands between the Ocahy and 
 Ayarany. 
 
 1770-71. — Dwelling on the Caratirimani, Exiuiui, 
 
 Ayarani, Cavame, and Uraricoera. 
 [1045] G 2 
 
42 
 After the operation of the " descimentos " — 
 
 1784.— The Saparas located beyond the Kiver Arcanjo 
 
 , „ , -TT • u August 14, 1/64, 
 
 Camu, a tnbxitaiy of the Uruncoera, opposite App. I,pp. 151, 2. 
 
 the ilajari. 
 
 1787.—'^ Inhabit the River Mucaiahi." Gama Lobo, 
 
 Account of 
 K. Branco, App. I, 
 The Saparas occur only incidentally in this p. 193. 
 
 study : they lay to tlie west of the llio Branco, 
 
 and never had anything to do with the Dutch or 
 
 tlie district in dispute. 
 
 (/.) Wapisiakas : — 
 
 Before the foundation of Eort Sao Joaquim — 
 
 1769.— Jansse visits the Wapisanas, " which nation Dhector-General, 
 lives near the crystal mine on both sides of the June ,3 1769 
 Kiver Maho " (Takutu). App. I,' p. 86.' 
 
 1770-71. — The Parima "peopled by Indians of the Noronlia, 
 Macnxi and Uapixana nations." Anrfl 'n 89^' 
 
 App. I, p. 89. 
 
 After the operation of the "descimentos" — 
 
 1787. — " They inhabit the ranges -which stretch Gama Lobo, 
 
 from the watersheds of the River Mahu to those Account of Rio 
 „ Branco, App. 1, 
 
 of the Parirae.' p_ 192. 
 
 The Wapisianas, like the Macusis, have 
 always been intimately connected with the district 
 now indispute. The references to them through- 
 out the documents indicate a range of locality 
 very similar to that which they had in Schom- 
 burgk's time. The Portuguese had practical 
 knowledge of them only on the Maruwa (Parima). 
 The general inference from a study of the docu- 
 ments is that, for the most part, like the Macusis, 
 they lived in a district hardly touched by the 
 Portuguese ; accordingly movement amongst 
 them was small and local. 
 
 in. 
 
 Indian Chieftains mentioned in the Eepouts 
 OE THE "Descimentos." 
 
 The object of this detailed note of the informa- 
 tion contained in Borralho's reports as to the 
 various Chiefs with whom he had to deal is to 
 give the . fullest opportunity for checking the 
 
43 
 
 conclusions which have been embodied in the 
 British Counter- Case (pp. 76-91) as to the 
 nationality, locality, and movements of each 
 Chief in turn. The names are ari"anged in alpha- 
 betical order, and an index of the tribes to which 
 they belonged is added at the end. 
 
 An AN AH Y : — 
 
 Ipp. I, p. 145. June 13, 1784. — A " Headman of the same Macuxi 
 
 nation '' [i.e., Ananahy] brought to S. Joaquim 
 by Archanjo from " up the Etacutu." 
 
 1, p. 157 " Lives among and rules over a considerable number 
 
 of Indians of the Vapexana nation ; was the first 
 who accompanied our [Portuguese] escort to this 
 fortress." 
 
 I, p. 145. June 13, 1784. — Promises to "come down and 
 
 settle below the cataract." 
 
 Ibid. June 15, 1784. — Leaves the fort; "to be sent for 
 
 after the lapse of three months." 
 
 I,pp. 147, 148 j^iy i784._A Headman from the Etacutu, "an 
 
 Abalizado and three other Indians, all of the 
 same Uapixana nation" promise to accompany 
 him — "the first Headman who had gone from 
 here " — " on the expiration of the three months' 
 waiting." 
 
 I, p. 153. September 21, 1784. — Archanjo proposes to go "to 
 
 the lands of Nannahi " " to bring the natives 
 down." 
 
 ^' P ^^^- October 9, 1784.— Sets out for that purpose. 
 
 I, p. 155. October 24, 1784. — "Headman Annanay" "gives 
 
 very little hope of coming with his people " and 
 " has changed his abiding place." 
 
 I, p. 157. ; February 18, 1785. — " Has not yet been sent down." 
 
 I, p. 163. April 1786. — The Abalizado Paaicary remains out 
 
 " on the matter of the Headman Ananahy." 
 
 I, p. 173. April 1786. — "The Headman Nanahi has fallen 
 
 out with his relations, to whom he fled." 
 
 Ibid, April 26, 1786.—" Seeking to come down." 
 
 Ibid. April 1786. — Manoel reports "Nanahi declared 
 
 that he really desired to set out." 
 
 Ibid. Apiil 1786.— Manoel tells Arcanjo "that the 
 
 Abalizado Paiacari had sent to summon Nanahi, 
 and that he was not there in his own place, and 
 that if Arcanjo now were to go on the occasion 
 when the said Nanahi had gone at the summons 
 of the said Abalizado .... he would b© 
 frightened and would run right away." 
 
Aeamana : — 
 
 Headman of tlie same nation [as Miquiapa and App. I, p. 158. 
 Pixau, i.e., Paravilhanos], 
 
 Fehruary 18, 1785. — Miquiapa s report to aid in Ibid, 
 bringing Mm down. 
 
 April 26, 1785. — Said to be "firmly resolved" to Supp. Docs, 
 come down. 
 
 November 28, 1785. — ^.Sets out from fort to bring in I, p. 159. 
 ]\latliias and Canbacary. 
 
 Mentioned in conjunction with Mathias and Canha- I, pp. 158, 159. 
 pg^py Also Supp. Docs. 
 
 ARANACUEi: — 
 
 Headman of the Paravilhanos. Supp. Docs. 
 
 April 26, 1785. — Said to be firmly resolved to I., pp. 158, 159. 
 come down. 
 
 July 1, 1785. — Mention of his return from fort to Supp. Docs, 
 his own land, from which, too, Pixau's people 
 come. 
 
 To be brought down by canoe. I., pp. i58. 159. 
 
 Araeatjiitj : — 
 
 Wapisana Headman. I^ p. 199. 
 
 March 30, 1789. — Sends down eight persons with ibid 
 Hiriama. 
 
 Oadaivaia : — 
 
 [Wapisana] Abalizado, of S. Maria. I, p. 163. 
 
 April 8, 1786. — Leaves the fort with Sesuraime Ibid 
 and Hiriama " on the work of sending down." 
 
 April 30, 1786. — Keturns with them "without Ibid, 
 having gained anytliing." 
 
 May 2, 1786. — Going to S. Maria in same company. Ibid. 
 
 Canhacart : — 
 
 Headman of the same nation [as Miquiapa and I, p. 158. 
 Pixau, i.e., Paravilhana]. 
 
 February 18, 1785. — Miquiapa's report to aid in ibid, 
 bringing him down. 
 
 ^Ipn7 26, 1785.— Said to be "firmly resolved" to g t) 
 come down. 
 
45 
 
 Supp. Docs. June 23, 1785. — No news of him obtainable. 
 
 App. I, p. 159. November 28, 1785. — Araman4 sets out to bring 
 
 him in. 
 
 I, p. 161. Janucmi 1786. — Endeavours to confer with Mathias. 
 
 Ibid. February 8, 1786. — Arrives at the fort "with his 
 
 subjects," deserters from Concei9ao. 
 
 Ibid. February 11, 1786. — Proceeds with his subjects to. 
 
 New (Joncei9ao. 
 
 I, p. 162. Felruary 17S(i. — In disunion witli Mathias. 
 
 Mentioned in conjunction with — 
 
 I. pp. 158, 159, Mathias. 
 
 161, 162. 
 
 Also Supp. Docs. 
 
 I, pp. 158, 159. Aramana. 
 
 Also Supp. Docs. 
 
 CUPITA : — 
 
 I, p. 146. " tleadman, of the Paravilhaua nation," formerly of 
 
 S. Felippe. 
 
 I, p. 157. " The most powerfid in numbers." 
 
 J p ;^^g_ June 1784. — Flees with all his followers as soon as 
 
 he perceives the Portuguese. 
 
 I, p. 157. " Always kept away when the escort came." 
 
 j^,j^_ November 1784. — Flees " to the neighbourhood of 
 
 the River Reponori " with his people. 
 
 I, p. 160. January 6, 1786. — '' Still wanted to come down " 
 
 " with all his people." 
 
 jj^jj January 1786. — Near "the ranges inhabited by" 
 
 Macuxis and Caripunas. 
 
 ■T ,po March 20, 1786. — Again near the place whence he 
 
 -l, p. ID-. 
 
 had retired. 
 
 jj • 1 March 31, 1786. — Archanjo and Leandro set out to 
 
 parley with him. 
 
 J ^-j Apiil 1786. — Reported living " on an arm of the 
 
 Cuitaru." 
 
 J p. 163. April 1786. — Proves quite intractable — "without 
 
 allowmg any parley." 
 
 I DP 157 160, Mentioned in conjunction with Maranari. 
 
 162, ibid, 172, 163. 
 
 PlIilPPE :— 
 
 , 1 Krt A Headman of the Paravilhanos. 
 
 1, p. lOU- 
 
 j^j^ August 16, 1784. — ^Arrives at Fort S. Joaquim with 
 
 Ouruhaime. 
 
46 
 
 August 17, 1784.— Going up the Etacutu to App. I, p. 150. 
 approach nations not yet parleyed with. 
 
 PloRIANO : — 
 
 Wapisana Abahzado. I, p- 195i 
 
 November 19, 1788. — Brings down three Wapisanas Ibid, 
 for S. FeKpe. 
 
 January 1, 1789.— Comes up from S. Felipe to I, p. 197. 
 parley with deserters. 
 
 January 28, 1789. — Returns to fort with seven I, p. 198 
 persons (four deserters, three new). 
 
 Hamomu : — 
 
 [Wapisana] Headman. I, p. 16 
 
 April 30, 1786.— Arrives at fort. Ibid. 
 
 " Had met with no success." Ibid. 
 
 May 2, 1786.— Going to S. Maria. ibid. 
 
 May 2, 1786. — Sent back [up the river] to bring jbid. 
 Indians left. 
 
 June 18, 1786. — Returns with only twenty-nine. I, p. 166. 
 
 June 19, 1786. — Proceeds to S. Maria. l\>\i. 
 
 Mentioned in conjunction with — 
 
 Sesuraime. I, pp. 163, ibid., 
 
 ibid., 166, ibid. 
 Hiriaraa. I^ p. 153^ ibij. 
 
 HiEIAMA : — 
 
 [Wapisana]. 
 
 March 31, 1785.' — Sesuraime brings down "a Head- Supp. Docs, 
 man named Ranja [i.e., ? Hiriama], who says he is 
 his brother." 
 
 April 1785. — His intention to view S. Maria. i^ p. 153, ibid. 
 
 To be accompanied by Sesuraime. Ibid. 
 
 "An inhabitant of Santa Maria." I, p. 159. 
 
 November (?) 1785. — Accompanies Sesuraime "in Ibid, 
 the business of sending down Indians." 
 
 November 20, 1785. — Returns to fort "for a bigger Ibid, 
 canoe." 
 
 November 22, 1785. — Sets out again "on this Ibid, 
 business." 
 
 March 20, 1786. — News of his parleying up the I,p. ]C2 
 Tacutu 
 
47 
 
 App. I, p. 163. jpril 4, 1786.— Leaves the fort "on the work of 
 
 sending down." 
 
 ■^^'*^- April '60, 1786. — Returns "without having gained 
 
 anything." 
 
 Il^i'-^- Maij 2, 1786.— Going to S. Maria. 
 
 I' P- 108. February 2, 1789.— Arrives from S. Maria " busy 
 
 with the sendina-s down." 
 
 1' P- 1''9- March 30, 1789.— Returns ; nothing achieved. 
 
 150, 163, ibid., 
 
 bid., ibid. 
 
 Viso Supp. Docs. 
 
 ■V^-j' l.??'/'^''-'- Mentioned in conjunction with Sesuraime. 
 
 ibid., ibid. '' 
 
 Jarumay : — 
 
 I. p. 154. Wupisana Headman. 
 
 Ibid. October 4, 1784. — Arrives at S. ~Joaquim with a 
 
 youth from Sesuraime's range. 
 
 Ibid. October 7, 1784. — Returns to his vilhige to wait for 
 
 Sesuraime. 
 
 Jubiminha: — 
 
 I, p. 146. [Atorai?] Headman, of Carmo. 
 
 Ibid. May 15, 1784. — At Fort S. Joaquim "arranging- 
 
 terms " for accompanying Sesuraime to parley. 
 
 I, p. 147. J'^hi ^1 17''^4. — Apparently back at fort. 
 
 Ibid. July 10, 1784. — Commended for "good service;" 
 
 " belongs to a different nation " from the Wapi- 
 sanas. 
 
 Ibid. July 10, 1784. — Apphes for "a patent of the 
 
 Headmanship." 
 
 I^ p. 154. October 16, 1784. — Arrives at the fort from Carmo. 
 
 I, p. 154, ad fin. October 17, 1784. — " The day before yestei'day there 
 
 arrived at this fortress the Headman Jeruniinha 
 .... with intentions of going to send down 
 some of his relatives who live about the neigh- 
 bourhood of the River Annaua, whither he set 
 out yesterday along the plain, taking with him 
 some hardwares, Szv." 
 
 Supp. Docs. February 4, 1785.— Arrives at fort "without having 
 
 achieved any of his desires." 
 
 I pu 146 ibid. He is mentioned in conjunction with Sesuraime, 
 
 147. but it is clear that Jerumiuha was a Chief of the 
 
 Atorais, whose country, as has been shown, 
 stretched from the upper reaches of the Takutu 
 towards the Anauau. 
 [1045] H 
 
48 
 
 XEA>fDEO Metelo: — 
 
 Paravilhano Headman, deserter from S. Barbara. App. 1, p. 146. 
 June 19, 1784. — Holds parley with Archanjo. Ibid. 
 
 June 22, 1784.— Arrives at tlie fort with "thirteen Ibid, 
 all told." 
 
 July 10, 1784.— "On the march" to choose a site I, p. 147. 
 "for the erection of the village" at Inajatuba. 
 
 July 22, 1784. — Agricultural implements issued to I, p. 149. 
 him and others "to estabhsh themselves at 
 Inajatuba." 
 
 Novemher 28, 1785. — Leonardo [sic] sets out to I, p. 159. 
 parley with Mathias and Canhacary. 
 
 March 20, 1786.— Fetched from S. Maria to parley I, p. 162. 
 with Cupita and Maranari. 
 
 March 31, 1786. — Leaves the fort with Archaiijo Ibid, 
 for that purpose. 
 
 IjIONY : — 
 
 Wapisana Headman. I, p. V-'A. 
 
 June 2, 1786. — In the Crystal Range near the ibid. 
 Soromu. 
 
 Visits Rodriguez Ferreira there. I, p. 170. 
 
 June 1786. — " Charged with sending down Wapi- I, p. 174. 
 sanas." 
 
 June 20, 1786. — Sends to the fort for a canoe. I, pp. 166, 171. 
 
 June 25, 1786. — Arrives at fort with twelve Indians. I, p. 167. 
 
 June 27, 1786. — Sets out to begin settlement at Ibid. 
 Old S. Fehpe. 
 
 February 25, 1789. — Comes up' from S. Martinho I, p. 198. 
 " in connection with sendings down." 
 
 March 29, 1789. — Retiu-ns unsuccessful. ibid. 
 
 Macieira : — 
 
 [Wapisana] Abalizado. 
 
 March 27, 1786. — Shortly expected from S. Felipe l, p. 1G2. 
 with Manoel. 
 
 April 1, 1786.— Leaves the fort with Manoel on Ibid. 
 " work of sending down." 
 
 November 18, 1788. — Arrives with his family of I, p. 195. 
 thirteen, deserters from S. Felipe. 
 
 November 19, 1788. — Proceeds with his family to Ibid. 
 S. Felipe. 
 
49 
 
 Manoel Antonio: — 
 
 App. I, p. 154. " Abalizado of Carrao," " belonging to tho 
 
 Uapixana nation." 
 
 I, pp. 150, 154. August 17, 1784 (October 18, 1784.)— "The site of 
 
 the new settlement" "at the cataract" [after- 
 wards S. Felipe] chosen by him. 
 
 I, p. 153. September 21, 1784.— Archanjo proposes to fetch 
 
 Manoel's relatives. 
 
 I, p. 154. October 7, 1784. — Aids Archanjo in bringing do-wn 
 
 seventy-nine natives, including his legitimate 
 brother. 
 
 Ibid. October 18, 1784. — "Leaves behind him a consider- 
 
 able number of people." 
 
 Ibid. October 18, 1784. — Praised for his zeal. 
 
 Xbid. October 18, 1784. — Applies for Headmanship of new 
 
 settlement in conjunction with his brother. 
 
 Xbid. October 18, 1784. — Bequests permission to bring bis 
 
 wife from Carmo. 
 
 I p_ XQ2. March 27, 1786. — Shortly expected from S. Felipe. 
 
 Xbid. Crystal "brought at different times from a i-ange 
 
 distant half-a-day's journey from " his home. 
 
 jl3ij3_ April 1, 1786. — Leaves the fort on "work of send- 
 
 ing down." 
 
 J p_ ]^73_ April 1786. — Seeks Archanjo's aid in getting down 
 
 people from mountain range. 
 
 I^ p. 164. May 3, 1786. — Sends down "a few natives." 
 
 jl3i(3_ Men/ 5, 1786. — Arrives at fort with remainder. 
 
 jl^ij Mill/ C, 1786.— Sets out for S. Felipe. 
 
 J ,,^ 266. "'^""'•' -^' 1786.— Comes to fort from S. Fehpe. 
 
 jj^;^ June 27, 1786.— Sets out to get down natives. 
 
 J 295_ Xoirmber 12, 1788.— Starts on the work of sending- 
 
 down. 
 
 J J9g_ December 27, 1788.— Brings thirteen persons — ^fonr 
 
 neAv, nine deserters. 
 
 Makanari : — 
 
 J j57_ A Headman of the Paravilhanos and a deserter 
 
 from S. Felipe. 
 
 iy.^_ A'owmi'e)' 1784.— Flees "to the neighbourhood of 
 
 the Eeponori" on approach of Portuguese. 
 
 jjjj^ « Always kept away when the escort came.' 
 
 [10 io] H a 
 
50 
 
 January 6, 1786.—" Still wanted to come down." App. I, p. 160 
 
 January 1786. — Near "the ranges inhabited by'' Ibid. 
 Macusis and Caripimas. 
 
 March 20, 1786.— Again near the place whence he I, p. 162. 
 had retired. 
 
 March 31, 1786. — Archanjo and Leandro set out to Ibid. 
 parley with him. 
 
 April 1786. — Discovered by Archanjo in Atorai I, p. 172. 
 country, along with Caripunas, trading. 
 
 April 1786. — Retreats. 
 
 Ibi( 
 
 April 1786. — Reported living "at the mouth of Ibid. 
 the Eepunuri, with two Dutchmen." 
 
 April 1786. — Followed up by Paranaime; flees Ibid, 
 again. 
 
 April 1786.- — Comes to parley with Paranaime. Ii P- I'S- 
 
 April 1786. — Promises to collect his tribe and come Ibid, 
 down. 
 
 April 1786. — Flies to " the mouth of the Rupuniui, Ibid. 
 where he dwells." 
 
 April 1786.— Proves quite intractable "without I, p. ]G3. 
 allowing any parley." 
 
 Mentioned in conjunction with Cupitd. I, pp. 157, 160, 
 
 1G2, ibid., 172, 
 1C3. 
 
 Mathias : — 
 
 Headman, ''of the Irimissana nation" [or tribe] of I, p. 152. 
 
 the " Peralvilhana nation." ^Iso Supp. Docs. 
 
 His people, "the remainder of the Peralvilhana I, p. 163. 
 tribe," formerly of Concei^ao. 
 
 July 1784. — His settlement near the River Majari I, p. 151. 
 found by Archanjo burned and deserted. 
 
 July 17.84. — "A'erbal message" left by Archanjo ibid. 
 for him " to come and parley." 
 
