CORNELL 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 GIFT OF 
 
 Claude Granger LeLand 
 
Cornell University Library 
 DC 130.L14 1904 
 
 Chronicles of an old campaigner 
 
 3 1924 028 179 400 
 
The original of tiiis book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://archive.org/details/cu31924028179400 
 
THE CHRONICLES OF 
 AN OLD CAMPAIGNER 
 M. DE LA COLONIE 
 
 1692-1717 
 
THE CHRONICLES OF 
 AN OLD CAMPAIGNER 
 
 M. DE LA COLONIE 
 
 1&92-1717 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH 
 BY WALTER C. HORSLEY 
 
 LIEUT.-COLONEL COMMANDING THE 
 20TH MIDDLESEX (aRTISTs), R.V. 
 
 WITH ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 NEW YORK 
 E. P. DUTTON AND COMPANY 
 
 1904 
 
 -ft .y, 
 
J 3^ 
 
 Printed in Great Britain 
 
 \ 
 
 \^,':^\ <:br\ \ 
 
 V. \CiU (\xi^ '^-^.-i Cs.'4.-Qet V," v,U* A 
 
TO MY COMRADES IN 
 "THE ARTISTS" 
 
PREFACE 
 
 IT is reasonable to suppose that this work has been 
 overlooked, at all events in this country ; the trans- 
 lator now offers it in the hope that it may be found worthy 
 to be included as an addition to the material bearing upon 
 the war of the Spanish succession. The memoirs were 
 originally published in 1737, and more than one edition 
 appeared at Brussels and Utrecht between that year and 
 1748, and there are probably now many general readers, 
 besides expert soldiers, who will appreciate an old soldier's 
 account of his personal experiences in the campaigns 
 of France against those distinguished brothers-in-arms, 
 Marlborough and Eugene, and in Prince Eugene's defeat 
 of the last Turkish effort to invade Europe proper at 
 Belgrade. 
 
 M. de la Colonie, a French dragoon officer, was seconded 
 for service with the Bavarian army to organise the regi- 
 ment formed from roving French soldiers and deserters 
 of the same nation from the Imperial service. He throws 
 a picturesque light, not only upon the details of military 
 life and the conditions of war of two hundred years ago, 
 but on the social and political condition of the countries 
 to which his varied service led him, and his southern 
 origin seems to exhibit itself in his narrative and the 
 energy with which he carried out his duty. The soldier 
 
viii PREFACE 
 
 will find many an incident recalling his own work of to-day, 
 while the first-hand descriptions of the old-time sieges give 
 us real pictures of a departed phase in the science of war. 
 
 I hope that the interest which the perusal of these old 
 records afforded me may serve as my excuse for introduc- 
 ing the work to the notice of the public. I have omitted 
 certain passages describing events in which M. de la 
 Colonie took no personal part, and of which he was not 
 an eye-witness. Most of these events have passed into 
 history in a form more accurate than the rumours of the 
 day which M. de la Colonie records. 
 
 I desire to acknowledge my indebtedness to my friend, 
 W. F. Felkin, who has very ably assisted me in elucidating 
 the occasional doubtful diction of M. de la Colonie, and in 
 curtailing the inherent prolixity of his story. 
 
 WALTER C. HORSLEY 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Family history — Cadet experiences — Siege of Namur . . pfges 1-25 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 Battle of Landen — Siege of Charleroi — Namur captured by the Allies — 
 Peace of Ryswick and reduction of the army . . . 26-52 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 Half-pay in Paris — The Countess — Arras and Bordeaux — The lawsuit 53-70 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 The cause of the war between France and Spain against the Allies, and 
 the motives which caused the Elector of Bavaria to side with France 
 — Enters the Bavarian service — Journey to Munich . . 71-94 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 The raid into Swabia — Duels — Winter quarters and the chatelaine — 
 Defeat of Generals Schlick and Stirum . ... 95-139 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 Invasion of the Tyrol — Defection of the Duke of Savoy — Retreat from 
 Innsbruck — The command of the French Grenadiers given to Bois- 
 morel — Straubing — Defeat of Imperial Hussars , . . 140-165 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 The campaign of 1704 — Junction with the French army — Repression 
 of looting — Battle of Donauwdrt — Defence of Rain — Return to 
 Munich . . . . ... 166-204 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 Panic in Bavaria — Action at Marquartstein — Difficulty with Boismorel — 
 Blenheim — Imperialists defeated at Ingolstadt — Protests against the 
 surrender of Bavaria — Negociations with Prince Eugene for evacua- 
 tion of Ingolstadt — Return of Boismorel . . . 205-255 
 
2 MY GREAT-GRANDFATHER i^^^^' ' 
 
 Notwithstanding precautions, I shall perhaps no 
 exempt from suspicion. But there are so many wi ne 
 living of all that I have written about and of everything 
 that has happened to me, that even if I were capable 
 of trifling with the truth, that fact alone would check me. 
 
 Here, then, we have the memoirs put together without 
 art or study, and without special consultation of authors 
 and histories. It will not be surprising that a man who 
 has passed all his life as a soldier should be found wanting 
 in a style likely to embellish his work. 
 
 By the time I had reached the age of ten years I had 
 learned to read and write in a market town in Perigord, 
 my native country. I was the sixth child in a family 
 by no means well endowed with this world's goods. The 
 ancestors of my father and mother were well known by 
 their services to the public and by the important posts 
 that they had held, but certain reverses of fortune had 
 so reduced their descendants that they could no longer 
 maintain the position held by the family during a period 
 of many centuries. 
 
 The House of Guines, from which my mother was 
 descended, is one of the most ancient in Picardy. A cadet 
 of that house quitted the service in the reign of Francis U. 
 in order to marry in Perigord. In this establishment 
 affection played a greater part than opulence, and the 
 beggarly inheritance that he left to his descendants so 
 depressed the family that now it is only the elders of some 
 of its branches who live as befits the nobility. 
 
 My paternal great-grandfather, the last of those who 
 were able to sustain the lustre of their race by the excess 
 of his courage, placed his descendants not only in the sad 
 position of being unable to imitate him, but also in one 
 that obliged them to live a middle-class life on the small 
 patrimony that he left them. His fidelity and bravery 
 
CHAP, i] THE HUGUENOTS 3 
 
 under the rule of Henry III. caused the loss of all his 
 property, and only left to his children the renown of the 
 doughtiest and most intrepid man of his time. 
 
 He commanded a body of troops in Perigord under 
 the orders of M. de Montluc, Governor of Guienne, in 
 opposition to the Huguenot forces, who, under the pro- 
 tection of the Prince of Conde, committed the most 
 fearful atrocities. He gained many advantages over their 
 troops ; among others he defeated a considerable detach- 
 ment that Admiral de Coligny sent from Saintes to 
 Quercy. This detachment passed through Perigord. He 
 attacked it near a village called Bitarelle, and the action 
 was so well and vigorously conducted that none of the 
 enemy escaped. It was considered so fine and bold an 
 affair that he was called to the day of his death " La 
 Bitarelle." 
 
 But M. de Montluc having died, my great-grandfather 
 lost his support and became the victim of the implacable 
 hatred of the Huguenots. The Vicomte de Turenne* 
 vowed his ruin, and was successful as regards his property ; 
 but my great-grandfather knew so well how to safeguard 
 his person by ruse and stratagem that the Vicomte was 
 never able to capture him. 
 
 King Henry III., under whose rule my great-grandfather 
 had rendered important services, was a king who, towards 
 the end of his reign, gave himself up entirely to pleasure, 
 and who neither punished nor recompensed, and my great- 
 grandfather for the rest of his life dared not fix upon 
 a permanent abode for fear of being surprised by the 
 people that the Vicomte employed to pursue him. 
 
 One night, having by chance taken refuge in a house 
 near Perigueux simply in order to sleep, he found himself 
 surprised by his pursuers, who, to prevent his escape, had 
 
 * This is probably a misprint in the original memoirs for "de Tavannes." 
 
4 WAR FEVER i^^^^' ' 
 
 surrounded the house on all sides and were proceeding 
 to smash in the door. There was apparently no chance 
 of escape, but it occurred to him to loosen the bolts himself, 
 and then when his pursuers crowded in he took advantage 
 of the obscurity, mingled with the mob, got out of the 
 house unperceived, and gained the open country, partisan 
 in hand. 
 
 When well out of danger he felt a veritable sorrow at 
 having left the scene without having revenged himself on 
 one or another of his persecutors. This feeling was so 
 strong within him that he at once set to work to make 
 good the deficiency. He began to shout as though he was 
 one of the pursuers, " La Bitarelle is off! " The first who 
 heard him ran up at the sound of his voice, crying, 
 " Where is he ? " " He is here," answered he, waiting for 
 them unmoved. As fast as they arrived he cut them down 
 with blows from his partisan, but he was obliged to retreat 
 when he found that his opponents were closing upon 
 him. 
 
 "La Bitarelle is off!" became a catchword in the country, 
 and was still quoted in the days of my childhood. One 
 might almost think that there was some resemblance 
 between my grandfather and myself; our people said that 
 I took after him in every way, and they gave me his 
 nickname, to which I became so accustomed that I 
 answered to it readily. 
 
 I was about seventeen years old when the victories of 
 Louis XIV. caused such a sensation in the kingdom. The 
 Battle of Fleurus, the taking of Mons, and the supposed 
 death of the Prince of Orange in Ireland caused such joy 
 that even in the smallest villages bonfires were lighted 
 and extravagant rejoicings everywhere manifested. The 
 only talk was of war, and such was the spirit of emulation 
 
CHAP, i] I JOIN A CADET COMPANY 5 
 
 among the youth of the country that they crowded to join 
 the new levies which were made almost daily. 
 
 My own enthusiasm was unbounded, but I wished to 
 begin my career as an officer. This was not possible for 
 anyone who had not served in one of the cadet companies* 
 which the King had established in nine frontier towns of 
 the kingdom. The aristocracy were there instructed in 
 all matters necessary to render them capable officers. To 
 enter these companies it was obligatory to be of noble 
 birth or standing — a fact to which the governors of the 
 provinces had to certify. I solicited aid from my friends 
 as well as from my father to obtain the necessary funds 
 for my journey, and M. de Bezons, Governor of Bordeaux, 
 gave me a letter to the late M, de Barbesieux at Versailles, 
 on the strength of which I was sent to join the company 
 at Charlemont in Flanders. 
 
 The Marquis de Refuge, major-general in the army of 
 the King, was the Governor, and he was also captain of the 
 cadet company in the place of M. de Reveillon, who had 
 been " broken " for not having quelled a mutiny vi'hich had 
 taken place here some years previously. 
 
 There were masters in these companies whose duty it 
 was to superintend the training of a young man of quality. 
 Besides military drill, to which the very greatest attention 
 was given, fencing, dancing, riding, geography, fortifica- 
 tion, and the principles of mathematics were taught ; but 
 these studies were not of so severe a nature as the manual 
 and musketry exercises, for they were optional. It was 
 sufficient to be present in the class-rooms ; and as young 
 men do not care for what troubles them, hardly anyone 
 
 "^ Nine companies for the instruction of gentle-born cadets were formed in 
 1682, one each at the following towns : — Tournay, Cambray, Valenciennes, 
 Charlemont, Longwy, Metz, Strasbourg, Brisac, and Besancon. Recruiting 
 was stopped in 1692, and two years later these companies were abolished. — 
 Histoirs de la Milice Franfaise, Daniel, 1724. 
 
6 LIFE AT CHARLEMONT [chap- i 
 
 profited by these classes. I regarded that opportunity for 
 self-instruction in a very different manner to my com- 
 rades. I believed that if I could work up fortification, 
 I should find thereby the means to meet the expenditure 
 necessary for my advancement, as my family was hardly 
 in a position to help me. This it was that inspired me to 
 apply myself to drawing and other studies which would 
 best enable me to qualify at once for a post in the Royal 
 Works Department. I also made a special study of 
 fencing and gymnastics, these being my favourite exer- 
 cises. 
 
 The mathematical masters, who from the first establish- 
 ment of these companies had hardly ever found a student 
 who really worked seriously at their science, were so 
 charmed with my application that they assisted in every 
 way my efforts to get on. In order to encourage me 
 they singled me out before my comrades for their special 
 praise, which drew upon me the envy and malice of several 
 senior cadets ; especially of one, who by his skill held the 
 top place in the fencing school, and who, having been 
 successful in several affairs of honour, had acquired a 
 reputation for bravery. This, besides making him re- 
 spected by the other cadets, rendered him at the same 
 time presumptuous and insolent. 
 
 He availed himself of every chance to affront me ; nay, 
 he did not even wait for an opportunity. 
 
 I was walking one day on the Esplanade in company 
 with some other cadets when he purposely joined us. 
 Addressing me personally in a scornful manner, he said a 
 hundred unpleasant things, treating my work and occupa- 
 tion with derision. Then gesticulating ridiculously he 
 asked me if I was able to draw a tierce or quarte with the 
 sword's point as well as I could a diagonal or perpendicular 
 line. These ill-bred gibes aroused my anger, hot words 
 
CHAP, i] MY FIRST DUEL 7 
 
 ensued, and feeling annoyed with his bragging self-asser- 
 tion, I without further hesitation drew my sword. 
 
 Never was man more surprised than he. He imagined 
 that his reputation would suffice to intimidate me, and 
 certainly never thought I would dare to fight him. Never- 
 theless, he promptly took up the challenge, and the other 
 cadets took care that we should not be interrupted in our 
 duel. We each of us did our best, and in the end I was 
 lucky enough, in this my first attempt, to defeat this re- 
 doubtable bully. I got home two hits, one of which, 
 having pierced the tendons below the wrist, caused him 
 such acute pain that he was quite disabled and was com- 
 pelled to cry for mercy. 
 
 This affair robbed the boaster of all the reputation he 
 had acquired, and caused the mathematical masters to 
 increase their care for my instruction ; for these gentlemen 
 regarded the sneers of this cadet as insults to themselves, 
 and the fact of my avenging them caused them to devote 
 their energy more than ever to qualify me for employment 
 in the Royal Office of Works. When they judged I had 
 made almost sufficient progress they themselves approached 
 the Marquis de Refuge and the Engineer-in-Chief, and 
 owing to their very strong recommendations he gave me 
 employment without my having to leave the company. 
 
 I was thus able to save from the pay which I drew from 
 the works sufficient to provide for my proper outfit when 
 appointed a regimental officer, without troubling my 
 parents on the point. I was never given to dissipation, 
 and I knew perfectly well that it would need very careful 
 behaviour on my part to succeed by my own unaided 
 efforts, as I had little or nothing to look forward to in the 
 way of patrimony. 
 
 But my satisfaction was clouded by an unexpected 
 occurrence, which was the more serious, being my first 
 
AN UNTOWARD ACCIDENT [chap, i 
 
 experience of the kind, and which might have entirely 
 ruined my prospects. There was even reason to fear a 
 yet more serious result, and without the protection that 
 the late M. de Louvois* afforded to the cadet companies, 
 which he regarded as his own particular institution, I 
 should not perhaps have got off as well as I did. This 
 affair did not concern the cadets only, for a young officer 
 who held the rank of aide- or gargon-majorf in a battalion 
 of the regiment of Navarre, which formed part of the 
 garrison of Charlemont, was also involved in it. This 
 young man was a well-made fellow, with a budding 
 moustache, after the royal fashion of that period, which 
 gave him a haughty and warlike air, and no one had a 
 better opinion of himself than he had. 
 
 On the day of the Fete Dieu, when the battalion was 
 under arms for the procession of the Holy Sacrament, I, 
 with three other cadets, happened to pass the colours of 
 the aide-major's regiment. This officer inadvertently spat 
 upon my coat, causing me to stop abruptly. His attention 
 being thus drawn to the occurrence, he looked for his 
 handkerchief to repair the accident, and thinking this was 
 only his duty under the circumstances I did nothing to 
 save him taking this trouble. The aide-major, who was 
 a very conceited fellow, was annoyed at this, and believing 
 that it involved a degradation to a man of his importance 
 he turned on his heels without finishing his work and 
 abused me roundly. I should have much liked to answer 
 him ; but seeing that he took the opportunity of raising 
 his voice I passed on, telling him that I should have the 
 
 * M. de Louvois was Secretary of War. He died suddenly in July 1697 
 and was succeeded by M. de Barbesieux, who also died suddenly in 1701 — 
 Hist. Me??ioirs Marquis de Petiquieres, 1735- 
 
 t Garfon-major. An officer in the old French service. He was selected 
 from among the lieutenants of a regiment to assist the aide-majors with the 
 general detail of duty. — ^James, Mily. Dicty. 
 
CHAP, i] AN UNWILLING APOLOGY 9 
 
 honour of a meeting later on, and went into the church 
 to attend the Mass. 
 
 The cadets who were with me left me at the door of 
 the church. Their one idea was to inform everyone of 
 what had happened, and the officers of this battalion and 
 those of our company were soon acquainted with the facts. 
 These gentlemen, who were well aware of the serious 
 results that were likely to ensue from this affair, joined in 
 endeavouring to find some way of stopping it. The acci- 
 dent which had happened to M. de Reveillon had afforded 
 evidence that this company, composed of seven or eight 
 hundred hare - brained fellows, would act without the 
 slightest reflection. After my affair with the cadet they 
 felt sure that I would not let this occurrence pass with- 
 out a word, and fearing that the company would find 
 itself in serious conflict with their battalion they left no 
 stone unturned whilst I was attending Mass to bind over 
 their brother officer to apologise to me when I left the 
 church. 
 
 Consequently I found, together with the gar9on-major, 
 a number of officers waiting for me at the door. The 
 commandant of the battalion ordered the latter to apologise 
 to me for what had happened. "I do so," said he, "because 
 you order me to do so, and for no other reason, and he 
 can take this apology for what it seems worth to him." 
 I thanked them for their good intentions, and continuing 
 my way, heard these gentlemen speaking severely to the 
 gargon-major. This was not enough and did not satisfy 
 me ; besides, what had just passed angered me nearly as 
 much as the original cause of dispute. My desire for 
 revenge only increased, and fearing that the means to 
 this end would be taken from me, I dined as soon as 
 possible and went down to the town, not meaning to 
 return until I saw that the gates were going to shut. 
 
10 I HAVE MY REVENGE [^hap- i 
 
 I then slipped into a little street near the ramparts, 
 waiting till the password was given out on parade, for I 
 knew that my opponent must of necessity be present, in 
 order to receive it from the staff officer and communicate 
 it to the sergeants of his battalion. When I saw that the 
 parade was over, I betook myself to the road by which 
 he must return to barracks, and placed myself in a door- 
 way so that he would not be able to see me until he was 
 close up to me. He did not leave until all the sergeants 
 had been dismissed, and then came along with an easy, 
 swaggering air, indicating that he was much pleased with 
 himself. I saw him coming in this manner for a long way 
 without showing myself, but when he was close to me I 
 appeared before him, sword in hand, and called upon him 
 to defend himself 
 
 My sudden appearance so flustered and astonished him 
 that he stepped back without thinking of drawing his 
 sword, so that I had to challenge him a second time, 
 adding that if he declined I would cut him down like the 
 cur that he was. He then placed himself on guard, utter- 
 ing inarticulate words, but in a loud tone of voice so that 
 anyone near might hear. The fear of this happening 
 increased my anger, and I pressed him so closely that we 
 instantly got to very close quarters, but terror had so 
 overcome the poltroon that at the first onset I threw him 
 to the ground, and presented the point of my sword to 
 his stomach to make him surrender. He was so frightened 
 that he began to shout, " Rescue, rescue. Messieurs de 
 Navarre ! " 
 
 At his cries the soldiers rushed from the barracks, but 
 some officers present, seeing nearly all our cadets ranged 
 in line and waiting for the outcome of the affair drove 
 the men back to their quarters, fearing that their presence 
 would rouse these excitable youths, who, on the least 
 
CHAP, i] AN UNWELCOME VISITOR ii 
 
 excuse, would have thrown themselves on them without 
 in the slightest degree considering the consequences. 
 
 In the meantime I had disarmed my man, and being 
 master of his sword I returned it to him, and betook 
 myself to my quarters without a cadet coming near me. 
 On the contrary, when they saw that the matter had 
 come off to their satisfaction they disappeared instantly 
 by different streets, and thus gave rise to the belief that 
 they had only by chance found themselves on the scene. 
 
 I was certainly surprised to see our company present in 
 such a manner, for I had told no one of my intentions, 
 but I learnt that our cadets had been so sure that I would 
 not let the affair pass without following it up that they 
 agreed to wait about the whole afternoon out of their 
 quarters, and not return before " Tattoo,'' so as to be 
 ready to make a stand against the battalion if it should 
 be disposed to take up the quarrel between its aide-major 
 and myself 
 
 I had not been long back in my quarters before I had 
 a message from my superiors. One of our officers, a 
 Norman by birth, who called himself Gerbonville, did me 
 the honour to call upon me in company with the sergeant 
 of our section, and sternly ordered me to hand over my 
 sword and follow him. He conducted me to the door 
 of a horrible cell, lighted only by a small hole three 
 inches in diameter chiselled through the thick rock in 
 which the cell had been excavated. 
 
 I asked my superior how it was that I merited such 
 a gloomy tenement. "What, sir!" said he, "you ask me 
 of what you are guilty ? And this after exposing us all 
 to a danger greater even than what we went through at 
 the time of the mutiny under M. de Reveillon. What if 
 the Battalion of Navarre had come to the rescue of its 
 aide-major ? Where should we have been had it not been 
 
12 A CLOSE PRISONER [chap, i 
 
 for their officers ? Were not the cadets at hand and ready 
 to fall upon them? Was not the whole garrison within 
 an inch of ruin by your imprudence ? And yet you regard 
 it as strange that you are not treated with more modera- 
 tion. Do you expect to be congratulated on your per- 
 formance and to be let off the consequences?" 
 
 I tried to assure him that no one of the cadets had any 
 knowledge of my plan, that it was the cries of the aide- 
 major which had attracted them all, and that if the latter 
 had been a man of honour he wished to be considered, the 
 affair would have been quietly settled between us. But 
 the inexorable Gerbonville said that however sound my 
 reasons might be events had taken a different turn, and 
 that he must do his duty without discussion, and finally 
 he drove me pitilessly into this horrible cell. 
 
 It was by common agreement among the officers of our 
 company that I was treated with so much severity. They 
 had run the risk of being " broken " ever since the mutiny 
 under M. de Reveillon, and in fact were so frightened at 
 my case that they met together at the house of M. de 
 Refuge to demonstrate to him the danger to which I had 
 exposed not only the garrison but himself also; the urgent 
 need of keeping me close lest he should find himself in a 
 similar predicament ; and they advised him to report the 
 matter at once to the Court at Paris. 
 
 Happily the day following was not a regular post-day, 
 and my friends, the mathematical masters, had thus time 
 to beg M. de Refuge to mitigate the severity of his 
 language in writing about me. Besides, the officers of the 
 Navarre Battalion feared that their gargon-major might 
 find himself involved in the case. M. de Refuse took all 
 this into consideration, but meanwhile I was safe and 
 sound in the cell, orders being given to my jailor that I 
 should speak to no one. I was well looked after in all 
 
CHAP, i] I AM LIBERATED 13 
 
 conscience, and this honest man executed his orders so 
 scrupulously that he would not speak to me himself. I 
 questioned him whenever he brought me my food, but 
 never a word could I extract from him ; he placed my 
 ration on the guard -room bed, the mouldy planks of 
 which served as a table, the only furniture of my apart- 
 ment, and instantly retired, closing and locking the doors 
 after him. 
 
 I passed ten whole days in this cruel predicament, a 
 prey to my own reflections, without counsel or consolation 
 from anyone. Fearful ideas filled my brain, everything 
 appeared to me gloomy and of bad augury. 
 
 The ten days were to me as ten centuries, and I endured 
 in that time all the suffering possible to human nature. 
 When my jailor on the eleventh day brought me my food 
 as usual, he appeared to me to have a gentler air, and 
 spoke to me in a mild tone of voice. He began on the 
 subject of my troubles, saying that he had always taken 
 my part, but that the orders he had received had not 
 allowed him to show it. Also that I must not be anxious ; 
 everything was going well, and that he had just received 
 orders to allow anyone I wished to come and see me. 
 
 Shortly after numbers of the cadets visited me one after 
 the other, and on the next day Gerbonville delighted me 
 by announcing my liberation in person, wishing by this 
 good news to make up for the evils he had been instru- 
 mental in bringing upon me. He told me to leave my 
 cell and report myself to the Marquis de Refuge to thank 
 him for his kind offices. I carried out this order with the 
 greatest pleasure, and I gathered from the long lecture I 
 received that my actions had not proved so egregious in 
 the end as they had been supposed to be at the first. All 
 the same, M. de Refuge had written to M. de Louvois and 
 reported to him the whole occurrence; but the Minister, 
 
14 MY FIRST PROMOTION [^"^^- ' 
 
 who did not wish to give His Majesty the opportunity of 
 reprimanding the cadet companies, sent the Battahon of 
 Navarre to another garrison, merely treating the matter, 
 when reported to him, as an affair of small importance 
 between young men, and forwarded the order for my 
 release. 
 
 I had not been out of prison a week when my section 
 sergeant brought me an order from M. de Jaillis, my 
 immediate company commander under M. de Refuge, to 
 come and speak to him. This order was given to me in 
 such a way that I was under the impression that there was 
 still some punishment in store for me. I racked my brains 
 on my way to him to see if I could recall any other mis- 
 demeanour of which I had been guilty ; but was agreeably 
 reassured on hearing from M. de Jaillis that M. de Refuge 
 had promoted me sous-brigadier, or lance-corporal, and 
 that I was to go and thank him. 
 
 Overcome with delight I ran to headquarters, feeling, in 
 the happy surprise of this my first promotion, a more lively 
 joy than I had ever before experienced. I regarded it as 
 quite an important affair, although, as a matter of fact, it 
 merely raised me one step above the rank of an ordinary 
 cadet. This did not interfere with my usual studies, for 
 M. de Refuge struck me off all company duties so that 
 I might retain my appointment in the Royal Office of 
 Works. I was so delighted at this that I longed for the 
 opportunity to be employed in such a manner that I could 
 show in some way my love for and devotion to the service; 
 and this came to me shortly after in the famous attack 
 that the King made upon Namur in 1692. 
 
 This siege was one of the greatest undertakings of the 
 kind that had happened in Europe for many centuries. 
 The town was called " Namur la Pucelle," as it had never 
 fallen into the hands of an invader. Even Csesar in spite 
 
1692] I GO TO THE FRONT 15 
 
 of all his efforts during a long and troublesome siege, was 
 obliged to give up the attempt. Consequently the atten- 
 tion of all Europe was drawn to Namur when Louis XIV. 
 appeared in person to direct the attack. 
 
 The King, who wished to conduct so important an opera- 
 tion himself, left Versailles on May loth, 1692, followed by 
 Monseigneur and all the Court, and placed himself at the 
 head of his army. He fixed his own quarters within the 
 actual lines of circumvallation which were made around 
 the stronghold, and Madame de Maintenon with the prin- 
 cipal ladies of the Court who had followed him were 
 lodged in the little town of Dinan, three leagues off, on 
 the river Meuse. 
 
 Besides the army of the King, which formed the besieg- 
 ing force, there was another under the Marechal de Lux- 
 embourg which acted as a covering body against any 
 attempt on the part of the enemy to succour the town. 
 
 Namur is only seven leagues from Charlemont ; conse- 
 quently all the siege train and apparatus passed before 
 our eyes, and nearly all our engineers were detailed for 
 duty. I was sorely disappointed to find that I was 
 not included in their number, and said as much to my 
 friends the mathematical professors. To satisfy me they 
 asked M. de Cladech (commanding our own engineers, 
 and who was to command a brigade during the siege) to 
 obtain permission from M. de Refuge for me to go as a 
 volunteer engineer. He expressed his pleasure at my 
 request and granted it. I thus had the honour of serving 
 with one of the most important corps connected with this 
 enterprise. 
 
 This fortress, without being at all regular in its designs, 
 is by reason of the situation of its citadel one of the 
 strongest of all on the frontiers of Flanders. The irregular 
 design of its fortifications, and the number of works which 
 
1 6 THE SIEGE OF NAMUR [chap, i 
 
 cover it and each other, form a complication of difficulties 
 nearly insurmountable to the besieger. These difficulties 
 were greater then than now, because, as the place had 
 never been taken, no one knew its weak points, and much 
 had to be left to chance. This ignorance was a serious 
 disadvantage to us, and if Fortune had not come to oui 
 aid after the reduction of the town, it would have been 
 necessary either to break a treaty which we had made, 
 or to raise the siege altogether, simply for want of know- 
 ledge as to the vulnerable points. 
 
 The treaty in question was made between the besieged 
 and ourselves on the capture of the town, and expressly 
 provided that on the one hand the garrison should not 
 fire upon it, and that the King's troops and the citizens 
 should be as safe in the streets as they had been before 
 the siege ; and on the other that the King should not 
 attack the fortress directly or indirectly from the town 
 side. It was through ignorance of the true state of the 
 fortifications that these articles were agreed to, as it is 
 only from the town side that the fortress could be taken, 
 the rest being almost impregnable. 
 
 We began by laying siege to the town before under- 
 taking the greater matter of the fortress, and opened our 
 trenches on May 29th. We constructed several of the 
 best manned and equipped batteries that were ever seen ; 
 the presence of the King excited such emulation that all 
 ranks sought to surpass themselves in their duties. During 
 the first few days of this attack the enemy appeared on 
 their ramparts in good fettle, as though they had but little 
 anxiety as to the result of our efforts, and later on made 
 a small sortie from the Iron Gate side to reinforce a half- 
 moon battery which covered the main town. This sortie 
 met with so little success that they never repeated the 
 attempt. It is true the garrison was not a strong one 
 
1692] THE TOWN SURRENDERS 17 
 
 as the enemy never imagined the King would begin the 
 campaign with so important an undertaking. Most of 
 their battalions were Spanish, weak and in a very poor 
 condition ; the better part of the garrison was composed of 
 several Brandenburg and Landgrave regiments, but even 
 they were not strong in numbers. 
 
 So it happened that we were not kept waiting long in 
 front of the town, for it surrendered June 5th, and the 
 garrison retired into the fortress according to the above- 
 mentioned treaty. 
 
 Reducing a place of so much importance within so 
 short a time encouraged us to hope that we should make 
 short work of its citadel. The garrison had offered but 
 a feeble resistance, and, moreover, had not now the same 
 opportunities for making sorties as had occurred in the 
 defence of the town, so that we hardly expected anything 
 very serious from them. But we were not then aware that 
 on the side that we were obliged to attack we should meet 
 with numberless fortifications of extraordinary strength, 
 besides the difficulties brought about by the most detest- 
 able weather. For three weeks it rained heavily and con- 
 tinuously ; the camp roads became impassable to such 
 a degree that it was nearly impossible to transport the 
 necessary ammunition and supplies from the river up to 
 the batteries. 
 
 The citadel is most favourably situated high above the 
 town in the angle formed by the junction of the rivers 
 Meuse and Sambre. The town lies just outside the point 
 of the angle, separated from the fortress by the little 
 stream of the Sambre, the two being connected by a fine 
 stone bridge. The weakest sides of the fortifications — of 
 the fortress — are along this stream, and are commanded 
 by the town ramparts, whence they can be breached with 
 the greatest ease. Again, there are garden plots adjacent 
 c 
 
1 8 THE CITADEL AND ITS DEFENCES [chap, i 
 
 to the ramparts which also command the fortifications in 
 which many batteries could be placed ; in fact, this section 
 is the most advantageous in every way for the besiegers, 
 but our hands were tied by the articles signed at the 
 surrender of the town. 
 
 The section of the fortress overlooking the river Meuse 
 is on a rocky height, scarped, inaccessible, and impossible 
 to attack. The only part against which we might range 
 our batteries was the section on the opposite side to the 
 town facing the open country, and although this is situated 
 on high ground, the approach to it was fairly level and 
 open but for certain woods and ravines. 
 
 It was fortified, beginning first with the centre, by 
 a keep with many earthworks covered by two good demi- 
 bastions connected with a curtain and its ditch. This 
 keep had another ditch in rear. In front of all this was a 
 large and important horn-work furnished with an excellent 
 and very deep dry ditch, counterscarp, and covered-way, 
 well palisaded ; the curtain was again covered by a 
 fourth work, which, by reason of its shape, was called 
 the Priest's Cap. It also had counterscarp and covered- 
 way, but was not of great importance. Beyond this 
 fourth work came a large and very deep ravine, and 
 then a new fort, complete with its ditch, covered-way, 
 and glacis, called Fort William, named after William 
 of Orange, afterwards King of England, who constructed 
 it. It was at this point, then, that we were obliged to 
 begin the siege of the citadel. 
 
 The rains had begun when we attacked this fort, but the 
 roads being still practicable, we had little difficulty in 
 breaching it, and we carried it by assault on the 1 2th of the 
 month. It served as a- position in which to place our 
 battery for the attack on the Priest's Cap, and also on one 
 of the faces of the half-bastions of the horn-work. The rest 
 
[ aSud 3D-EJ ox 
 
1692] SLOW PROGRESS 19 
 
 of our batteries were in the open also opposed to the 
 horn-work, but our artillery here was of small account 
 owing to the difficulty of transporting the ammunition. 
 The fields had become so sodden with the rain as to 
 render cartage impossible, and all that could be done was 
 to carry a few bombs and cannon balls on the backs of the 
 bat-horses and mules. Even these animals had the greatest 
 labour in extricating themselves from the bad places, and 
 had constantly to make fresh tracks. 
 
 Owing to these difficulties our batteries were perforce 
 silent, and everything took a leisurely turn. The cavalry, 
 too, lacked forage; the country, chiefly woodland, was unable 
 to provide supplies for any length of time, and so much 
 was this the case that the men were obliged to feed their 
 horses on leaves and branches, with the result that a great 
 number perished. Such was our condition towards the 
 end of the month of June. The King became very un- 
 easy, and the first engineers of the kingdom who had the 
 conduct of the siege had come to the end of their re- 
 sources. The ill-success of our efforts, owing to the com- 
 bination of elaborate defences and the increasingly bad 
 weather, could not have been foreseen. Things being in 
 this parlous state, M. de Vauban ran the risk of applying 
 to the King for his permission to disregard the treaty and 
 to attack from the town side. He represented to His 
 Majesty that it would be less disgraceful to do this than to 
 raise the siege — a contingency that would inevitably occur 
 if the attack was continued in the present direction. On 
 the other hand, if he was permitted to operate from the 
 town ramparts and adjoining gardens, he could assure His 
 Majesty of the capture of the fortress — firstly, because the 
 weakest point in the defence lay there ; secondly, because 
 the ammunition supply could be properly maintained, the 
 boats being able to land it at the very gates of the town. 
 
20 M. DE VAUBAN [chap, i 
 
 He therefore very humbly prayed of His Majesty to con- 
 sider all these points and to grant his petition. 
 
 The King was moved by the prayers of M. de Vauban 
 and the general state of our affairs, but w^ould do nothing 
 rashly ; and with extraordinary prudence sanctioned only 
 the digging of trenches on the town ramparts along the 
 river Sambre in preparation for the batteries and the con- 
 struction of epaulements across such streets in the town as 
 were enfiladed from the fortress to ensure safety and cover. 
 He gave an order that the guns should not be moved there 
 until he himself gave the directions to this effect. 
 
 I was detailed for duty on these works, which were 
 singular in their nature, in that their construction was 
 entirely free from interruption on the part of the besieged, 
 who did not dare to open fire upon us, fearing to give 
 us an excuse for ignoring the treaty. They could not 
 understand what our intentions really were when they 
 saw us setting hastily to work in a manner contrary to the 
 articles of the treaty granted by the King himself. So 
 far as we were concerned, we were so pleased by the per- 
 mission granted by the King to M. de Vauban that we 
 worked with the greatest diligence, assuming that the guns 
 would be placed in position, and the breaching of the 
 works overlooking the Sambre taken in hand at once. 
 
 But the Almighty decreed that the King should not 
 perjure himself, and instead brought about one of the most 
 unexpected and lucky chances, by means of which we 
 became masters of the place, and that without the further 
 construction of any more large works or the loss of any 
 great number of men. Our works on the ramparts were 
 completed, and as the King had nothing to fear from that 
 side, he made up his mind to attempt the assault of the 
 Priest's Cap. This work had been breached, but it was 
 almost inaccessible on account of its excessive steepness ; 
 
1692] THE BREACH 21 
 
 our last parallel, too, was yet some distance from the 
 covered-way. The order was, however, given, and on the 
 29th of the month the assault was successfully delivered 
 without much opposition ; the defenders abandoned the 
 work after their first volley and retired into the horn-work. 
 
 The breadth of the ditch only prevented the completion 
 of the breach in the horn - work, but the transport of 
 cannon and ammunition was still impossible. All this time 
 we lived in the captured work in order to make what 
 preparations we could, and so as not to remain idle until 
 the weather would permit us to resume operations. We 
 made a quantity of fascines intended for the ditch at the 
 foot of the breach, which had an extremely steep ascent. 
 These fascines were intended to check the fall of earth 
 caused by the bombardment, and thus to produce quickly 
 a ramped approach to the breach practicable for the 
 assault. The next night, which was luckily a very dark 
 one, the fascines were thrown into the ditch, the besieged 
 making no sign of their existence. 
 
 This only excited us to make the most of the occasion, 
 and a number of workmen were sent into the ditch itself 
 to arrange the fascines at the foot of the breach, and 
 to work the earth so as to form a suitable ramp. They 
 worked in silence, fearing to draw the fire of the enemy, 
 who might easily have sent bombs and grenades amongst 
 our men. Nothing of the sort, however, took place. This 
 extraordinary quiescence on the part of the enemy excited 
 the curiosity of a grenadier belonging to the party cover- 
 ing the workmen in the ditch, and he clambered cautiously 
 to the top of the breach in order to see if anything was 
 going on. He had no easy task in getting there at all, 
 but at last after many efforts he found himself on the 
 top and lay down to listen. When he had rested a little 
 he raised his head, looked well about him, and then set 
 
22 THE SURPRISE [chap, i 
 
 to work to creep further along on his hands and knees. 
 He stopped now and then to reconnoitre, until he saw 
 a solitary soldier seated on the ground and half asleep. 
 The discovery of this man incited him to closer examina- 
 tion, and he pursued his way still further in without 
 finding a trace of anyone else. He then silently returned 
 to report to his officer. As a matter of fact, we afterwards 
 found that there were not above ten men all told, under 
 a sergeant, in this great work, and that they were in the 
 habit of retiring into a kind of underground passage for 
 shelter from the rain and bombs, keeping only one man 
 as sentry over the breach, the man whom our grenadier 
 had seen. 
 
 This want of precaution on the part of the besieged was 
 no doubt owing to their belief that the breach was not 
 sufficiently advanced to cause them to expect anything 
 in the nature of a surprise attack. Besides, the garrison 
 was so worn out by the bad weather, and the numerous 
 posts that they had to occupy during the day, that they 
 were obliged to withdraw at night-time every man they 
 possibly could to get rest and repose. 
 
 Such was the case when the grenadier made his dis- 
 covery. This was duly reported to his officers, who at 
 first could hardly believe it ; however, the matter was 
 considered to be so important that no time was lost in 
 putting it to the test. There was certainly the fear that 
 it might be a ruse on the part of the besieged to draw our 
 troops within the work, and then to blow them into the 
 air by means of mines laid beneath it. It would be hard 
 to say, however, what would be gained by this, some 
 certainly would have been blown to pieces, but the re- 
 mainder would have been able to hold their own and effect 
 a lodgment in the work. After consultation, a lieutenant, 
 a sergeant, and twenty grenadiers were detailed to follow 
 
1692] THE GENERAL ASSAULT 23 
 
 the soldier, who would act as their guide, with orders to 
 seize the enemy's sentry noiselessly and to make him tell 
 what he knew of the situation. This little detachment 
 began the climb, and it was not without some considerable 
 difficulty that it attained the summit of the breach. Once 
 there it crept on its way well within the work in order 
 to cut off the retreat of the sentry ; this done the sergeant 
 and four men advanced to seize him. The former pointed 
 his sword at his throat and threatened him with instant 
 death if he attempted to cry out, but promised him his 
 life if he answered the questions put to him. 
 
 The coward to save his life allowed himself to be taken 
 without saying a word, and conducted the party to the 
 underground passage, where the guard were found and at 
 once slain in their sleep. He then led them to the two 
 mouthpieces of the mines intended to blow us up, when 
 we should have entered the work on assaulting it. Our 
 grenadiers took care to remove the quick matches, which 
 they brought back with them on their return as a proof 
 of their discovery, and then by the aid of this guide 
 explored the whole work without seeing anything or any- 
 one to prevent our taking immediate possession of it. The 
 officer ordered the party to remain in observation under 
 the sergeant, and taking four men as escort to the prisoner, 
 reported full details to the general officer on duty in the 
 trenches. 
 
 All the troops at hand, together with the working 
 parties, were immediately pushed forward, and helping 
 one another, clambered up the breach ; they then set to 
 work to such purpose that before break of day our works 
 and lodgments were in a fit state to prevent any efforts 
 on the part of the enemy to dislodge us. But they were 
 not in a condition to attempt this ; on the contrary, as 
 soon as day broke, we found that they had retired from 
 
24 THE CAPITULATION OF NAMUR [chap, i 
 
 the ramparts of the keep, and seeing our new lodgments 
 with our standards flying on the reverse side of their works, 
 they ran up the white flag and sounded their trumpets for 
 a parley. The King was at once awakened without much 
 ceremony, but he was more than content, as he never 
 expected to hear such good news. The articles of the 
 capitulation were signed the very same day, and the 
 garrison marched out of the fortress at ten o'clock next 
 morning by way of the breach. It numbered thirteen 
 battalions, and it was remarked that the weakest and the 
 worst conditioned were those from Spain. 
 
 In this way, then, we mastered this important strong- 
 hold, a fact which was much noised abroad and which 
 occasioned so much rejoicing in the kingdom. No history, 
 as far as I am aware, has gone so fully into the details 
 of this siege as I have. The difficulties which we had to 
 surmount, and the number of works with their variety and 
 complications, were for me full of information. I applied 
 myself zealously to making notes thereon to serve me 
 later on in case of need, and I could not possibly have 
 studied under better masters than Messieurs de Vauban 
 and de Marigny, the most famous engineers in the king- 
 dom, who conducted the operations. Their salutary lessons 
 have stood me in good stead on many occasions since. 
 But what a perilous profession it is that I had now entered ! 
 There were sixty of us engineer officers at the siege of 
 Namur. Twenty-two came out alive. The rest died in 
 the trenches. 
 
 After the surrender I rejoined the company, and thanked 
 M. de Refuge for the leave he had granted. He carefully 
 questioned me on all that had happened, and appeared 
 pleased with my conduct. He assured me at the same 
 time that he would soon give me a commission in a good 
 regiment; and in fact, in less than three months, the 
 
1692] I JOIN THE VEXIN REGIMENT 25 
 
 colonel of the Vexin Infantry Regiment having applied to 
 him for a second lieutenant, I was appointed, and the 
 papers forwarded me. 
 
 Most young men who have lived away from home for 
 a length of time are anxious to return there at the first 
 opportunity ; but immediately I got my commission my 
 one idea was to join my regiment, for I looked upon such 
 a cross-country journey as merely an opportunity for 
 spending more money than I could well afford. The pay 
 that I had received as a cadet and during my appointment 
 on the Royal Works enabled me to set myself up with my 
 little equipment, and I felt as much satisfaction at being 
 able to spare my father the inconvenience of contributing 
 to my advancement as another would have had in squeez- 
 ing a large sum out of the family purse. 
 
 When I joined the Regiment of Vexin, which lay only 
 four leagues from Charlemont, I was most graciously 
 received by the colonel, to whom M. de Refuge had kindly 
 written a letter of introduction. Owing to this good, and 
 even exaggerated, recommendation, he gave me plenty of 
 work and took me under his protection. True, " the Ser- 
 vice " was my first consideration ; I never waited for duty 
 to call me, but endeavoured to forestall it whenever pos- 
 sible, so as to merit my colonel's kindnesses. I felt, more- 
 over, that my actions alone could win these for me, and 
 I naturally felt as strong a wish to do what I could to 
 deserve his praise as I had a repugnance to do anything 
 that would lower me in his estimation. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 BATTLE OF LANDEN — SIEGE OF CHARLEROI — NAMUR CAPTURED 
 BY THE ALLIES — PEACE OF RYSWICK AND REDUCTION OF 
 THE ARMY 
 
 IT was in the year 1693, in Flanders, that I entered upon 
 my first campaign in the capacity of officer. This cam- 
 paign was a glorious one for France. The King's forces 
 captured the town of Furnes during the extreme cold of 
 the month of January. The Marechal de Luxembourg, 
 who was in command, attacked Huy in July, and I found 
 myself placed on the roster of engineer officers volunteer- 
 ing for the siege; but I was on duty for one night only, as 
 the town surrendered three days after the trenches were 
 opened. 
 
 The enemy remained strictly on the defensive, and the 
 town was taken under their very eyes without the slightest 
 movement on their part. They were very well entrenched 
 between the villages of Sainte Croix and Neerwinden, 
 their left flank resting on a large stream, and they 
 appeared to think that they had little or nothing to fear 
 regarding their position ; at any rate, the precautions they 
 had taken with their entrenchments gave them good reason 
 to believe that our army would infallibly perish in the 
 attempt to force their lines. M. de Luxembourg, however, 
 was not to be denied, and, with the King's permission, 
 resolved to lay siege to Charleroi, which town was covered 
 by the enemy's camp at Neerwinden. It thus became 
 
 26 
 
1693] M. DE LUXEMBOURG 27 
 
 necessary to drive the enemy out of their entrenchments 
 or abandon this project. 
 
 The general, no stranger to peril, loved to risk all 
 rather than give up one of his designs, and was the most 
 adventurous and withal fortunate of men of his day. He 
 appeared with his force before the lines on the 29th of 
 July, brought up two heavy batteries, and effected a breach 
 in the entrenchment with astonishing celerity. At the 
 same time his infantry in battle formation advanced to 
 the attack at a steady pace. The leading ranks carried 
 fascines for the purpose of filling up the ditches, and 
 scarcely had our men, accustomed as they were to war, 
 found themselves within gunshot than they charged with 
 inconceivable dash. Ignoring the enemy's heavy fire they 
 forced their way into the entrenchments, but the cruel 
 reception awaiting them obliged them to retire. They 
 again returned to the charge, and effected an entrance as 
 at the first attempt, but were once more repulsed. Victory 
 hung in the balance, for during the attacks and re-forming 
 of the infantry our cavalry had suffered severely from the 
 enemy's artillery, particularly the regiment of the Royal 
 Household, the Maison du Roi. So stout a resistance 
 would have disheartened anyone else but M. de Luxem- 
 bourg, but this undaunted general would not give in ; he 
 again brought his infantry into the fray, and this third 
 assault gave the finishing touch to the affair. Such was 
 its fury that the enemy were driven clean out of their 
 entrenchments and fled in complete disorder. The stream 
 which had been of such use to their left flank, from a 
 defensive point of view, became an obstacle in their line 
 of retreat, and many were drowned in their hurried flight. 
 
 Their loss was reckoned to be at least fourteen or fifteen 
 thousand men and twenty-eight pieces of cannon. Our 
 own loss was so considerable that it was never exactly 
 
28 SIEGE OF CHARLEROI [chap, ii 
 
 shown in the returns. The glory of victory was ours, 
 but we paid dearly for it. We lost eighteen to twenty 
 thousand men, including a great number of officers of 
 distinction ; a Prince of Lorraine de Lillebonne, the Duke 
 d'Uzes, and many of the King's household were slain, and 
 the Duke of Berwick taken prisoner. The enemy called 
 this action the Battle of the Fascines, on account of those 
 that our men carried and the immense number of our 
 killed, who, as they declared, were used as fascines to fill 
 in the ditches.* 
 
 Our army was too much exhausted after the battle to 
 undertake the siege of Charleroi without reinforcements; 
 these were drawn from various garrisons and a standing 
 camp which the King had at this time at a place called 
 Pontorson, near Mount St. Michael, in Brittany, under the 
 command of Monsieur, his late brother. These troops, 
 sent there originally to oppose a threatened invasion on 
 the part of the English, were ordered to join the army of 
 Flanders for the siege of Charleroi, Monsieur rejoining the 
 Court. 
 
 On the arrival of these reinforcements the lines of cir- 
 cumvallation were begun, and the trenches opened on 
 September 7th. Officers of the army who wished to 
 volunteer their services as engineers were allowed to place 
 their names on a list kept for the purpose ; an excellent 
 method for the improvement of those who had a bent for 
 engineering and for giving the infantry officers a chance 
 of attaining experience. 
 
 This custom, notwithstanding its advantageous nature, 
 was given up in the following campaigns, and the officers 
 who entered the service in later years did not attempt to 
 revive it. Perhaps also the suppression of the cadet com- 
 panies had something to do with this, as they had certainly 
 * Known in English iiistory as tlie Battle of Landen. 
 