 August 14, 1784. — Archanjo asks for his brother I, p. 159. 
 '• in the house of the Captain Secretary " to be 
 sent for. 
 
 November 1784. — Mathias sends messengers to I, p. 158. 
 Miquiapa for information. 
 
 Felniary 18, 178.3.— Miquiapa's report will be of I, p. 157. 
 assistance in getting him down. 
 
 February 1785. — "Further off" than Miquiapa. I, p. isy. 
 
 April 26, 1785.— Said to be "firmly resolved" to Supp. Docs. 
 come down. 
 
51 
 
 Supp. Docs. June 23, 1785.— No news of him obtainable. 
 
 App. I, p. 1.59. November 28, 1785.— Aramand, sets out to bring 
 
 him in. 
 
 I' P- ^^^- January 6, 1786.—" Still wanted to come down." 
 
 I. P- 161. February 19, 1786.— Reported still refractory. 
 
 I, p. 1G2. February 1786. — In disunion with Canhacary. 
 
 I' P- 1®^- April 16, 1786.— Brought down. 
 
 Ibid. April 18, 1786. — Sets out to persuade his people. 
 
 I' P- 164. May 3, 1786.— Escort starts to fetch him " and his 
 
 people." 
 
 I, pp. 171, 174. May 23, 1786.— Arrives at fort with thirty-eight 
 
 persons. 
 
 I- P- 174. May 24, 1786.— Proceeds Avith them to Concei9ao. 
 
 I. P- 167. July 20, 1786.— Sends two Indians " to his district " 
 
 to bring down others. 
 
 I, p. 198. February 17, 1789. — Comes up from Concei9ao with 
 
 Tinoco, a Waika Headman " in connection with 
 sendiugs down." 
 
 I, p. 199. April 18, 1789. — Keturns to fort with Tinoco, 
 
 bringing twenty- eight Waikas. 
 
 Ibid. April 19, 1789. — Starts for Concei9ao. 
 
 Mentioned in conjunction with — 
 
 I, pp. 158. Canhacary. 
 
 159, 161, 162. 
 Also Supp. Docs. 
 
 I, pp. 158, 159. Avamana. 
 
 Also Supp. Docs. 
 
 Supp. Docs. Aranacary. 
 
 MiNOCAVA : — 
 
 I, pp. 170, 174. Wapisana Abalizado. 
 
 j]3;j]_ June 2, 1786. — Visits Ferreira in the crystal rango 
 
 j^jjj June 2, 1786. — Promises "to come down with his 
 
 people." 
 
 J jgg March 1789. — Disposed to come down in August. 
 
 MlQTJiAPA : — 
 
 J 25^ Abalizado, of the Paravilhanos, a deserter fr-nu 
 
 Goncei9ao. 
 
 jj,y_ October 3, 1784. — Arrives at S. Joaquim. 
 
 J,., October 3, 1784. — Promises to settle " half-a-day's 
 
 journey above the cataract." 
 
52 
 
 In touch with Ouruhaime (^■.i-.) [i.e., near the App. I, p. 154. 
 Camu]. 
 
 October 3, 1784.— Goes home. Ibid. 
 
 November 2, 1784.— Described as a Headman. I, P- 155. 
 
 November 2, 1784. — Brings to the fort thirty-seven Ibid, 
 converts, deserters from Concei9ao. 
 
 November 2, 1784. — Brings down Ouruhaime's son, I, pp. 155, 157. 
 and bad news of Pixau. 
 
 November 1784. — Undertakes to increase the village I, p. 155. 
 of the Factory with Paravilhanos. 
 
 " Shortly afterwards " proceeds " to the very place I, p. 157. 
 from which he came down." 
 
 January 29, 1785. — Brings six persons, deserters Supp. Docs, 
 from Concei9ao. 
 
 January 29, 1785. — Gives better reports of Pixau. I, p. 157. 
 
 February 18, 1785. — Is "now estabhshed in the ibid, 
 village of Concei9ao." 
 
 April 12, 1786. — Leaves the fort to bring down i^ p. i63. 
 Wailsas. 
 
 April 2A, 1786. — Returns to fort with assurance of Ibid. 
 Waikas coming down. 
 
 Oasamary : — 
 
 A Wapisana Headman. 
 
 " Brother of the Abalizado Paaicary." Ibid. 
 
 February 18, 1785. — " Settled at the village called I, p. 157. 
 S. Felippe, below the cataract." 
 
 A relative of Ananahy. Ibid. 
 
 February 18, 1785.— Proposal to parley with the Ibid, 
 latter through him. 
 
 OURITHAIMB : — 
 
 " Principal Chief of the Eremissana nation " [or tribe I, p. 1 51. 
 of Paravilhanos]. Deserter from Concei9ao. 
 
 July 1784.— His village, near the Camii, found Ibid, 
 burned by Archanjo. 
 
 July 1784.—" The place where the Headman Ibid, 
 lived " found deserted in haste. 
 
 August 1784.— Is induced to parley with Archanjo. I, p. 152. 
 
 August 16, 1784.— "Accompanies the escort'' to I, p. 150 
 the fort. 
 
I, p. 
 
 152. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 
 I, p. 
 
 15-1. 
 
 I, p. 
 
 155. 
 
 53 
 
 App. I, p 150. August 17, 1784.—" Persuaded to settle near the 
 
 cataract." 
 
 Ibid. August 17, 1784. — " To-morrow he returns up- 
 
 stream." 
 
 August 21, 1784.— Left the fort. 
 
 September 7, 1784. — Sends his sou to say he is ill. 
 
 September 7, 1784. — "The coming of the second 
 Headman " [Pixau] due to his parleying. 
 
 October 3, 1784.— "His life despaired of." 
 
 November 2, 1784. — His son brought down by 
 Miquiapd. 
 
 Ibid. November 2, 1784. — Also news of his death. 
 
 Paaicary : — 
 
 Wapisana Abalizado. 
 
 Of S. Felipe ; brother of Oasamary. 
 
 April 1, 1786. — Leaves the fort " on the work of 
 sending down." 
 
 May 1, 1786. — Sends down twenty-two persons. 
 
 May 2, 1786. — "Remains behind on the matter of 
 Ananahy." 
 
 April 1786. — Summons Ananahy. 
 
 June 2, 1786. — Visits Ferreira in the Crystal Range. 
 
 Parakaime : — 
 
 J p_ 172. Headman, of Paravilhanos. 
 
 J, • J April 1786. — Ordered to follow up Maranari. 
 
 J p_ i73_ April 1786. — Parleys with him. 
 
 Pixau : — 
 
 J jg., "Headman of the Limissana nation" [or tribe] of 
 
 Also Supp. Docs. the PeralviUiaua nation. 
 
 I, p. 
 
 170. 
 
 I, p. 
 
 163. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 
 I, p. 
 
 173, 
 
 I, p. 
 
 170. 
 
 I, p. 15-2 
 
 A deserter from Concei9ao. 
 
 J, . , September 7, 1784. — Arrives at S. Joaquim with 
 
 Ouruhaime's son. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 September 7, 1784. — His coming due to Ouruhaime's 
 parleying. 
 
 , . J September 1784. — " Went off to arrange his people." 
 
54 
 
 Novemlcr 1784.—" Gives very little hope of coming App. I, p. 155. 
 ■with his people." 
 
 Xovemher 1784.—" Has changed his abiding place." Ibid. 
 
 Nocemher 1784.—" Had retreated to a greater I, P- 157. 
 distance, and -was determined not to come 
 down." 
 
 Tells "]\Iiquiapa shortly afterwards" "that he Ibid, 
 would come down." 
 
 March 1785.— Sends his son to the fort for a canoe 
 iu which to bring down his people. 
 
 April 2(5, 1785.— Comes down with twenty of them. Ibid. 
 
 April 27, 1785.— " Starts to the village of his Ibid 
 selection." 
 
 Jxme 23, 1785.— Twelve of Pixau's people "left Supp. Docs, 
 over" come down from Aranacuri's land. 
 
 June 24, 1785. — These go to Pixau at Concei^ao. I., p. 157. 
 
 Sesuraime : — 
 
 A Wapisana Headman. 
 
 May 15, 1784.— At S. Joaquim, '' arranging terms," 1, p. 146. 
 " to parley afresh with his relatives." 
 
 May 18, 1784.— Sets out. Ibid. 
 
 June 3, 1784. — News from him reaches the fort that Ibid. 
 " in the same district a Dutch black was going 
 about in company with " Caripunas. 
 
 June 21, 1784. — Meets Sa Sarmento "after three I, p. 147. 
 days' jonrney " by the latter. 
 
 June 21, 1784. — Accompanies Sa Sarmento "as far ibid, 
 as his Settlement, spending five days on this 
 expedition and as many on the return, through 
 very rough roads, for the country seems to be 
 all mountain-ridges with extensive marshes in 
 the low ground." 
 
 This journej- took place " along tlie River Parirna." Braz. I, p. 208. 
 
 July 8, 1784. — Apparently back at the fort. I, p. 147. 
 
 July 10, 1784. — Commended for "co-operation" Ibid. 
 and "really valuable service." 
 
 August 1784. — Caripunas attack the villages on his I, p. 152 
 
 Sejytember 10, 1784. — "May shortly go to bring Ibid, 
 away the rest of" his people. 
 
 October A, 1784. — "Hoping to come down" with i^ p. 154, 
 few people. 
 
55 
 
 App. I, p. 156. November 17, 1784.— Sent from the fort "to his 
 
 lands" with two Uapexanos Headmen [name.s 
 unknown]. 
 
 Supp. Docs. February 12, 1785. — Receives " patent of Headman- 
 
 ship." 
 
 !.,?• l'''>8, February 12,' 1785.— Sets out foi- "the ranges 
 
 (quote^\b'ove') nearest the Rio Branco " to send doAvn " some of 
 
 liis rehations." 
 
 Supp. Docs. March 31, 1785. — Returns "from his own country," 
 
 bringing his brother, "a Headman, named 
 Ranja." 
 
 Ii P- 159 Noveinher [.?] 1785. — Sets out "in the business of 
 
 sending down Indians." 
 
 Ibid. November 20, 1785. — Sends Hiriama to the fort for 
 
 a bigger canoe. 
 
 I, p. 103. April 8, 1786.— Leaves the fort "on the work of 
 
 sending down." 
 
 Ibid. jipril'dQ, 1786. — Returns "without having gained. 
 
 anything." 
 
 Ibid. May 2, 1786.— Going to S. Maria. 
 
 Ibid. May 2, 1786. — " Tlie Chiefs Sesurainie and Hirianid. 
 
 .... returned .... to this fort witliout having 
 gained anything from these tribes. Some of 
 them received the party well, but after a few 
 dajs suddenly disappeared, leaving their houses 
 deserted." Sesuraiime was then sent back to 
 " bring those whom they left." 
 
 I, pp. IGG, 171. June IS, 1786. — Returns with only twenty-nine. 
 
 I, p. ICG. June 19, 1786. — Proceeds to S. JIavia. 
 
 Nofi'mher 23, 17S6. — Evidently he made a later 
 attempt of the same kind, for '"there returned 
 from their expedition the Headmen of the village 
 of Santa .Maria [t.f., Sesuraime, Hamomu, and 
 Hiriama], and could succeed in doing nothing 
 with that tribe, giving as an excuse the per- 
 nicious practices of our Dutch neighbours, 
 directed towards making good their own 
 interests." 
 
 Mentioned in conjunction with — 
 
 I, pp. 1G3, ibid., Hamomu. 
 
 1G6, ibid. 
 
 I, pp. lo9, ibid., Hiriama. 
 
 lC3,ibid. 
 
 Also Supp. Docs. 
 
 I, p. 154. Jarumay. 
 
 I, pp. 14C, 117. Jurimina. 
 
 [1045] 
 
36 
 
 Taeuari ; 
 
 A Paravilhauo Headman, and a deserter from App I, p. 157 
 S. Felipe. 
 
 November 1784. — Flees "to the neighbourhood of Ibid, 
 the Reponori." 
 
 "Always kept away when the escort came." Ibid. 
 
 Mentioned in conjunction with Cupita and Marauari. Ibid. 
 
 I, pp. 198, 199. 
 
 TiNOCo : — 
 
 AVaika Headman 
 
 February 17, 1789. — Comes up from Conceicao with j^ p^ j^gg 
 Headm 
 down." 
 
 Headman Mathias " m connection with sendings 
 
 April 18, 1789. — Returns to the fort with Mathias, j „ j^gg 
 bringing twenty-eight Waikas. 
 
 April 19, 1789. — Starts for Concei9ao, 
 
 TJrtjdais : — 
 
 Wapisana Abalizado. 
 
 July 16, 1786. — Arrives at fort with six natives. 
 
 July 20, 1786. — Rettrrns to his district to parley. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 I, p. 167 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 Tribal Index to Chieptains. 
 
 Atorai (?). 
 
 Jurimina. 
 
 
 
 Macusi. 
 
 Aiiauahy. 
 
 
 
 Paravilhanos. 
 
 Aram ana. 
 
 
 Maranari. 
 
 
 Aranacur6. 
 
 
 Mathias. 
 
 
 Canhacary. 
 
 
 Miquiapa. 
 
 
 Cupita. 
 
 
 Ouruhaime. 
 
 
 Filippe. 
 
 
 I'aranaime. 
 
 
 Leandro Metelo. 
 
 Pixau. 
 
 
 
 Taruari. 
 
 Waika. 
 
 Tinoco. 
 
 
 
 VVapisanas, 
 
 Ararauru. 
 
 
 Madeira. 
 
 
 Cadaivaia. 
 
 
 Manoel Antonio 
 
 
 Floriano. 
 
 
 Minocava. 
 
 
 Hamomu. 
 
 
 Oasamary. 
 
 
 Hiriama. 
 
 
 Paaicary. 
 
 
 Jarnmay. 
 
 
 Sesuraime. 
 
 
 Liony. 
 
 
 Urudais. 
 
ot 
 
 IV. 
 
 The Movements of the Portttgtiese Officials 
 
 CHIEFLY CONCEENED IX THE " DeSCIMENTOS." 
 
 ArcLanjo, or Arcanjolo (Miguel). 
 Eerreira (Leonardo J.). 
 Migueis (Duarte Joze). 
 Sa Sarmento (Nicolao de). 
 
 App. r, p. 145. 
 
 First Takiitu journey. 
 Ibid. 
 
 Ibid. 
 Ibid. 
 
 I, p. 146. 
 
 Ibid. 
 I, p. 145. 
 
 Uraricoera journey. 
 
 I, p. 146. 
 
 I, p. 147. 
 
 Ibid. 
 I, p. 151. 
 
 Ibid. 
 Ibid. 
 Ibid. 
 Ibid. 
 Ibid. 
 
 Archanjo (Miguel), Portuguese Corporal : — 
 
 Mau 12, 1784. — Arrives at S. Joaquim "from the 
 Settlement of Carmo." 
 
 May 13, 1784.— Sets out "up the River Etacutu." 
 
 Is well received " by Wapisanas and Macusis." 
 
 J'tme 13, 1784. — Brings to fort two "fine young- 
 men," some " guides," " an Abalizado," and 
 " another Headman " [Ananahy]. 
 
 June 16, 1784. — Sent "to the village where the 
 Headman Leandro Metelo " was. 
 
 June 19, 1784. — Parleys with him. 
 
 June 22, 1784.— Brings " thirteen all told," includ- 
 ing Leandro, to the fort. 
 
 June 23, 1784. — Sets out to follow up Sd Sarmento 
 to the place where Sesuraime had come across a 
 Dutch black. 
 
 June-July 1784. — "Delayed for nine days in order 
 to wait for the said Ensign." 
 
 July 7, 1784. — Sets out for the Paravilhanos. 
 
 July 1784. — Arrives at the "burned settlement" 
 " of the Headman Mathias" via Parirai, Majari 
 and the plain. 
 
 July 1784. — Leaves " verbal message" for Mathias 
 " to come and parley." 
 
 July 1784. — Finds Ouruhaime's village, near the 
 Camu, burned ; 
 
 July 1784. — And "the place Avhere the Headman. 
 lived" deserted in haste. 
 
 July 1784. — Eeturns "to the first place of the 
 burnt village " [i.e., Ouruhaime's]. 
 
 August 1784. — Proceeds "towards the River of the 
 Tapicaris and Saparas." 
 [1045] I '1 
 
5S 
 
 Amnist 8, 1784.— Eeaehes the plain and accidentally ^PP- I) P- 1-'*1- 
 kills two Indians. 
 
 August 8, 1784. — Abandons expedition to the I, P- 152. 
 Tapicaris. 
 
 Avffust 8, 1 784. — Returns " to the lands of Uruaime." Ibid. 
 
 August 1784. — Gets that Headman to parley. Ibid. 
 
 August 16, 1784. — Brings Headmen Ouriihaime and Ii P- 150- 
 Filippe to the fort. 
 
 September 21, 1784. — Proposes to bring down "the I, p. 153. 
 relatives of Manoel " and to go " to the lands of 
 Nannahi." 
 
 October 7, 1784. — Returns to fort with seventy-nine I, p. 154. 
 natives and " certain converted persons." 
 
 October 9, 1784. — Sets out to fetch Ananahy's Ibid. 
 people. 
 
 October 24, 1784. — Returns to fort with fifty-nine I, p. 155. 
 converts, deserters from S. Felipe. 
 
 October 24, 1784. — Reports that Ananahy " has Ibid, 
 changed his abiding-place." 
 
 October 1784. — Conveys twenty-six converts " to Ibid, 
 the Settlement of the Cataract " [i.e., S. Felipe]. 
 
 November 4, 1784.— Returns to fort. Ibid. 
 
 November o, 1784. — Conducts thirty-seven Paravil- Ibid. 
 hanos " to the village of the Factory." 
 
 Surumu journey. 
 
 November 10, 1784. — Returns to fort. I, p. 1.5G. 
 
 Second Takutu journey. 
 
 November 11, 1784. — Sets out " along the Tacutu " Ibid. 
 to find " the Dutch traders ; " 
 
 and "to reduce the natives." I^ p_ 157, 
 
 November (?) 1784. — Meets a Dutchman "among I, p. 156. 
 the mountains near the Rupunury." 
 
 N'ovember 1784.— Finds villages deserted and " their J, p. 157. 
 inhabitants fled to the neighbourhood of the 
 Eeponori." 
 
 December 12, 1784. — Returns to the fort. Ibid. 
 
 February l%,m?). — Proposes to enter the rivers West side of Rio Branco journey. 
 
 discharging near Carmo. ^ 
 
 Supp. Docs. 
 
 March 2, 1785. — Sets out with expedition " down i^ p. 157. 
 xne river " to start a settlement. 
 
 April 1785. — Reports his first entry along the Ibid. 
 Ayarany. 
 
59 
 
 App. I, p. 158. 
 
 Ibid. 
 I, p. 160. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 I, p. 162. 
 Third Takvitu journey. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 Ibid. 
 Ibid. 
 Ibid. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 I, p. 172. 
 
 Ibid. 
 Ibid. 
 
 I, p. 173. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 
 I, p. 
 
 164. 
 
 
 I, p. 
 
 173. 
 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 
 
 I, p. 
 
 163. 
 
 
 I. p. 
 
 164. 
 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 
 Uraricoera 
 
 journey. 
 
 
 I, p. 174. 
 
 I, p. 166. 
 
 October 8, 1785. — Has " come upon twelve malocas 
 all deserted." 
 
 October 8, 1785.— "Minded" to ask for recall. 
 
 November (?) 1785. — Sets out to the Sereveny to 
 bring in fugitives. 
 
 1785. — His poor success during the year — only 
 sixteen Parauanas. 
 
 February 27, 178G.— Returns to the fort. 
 
 March 4, 1786. — Leaves for the Etacutu on survey 
 of frontier "up to the ranges nearest the 
 Eepuuor3^" 
 
 March 20, 1786. — Returns to fort with eight 
 Wapisauas. 
 
 March 20, 1786.— Sets out for S. Maria to fetch 
 Leandro Metelo. 
 
 March 31, 1786. — Leaves fort "to parley with 
 Cupita and Maranari " and to examine frontier 
 near the Dutch. 
 