1693] REFLECTIONS ON DISCIPLINE 29 
 
 tended to encourage the study of mathematics among their 
 students. However this might be, there is no question but 
 that in the last war there was neither the emulation nor 
 the knowledge amongst the officers that had formerly 
 existed; the authorities found themselves obliged to appoint 
 many without any special qualification, and had to trust to 
 luck for the result. Most of them really seemed to think 
 a foppish bearing sufficed to prove them masters of the 
 art of war. They even turned the older officers, who kept 
 to themselves and their duty, to ridicule, calling them "Old 
 school warriors," as if fashion in fighting changed with the 
 cut of clothes, and many of the younger colonels even 
 supported their regimental officers in this conduct. 
 
 I have no wish to set myself up as a censor, but I must 
 say that since I have had to do with foreign troops I 
 have found many of their regulations to be most excellent. 
 For instance, the regiments are given to old lieutenant- 
 colonels full of experience, by which means discipline and 
 subordination are kept up without the least relaxation. 
 Officers and men, being kept up to this habit, see nothing 
 extraordinary in the varying brilliancy of one colonel over 
 another, and so long as the latter possesses capacity and 
 bravery they respect and obey him minutely, and all runs 
 smoothly on the path of duty. I have also noticed that 
 this sense of discipline which reigns amongst all ranks of 
 foreigners, habituates them to such a degree of obedience 
 that in many cases of disorder they are enabled to rally 
 their troops and keep them well in hand. This is a point 
 of the greatest importance, but which has been by no 
 means well observed amongst us in the later campaigns. 
 
 However, I am wandering away from the siege of 
 Charleroi. I need not say that I was not one of the last 
 to add my name to the list of engineer volunteers, and my 
 colonel was delighted with my professional ardour. He 
 
30 
 
 NIGHT FIRING [chap, ii 
 
 signified his approval by saying that he only wished all his 
 subalterns were equally energetic, that I should make my 
 way, and that I had only to continue on the same path, 
 and he on his side would not forget me when occasion 
 should arise. I did not fail to keep him posted day by day 
 with all the details of the siege, which gave him a lively 
 satisfaction, for he made use of these in writing to his 
 friends. By this I succeeded in gaining his friendship and 
 protection — not perhaps much to my profit, as he died the 
 following winter in Paris. 
 
 The trenches were begun before Charleroi during the 
 night of September 8th, 1693, and I was ordered as 
 engineer to mark out the angles and distances for the 
 attack on an advanced half-moon battery, which it was 
 decided should be taken in hand at once. This is always 
 an extremely risky piece of work, although conducted at 
 night, for the noise made by the picks and tools is certain 
 to draw the fire of the enemy. Unless, therefore, the trench 
 is begun at a considerable distance from the enemy's works 
 the besiegers lose a number of men to start with, and so it 
 was with us. 
 
 The half-moon work was detached and well in advance 
 of the general line of the fortifications, and we, being thus 
 obliged to begin our work closer to it than usual, were, 
 owing to the noise of the picks, soon discovered by the 
 enemy, who showered upon us a hail of fire-pots in the 
 same way as bombs would be thrown. A fire-pot is a kind 
 of globe or large ball filled with old rope well tarred, which 
 burns with a very bright light. This globe — set light to 
 before being thrown— will burn for a considerable time, and 
 lights up a wide area upon which cannon may be directed as 
 effectively as if by the light of day. To prevent an 
 attempt to extinguish it (in itself not an easy task, owing 
 to the tar and composition therein) small pistol barrels are 
 
1693] ORDERS FOR THE ASSAULT 31 
 
 screwed into its surface, loaded with ball, which discharge 
 themselves successively as the fire approaches them. Such 
 were the lanterns sent us by the besieged to light up our 
 work during the night, accompanied with volleys of grape 
 and case, which rendered our position most uncomfortable, 
 and killed two of our engineer officers engaged in marking 
 out the trenches. 
 
 Before daylight, however, we got cover from this by 
 means of the work completed during the night. The 
 following nights we continued our approaches in front 
 of the half-moon, finishing them during the days ; and 
 having effected a breach in one of the faces, the assault 
 was ordered on the i6th. I found myself attached to the 
 grenadiers, with orders to superintend the construction 
 of a lodgment as soon as the place was taken, consisting 
 of a covered-way from our trench to the breach and an 
 epaulement across the gorge of the half-moon — the one to 
 cover our men during the assault, the other to protect 
 those detailed to occupy the work. 
 
 Ten companies of grenadiers were told off for the 
 assault, supported by three battalions of fusiliers, who 
 were formed up an hour after midday in the most advanced 
 parallels. No time or hour as to their advance was given, 
 but they were ordered to do so on the following signal 
 being made, viz. twelve small mortars would be fired 
 together three times into the half-moon battery, the third 
 time the shells would be loaded with sand only, with long 
 fuses, so as to keep the besieged lying flat as long as 
 possible in expectation of the explosions. 
 
 We were then to profit by this, and leaving our trenches 
 pass along the glacis of the two faces of the work and 
 enter by the gorge. The enemy being thus surprised, 
 would not then have time to spring their mines should 
 they have prepared them. 
 
32 DISTRESSING SUSPENSE [chap, ii 
 
 From the wording of this order it was assumed that 
 the signal might be given at any moment, and as there 
 seemed to be no time to lose, each one of us set to work 
 to examine his conscience in a most contrite manner, 
 for it was accepted by all concerned in this assault that 
 nothing short of a miracle could prevent our total de- 
 struction. It was necessary, in the first place, to defile the 
 full length of the glacis to get at the gorge, at the mercy 
 of the fire of the enemy occupying the covered-way, who 
 would not be lying in fear of our shells ; and, secondly, 
 there were the works of the main fortification supporting 
 the half-moon, which would certainly bring a terrific fire to 
 bear upon us. These difficulties surmounted, there would 
 yet be the garrison itself to be reckoned with, besides 
 mines to send us skywards if we ever got inside. Nature 
 suffers cruelly under such a strain — no one cares to talk, 
 each being occupied with his own reflections and the 
 thought of the death he is courting. 
 
 We remained in this painful state till three o'clock in 
 the afternoon, without signal or even information of any 
 sort. A little later the grenades were served out to the 
 grenadiers, who were ordered to light their quick matches. 
 We then had no doubt at all that the time for the signal 
 was near at hand, and this state of tension brought on 
 a renewed access of mental agony, or at all events it 
 appeared so, judging by the faces of all concerned. 
 
 After all the signal did not come, and I took it into my 
 head to examine the bearing of those in my immediate 
 vicinity, wishing to see if I could discern their inmost 
 thoughts, and the different degrees of anxiety as shown in 
 their physiognomies. I looked them over most carefully, 
 and the more I examined them the more it seemed to me 
 that they were no longer the same persons I had known 
 previously. Their features had become changed in a most 
 
1693] M. DE VAUBAN'S VISIT 33 
 
 extraordinary manner ; there were long drawn-out faces, 
 others quite twisted, others again, were haggard, with flesh 
 of a livid hue, whilst some had a wandering look about 
 the eyes ; in fact, I saw but a melancholy set of sinners 
 apparently under sentence of death. I, too, imagined 
 myself as much altered as the others ; however, the pains 
 I was always in the habit of taking to acquire a reputa- 
 tion did much to allay my own fear, and perhaps helped 
 me somewhat to maintain an even countenance. 
 
 Waiting thus for the signal, not one of us wished for 
 anything better than to see it given, if it were only to be 
 delivered from our mental torment, but it did not appear, 
 and our feelings still had us in their grip. 
 
 Six o'clock came, and hatchets were brought and dis- 
 tributed to the grenadiers to use in case of need upon 
 barricades and the like that might lie in our path. 
 M. de Vauban passed about this time, and assured us 
 with a confident air that we should make short work of 
 the half-moon battery, that it was defended only by a 
 rabble, and that he was not at all sure it was mined, and 
 that even if it were so we should so surprise the enemy 
 that they would never have time to put light to the trains. 
 He cautioned us, however, to make a rapid inspection of 
 the work on entering to prove this point, and told us that 
 M. de Luxembourg had promised a reward to anyone 
 bringing him a port-fire or quick match, and that he would 
 answer for this as well. After all, he gave us no informa- 
 tion as to when to expect the signal, and thus we lingered 
 till nine o'clock with little or no appetite for our supper. 
 
 The fact was that we were kept waiting all this time 
 because it had been discovered to be too dangerous an 
 affair to attempt the assault by daylight, and that the 
 darkness of night would be of great advantage for the 
 surprise of the defenders, tending to minimise the heavy 
 
 D 
 
34 
 
 THE SIGNAL AT LAST [chap, ii 
 
 musketry fire from the main ramparts; this reason was 
 good enough, but our troops should not have been ordered 
 out so early in that case. True, suspense made us long 
 the more for the moment of action, which came at last 
 at nine o'clock exactly. At the first volley from the 
 twelve mortars, our troops made a hurried attempt to 
 advance, and while waiting for the third, murmurs could 
 be heard marking the impatience of the grenadiers. 
 
 While the shells of the final volley were still flying 
 through the air, our men broke out from their post like 
 madmen, but they were hardly out of the trench and pre- 
 paring to pass along the glacis when the enemy occupying 
 the covered-way brought a terrible fire to bear upon them. 
 We broke into a run, and so crowded were our ranks that 
 I was carried for some distance clean off the ground, and 
 I thought that I should have been stifled in the press of 
 our own men. 
 
 We certainly surprised the defenders of the interior of 
 the half-moon, as had been projected ; they never ex- 
 pected the assault at such an hour, and still less to see 
 us enter the work by the gorge, which was their sole line 
 of retreat. In the meantime, under cover of the darkness 
 they became mixed up with us, and made for the main 
 ramparts through the covered-way. They did not, however, 
 gain much by this, for the noise of our assault had drawn 
 the fire of the enemy from all sides, and these unfortunate 
 creatures, thinking to have found a safe retreat, were shot 
 down by their own comrades. 
 
 Four good-sized mines were found, sufficient to have 
 blown up the entire work if there had been time to 
 set light to them ; but in hope of the promised reward, 
 the leading grenadiers ran in all directions to discover 
 them, and having come upon the miners who were actually 
 preparing to set light to the trains, were enabled to seize 
 
1693] THE LODGEMENT AND THE GRENADIER 35 
 
 them, and thus by their prompt action saved us all from 
 the misfortune of finding ourselves buried in the ruins of 
 the work. 
 
 We had scarcely gained the interior of the half-moon 
 before I got to work upon an epaulement across the gorge, 
 to cover our people from the musketry fire. With all our 
 efforts, this took some time to construct. The grenadiers, 
 therefore, were ordered to lie flat upon the ground, with 
 the butts of their muskets in front of them as shelter; but 
 notwithstanding all our precautions many were killed. At 
 last by daybreak our work was finished, and we enjoyed, 
 comparatively speaking, some rest and quiet. The capture 
 of this work was of the greatest use to us, as it enabled us 
 to construct a large battery opposite an entire polygon of 
 the main fortification, where we subsequently made our 
 final attack. We had a very hard time of it the while, I 
 in particular having had so much to do and look after at 
 night-time. An overpowering hunger now began to over- 
 come me, so I left the work for the trenches, in search of 
 the wherewithal to appease it. 
 
 On my way I was lucky enough to find a grenadier 
 captain who had just had his canteen and rations brought 
 to him, and who, to my great joy, stopped and invited me 
 to join him in his meal. We established ourselves in an 
 angle of the trench with our backs to the town for the 
 sake of cover. A grenadier of his company came up 
 whilst we were breakfasting, carrying the clothes and 
 accoutrements of one of his comrades killed during the 
 night. This grenadier was one of those jocular creatures 
 typical of the Royal Guard, and he at once, pipe in mouth, 
 began to tell us how his comrade had died. 
 
 " We were," said he, " lying flat on our faces side by 
 side, like two good comrades, when away he rushes to the 
 other world without giving me any warning. I didn't 
 
36 THE SURRENDER OF CHARLEROI [chap, ii 
 
 think this quite our form, as we never think of parting 
 without a stirrup-cup, so I just stripped him to teach him 
 proper manners." The poor devil amused himself with this 
 yarn, thinking we were equally diverted, when a small 
 cannon-shot passed from the town above our two heads, 
 struck him through the arm holding his pipe, pierced his 
 chest, and laid him at our feet. 
 
 The garrison of Charleroi made a better defence than 
 that of Namur, being more numerous and composed of 
 better troops. The Prince of Orange, seeing the town 
 threatened after the Battle of Neerwinden, had taken care 
 to reinforce it, and thus enabled it to make several sorties 
 at the beginning of the siege, which retarded the progress 
 of many of our works. It took us more than a month 
 from the opening of the trenches to push our sap up to 
 the palisades of the covered-way, and M. de Luxembourg, 
 who had now become impatient and would not wait for 
 any further development, carried them by an assault 
 which cost us six hundred men. 
 
 We were then enabled to bring a battery of twelve 
 heavy guns to bear, thanks to two epaulements and a 
 turning-sap made under the direction of two engineers 
 and myself The breadth of the ditch only separated us 
 from the breach already begun in the polygon, and the 
 besieged, seeing no help for it, hung out the white flag 
 and assented to a capitulation on October I2th, the second 
 day after our battery had opened fire. 
 
 The taking of Charleroi was the last feat of the Duke 
 of Luxembourg, one of the bravest and most intrepid 
 generals of the day. The officers who had volunteered for 
 this siege as engineers received through M. de Vauban 
 a small gratuity of fifty pistoles each— not a very great 
 burden on the Government, as very few of us were left to 
 enjoy it. 
 
1694] FAMINE IN FRANCE 37 
 
 The English, to avenge losses of their allies, sent a fleet 
 into the Channel, which anchored opposite St. Malo on 
 November 22nd with the intention of destroying the town 
 with an infinite number of shells and carcases filled with 
 grenades, bullets, and large masses of metal covered with 
 cloth soaked in tar, and other inflammable things. These 
 were to be discharged in volleys from an engine called an 
 infernal machine. 
 
 The fire-ship carrying this machine ran ashore close to 
 the place where it was designed to anchor her ; but the 
 engineer in charge had time to blow her up, which caused 
 such a terrific explosion that many of the houses were 
 unroofed. Thus ended this attempt on the part of the 
 English. 
 
 Towards the end of the year and the beginning of 1694 
 the population of France suffered intensely from scarcity 
 of corn and the bad quality of such as existed. A certain 
 acid formed in the bread, which quickened digestion to 
 such an extent that shortly after eating it hunger made 
 itself felt more than ever, and this with the unhappiest 
 results. Necessity obliged the people to eat bran soaked 
 in boiling water, and many, in want of even this, ate the 
 grass in the fields. Finally death followed the steps of 
 famine, so much so that three-quarters of the population 
 of certain provinces perished by hunger alone, without any 
 possibility of averting it. In fact, this was the severest 
 famine known for many centuries. 
 
 Our regiment after the siege of Charleroi took up its 
 winter quarters in what was left of the town after the 
 bombardment. The Count of Montignac d'Autefort, our 
 colonel, left for Paris, where he died the same winter. I 
 felt his death very much. He was a gentleman of merit, 
 and would have done much for my advancement if he had 
 lived. This loss, and the fear of being under a colonel 
 
38 I BECOME A DRAGOON [chap, ii 
 
 who would not have the same consideration for me, had 
 not a Httle to do with my leaving the regiment so as to be 
 with one of my friends in the dragoons. He was a sub- 
 lieutenant, and a particularly good fellow. We had been 
 chums at the Military School, and we were as one in all 
 our interests. He had a near relation at Versailles in the 
 War Office, under M. de Barbesieux, and as he was tired 
 of the infantry, he took it into his head to exchange into 
 the dragoons, who were at that time very smart and much 
 the fashion. He had long tried to persuade me to follow 
 his example, assuring me that his relation, to whom he 
 had written a thousand kind things about me, would be 
 only too delighted to advance us in the service ; but my 
 attachment to my colonel, and the fear of displeasing him, 
 had caused me hitherto to refuse his propositions. How- 
 ever, after the death of Count de Montignac d'Autefort 
 I gave in, and we arranged to travel together to Versailles. 
 My friend's relation was so prepossessed in my favour that 
 I received every kindness at his hands. He sent us each 
 the commission of cornet in the regiment of dragoons 
 belonging to the Marquis de Gramont-Fallon, of Franche- 
 Comte, and promised us that when the opportunity of 
 promotion occurred in the regiment we should not be 
 forgotten. He also had the goodness to present us to the 
 Marquis de Gramont, who was then at the Court and in 
 the Ministry ; he enlarged upon my efficiency in an exag- 
 gerated manner, just as if he had himself personally 
 witnessed my career, and his recommendation was not 
 without its use to me. 
 
 My new colonel believed all the good that was said 
 of me, and shortly after I had reported myself, gave the 
 detail of the regiment into my hands under the aide-major. 
 The little addition to my pay brought me by this post 
 suited me very well. 
 
i694-s] THE ENGLISH BOMBARD DIEPPE 39 
 
 We made the campaign of 1694 with the army of 
 Flanders, but it was not as brilliant or as glorious as those 
 preceding it. Our army attempted but little, and saw the 
 enemy lay siege to Huy 22nd September and take it on 
 the 30th of the same month without opposition. This 
 little success raised their spirits ; they saw that we allowed 
 the campaign to pass without any special effort on our 
 part, were convinced they could make a greater advance 
 in the next, and redoubled their exertions to organise and 
 prepare for a descent upon the frontier as soon as the 
 season would permit. The Marechal de Luxembourg was 
 ill, and France unfortunately lost him towards the end of 
 the year. 
 
 The hostile forces organised a descent upon our coast- 
 line on June i8th, at a place called Camaret, near Brest; 
 but they were only able to disembark about a thousand 
 men, who were almost all drowned or cut to pieces. After 
 this failure, their fleet made for the town of Dieppe, in 
 Normandy, and bombarded it three days running with 
 such fury that the town was practically reduced to ashes. 
 The fleet then appeared off Le Havre-de-Grace, where the 
 same thing would have happened had the ships been able 
 to approach sufficiently near the port. They left after 
 burning a few houses. 
 
 The campaign of 1695 was not favourable to France. 
 The enemy opened the campaign on the Flanders frontier 
 with a very large army ; and it would seem they wished to 
 profit by the death of the Duke of Luxembourg in daring 
 to lay siege to the town and fortress of Namur. It was 
 a bold stroke, and more brilliantly conducted than in our 
 case. It is true that we were at a disadvantage, as we 
 were ignorant as to the best point of attack, but then 
 it had an inferior garrison. They, on the other hand, had 
 to contend with excellent fortifications and a complete 
 
40 
 
 THE ALLIES BESIEGE NAMUR [chap, ii 
 
 little army of fine troops commanded by a marshal of 
 France* In this case the advantages on our side were 
 such as to inspire an enemy with the fear of having 
 ignominiously to raise the siege, and, in fact, we looked 
 upon this result with perfect confidence. But what a 
 terrible scourge is war ! Human life counts for nothing 
 when such an enterprise is determined upon. Given a 
 wish to go right through with a certain design, ten 
 thousand men more or less are not counted in the cost 
 of the affair ; and this is just what happened in this case. 
 The more the Allies grasped the fact of our having 
 reinforced Namur, the more they increased their forces 
 at this point; and the great precautions we had taken 
 regarding the defence of this place only brought about the 
 loss of a greater number of brave men, and in the end 
 the place was captured. 
 
 Our dragoon regiment was one of those sent to assist 
 in the defence, and all of us had plenty of opportunities 
 to distinguish ourselves during this long and tedious siege. 
 Marechal de Boufflers, who had plenty of troops to spare, 
 made numerous sorties upon the besiegers, especially when 
 their attack was developing upon the town itself Its vast 
 extent, with its many gates, lent itself to the purpose, and 
 we succeeded for some time in keeping the works of the 
 enemy at a distance ; all the same, we often had to retire 
 with loss and even precipitation. When I was in command 
 of one of these sorties, our detachment having pushed 
 well to the front and destroyed several lengths of the 
 trenches, a strong force of the enemy advanced to cut 
 us off, whereupon we were obliged to retire promptly. 
 Just then I had the misfortune to have my horse killed 
 under me, and if I had not learnt to vault or had been 
 less active, I should undoubtedly have been killed or, 
 * Mardchal de Boufflers. 
 
1695] MAR^CHAL DE BOUFFLERS 41 
 
 at all events, taken prisoner, but whilst running at full 
 speed, I vaulted up behind a dragoon and just saved 
 myself. 
 
 The town held out for fourteen days, when it became 
 necessary to come to some arrangement. Mar^chal de 
 Boufflers did his best to bind the Allies to the same 
 articles that had been signed when we took the place, 
 i.e. not to attack the fortress from the town side ; but this 
 they would not listen to, and preferred to run the risk 
 of any loss we might cause them to that of having to 
 raise the siege. They were, therefore, at liberty to make 
 their attack from whatever quarter it pleased them, and 
 they knew well enough how to profit by this. What 
 was really strange was the antipathy displayed by the 
 inhabitants towards our nation. To oblige the enemy to 
 abstain from attacking us through the town was in their 
 interest and tended to the preservation of their houses, 
 effects, and even lives ; but they were quite determined to 
 meet any peril they might be exposed to rather than 
 associate themselves with a treaty by means of which the 
 capture of the fortress would certainly be retarded, and 
 the chance of their remaining under French rule promoted. 
 
 They had always been treated with every consideration, 
 and it would seem to have been more to their advantage 
 to have a French garrison than a Dutch one. The former 
 represented a large consumption of food and merchandise, 
 whilst the Dutch imported all theirs, and spent no money. 
 Again, the latter had little or no politeness or society 
 among themselves, but doubtless this did not render them 
 less agreeable to the citizens of Namur, who are them- 
 selves gross and brutal in their habits. 
 
 They preferred the drowsy air of the Dutchman to the 
 wide-awake Frenchman, who, they said, turned their brains 
 with his flighty movements and eternal chatter, and who 
 
i69S] FALL OF NAMUR 43 
 
 morning with considerable reinforcements, and such energy 
 that, after a long resistance, our people were driven out by 
 superior weight and numbers. The besiegers thus effected 
 their lodgments, under cover of which they brought up 
 their guns to batter in one of the sides of the large horn- 
 work ; as this was hardly more out-flanked than any of 
 the other works on this side, we merely cut a new entrench- 
 ment to strengthen it in case of assault, and for the purpose 
 of communication. 
 
 The enemy also took Fort William after two separate 
 assaults, one on the covered-way, the other on the main 
 work ; it was stoutly defended, and they lost many men. 
 They also attacked the " Priest's Cap," but the principal 
 attack of all which forced us to capitulate on August 4th 
 was that on the face of the horn-work opposite the work 
 " a Pat^." I was lucky enough to be present at two 
 different assaults delivered by the enemy, and did not 
 receive a scratch ; on the other hand, my friend was un- 
 fortunately carried off by a cannon-ball, to my greatest 
 possible grief 
 
 The Elector of Bavaria and the King of England com- 
 manded the Allies, who lost more than twelve thousand 
 men at this siege. 
 
 Marechal de Villeroi could give us no assistance, as the 
 enemy had taken up a position so favourably situated that 
 they were enabled to hold our army of succour in check, 
 and at the same time entirely cover their besieging force. 
 The general being therefore unable to act in our direction, 
 bombarded the city of Brussels and burned an entire 
 quarter. The inhabitants have since rebuilt it in modern 
 style, so that now it is quite an ornament to the town. 
 Our loss in the defence of Namur was very severe, but 
 the King seemed well satisfied with the resistance we 
 had maintained, and rewarded many of our officers. Our 
 
44 VIGOUROUX AND THE MARECHAL [chap, ii 
 
 colonel was made major-general, selling the regiment to 
 the Marquis Descorailles. I also got a step, being made 
 full lieutenant. 
 
 I will here relate a joke concerning one of our captains 
 in the dragoons, who always caused us endless amuse- 
 ment, although usually the besieged have no excessive 
 desire for mirth. He was the Sieur de Vigouroux, a 
 native of Rodez, the capital town of Rouergue, and known 
 throughout the army by his eccentric habits. Vigouroux 
 during his career had never experienced any serious danger, 
 and the sensation of finding himself ordered to take com- 
 mand of one of the sorties had such an extraordinary 
 effect upon him that he brought back miraculous reports 
 of feats of valour, giving himself the credit of being the 
 principal performer. 
 