 Also ordered to examine crystal range near Head- 
 man Manoel's home. 
 
 April 1786. — In the Atorai lands " "where the plains 
 end and the bush begins." 
 
 April 1786. — Finds Maranari, who retreats. 
 
 April 1786. — Orders Maranari to be followed up ; 
 awaits results. 
 
 April 1786. — Learns that Maranari had ''gone to 
 his own land." 
 
 April 1786. — Returns "in a twenty days' journey" 
 [to his camp], 
 
 from " the ranges near the Eepunury." 
 
 Ai^ril 26, 1786. — Sends report to the fort. 
 
 April 27, 1786. — Sets out " to the range to help 
 Headman Manoel." 
 
 April 28, 1786. — His repoi-t reaches the fort. 
 
 April 1786. — Arranges with Wapisana messenger 
 for a settlement in Old S. Felipe. 
 
 May 3, 1786. — Returns to the fort. 
 
 June 12, 1786. — Sent to the neighbourhood of the 
 Waikas for crystals. 
 
 June 1786. — Orders from Caldas ■with regard to 
 him. 
 
60 
 
 July 10, 1786.— Keturns from " crj'stal" expedition. App. I, p. 167 
 Julx/ 20, 1786.— Returns to Pard. I, p. 168. 
 
 Fehruary-Marcli, 1790. — Assists Lieutenant Ferreira, I, p. 202. 
 as Sergeant, in capture of deserting Macusis and 
 Wapisanas. 
 
 Pekkeira (Leonaedo Joseph), Lieutenant: — 
 
 February 1, 1790. — Instructed to capture Macusi I, p. 200. 
 and Wapisana deserters from the Branco settle- 
 ments. 
 
 Captures eighty-one in the ranges. I, p. 202. 
 
 April 2, 1790. — Back at S. Joaquim. Ibid. 
 
 MiGUEIS (DUAETE Joz£) : — 
 
 October 1785. — Sent to the Sereveny after fugitive l, p. 158. 
 Indians. 
 
 November (?) 1785. — "Came up with the said I, p. 160. 
 refugees." 
 
 December (?) 1785. — Sets out along the Caritirimani. i, p. leo. 
 
 "Nothing could be effected." I, p. i6l. 
 
 February 1786.— At fort and off again for the Ytix^_ 
 Caritirimani. 
 
 Ajrnl 1786. — Carries the order for Maranari's ]^ p. 172, 
 pursuit. 
 
 April 1786. — Parleys with him. 1 p j^-^g 
 
 May 6, 1786. — Sets out from fort to get news of j p_ ^54 
 descending Wapisanas. 
 
 May 6, 1786. — " Also to examine the range " which j^^y 
 
 was " distant half-a-day's journey from " Manoel's j^ p. \q2. 
 home. 
 
 May 20, 1786. — Returns to fort with Wapisana j -.(.- 
 messenger. 
 
 May 20, 1786. — Brings crystals from the range. y^^^ 
 
 Ifav 21, 1786.— Goes to Para. ^ , ,- , „ 
 
 ^ I, pp. I60, 173 
 
 June 25, 1786. — Returns from Pari. -. _„ 
 
 i, p. 106. 
 
 May 13, 1789. — Examines site above fort for new t ion 
 
 . r, p. iJJ, 
 village. 
 
61 
 Sa Saemento (Nicolao de) : — 
 
 App. I, p. 146. June 18, 1784.— Sent from S. Joaquim to capture 
 
 the " Dutch black " reported by Sesuraime. 
 
 I, P- 147 Jujte 21, 1784.— Meets Sesuraitoe " after three days' 
 
 journey " and accompanies him " as far as his 
 settlement." 
 
 Braz. I, p. 208. Proceeding " along the River Parima " and 
 
 I, p. 147. June 21 to July 8, 1784.—" Parleying with " 
 
 " natives of that same [Wapisana] nation 
 through which he passed." 
 
 Ibid. July 8, 1784. — Amves at the fort bringing "two 
 
 Headmen of the Uapixana nation [names un- 
 known] just recently sent down " and twenty- 
 seven natives. 
 
 Ibid. July 10, 1784.— "On the march" to choose a site 
 
 " for the erection of the village " at Inajatuba. 
 
 Supp. Docs. July 1, 1785. — In charge at Santa Maria. 
 
 1, p. 196. January 8, 1789. — Proposes setting up loom at 
 
 S. Maria. 
 
62 
 
 NOTE IV. 
 
 THE CRYSTAL MIA'E AND PYRAMID. 
 
 THERE are two natural features in the interior 
 of Guiana in the neighbourhood of the zone now 
 in dispute, which are so constantly referred to in 
 the documents attached to the British Case, that 
 they demand some special commentary. These 
 are the Crystal Mine, or Mount, and the 
 mysterious Pyramid. 
 
 The occurrence of sucli frequent reference to 
 them will be found to be of itself proof how from 
 early times the Dutch knew and overran the 
 district now in question. 
 
 I. — The Crystal Mine. 
 
 It may first be desirable to note that in a large 
 number of the maps of Guiana from the middle 
 of the eighteenth century onwards there appeared 
 near the headwaters of the Siparuni a " mine de 
 crystal." This marking is first found on 
 D'Anville's great map of 1748, and was followed 
 by many others. Hancock's " mines of rock 
 crystal " probably comes from this source, and 
 oven as lately as the arbitration between Great 
 Britain and Venezuela, in deference to the tradi- 
 tion, a suggested position for the Crystal Mine 
 was assigned at the sources of the Siparuni. 
 
 We know now through the recently discovered Brit. C, App. I, 
 papers of the Dutch Commissioner, Plorstman, 
 that D'Anville got his " mine de crystal " from 
 Horstman, and that it was his way of putting 
 the result of Horstman's journey up the 
 Siparuni to find the place from which he had 
 been told that crystal came. 
 
 From the earliest period when the Dutch 
 penetrated to the interior they seem to have been 
 attracted by the presence of crystals which were 
 capable of forming an article of commerce. 
 
 As early as 1624, in the " Journal du Voyage Ibid., p. i. 
 des Pferes de Pamilles," the following statement 
 occurs : — 
 
63 
 
 " I have seen a Frenchman who lived there three 
 years Avho sliowed me a piece of mountain crystal of 
 
 the size of two fists He told me that he had 
 
 taken it above the second fall of the river where there 
 Avas a crystal mine." 
 
 It is noteworthy that, on the map of Guiana 
 prepared by Du Val D' Abbeville in 1654, a note 
 occurs amongst a range of hills east of the Esse- 
 qnibo and high up the river, "Montagnes ou 11 
 so trouve du Crista!." 
 
 In 1739, the Dutch Commissioner Horstman, 
 on his way up the Essequibo on his voyage to 
 the district in dispute, turned aside up the Uiver 
 Siparuni, and went up fourteen days' journey in 
 order to see whether, mixed with the crystals 
 reported to exist there, he might not find sap- 
 phires or emeralds. He describes the manner in 
 which the crvstals were found, standing' a little 
 way above the ground and of different shapes. 
 He spent nearly a month in that business and theu 
 returned to resume bis main journey. 
 
 In 1746, curiously enough not very long after 
 
 D'Anville had received his information from 
 
 Horstman, there occurs in the Dutch records a 
 
 Brit. 0., App. I, distinct I'cference for the first time to a mountain 
 
 ^' ' called — 
 
 " the Calliko or Crystal ]\I()untain, the top of Avhich is 
 full of brimstone and A'itriol and almost covered beloAv 
 Avith crj-stals and beautiful A^eins of silver ore." 
 
 • 
 
 There are occasional references to this or 
 
 another crystal mount through the years that 
 
 follow, but the most interesting is that of the 
 
 Dutch Director-General in his Treatise on the 
 
 Ibid., p. 73. Posts in 1764 :— 
 
 " In the same riA^er (Rupuniini), the great and famous, 
 and, hitherto, so little knoAvn, crystal mine is of little 
 importance in itself; but the unanimous testimony of 
 AA'riters concerning the precious mineral and all the 
 corroboratiA'e reports of the Sj^aniards from far up the 
 Orinoco prove that this crystal mine is the mother of 
 the emerald, Avhich, being found there, and there only, 
 can also be turned to profitable account." 
 
 Ibid., p. 4G. Tbis extract, like the report of Horstman a 
 
 few years earlier, shows -why the Dutch attached 
 such importance to the crystal. They expected 
 to find in it the matrix of the emerald. 
 
 Five years later, as the result of pressure upon 
 [1045] K 
 
64 
 
 his postholder, Storm obtained a more detailed 
 
 account of the crystal mount. The Dutch p"g5^ '' ^^' ' 
 
 Governor writes : — 
 
 " There has not been a single postholder at Arinda 
 -who has not been ordered by me to go to the Crystal 
 Mine (here called the Calikko Mountain), and to find 
 out all particulars concerning it." 
 
 Then Storm goes on to describe the post- Ibid., p. 86. 
 holder's journey ; how, on arriving at the Macusis, 
 lie hired an interpreter who spoke the language of 
 the Wapisianas — 
 
 "which nation lives near the Crystal Mine on both sides 
 of the River Maho." 
 
 The Maho of the Dutch was always what is ibid., p. 86. 
 now called the Takutu. Even if this had not 
 been well established, the description of the 
 postholder in this passage could leave little 
 doubt. And later on, in the same degpatch, the 
 account of the postholder as to his attempt to 
 get further information from the "Wapisianas 
 throws further light on the locality where the 
 crystals were found. First, the description of 
 the dwelling of the Wapisianas, in hills close to 
 the savannah, then the mention of the " dry red 
 soil " from which Pirara takes its name, and next 
 the account of the journeyings : — 
 
 " He was obliged to be satisfied with noting every- 
 thing narrowly and with wandering about the place, 
 which they allowed him to do but with a few young 
 Wapisianas always with him. The land there consists 
 mostly of high mountains and rocks, bare, but wooded 
 here and there with small shrubs and great savannahs." 
 
 All these point to some position in or near the 
 Canaku Mountains, or some hill to the south of 
 them, and this suits best Avith the M'^ords of the 
 Indians : — 
 
 " You are looking for something else than crystal, but 
 that you will not find here, but with our neighbours 
 across the Maho [i.e., Takutu], who sell those stones to the 
 Portuguese." 
 
 Later on, the Dutch Governor gives full in- jbid. p. 86. 
 structions for prospecting for the emerald. 
 
 About fifteen years later, when the Portuguese 
 had advanced into the neighbourhood of the same 
 district, they also heard. of. the crystal and of the 
 Dutch efforts to exploit it. They obtained various 
 
65 
 
 samples of it from natives ; and two officers of 
 position, first, the naturalist, Alexandre Rodriguez 
 l^erreira, secondly, the E-oyal Commissioner, 
 Gama Lobo de Almada, made expeditions to the 
 place from which these samples came. 
 
 This particular position is quite clear, not only 
 from the verbal description but also from the fact 
 that Colonel Manoel Lobo de Almada marks it 
 on his map. 
 
 It may be sufficient to quote the description 
 given by the cartographer to Lobo de Almada : — 
 
 Brit. C, App. I, " Coming down the Xurumn, a little above its mouth, 
 
 P" ^'^' on the eastern bank, your Lordship went two days' 
 
 march on land to the range now called the Range of 
 
 the Crystals 
 
 " We had information that the Diitch have come as far 
 as the said range called the Range of the Crystals, and 
 have taken some crystals therefrom, and have also 
 come thither to take and obtain natives for slaves." 
 
 There is here distinct evidence that the Dutch 
 had also Avorked for crystals at a point which is a 
 little east of the junction of the Surumu and 
 Cotinga, beyond which it is proved that Dutch 
 slave traders had been only a few months pre- 
 viously. It is quite possible that Jansse, the 
 Dutch postholder, had been to this point as well 
 as to the south near the Canaku range. 
 
 In any case, it seems pretty clear that the 
 Dutch found crvstal all over the neis^hbourhood of 
 the zone now in question. There are at least 
 three localities where it is admitted that they dug 
 for it : first, the one that Horstman had visited 
 up the Siparuni ; secondly, the Calliko (Canaku) 
 Mountains; and thirdly, the Pakaraima range, just 
 east of the Cotinga, Schomburgk, on his survey, 
 found a spot far west of the Cotinga where the 
 Dutch were said to have dug crystals, and Eichard 
 Schomburgk states that there are crystals to be 
 found all over the district comprised in the dis- 
 puted territory. 
 
 II. — The PrBAMiD. 
 
 The great pyramid up in the savannah is first 
 Ibid., p. 72 mentioned in the Director- General's Treatise on 
 
 the posts in the year 1764. 
 
 In describing the course of the Upper Esse- 
 Ibid., p. 73. quibo proper, he states that on the great savannah. 
 
 [1045] K2 
 
66 
 
 next to the river is the famous and so little known 
 pyramid. His actual words are — 
 
 " On a great savannah next to tlie river is the likewise Brit. C, App. !» 
 faraons, and so little known, pyramid, the existence of P" '"'• 
 which is certain, all the Indians, without exception, 
 confirming the same, though they are unable to give 
 more than a rough description by reason of there being, 
 through a deep-rooted superstition, afraid to approach 
 it, saying it is the dwelling of the ' Jaavaho ' (the Devil 
 is so called by them), and the itinerant traders, as 
 superstitious as they, have as little courage to do so, 
 whereby one can judge what kind of people they are." 
 
 More of the history, however, is given in a 
 later despatch (1766), when Storm replies to the 
 inquiries of his Directors about it. He explains 
 that at the very earliest period of his stay in Ibid., p. 80. 
 Essequibo — this was in the early part of the 
 eighteenth century — he had already heard wonder- 
 ful stories of this same pyramid. It Avas evidently 
 Avell known to the Dutch traders. 
 
 Storm further states that in 1740 (that is to Ibid., p. 80. 
 say, a year after the mission of Horstman), he 
 sent a mulatto named Tollenaer up to discover 
 and report upon the pyramid. This man seems 
 to have brought hack a rough drawing of it 
 giving the impression that it was a stone built 
 pyramid. He died shortly afterwards, and super- 
 stition ascribed it to the fact that he had dared 
 to visit the mysterious pyramid. 
 
 Prom the same despatch it is pretty clear that 
 the anxiety of the Director- General to find out 
 all that he could about the pyramid elicited the 
 fact that on the Massaruni and elsewhere there 
 were other " pyramids." The assistant postholder jbid., p. 80. 
 and one of the best known traders, E. Pypers- 
 berg, brought down stories about other pyramids, 
 but these were evidently not the great one. 
 
 In 1765 and 1766 Dutch officers reached its 
 neighbourhood and the West India Company 
 became as interested in the matter as Storm 
 himself, and the documents contain some in- ibid. p. 81. 
 teresting speculations upon the possible origin 
 and authors of the pyramid. 
 
 In 1768 there was talk of a further attempt to ibid. p. si. 
 obtain a complete report upon the pyramid, and 
 there the matter rested so far as the Dutch 
 records are concerned. It does not appear that 
 Jausse visited it. Storm's successor was by 
 no means so much interested in the general 
 development of the interior. 
 
67 
 
 Brit. C, App. Ill, 
 p. 36. 
 
 Barnngton 
 Brown, " Canoe 
 and Camp Life 
 in British 
 Guiana," p. 151. 
 
 It is clear, however, that the pyramid which 
 was the goal of the ahovc-mentioned exploration 
 was the great natural pyramid Ataraipu, on the 
 Quitaro. 
 
 The first authentic record of its existence is 
 that by Hancock and his fellow Commissioners 
 in 1810-1811. It is marked on his map on the 
 left bank of the River Quitaro as Tariporo or 
 Pyramidal Rock and it does, as a matter of fact, 
 lie close to a savannah near the headwaters of 
 the Rupununi River. 
 
 The best description of the rook is given by 
 Schomburgk, who visited it in 1837. and it is 
 described again by Barrington Brown in the 
 following terms : — 
 
 " Seen from the granite ridge on the south, Ataraipu 
 resembled a huge conical pedestal, with the unfinished 
 sculptured form of a huge lion resting on its top ; while 
 from Calishadakeur it more nearly resembled a slightly- 
 leaning pyramid, placed on a tree-clothed conical hill." 
 
 Brit. 0. 
 p. 73. 
 
 Both these explorers substantiate in a remark- 
 App. I, able degree the description given by the Dutch 
 Director-General in 1764, showing how the 
 Indians regarded it with extreme superstition as 
 the dwelling of the Jawaho, or Devil, and would 
 not approach the rock, expecting the death of 
 any one who had the hardihood to go near it. 
 
 The note made on page 129 of the Blue Book 
 " Venezuela No. 3 of 1896," published by Her late 
 Majesty's Government, suggesting a connection 
 between the Pyramid and Roraima is shown by 
 subsequent investigation to have been erroneous. 
 
68 
 
 NOTE V. 
 
 ILLUSTRATION OE THE INACCURACY 
 OE ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT. 
 
 rF it is necessary to criticize the work of 
 Alexander von Humboldt, this is not done in 
 any carping spirit. His fame as a traveller and 
 writer is justly great. 
 
 The magnitude and variety of his work must 
 not, however, be allowed to blind the reader to 
 the serious inaccuracies into which lie is apt to 
 fall. The Brazilian Case assumes to treat every 
 ipse dixit of Humboldt's as a final authority on 
 the subject with which it deals. It must be 
 confessed that in this it is like the writings of the 
 two Schomburgks, who follow their great com- 
 patriot with absolute faitli. But the fallacy of 
 such a view will now be demonstrated. 
 
 Considering the vast scope of Humboldt's 
 writings, it would indeed be strange to find them 
 entirely devoid of error. Those errors which he 
 commits, however, are by no means always 
 venial. The carelessness with which he handles 
 even material to which lie attached special im- 
 portance is quite extraordinary. 
 
 This carelessness of Humboldt's in dealing 
 with details has before been the subject of criti- 
 cism : an attack from a purely scientific stand- 
 point is made upon him in a little work entitled 
 " Examen critique du Cosmos," by A. J. Rey de 
 Morande (Paris, 1S46) : and he has been par- 
 ticularly severely handled by Michelena y Rojas 
 in his " Exploracion Oficial ... do la America del 
 Sur" (Bruselas, 1867), where considerably more 
 than a hundred pages are devoted to a trenchant 
 refutation of some of Humboldt's most important 
 statements concerning the geography of the 
 Guianas. 
 
 The present examination will be confined to six 
 points which are not only typical, but have 
 relation more or less immediate to the present 
 question. 
 
69 
 
 No. a. 
 
 That Humboldt's statements have alv\'ays 
 enjoyed mucli greater authority in. matters of 
 natural history and geography than when he 
 writes as an historian is commonly acknowledged; 
 but he should hardly have perpetuated the old 
 error concerning the foundation of San Thom6, 
 nor have bolstered it up in a manner which 
 was unpardonable, considering the opportunities 
 Humboldt enjoyed of consulting the authorities 
 he quotes, and which he apparently neglected. 
 
 His statement is as follows : — 
 
 Humboldt's " Three towns have successively borne the name of 
 
 "Voyage," torn, ii, Saint Thomas de la Guayana since the end of the 
 sixteenth century. The first was situated opposite the 
 I&land of Faxardo, at the confluence of the Carony and 
 the Orinoco ; it was this (') which the Dutch, under the 
 command of Captain Adrien Janson, destroyed in 1579. 
 The second, founded (^) by Antonio de Berrio in 1591, 
 about 12 leagues to the east of the mouth of the Caroni, 
 offered a stout resistance (^) to Sir Walter Raleigh, 
 whom the Spanish writers of the conquest only knew 
 by the name of the Corsair Reali. The third town, that 
 which is to-day the capital of the province, is situated 
 52 leagues to the west of the confluence of the Caroni." 
 
 (1) Laet, Nov. Orbis, lib. xvii, p. GGO ; Gumilla, torn, i, 
 pp. 31, 35, falsely places Kaleigb's expeditions ia the years 
 1545 and 1547. The first of the voyages undertaken at 
 Raleigh's expense was in 1595 ; the second, that of Lawi-ence 
 Keymis, in 159G ; the third, described by Thomas Masbam, in 
 1597 ; and tbe fourth, in 1G17. The first and the last were 
 the only ones Raleigh made personally. This celebrated man 
 was beheaded the 29th October, 1618 (Harris, Coll., torn, ii, 
 p. 252). It was therefore the secoud town of Santo Thome, 
 that which is now called Vieja Guayana, which existed in 
 Raleigh's time. 
 
 (') Cauliii, p. 175, and not in 1586. (Depons, " Voj'age a la 
 Terre Ferme," torn, iii, p. 254.) 
 
 (•') Fray Pedro Simon, Not. 7, cap. xxii-xxviii, pp. 635-G6I. 
 
 The statement that a town called Saint Thomas 
 de la Guayana was destroyed by Captain Adrien 
 Janson in 1579 is borrowed direct from Gumilla 
 (" El Orinoco Ilustrado," 1741, p. 10), and the 
 investigations made into the history of this 
 subject in connection with the arbitration 
 between Great Britain and Venezuela have com- 
 pletely exploded the error. 
 
 Humboldt himself might have avoided it 
 almost as entirely if he had applied sufficient 
 
70 
 
 care. Father Pedro Simon (" Primera Parte de las 
 Noticias Historiales de las Conquistas de Tierra 
 Firme en las Indias Occidentales," Madrid, 1627, 
 p. 596), who might almost have stated it of his 
 own knowledge, says that " in the years 1591 or 
 1592 Captain Antonio de Berrio founded two 
 cities, one in the Island of La Trinidad, called 
 San Josef de Antonio, and another called Santo 
 Thome, 40 leagues up the River Orinoco," but he 
 makes no mention of its being the second of that 
 name, Had Humboldt really handled the book, 
 as bis third note might lead one to imagine, this 
 passage would have made him very cautious. 
 
 But it is worse to find tbat the very passage lie 
 quotes from de Laet (see his Isote 1) in support 
 of his statement reads as follows : — 
 
 " Flumen [the Orinoco] autem hoc accuratissime fuit 
 lustraxum et descriptum a nostris anno 1629, qui 
 auspiciis societatis Indiae Occidentalis, ductuqus Am- 
 miralii Adriani Jansony Patris iiumen eubjerunt : e 
 quorum Itinerariis observavi," 
 
 And on p. 661 is the further statement : — • 
 
 '• Oppidum S. Thomae conditam est ad ripam fluminis 
 einistram ascendentibus, patetque in longitudinem pene 
 quartam milliaris partem. Nostrates appulerunt hie 
 11 Decembris anni 1629, verum oppidani, nostros 
 nequaquam operivi ausi, incensis aedibus jam pro- 
 fugerant : quae triginta aut quadraginta supra centum 
 fuerant, leviter admodum structae, in medio erat 
 exiguum tempbim, & ad extremum versus occasum 
 monasterium Fran ciscanorum." 
 
 The correct name and description of the navi- 
 gator who destroyed the town of S. Thome in 
 1 Ol'9 is Admiral Adriaan Janszoon Pater (see 
 Netscher, Goschiedcnis van de Kolonien Esse- 
 quebo, Demerary en Berbice, 1888, p. 20). 
 
 No. 2. 
 
 There is no authority quoted more frequently 
 by Humboldt in connection with certain points 
 of geography and travel than Nicolas Horstman, "Voyao-e," tom. ii 
 the employe of the Dutch West India Company PP- ^^9^ 585, 683,' 
 
 ^ . . . p ^ " 088 ; tom. iii, 
 
 who started on his mission from Essequibo m p. 225, &c. 
 1739. There is no reason to doubt that Hum- Tom. ii, p. 529. 
 holdt, as he asserts, actually had in his hands that 
 
71 
 
 " Voyage," 
 torn, ii, p. 688. 
 
 Brit. C, App. 
 •vol. iv, p. 2. 
 
 original letter of Horstman's whicli is novr 
 extant in the Biblioth^que Nationale at Paris :* 
 lie terms it a " diary " ; in reality it was a letter 
 written by Horstman to La Condamine and 
 presented by the latter to D'Anville. He quotes 
 the very words reproduced in the Appendix to 
 the British Case in this question, but not as they 
 were written ; he translates them into ortho- 
 graphically edited Portuguese. 
 
 The importance of this document — an im- 
 portance which Humboldt repeatedly admits — 
 should have rendered impossible the blunders ho 
 commits in referring to it. 
 
 Yet he makes Horstman cross from the basin 
 of the Essequibo to the llio Branco by three 
 different routes. 
 
 (a.) 
 
 "Voyage," "To the south of the chain of Pacaraj^mo and of 
 
 torn. 11, p. 529. Quimiropaca there is a portage of thiee days between 
 
 the Sarauri (an arm of the Rio Branco) and the 
 Rupunuri (an arm of the Esseqtiibo). It is this portage 
 which was crossed, in 1739, by the surgeon, Nicolas 
 Hortsmanu, a native of Hildesheim, whose diary I have 
 had in my hands." 
 
 (b.) 
 
 Tom. ii, p. 683. " On the north-Avest of this range of Pacaraimo, 
 
 which has been crossed by only a small number of 
 Europeans (in 1739 by the German surgeon Nicolas 
 
 Hortsmann ), descend the Nocapra, the Paragua- 
 
 musi and the Paiagiia, which fall into the River 
 Carony." 
 
 " Aunales de 
 
 Voyages," 
 
 torn. Ixxiv, p. 158. 
 
 " Sur quelques 
 points importans 
 de la Geographie 
 de la Guyane " 
 (Paris, 1837). 
 
 (C.) 
 
 " I have determined the longitude of Esmeralda iu 
 the I^pper Oi-inoco ; east of this point, in the middle of 
 the plains and savannahs of the Parime, a strip of land, 
 20 leagues in breadth, has been traversed from north 
 to south, along the banks of the Caroni and of the Rio 
 Branco. This is the dangerous road along which 
 passed in 1739 the surgeon Nicolas Hortsmann, a native 
 of Hildesheim " 
 
 British App. I, 
 p. 46. 
 
 The dou.ble error in point of date and place in 
 all these extracts is immediately apparent. From 
 Horstman's letter we know that he was still at 
 
 * All Humboldt's voluminous collections at Berlin and 
 Tegel have been examined, and no copy of this letter or 
 of any diary has been found. 
 
 ' [■1045J L 
 
72 
 
 the village of the "Parahans" on the Siparuni on 
 April 10, 1740, and that he crossed not hy the 
 portage of "Sarauri" {i.e., Sara-au-uru), as in 
 extract (a), hut by that of Pirara. It is also quite 
 clear that he did not cross the Pacaraima Pauge, 
 as Humboldt makes him do in extract (b), or 
 come up the Caroni, as he suggests that he did 
 in that marked (c). 
 
 No. 3. 
 
 Another authority constantly quoted by Hum- 
 boldt — one Antonio Santos — has so shadowy an 
 existence that in all the contemporary records 
 searched in the archives of the Old and New 
 World only one mention can be found of him. 
 This is in a Spanish document dated 16th May, 
 1776, where he is introduced in conjunction with 
 the Commandant Vicente Diez de la Puente. 
 (See Strickland, "The Boundary Question," Rome, 
 1896, p. 30.) His expedition would have been 
 presumably a more important one than that of 
 the Cadet Lopez, of which a full account is * 
 extant, although it seems strange that if it ever 
 took place it should have clashed so closely in 
 point of date with that of the last named. 
 
 Humboldt says : — 
 
 (a.) 
 
 '■A high chain of mountains, tliat of Pacaraymo, "Voyage" 
 divides the sources of the Paraguamusi (a confluent of torn, ii, p. 529. 
 the Carony) from those of the Eio Branco, as was 
 established (reconnu) by Don Antonio Santos, in 1775, 
 in his journey from the Angostura to the Grand Para." 
 
 (6.) 
 
 " Nicolas Rodriguez and Antonio Santos (1775-1780) r^.^^j ;; ^q^ 
 were employed by the Spanish Governor. The latter, 
 by following the Carony, the Paragua, the Paraguamusi, 
 the Anocapra, and the mountains of Pacaraymo and 
 Quimiropaca reached the Uraricuera and the Rio 
 liranco. 
 
 (c.) 
 
 " In crossing the chain of Quimiropaca and in passing 'j[<on,_ jj p ggg 
 by Santa Rosa, these travellers (Antonio Santos and 
 Nicolas Rodriguez) came from the Nocaprai, an affluent 
 of tlie Paraguamusi, to the Urariapara; thence they 
 <lescended to the Portuguese fortress of San Joaquim, 
 situated at the confluence of the Uraricuera and the 
 Tacutu," 
 
IB 
 
 Writing twenty years later he again says, in 
 " Sur Quelques Points Importans de la G6o- 
 graphie de la Guyane " (Paris, 1837) :— 
 
 (d.) 
 
 ^Annales^de " In the middle of the plaina and savannahs of the 
 
 to'mrbHd'v, p. 158, P*^*'^™*^' ^ s*^"P of land, 20 leagues in breadth, has been 
 
 «/. (c) on p. 71. traversed fi-oni north to south, along the banks of the 
 
 Carony and Rio Branco. This is the dangerous road 
 
 along which passed In 1775 the Spaniard, Don 
 
 Antonio Santos " 
 
 If the journey is to be regarded as a separate 
 one, there is good reason, from the scanty internal 
 evidence afforded by Humboldt's extracts them- 
 selves, for doubting it altogether. 
 
 If, on the other hand, it was the military 
 expedition under Diez de la Fuente to the upper 
 reaches of the Parime, it is extraordinary that 
 Humboldt did not so specify it. 
 
 That expedition, with Isidore Pondon, the 
 Carib interpreter, in 1774 — -only the yeaR before 
 the year mentioned by Humboldt, had crossed 
 the Avater-parting between the Caroni and the 
 Parime, to which Humboldt refers as having 
 B. Case, App., been reconnoitred by Santos. Again, between 
 vol. i, pp. 119-122. October 1775 and early in 1776, Antonio Lopez 
 took the same route. 
 
 Moreover, on tw^o occasions at least, Humboldt 
 gives 1775 as the date of Santos's journey, and 
 " the Portuguese fortress of San Joaquim " 
 (extract (c) supra) was not yet then erected. 
 
 The probability is that by some bad copying 
 and neglect of verification Santos was written for 
 Lopez or Lopes and Podriguez for Martinez, the 
 forename in each case remaining unaltered. 
 
 'No. 4. 
 
 In dealing with the same set of ideas Humboldt 
 commits another blunder having some resem- 
 blance to the foregoing, though treating of an 
 event which occurred some thirty-six years later. 
 He says : — 
 
 „„ „ "To the south of the chain of Pacaraymo and 
 
 torn, ii, p. 529. Quimiropaca, there is a portage of three days between 
 
 cf. (a) on p. 71. ^-^^ Sarauri (an arm cff the Rio Branco) and the 
 
 [1015] L 2 
 
74 
 
 Riipumiri (an arm of the Eesequibo) .... In the 
 month of February 1811, some English and Dutcli 
 colonists presented themselves at the porterage of the 
 Eupunuri to solicit from the Commandant of the Rio 
 Negro permission to pass to the Rio Branco ; the 
 Commandant having acceded to their demand, these 
 colonists aiTived in their canoes at Fort St. Joaquim, on 
 the Rio Branco." 
 
 In the very same volume lie gives this 
 variant : — 
 
 (b.) 
 
 "In the middle of the plains of the Parime "Voyage,"^ 
 
 a strip of land, 20 leagues in breadth, has been traversed o"^- "> P- 
 from north to south, along the banks of the Rio 
 Carony and Rio Branco, iti 63° of longitude. This 
 
 is the dangerous road by which, very recently 
 
 still, some colonists from Sui-inam communicated with 
 the inhabitants of the Grand Para." 
 
 and asain another : — 
 
 (c.) 
 
 " On the north-west of this range of Pacaraimo, which Tom. ii, p. 683, 
 has been crossed by only a small number of Europeans "/• (*•) °^ P- '^^- 
 
 ( in 1811 by several English colonists), descend 
 
 the Nocapra, &c." 
 
 The volume from which the above three 
 quotations are taken was published in 1819, but 
 in 1837 the following version again appeared in 
 Humboldt's essay " Sur Quelques Points Im- 
 portans de la G^ographie de la Guyane " : — 
 
 (d.) 
 
 " In the middle of the plains and savannahs of the " Annates de 
 Parime, a strip of land 20 leagues in breadth has been Voyages, 
 traversed from north to south along the banks of the ^.f /g\ qh p_ 71, ' 
 Rio Carony and Rio Branco. This is the dangerous 
 
 road followed according to manuscript notes 
 
 which I got from the Chevalier de Brito, formerly 
 PortugTieee Ambassador in Paris, by several English 
 and Dutch .colonists who went in 1811 from Surinam 
 to Para by the portage of the Rupunuri and by the Rio 
 Branco." 
 
 It will readily be admitted, especially after a 
 j)ei-usal of extract (d), that these four references 
 deal with one party only, consisting (British Case, 
 Appendix I, pp. 211-213, II, pp. 1-3, 5-7) of 
 M(!ssrs. Simon, Van Sirtema, and Hancock. This 
 
75 
 
 party came by tbe same route as Horstman, and 
 not by the portage of " Sarauri ; " but their 
 journey, as related by Humboldt in (b), (c), and 
 (d), is widely divergent from vrhat is the more, 
 but not absolutely, correct account given in («). 
 
 Eurther, a comparison of these notes with 
 those under heading 3 Avill show that Humboldt 
 gives partly the same route for travellers from 
 Santo Thome del Angostura to the Rio Kegro as 
 from Surinam to S. Joaquim. Any map will 
 show that these routes never touch. 
 
 And in any case it Avill be seen from a reference 
 to the story of the British Commission of 1810, 
 as set out in the British Case and Counter-Case, 
 that Humboldt's statements about them are from 
 first to last erroneous. 
 
 No. 
 
 The passage reproduced below occurs in the 
 essay by Humboldt, entitled, " Sur Quelques 
 Points Importans de la Geographic de la Guyane," 
 mentioned above. 
 
 " Aimales de 
 
 Voyages," 
 
 torn. Ixxiv., p. 174. 
 
 "31. Scliombnrgk a ete siirpris de renconti-er les vestiges 
 d'unetablissementliollandais sur les rives de I'Essequibo, 
 beaucoup au-dessns de son confluent avec le Rupunuri, 
 par les 3° 50' de latitude, pres de Tlnlet Primoso (^). 
 Ce poste etait jadis fortifie centre les incursions des 
 Caraibes." 
 
 Q) "Journal of the Geog. Soc ," vol. vi, pt. i, p. 263. 
 
 These words furnish yet another strikin^^ 
 example of the manner in which Humboldt 
 w^ould carelessly make an erroneous assertion, and 
 bolster it up Avith an authoritative name. The 
 tvvo inaccuracies in the above statement are best 
 refuted by turning to the very authority ho 
 invokes. That part of the " Journal " to which 
 his note refers is reproduced in the Appendix to 
 the British Case in this question, vol. iii, p. 2], 
 and these are Schomburgk's words : — 
 
 " The river, tracing it upwards, had almost a a easterly 
 course for 8 miles ; not far from the junction with its 
 affluent (the Rupununi), tliere Avas formerly (according- 
 to Indian testimony) a post on the Esseqxribo's left 
 bank, to prevent the Caribbees from descending tho 
 river for the purpose of making or deahng in slaves; 
 
76 
 
 though it stopped their proceedings for a short while, 
 ihey soon found a way to avoid the post, and selected 
 for that purpose the path at the Inlet Primoss; the 
 postholder was therefore recalled, and the biiildings 
 decayed."* 
 
 * '' It is not generally known that tlie Dutch had extended 
 their posts so far south, but several Indians assured me that 
 they recollected their fathers had told them that such was the 
 case, and adduced as further proof that Mahanarva's brother 
 had taken away the canons and carried them to his Settlement 
 further south.'' 
 
 It will be seen that not the least surprise is 
 shown in this language ; Schomburglc merely 
 comments on the general ignorance of the fact in 
 Europe. 
 
 Further, it will be noticed that according to 
 Schomburgk the post was established to control 
 the Carib trade in slaves : there is not an a torn 
 of ground for suggesting that, if fortified at all, 
 it was fortified against the Caribs, who were the 
 greatest allies and friends of the Dutch. In 
 order to dispel all doubt coucerning the last point, 
 a few extracts from the Dutch documents pub- 
 lished in the Appendix to the Eritish Case in the 
 Arbitration with Venezuela are here appended. 
 
 The Director-General of Essequibo writes on 
 the 9th March, 1763 :— 
 
 "A mutiny has broken out upon the principal planta- B.App., Venezuela, 
 ion in Canje. . . . I shall write to Post Arinda as ^^' P- ^^^" 
 soon as possible to instruct the postholder to induce the 
 Carib nation, by the i^romise of a recompense, to take 
 up arms in this matter." 
 
 On the 9th April, 1764 :— 
 
 " Our Caribs, both from these rivers and even from m p_ jy^^ 
 Barima, have loyallj' done their best, and are yet doing 
 it 
 
 '• I have just been disturbed by a body of Caribs 
 
 collected by your Lordship's Creole, Veth 
 
 About six weeks ago I sent him up the river, and noAV 
 he comes back with such a band that I must declare I 
 have never seen so many Indians together before." 
 
 In August 1764 : — 
 
 That Post Arinda is '■ of great service in keeping up m p_ xo7 
 the communication and friendship with the inland 
 nations." 
 
 On the 9th April, 1768 :— 
 
 "There is no difficulty about the Caribs; they will HI, p. 163. 
 do then- duty well." 
 
77 
 
 On the 24tli November, 1770 : — 
 
 B. App. .Venezuela, " Wrote to the postholder of Arinda on the 3rd 
 ' P September to ask the Carib Owls, in my name, to send 
 
 a detachment of fifty men of their nation here to keep 
 a watchful eye tipon the plantations." 
 
 Extract from " Government Journal," the 
 30th December, 1785 :— 
 
 V) P- 40. '• The postholder Smith of the above in Essequibo 
 
 Post, named Arinda, came to the seat of government 
 with 108 free Indian Caribs to see the Governor, with, 
 three of their Commanders, to present their service and 
 fidelity." 
 
 If any furl her proofs be required of the ab- 
 surdity of Humboldt's statement that the Post 
 of Arinda was fortified against the Caribs, it 
 is only necessary to turn to the index in the 
 British Case in the A^enezuelan Arbitration, where, 
 on pp. 60-66, is a long list of references to docit- 
 ments showing the close alliance that existed 
 between the Caribs and Dutch from the earliest 
 times right down to the English occupation. 
 
 Ko. 6. 
 
 In his " Exploracion Oficial . . . de la America 
 del Sur " (Bruselas, 1867), Michelena y Rojas, in 
 P' 141- speaking of the delta of the Orinoco, denounces 
 
 " the false ideas AA'-hich have been repeated for 
 over half a century, servilely copied " from Hum- 
 boldt, and demolished by Sr. Eusevio Level do 
 Godas, a native of Cumana. His words are as 
 follows : — 
 
 " There is no proof that the Baron, in his descent of 
 the Delta, made any exploration or even stopped at 
 those places a single day; nor are these observations 
 that can be made in a vast and difficult country such as 
 that, comprising 700 square leagues, whilst swiftly 
 descending or stopping a few hours during the turn of 
 the tide. "We, too, have performed that journey on two 
 occasions, and although we disembarked thrice during 
 the five days spent in descending from Ciudad Bolivar 
 to the sea, in vain did I endeavour to acquire any idea, 
 however vague, of that immense forest. It was im- 
 possible ; its density, the difficulty of progress, the wild 
 growth on all sides, prevented it, and the only thing I 
 could confirm of all that I saw of the delta was its 
 exuberant, varied, and gigantic vegetation." 
 
78 
 
 Before closing this note attention may be 
 di'awn to the fact that much of Humboldt's in- 
 formation, which has a bearing upon the zone 
 now in dispute, came from Portuguese sources ; 
 and further, to the partiality for Portugal which 
 a perusal of his w^orks discloses. 
 