 He wearied everyone by interminable recitals of his 
 deeds in this sortie, pure inventions which after so much 
 repetition he ended in believing himself He took every 
 opportunity of publishing these noble actions and bored 
 even M. de Boufflers himself with them. One day he 
 asked him with some emphasis if he could not put him 
 in the way of giving a fresh proof of his valour. The 
 Mar^chal, tired of his discourses, replied as follows before 
 all the company present : " Well, M. de Vigouroux, you 
 shall have your wish. A most convenient opportunity 
 presents itself at this moment — the breach is now practic- 
 able in Fort William ; the enemy, as far as we can see, 
 will not be long before they make their assault. I therefore 
 make you its Governor. Go now and take over the Fort, 
 and if this rabble show themselves, kick them out in proper 
 style, and let them feel the weight of your arm ; as a matter 
 of fact, I doubt whether our opponents will be willing to 
 run the risk if it comes to their ears that you will be there. 
 Run and gather the laurels and spite the envious. I give 
 
i69S] AN OFFER REFUSED 45 
 
 you the preference in this as every other consideration 
 should give place to your well-known bravery." 
 
 Poor Vigouroux, whose intention was but to be credited 
 as valiant, and who had no wish to be taken too literally, 
 was aghast at M. de Bouffler's answer. He was struck 
 dumb, his Gascon repartees deserted him, and all present 
 roared with laughter. After thinking a while, he thought 
 he had found a way out of the difficulty, and said to 
 M. de Boufflers : " That, Monseigneur, is hardly the post 
 for Vigouroux. I cannot stand being boxed up between 
 four walls, for the intense desire I feel to dash right and 
 left amongst these scoundrels would rebel in so confined 
 a space, I should stifle with rage ; but let me give vent 
 to my valour in the open country, and you will soon see 
 what Vigouroux can do." 
 
 At these words, "give vent to my valour," etc., the 
 entire company burst into shouts of laughter, which quite 
 nonplussed Vigouroux ; he left the room without uttering 
 another word. This bit of boasting was not lost on us, 
 but was instantly noised abroad throughout the whole 
 garrison, and Vigouroux soon had the annoyance of hear- 
 ing the soldiers chaffing each other and quoting, " give 
 vent to my valour in the open." 
 
 The same man, when quartered the following winter in 
 the little town of Thuin, in Flanders, had made certain 
 purchases at a shop kept by a widow, who became uneasy 
 as to the payment due to her. She learnt one day that 
 Vigouroux was preparing to leave for Aix-la-Chapelle, to 
 be treated for some malady he had acquired, so she ran 
 to me, bill in hand, to get me to guarantee its liquidation. 
 I told her that Vigouroux had just drawn money in 
 advance of his pay, and besides, that the bill must be 
 passed and signed by him as correct before I could pay 
 it out of money that might become due to him later on. 
 
46 AN ODD ENDORSEMENT [chap, ii 
 
 Without this I could do nothing. This woman then 
 besought me to accompany her, and get him to pass her 
 account. For charity's sake I went with her, and we found 
 him in the act of getting into his post-chaise. He was 
 much annoyed at our appearance, for he had hardly time 
 to run through the bill, and meanwhile the shop-woman 
 pressed him hard to endorse it. 
 
 Vigouroux, exhausted by her persistence, called for 
 writing materials, and wrote at the bottom : " If I die, I 
 pass this account ; if I live, to be looked into. Signed, 
 De Vigouroux." Then handing it to the woman, he 
 shouted to the postillion to whip up the horses, and 
 vanished in a moment. When I read this endorsement it 
 struck me as so comic that I could not help reporting it to 
 the officers of the garrison, who did not fail to add this new 
 joke to the " give vent to my valour," and these became so 
 well known to all the army that, during the next campaign, 
 everyone tried to make Vigouroux's acquaintance. 
 
 The campaign of 1696 closed without any event of 
 importance to either side ; negotiations for peace were 
 begun, and M. de Catinat arranged a truce for a month, 
 from the beginning of July, with the Duke of Savoy. 
 Whilst this lasted the marriage was arranged between 
 the Duke of Burgundy and the Princess of Savoy. This 
 was followed by peace being declared between France 
 and Savoy on September 7th. In October the Princess 
 left Turin for Versailles. The English and Dutch were 
 not pleased with the Duke of Savoy deserting them in 
 this way, for they now found themselves hardly in a 
 position to attempt much in Flanders, in consequence of 
 our reinforcing our army there with the troops we had 
 hitherto been obliged to keep in Piedmont. They, how- 
 ever, still raided our coastline with their fleet, doing some 
 damage to Calais, Rochelle, and other places. 
 
1696] IN QUARTERS AT PFALZBURG 47 
 
 France in a way avenged herself for these injuries by 
 the enterprise of the Chevalier Bart. This officer having 
 been informed at the beginning of June that the Dutch 
 were sending a fleet of ninety merchant ships to the Baltic, 
 escorted by five men-of-war, put to sea with a squadron 
 of ten good ships and sighted them near Stralsund. He 
 at once attacked, boarded, and captured the escort without 
 much trouble, and then made chase for the merchant 
 vessels. He took half their number, burning some after 
 emptying them of their contents, and brought the re- 
 mainder into the port of Dunkerque on June 8th. The 
 above comprises the most important events during this 
 campaign. 
 
 Our regiment was quartered in Alsace, broken up into 
 detachments, I myself being at Pfalzburg, where we had 
 four companies. The duties were not heavy, and when 
 peace was made with the Duke of Savoy, the probability 
 of a general one became all the talk, which did not at all 
 please us. However, we now had a little war of our own 
 to wage, occasioned by some squadrons of the Imperial 
 cavalry, who had made their appearance in the little plain 
 beyond the marsh at the foot of the town ramparts. We 
 could only reach this plain by means of a causeway, 
 defended by two machicolated towers or redoubts and a 
 palisaded covered-way. M. Desbordes, major-general and 
 Governor of the place, noted their arrival, and not wishing 
 it to be said that anyone could approach us thus with 
 impunity, posted in the covered-ways, unknown to the 
 enemy, a detachment of infantry, and then at the head 
 of our four companies of dragoons proceeded to make 
 a reconnaissance of the plain. Beyond the plain was a 
 large wood whence the enemy had debouched, and which 
 served to conceal their movements. The affair began 
 with merely an exchange of shots, but warmed up by 
 
48 A TRAP THAT FAILED [chap, ii 
 
 degrees until it became altogether another matter, when, 
 finding we were not strong enough to hold our own and 
 were becoming too seriously engaged, we retired helter- 
 skelter upon our redoubts. 
 
 The enemy gave chase, and their zeal and excitement 
 carried them so far as to bring them within range of our 
 infantry, who opened fire upon them in the most oppor- 
 tune manner possible. Many were laid low, and the rest 
 took to their heels. We then returned to the charge, and 
 pursued them nearly as far as the wood, where we took 
 several prisoners, and finally retired unmolested. The 
 enemy, mortified at this check, waited for a chance to 
 make up for it ; but some time passed before they saw fit 
 to reappear. They doubtless thought that if they showed 
 themselves as before they would find us upon them as on 
 the first occasion, and did not wish to precipitate matters 
 so as to endanger the failure of an ambush which they had 
 prepared. 
 
 At last they returned, advancing close up to our lines to 
 induce us to make a sortie; and they had not long to wait 
 for it. As soon as M. Desbordes knew of their approach 
 he ordered out our dragoon companies, disposed his in- 
 fantry as on the first occasion, and away we went. The 
 enemy, to draw us on, only showed two small squadrons, 
 but they had other troops hidden in the recesses of the 
 wood into which they wished to lead us. These two squad- 
 rons made but a show of fighting, and after exchanging 
 a few blows gave ground and took to flight, relying upon 
 our following them in our excitement and the confusion ; 
 but happily we did not join them in their circus-like move- 
 ments, not wishing to get too far from our infantry. After 
 several skirmishes of this sort, the enemy, seeing we were 
 not going to let ourselves fall into their trap, finally retired, 
 or at all events made a show of so doing. We, on our 
 
1697] M. DE DESBORDES ESCAPE 49 
 
 part, waited a little on the field of battle, but as nothing 
 more was to be seen of them, M. de Desbordes ordered us to 
 retire, he occupying himself meanwhile by reconnoitring the 
 neighbourhood for another occasion. Whilst the dragoons 
 and infantry were defiling along the causeway, curiosity 
 had drawn him a little too near the wood, when out dashed 
 at full gallop a handful of hussars, sword in hand. Fortu- 
 nately they were noticed in time for him to attain the 
 shelter of our redoubts, thanks to the speed, however, of 
 his horse. As it was, a hussar officer, still better mounted 
 than he was, would have made short work of him had not 
 a large Danish hound, his constant companion, come to 
 his rescue. She flew between the legs of the officer's 
 horse, barking and biting in such a way that it was im- 
 possible to make him gallop, thus undoubtedly saving 
 M. Desbordes' life. An unfortunate groom who had fol- 
 lowed him was not so lucky, being cut down and killed. 
 M. Desbordes joined us on the causeway, and took more 
 care in future. 
 
 I superintended the office work of the dragoon com- 
 panies stationed at Pfalzburg, and this duty brought me 
 into unpleasant contact with one of our quarter-masters, 
 who always made out that he was of gentle birth, but who 
 really was a very coarse and uneducated individual. 
 
 One day when I had given out a certain order, which he 
 either did not quite understand or wanted to argue about, 
 he took what I said in a bad sense, and answered me very 
 impertinently. When I asked him if he knew exactly 
 what he had said, he replied, seizing the hilt of his sword, 
 that he was as much a gentleman as any officer, could 
 measure his sword against mine any day, and that I could 
 take the matter as I liked. 
 
 This demonstration and the words accompanying it so 
 excited me that I at once drew my sword, he doing like- 
 
 E 
 
so THE MUTINOUS QUARTER-MASTER [chap, ii 
 
 wise, and although the three other quarter-masters were 
 present, we in an instant thrust at each other, with the 
 result that he received a sword cut in his right side. This 
 affair made such a sensation in the regiment from a dis- 
 ciplinary point of view, that many of the officers asserted 
 that the consequences would be disastrous if the quarter- 
 master were not court-martialed; but the Colonel, after 
 consideration, merely saw fit to give him his discharge 
 when cured of his wound. 
 
 The campaign of 1697 was the last in this war. The 
 peace just signed with the Duke of Savoy produced the 
 greatest relief throughout the whole kingdom. The main- 
 tenance of the army in Italy, the enormous expense of the 
 transport of munitions and provisions, together with the 
 losses among the troops from sickness year after year, 
 had been the source of much difficulty and a heavy charge 
 upon the State. France was now, free of this, in an excel- 
 lent condition to carry on the war on her other frontiers, 
 and across them into the enemy's country. Therefore the 
 Allies opened negotiations for a general peace. The King 
 appointed Messieurs du Harlai and de Creci as his pleni- 
 potentiaries. They left Versailles in February, going to 
 Delft, and then on to Ryswick, where the conference was 
 held. The two forces, however, kept the field as usual. 
 Ours in Flanders was very numerous, and that of the 
 Allies, although considerable, was not in a state to oppose 
 us, who were prepared to cross the frontier in case they 
 were not willing to agree to the articles of peace. The 
 enemy were always raising new difficulties on this score, 
 and France, believing it to be the best way to cut the 
 matter short, set her troops in motion. To this end, 
 M. de Catinat, commanding the army of Flanders, received 
 orders to lay siege to Ath, and the Duke of Vendome to 
 Barcelona. 
 
1697] THE PEACE OF RYSWICK 51 
 
 The trenches were opened before Ath on May 20th 
 with but little loss to us. The besieged made no resist- 
 ance, and being unsupported, surrendered June 5th. Bar- 
 celona made a better defence, which gave time for the 
 Viceroy of Catalonia to march with a Spanish army to its 
 assistance ; but M. de Vendome left his siege works for the 
 nonce, and entirely defeated him. The town then, seeing 
 relief impossible, capitulated on July loth, 1697. 
 
 The result of this last action was such that all obstacles 
 were cleared away, and England, Holland, and Spain 
 signed the Treaty of Peace on September 20th.* The 
 Emperor, who took exception to a few details, demanded 
 a delay of six weeks, in order to secure his own rights and 
 those of the Empire ; these were agreed to and ratified on 
 October 30th, and the war terminated to the great relief 
 of the nations concerned. But the officers of our army 
 were much troubled when they learnt of the reduction 
 of his army, to which the King had pledged himself by 
 this treaty. Many who had exhausted their means to 
 keep themselves in the service and in the advancement 
 of their promotion, now found themselves penniless, 
 inasmuch as all chance of another war seemed to have 
 disappeared. The succession to the Crown of Spain was 
 the only subject which could bring discord anew between 
 France and the other European powers, and the articles of 
 this treaty were arranged to meet this. The Prince Elector 
 of Bavaria, the only son of the Elector by his first wife the 
 
 * The Peace of Ryswick, by which Louis XIV. agreed to give up all he 
 had taken or conquered since the Treaty of Nimeguen in 1678, to place the 
 chief fortresses in the hands of the Dutch garrisons, to recognise William III. 
 as King of England and Anne as his successor, and received, moreover, an 
 effectual check to his growing power and ambition. 
 
 A month later a second treaty was made between Louis and the Emperor. 
 Louis restored all towns taken since 1678, with the important exception of 
 Strasbourg. Louis' willingness to make peace and yield so much was due to 
 his desire to have his hands free on the death of Charles II. of Spain. 
 
52 REDUCTION OF THE ARMY [chap, ii 
 
 Archduchess, herself the only daughter of the Emperor 
 Leopold by his first wife the Infanta Margaret, sister of 
 Charles II., King of Spain, was recognised as the successor 
 of the latter, who was a valetudenarian, whilst the Prince 
 of Bavaria was in the best of health. 
 
 All this disquieted me, and I saw my career arrested, 
 and all my care, and the risk I had run to gain a reputation, ' 
 thrown away. We had great hopes, however, that our 
 regiment would not be entirely disbanded, and imagined 
 the worst that could occur would be a reduction of pur 
 strength. There were then forty -seven regiments of 
 dragoons, and as this branch of the service had dis- 
 tinguished itself on numberless occasions, mounted or 
 dismounted, we had great hopes of the State paying due 
 respect to this point ; at any rate, we believed half at least 
 of the regiments would be maintained, and that ours, being 
 the twenty-second, would not be reduced ; but high politics 
 and the Treaty of Ryswick decided otherwise. The King 
 kept only fourteen of the oldest regiments, and although 
 our turn to be broken up and incorporated amongst others 
 did not come at once, we did not escape this fate, for our 
 establishment was reduced and the residue handed over to 
 the Mestre du Camp G^nerale. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 HALF-PAY IN PARIS — THE COUNTESS ARRAS AND BORDEAUX 
 
 — THE LAWSUIT 
 
 I ALWAYS kept as much as possible in touch with the 
 War Office official, and the loss of my friend (his relation) 
 in no wise diminished his friendliness towards me ; I took 
 all care to let him know everything that went on wherever 
 I might be, giving him the most detailed accounts I could 
 on every point. I now besought him to use his influence 
 with M. de Barbesieux to give me some return for my 
 devotion to duty and service rendered, and that as I saw 
 no chance of gaining further promotion, I only asked for 
 the step of captain on the retired list, with no increase 
 of pay. 
 
 I had almost lost hope, when I received a letter from 
 him apologising for the delay which had occurred in 
 answering my application, owing to the press of work in 
 the office, on account of the changes taking place in the 
 army. At the same time, he said that he had already got 
 my demand in hand, and that though he could not tell me 
 anything positively, he would suggest my reporting myself 
 at Versailles, and he would do all he could to help me. 
 
 I set out for Versailles the instant I received this letter, 
 but when I got there, my friend told me that he had taken 
 rather too favourable a view of things. M. de Barbesieux 
 was overwhelmed with work,and so put about by the favours 
 constantly being asked of him that he rarely, if ever, granted 
 
 S3 
 
54 M. DE BARBESIEUX' INTRODUCTION [chap, hi 
 
 them. However, he added that if I left it to him I should 
 
 be satisfied, as he would do his best, and was sure that 
 I should soon be able to bear witness as to his efforts and 
 goodwill. I begged him to leave no stone unturned, 
 reminding him that it was well within the power of the 
 King and Ministers to grant such harmless petitions, in 
 which they would be answerable only to the Almighty, and 
 if he would but further my cause, I should have every 
 reason to hope for the best. He arranged matters so well 
 that one day I found myself in a room reserved for 
 privileged persons only, through which M. de Barbesieux 
 would be sure to pass alone. The Minister was kind 
 enough to stop, and after having heard my tale, took my 
 petition, saying he would look into it, and then passed 
 on. This answer disconcerted me a good deal, and I came 
 to the conclusion that I had nothing left to hope for. 
 I then called upon my friend, who asked me if M. de 
 Barbesieux had heard my story quietly. " Certainly," said 
 I ; " but he did not seem to be quite pleased with ray 
 request, for he simply said he would look into the case." 
 He told me not to worry about it, as it might turn out 
 better than I expected. And he was right, for in less than 
 eight days I got my captain's commission, which made 
 up for all previous disappointments. So far there was 
 nothing further to wish for. I therefore determined to 
 stop in Paris for a time to compensate myself for all the 
 anxiety I had passed through, and put up at a well-known 
 hostelry in the Rue Traversine, much affected by people 
 of quality, where I had no trouble in finding congenial 
 companions. I met with a hearty reception, but found there 
 was not a man amongst them who was not a gambler, 
 and notwithstanding my fear of bad luck, I had to join in 
 with them or find myself out in the cold. This I did, 
 however, with as much discrimination as possible. I was 
 
1698-1700] MY FRIEND THE COUNTESS 55 
 
 fortunate enough to be successful at the start, and my 
 winnings went to balance the ultimate bad luck that befell 
 me, as is usual with every inexperienced gambler. 
 
 A rich and childless widow lived in this quarter of the 
 
 town, named the Countess de . This lady was very 
 
 clever, and lived in very good style, but owing to her 
 dislike to card-playing, had not a very extensive acquaint- 
 ance. Although no longer in her first youth, her beauty 
 of features and figure rendered her none the less attractive ; 
 the charm of her manners and conversation delighted all 
 who knew her, and finally, her establishment and sur- 
 roundings were delightfully comfortable and easy-going. 
 
 I was introduced to her by a lady of rank and of the 
 highest respectability, who vouched for my being a sensible 
 young man with a natural dislike for gambling — giving me, 
 in fact, all the characteristics the Countess liked best to 
 see in her acquaintances. I was most warmly received, 
 and such a gracious welcome encouraged me gradually to 
 detach myself from the selfish group, who pressed me 
 to gamble as much for the monetary profit brought by 
 cards, as to satisfy their own longing for the excitement 
 of the game. 
 
 This lady made so lively an impression upon me that 
 I limited my companionship entirely to hers, and found 
 immense pleasure in so doing. I added the study of music 
 and instrumental'playing to my pastimes, and was perfectly 
 content in the enjoyment of this gentle occupation. By 
 the assiduity of my attentions the Countess and I became 
 so intimate that I formed quite one of the family, as it 
 were, and as she always had covers laid at table for any 
 chance caller, I dined oftener at her house than at my 
 hotel. I said to her one day, in joke, that my hostess 
 being so hospitable in every way, all I could possibly wish 
 for more would be a room in the house itself. 
 
56 LESSONS IN POLITENESS [chap, in 
 
 " There is nothing to prevent it," said she, with graceful 
 courtesy. " I have an empty one now, and it would 
 give me the greatest pleasure in the world if you would 
 occupy it." 
 
 "If I took you at your word, madam," I replied, "I 
 might perhaps give you cause to regret the kind offer you 
 make." 
 
 " No," said she, " I am not joking, but say what I mean, 
 and you could not show your regard for me better than 
 to avail yourself of my offer." 
 
 I replied that I accepted with all pleasure, but feared 
 lest my inclinations might take further flights. 
 
 " Don't be afraid," said she, smiling. " You have always 
 behaved discreetly so far ; continue to act up to my 
 desires, and nothing shall interfere with any of your 
 prospects." 
 
 This equivocal answer put ideas into my head that I 
 had not ventured to entertain so far, and I flattered 
 myself, in the manner of youth, that she had more than 
 an ordinary friendship for me. However, such was my 
 respect for the charming manners of this lady that I 
 dared not give her any idea of this, and taking possession 
 of the apartment obeyed her injunctions in every way. 
 
 I found my new circumstances perfectly delightful, and 
 the kindness of the Countess was such that she interested 
 herself in carefully putting me through quite a new course 
 of discipline. 
 
 One gets plenty of this sort of thing in the army, par- 
 ticularly in an old regiment, but there always remains a 
 taint of coarseness and withal a touch of sharpness, which 
 is not in good taste. No one was in a better position to 
 correct me on this point than this lady ; her superior mind, 
 her gentle ways and birth and polished manners — in fact, 
 everything about her — placed her above ordinary women. 
 
1698-1700] THE YOUNG MARQUISE 57 
 
 She divined with ease the different natures of those about 
 her, and knew how to adapt herself to their characters 
 and thoughts. She was kind enough to make me aware 
 of anything that might offend good manners, and taught 
 me how to avoid those dangerous and seductive characters 
 who cause us to swerve from the perfect way. She did 
 not stop here, but strove to inspire in me that polite 
 bearing which, avoiding all self-consciousness, obstinacy, 
 and gossip, teaches us to make use of our wits in a manner 
 pleasing to all around us. Finally, so elegant was her 
 conversation and so tactful was her method of instruction, 
 that I derived infinite pleasure and delight in listening 
 to her. 
 
 I had not long enjoyed this tranquil existence with my 
 charming hostess when an unexpected trouble befell her. 
 
 Among the several ladies who formed the circle of our 
 society was a young Marquise, whose husband was very 
 old and cross-grained, but who, on the other hand, had 
 made over to her the whole of his fortune. Rather un- 
 gratefully she found means to keep away from him the 
 best part of the year. Her house was near that of the 
 Countess, and this neighbourhood resulting in intimate 
 friendship, she often came in to spend the evening. It 
 was my habit to see her home when she left, and leave 
 her at her door without any particular ceremony. One 
 evening, accompanying her as usual, it struck me that she 
 might perhaps think it wrong of me not to offer to conduct 
 her to her apartment, and made the suggestion on arrival 
 at her door. She put on a surprised air, and asked me 
 whether I had any further design hidden under the guise 
 of the compliment, " for up to now," said she, " you have 
 never expressed such a wish, and therefore you must have 
 some further purpose. However," she continued, " I will 
 allow you to do so, provided you are prudent, because 
 
58 I LOSE MY HEART AND HEAD [chap, hi 
 
 my maids are discreet and will not come into the room as 
 long as you are there, and if I cannot count upon your 
 discretion too, I will not permit you to come up." I did 
 not need an interpreter to understand her discourse, and 
 as nothing flatters a young man like an adventure of this 
 sort, I forgot in a moment all I owed to my true friend, 
 and without thinking of the consequences of carrying on 
 two intrigues at the same time, I gave myself up to the 
 delightful thought that I had inspired the mind of this 
 lady with tender feelings towards me. When we found 
 ourselves in her apartment, I did all I could to prove to 
 her that she was not mistaken in her choice; but being 
 not inexperienced in the game, she knew how to damp 
 my ardour after having brought me to the point she 
 wished. In fact, she had the address to raise within me 
 a passion sufficient to induce me to make all the vows 
 and protestations she could wish ; I may say I even went 
 further than altogether pleased her. She then thought 
 that matters might go too far, and took the precaution 
 to call my attention, with an anxious air, to the fact that 
 her servants were in the ante-room, whence they could 
 hear all and might come in at any moment. Finally, she 
 declared it only needed the least imprudence on my part 
 to ruin her entirely, that if I had any consideration what- 
 ever for her, I ought not to expose her to such a danger, 
 and even should she forget her duty so far as to listen 
 to my vows, that this was neither the proper place nor 
 time. She also said we had gone too far already, prayed 
 me to calm myself, and withdraw for fear that her people 
 should get suspicious, and then she pulled at the bell rope 
 to summon them. I was thus obliged to retire in the 
 midst of my declarations, and left my new mistress con- 
 sumed with the fire she had kindled within me. 
 
 When my feelings had calmed down I was struck, 
 
1698-1700] REMORSE 59 
 
 without knowing why, with a premonition of some coming 
 disaster. I was grieved at my faithlessness towards the 
 Countess, who so little deserved such treatment, and in- 
 stantly made the firmest resolutions to be true to her; 
 but then immediately afterwards the charm of my new 
 conquest touched me, I forgot her and myself entirely, 
 and became incapable of reasoning. In proportion as my 
 pride was flattered by this double intrigue, so everything 
 seemed easy to me regarding it, and I dreamed only of 
 the pleasure in store for me ; but when I returned to my 
 senses I saw nothing but obstacles and insurmountable 
 difficulty ; thus I argued the matter over and over to 
 myself without ceasing, and without being able to come 
 to any fixed purpose on the point. 
 
 The young Marquise, who was a thoughtless creature, 
 was of the age that thinks a woman of thirty-five has but 
 the most straight-laced feelings towards a man, and placed 
 the Countess in this category, never doubting for a 
 moment but that she and I were on this footing together. 
 