 To give but a fe^v instances : he admits that " Voyage,'_' 
 his notes concerning the Dutch and English • > P- 
 colonists who went to S. Joaquim in 1811 come 
 from a Portuguese source, and that his ideas of 
 Lake Amucu were obtained from some Portuguese Tom. ii, p. 684. 
 of Barcellos, during his stay at San Carlos, on the 
 liio Negro. In 1817 he held a brief for Portugal 
 against Prance concerning tbe South Americaa 
 boundary, and was just at that time primed with Tom. ii, p. 530. 
 information by the Portuguese Ambassador in 
 Paris, without apparently taking any trouble to 
 Terify how far it was accurate. 
 
 Michelena y E,ojas is especially indignant with 
 him for his behaviour in that affair, and calls 
 attention to the following words of the Baron 
 that occur in a letter written to the Minister at 
 Caracas: — ''As soon as the Peace of Paris was " Explor. OficiaL 
 concluded, I was invited by the Duke of 
 Wellington to draw up a Memorandum con- 
 cerning the boundaries of Portuguese Guiana, 
 which was published in Schoell's Diplomatic 
 Collection : ' Apres avoir joui de la haute ap- 
 probation de votre cour.' " 
 
 *'Was this man," asks Michelena, "impartial? 
 Did he discharge, as he should have done, with 
 impartiality, the trust confided to him by the 
 Congress of Plenipotentiaries in Paris, by first 
 submitting his judgment to one only of the 
 occupant Powers of Guiana for its exclusive 
 approval ? " 
 
79 
 
 NOTE VI. 
 
 CA.RTOGRAPHY AND THE MAPS. 
 
 BE/AZIL refers to practically the whole 
 known cartography of Guiana in support of 
 her claims to the zone now in dispute. Besides 
 her own atlas in the present Case, she refers 
 specifically to — 
 
 (1.) The atlas presented by Great Britain to 
 the Paris Tribunal in the matter of the Vene- 
 zuelan boundary (and presumably also to the 
 portfolio which accompanied the British Counter- 
 Case). 
 
 (2.) The two atlases presented by Venezuela 
 to the same Tribunal. 
 
 (3.) The two atlases presented by Brazil to 
 the Swiss Government as Arbitrator between 
 France and Brazil. 
 
 (4.) The atlas presented by France to the 
 same high Tribunal. 
 
 (5.) The reports of Mr. Mallet-Prevost and 
 Professor Burr to the American Commission on 
 the Venezuelan boundary. 
 
 (6.) The chronological list of the principal 
 maps of British Guiana which accompanied the 
 British Case laid before the Paris Tribunal. 
 
 This wide general reference has made it 
 necessary to criticize in detail a large number 
 of maps which cannot be considered relevant to 
 the question at issue. This special Isote will 
 be devoted to performing this task as succinctly 
 as possible. 
 
 Every map reproduced in the atlases above 
 mentioned will be included in one or other of 
 the schedules attached to this Note : and it may 
 be stated with some certainty that those atlases 
 contain every map of any importance which is 
 noticed in the reports and list referred to under 
 (5j and (6) above. 
 
 [1045] M 
 
80 
 
 CiiUTAiN General Rules of Cabtogeaphical 
 Criticism. 
 
 In estimating the value of any map, it is of 
 supreme importance to examine the basis of its 
 authority; to ascertain the personal history of 
 the cartographer, the extent to which he worked 
 with other men, and the relations between him 
 and those who engraved or published for him. 
 
 Every map must, further, be examined as to 
 the circumstances in which it wa'^ produced, 
 and as to its relation to maps of an anterior 
 date. 
 
 When a map is submitted for consideration 
 it is necessary to determine the following 
 points : — 
 
 (1.) Who was the author ? 
 
 (2.) What was his general authority ? 
 
 (3.) How far is the map a copy of previous 
 work ? 
 
 (4.) What was its precise date and occasion ? 
 
 (5.) How far does it coincide with known con- 
 temporary facts ? 
 
 (6.) What opportunity had the author of veri- 
 fying the facts ? 
 
 Not only must these criteria be applied to each 
 map, but often separately to different parts of the 
 same map. An author of good repute may have 
 good material for some of his work and bad 
 material for other portions. 
 
 This is the only way in which it is possible 
 to distinguish those maps which have a title to 
 be called original, and those which are mere 
 copies. 
 
 The constant tendency of one map-maker to 
 copy another is one which introduces vast diffi- 
 culty in critical cartography, and it is remarkable 
 how, even in the same atlas, the same carto- 
 grapher will publish, on different maps, different 
 presentations of the same territory, which are quite 
 inconsistent with one another; the explanation 
 being that the maps were copied independently 
 from some earlier maps, which happened to be 
 the most convenient at the moment. 
 
 A word of caution is also desirable as to the 
 practice of cartographers of keeping the original 
 date on the plate of a map, even when the plate 
 has at a much later period been revised for a 
 
.81 
 
 second edition. This is a fruitful source, of error 
 as to. date. A, similar source of error in the case 
 of maps published in works of history and geo- 
 graphy arises from the habit of publishers of 
 placing on the title page of a work the date 
 when that work was commenced, although it 
 may not have been finished for years after, and 
 may consequently include matter of a much 
 later date than that shown on the title page. 
 
 II. 
 
 Olassipication of Maps. 
 
 While it is very important to classify, as far as 
 possible, the maps which are to be brought under 
 review, the attempt to do so is not without 
 difficulty. 
 
 Maps do not fall into Avell-marked chrono- 
 logical groups. There is no continuous evolu- 
 tion of cartography from date to date. A 
 certain number of map-makers and publishers 
 will go on copying an established standard 
 map even when it is out of date, while even 
 geographers who make a new departure do not 
 always keep themselves free from the errors of 
 a previous period. A striking illustration of this 
 will be found in the Map of " Colombia Prima," 
 first published by Faden, of which editions were 
 published time after time by his successors long 
 after the errors it portrayed had been exploded 
 (c/. the observations on. this map in Scliedule C 
 (0 this Note). 
 
 Accordingly, in any classification which may 
 be adopted for maps, any one group will be 
 found overlapping in time any other group. On 
 the whole, it has seemed best, on the present 
 occasion, in dealing with those maps which have 
 some degree of relevancy to the question at 
 issue, to classify them in a schedule as far as 
 possible under the original type in eacb case, 
 giving special prominence to that type-map over 
 those which are placed under it. In this way the 
 Arbitrator will be able to see at a glance 
 what map is really considered a map of some 
 intrinsic value and authority, and to refer at 
 once to that standard all those which are placed 
 in a minor position under it. 
 
 The official character of a map is, of course, 
 [1045] M 2 
 
82 
 
 often of great importance, but it does not of 
 itself afford a basis of classification. Of the 
 maps which have an official character, some "will 
 be found in the classified list as type-maps, 
 others will be found amongst the subordinate 
 maps. The exact significance of the official 
 character of a map is rarely a matter for carto- 
 graphy, but cartography may help in determining 
 the intrinsic importance to be attached to a map 
 which has become in a manner official, through 
 being utilized on some special occasion. 
 
 IIT. 
 
 Elimination of Irrelevant Maps.* 
 
 Before proceeding to the classification just 
 indicated, it ii desirable to dispose summarily 
 of a large number of irrelevent maps referred 
 to by Brazil. 
 
 (1.) The maps contained in the above-men- 
 tioned atlases and lists which bear a date 
 earlier than the end of the sixteenth century 
 may be dismissed with the general remarl? that 
 they have no sort of relation to the question now 
 before the King of Italy. 
 
 The interest attaching to these maps as regards 
 the northern portion of South America centres 
 itself in the presentation of the unexplored 
 Amazon on the maps published after the ap- 
 pearance of the description of Orellana's discovery 
 of that river. The earliest form of the Amazon 
 is that of a snake stretching right across South 
 America. This form appears first on the map of 
 Sebastian Oabot, dated 1644. The first tolerably 
 natural delineation of the Amazon was made by 
 Gerard Mercator (15B9) and Abraham Ortelius 
 (1570), practically from the same material. 
 They show it as a large river with one big 
 branch, the Eio Negro. 
 
 A certain number of maps later than. 1600, in 
 obedience to the principle mentioned in the last 
 section, belong entirely to the cartography of 
 the sixteenth century, and must be so treated. 
 
 * It is not imagined that any reference is intended by 
 Brazil to maps drawn specially for an arbitration, e.g., the 
 maps submitted in the Venezuelan Counter-Case Atlas to 
 illustrate Professor Burr's reports. 
 
83 
 
 A chronological list of all the maps above 
 referred to, with a reference to the atlas in which 
 they are to he found, forms Appendix A to this 
 note. 
 
 (2.) There are also a number of maps con- 
 tained in the atlases which may, though they 
 fall within the period of the maps to he classified, 
 nevertheless he summarily dismissed, inasmuch 
 as they do not profess to portray anything more 
 than either — 
 
 (a.) The coast-line of Guiana, or portions of 
 the coast-line ; or 
 
 (b.) Portions of territory far distant from the 
 district in dispute {e.g., the settled parts only of 
 the Dutch Colony), so that no argument can be 
 drawn from them. 
 
 These maps are included in the Schedule which 
 forms Appendix B to this Note. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Mavs considkrbd in some measure Belevant. 
 
 A third Schedule (Appendix C to this Note) 
 forms a " Catalogue raisonne " of all those maps 
 which have some title to be mentioned or con- 
 sidered in connection with the question under 
 discussion. 
 
 That which may be described as the dawn of 
 cartography in relation to South America came 
 at the ^'ery end of the sixteenth century. 
 
 Beginning at this period, a classification has 
 been made of those maps which appear to be in 
 some measure relevant to the controversy between 
 Great Britain and Brazil. The arrangement 
 adopted has been explained above (section II). 
 
 Even after the elimination of the maps re- 
 ferred to in the preceding section of this Note, 
 there remain a large number which have only a 
 remote relation to the question now under con- 
 sideration ; but in view of the sweeping reference 
 in the Brazilian Case, it has been thought better 
 to treat in detail as large a number of maps as 
 possible. 
 
s* 
 
 APPENDIX (A). 
 
 Schedule of Maps of South America or part of South America containing 
 practically no detail in the Interior of Guiana. 
 
 [Note. — These maps are, all of them, either actually prior to the discovery of Guiana or follow the 
 cartography of that period. The majority of them came from the first atlas presented by Brazil 
 to the Swiss Government, and the references, unless otherwise stated, are to that atlas.] 
 
 Eeference to 
 Atlas.* 
 
 Date. 
 
 Authoi'. 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 lA 
 
 |4 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 18 
 
 1500 
 
 1515 
 
 [15-2:i] 
 
 1527 
 
 1529 
 1534 
 
 (Fr. Br.) [1536] 
 Braz. At. II 
 1 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 16 
 
 6 1544 
 
 Also (Fr. Br.) 
 Fr. At., No. 1 
 
 Cosa, Juan de la 
 Vesconte de MaioUo 
 Carte de Turin 
 Vesconte de MaioUo 
 
 Eibero, Diego 
 Martyr, Peter 
 
 Chaves, Alonzo de 
 
 1538 
 
 1543 
 on 
 
 1544 
 
 (Quoique 
 
 datfe de 
 
 1541) 
 
 Desliens, Nicolas 
 
 Also (Fr. Br.) 
 Fr. At., No. 2 
 
 9 
 
 10 a 
 10 b 
 
 11 
 Also (Fr. Br.) 
 Fr. At., No. 3 
 
 1550 
 
 1550 
 
 1554 
 
 1558 
 
 Cabotto, Sebastiano 
 
 Gutierrez, Dieyo 
 
 Desceliers, Pierre 
 
 Gastaldi, Jacopo 
 
 Homem, Diogo 
 
 Manuscrite. Au Musee Hydrographique de 
 Madrid. 
 
 Feuille d'un Atlas k la Bibliotheque Eoyale de 
 Munich. 
 
 Mappemonde manuscrite sur parcheniin k la 
 Bibliotheque Eoyale de Turin. 
 
 Mappemonde manuscrite sur parcheniin dat^e de 
 Genes, 1527. Bibliotheque Ambrosiana de 
 Milan. 
 
 Mappemonde manuscrite sur parchemin, a la 
 Bibliotheque de Weimar. 
 
 La Carta Universale della Terra ferma, &c. Con 
 gratia e privilegio della Ulustrissima Signoria 
 di Venetia. 
 
 Eeconstruction Sch^matique de la Carte d'Alonzo 
 de Chaves . . . d'apr^s le texte d'Orviedo. 
 
 Mercator, Gerardus . . . Double Cordiform Map of the World. 
 
 ... Mappemonde manuscrite sur parchemin, dat^e de 
 I Dieppe, 1541. A la Bibliotheque Eoyale de 
 Dresde. 
 
 Mappemonde grav4e: seul exemplaii-e connu. 
 Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris. 
 
 Carte manuscrite sur parchemin, dat^e de Seville, 
 1550. Au D(5p6t des Cartes de la Marine k 
 Paris. 
 
 Mappemonde manuscrite sur parchemin, dat^e k 
 Argues, 1550. Au Mus^e Britannique. Add. 
 MS. 24065. 
 
 Mappemonde gravee a Venise, editee par Michael 
 Tramezini. Attribute a J. Gastaldi par 
 Nordenskiold. Bibliotheque Municipale de 
 Turin. 
 
 Manuscrit sur parchemin. Muste Britannique. 
 Cartes, Add. MS. 5415 A. 
 
 * See note supra. 
 
8B 
 
 Eeference to 
 
 Atlas. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Author. 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 12 
 Also (Fr. Br.) 
 Fr. At., No. :; 
 
 (Fr. Br.) ' 
 Braz. At. II 2 
 
 14 
 
 i: 
 
 1558 P] 
 
 1559 
 
 1561 
 
 15G2 
 8 j [15G2] 
 
 16. \ , 156:! 
 
 16b 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 Braz. At. II 
 
 (Yen.) Y. At. 
 17 
 
 17 a 
 17 B 
 
 17 a 
 
 18 a 
 18 b 
 
 19 
 Also (Fr. Br.) 
 Fr. At., No. 4 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 Braz. At. II 
 
 4 
 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 22 a 
 22 b 
 
 24 
 
 Braz. At. II 
 
 26 a 
 26 b 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. II 
 
 6 
 
 1563 
 
 1564 
 
 1566 
 
 1568 
 1568 
 1568 
 
 1568 
 
 1569 
 
 1570 
 (wr.) 
 
 1570 
 1570 
 1571 
 
 1575 
 
 1575 
 
 1576 
 
 1579 
 1580 
 
 1580 
 
 Homem, Diogo 
 
 Homem, Andre 
 
 Velho, Bartliolomeu 
 
 Olives de Mallorca, 
 Bartolomeo 
 
 Gittierrez, Diego 
 Luis, Lazaro ... 
 
 Luis, La/,av(i ... 
 Dourado, Fernao Vaz . . 
 
 Finaeus, Orontius 
 
 Homem, Diogo 
 Ditto (coloured) 
 Ditto (coloured) 
 
 Dourado, Fernao Vaz 
 
 Mercator, Gerardus 
 
 Dourado, Fernao Vaz ... 
 
 Ortelius, Abrahamus ... 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Dourado, Fernao Vaz . . , 
 
 Thevet, AndrL^e 
 
 Belleforest, Fran9ois de 
 
 Apian, Philippe 
 
 Vaudeclaye, Jacques de 
 Dourado, Fernao Vaz . . 
 
 Olives, Bartolomeo 
 
 Manuscrit sur parcheniin. Bibliotheque Nationale 
 de Paris. Cartes, Inv. 1021. 
 
 Cavte manuscrite au Departement Gfographique 
 du Ministere des Affaires l^trangeres de France. 
 
 Partie de I'Amerique du Sud de la Mappemonde 
 de P>. Velho, datee de Lishonne, 1561. 
 
 Feuille de sou Atlas. Manuscrit sur parcheniin. 
 Bibliothfeque du Vatican. Codex Urlainas 283. 
 
 American sive Quartse Orbis Partis Nova Descriptio. 
 Carte gravfe k Amsterdam en 1562. 
 
 Feuille d'un de ses Atlas. Manuscrit sur 
 parcheniin. Aux Archives de Torre do Tombo, 
 Lishonne. 
 
 Feuille de son Atlas. Slanuscrit sur parchemin. 
 A I'Acad^mie Eoyale des Sciences, Lisbonne. 
 
 Feuille d'un Atlas manuscrit k la Bibliotheque du 
 Due d'Albe, Palais de Liria, a Madrid. 
 
 Cordiform Map of tlie World. Verona, 1566. 
 
 Feuille de son Atlas. Manuscrit k la Bibliotheque 
 Pioyale de Dresde. 
 
 Feuille d'un de ses Atlas. Manuscrit sur parche- 
 min. A la Bibliotheque de Sa Majesty le Eoi 
 de Portugal, Palais d'Ajuda, Lisbonne. 
 
 Mappemonde grav^e. Exemplaire a la Biblio- 
 theque Municipale de Breslau, et k la Biblio- 
 theque Rationale de Paris. 
 
 Feuille d'un Atlas du British Museum. 
 
 Typvs (3rbis Terrarvm. 
 
 Aniericae siva Novi Orbis, Nova Descriptio. 
 
 Feuille d'un de ses Atlas. Manuscrit sur parche- 
 min. Aux Archives de Torre do Tombo, 
 Lisbonne. 
 
 Le Novveav JUonde Descovvert et Illvstre de 
 Nostre Temps. 
 
 Typvs Orbis Terrarvm. Description universelle 
 de tout le monde. 
 
 Partie du Globe de Philippe Apian. Bibliotheque 
 Eoyale de Munich. 
 
 Carte manuscrite. A la Bibliotheque .de Paris. 
 
 Feuille d'un de ses Atlas. Manuscrit k la Biblio- 
 theque Eoyale de Munich. 
 
 Manuscrit a la Bibliotheque Eoyale de Munich. 
 
86 
 
 Iteference to 
 Atlas. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Author. 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 28 
 
 29 
 
 30 
 
 (Ve]i.) V. At. 
 19 
 
 31 
 
 1582 
 
 1582 
 1584 
 1585 
 1587 
 
 1587 
 
 (Ven.) Y. At. 1587 
 20 
 
 32 
 
 (Fr Br.) 
 Braz. At. II 
 
 7 
 
 Braz. At. II 
 
 7 Us. 
 
 34 
 
 37 
 
 36 
 
 38 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 Braz. At. II 
 
 8 
 Also (Fr. Br.) 
 Fr. At., No. 5 
 
 39 
 
 40 
 
 41 
 Also (Fr. Br.) 
 Fr. At., No. 6 
 
 42 
 4.-! A 
 43 b 
 
 44 
 
 45 
 46 
 
 1587 
 1587 
 1588 
 
 1588 
 
 1592 
 1593 
 
 1592- 
 1645 
 
 1593 
 
 1594 
 
 1595 [?] 
 
 1595 
 1596 
 
 1597 
 
 1598 
 
 1598 
 
 1598 
 {vers) 
 
 1598 
 1599 
 
 Martines, Joan 
 
 Feuille d'un Atlas manuscrit, dat^ de Messine. 
 A la Bibliotheque de I'Arsenal, k Paris. 
 
 Ditto ... .... Ditto. 
 
 Mazza, Giovanni Battista Americae et Proximae Eegionvm Orae Deseriptio. 
 
 Doet, Jan van 
 Martyr, Petrus 
 
 Ortelius, Abr. 
 Ditto 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Mercator, Eumboldus .. 
 
 Sgrothenus, Christianus 
 
 Ditto 
 
 .Bry, Thfodore de 
 Jode, Cornelis de 
 
 Musee Britannique, cartes imprimt^es. 8. 10 (1). 
 
 De orbe novo decades VIII, annot. Rich. Hakluyti, 
 Paris. 
 
 Typvs Orbis Terrarvm. 
 
 Americae sive Novi Orbis, Nova Deseriptio. 
 
 .! Ditto. 
 
 .' Orbis Terrae Compendiosa Deseriptio. 
 
 Partie d'une niappemonde manuscrite de ce 
 Cosmographe du Eoi d'Espagne. Bibliotheque 
 Eoyale, h. Madrid. 
 