 Her giddy nature was too ready to gossip about any- 
 thing that had amused her, and so pleased was she with 
 her love passage that the very next morning she went 
 to the Countess and, with the greatest eagerness, told her 
 in strict confidence all that had occurred between us, 
 exaggerating the terms and phrases which I had used in 
 expressing my feelings. 
 
 The Countess, who had never imagined the possibility 
 of such a thing, was extremely shocked, but she knew how 
 to control herself, managed the conversation so as to draw 
 from the Marquise all she wished to know, soon made 
 herself intimately acquainted with every detail of the 
 matter, and pretended to be quite amused with it all. 
 Nevertheless, she suffered the greatest mental agitation, 
 for it seemed to her impossible that I could hide such 
 
6o AN UNCONSCIOUS CONFESSION [chap, m 
 
 perfidious feelings under a modest and honest exterior. 
 She was a prey to these reflections when I returned from 
 the opera ; but I found no change in her manner, and she 
 behaved as if she was quite ignorant of my conduct. 
 The Marquise came in after supper to pass the evening 
 with her as usual, and I admit that the expectation of 
 seeing her gave me pleasure, and still more the prospect 
 of escorting her home, for I hoped that then she would 
 give me a fair hearing and accede to my prayers. I at 
 least thought that this lady would have been so far careful 
 as to do nothing in the presence of others which would 
 lead them to imagine the feelings which existed between 
 us ; but here I was mistaken. This flighty creature, wish- 
 ing to show the Countess the truth of all she had told her, 
 now talked and behaved for all the world as if we were 
 a couple of lovers. 
 
 This conduct — so contrary to what I had expected — 
 quite took me by surprise, and I could see no escape from 
 the embarrassing position I found myself in. The Countess 
 on her part, notwithstanding all her prudence, could hardly 
 preserve an even countenance, and insensibly allowed herself 
 to bear witness of her inmost thoughts. The Marquise 
 noticing this, then began to suspect us ; words failed her, 
 and we all three became silent and subdued. The time had 
 come to go. The Marquise rose, and I advanced to offer 
 my hand, whilst the Countess herself, with a troubled air, 
 carried the candles to light us out without calling the lackeys 
 in the ante-chamber. This act rendered us dumb ; but 
 when we found ourselves in the street the Marquise began 
 to cry, saying how sorry she was that she had not known 
 sooner what she had only then just become conscious 
 of, and then and there told me all she had confided to 
 the Countess and the hopeless despair she suffered in 
 consequence. 
 
1698-1700] THE COUNTESS' RESERVE 61 
 
 Troubled as I was, I tried to disabuse her of this, to 
 make her believe that she was really mistaken in what she 
 had seen, and that the Countess had never had a thought 
 on my account in the way she imagined. But my dis- 
 course was uttered in such a hesitating style that it alone 
 would have been sufficient to proclaim the truth, and she 
 remained none the less perplexed with the part that was 
 left her to play. 
 
 I parted from her at her door quite overwhelmed, with- 
 out offering to conduct her to her apartment, for I knew 
 well enough that if I had suggested such an idea she 
 would never have permitted it. 
 
 This sad adventure entirely quenched our ardour, and 
 for my own part I thought of nothing but how I could 
 justify my conduct on rejoining the Countess, for I still 
 had sufficient self-respect to condemn my conduct as 
 unworthy of an honest man. 
 
 As it turned out, no opportunity was offered to me, 
 for I learnt on my return that she had retired to her 
 apartment with strict orders that she was not to be 
 disturbed ; in fact, after this occurrence I never once 
 found myself alone with her. These precautions drove 
 me to despair. I would have given my life to have made 
 my peace with her, but all means to this end were 
 denied me. 
 
 Experience taught the Countess not to allow herself to 
 be drawn into explanations, which could only recall to her 
 an occurrence in which her prudence had overstepped 
 itself She maintained towards me her most proper 
 manner, tinged, perhaps, with a slight indifference, and 
 behaved, in fact, as she would to any other member of her 
 acquaintance. She neither reproached me nor made 
 advances, and kept up this attitude until she was quite 
 sure of my contrition and the lack of desire on my part 
 
62 THE MARQUIS DE RICOUS [chap, hi 
 
 to again meet the Marquise, who had never since visited 
 her neighbour. 
 
 When at last she saw that all my actions and attentions 
 had for their object a return to her good graces, she began 
 to treat me with less severity, and little by little admitted 
 me to the same favour as I had previously enjoyed, and 
 this without any questioning or reproaches concerning the 
 Marquise. So noble and so unusual did this punishment 
 and pardon appear to me that I became more than ever 
 attached to this lady, and took the greatest care on all 
 occasions to avoid doing anything that could in the least 
 degree cause her uneasiness respecting my conduct. In 
 this happy state I passed two years. 
 
 The only occasion on which I ever quitted the side 
 of my dear Countess was my regimental inspection, and 
 then I returned as soon as possible. But my happiness 
 came to an end too soon, for I grieve to say I had the 
 misfortune to lose her during my absence on this very 
 occasion. She was not well at the time of my enforced 
 departure, and the fever having increased later, she died 
 on the ninth day of her illness. Her loss plunged me into 
 the very depths of misery and grief 
 
 During my stay in Paris I made, through the Countess, 
 many very influential friends ; among others, the Marquis 
 de Ricous, with whom I became intimately acquainted. 
 Besides being a man of integrity, full of genius and merit, 
 he was closely connected with, and had the support of, the 
 Court, and was now waiting his chance to be appointed 
 ambassador or envoy to some foreign state. He managed 
 his affairs so well that the King took him into his con- 
 fidence and sent him to Munich to negotiate the alliance 
 between the Elector of Bavaria and France, which he 
 carried through according to His Majesty's desires. It 
 
1698-1700] AN ARRAS SUPERSTITION 63 
 
 was this that gave him the opportunity of bringing me 
 to that country, as I shall explain later on. 
 
 After the loss of my beloved Countess, my only thought 
 was how to while away the time during my enforced retire- 
 ment, and my regiment being then quartered at Arras, I 
 made up my mind to pass my days there. This town in 
 every way suited my purpose, gaiety and society were 
 unknown there, and excepting in the case of one or two 
 of the middle-class houses, the garrison were nowhere 
 received. 
 
 I saw in this town a ceremony which had doubtless 
 some remote connection with the idolatrous worship of 
 the ancient Romans ; the cult or worship of an immense 
 wax candle, enshrined in a silver sheath, which the populace 
 annually made the object of their adoration for the space 
 of eight days. The Bishop and clergy were powerless to 
 prevent this, for they feared a riot if they attempted to 
 do so; thus their efforts in this direction were not very 
 serious. This solemnity takes place during the Octave of 
 the Fete Dieu, especially on the Sunday, when the holy 
 candle is carried in state. Here is the legend of its origin 
 as related in the country. Two violin players who had 
 married sisters were at enmity with each other to such a 
 degree, owing to family matters, that no one was able to 
 pacify them. The Holy Virgin, interesting herself in the 
 quarrel between these illustrious personages, appeared one 
 day in the cathedral church, where they both happened 
 to be at their devotions, on the altar of a chapel dedicated 
 to her, bearing in her hand an immense candle. She 
 besought them to become reconciled and then disappeared, 
 leaving the candle upon the altar. The two brothers-in-law 
 instantly embraced each other, and took the candle to the 
 mayor of the town, to whom they recounted the whole 
 affair. By a divine inspiration the people gathered together. 
 
64 THE BROTHERHOOD OF THE CANDLE [chap, hi 
 
 shouting, " A miracle ! a miracle ! " and from that moment 
 looked upon the holy candle as the protecting genius of 
 their town. They built a chapel for it near the principal 
 square, and enclosed it within a silver sheath, and ever 
 since it has been shown annually to the populace, who 
 come as far as ten or twelve leagues distance for the 
 purpose. They pray to it with great fervour, constantly 
 repeating the words, " Our Good Lady Saint Candle pray 
 for us." 
 
 There is also a Brotherhood of the Holy Candle, under 
 a director, who is elected annually. He who holds the 
 post sets so much store by it, that he will spend upon it 
 as much as fifteen hundred livres, which is a great sum 
 among the brotherhood, seeing that the richest among 
 them is at the most but a small tradesman. On the 
 Sunday of the Octave of the Fete Dieu a procession is 
 formed, with the same detail and reverence as that of the 
 Holy Sacrament ; the streets are draped, holy water is 
 sprinkled, temporary altars are erected to represent the 
 twelve stations of the Cross, and the holy candle itself is 
 borne under a magnificent canopy, escorted by all the 
 brotherhood bearing long white wands in their hands. 
 
 It might be imagined that the Church assists in this 
 ceremony, but the contrary is the case ; she discounten- 
 ances it, and owing to the origin of the miracle, the violin 
 players are the leaders. Four of this profession support the 
 canopy, under which another reverently carries the candle 
 in his arms, the crowd following with intense devotion. 
 They stop at each " station " as in the ceremony of the 
 Holy Sacrament, and proceed thus to the cathedral, where 
 the brethren have the right of entry. Here the worthy 
 carrier has need of his skill. He is permitted to elevate the 
 holy candle, but not so as to let it actually touch the high 
 altar, for if it did so, he would not be allowed to take 
 
1698-1700] I RETURN HOME 65 
 
 it up again, and it would then become the property of the 
 Chapter, who would certainly abolish the ceremony alto- 
 gether. To avoid such a contingency he is careful to hold 
 it in such a way that only his hands touch the altar itself. 
 On leaving the church the procession is continued to the 
 chapel, where a halt is made at the door, till all the people 
 are assembled ; then a brother, after a genuflection, lights 
 the candle with a wax taper, when the candle-bearer raises 
 it on high, gives the Benediction, and immediately after 
 extinguishes it. During the Benediction the devout crowd 
 bow reverently, repeating their "Mea culpa" and "Our 
 Good Lady Saint Candle, pray for us " in mournful tones, 
 and finally humbly kiss the pavement. Such is the cere- 
 mony as I witnessed it, but I do not know whether it 
 is still kept up. On mentioning the holy candle to the 
 people of Arras, they were careful to give me detailed 
 accounts of its miraculous healing powers among the sick 
 and crippled, all due to the faith they held in it. In addition, 
 they declared that it had lasted over five hundred years, 
 and in that period, moreover, had produced more than a 
 thousand candles without having diminished its substance 
 by a single ounce. It is not difficult to understand this, as 
 when the holy candle is lighted, the wax which falls freely 
 from the taper furnishes more material than it is able to 
 consume during the very short time that it remains burning, 
 and as to the candles it is said to produce, they are provided 
 by pieces of wax touched by it, and which, according to 
 the people, become part and parcel with the wax of the 
 holy candle itself. 
 
 A friend of mine, an officer of the garrison, did his best 
 to persuade me to make a trip to the country with him. 
 He was fond of his home because he had property there — 
 quite the reverse of my own case. I had lost my mother 
 the year that I joined the cadet company, and I knew that 
 
 F 
 
66 MY FRIEND'S LAWSUIT [chap, hi 
 
 since her death my family affairs were not in the best 
 possible state, besides which I had not enjoyed such a 
 happy time in my early life there as to make me anxious 
 to return. However, his solicitations and the want of dis- 
 traction in Arras were too much for me ; I determined to 
 accompany him, and thus found myself back again at 
 home. Here I found that my existence was scarcely 
 likely to be more exciting than in the garrison life I had 
 just quitted. I would not have stayed there very long 
 had it not been for a disastrous and unexpected event; 
 I found myself entangled in a tissue of embarrassments 
 which, owing to my want of experience, I was unable to 
 avoid. This was a lawsuit at the Parliament of Bordeaux, 
 which, according to the advice of many people, I found 
 myself obliged to engage in. I foresaw neither its length 
 nor its consequences ; withal, one result was my marriage 
 from this town, wherein I never should have found myself 
 had it not been for this matter. This was its origin. The 
 father of a young man of my acquaintance had a rich and 
 pushing neighbour, who had bought up a debt incumbent 
 on him, and who vexed him with an action-at-law on the 
 subject. The young man, who had honourable feelings 
 and but little patience with the tactics of the opposing 
 side, which sought to rob him of his patrimony, threatened 
 the prosecutor and his two sons, the one an advocate, the 
 other a doctor. These two families were constantly on the 
 look-out for each other, and never left their own houses 
 unarmed. 
 
 One day the young man was returning from Perigueux, 
 where the case was being heard, when he met the creditor, 
 accompanied by his doctor son, in a narrow part of the 
 road. As soon as they saw each other the two parties 
 drew their pistols, and the father and son, wishing to profit 
 by their superiority of numbers, separated so as to attack 
 
1698-1700] I AM OBLIGED TO FIGHT 67 
 
 the young man on the flank as well as in front. He did 
 not, however, give them time to carry out this manoeuvre, 
 but made promptly for the doctor, fired, and stretched him 
 dead on the field of battle. This so intimidated the father 
 that he made off as quickly as his legs would carry him. 
 One can imagine the sequel of an affair like this : the 
 young man was obliged to seek a refuge from the hue-and- 
 cry raised against him ; and coming to me in his distress, 
 I gave him secretly certain letters of introduction, after 
 which he disappeared. Notwithstanding my precautions, 
 his adversaries got wind of this, and looking upon me as 
 one of their opponents, resolved to avenge themselves on 
 me whenever the occasion might arise. They were rich 
 folk and belonged to an important set, which increased 
 their arrogance and enterprise. For my part, I had no 
 idea of all this, and consequently took no special pre- 
 cautions, and as often as not left my sword at home when 
 taking my solitary walks in the district we all lived in. 
 Some time after the death of the doctor I met the father, 
 his lawyer son, and a nephew, who alone had his sword 
 with him. As they approached me I stopped to allow 
 them room to pass, and noticed that the son made a 
 movement as though to attack me, which I avoided. 
 Then he had recourse to abusive language, and I saw 
 at once that our parting would not be an amiable one. 
 I determined to anticipate them by seizing the nephew's 
 sword, which I snatched from its scabbard, but was not 
 able to secure it, as he grasped the blade with both hands 
 so tightly that I dragged him along the ground without 
 being able to make him let go. As soon as I got hold 
 of his sword, his two comrades took to flight and regained 
 their house near by ; but the son, plucking up courage, 
 retraced his steps armed with a gun. I saw this, although 
 fully occupied in trying to shake off my opponent, who 
 
68 I APPEAL FOR JUSTICE [chap, hi 
 
 shouted at the top of his voice for help, and I then began 
 to realise the danger in store for me. Flight, no doubt, 
 would have been justifiable, but I would have rather run 
 the risk of perishing than to have had resort to such a 
 measure, so I made up my mind to raise my opponent 
 from the ground, where I then had him, and use him as 
 a shield of defence. I managed this so well that I was 
 always able to hold him between my body and the advo- 
 cate, and by this means prevented the latter from taking 
 proper aim at me. 
 
 It is quite possible that in the end I should have fallen 
 a victim, but luckily a number of people now appeared 
 on the scene. The gun went off harmlessly in the air, and 
 the sword in dispute between us was seized, and finally 
 deposited in the Greffe de la Jurisdiction. My adversaries 
 then proceeded to barricade themselves in their house, for 
 they feared lest I should lead on those who had come to 
 my rescue to a further attack upon them. But they were 
 far from advising such a violent measure; on the contrary, 
 the most important of my friends escorted me to my 
 house, and helped me so well that I lodged a complaint 
 before the Juge des Lieux, thereby forestalling my assail- 
 ants. They persuaded me that I was in a position to 
 exact most honourable satisfaction, the only course to take 
 under the circumstances, and that they themselves would 
 do all they could to assist me in this. 
 
 I endorsed my complaint in due form — the first occasion 
 on which I had placed my name to a stamped document. 
 The witnesses were heard the same day, the warrant for 
 the arrest of my three assailants issued, and a party of 
 archers told off to carry this out forthwith. 
 
 Never was a case better supported than mine. This 
 beginning confirmed my highest ideas of justice; but the 
 very next day the defendants obtained their liberty under 
 
1698-1700] LEGAL DIFFICULTIES 69 
 
 bail, appealed to the Parliament of Bordeaux, and got the 
 Juge des Lieux to take their part. 
 
 Here was I, an ignoramus on such subjects, engaged 
 in a lawsuit ; but happily I found at Bordeaux some 
 charitable people, who, in return for my apprentice fees, 
 gave me certain instruction in the matter. I had the best 
 case in the world, and the legal gentlemen of the Tournelle 
 were so convinced of this that they adjudicated in my 
 favour, and cast my adversaries in costs, including interest. 
 It is true that the total did not amount to a third of what 
 I had disbursed, but my suit was over, as I thought, and 
 I promised myself that it should be my last. 
 
 Whilst waiting for the payment of the damages awarded 
 me, my adversaries, better at sharp practices than I, laid 
 an embargo on the money and prevented its delivery to 
 me, giving as a pretext that some of the expenses were 
 not liquidated. By this departure I found myself as em- 
 barrassed as ever. I had recourse to my counsel, who 
 still persuaded me that my case was an excellent one, 
 that I could make my opponents seriously repent of their 
 action ; he recommended that the archers should be sent 
 to arrest them, or, failing this, to distrain upon their goods, 
 even if I had to break into their house to effect this. 
 As this expedition savoured of my beloved war, I was 
 charmed that my adversaries should have given me such 
 an opportunity of practising it upon them, and without 
 foreseeing the consequences of the violent nature of the 
 advice given me, I at once despatched a troop of archers, 
 who, finding the doors close barred against them, imme- 
 diately broke into the house and carried off all the furni- 
 ture worth taking. But far from getting quit of the affair 
 in this way, I found myself engaged in a new lawsuit, 
 and I was obliged to go back to Bordeaux to defend 
 myself against an action brought by my opponents regard- 
 
70 RUMOURS OF WAR [chap, in 
 
 ing my seizure of their goods. Then it was that I began 
 to regret very sincerely that I had ever quitted Mars to 
 follow St. Yves, but it was too late. My lawyers still 
 continued by fine reasoning to argue that my case held 
 good, and that I should soon see the end of it, although 
 to tell the truth my interests were no further advanced 
 now than on the first day, notwithstanding all my tactics 
 and the expense I had been put to. 
 
 Lawsuits are tempting affairs ; everything seems plain 
 sailing at the outset, whether in the eyes of the litigants 
 or their advisers, but the results are often disappointing. 
 The original object becomes so obscured by the intricacies 
 raised, that the best case, after much expenditure of 
 money and anxiety, is as likely to be lost as would be 
 the worst. 
 
 The sequel of this affair would have kept me still longer 
 at Bordeaux had not war broken out afresh. The King 
 made an alliance with the Elector of Bavaria, in order to 
 induce that Prince to take up arms in favour of the Duke 
 of Anjou, who had been called to the Spanish throne by 
 the will of the childless Charles II. 
 
 The Marquis de Ricous had been sent to Munich to 
 negotiate this alliance, and the services he rendered me 
 in connection with it obliged me to abandon my lawsuit, 
 which I left to those on my side without taking any 
 special precaution as to the outcome. I then quitted 
 Bordeaux for Munich, as I shall explain later, after having 
 described the motives and reasons of the war. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE CAUSE OF THE WAR BETWEEN FRANCE AND SPAIN AGAINST 
 THE ALLIES, AND THE MOTIVES WHICH CAUSED THE ELECTOR 
 OF BAVARIA TO SIDE WITH FRANCE^ENTERS THE BAVARIAN 
 SERVICE — JOURNEY TO MUNICH 
 
 THIS war, which has cost so much blood among the 
 Christian States, had its origin in the death of the 
 Electoral Prince of Bavaria, which took place on February 
 6th, 1699, twenty-one months before that of Charles II., 
 King of Spain. At the Peace of Ryswick the Prince had 
 been declared successor to the Crown of Spain. 
 
 The Powers who, for the sake of peace, had resolved* 
 to maintain his rights, seeing their precautions upset 
 by his death, took new measures to avert war by 
 arranging a Treaty of Partition, t by vi^hich France 
 
 * The First Partition Treaty was agreed to secretly by William III. and 
 Louis XIV., and signed October, 1698. The young Electoral Prince was 
 given Spain, the Spanish Netherlands and the Indies ; France was to have 
 the kingdom of Naples and Sicily and Guipuscoa, and Austria the Duchy of 
 Milan. 
 
 In 1699, however, the Electoral Prince died, hence the necessity for the 
 second treaty in the following year. 
 
 t The Second Partition Treaty was signed in 1700. Spain, the Spanish 
 Netherlands, Sardinia, and the Colonies were given to the Archduke Charles, 
 the second son of the Emperor Leopold, and the Dauphin was to receive 
 Naples and Sicily, Guipuscoa, Elba, and the Duchy of Milan, which was to 
 be given to the Archduke Charles in exchange for Lorraine. 
 
 Thus the French dominions were rounded off in the north-east, France 
 would become supreme in the west basin of the Mediterranean, and the 
 supremacy of the Hapsburgs in Italy was transferred to the Bourbons. The 
 Spaniards were furious at the very idea of partition, and Charles II. made 
 a will, giving the, whole succession to the second son of the Dauphin, Philip 
 Duke of Anjou. 
 
 71 
 
72 SUCCESSION TO SPANISH THRONE [chap, iv 
 
 ceded to the Emperor, as representing the Archduke, the 
 greater portion of the Spanish kingdom. This was the 
 only possible means of maintaining peace in Europe, 
 which would have been ensured for a long time had His 
 Imperial Majesty agreed to this treaty. But this Prince, 
 regarding himself as head of the House of Austria, to 
 which, according to him, the kingdom of Spain had fallen 
 after the death of the Electoral Prince, preferred vague 
 ambition to the glory of contributing to the establish- 
 ment of peace. He maintained that as Louis XIV. had 
 renounced his claim to the succession to the throne of 
 Spain when he married Maria Theresa, sister of Charles II., 
 his descendants had no claim thereto, and that it ought 
 to return to the Austrian branch in case the King of 
 Spain died childless; upon these grounds he refused to 
 sign the treaty. Charles II,, on the other hand, main- 
 tained that his will and testament was law in itself, and 
 that it only should be observed to settle this matter. His 
 death took place on November ist, 1700, and the Crown 
 of Spain was placed on the head of the Duke of Anjou, 
 who arrived in Madrid amid the rejoicings of the Spanish 
 nation. The different peoples who formed this kingdom 
 submitted themselves to Philip V., who found no difficulty 
 in getting himself recognised as King in the vast states of 
 which it is composed. 
 
 The foreign States followed the example of Spain ; they 
 almost all declared for the King, and England and Holland, 
 after having deliberated for some time, came to the same 
 determination. 
 
 Since the Peace of Ryswick the Elector of Bavaria had 
 been Governor of the Spanish Low Countries, which, 
 under Charles V., were included in the Empire under the 
 denomination of the Circle of Burgundy. 
 
i7oi] KING WILLIAM THE THIRD 73 
 
 In that capacity he obeyed the orders of the new King 
 of Spain, to whom the Low Countries belonged, and 
 introduced French troops into all the fortresses under 
 his command in place of the Dutch garrisons, which had 
 occupied them hitherto. 
 
 Everything combined in favour of Philip V., and the 
 will of the late King was popularly regarded as a divine 
 injunction. 
 
 The latter Prince had not only determined himself that 
 this arrangement should be carried out, but had been 
 confirmed in his resolution by Pope Innocent XII., whom 
 he had consulted on the point many months before his 
 death. However, the Emperor did not regard it as a 
 divine decree to which he ought to bow, and was not 
 afraid of the consequences — the inevitable intrigues, or the 
 Christian blood which was about to be shed over the 
 dispute. He refused to recognise Philip, and determined 
 to dethrone him ; and as he was not strong enough to 
 accomplish this single-handed, he employed all the means 
 he could think of to persuade the other Powers to take 
 his part. Here we have the whole basis of the war. 
 
 The King of England, William III., had received from 
 the Emperor material services when he was only Prince 
 of Orange, and in some measure owed to him his throne, 
 and was not ungrateful withal. 
 
 He it was upon whom the Emperor most depended to 
 assist him to attain his object. 
 
 He was the very man to devise the surest means of 
 placing the Archduke upon the Spanish throne. His 
 prestige in his own States and in Holland, and the close 
 relations which he had always kept up with the Protestant 
 princes of Germany left no room for doubt that he would 
 in the end bring the remaining Powers to the side of the 
 Emperor ; in fact, the treaty concluded on September 7th, 
 
74 BAVARIA'S ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE [chap, iv 
 
 1701,* to the effect that they should use their utmost 
 efforts to dethrone Philip V., would never have been 
 brought about without the help of this Prince.f 
 
 On the other hand, he had recognised Philip V. as king, 
 and had caused the States General to do likewise ; but 
 as it was a question of rendering a service to the Emperor 
 and of revenging himself upon the House of France, 
 which had crossed his path in his designs upon England, 
 he made light of going back on his word, and induced 
 the Dutch to do the same.J 
 
 MOTIVES WHICH CAUSED THE ELECTOR OF BAVARIA 
 TO ALLY HIMSELF WITH FRANCE AND SPAIN 
 
 The Powers leagued together against France used 
 promises and threats to oblige the whole body of the 
 German States to take the Emperor's part. I wish to 
 point out that besides the Electors, they made every effort 
 to bring in the Sovereign Princes and the various Circles 
 which formed the German Empire. How be it, the war 
 proposed to them was entirely contrary to the interests 
 of that Empire, which should have been glad to see the 
 Crown of Spain fall to the lot of a prince of France 
 instead of a prince of the House of Austria, for in the 
 latter case they would have reason to fear the power 
 of the Emperor, who, with a king of Spain to back him, 
 could make the whole German body tremble. 
 
 It was hardly prudent for them to enter upon a war 
 
 The Triple Alliance of England, Holland, and the Emperor. 
 
 t The real reasons which determined the action of England were the 
 recovery of the Low Countries, which Louis XIV. had seized, the protests 
 of Holland generally, and the question of the balance of power. 
 
 WiUiam III., personally, would have preferred to hold by the Treaty 
 of Partition if the Emperor had been willing, and the Powers were all on the 
 side of the will of Charles II. 
 
 t This seems to be unfair to William. 
 
d't trahit , et terret , sen'eit /JrcTTUitaiie /donuihjiif . 
 
 Cives / Otlrijsiojr , i^roffr'ni , lemith , Sudani . 
 S/lilligione , nia/iit , ftiidlij , victrlcihus tu-inis . j 
 
i7oi] THE ELECTOR'S POLICY 75 
 
 which only had for its object the aggrandisement of the 
 House of Austria itself. The Elector of Bavaria was then 
 in Brussels, the seat of Government of the Circle of Bur- 
 gundy. He foresaw the danger with which Germany was 
 threatened, but it was within neither his power nor his 
 duty to attempt to thwart the principals concerned in this 
 matter. He knew the spirit of unrest of some and the 
 weakness of others, and he rightly feared the consequences. 
 
 Every day the highest dignitaries of the Empire be- 
 sought him to return to his own territory, as he was 
 regarded as a prince capable of leading those who were 
 opposed to the violent policy with which Germany was 
 threatened by the Court of Vienna, backed by England 
 and Holland. 
 
 In the end he listened to them, and returned to Munich, 
 his capital town. Scarcely had he got back to his own 
 State, when the Swabian and Franconian Circles proposed 
 that he should join in a treaty that they had already made 
 among themselves, prohibiting the signatories from joining 
 in any foreign war. They pressed him to take up arms 
 with them, in order to resist any Power that might wish to 
 force them to join the alliance against France. 
 
 Their troops would then give confidence to such of the 
 princes who were in favour of tranquillity within the 
 Empire, and the Elector daily received assurances of 
 fidelity to the proposed treaty from the principal groups. 
 The Elector of Mayence, chief of the Circles of the Lower 
 Rhine and Franconia, had already signed one at Heil- 
 bronn, under which the Elector of Bavaria would be bound 
 to spare neither care nor expense, in order to have a body 
 of troops ready to move to the succour of whichever ally 
 was in danger of attack, and sufficient to ensure his own 
 country from invasion. 
 
 During these negotiations the army of the Emperor 
 
76 DIET OF RATISBON FAVOURS WAR [chap, iv 
 
 invaded Italy, which decided England and Holland to 
 take the field against France and Spain.* 
 
 Prince Eugene surprised a detachment of French troops 
 1,500 strong, which he entirely defeated on July 9th, 
 I70i,t when the Marquis de Cambout, Brigadier-General 
 of the King's army, and the Chevalier d' Albert, the son 
 of the Duke de Chevreuse, were killed. After this a 
 revolution broke out in Naples in favour of the Arch- 
 duke, but it was put down by the Viceroy. There could 
 no longer be any doubt but that the Emperor was deter- 
 mined to take violent measures against those who would 
 not espouse his cause, for his Allies — the English and 
 Dutch — now seized by his orders several fortresses belong- 
 ing to the Elector of Cologne and the Dukes of Brunswick 
 and Wolfenbiittel, although none of these had done more 
 than take the necessary measures to remain neutral. 
 
 During this time certain other princes supported a less 
 stringent policy, and sold their troops to the Emperor 
 and the Dutch ; the Circles of Swabia and Franconia, 
 which hitherto had seemed so resolute, now began to 
 waver, and the Court of Vienna, evidently desirous of 
 their co-operation, spared neither pains nor money to 
 secure their help, and ultimately succeeded. In con- 
 sequence of this, the Diet of Ratisbon decided for the 
 Emperor, and the verdict of the Three Colleges | of the 
 Empire was to declare conjointly with His Imperial 
 Majesty and his Allies war against France, in order to 
 dethrone the King of Spain. It was then that the destiny 
 of the Elector of Bavaria, who had no intention of taking 
 part in this war, was determined. 
 
 * War was not declared by England till the 4th May, 1702. 
 
 t At Carpi, on the Adige. 
 
 t The Imperial Diet was divided into three colleges — the first consisted of 
 the seven Electors with the Emperor as their president, the second of the 
 hereditary Princes and Prince-Bishops of the Empire, and the third of the 
 representatives of the Free Cities. 
 
i7oi] THE ELECTOR'S TREATY WITH FRANCE 77 
 
 He was surrounded by powerful enemies, and his 
 timorous friends abandoned him day by day. His poHcy 
 had been discussed at the Ratisbon Conference, but the 
 Emperor took care to insist that he should join his forces 
 to those of the Empire. This order of the Emperor 
 obliged him to take a definite course. The choice only 
 remained to him, either to be the ally of the Emperor 
 and make war against the Duke of Anjou, son of his 
 dearly loved sister, or to join the King of France, and 
 support his nephew on the Spanish throne, which had 
 fallen legitimately to him. Things were in this state 
 when M. de Ricous, whom the King had sent to the 
 Elector of Bavaria, was enabled to bring the Prince to 
 a decision on this point. 
 
 He declared himself in favour of France, and promised 
 to employ his forces to support Philip V. These, then, 
 were the causes which led to the war, and the reasons 
 which induced the Elector to ally himself with the King 
 by a secret treaty of which I now give the substance : — 
 
 (i) That the Elector, in taking the part of France and 
 Spain, should not bear the onus of declaring war against 
 the Emperor, or make overt act of hostility against his 
 troops or fortresses ; but that under the pretext of maintain- 
 ing the neutrality which he had engaged himself to keep 
 with the Swabian and Franconian Circles, he should seize 
 the principal strongholds of Swabia and give out that his 
 only intention was to ensure the defence of the country 
 against the invasion threatened by the Conference of 
 Ratisbon. 
 
 (2) That he should complain of the conduct of these 
 Circles, inasmuch as they had abandoned the neutrality 
 agreed upon with him, and thus laid him open to the 
 wrath of the Court of Vienna. 
 
 (3) That nevertheless he should still propose an agree- 
 
78 ELECTOR'S TREATY WITH FRANCE [chap, iv 
 
 ment with them, if they would revoke their treaty with 
 the Emperor, and keep to that made with him in the first 
 instance. 
 
 (4) That he should show them that the only means of 
 enjoying peace in their provinces was to ally themselves 
 closely with him, and for his part he would promise to use 
 his troops and power for their mutual defence. 
 
 (5) That if the Circles would not accept these proposi- 
 tions, he would seize their fortresses, so as to secure the 
 communications with Alsace, and establish magazines for 
 the sustenance of the French army. 
 
 (6) That the principal town seized should be Ulm, as 
 being the most suitable place of defence in the province of 
 Swabia, The possession of this Hanseatic town would 
 render it easy to seize the rest of the province as far as 
 the Black Mountains, which separate Alsace from the 
 Empire ; the magazines and munitions therein would be 
 useful to facilitate the junction of the army of France 
 with that of the Elector of Bavaria. 
 
 (7) That this place being one of the strongest in the 
 Empire, the result of a siege would be an uncertain quantity, 
 considering the favourable chances of its relief Under 
 these circumstances, the first opportunity should be taken 
 to seize it by stratagem. 
 
 (8) That after the capture of this town, it should not be 
 a difficult matter for the Elector to overpower the rest 
 before the Emperor could collect his troops to prevent 
 it, and being once master of Swabia, he should advance 
 as far as the Black Mountains to cover the arrival of the 
 reinforcements that the King would in the meantime do 
 all he could to send him. 
 
 (9) That if by some mischance the French force was 
 not able to push so far forward when the Elector appeared, 
 or that he should find himself obliged to postpone the 
 
i7oi] THE ELECTOR'S TREATY WITH FRANCE 79 
 
 expedition and take another course, that the Prince should 
 effect his conquest of the Circles without oppressing the 
 population, always under the pretext of preserving neu- 
 trality and guarding his States from invasion. 
 
 (10) That in case the Emperor began operations by 
 open hostility against Bavaria, the Elector, who would be 
 in possession of numerous fortresses outside his own State, 
 should defend himself and immediately attack without 
 ceremony any of the Austrian fiefs and territories of the 
 Empire ; that he should exact winter quarters for his 
 men, and subsidies from the conquered countries, and, 
 independently of what he might be able to raise thereby, 
 France would always advance the sums necessary for the 
 maintenance of the considerable army corps that he had 
 mobilised. 
 
 (11) That in order to prevent the Emperor from de- 
 stroying the Elector with an overpowering force before 
 the junction of the French army, the King would take 
 care to make a diversion on the German frontier with 
 his principal force, over and above that employed for the 
 reinforcement of the Elector. 
 
 (12) Finally, that they would work together to their 
 common interest when making conquests in the Empire, 
 and that these should be shared and divided conveniently 
 to both the King and the Elector. But if, when all these 
 precautions had been taken and acted upon, God saw fit 
 to dispose otherwise, and the Imperial forces gained pos- 
 session of the Bavarian States, France and Spain bound 
 themselves to recompense the Elector with full sove- 
 reignty over the Burgundian States or over the Spanish 
 Low Countries, on the same footing as he possessed the 
 States of Bavaria. 
 
 This treaty was ratified by the King, and nothing 
 remained but to carry it out as secretly as possible. 
 
8o GREAT EXPECTATIONS [chap, iv 
 
 This became the duty of the Marquis de Ricous. He 
 managed the matter with so much capacity and tact in all 
 its varied phases, that he was beloved and protected by 
 Bavaria equally with France. The Elector pressed upon 
 him the commission of a lieutenant-general in his army, 
 and always had the greatest confidence in his counsel, 
 France had never before found herself in such a favourable 
 position for making war upon her enemies ; not only could 
 she count upon being able to keep Philip V. upon his 
 Spanish throne, but it seemed as if the stubbornness of the 
 House of Austria would furnish her with the best of 
 opportunities for fresh conquests. For what could one 
 not expect after the war just concluded by the Peace of 
 Ryswick ? The whole universe had borne witness to the 
 power of France. This Monarchy had fought single- 
 handed with almost the whole of Europe leagued against 
 her, and had been victorious. I say this, as the whole 
 Germanic body — England, Holland, Spain, Portugal, and 
 Savoy — had combined forces against Louis XIV., and this 
 Prince had invariably defeated them. France now thus 
 found herself in a very favourable position, for she had 
 just added to her forces those of Spain, Portugal, Savoy, 
 Bavaria, and of Cologne, which had made a private treaty 
 in her favour. 
 
 What hopes for Philip V. and for the aggrandisement of 
 our King ! 
 
 M. de Ricous told me, after our return to France, that 
 the article in the treaty giving the Elector the Spanish 
 Low Countries, in the event of his own country being 
 taken from him, was inserted more as a matter of form 
 than in any real fear of such a calamity; and truly, judg- 
 ing by appearances, one quite expected to see Bavaria in 
 a very short time become a powerful State. 
 
 The Elector soon got his troops into a condition to carry 
 
1702] M. DE RICOUS' OFFER 8i 
 
 out the treaty just concluded, and M. de Ricous, anxious 
 to increase their number, took the opportunity to raise a 
 regiment of Frenchmen in the centre of Bavaria. After 
 the Peace of Ryswick the King had made so great a 
 reduction of his army that numbers of discharged soldiers 
 left France for other kingdoms where wars still lingered. 
 Some betook themselves to the Elector of Brandenburg, 
 others joined the forces of the Emperor then attacked by 
 the Turk; but these unfortunates, driven from their country 
 by necessity, no sooner learnt that there was an ambas- 
 sador from their King in Bavaria who gave passports back 
 to France by way of Switzerland, than desire to see their 
 country again and renew their service in its ranks brought 
 them in numbers to Munich. 
 
 M. de Ricous, fearing for the fate of these men on the 
 journey that they had laid out for themselves, looked for 
 means to keep them in Bavaria. He proposed to the 
 Elector that a regiment for the King should be raised, 
 with a high rate of pay, so as to induce these wanderers to 
 join as soon as possible, and (as it was hardly yet time to 
 throw off the mask) that this corps should be called the 
 Prince's Foreign Guard, in the same way that the Swiss 
 form the Foreign Guard of the King of France. To save 
 appearances, it was to consist of the same establishment as 
 the Bavarian Guard, three battalions, of which the first 
 were grenadiers ; no company should consist of less than 
 one hundred men, and it should do duty as belonging to 
 the Elector until the occasion presented itself for handing 
 it over to the King. This project met with the Elector's 
 entire approbation, as tending to the common interest of 
 the two countries. He wrote at once to the Court, and 
 the King's sanction was obtained. 
 
 It was then that M. de Ricous bethought himself of me. 
 The King gave him a free hand in the selection of officers 
 
 G 
 
82 FRENCH REGIMENT TO BE RAISED [chap, iv 
 
 for this regiment ; he was also to commission them by the 
 Elector's authority, it being understood that they were 
 duly presented to the Prince for his approbation. 
 
 Having this authority, the idea struck him of reserving 
 this regiment for himself and calling it after his own name. 
 He kept this part of the plan quite quiet, as he wished to 
 wait until the establishment was complete, in order to avoid 
 giving rise to any suspicions of working for his own ends 
 rather than those of the Prince. He contented himself with 
 proposing me to the Elector as lieutenant-colonel and com- 
 manding officer until the three battalions had completed 
 their establishment. " Then," said he, " would be the time 
 to look about for some one to appoint as colonel," as it did 
 not appear to be so certain that the 2,000 men necessary 
 for this scheme would be forthcoming. He added that 
 this kind of regiment was not always a success, owing 
 to the difficulty of keeping the men in hand, and that he 
 had seen a similar regiment raised in France for M. de 
 Tesse give such endless trouble to those in command, 
 owing to the murders, robberies, brigandage, and absence 
 of discipline, that it had to be disbanded shortly after its 
 formation. As the same thing might occur in this case, 
 he suggested that it would be prudent to save the expense 
 of a complete staff until it should be seen how the corps 
 comported itself In the meantime it was absolutely neces- 
 sary it should have a chief who would be able to control it, 
 and he assured the Elector that he knew of no one better 
 fitted for the post than I was. In order that the matter 
 should not appear premeditated, he begged His Highness 
 to give me the command of a company of dragoons in his 
 own army, which I could take over on my arrival and com- 
 mand until there were enough recruits to form a battalion. 
 
 The Marquis de Ricous, having obtained the Elector's 
 assent to my appointment, informed me that the friend- 
 
1702] I ACCEPT THE INVITATION 83 
 
 ship he had always preserved for me since he had known 
 me encouraged him to profit by an opportunity which had 
 presented itself to do me a service ; that I must accept 
 this information in good faith, without demanding details 
 of the matter he was interesting himself in, as it was 
 impossible to put them on paper ; it was simply a question 
 of joining him at once at Munich. If I agreed to come 
 without further consideration, I should have no reason to 
 regret the step, and he himself counselled me to do so. 
 In this case I should have to take the Soleure road to 
 Switzerland, where I should find the Marquis de Puisieux, 
 the ambassador of the King, who would hand me a 
 passport to facilitate my entrance into Germany. 
 
 This letter filled me with an infinite joy, although there 
 was something about it which seemed to weigh upon my 
 mind. The idea of leaving the kingdom was distasteful to 
 me, and this led me to say in my answer to M. de Ricous 
 that although I had every confidence in his friendship, he 
 would do me a real pleasure if he could possibly let me 
 know more of the service he had been kind enough to 
 forward for me in Bavaria. However, should this not be 
 in his power, I was ready to carry out his wishes, and in the 
 meantime was arranging my affairs so as not to lose a 
 moment in setting out on the receipt of his answer. As 
 a matter of fact, I received a second letter from him, 
 which, though equally pressing in its nature, did not give 
 me more details than the first; so I started with my horses 
 and one servant, who knew a little of the German tongue, 
 as there are no posting arrangements or carriages to be 
 found on the road to Soleure. 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1/02 
 
 I set out from Bordeaux in the beginning of July in 
 the year 1702, throwing lawsuits and procedure to the 
 
84 FROM BORDEAUX TO SOLEURE [chap, iv 
 
 winds, without a thought for the consequences, as matters 
 not worth consideration. My adversaries did not fail to 
 add to their scribblings that my departure was a flight 
 from the kingdom, and they worked at this point to such 
 purpose that they actually obtained considerable damages 
 against me. Although I was only condemned by default, 
 after the interval prescribed by law they issued a warrant 
 against me which brought me very serious trouble on my 
 return to Bordeaux from Bavaria, as I shall relate after- 
 wards in its proper place. 
 
 The road from Bordeaux to Soleure is a very unfre- 
 quented one; it is a mere chance if the traveller meets 
 with a companion to share its solitude. As it turned out, 
 I was quite alone for a distance of one hundred and forty 
 leagues. The first person I met was the military police 
 officer of Franche-Comte, with whom I supped in a little 
 town called Bellegarde, situated on the river Saone. We 
 talked over my journey and the best route to take. He 
 told me that the shortest and best was by Salins, at 
 the further end of Franche-Comte, and that I ought to 
 avoid Bale, where I had already arranged to go. I re- 
 solved to follow his advice, and next morning, after we 
 had ridden three leagues together, he put me upon my 
 road wishing me good luck. I had no suspicions of so 
 obliging an individual ; but as a matter of fact, imagining 
 he had discovered in me a religionist flying to Switzerland, 
 he hurried on to Salins by a different road. He there 
 warned the Deputy-Governor of the Citadel to arrest me, 
 assuring him that in his conversation with me he had 
 extracted sufficient evidence to prove that I was escaping 
 from the kingdom on account of my religious principles. 
 
 Thus they did me the honour to await my arrival in 
 the town in all impatience, and next morning, just as I 
 had finished my dinner, an emissary arrived at my 
 
1702] A SUSPICIOUS VISITOR 85 
 
 inn, and entered into conversation with me in order to 
 assure himself more positively of my intentions. This 
 gentleman approached me politely with the story that 
 he had just had the good luck to hear that I was going 
 to Soleure, and he begged me to be good enough to allow 
 my servant to take charge of a small parcel that he 
 wished to send to his brother, who was secretary to the 
 Embassy in that town. Owing to the compliments in 
 which he wrapped up his request, I pledged myself to 
 deliver the parcel myself, and thus we drifted into a 
 general conversation. As I gave somewhat reserved 
 answers to certain questions that he put me, and being 
 moreover prejudiced, he had no doubt as to the opinion 
 that the provost-lieutenant had formed of me, and on 
 leaving me, he went direct to him and told him that there 
 was only just time to arrest me, as I was about to start 
 on my journey again. Shortly afterwards ten or twelve 
 officers entered my room — as I thought, about more com- 
 missions for Soleure ; but the most important amongst 
 them, with an air of severity, asked me who I was, and 
 why I was leaving the kingdom, whilst the rest sur- 
 rounded me to listen to my answer. 
 
 I began to smile, and without betraying any emotion 
 replied that I hardly knew enough of him to justify me 
 in confiding to him the object of my journey. He was 
 not much pleased with my answer, and putting on a still 
 fiercer air, asked me to have the goodness to answer him 
 with a good grace, or I should probably have reason to 
 repent my conduct. 
 
 " Since when, sir," replied I, " has France declared war 
 on the Swiss, and decreed that I should give you a 
 reason why I betake myself to that country ? What does 
 it matter to you what I do, seeing that I have no designs 
 upon your citadel ? Forsooth, don't let your nerves be 
 
86 SEARCHED IN THE KING'S NAME [chap, iv 
 
 upset by my little stay in your town, as I am this 
 moment about to continue my journey." 
 
 "Softly," said he. "You are not setting off just yet, 
 so it please you. From your appearance, I am rather 
 of the opinion that your stay here will be longer than you 
 think. We know who you are and why you are trying to 
 escape from the kingdom, and if you persist in hiding 
 your intentions, give up all hope of mercy. In order 
 to convince you, I will have you searched, and we shall 
 then see if the laugh is all on your side." 
 
 This threat made me smile more mischievously than 
 before. I then told him that even if I had anything to 
 repent of and to ask indulgence for, I could not bring 
 myself to believe that he was a man of sufficient im- 
 portance to be able to grant it. My determined manner 
 ought to have shown him his mistake ; but so infatuated 
 was he that he then and there ordered my portmanteau 
 to be brought in ; his men emptied it, rummaged out the 
 last article therein, and then finding nothing to satisfy 
 them, came towards me with the intention of treating me 
 likewise. 
 
 " It is a pity, gentlemen," said I to them, " that you do 
 not happen to be custom-house clerks, for you seem to 
 know their business to perfection." 
 
 "You would do better, sir, if you were not always 
 joking," said the chief of the troop to me. " We are now 
 going to see if you will not change your tune, so set to 
 and search this gentleman." 
 
 " Gently," I answered, with a serious air. " What right 
 have you to search me ? I only recognise the King's 
 order." 
 
 " Very well, I order it to be done in the King's name, 
 and according to his ordinances." 
 
 At this they sprang upon my pockets and drew there- 
 
1702] THE MARQUIS DE PUISIEUX 87 
 
 from various letters, amongst others, one from M. de 
 Ricous, which happened to be the first one they opened ; 
 and the whole troop closed round with impatient murmurs 
 to hear it read. According to them, the proofs of their 
 suspicion were at hand, but they were far from being 
 satisfied after all. 
 
 The address of the letter astonished them, but when they 
 had read it right through, and saw the complimentary 
 terms in which an ambassador of the King addressed on 
 my behalf another ambassador at Soleure, with whom they 
 were well acquainted, they entirely changed countenance ; 
 and passing from one extreme to another, they made such 
 exaggerated apologies that they inspired me with feelings 
 of the greatest contempt, accusing the provost-lieutenant 
 and his emissary of having taken them in. For my part, 
 I only thought of mounting my horse, whilst they wished 
 me a happy journey and the best of futures. 
 
 I continued my journey to Soleure without any further 
 incident, and at once called upon the Marquis de Puisieux, 
 who would not hear of my lodging elsewhere but at his 
 own house. He, owing to M. de Ricous' instructions, had 
 in readiness for me my passport as a captain of dragoons 
 in the Elector's service, signed with that Prince's own 
 hand, with which I ought to have been able to pass the 
 German frontier. M. de Ricous begged the Marquis to 
 examine it, and should it not be sufficient in itself, to 
 add anything that would ensure my safe passage. The 
 Emperor had begun to take umbrage at the neutrality 
 of the Elector, and if by chance I had been arrested, my 
 detention would probably have lasted some considerable 
 time, which M. de Ricous, with his particular consideration 
 for me, wished to avoid. 
 
 Such a recommendation from him weighed so much 
 with the Marquis de Puisieux that he gave great attention 
 
88 MADAME DE TIBERGEAUT'S ADVICE [chap, iv 
 
 to all his demands ; but his anxiety to take every pre- 
 caution under these circumstances so confused him that it 
 caused him to think of expedients that turned out to be 
 just as bad as his intentions were good. Moreover, as 
 M. de Ricous in sending the passport had directed that 
 further precautions should be taken, this made us both 
 suspicious of its validity. Hence in our uncertainty, we 
 consulted together day after day what should be done, and 
 the more we talked the greater appeared the obstacles 
 to our designs. I was nearly a fortnight at Soleure, and 
 then my business was no further advanced than on the 
 day of my arrival. Had I only known German, things 
 would have been much easier for me. I could then have 
 found some disguise, and so got through, but I did not 
 know a word ; and my valet's knowledge of that tongue 
 was not enough for me to risk such a metamorphosis, 
 which would have rendered my case a criminal one had I 
 been caught. 
 
 I could think of nothing, when Madame de Tibergeaut, 
 sister of the Marquis de Puisieux, got us out of the fix. 
 She was a lady of standing and of much sense, and was 
 staying with her family in Soleure, in order to keep her 
 brother company, owing to his advanced age. 
 