 . ..: Partie de TAmMque du Sud. 
 . . . I Americae Pars Magis Cognita. 
 
 Hemi spheres. From " Cornelis de Judais, Speculum 
 Orbis Terrae, Antuerpise., 1595." 
 
 Plancius, Petrus 
 
 Jode, Cornelis de 
 Bry, Theodore de 
 
 ...i Orbis Terrarvm Typvs de Integro Multis in Locis 
 Emendatus. 
 
 Brasilia et Pervvia. 
 Occidentalis Americae partis 
 Partie du Globe de Zurich. 
 
 tabula. 
 
 Mercator, Michael 
 Bry, Theodore de 
 
 ..! America sine India Nova 
 
 America sive Novvs Orbis Eespectv Evropaeorvm 
 Inferior Globi Terrestris Pars. 
 
 1596 ^ Langeren, Arnoldus Delineatio omnium orarum totius Australis partis 
 
 Florentius k 
 
 Wytfiiet, Cornelis 
 Quaden. Matthias 
 Langenes, B. . . . 
 Anonyme 
 
 Hondius, Jodocus 
 
 Hulsius, Levinius 
 
 America, dictas Peruviane, &c. 
 
 Eesidvvm Contineutis cvm Adiacentibvs Insulis. 
 Pervvia, id est Noui Orbis pars Meridioiialis, &c. 
 America Meridionalis. 
 
 ...; Carte Anglaise. Musfe Britannique, Manuscrits. 
 17938 B. 
 
 Nieuwe Caerte van het wonderbaer ende 
 goudnjcke landt Guiana, &c. 
 
 Nova et exacta Delineatio America;, Partia 
 Austrahs, que est Brasilia, Caribana, Guiana, 
 &c. 
 
87 
 
 Eeference to 
 
 Atlas. 
 
 48 
 
 49 et 49 A 
 Also (Fr. Br.) 
 Fr. At., No. 7 
 
 .^1 
 
 n2 
 
 Date. 
 
 Aiitliov. 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 1599 
 
 1599 
 
 1602 
 
 1602 
 
 1602 
 
 (but 
 dated on 
 map itself 
 
 1589) 
 
 1605 
 
 et 
 1617 
 
 1608 
 
 (but 
 dated on 
 map itself 
 
 1668) 
 
 (Fr. Br.) ; 1610 
 Br. At. 
 
 Vrient, J. B., d'apres 
 P. Plancius 
 
 Hakluyt, Kicbard 
 
 Tattou, Gabriel 
 
 Hondius, Jodocus 
 Ditto 
 
 ( )rl lis Terraj Compendiosa Descriptio. 
 
 A true hydrographical description of so niucb of 
 the world as hath beene hitherto discouered, 
 and is come to our knowledge, &c. 
 
 Carte manuscrite sur parchemin, h la Biblioth('([ue 
 Nationale de Florence. 
 
 Orbis Terrae Novissima Descriptio. 
 
 Ainerica3 Novissima Descriptio. 
 
 57 
 
 54 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 
 Fr. At. 
 
 10 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 Fr. At. 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. II 
 
 10 
 
 Fr. Br.) 
 Fr. At. 
 
 9 
 
 6;! 
 
 66 
 Also (Fr. Br.) 
 Fr. At., No. 12 
 
 68 
 
 69 
 
 161/ 
 
 1618 
 
 1618 
 
 Claeszon, Uornelis 
 
 Tatton, Gabriel 
 
 1625 
 
 de Harmen Janss et 
 Marten Janss 
 
 Teixeira, J. . . . 
 
 Dominao Sanchez 
 
 Quiros, Lucas dv 
 
 Gueraid 
 
 1633 I Hondius, Jodocus 
 
 1640 
 
 1640 
 
 Teixeira, Joan 
 
 Ditto 
 
 1642 I Ditto 
 
 1646 ' Dudley, Robert 
 et I 
 1661 
 
 [104.5] 
 
 Warachtighe ende grondige beschryvinghe van 
 het groot en gout-rijck Koninkrijck van Guiana, 
 gelegen zijnde in America. 
 
 Carte manuscrite sur parchemin dessin^e d'apres 
 
 Eobert Harcourt et ses capitaines. 
 
 . . Mus(5e Britannique. Cartes manu- 
 
 scrites, No. 34240 N. 
 
 Nova orbis terrarum geographica ac hydrogr. 
 tabula ex optimis in hoc opere auctoribus 
 descripta. 
 
 Portulan de Joilo reixeira Albernas. Lixboa, 
 1617. Exemplaire ti Paris. 
 
 Carte de I'Ocean Occidental. Conservee 
 
 la Bib. Nat. de Paris. 
 
 Carte manuscrite sur parchemin dans la " Noticia 
 General de 19,s Provincias del Peru, Tierra 
 Ferme y Chile," par Francisco Lopez de Cara- 
 vantes. ]\IS. a la Biblioth^-que Eoyale de 
 Madrid. 
 
 Nouvelle description hydrographique de tout le 
 monde. (Arcliives de la Marine, Paris.) 
 
 Orbis Terrae Novissima Descriptio. 
 
 (Jarte manuscrite du Bresil, dans uu Atlas de 
 1640, a la Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris. 
 Cartes, Inv. 956. 
 
 L'arte manuscrite de la cote de Par;! et de la 
 I Guyane Portugaise, dans la copie de I'Atlas de 
 1640, a la Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris. 
 Cartes, Inv. 956. 
 
 Carte manuscrite du Bresil, dans un Atlas de 
 1642, a la Bibliotheque du Palais Eoyal 
 d'Ajuda, Lisbonne. 
 
 L'arta prima Generale dAffrica e par cV America. 
 Carte dans son " Areano del Mare," Florence 
 1646 et 1661 
 
 N 
 
88 
 
 Eeference to 
 Atlas. 
 
 .1 )ute. 
 
 Author. 
 
 70 ; 1646 
 
 Also (Fr. Br.) ' et 
 Fr. At., No. 13 , 1661 
 
 ri 
 
 83 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. II 
 
 12 
 
 74 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 
 Fr. At. 
 
 16 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 
 Fr. At. 
 
 15 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. II 
 
 26 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 Braz. At. II 
 
 42 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 Braz. At. II 
 
 1646 
 
 et 
 1661 
 
 1655 
 
 1657 
 
 1660 
 1663 
 
 1675 
 
 1747 
 Illegible 
 
 1777 
 
 Dudley, Eobert 
 Dudley, Eobert 
 
 Pagan, Comte de 
 
 Eosaccio, Giuseppe 
 
 Danckerts, Dancker 
 Tinoco, J. N. . . . 
 
 Eoocreveen, A. 
 
 Abreu, Gorjao Joao de .. 
 Salazar, Jos^ Monteiro. . 
 Ditto 
 
 Title or Dsscription. 
 
 Imperio di Gviana, o Walliana. (Jarte dans son 
 " Arcano del Mave." 
 
 Carta particolare dell' Eio d'Amazone con la costa 
 sin al' flume Maranhan. Carte dans son 
 " Arcano del Mare." 
 
 Maoni Amazon! Flvvii in America Meridionali 
 noua delineatio. 
 
 Partie d'une carte intitul^e, " Universale descri- 
 tione di tutto il Mondo." Mus(5e Maritime de 
 Eotterdam. 
 
 Nova Totius Terrarum Orbis Tabula Auctore D.D. 
 
 Cartes des Bouches de I'Amazon, extrait du 
 " Livro das pra^as de Portugal," &c. 
 
 Paskaerte van de Eivier Oronoque van Moco tot 
 St. Thome, en eeu gedeelte van Golfo de Paria. 
 In the First Part of " The Burning Fen." . . 
 Described by Arent Eogeveen, 1675. 
 
 Carte marine, manuscrite sur parchemin. Biblio- 
 theque Nationale de Lisbonne. 
 
 Carte marine, manuscrite sur parchemin, k la 
 Soci^t^ de G^ographie de Lisbonne. 
 
 Planta da America Austral do Mar do Sul e 
 Parte da America do Mar de Norte, &c. 
 
89 
 
 APPENDIX (B). 
 
 Schedule of Maps later than 1600 which show merely parts of the Coast-line or 
 of Territory which lies outside the district in dispute. 
 
 Reference to 
 Atlas. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Author. 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 (Yen.) Y. At. [1598?] 
 (Yen.) Y. At. 1598 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 1602 
 At. I 
 50 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 1608 
 At, I 
 
 54 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. ] 1618 
 At. II 
 9 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 
 At. 11 
 
 11 
 
 (An- Br.)i 
 Braz. At. 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 
 At. 1 
 69 
 
 At. II 
 
 14 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 
 At. I 
 
 7(5 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 At. I 
 81 A 
 
 (Fr. Br.- Br. 
 At. 1 
 
 811! 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 At. I 
 
 85 
 
 1625 
 
 1640 
 
 1646 
 
 ei 
 1661 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 1646 
 At. I 
 70 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 At. I 
 
 71 
 
 (Fr. Br.)_Br. | 1660 
 (vers) 
 
 1665 
 
 on 
 1666 
 
 1680 
 
 1680 
 
 1698-99 
 
 Yan Petten ... 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Tattou, C. ... 
 
 Ditto 
 
 [Ealegh, Sir W.] 
 
 Carte Anonyme Hol- 
 landaise 
 
 Teixeira, J. . . . 
 
 Dudley, R. .. 
 
 Ditto 
 
 et 
 1661 
 
 1646 1 Ditto 
 
 et 
 1661 
 
 Euesta, S. de... 
 
 Le Febvre de la Barre . . 
 
 A'ooo'lit, ('. J — 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Frooer, F. 
 
 Sketch of the Island of Cayenne &c. 
 
 Sketch of the Gulf of Paria, with part of the 
 Coast of Trinidad and of the Orinoco Delta. 
 
 Map of Guiana. 
 
 Gviana. 
 
 [lO-io] 
 
 Pa Carta de nauegacion que don Yualter rraly 
 tiene hecho por su nauegacion. (Deux parties.) 
 This is hardly a map of Raleigh's. It is a 
 map of the coast, apparently based on the map 
 of Gabriel Tatton, but evidently utilized by 
 Raleigh for a special purpose. 
 
 Costes de Gviane depuis le cap dv Nord iusques 
 a la Riviere d'Eziqvbe. 
 
 Map of the Amazon Mouth. 
 
 Carta prima generale dAffrica c par'^ dAmerica. 
 
 Imperio di G^■iana o Walliana. 
 
 Carta particolare dell' Rio d'Amazone con la Custa. 
 
 Carta nautica del Mar Costas y Islas de las 
 Indias Occidentales. 
 
 Carte Novvelle de la France Eq^'iuol.■tiale. 
 
 Pas-Kaart van de Zee-Kusten van Brazilia tus- 
 schen Cabo Noord en Cabo de Cuma. 
 
 Pas-Kaart van de Zee-Kusten van Brazilia tus- 
 schen Cabo Noord en Rio Amano. 
 
 Carte du Gouvernenieut de Cayenne ou France 
 ^Equinoctiale. 
 
 N 2 
 
90 
 
 Eefereiice to 
 Atlas. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Author. 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 (Yen.) V. At. 
 :.9 
 
 rFr. Br.) Br. 
 
 At. II 
 
 19 
 
 [1706] ■ Maas, A. 
 
 1729 , D'Anville 
 
 (Yen.) V.C.C. 1732 
 At. 
 2 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. ; 1733 
 
 33, 34, 35 
 <Ven.) B. At. I 
 
 13 I 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 72 
 
 [1735 ?] 
 
 (Ven.) B. At. ' 1740 
 14 
 
 I 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. j 1741 
 At. II 
 
 21 : 
 
 I 
 (Ven.) Br. At. j 1741 
 
 15 
 (Ven.) V. At. 1 
 
 56 
 
 rFr. Br.) Br. I 1742 
 At. II 
 22 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. '' 1743 
 At. II 
 
 (Ven. ) V.C.C. , 1747 
 At. 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. I 1747 
 At. II 
 
 26 : 
 
 (Ven.) B. At. 1748 
 
 17, 18 (1749) 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 60 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 20 
 
 (Ven.) B. At. 
 19 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 
 At. II 
 
 32 
 
 (Ven ) B.C.C. 
 
 At. 
 
 1 
 
 1749 
 
 1760 
 
 1761 
 
 Sucri^, C. 
 Popple, H. 
 
 Anonymous . . . 
 
 Buache, P. 
 Jesuites Fran(jais 
 
 Gumilla 
 
 D^pot de la Marine 
 Barrere, P. 
 Lara, Caspar de 
 Abreu Gorjao, J. de 
 
 Storm Van 's Grave- 
 sande, L. 
 
 DiDto 
 
 Bellin 
 
 Diguja, J. 
 
 Sketch of the mouth and lower reaches of the 
 Essequibo. 
 
 Carte de la Guiane Fran^oise. 
 
 Map of part of the Province of Guiana. 
 
 Map of Surinam. (Part of map of British 
 Empire in America.) 
 
 Sketch map of the Capuchin Missions in the 
 Province of Guyana. 
 
 Carte d'une partie de I'Amerique. 
 
 Carte nianuscrite de la Guiana. 
 
 Map of the Province and Missions of the Jesuits 
 in the King-doni of New Grenada. 
 
 Carte reduite de I'Ocean Occidental. 
 
 Carte depuis TAmazon jusqua la PJviere de 
 Marony aux HoUandois. 
 
 Piano Hydrographico de una parte del Orinoco. 
 
 Coast-line, Gviana and Brasil. 
 
 Caart van de Volkplantige in Essequebo en 
 Demerary. 
 
 A map of great interest, but extending 
 merely to the settled portion of the Dutch 
 Colony and a piece of the coast. 
 
 Nievwe Caart van Essequebo en DemeraTy. 
 Another copy of the foregoinp map. 
 
 Carte reduite des Costes de la Guv 
 
 uyane. 
 
 Mapa que niaiiiliesta la Gobernacion de Curnana. 
 
91 
 
 Eeference to 
 Atlas. 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 At. 11 
 
 (Fr.Br.) Br. 
 At II 
 
 .■'i5 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 
 At. II 
 
 36 
 
 (Fr.Br.) P.r. 
 At. II 
 
 o7 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 
 At. II 
 
 38 
 
 (Veil.) V. At. 
 
 (Yen.) V. At. 
 63 
 
 (Yen.) V. At. 
 41 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 At. II 
 
 42 
 
 {Veil. ; B. At. 
 28 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 
 At. II 
 
 43 
 
 (Veil.) V. At. 
 66 
 
 (Ven.) 
 
 B.C.C. At. 
 
 3 
 
 (Veil.) V. At. 
 67 
 
 Date. 
 
 Author. 
 
 1762 Bnaclie, L. V., et De 
 Prefoiitaine 
 
 1762 Belliii 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 17t>:i Ditto 
 1764 Ditto 
 1766 Buache, r. ... 
 
 1771 Barcelona. Fr. Carlos de 
 
 1772 Heneinan, J. C. van 
 Jefferys, T. ... 
 
 Salazar, J. M. 
 
 1776 Valdez, Juan . . . 
 
 1777 : S;\lazar, J. M. 
 
 1779 
 
 177*1 
 
 [1780 ?] 
 
 ^Fr. Br.) Br. 1780 
 
 At. II i 
 44 bis 
 
 Siraut-Destouclies, A. . . 
 Inciarte, F. ... 
 
 Siraut-Destouches, A. . . 
 Bonne 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. ; 1781 | Jefterys, T. 
 42 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. i 1781 
 At. II ('''■'■«) 
 
 48 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 43 
 (Ven.) B. At, 
 30 i 
 
 (Ang. Br.) I 
 Braz. At. ' 
 43 
 
 1783 
 
 Biteow 
 
 Thompson, E. 
 
 (De la Rochette, L.S.) 
 
 Carte Ge'ographique de I'lsle de Cayenne. 
 
 Carte du Costes de la Guyane Francoise. 
 
 Carte de la Guyana Fran9aise et I'lsle de 
 Cayenne. 
 
 Carte r(5duite pour la Navigation de Cayenne k la 
 Martinique. 
 
 Esquisse inedite de la Guyana. 
 
 Map of Spanish Missions. 
 
 Sketch of the junction of the rivers at Bartika. 
 
 Part of chart of the coast of Guiana. 
 
 This map has an indication of a boundary 
 on the coast which might be the D'Anville line. 
 
 Titre et date illisible. 
 
 Paria and the mouth of the Orinoco only. 
 
 Planta da America Austral. 
 
 Schets-Kaart van de Coloni van Eio Essequibo. 
 Mouth and lower reaches of Essequibo only. 
 
 The inland waterways behind the coast-line. 
 
 Kaart van der Eivier en Colonie Essequibo. 
 Mouth and lower reaches of Essequibo only. 
 
 La Guyane Fran9oise avec partie de la Guyane 
 Hollandoise. 
 
 Part of a chart of the coast of Guiana. 
 
 Carte de la Guyane Framboise ou France Equi- 
 noxiale. 
 
 Part of a chart of the coast of Guiana, 
 
92 
 
 Eeference to 
 Atlas. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Author. 
 
 Title ov Description. 
 
 (Veil.) V. At. 
 
 (Ven.) \. At. 
 68 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 44 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 69 
 
 (Ven.) V At. 
 45 
 
 (Ven.) B. At. 
 
 35 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 70 
 
 (Ano-. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 5.3 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 46 
 
 (Ven.) B. At. 
 
 [1789?] 
 
 1791, 
 orearlier 
 
 1792 
 1794 
 1795 
 
 1796 
 and 
 1798 
 
 Anonymous . . . 
 Chollet, L. ... 
 
 JefFerys, T. ... 
 Chollet, L. ... 
 Jeffeiys, T. ... 
 Bouchenroeder, P. von . 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 At. 11 
 
 56 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 At. II 
 
 59 
 
 (Ven.) 
 
 B.C.C. At. 
 
 4 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 At. II 
 
 72 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 68 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 78 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 79 
 
 (Ana Br.) 
 
 Br^ At. 
 
 78 
 
 (Ven.) B. At. 
 49 
 
 (Ven.) B. At. 
 50 
 
 1798 
 
 Walker, Cai^taiu T. 
 
 1802 Malouet, V. P. 
 
 1814 
 
 1825 (?) 
 
 1826 
 
 1827 
 
 1828 
 
 1838 
 
 Poirson, d'apres Leblond 
 
 Anonymous . . . 
 
 Sketch - map of the Catalonian Capuchins in 
 Spanish Guiana. 
 
 Map of the coast region of Essequibo Colony. 
 
 Indication Of boundary like the D'Anville 
 line. 
 
 Part of a chart of the northern coast of South 
 
 America- 
 Map of the Pomeroon coast region surveyed for 
 
 plots. 
 
 Part of a chart of the coast of Gruiana. 
 
 Carte generale et particuliere de la Colonic d'Esse- 
 quibo et Demerara. 
 
 This is clearly a map designed to show only 
 the settled districts and cultivation of the Dutch 
 Colony. Even the inset on the copy in the 
 British Atlas (Ven. Arb.) is obviously curtailed 
 for the want of space ; it shows no part of the 
 territory now in question. 
 
 The copy of this map reproduced as No. 70 
 in the Venezuelan Atlas has a different inset. 
 
 Chart of the coast of Guiana. 
 
 There is a note upon it referring to the 
 passage between the Eupununi and the Eio 
 Branco, but it is merely a note, and has no 
 further interest for the territory in dispute. 
 
 Carte des Parties connues de la Guyane Fran9aise 
 et Batave. 
 
 1841 
 
 1841 
 
 Perrot, A. M. 
 
 Hillhouse, W. 
 
 D'Urban, B. 
 
 Hadfiehl 
 
 Schomburgk, Sir E. 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Carte de la Guyane Francjaise. 
 
 Carta Topografica del Departmento de Caroni. 
 
 Carte de la Guyane Frangaise. 
 
 Map of British Guiana. 
 
 Sketch of the cultivated and occupied portions of 
 the Colonies of Demerary and Essequibo. 
 
 A map of the cultivated portions of British 
 Guiana. 
 
 Later map in 1842. 
 
 Entrance to the Eiver Barima. 
 
 Entrance to the Eiver Waini or Guaima 
 
93 
 
 Keference to 
 Atlas. 
 
 (Veil.) 
 ]!.(,'.(;. At. 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Wv. 
 
 At. II 
 
 81 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 At. II 
 
 8:^ 
 
 (Yen.) V. At. 
 81 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 At. II 
 
 8;! 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 
 At. II 
 
 84 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 At. II 
 
 85 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 At. II 
 
 86 
 
 Date. 
 
 Author. 
 
 1841 Bauza, Dr. F. 
 
 1846 NieniL'yer, C. J. de 
 
 1 84i) ' Levassenv, V. 
 
 1850 I [Parliament]... 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 Mapa de una parte del Territorio de Colombia 
 
 (Jaita Corograpliiea do Imperio do Brazil. Only 
 the eastern portion. 
 
 Colonies FriiiKjaises (en Amerique). 
 
 Map of the West Indies, showing English and 
 foreign lighthouses. 
 
 18,");! Carte Aiionyme Bre- ( ^aita Topographica da Provincia de Oyapocia. 
 silienne 
 
 1860 i Costa Azevedo, Jose da j Carta No. 1. Carta da parte comprehendida 
 
 j entre o Eio Conani e o Eio Oyapock. 
 
 1860 i Ditto 
 
 1868 
 
 Mouchez, E. ... 
 
 ...I Carta No. 2. Carta da parte comprehendida 
 entre o Eio Araguary e o Eio Calsoene. 
 
 Cartes des cotes de la Guyana depuis Cayenne 
 jusqu'a I'embouchure de I'Amazone. 
 
94 
 
 APPENDIX (C). 
 
 " Catalogue raisonne " of the Maps which require to be passed under review 
 
 Reference to 
 Atlas. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Authoi-. 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 (Yen.) 
 
 V.C. At. 
 
 ■21 
 
 [1595] , [Ealeigh, Sir Walter] 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 1599 ■ Hondias, Jodocus 
 Braz. At. : 
 
 6 : 
 
 (Ven.) Br. At. | ! 
 
 5 i 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 23 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At, 
 
 53 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At. 
 50 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At. I 
 
 58 I 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At. 
 59 
 
 (Veil.) V. At. 
 22 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At. 
 61, 61 A, 61b. 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At. 
 65 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 Braz. At. 
 
 rVen.) 
 
 V.C, At. 
 
 76 
 
 [1599 ?] or 1602. De Bry 
 
 1608. Hondius, .Jodocus 
 
 1614. Kcerius, Petrus 
 
 1616. Bertius, Pierre 
 
 1616. Ditto 
 
 1626. Speed 
 
 1630. Laiigereii, 
 Florentin van 
 
 Arnold 
 
 The late Mr. Coote, who was the best British 
 authority, consideied that the cartograpliy of 
 Guiana really commenced with this map, now 
 almost unanimously attributed to Sir Walter 
 Ealeigh. The map shows both the Orinoco 
 and Amazon as large rivers,, and is the earliest 
 authentic map which has the Orinoco as a great 
 waterway. As the map, however, lay unknown 
 and undiscovered till 1850, its effective influence 
 in the cartography of South America was prob- 
 ably nil. 
 
 This map of Guiana, &c., was based as regards the 
 coast on the work of Dutch pilots, as regards 
 the interior on the published writings of Raleigh 
 and Keymis. It deserves attention because of 
 the high authority of its author, and because it 
 is practically the parent of the Dutch maps of 
 Guiana. 
 
 All obvious copy of Hondius, and probably of later date 
 than tliat assigned. De Bry's book was not published 
 till 1602. 
 
 America Meridionalis. 
 
 Tliis map of Soutli America is only apparently an 
 advance upon tlie map of 1599. It combines witb the 
 presentation of the Amazon obtained from Ortelius 
 the presentation of Guiana adopted in 1599. 
 
 Americae Nova Descriptio. 
 
 America. 
 
 America Meridionalis. 
 
 Map of all America. 
 
 > Quite insignificant maps. 
 
 Carton dans le Globe de van Langeren. 
 La Guyane dans le Globe de van Langeren. 
 Globe, grave. Bibliothdque de Grenoble. 
 
 [1600] j Anonymous Spanish 
 
 1640 {vers). Joughe, Cle- L'Am^rique en deux feuilles. Bibliothecxue Nationale 
 mendt de de Paris. Cartes Klaproth, 648. 
 
 It has been very diflicult to assign the date of this 
 map. A careful examination of the original in 
 the Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid reveals a 
 note on the back which shows that the map 
 was intended to accompany a " relaciou de los 
 Aruacas." Spanish experts doubt as to the 
 date of the map. British experts, from the 
 writing, place it a good deal later than the 
 date here assigned to it. The ground, however, 
 upon which the British Counter-Case in the 
 Venezuelan arbitration placed it after the 
 beginning of the 17th century, is not sound, 
 because the marks in Trinidad taken lor two 
 towns are certainly not such. The omission of 
 the town of Santo Thome on a map which is 
 pretty clearly Spanish points to its not being 
 much later than 1600; and, therefore, that 
 approximate date is taken here. 
 
95 
 
 Eeference to 
 Atlas. 
 
 (Veil.) Brit. 
 
 At., p. 6. 
 
 (Veil.) V. At. 
 
 24 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 
 Br. At. 
 
 60 
 
 (Pr. Br.) Br. Al- 
 64 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 (Veil.) Brit. At. 
 
 p. 7 
 
 (Ven.) \'. At. 
 
 26 
 
 (Ven.) Brit. At. 
 p. 8 
 
 (Yen.) V. At. 
 28 
 
 (Ven.) B. At. 
 11 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 29 
 
 (Aug. Br.) 
 
 Braz. S. 
 
 Author. 
 
 [1625] 
 
 (Veil.) Brit. 
 
 At., p. 9. 
 
 (Ven.) Br. At., 
 
 p. 10. 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 30 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. 
 At. I 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At. 
 79 
 
 (Pr. Br.) Br. At. 
 84 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 
 Br. At. 
 
 83 
 
 (Pr. Br.) Br. At, 
 82 
 
 De Laet 
 
 1650 
 
 1634. M(3riiui, Matliieu 
 
 1635. BUiou, William 
 
 1640. Ditto 
 
 1647. Jansson, ,1. 
 
 1655 ? Blaeii, William 
 
 1667. Ditto 
 
 1690. Vissoher ... 
 
 Sanson DAbbeville, N. 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 Tliough De Laet's map (of Guiana, &c.) is largely 
 founded on that of Hondius noted above, yet it 
 has sutticient new work to entitle it to a separate 
 place, especially as it became the regular type 
 of the Dutch maps of Guiana. 
 
 Die Landachafft Gvaiana Inhaltende Alle die Provincien 
 zwisohen dem fluss Amazon und dem wasser Yviapari 
 Oder Orinoque. 
 
 It is probable that William Blaeu prepared De Laet's 
 map ; at any rate, he adopted that map as his type, 
 and he and his successors clung to it. Jansson and 
 Hondius set up in business as rivals of the Blaeus, 
 and printed his maps, even acquiring and doctoring 
 their plates. 
 
 1654 
 1656 
 
 Du Val D'Abbeville, P."| 
 Sanson D'Abbeville, N. 
 
 1655 
 
 1664. DuVul D'Abbeville, 
 Pierre 
 
 1679. Ditto 
 
 1688. Mallet, Manesson 
 
 Pagan, ('unite de 
 
 [1688]. Coronelli, 
 
 Pere M. 
 
 [1045] 
 
 Insulae Americanae. 
 
 This map of South America is hardly on a scale 
 which deserves prominence, and is Httle more 
 than a copy of the De Laet type ; it is, how- 
 ever, the first map which carries an engraved 
 boundary in this part of South America, and it 
 is closely connected with the special maps of 
 Guiana which follow. The fact is that the real 
 type is given by the three maps as a series, not 
 by one alone. 
 
 Of these maps of Guiana and Caribana, it is difficult 
 to say which is really the first in point of work : 
 Du Val was nephew of Nicolas Sanson. 
 
 It is remarkable that the appearance of the 
 engraved boundary limiting Spanish possessions 
 to the neighbourhood of the Orinoco should first 
 occur immediately after the Treaty of Miinster. 
 
 Coste de Guyane, &c. 
 
 There were subsequent editions of later date. 
 
 La Mer de Nort oil sont la Noui" Prance, la Floride, la 
 N'e Bspagne, les Isles et la Terre-Perme d'Amerique. 
 
 P;ivs des Carilios de Guiane. 
 
 Magni Amazoni FIv\'ii in America Meridionali 
 nova delineatio. 
 
 Small as this map is, it introduces a new 
 type— that of the maps which attempted to 
 portray the Amazon after the narrative of 
 Padre D'Acuiia. 
 
 Tills Italian map of South America follows the type of 
 Pagan, but it is of special interest, because it appears 
 to "be the fli'st which, owing to the ^^Titings of 
 M. Villermont, throws a doubt on the existence of 
 Lake Pa rime. 
 
 o 
 
96 
 
 Eeferenee to 
 Atlas. 
 
 (Yen.) V. At. 
 
 36 
 
 <Pr. Br.) Br. At. 
 
 87, 88. 
 
 (Yen.) V. At. 
 
 37 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At 
 
 89 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 9. 
 
 (Pr. Br.) Br. 
 At. I 
 
 90 
 
 (Pr. Br.) Br. 
 At. II 
 
 18 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 P.r. At. 
 
 86 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 
 Fr. At. 
 
 17 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Brit. At. 
 
 Brit. At. 
 
 (Pr. Br.) Br. At. 
 17 
 
 (Veil.) Br. At. 
 
 (Yen.) V. At. 
 
 .38 
 
 (Yen.) Brit. 
 
 At., p. 12. 
 
 Date. 
 
 (Fr. Br.)l 
 Br. At. II 
 
 v. Ang. 
 Br., Brit. At. 
 
 8 
 Bras. At. 11. 
 
 (Pr. Br.) 
 Br. At. II 
 
 1691 
 
 Author. 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 1700 
 
 Delisle, Guillaume... <( 
 
 1703; 
 
 1705. De Per, N. 
 
 1719. Ditto 
 
 Fritz, Padre Samuel 
 
 1722 
 
 1743 
 
 1707. Fritz, Padre S. 
 
 1719 (?). Anonymous. 
 
 1751. Cigra, .1. C. 
 Delisle 
 
 La Condamine 
 
 1746. Le Rouge 
 
 These maps are an imitation of Coronelli : tliey are 
 practically the same work, but the larger scale is the 
 better. 
 
 This map is the finest of this series, being much larger than 
 either Pagan's or his own earlier (the preceding) map ; 
 yet it has no such originality as admits it to be a type. 
 
 Cours de Maragnon. This was the first good map 
 of the Amazon, vide note in Brit. Case. 
 
 The published edition of the original large map, supra. 
 Apparently the map (Pr. Br.) Br. At. No. 16 is a 
 later edition of this print. 
 
 Carte del Amazone. A copy of Fritz. 
 
 Jesuit map of mission areas. 
 
 This map of South America is on too small a 
 scale to be regarded as of real importance. It 
 is, however, a distinct improvement iipon 
 Delisle's previous work, particularly as regards 
 the Amazon, which he bases upon the map of 
 Padre Fritz published a few years previously. 
 It also carries a rather vague line to the west of 
 Guiana, which may mark a sort of transition to 
 a definite political boundary. On the whole, it 
 deserves a separate place. M. Marcel, of the 
 Bibliotheque Rationale at Paris, has a high 
 appreciation of Delisle's work. M. Mallet 
 Prevost, however, in his Eeport to the American 
 Commission, altogether overdoes his ingenious 
 but imaginative argument on this map. 
 
 Map of the course of the Amazon published ia 
 the " Eelation abrcjgfe, &c." It was drawn by 
 D'Anville for la Condamine, and was the first 
 map which portrayed comparatively correct 
 geography for the region now in question. For 
 that region it certainly forms a type which was 
 worked up and improved by D'Anville, and 
 its geography was copied independently by 
 Eobert de Vaugondy and others. 
 
 N.B. — Of course the information is taken in 
 parts from Hostman's recently found sketch: 
 but this must rank rather as material than as a 
 map. 
 
 Map of America. Follows la Condamine in the district 
 under consideration. In general style the map is so 
 like that of Robert de Vaugondy as to suggest some 
 interchange of work or views. 
 
97 
 
 Eeference to 
 Atlas. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Author. 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 (Veil.) Br. At, 
 p. 16 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 Brit. At. 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 Braz. At. 
 
 17 
 
 (Yen.) Br. At. 
 
 (Ven.)V At. 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 (Aug. 
 Brit. 
 
 Br.) 
 
 At. 
 
 Braz. At. 
 18 
 
 (Ang. 
 Braz. 
 
 2 
 
 Br.) 
 
 At. 
 1 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At. 
 34 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Br. At. 
 
 30 
 
 (Ven.) Br. At., 
 
 p. 26 
 
 (Pr. Br.) Br. At. 
 
 39 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 32 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At. 
 49 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At. 
 50 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At. 
 Bl 
 
 (Veu.) Brit. At., 
 p. 31 
 
 (Pr. Br.) Br. At 
 54 
 
 (Veu.) Br. At., 
 p. 32. 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 51 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 Braz. At. 
 
 52 
 
 1748 
 
 D'Anville, J. B. 
 
 [1762]. Van Berclieyck 
 
 1762. Janvier ... 
 
 1767. Isaac Tirion 
 
 1771. Bonne ... 
 
 1782. Janvier ... 
 
 1784. Ditto ... 
 
 1785. Bonne ... 
 
 1790. Janvier ... 
 
 1791. Nolin ... 
 
 1794. Laurie and Whittle. 
 
 1794. Kitoliiu ... 
 
 1795. Ditto 
 
 Am^rique Mc5ridionale. 
 
 This great map has been so fully noticed in 
 the British Case, p. 145, that there is no need to 
 dilate on it here. 
 
 In 1760 the second edition of the same map was 
 published. Eeference may be made to the 
 note to this map in the annotated list attached 
 to the British Case in the Venezuelan Arbitra- 
 tion. 
 
 It is remarkable that the first edition (which 
 is very rare) has only twice been imitated. All 
 other copyists follow the second edition. 
 
 Carte ayant servi aux Pl^nipotentiaires du Traits des 
 Limites entre le Portugal et I'Espagne, 1749. 
 
 Inset on a general map of the settled portions of the 
 Dutch Colony of Essequibo. The date on the plate 
 of the map remains 1759, but the inset is a copy of 
 D'Anville's second edition, and the true date is 
 believed to be that assigned. 
 
 Compare a note on a map of Covens and Mortier 
 in the annotated list attached to the British Case in 
 the Venezuela matter. 
 
 Am&'iqiie Meridionale. 
 
 This map must be placed among the imitations of 
 D'Anville, though it has not the D'Anville boundary 
 on the west. It has one or two curious imperfections. 
 
 Kaart van geheel Guajana of de Wilden-Kust. 
 
 Terre Ferme de Guyana et Amerique. 
 
 Am^rique Meridionale. 
 
 Am^rique Meridionale. 
 
 Carte de Terre Ferme de la Guyaue et du Pays du 
 Amazones. 
 
 The origin of this map has not been traced, but it is 
 remarkable as being a copy of the first edition of 
 D'Anville's great map. 
 
 Amerique. 
 
 Beally a copy of Janvier's map of 1762, sripra. 
 
 South America. 
 
 South America. 
 
 Ditto. 
 
 |1045J 
 
98 
 
 Eefeience to 
 Atlas. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Author. 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 (Yen.) Brit. 
 
 At., p. 20. 
 
 (Yen.) V. At. 
 
 61 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Brit. At. 
 
 (Yen.) Brit. 
 
 At., p. 21 
 
 (Yen.) V. At. 
 
 ;u 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 
 Br. At. 
 
 28 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Brit. At. 
 
 Braz. At. 
 22 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 40 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 32 
 
 Brit. At., p. 33. 
 
 (Yen.) Y. At. 
 
 ;32 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 28 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 29 
 
 (Yen.) Br. At. 
 
 (Yen.) Y. At. 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 Brit. At. 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 Braz. At. 
 
 (Ven.) B.C.-O. 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 Brit. At. 
 
 1749 
 
 1750 
 
 1763 
 
 1770 
 
 Storm van 's Gravezande 
 
 Eobert de Yaugondy 
 
 1774. Bourgoin 
 
 1785. De la Marehe 
 
 1794. Laurie and Whittle 
 
 Bellin 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Hartsinck 
 
 [1801]. van Heneman, J. C. 
 
 Pdos Essequebe et Denierary. 
 
 This particularly interesting little map has 
 been fully discussed in the British Case, p. 152, 
 but it is necessary to notice an error into which 
 the Brazilian Case has fallen through following 
 Professor Burr. It cites "la carte espagnole 
 envoy^e par Storm," and refers to the little 
 map handed in by Storm to the West India 
 Company in 1750. Burr himself is puzzled by 
 the map. It has, indeed, no Spanish feature 
 whatever ; it is, in every particular, of Dutch 
 origm. There is nothing in evidence to connect 
 it in any way with the Spanish map which 
 Storm had seen in 1748. Storm himself refers 
 to it as something quite separate. It is clearly, 
 as already pointed out in the British Case, a 
 rough map made by Storm from memory whilst 
 still in Zeeland. 
 
 Amerique Meridionale. 
 
 This map, in its general cartography, really 
 belongs to a period prior to D'Anville, but the 
 author adopted from la Condamine's map the 
 corrected geography in regard to the territory 
 now in question, and so far it is in line with 
 D'Anville's great map. Its boundaries are, in 
 effect, the vague boundaries of the Sanson 
 maps. 
 
 It is worth noting that certain maps which; 
 for the most part, appear to imitate Yaugondy 
 varied the boundary on the south. 
 
 This map introduces certain engraved boundaries which 
 are not in Robert de Vaugondy's map. 
 
 This map of America follows the Yaugondy type, though 
 it occurs in the very same atlas as a map which 
 follows D'Anville's map. 
 
 Carte Gen^rale de la Guyane. 
 
 A map of some originality, yet of no geo- 
 graphical value. It was, however, not only 
 obviously but admittedly used by Hartsinck. 
 
 Carte de la Guyane Portugaise. 
 
 Caart van Guiana. 
 
 This map to some extent supplies the place of 
 an official Dutch map of the whole Colony. It 
 was based upon an official map and worked 
 up from D'Anville and Bellin (Hartsinck, 
 vol. i, 204). It is discussed in the British Case 
 at p. 153. 
 
 Schets Kaart van de limite tusscheu het Koningl. 
 Spaanseh en Neederlandsch Gujana. 
 
 As a map, this cannot have an independent place, 
 though its importance from the point of view of the 
 boundary question is very great. 
 
99 
 
 (Ven.) Brit. 
 
 At., p. 36. 
 
 (Aug. Br.) 
 
 Brit. At. 
 
 (Aug. Br.) 
 Braz. At. 
 
 Brit. At., 
 p. 24. 
 
 (Veil.) V. At. 
 
 77 
 
 (Veil.) V. At. 
 74 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 64 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 39 
 
 Brit. At., 
 
 p. 27. 
 
 (Veu.) V. At. 
 
 50 
 
 (Ven.) Br. At., 
 
 p. 29 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 41 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 71 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At, 
 44 
 
 CFr.>Braz. At. 
 45 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At. 
 
 47 
 
 (Pr. Br.) Br. At. 
 52 and 52 Us 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At. 
 53 
 
 (Ven.) 
 
 V.0.0. At. 
 
 5 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 53 
 
 1770 
 
 1775 
 
 1775 
 
 1802. Anonymous (trans- 
 mitted by Commandant 
 Hislop) 
 
 Centurion 
 
 1777. Flores, M. A. 
 
 [1779 ?] 
 O. de 
 
 Barcelona, Fr. 
 
 van Heneman, J. C. 
 
 De la Cruz, Cano 
 Olmedilla, J. 
 