 As the Emperor also had an ambassador in Switzerland 
 residing at Baden, where I should have to pass, we 
 arranged that I should tell him that I was a gentleman 
 of the suite of the Prince of Auvergne (who three months 
 before had left France owing to some disagreement), who 
 had sent me to his estates in P^rigord to collect from 
 his agents certain sums due to him, which I was to hand 
 to him in Venice ; then, having ordered me to join him 
 at once, he had sent me a passport from the Elector of 
 Bavaria, which had been obtained for me at the request 
 of his aunt, the Princess Maxse; but fearing that thsi 
 
i7°2] ARRIVAL AT BADEN 89 
 
 passport might not be sufficient, he directed me to ask the 
 Ambassador to obHge the Prince by endorsing it, or to give 
 me one of his own. 
 
 If the Ambassador refused to do this, as was quite 
 possible, owing to the existing antipathy to the French 
 nation, I was to ask him point-blank for permission to 
 have one sent him for me direct from the Emperor, and 
 to say that I intended to stay in Baden for it. It was 
 hoped that by this second demand he would rest assured 
 that I did not mean to continue my journey at once, 
 and would abandon any idea that he might have of having 
 me arrested on the frontier, but that nevertheless I should 
 secretly start off and get into Germany before he had 
 warning of my departure. 
 
 This arrangement being settled upon, I left Soleure 
 as much regretted by the entire family of the Marquis 
 de Puisieux as if I had really belonged to it. Three days 
 later I arrived at Baden at ten o'clock in the morning, 
 put up at the first inn that I came across, and after dining, 
 directed my valet to take my horses outside the town, 
 and to wait for me on the road I proposed to take. I 
 then hastened to present myself to the Baron de Trosch- 
 mandorf, and laid before him most respectfully the story 
 and scheme we had agreed upon, but only got rudeness 
 offered me in return. He curtly told me in a brutal 
 manner that he was not in the habit of putting his 
 signature on other people's passports, still less on those 
 of a foreign country. I then begged him to arrange for 
 one to be sent me to his care from His Imperial Majesty, 
 and told him that I should stay in Baden until it arrived ; 
 he made no answer to this, and left me to let myself out 
 of his house in a most humiliating way. 
 
 I did not lose a moment, but made off at once to join 
 my horses, determined not to spare them in my flight, 
 
go LAKE CONSTANCE [chap, iv 
 
 even if they died of exertion. I marched without a halt 
 all the rest of that day, and was surprised by night in so 
 deserted a part of the country that I could see but one 
 solitary house with a miserable-looking barn alongside of it. 
 
 I inquired of an old woman, who, attracted by the noise 
 of the horses, had appeared at a window, whether there 
 was any chance of arriving soon at some town or village 
 where I could put up. She declared that it was more 
 than two leagues to the next village, and offered to give 
 us shelter if we liked. Night was coming on, my horses 
 were done up, so I was forced to sleep in this miserable 
 place, which had far more the air of a robber's retreat than 
 of an hostelry. 
 
 Next morning I pulled myself together to make up for 
 lost time on the road, with such effect that two days later 
 I arrived at a large village called Rochart, situated on 
 the shore of Lake Constance. This lake is about fifteen 
 leagues in length, by six in breadth, and separates Switzer- 
 land from Germany. The source of the Rhine is above, 
 on the southern side in the Grison Mountains, and it flows 
 through the middle of the lake without mingling its waters. 
 This river as far as the lake is so shallow that it can be 
 forded on horseback in any season or weather. Rochart 
 is near the upper part of the lake, and is not on the 
 ordinary road ; but chance had caused me to take this 
 route instead of that of Constance at the lower end, which 
 is the usual one and shorter withal. 
 
 This mistake of mine was a happy one for me, as the 
 road is less frequented, and they were not so particular 
 in examining travellers who entered Germany from this 
 side as they were on the high road. Mine host where I 
 put up was a Genevese, who, to my joy, spoke French, so 
 I was enabled to go into the question myself as to the 
 best means of passing the frontier. I had called myself 
 
1702] THE INN-KEEPER'S ITINERARY 91 
 
 a Lorrainer since quitting my ambassador at Baden. This 
 was according to the advice of Madame de Tibergeaut, 
 who told me that people from that province were always 
 welcomed in Germany, and my host, who believed me, 
 appeared to have conceived quite an affection for me. 
 
 He told me that I had the choice of two roads to enter 
 the Empire, and that the one leading to the lake (to cross 
 which he could let me have a good boat) would be the 
 easiest for the horses, and would bring me to the town of 
 Lindau, opposite Rochart. He did not, however, advise 
 me to take this, as since the declaration of war against 
 France the Governor had become distrustful of all entering 
 his town, and though I was a Lorrainer some difficulty 
 would certainly crop up owing to my ignorance of the 
 language. To be on the safe side I ought to take the 
 other road alongside of the lake for about three leagues 
 beyond Rochart, till I came to the Rhine, " You can pass 
 the river at a ford," said he, "without the least danger, 
 and rest yourself at a village called Reineck, about five 
 leagues from here, belonging to the Swiss. Thence you 
 will not have to go more than two leagues to reach the 
 town of Bregenz, which is the first town you come to 
 belonging to the Empire. I have not heard whether 
 there is a garrison there yet, nor whether any difficulty 
 is made as to passage of travellers, as it is a cross-road 
 which does not lead to any district of importance. As 
 soon as you have passed this town," continued he, " you 
 will find yourself in the flat country of Swabia, where no 
 one will question you. You will certainly lengthen your 
 journey by four or five leagues, but you will be freed from 
 anxiety." 
 
 I gave my host my very best thanks and followed his 
 advice, which, though not devoid of drawbacks, was not 
 the less safe. 
 
92 A FRIENDLY CORPORAL [chap, iv 
 
 I took the road by Bregenz, and by three o'clock in the 
 afternoon had passed through the town without meeting 
 a soul, either in the streets or at the gates, and was 
 delighted to find myself in the open country without any 
 trouble. 
 
 The fears which had haunted me ever since leaving 
 Soleure now vanished, and I went on my way rejoicing. 
 After a time the high road gradually led right down to 
 the shore of the lake among a number of rocks, which 
 appeared to have been quarried, so that it might pass 
 between the shore and the mountains ; but less than half 
 a league further on it became so narrow that I began to 
 have misgivings. These increased when I saw a large 
 arch, like a carriage entrance, with a gate and a sentry, 
 barring the road from the cliff to the lake. At this sight 
 my joy entirely gave place to sinister presentiments, and 
 I presented myself at the gate with an air of depression 
 rather than dignity. The sentry challenged me with a 
 loud " Verado " (wer da ?), signed to me to halt, and called 
 up his lieutenant, who was in command of a guard posted 
 by the side of the gate. This officer set to work to question 
 me in German, but not understanding a word he said, I 
 told my valet to answer for me ; when hearing me speak 
 French, and understanding my difficulty, he ordered the 
 corporal of the guard to act as interpreter. 
 
 I told him I was from Lorraine, and that I had a pass- 
 port as captain of dragoons written in Latin, which I 
 showed him. 
 
 At the mention of Lorraine the corporal became quite 
 effusive, saying that he also came from that part, and I 
 also expressed the joy I felt in meeting a countryman, and 
 started questioning him on my own account. 
 
 The lieutenant, who was told by the corporal that I 
 was one of his neighbours at home, seeing our mutual 
 
1702] IMPERIAL PRECAUTIONS 93 
 
 recognition and friendship, believed that we were com- 
 rades of long standing ; he went off to the guard-room 
 without taking any further trouble regarding my per- 
 sonality, and simply ordered the corporal to take me 
 before the commandant. I asked where it was necessary 
 to go for this. " To the town you came from," said my 
 Lorrainer, " and you must retrace your steps. So few 
 strangers arrive by the way you entered it that a guard 
 there is found unnecessary ; had there been one, you would 
 not have had the trouble of going twice over the same 
 road, for you would have been brought before the com- 
 mandant." I proposed that we should do without this 
 ceremony, but he said that this was quite impossible, as 
 his officer would be punished if he granted me such a 
 favour ; on the other hand, he would gladly accompany 
 me and interpret for me. 
 
 " In return for that, my fellow-countryman," said I, " I 
 should like to stand you a drink before we part," and as 
 we set off I pressed a crown in his hand and assured him 
 that there was another for him where that came from on 
 our return. 
 
 This mark of my appreciation caused him to interest 
 himself strongly in my affair, and I saw that he was 
 disposed to do all he could to oblige me. On the way 
 I inquired how it was that a guard was posted at this 
 place and for how long this had been the case. " A very 
 short time," said he ; " the declaration of war against 
 France is the reason of it. Information has been received 
 that a number of French soldiers are deserting from the 
 Imperial army, and under cover of passports from their 
 ambassador at Munich, are taking this road, which was 
 unguarded, in order to escape into the Grison Mountains 
 and thence to France. Three or four companies of infantry, 
 who occupy three or four passes, have been posted to cut 
 
94 
 
 MY LATIN PASSPORT [chap, iv 
 
 them off, with orders to refuse quarter to any that may 
 be captured ; for this deceitful nation is so hated by all, 
 especially by Germany, that if unhappily you chanced to 
 be a Frenchman instead of from Lorraine you would be 
 arrested, notwithstanding your passport, and run the risk 
 of wasting away for a very long time in the dungeons of 
 Bregenz. Who would then be able to find you out in a 
 town so far from the main roads and merchants' routes? 
 But being a Lorrainer, it is just the same as if you were a 
 German ; you will be sent on without troubling you to get 
 off your horse." 
 
 " I fear," said I to him, " lest some difficulty may arise 
 owing to my passport being in Latin." 
 
 " Don't be afraid," replied my corporal. " I am sure he 
 won't understand it, but I shall just say that you are one 
 of my friends, and that will settle it." 
 
 As a matter of fact, having arrived at the Commandant's 
 door, the corporal took my passport, and the next moment 
 I saw him reappear with a smiling countenance. Said he : 
 " Here we are, countryman, you can go as soon as you like 
 to the uttermost parts of Germany." This last remark 
 completely restored tranquillity to my mind ; for notwith- 
 standing all the assurances he had given me, I felt that 
 my fate hung in the balance until my passport had been 
 accepted. I returned with my companion to his guard- 
 house, where we mutually reiterated protestations of warm 
 friendship, and most welcome to him was the doubloon 
 I presented him with, according to my promise. Finally, 
 he pointed out to me all the places I should pass on my 
 road to Munich, and shook me heartily by the hand when 
 we parted. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 THE RAID INTO SWAEIA — DUELS — WINTER QUARTERS AND THE 
 CHATELAINE DEFEAT OF GENERALS SCHLICK AND STIRUM 
 
 I ARRIVED at Munich on August isth, and was there 
 received by the Marquis de Ricous in the most friendly 
 manner possible. He wished, before presenting me to the 
 Elector, to inform me of his purpose in bringing me to 
 this country. In making me acquainted with the matter 
 in all its detail, he showed me his confidential information, 
 not excepting that of the Embassy and its negotiations, 
 all of which he had the goodness to tell me without the 
 slightest hesitation. I thus learnt the special articles in 
 the treaty between the King and the Elector. He then 
 pointed out to me the difficulties I might have in maintain- 
 ing discipline in the regiment he proposed to raise, such as 
 had been found in M. de Tesse's case, adding that he was 
 sure that I would bring to bear every means to this end ; 
 finally, I was not to become impatient because the affair 
 had got no further in its development, as, until the Emperor 
 declared war upon the Elector, it was impossible to advertise 
 in the Imperial army for French recruits. He was certain 
 that the formation of this corps would precipitate matters, 
 whatever precautions we took not to arouse suspicions by 
 any act on the part of the Elector. The Court of Vienna, 
 accustomed to act with vigour, would not hesitate to pour 
 its army into Bavaria immediately that of the Elector 
 showed itself in the Swabian Circle, which would then be 
 
 95 
 
96 I AM RECEIVED BY THE ELECTOR [chap, v 
 
 the time to distribute notices to invite the French in the 
 Imperial service to enlist in the new regiment, point being 
 made of the additional pay given therein. The study of 
 all these conditions was absolutely necessary to the success 
 of our projects, because since the Emperor had caused the 
 passes into Switzerland and the Grisons to be watched, 
 the deserters did not dare to leave the Empire, not knowing 
 which road to take. Above all it was necessary to maintain 
 absolute secrecy, to which end I was appointed to a com- 
 pany of dragoons which bore my name, and which I was 
 to take over just as if I had no other object. 
 
 After M. de Ricous had given me full instructions on 
 all he thought most important, he presented me to the 
 Elector in such a favourable light that the Prince received 
 me with all the grace of manner which to him was so 
 natural. The latter had the kindness to converse for 
 a long time with me, and appeared pleased with the frank 
 nature of my answers. I lost no opportunity of attending 
 his Court during my stay in Munich, though this was but 
 a short one, as I was obliged to join my regiment to make 
 the acquaintance of my company and make ready to start 
 on the famous raid on the town of Ulm. This was one 
 of the boldest and best arranged affairs ever seen, and 
 was absolutely vital to the proper execution of the treaty. 
 To lay siege to a fortified town of this description was 
 a doubtful business, the best means, therefore, to attain 
 our end was to surprise it by some stratagem, for though 
 the Elector's army was strong, it was not strong enough to 
 invest the town and at the same time provide against 
 the relieving force that the Empire would certainly 
 send. An immense siege train — necessary in an affair 
 of such importance — would have had to have been pre- 
 pared far from its objective, and, under the circumstances, 
 would have demanded much thought and work. More- 
 
1702] THE SEIZURE OF ULM 97 
 
 over, it was impossible for the Elector to make such 
 preparations so secretly that the Viennese Court, which 
 watched all his movements, should not discover his pur- 
 pose and take measures to prevent it. On the other hand, 
 should the attempt fail, a formal siege could be undertaken 
 as a last resource, so it was decided to be less dangerous 
 to attempt a surprise. 
 
 The plan was designed by the Sieur de Beckmant, 
 lieutenant-colonel of the Elector's Guards, a most intelli- 
 gent as well as brave man, who was placed in command. 
 All those connected with the expedition preserved an 
 inviolable secrecy, and preferred the glory of such an 
 enterprise, however dangerous, to the rewards with which 
 the Empire would have recompensed those who might 
 have betrayed it. 
 
 The Elector of Bavaria was admirably served, but the 
 enterprise cost poor Beckmant his life. A townsman 
 having attacked him, one of our people in trying to rescue 
 him wounded him accidentally. From the effects of this 
 he died some time after. 
 
 The town of Ulm was garrisoned by its inhabitants 
 with as much care and precision as if they were regular 
 troops. All the guard-houses in the fortifications and out- 
 works were properly provided with fusiliers, organised in 
 regiments and companies, and the same order and attention 
 was paid to all duties as would be observed by the most 
 efficient garrison. Ulm is a Hanseatic town and indepen- 
 dent ; hence its defence was in its own hands. 
 
 Beckmant had selected a hundred officers of approved 
 fidelity to second him. 
 
 They dressed themselves up as sheep or cattle dealers, 
 corn and beer merchants, and sellers of salt and tin ware ; 
 others, again, as Savoyards, and each was accompanied by 
 attendants and boys. 
 
98 A LONG MARCH [chap, v 
 
 They entered the town by different gates, and lodged in 
 pre-arranged quarters, only armed with small pistols and 
 daggers. They agreed not to recognise one another should 
 they meet in the streets, and held themselves prepared to 
 act on September 8th, the day of Our Lady, this being the 
 date fixed by the Elector for the execution of the enter- 
 prise. 
 
 By early morning, according to the Elector's plan, all 
 were to converge by different roads upon the bridges and 
 march up to the outermost barrier on the glacis of the 
 gate whose capture had been determined upon. As soon 
 as this barrier had been opened and the keys brought 
 to the main guard, they were to seize the arms of the 
 guard and cut the throats of all who attempted any 
 resistance. 
 
 It was arranged that at this juncture fifty other officers, 
 disguised as peasants carrying chickens, eggs, hay, and 
 other things, should enter and join their comrades. Whilst 
 these hundred and fifty officers thus secured the interior 
 gate, the bridges, and outside barricades, three regiments 
 of dragoons, concealed during the night as near as possible 
 to this point, were to leave their horses at the instant the 
 signal was given, enter the town, and occupy the two 
 bastions flanking the gate itself They were to entrench 
 themselves securely until the arrival of the infantry, and 
 thus effect the surrender of the burghers and the keys 
 of the town to the Elector. 
 
 I therefore left Munich to join my regiment, which was 
 detailed for this expedition and then quartered on the 
 frontier of Swabia, twenty-five French leagues from Ulm, 
 the two other regiments being not much less distant. The 
 distance had to be covered in a single night, in order 
 to find ourselves close to the gate before daybreak. 
 
 The commanding officers only knew the object and the 
 
1702] SURPRISE OF ULM 99 
 
 roads to be taken, as there was always the fear of some 
 deserter carrying the news. The regimental orders for 
 September 7th were simply to saddle the horses at six p.m. 
 to be ready to march fully armed, carrying only a few 
 oats. Half an hour later the start was made. We took 
 different roads, to avoid checks in the defiles, and rode 
 at a fast trot all night. A grenadier had been ordered 
 to ride behind each dragoon, but it ultimately became 
 impossible to carry them as far as the rendezvous. 
 
 We were lucky enough to arrive close to Ulm well 
 before daybreak. We reconnoitred the ground, and posted 
 ourselves noiselessly in a convenient spot by the river 
 Danube, which runs near the walls of the place, where 
 some rising ground afforded us a capital shelter. 
 
 Notwithstanding all our precautions, the sentries on the 
 ramparts would have seen us when day broke had we not 
 been favoured with a thick fog, which rose from the river 
 and increased with the daylight. The burghers would not 
 open the last of the glacis gates until it was light enough 
 to distinguish objects in the country beyond, and our 
 three regiments of dragoons occupied two much space to 
 be altogether covered from the view of the rampart sen- 
 tries. In fact, all our designs would have been upset had 
 it not been for the fog, which is an ordinary occurrence on 
 the Danube at this season ; not only on account of the 
 sentries, but also because we should have been discovered 
 by the peasants on their way to the market which took 
 place that day, notwithstanding it being a holiday. These 
 people are Lutherans, and make no distinction between 
 one day and another. 
 
 Daylight appeared, and the burghers opened the outer- 
 most gate, and perceiving nothing to raise their suspicions, 
 returned their arms to the guard-house and handed in the 
 keys. Then our people lost no time ; some threw them- 
 
loo WE EFFECT A FOOTING [chap, v 
 
 selves upon the burghers, and despatched with poignard 
 and pistol those who offered resistance, while others 
 held the bridges and gates to facilitate the entrance of 
 our dragoons, to whom the pistol-shots had served as 
 signals. 
 
 We at once abandoned our horses and made a dash 
 for the bridges and gates, though it was by the merest 
 chance that the whole business did not miscarry just at 
 the moment when everything seemed in our favour. Two 
 of our disguised ofificers luckily overheard a burgher tell 
 another to run quickly and let down the portcullis of the 
 principal gate, but they followed and killed him. Other- 
 wise all our efforts might have been in vain, and we should 
 have been obliged to retire rather more quickly than 
 we should have liked, for this passage once closed, the 
 burghers would have been under arms in an instant, and 
 the artillery on the ramparts would have opened fire 
 upon us. 
 
 Our people were still struggling with the burghers, 
 whose numbers were increasing, when our dragoons 
 entered. They succeeded in clearing out the guard-house 
 and its neighbourhood, gave chase to those who were 
 inclined to oppose them, and they soon manned the two 
 bastions right and left of the gate. 
 
 We cut a trench in no time across the street abutting 
 thereon, and entrenched ourselves without delay to resist 
 any efforts made by the burghers to turn us out and 
 retake the gate we had just captured ; in fact, so quickly 
 was this completed, that we were entrenched before the 
 inhabitants were enabled to rally and reassemble. 
 
 They were astounded at what had happened, and ran 
 about in utter confusion, without knowing what to do or 
 where to stop. However, they closed the other gates, 
 and after they had pulled themselves together and saw 
 
1702] PARLEY WITH THE BURGHERS loi 
 
 the works we had just constructed, came to the conclusion 
 that we were not of sufficient force to render ourselves 
 complete masters of the town. They wished to make the 
 most of their position to turn us out ; they stretched 
 chains as barricades across all the streets which led to our 
 entrenchments, placed in position there a number of 
 pieces of cannon, and when they had completed these 
 preparations, and so secured the safety of the inner part 
 of their town, they occupied the attics and roofs of the 
 houses which commanded us, and opened fire from loop- 
 holes made among the tiles. Immediately this began 
 we lost quite a number of our men, including several in 
 my own company, and it was a mere chance that I was 
 not amongst them myself, for a ball passed through the 
 brim of my hat and killed a dragoon standing behind me. 
 So bad was our case that we were obliged to set about 
 the construction of epaulements to provide cover as quickly 
 as possible, and my previous experience in fortification 
 here proved of the greatest use to me. Notwithstanding 
 our efforts, however, the position we were in became so 
 critical that I really do not know how matters would have 
 turned out had not our commanding officer, Count de 
 Feldz (a lieutenant-general and colonel of one of the dra- 
 goon regiments), bethought him of warning the burghers 
 that if they did not cease their fire upon us he would 
 instantly set light to the town at every point of the 
 compass, and that the Elector, whose arrival he momen- 
 tarily expected, would put them all to the sword, not 
 excepting even the women and children. These threats 
 (and that of the fire was no mere threat) completely 
 terrorised them, so much so that they laid down their 
 arms and begged for mercy. Nay, they even sent us 
 provisions, of which we stood in great need, and assured 
 us that when His Highness did arrive they would sur- 
 
I02 SURRENDER OF ULM [chap, v 
 
 render, present him with the keys, and in every way 
 behave as if they were his own subjects. 
 
 Thus we reduced the principal fortress in Swabia, a 
 most important factor in the designs of the King and 
 Elector, which finally sealed the treaty drawn up between 
 these two Powers. 
 
 Three days passed before the Elector with his army 
 appeared before Ulm. The town delegates met him with 
 the keys, and took the oath of fidelity. They were grieved 
 to see their territory handed over to the horrors and 
 chances of war, but they were no longer in a position to 
 make terms, and could only yield to force. In the town 
 was a fine arsenal, provided with all sorts of munitions 
 of war, which proved very useful to the Elector in carry- 
 ing on his subjection of the province, and facilitating the 
 junction of his army with that of France. It was found 
 necessary to disarm the burghers, and after a good 
 garrison and magazines of provisions had been estab- 
 lished in the town to ensure its possession, the Elector 
 continued his march with his army. 
 
 To complete our line of communication it became neces- 
 sary to lay siege to several towns lying between the Black 
 Forest and Ulm, such as Lauingen, Illingen, Munder- 
 kingen, Riedhausen, and Biberach, the last of which only 
 offered any resistance. It made a show of sustaining a 
 siege, but a few volleys of cannon shot caused it to see 
 things in the Elector's light. 
 
 In these little affairs the Elector found himself embar- 
 rassed by the want of engineers, a want which had not 
 been foreseen. His Highness had not felt their want in 
 the previous war when allied with the Emperor, for both 
 the Dutch and the King of England had a sufficient 
 number present with them ; besides, his Ministers were so 
 ignorant of the science of engineering that they did not 
 
1702] I AM APPOINTED ENGINEER 103 
 
 foresee the necessity of making provision on this point. 
 There certainly were two or three officers with us who 
 acted as engineers, but they were good for nothing that 
 required originality. M. de Ricous, who saw how little 
 could be expected from these gentlemen, and the pressing 
 need that existed for engineers, brought me to the notice 
 of the Elector as a person capable and experienced in the 
 art. The necessity in which the Prince was placed caused 
 him to accept the proposition of my services with the 
 greatest eagerness, and I was then and there ordered to 
 supervise all such duties. This post brought me into much 
 personal contact with His Highness, whereby I received 
 many kindnesses from him, which were continued towards 
 me as long as he lived. 
 
 The taking of Biberach opened my eyes to the in- 
 capacity of the engineers who served under me. I could 
 do but little to remedy this, but as the sieges we under- 
 took were not of great importance in detail or develop- 
 ment, it did not weigh upon me very much. 
 
 The operations before this place brought us quite close 
 to the Black Forest, and the Elector despatched six officers 
 of rank, by different routes, some to inform the King of 
 France of our conquests and progress ; others to the King 
 of Spain, who was at the head of the army in Italy, and 
 to warn M. de Villars, who commanded that in Alsace, 
 of the route the Elector was taking in order to effect the 
 junction, if the means were offered him to do so. These 
 officers were perfectly well acquainted with the country 
 they had to pass through, its customs and dialects, but 
 they had many difficulties to surmount before they could 
 reach their destination. 
 