 1778. De Surville, Luis 
 
 1780. Bonne 
 
 1780. Bonne 
 
 1781. Ditto 
 
 1785. Bachienne, W. A. 
 
 1790. Dezauclie 
 
 1794. Russell, J. 
 
 1796. Gussefeldt, F. L. 
 
 This is a difficult map to classify. Its basis seems to be 
 tlie map of Hartsinok, but its boundaries are touched 
 with the influence of D'Anville. On the whole, as 
 cartography looks to drawing and not to boundaries, 
 it should rather be classified with Hartsinck. 
 
 This map may be to some extent the parent of 
 the Spanish map of De la Cruz. It contains 
 those remarkable errors in the interior of 
 Guiana which are perpetuated by De la Cruz 
 and his imitators. 
 
 A copy of the above. 
 
 At first sight this map scarcely touches the territory in 
 question. On inspection, it falls under the rough 
 official maps which were embodied in that of De la Cruz. 
 
 Schets Kaart van de Colonien van Rio Demerary 
 en Eio Essequibo. 
 
 The map does not extend to the territory 
 now in question, yet it is scarcely so limited as 
 to be placed in App. II. As remarked else- 
 where, the Dutch cartographers' were mainly 
 concerned with the settled portions of the 
 Colony. 
 
 Of this fine but incorrect Spanish map full notice 
 has been taken on p. 146 of the British Case. 
 
 This map carries the line of the boundary of 
 the Dutch Colonies across the Essequibo just 
 above its junction with the Siparuni, and to the 
 eastward along certain hills which represent 
 the main watershed between the Amazon and 
 the rivers flowing to the north coast, but every- 
 thing to the westward is claimed for Spain as 
 against Portugal as much as against Holland. 
 
 Mapa Corographica de la Nueva Andalusia, &c. 
 
 Nouv. Ey™^ de Grenade, de la Nouvelle Andalousie, et 
 de la Guyane. 
 
 Partie septentrionale du Bresil. 
 
 Amerique M^ridionale. 
 
 Nouvelle Grenade, Nouvelle Andalousie, et Guyane. 
 
 Amerique. 
 
 South America. Published in Russell's American Atlas 
 in London, 1795, and reproduced with coloured 
 boundaries in Guthrie's " New System of Geography " 
 in 1811. 
 
 South America. A small scale very inaccurate map 
 without any authority. 
 
 [1045] 
 
100 
 
 Keference to 
 Atlas. 
 
 Title and Description. 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 53 
 
 (Pr.!Br.)Br. At. 
 
 55 
 
 (Ven.) 
 
 V.C.C. At. 
 
 6 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 55 
 
 (Ven.) 
 
 V.C.C. At. 
 
 7 
 
 (Ven.) 
 V.C.C. At. 
 
 * (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 83 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At. 
 
 58 
 
 (Ven.) 
 
 V.C.C. At. 
 
 9 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At. 
 60 
 
 <Fr. Br.) Br. At, 
 62 
 
 1796. Eequeila... 
 
 1797. Lescallier, Daniel 
 
 1802. Poirson, J. B. 
 
 1803. Mannert, C. 
 
 1805. Poirson, J. B. 
 [Drawn for De Pons, P.] 
 
 1806. Mentelle, E., and 
 Chanlaire, P. G. 
 
 1807. [De la Pochette, 
 L. S. D'aroy] 
 W. Paden, publisher. 
 
 1808. Dezauche 
 
 1811. Pinkerton, J. 
 
 1814. Lapie, P. 
 
 1815. Lesage ... 
 
 Mapa de la Mayor parte del America Meridional. 
 Requeiia's work was of interest in regard to the 
 attempt to settle boundaries between Spain and 
 Portugal, but it had no originality. 
 
 Guyane Prangaise. 
 
 A copy of the large map of Buachc, wliioh, though 
 not in any of the Atlases referred to, was in effect a 
 French edition of tlie map of de la Cruz. 
 
 Botli geography and boundaries on this map follow the 
 incorrect Spanish type. Dutch Guiana is confined to 
 the east of Essequibo. 
 
 The map bears a line purporting to represent that of 
 the Treaty of 1801, which afterwards became the line 
 of the Treaty of Amiens : it brings French Guiana far 
 west to tlie Rio Branco. 
 
 So far as the district in dispute has any existence 
 on the map, it appears to be divided between Prance 
 and Spain. 
 
 Probably based on Giissefeldt, supra. 
 
 A variant of the map of 1803, supra. 
 
 Colonies frani^aises et hoUandaises de la Guyane. 
 Practically the same piece of geography as that of 
 Poirson, above noted. The claim of Prance, however, 
 is extended at the expense of the Dutch Colony and 
 Spanish Guiana. 
 
 Colombia Prima. This large map in eight sheets, though 
 not itself reproduced in any of the atlases referred to, 
 requires notice as a fine, well-drawn map, and the 
 parent of various incorrect maps which have been 
 reproduced. De la Rochette (like Arrowsmith before 
 he set up on his own account) worked for Paden, and 
 was the instrument of bringing into English car- 
 tography, through mere carelessness, the whole of the 
 incorrect Spanish detail. 
 
 " Dutch Guiana " is printed right across from west 
 of Essequibo. French Guyana brought round to the 
 south and west up to the Essequibo, Rupununi, and 
 Branco rivers, with a note on the southern line 
 " according to the Treaty of Peace, September 1801." 
 
 [Subsequent editions were published in 1820, 1823, 
 1828, 1829, 1851, and 1857.*] 
 
 This map is an extraordinary instance of the way in 
 which an absolutely ineoriect map is reproduced in 
 edition after edition long after the time when its 
 errors have been thoroughly exploded. 
 
 Here is a map published by a leading British house 
 in 1857, carrying on its face the " Golden Lake of 
 Parema," afallof the Essequibo taken from D'Anville, 
 and an absolutely incorrect presentation of the rivers 
 in the district now in dispute, and all this fifteen 
 years after the territory had been thoroughly sur- 
 veyed by Schomburgk. 
 
 Carte de I'Am^rique. 
 
 Again the incorrect Spanish geography. So far as the 
 district in dispute can be said to be shown at all, it is 
 assigned to Spain and Prance. French Guiana shown 
 
 at its utmost extension. 
 
 Carte de rAm(5rique M^ridionale. 
 
 The work of Lapie marks a distinct attempt to 
 improve upon the cartography of the Spanish type ; 
 but the geographical errors remain in full force. 
 
 Les deux Ameriques. 
 
 This map is so sketchy that it is impossible to de- 
 termine Its type, except that the boundaries upon it 
 suggest that it belongs to the Spanish type. 
 
101 
 
 Reference to 
 Atlas. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Author. 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 (Pr. Br.) Br. 
 
 At. n 
 
 01 
 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At. 
 63| 
 
 (Ven.) 
 
 V.C.C. At. 
 
 10 
 
 <Pr.) Braz. At. 
 70 
 
 <Pr.) Braz. At. 
 71 
 
 (Ven.) 
 
 V.C.C. At. 
 
 14 
 
 (Von.) 
 
 V.C.C. At. 
 
 10 
 
 (Aug. Br.) 
 Braz. At. 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 Braz. At. 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 Braz. At. 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 50 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 54 
 
 (Aug. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 56, [i7 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 59,60 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 89 
 
 1781 
 
 1787 
 
 1787 
 
 1815. Beauohainp, Al- 
 plionse de 
 
 (Not Adolph.) 
 
 1816. Bru4, A. H. 
 
 1823. Do la Rochette, L. S. 
 
 1825. Dolamarohe 
 
 1825. Buohon .. 
 
 1828. Weimar Geographic 
 Institute 
 
 1829. Wyld 
 
 Silva Pontes and Almeida 
 Serra 
 
 Gania Lobo de Almada. . . 
 
 J. Simoens de Carvalho 
 
 [1789 ?]. J. JoacLuim Vic- 
 torio da Costa. 
 
 Ditto... 
 
 [1798, 1804?]. Anonymous 
 ? Silva Pontes. 
 
 [1804 ?] Anonymous 
 
 1884 ... 
 
 The map reproduced is part of a " Nouvelle Carte de 
 Bresil et de I'Am^rique Portugaise " annexed to 
 Beauchatnp's " Histoire du Bresil." 
 
 Beauchamp was a plagiarist, and his map is a mere 
 copy of Lapie's. 
 
 Carte encyproty])e de I'Amerique Meridionale. 
 
 Like Lapie, Brue made a great advance from point 
 of view of work, but he still retained incorrect 
 geography. He was soon to learn a better type. 
 
 This map is based vipon that known as Colombia Prima 
 (vide siipra). 
 
 Carte gfe^rale de rAm^rique divisee en ses principaux 
 6tats. 
 
 La Guyane Francjaise. 
 
 This map follows De la Cruz in geography, and in part 
 also in line, bu.t brings the line along the Kupununi, 
 leaving everything to the west to Brazil. 
 
 Part of map of South America. 
 
 Map of the Eio Branco. 
 
 Ditto. 
 
 Ditto. y 
 
 These three maps, taken together (for the '^ 
 later maps made use of the 1781 survey), form 
 a new departure in the geography of the dis- 
 trict surrounding the Eio Branco. They had 
 no direct effect on cartography at once, hut, 
 through Humboldt, they were the means of 
 restoring to the maps of South America some 
 approach to that correct geography which 
 D'Anville's contained. 
 
 Viages feitas, &c. 
 
 Later edition, with a face-note dated 1797. 
 
 flNova Liisitania. 
 
 Carta topographica das Provincias do Parde Rio Negro. 
 
 Commission bresilienne de Demarcation des Limltes du 
 Br^sll avec le Venezuela. 
 
102 
 
 Eeference to 
 Atlas. 
 
 Author. 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 48 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 1811. Arrowsmith, A. 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 63 
 
 (Fr. Br.) 
 
 Br. At. 
 
 64 
 
 [1813?] Lopes, S.J. 
 
 1816 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Br. At. 
 
 64 
 
 (Aug. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 65 
 
 (Pr. Br.) Br. At, 
 
 65 
 
 (Ven.) 
 
 V.C.C. At. 
 
 15 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 Braz. At. 
 
 66 
 (Fr. Br.) Br. At. 
 
 78 
 (Aug. Br.) 
 Braz. At. 
 
 71 
 
 CAng. Br.> 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 61 
 
 (Pr. Br.) Br. At, 
 
 69 
 
 (Ven.) 
 
 V.C.C. At. 
 
 11 
 
 (Pr. Br.) Br. At. 
 
 67 
 
 CPr.) Braz. At. 
 
 68 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 67 
 
 Brion de 
 Poirson 
 
 la Tour et 
 
 1817. Arrowsmith, A. 
 
 [1820]. Hall, Sidney 
 
 1820. Lapie, P. 
 
 1821. Brne, A. H. 
 
 [1822]. Anonymous 
 
 1825. Darmet .,. 
 1825. Vivien ... 
 
 1825, Buchon ... 
 
 1826. A. H. Bru6 (for 
 Humboldt) 
 
 Outlines of the jihysical and political divisions of South 
 America. 
 
 The history of this map has still to be written. It 
 appears to he the earliest actually published map 
 which contained the improved, but still inaccurate, 
 ideas of the geography which Humboldt obtained 
 from the Brazilian maps noticed immediately above. 
 It was apparently published at a time when Humboldt 
 was still engaged in finishing his maps with the aid of 
 Poirson in Paris. How Arrowsmith could have got 
 his information is not known. But Humboldt has in 
 one passage accused him of pirating his material 
 without acknowledgment (" Voyages," tom. i, p. 21). 
 It seems hardly possible to rank the map as the real 
 leading map of this series, when it is known that 
 Poirson worked for Humboldt. It seems fairer to 
 assign that place to the map made by Poirson with 
 Brion de la Tour in 1816. 
 
 A later edition was published in 1840 with the date 
 1810 still on the plate and the boundaries considerably 
 altered. 
 
 The date is not vouched for : 
 deal later. 
 
 it is not improbably a good 
 
 Amerique Meridionale. 
 
 This appears to be the earliest published 
 map which admittedly followed Humboldt's 
 information, and really gave to the world the 
 geography of the maps of Lobo de Almada and 
 his predecessors with the spurious watershed 
 formed by great imaginary hills. 
 
 See, however, note as to Arrowsmith's map 
 of 1811 just above. 
 
 The map prepared to accompany Robert Southey's 
 " History of Brazil," Part II. 
 
 A map accompanying a work entitled "Description of 
 Venezuela, Trinidad, Margarita, and Tobago, from 
 
 the Prench of M. Lavaysse " London, 
 
 G. and B. Whittaker. It is of no authority. 
 
 L' Amerique. 
 
 Later edition in 1828. 
 
 Nouvelle Carte de I'Am^rique Meridionale. 
 
 Later edition 1825, and again in 1827 and 1838. 
 
 Brue was one of the more progressive cartographers 
 of the nineteenth century. Having drawn Humboldt's 
 final map for him, he naturally adopted this type at 
 first, but he also very soon took up Schomburgk's 
 work, and improved his maps accordingly. 
 
 Carta corografica de la Republica de Colombia. 
 
 See as to this map the remarks in the British 
 Counter-Case. 
 
 Amdrique Meridionale. 
 
 L' Amerique M<5ridionale. 
 
 A map on a small scale : 
 
 in which neither 
 
 graphical features nor boundaries are quite clear 
 
 geo- 
 
 Carte G^ographique, Statistique et Historique du 
 Br^sil. 
 
 Carte de la Colombie. 
 
103 
 
 Reference to 
 Atlas. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Author. 
 
 (Ven.) 
 
 V.C.C. At. 
 
 13 
 
 <Fr.) Braz. At. 
 
 7C 
 
 (Pr. Br.) 
 Br. At. 
 
 77 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Br. At. 
 
 C9 
 
 <Ven.) Br. At., 
 
 p. 37 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 47 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Brit. At., p. 20. 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 (Ven.) 
 V.C.C. At. 
 
 48 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 Braz. At. 
 
 <Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 73 
 
 <Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 79 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 74 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 76 
 
 (Ven.) 
 
 V.C.C. At. 
 
 18 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 75 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 77 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 80 
 
 (Ven.) 
 
 V.C.C. At. 
 
 19,20 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 81 
 
 (Ven.) 
 
 V.C.C. At. 
 
 21 
 
 ^Ang.Br.) 
 Braz. At. 
 
 84 
 
 1827. Restrepo 
 
 1828. Lapio, P. 
 
 1829. Lapie, P. 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 The first map in Eestrepo's Atlas is a " Carta de la 
 Republica de Colombia," witli geograpliy of tlie type 
 under consideration. It lias the fictitious well-marked 
 water-shed, along which the boundary of Colombia is 
 carried. 
 
 The extract given in the Venezuelan Atlas does 
 not include the territory in dispute. 
 
 Colombie et Guyane. 
 
 Carte du Br^sil. Later edition 1838, vide map No. 79. 
 
 1832. Arrowsiiiith, John 
 
 1834. Montgomery, Martin 
 
 1834. Ditto 
 
 [1837]. Gardner 
 
 1837. Mahlman 
 
 1839. J. Arrowsmith. 
 
 [1837J. Duvotenay, Tli. 
 
 1839. Duvotenay 
 
 1840. Codazzi ... 
 
 1849. Weimar Institut 
 [H. Kiepert.] 
 
 1854. Frijlink. 
 
 [1852]. von Martius, C. F. P. 
 
 [1863]. Milliet de Saints 
 Adolphe 
 
 This map of Colombia from the London Atlas of 1835 is 
 an advance upon most of its predecessors under this 
 type. It makes a greater effort to bring both 
 geography and boundaries in Guiana back to some 
 resemblance of the facts, although it is still permeated 
 with inaccurate information. 
 
 0/. also the map of South America in the same atlas, 
 and large map of South America 1840. 
 
 A mere imitation of Arrowsmith. 
 
 Ditto. 
 
 A portion of a map of the world in hemispheres, which 
 appears to have been originally dated 1825, with 
 additions to 1837. 
 
 Possibly from Mahlman's Hand Atlas of. 1838. 
 
 Colombia e Guiana. 
 
 Apparently an Italian reproduction of an uneoloured 
 French map published in " L'Univers, Histoire et 
 Description de tous les Peuples." Patis, 1837. 
 
 A small map of South America from an ordinary school 
 atlas published by Dufour et Duvotenay, 1840. 
 
 Carta Corografioa de Colombia. 
 
 Of. the other maps from his atlas, all of the same type. 
 
 Slid America. 
 
 Ditto. 
 
 Avowedly a copy of Niemeyer's (which may be called the 
 standard Brazilian) map. 
 
 Apparently a copy of a map originally published in an 
 "Atlas do Imperio do Brazil" par J. P. Ailland, 
 Paris 1845, which accompanied a Diccionario Geo- 
 graph'ico, &c., by J. 0. R. Milliet de Saint-Adolphe. 
 
104 
 
 Eeference to 
 Atlas. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Author. 
 
 Title or Description. 
 
 (Aug. Br.) 
 Braz. At. 
 
 85 
 
 (Aug. Br.) 
 
 Braz. At. 
 
 90 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 82 
 
 (Veil.) V. At. 
 83 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 84 
 
 (Veil.) V. At. 
 
 (Von.) V. At. 
 86 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 (Ven.) Br. At. 
 pp. 38 and 39 
 
 (Ven.) Br. At., 
 
 pp. 47, 48. 
 
 (Ang. Br.) 
 
 Brit. At. 
 
 24 
 
 (SoTithern 
 
 sheet) 
 
 (Ven.) Brit. At., 
 
 p. 41 V. At. 
 
 88 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 90 
 
 (Ven.) Br. 
 
 At., p. 40 
 
 (Ven.) V. At. 
 
 87 
 
 (An». Br.) 
 
 Brit. At. 
 
 1839 
 
 1868. Caudido Mendes de 
 Almeida 
 
 1901. Eaymiuido Nery et 
 Bernardo Eamos 
 
 Schomburgk, E. H. 
 
 1842 
 
 1844 
 
 1840. Sohomlnirgk 
 
 1840. Ditto ... 
 
 1841. Ditto ... 
 1843. Ditto ... 
 1847. Ditto ... 
 1867. Ditto ... 
 
 Hebert, L. J. 
 
 Schomburgk, E. H. 
 
 1847 
 
 1875. Stanford. 
 
 1876. Barrington Brown. 
 
 Schomburgk, Eichard .. 
 [Mahlmann, engraver] 
 
 Candido Mendes \Yas Professor of Geographical History 
 at Sam Luis, but the execution of the maps is very 
 poor. They are not of authority. 
 
 « 
 A map taljen from the "Land of the Amazons," — first 
 edition dated 1884. 
 
 Rather a crude map, following the ordinary modern 
 Brazilian type : without authority. 
 
 This sketch map, reproduced by Arrowsmith for 
 a Parliamentary Paper in 1840, became the 
 parent of the great majority of the maps of 
 G-uiana in the rest of the nineteenth century. 
 
 This fact will be illustrated by the Atlas 
 attached to the present Counter-Case. 
 
 These are mere copies in one form or other of Schom- 
 burgk's Sketch Map. 
 
 Map of British Guiana. 
 
 The original of this is a very beautiful MS., 
 compiled partly from Schomburgk's earliest 
 surveys. It is a distinct type map, though it 
 was buried for years. 
 
 The great map by Eobert Schomburgk of the 
 physical features of British Guiana was, and 
 still is, the basis of all accurate geography in 
 the region now in question. It was left 
 unused for years, but began in 1867 to form 
 the basis of published work, for in that year a 
 copy was given to the geological surveyors, 
 Sawkins and Brown, and formed the basis of 
 the large map which was prepared for the 
 Colony, and published by Stanford in 1875. 
 The whole series of Schomburgk's maps was 
 published in the British Atlas, prepared for the 
 Venezuelan arbitration. 
 
 This map must rank by itself because Richard 
 Schomburgk had the bene-fit of all the fresh 
 geographical knowledge gained by his brother 
 on his formal survey ; his map is consequently 
 a considerable improvement on the sketch-map 
 type. 
 
 Note. — There are a few maps in the various Atlases which have not been included in the above 
 schedule. Some of these are, as a matter of history, important, but, as a matter of geography, 
 without value. Such are the Treaty map of 1749, or the Brazilian Commission map of 1843. '^ These 
 have all been mentioned in the text of the British Case or Counter-Case. 
 
^■i^'%