 When the Elector had seized the town of Ulm, the 
 Emperor ordered strict measures to be taken to prevent 
 the passage of travellers unless their passports were 
 
I04 SIEGE OF MEMMINGEN [chap, v 
 
 specially endorsed ; the letters even, which came from 
 the army of the Elector of Bavaria, were stopped and 
 opened. It was extremely important that France should 
 be informed of our dispositions, but impossible to trust 
 such a secret to the medium of paper. 
 
 The six officers then set out and did their best to 
 conceal their aim and status ; four were lucky enough to 
 get through without accident, but the two others were 
 arrested, namely, the Count Maxe Taufkirken, the Elec- 
 tor's chamberlain, and the Sieur de Locatelli, an Italian 
 by birth, and lieutenant-colonel of cuirassiers. 
 
 The Count was arrested at Bregenz by the same com- 
 mandant who had allowed me to pass so easily, thanks 
 to his corporal, and was placed under such close confine- 
 ment that he ran the risk of losing his life. If I had only 
 been consulted as to the route they proposed taking, I 
 could have given them some useful information. Locatelli 
 was caught on the frontier of the Canton of Bale, and 
 came off no better than the Bavarian Count. 
 
 An important town in Swabia still remained to be be- 
 sieged by the Elector ; this was Memmingen, the inhabi- 
 tants of which had put it in a state of defence the moment 
 they heard of the surprise of Ulm. 
 
 Being a Hanseatic town it was garrisoned by its in- 
 habitants, who were at least as good as regular soldiers. 
 They kept guard at the gates with all precision, worked 
 at repairing the fortifications, and added others in the 
 places thought to be weakest or most exposed to attack. 
 
 The Elector, who did not deem it advisable to await 
 the return of his messengers, left Marshal d'Arcko before 
 Biberach with a detachment to hold that position, and 
 moved with the remainder of his army to lay siege to 
 Memmingen. I served with him as engineer-in-chief 
 
 As this town demanded more attention than those we 
 
1702] THE ELECTOR'S PROPOSAL 105 
 
 had just taken, I felt it would be necessary to inform 
 myself thoroughly of its situation and the details of its 
 fortifications, but the Elector somewhat impatiently wished 
 to make short work of our attack. He did me the honour 
 to explain to me that he was unwilling to make a long 
 business of this affair lest the Emperor should determine 
 to send a relieving force which might cause the siege to 
 be raised — a possibility which demanded that special care 
 to do nothing which would in the least degree retard the 
 capture of the town. 
 
 In any case information and knowledge of the outworks 
 was at least imperative, and no one with us could afford 
 me this, but His Highness thought out a plan of recon- 
 naissance. 
 
 Although the inhabitants of Memmingen had taken every 
 precaution against surprise, and were resolved to defend 
 themselves in case of actual attack, the Elector well knew 
 that they would only open fire when they saw their town 
 actually invested in regular form, as they feared to give 
 any pretext for an onslaught or an accusation of having 
 been the first to begin hostilities ; this would have given 
 their opponents a free hand in making requisitions upon 
 their country, an eventuality they were much desirous of 
 avoiding. 
 
 I should, therefore, run no great risk in entering the 
 town disguised, ostensibly to buy provisions. According 
 to report, I should not be allowed to enter the town itself, 
 as the inhabitants refused entry to all who were not actual 
 citizens, but I might make a circuit of the place, going 
 from gate to gate to attempt this, and thus become 
 acquainted with the strength and weaknesses, if any, of 
 the outworks. Thus proposed the Elector. 
 
 " Your Highness," said I to him, " your idea is most 
 
io6 A RECONNAISSANCE IN DISGUISE [chap, v 
 
 excellent. I certainly do not know the language, but this 
 fact shall not prevent your orders being carried out. Give 
 me someone who understands German and French, he will 
 inquire as to the provisions, and I will attend him as his 
 valet." 
 
 "You are right," said the Elector, who immediately 
 summoned the Baron de Manteufel, lieutenant in his 
 bodyguard, to whom he gave full instructions. We at 
 once got ourselves up for our parts. I took the dress of a 
 servant with a wallet on the pommel of my saddle and 
 followed Manteufel, who started off to present himself at 
 the first gate of the town we might come to. On our 
 approach we saw numerous burghers on the ramparts, 
 who demanded the reason of our arrival. Manteufel 
 begged them to allow us to enter in order to purchase 
 meat and other provisions ; they declared we could not 
 do so at that gate, but might pass round to the other side 
 of the town, where we should find a barrier specially 
 arranged for the ingress and egress of the townspeople, 
 and that there only could we get what we required. They 
 incidentally remarked that since the Elector of Bavaria 
 had encamped in the neighbourhood they were on their 
 guard lest they should give him the same opportunity of 
 treating their town as he had that of Ulm. 
 
 We immediately took the road to this barrier, which 
 necessitated our making a circuit of the glacis, and gave 
 me the opportunity of thoroughly examining it. 
 
 It was useless to go further, but Manteufel, seeing the 
 docility of the burghers, wished to satisfy his curiosity by 
 making their closer acquaintance, and perhaps pick up 
 some more information as to their intentions. He led 
 the way right up to the barrier, behind which a burgher 
 guard was posted, who at once repeated that we could not 
 enter the town, and when Manteufel told them of his need 
 
1702] CURIOSITY ENDANGERS MY LIFE 107 
 
 for provisions, they took his money and sent someone to 
 carry out his commission. 
 
 While we waited the return of the messenger, Manteufel 
 started a conversation, and I remained respectfully in the 
 background. These burghers began in their turn to ques- 
 tion him, trying to discover somewhat of the Elector's 
 designs. He answered that he did not belong to the army 
 they spoke of, but to a detachment at Biberach, which was 
 short of victuals, and that the Elector would soon with- 
 draw his troops, as he did not wish for war, but was solely 
 anxious to induce them to preserve the neutrality to which 
 they had agreed. 
 
 " Oh, that is all very well," cried they, " but they tell 
 us that the Elector means to bring his dogs of Frenchmen 
 to this country. They will not get any quarter from us if 
 they are caught on our frontier, and quite right too, 
 because that accursed nation should be exterminated to 
 the last man.'' 
 
 During the conversation a young man, gun in hand, was 
 examining me attentively, and thinking he recognised in 
 me one of the aforesaid " dogs of Frenchman," cried out 
 in a frenzy of suspicion to Manteufel, " Have you not got 
 one with you now? I am sure that is one. It shan't be 
 said that I haven't killed one, at any rate," and at the same 
 moment he deliberately took aim at me. 
 
 " What are you doing ? " said Manteufel. " He is only 
 an excellent Italian, who is waiting until I have an oppor- 
 tunity of sending him to Vienna, where he has an uncle in 
 the Emperor's service. As for me, you understand, if I 
 did not think the Elector was friendly to this country 
 I should soon enough leave him to join the Imperial 
 troops and my relations, who are longing to see me. 
 Besides, no one hates the French better than I do, so you 
 can judge if I would have one in my service, and the 
 
io8 THE ELECTOR RECONNOITRES [chap, v 
 
 young man here is ot the same way of thinking. Just 
 speak French to him, I am sure he would run away at 
 once." 
 
 Thus Manteufel saved my Hfe, risked to satisfy his 
 curiosity, but the young man was so anxious to "tumble 
 me off" my horse, as he called it, that it needed all this 
 explanation to prevent him. At last the provisions arrived 
 and put an end to a conversation which would have caused 
 me considerable perturbation of spirit had I understood 
 German. 
 
 We completed the circuit of the town as we left the 
 place, and I had time to make all the notes I required, 
 while Manteufel told me all that had passed, which made 
 me appreciate to the full my obligation. 
 
 There was no other building outside the town except 
 a mill situated on a large stream, which I judged would be 
 of the greatest use to us in beginning our principal attack. 
 I rendered a minute report to the Elector, in which I 
 assured him I had found such favourable lines of approach 
 that he might hope to be master of the place in a few days 
 time ; and he was so much pleased with my report and 
 entered so thoroughly into all its details, that he made up 
 his mind to see the ground himself 
 
 I took the liberty of pointing out to him that he should 
 not risk exposing himself to a handful of armed burghers 
 on the walls, for though they might not deliberately open 
 fire, there was always the fear that they might lose their 
 heads when they saw a troop of armed and mounted men 
 approach the town. " Very well," said His Highness, 
 " I shall only take a page and Ryberck (now Minister of 
 War). At five o'clock this afternoon be at the little gate 
 of my quarters, when we will get away without my suite, 
 or anyone else, being a bit the wiser." 
 
 We thus set out as four ordinary civilians, and partly as 
 
I702] THE ELECTOR'S ESCAPE 109 
 
 a necessary precaution, and partly because the high wind 
 pained his eyes, the Elector wore a half-mask, with glasses 
 which enabled him to recognise the various places as I 
 pointed them out to him. So great was his curiosity that 
 he was always in advance of our party, and before we 
 noticed it we were within half a gun shot of the ramparts. 
 Our proceedings soon attracted a number of the burghers, 
 one of whom, becoming impatient at seeing our examina- 
 tion of the place, began to abuse us, and eventually so lost 
 his self-control that he took aim at the Elector, declaring 
 that he would smash his " Shrove Tuesday Mask " for him. 
 Happily a worthy lawyer was of their number, who 
 knocked aside the gun and advised the man to be careful 
 what he was doing, saying that the Bavarians wished for 
 nothing better than to have such a pretext for ravaging 
 their town and lands. But the brute was obstinate and 
 aimed a second time at the Elector, exclaiming that the 
 mask annoyed him, and that he did not care for conse- 
 quences of any sort. The lawyer, who kept a sharp eye on 
 him, once again prevented him from firing, and thus saved 
 the life of the Elector. It made one tremble to learn from 
 the burghers, after the surrender of the town, the risk His 
 Highness had run. Had not the lawyer prevented this 
 single shot the Bavarian War would have come to an end. 
 Next night we opened our trenches, and employed a great 
 number of workmen to push forward the work as quickly 
 as possible. I had need of the assistance of our engineers; 
 the working parties occupied so great an extent of 
 ground that it was impossible for me to superintend the 
 operations single-handed. I had, nevertheless, personally 
 pegged out all the angles necessary to guide them, but 
 such was their ignorance that they missed them at one 
 point, with the result that in two places the trench was 
 enfiladed by a bastion. The besieged opened fire at these 
 
no SURRENDER OF MEMMINGEN [chap, v 
 
 points with two guns, which at their first discharge killed 
 a captain and ten men. 
 
 The sensation caused in the trench by this accident 
 attracted me to the spot, and just when I arrived there 
 seven more men were killed. I was in despair at the 
 ignorance of the engineers, which had caused the death 
 of these unlucky men, and I determined to give them 
 my mind on the subject if I caught them, particularly 
 as one of them knew quite enough French to act as 
 interpreter. 
 
 In the meantime I busied myself in directing the retire- 
 ment of those in the enfiladed trench, and ordered epaule- 
 ments to be constructed as rapidly as possible to provide 
 cover. 
 
 But the more I hustled them the less was done, and 
 no one understood what I said. 
 
 At last an infantry ensign named Kol, who understood 
 French, came up, and saw to the carrying out of my orders 
 most energetically. 
 
 His ardour brought him the company commanded 
 hitherto by an officer named Royere, who had just been 
 killed, as I took the liberty of suggesting his promotion to 
 the Elector, who granted him his step. 
 
 I dared put no more faith in the engineers after this, and 
 was obliged to superintend every detail of the works my- 
 self up to the end of the siege. This brought me plenty 
 of trouble, risk, and fatigue ; but the desire to render 
 myself useful made up for all the care and danger. 
 
 The town surrendered on the sixth day after the 
 trenches were opened. The delegates who came to ar- 
 range the capitulation and hand the keys to His Highness 
 made careful inquiries after the masked individual who 
 had reconnoitred the place the evening before the sieo-e 
 was begun, and recounted to the Elector the risks run 
 
1702] GERMAN CONFEDERATION DISQUIETED iii 
 
 by this personage at the hands of a rough member of their 
 community, and the prudence of the lawyer. One could 
 see these delegates shake in their shoes when they learned 
 that it was the Elector himself who had gone through this 
 danger. 
 
 The burghers were disarmed, and after leaving a good 
 garrison in the place, the Elector retraced his steps to 
 Biberach, in order to await the news from France, and 
 moved his army nearer the frontier, so as to facilitate the 
 return of the ofHcers he had sent as messengers. 
 
 The season was somewhat advanced before two of these 
 gentlemen found an opportunity to rejoin our army. 
 
 They reported to the Elector that M. de Villars was 
 quite unable to force a passage through, or even attack, the 
 enemy's lines, owing to the precautions they had taken 
 since the capture of Ulm. He was not, therefore, to 
 count upon the junction of the two armies until circum- 
 stances altered, but that France would make every effort 
 at the beginning of the next campaign to give the Elector 
 the aid he expected. 
 
 The campaign soon after closed, the Elector retired 
 to Munich, and each regiment marched to its winter 
 quarters. 
 
 The rapid sequence of conquests that the Elector had 
 just achieved, quite at the end of the campaign, made 
 considerable stir in Germany and the rest of Europe. The 
 whole Germanic body was excited by the Elector's prompt 
 and vigorous action, and although His Highness made 
 several attempts to persuade them that his sole motive 
 was the preservation of neutrality, the Allies, none the 
 less, had their suspicions as to his real intentions. 
 
 The Emperor henceforth devoted himself to thinking 
 out the best means of revenge, and reckoned that, without 
 weakening his force on the Alsace frontier, he would be 
 
112 ANIMOSITY OF OFFICERS [chap, v 
 
 able to collect a considerable army to invade Bavaria and 
 ravage the country. The Allies v/ere the more piqued 
 at the Elector's success, as it detracted from the satisfac- 
 tion derived from their success at the beginning of the 
 war. 
 
 They had taken the towns of Kaiserwert, Landau, Rure- 
 monde, and the citadel of Liege, but their rejoicings over 
 these conquests were rudely interrupted by M. de Villars, 
 then only a lieutenant-general, who won a brilliant victory 
 over the Prince of Baden in the month of October at 
 Friedlingen. The Imperial army was changing position 
 when he attacked ; it lost nearly three thousand men, and 
 he pursued the remainder for more than a league from the 
 field of battle. 
 
 The campaign at an end, and winter quarters being 
 apportioned, each regiment sought them independently. 
 I then found myself, a solitary Frenchman, in a regiment 
 where it was customary for the officers to hate all of our 
 nation. They were in despair at the campaign the Elector 
 had just made in their own country, and would have much 
 preferred that His Highness should take up arms against 
 France, which they regarded in every way in a hostile 
 light : they had served against her all their lives, and 
 had thus contracted an irreconcilable hatred against her. 
 Many amongst them found it impossible to support any 
 longer a policy so opposed to their sentiments, and Lieu- 
 tenant-Generals Count Felds, La Tour, and others of 
 mark, left the service of the Elector after the taking of 
 Ulm, and went over to the Emperor. 
 
 Some officers in our regiment, shaken by these ex- 
 amples, were doubtful as to which side they would take, 
 and I was a subject of execration with them, though there 
 was nothing against me but the original sin of my birth. 
 They went out of their way during our march to afford 
 
1702] THE CHURLISH MAJOR 113 
 
 me every annoyance in their power. A major In a regi- 
 ment in the Elector's army has more authority than one 
 in the French service, because, whilst he has the control 
 of his own company, he is the third in rank in the corps ; 
 and ours, for this reason, had the best of opportunities to 
 pick a quarrel with me. 
 
 He was a small man and churlish, eaten up with 
 conceit ; and such was his hatred for our nation that a 
 sir.gle word of French pronounced in his hearing was suf- 
 ficient reason to make him leave the best company in the 
 world. He was always looking for a chance to provoke 
 me, but my ignorance of German made it impossible for 
 me to say anything he could take hold of, and conse- 
 quently he sought for other means less direct. 
 
 The only man in my company who understood a little 
 French was the quarter-master, whom I was obliged to 
 employ as my interpreter since the death of my valet 
 from a contagious fever just before leaving Munich. He 
 it was against whom the major directed his attack, finding 
 me so far impervious. To this end, he made it a practice 
 to send for my host whenever we left our billets, in order 
 to ascertain how I and my quarter-master had conducted 
 ourselves ; not because it was against the rule in this 
 country to get what you could out of your host (the 
 major, by-the-by, being a past-master in this art), but 
 because he could find no other means of picking a quarrel 
 with me. At last his opportunity came. One of my 
 hosts admitted under cross-examination that he had sup- 
 plied several pints of beer to my quarter-master for 
 which he had not asked payment, as he had done it out 
 of pure good nature. This, however, was enough for the 
 major, who had made up his mind that my poor quarter- 
 master was a defaulter, and going up to him at the 
 moment we were making our start, gave him twenty 
 I 
 
114 MY CHALLENGE [chap, v 
 
 strokes with his stick in my presence, and without a 
 word of explanation to me. 
 
 I hardly knew what to think of this outbreak of passion. 
 I knew too little of the customs obtaining amongst these 
 troops to make up my mind on the spot, and it was out of 
 my power to enter into an argument with the major, who 
 immediately after this exhibition of temper had turned on 
 his heel and made off. I asked the quarter-master, whose 
 head was bleeding, what crime he had committed that he 
 should earn so rude a chastisement. 
 
 " It is on your account, sir," said he, " that I am guilty, 
 simply because I study to do my duty towards you." 
 
 He then proceeded to tell me of the spite these gentle- 
 men entertained towards him since he had acted as my 
 interpreter, and the evil designs they had formed against 
 me. He said that not finding an opportunity of putting 
 into a practical form their antipathy to me, they had 
 turned upon him to make him leave me, and he foresaw to 
 the full all the misery in store for him. 
 
 As he spoke it so affected me that I felt I could no 
 longer restrain myself, so I went off on the spot to find the 
 major, and challenged him then and there to fight. 
 
 He was astonished at the compliment I paid him, and 
 had not counted upon my coming to so prompt a deter- 
 mination. He made out that his rank gave him the right 
 to beat my quarter-master without giving me any reasons, 
 and I for my part gave him to understand that I was not 
 ignorant of the motive of his bad temper, and that I knew 
 the way to curb it. 
 
 He knew quite enough French to understand my remark, 
 for the Elector's troops had served for a long time in the 
 Low Countries, and there was hardly an officer who did 
 not know a little of our language; but as it was not quite 
 to his liking, he made as though he did not hear me, and 
 
1702] A CRAVEN OPPONENT 115 
 
 said something I did not exactly know in German, think- 
 ing to embarrass me. 
 
 I told him that it was no good pretending not to hear, 
 and that if he did not give me satisfaction I should return 
 to him with my stick the same strokes that he had given 
 my quarter-master ; he had the choice between sword or 
 pistol, and a beating. 
 
 My determined air made it clear to him that he would 
 have to fight or be dishonoured, so, seeing no help for it, he 
 told me that he would mount his horse for a pistol combat, 
 and that he would join me in the fields outside the village. 
 I lost no time in getting ready to meet him, though he 
 kept me waiting long enough. In fact, I began to have 
 doubts lest his courage had failed him, when I saw him, 
 apparently much upset, draw his pistol while yet some 
 distance away from me, and wheel his horse about evidently 
 uncertain whether he would ride at me or keep on the 
 defensive. 
 
 The exhibition he thus made of himself increased my 
 anger tenfold, so as soon as I saw him carry out this 
 manoeuvre I went straight for him, stood the fire of his 
 first pistol, and then fired mine in my turn ; the ball entered 
 his right breast, and damaged some of his ribs. He fell 
 over upon the neck of his horse, more by reason of fear 
 than anything else, and from the grimaces he made I 
 really thought that he was dead. 
 
 I then left him to find someone to look after him, and 
 rejoined my company as if nothing had occurred. As for 
 my adversary he had himself taken off to the nearest town 
 to get his wound cured, which turned out to be an easier 
 matter than the soothing of his mortified feelings. 
 
 In the meantime, as we were on the march, the senior 
 captain took the major's duty until his wound was cured — 
 a necessary step, as there are no aide-majors in these 
 
ii6 KNAVERY' AND ITS PUNISHMENT [chap, v 
 
 regiments as we have in France. There is certainly an 
 adjutant, but his status does not permit of his giving an 
 order on his own responsibility, and he is there only to 
 see that those of his superiors are carried out. The officer 
 who acted for the major had just as great an aversion for 
 our nation as the major himself, but the accident that had 
 befallen his comrade kept him at least respectful, and he 
 dared not attempt to quarrel with me openly, though, with 
 more regard to nationality than good feeling, he embraced 
 the first opportunity which presented itself of embarrass- 
 ing me. 
 
 It happened that I had a young lackey who had always 
 pleased me, particularly as he understood my ways, and 
 afforded me an opportunity of learning German. A remark 
 I made to this captain that I had an idea of training the 
 boy as a servant after my own notions was sufficient for 
 him to set about seducing him from me. He inspired 
 him with such an aversion for me and my nation that he 
 got him to promise to leave me when the different com- 
 panies separated to go to their respective winter quarters. 
 The project was well enough conceived, but owing to the 
 impatience of one or the other it came to my knowledge, 
 whereby I had time to avenge myself before it was carried 
 out. 
 
 When the time came for the companies to diverge, my 
 lackey did not wait till I was mounted, but went straight 
 off to his new master, under the belief that I should not 
 notice his absence. But as usual with these sort of people 
 who have not the sense to keep their plans to themselves, 
 he had dropped a word here and there before my other 
 servants, with the result that they were quite aware of his 
 intentions ; consequently, when I came to mount my horse, 
 it struck me that there was something going on that I did 
 not quite understand. I asked what had become of the 
 
1702] A DISMAL PROSPECT 117 
 
 little lackey, i^.id the mysterious reply I got roused my 
 suspicion as to his disappearance ; but my quarter-master, 
 who never left me, made a show of answering by com- 
 pulsion, and unfolded the whole plot. 
 
 He told me that he had Kept his eye upon the boy 
 without being observed, and that he was just about to go 
 off with the captain-major. I made my way at once to 
 the latter's quarters, and found him ready to mount with 
 my lackey by his side. I then seized the youth by the 
 collar, and gave him some good cuts with my whip and 
 whipped him back to my lodgings, telling the captain that 
 I should be back again directly to teach him to entice my 
 servants from me. 
 
 I lost no time in mounting, and set off to meet my man, 
 who, I found, had already started ; but it did not take me 
 long to catch him up. As soon as he saw me coming he 
 made for the open ground, pistol in hand, although he 
 maintained no bolder a bearing than did his predecessor. 
 As soon as he saw I was within range he hurriedly fired 
 his first shot, and was ready with his second, when I fired 
 in my turn and shot him right through the arm. His 
 pistol dropped to the ground, and he showed the white 
 feather to such an extent that I had half a minc^ to finish 
 him altogether, had he not cried out to me in the best of 
 French to spare his life. This I accorded him together with 
 a stiff reprimand, and forthwith set off to rejoin my men. 
 
 In the QiStribution of winter quarters the greatest care 
 was shown in assigning the worst to my company ; a 
 small village surrounded by a dismal wood in a lonely 
 country was my lot. Five or six miserable peasants 
 inhabited the place — more objects of charity than any- 
 thing else. To add to the inconvenience, I had to go 
 more than half a league to hear Mass. Moreover, I was 
 at the most distant point of the frontier from Munich — 
 
ii8 THE FAIR CHATELAINE [chap, v 
 
 exactly where there was most danger in case of war 
 with the Emperor, for the entrance to the kingdom of 
 Bohemia from where I was posted wan not more than 
 four leagues distant. I was thus deprived of any oppor- 
 tunity of going to attend the Court at Munich, and 
 I found myself obliged to spend the winter in this 
 miserable solitude without any chance of amusement. 
 The only companion I had was my quarter-master, and 
 making a virtue of necessity, I determined that with his 
 help, and that of a German-French Grammar, I would 
 profit by my imprisonment to learn German. I was not 
 aware at the time that a league away was a little Lutheran 
 town, which belonged to a count of the Holy Empire. 
 These counts had the same sovereign rights in their 
 districts as were possessed by the Electors themselves ; 
 hence the town enjoyed exemption from the billeting 
 of troops other than those of its own over-lord. In 
 common with most of these princelets, whose honour was 
 greater than their riches, his whole territory consisted 
 of this little town and a few neighbouring villages, the 
 place of residence being a castle outside the town itself 
 
 The Count had died the year before, and left a young 
 and beautiful widow with an only son eight years of age, 
 who had been sent to Vienna for his education. This lady, 
 who saw my company of eighty dragoons established near 
 her property, feared with some reason lest her subjects 
 might suffer from their presence in the neighbourhood, 
 and knowing that on such occasions it was best to secure 
 the captain's influence, collected information regarding me 
 in various indirect ways. Inquiries were made of my 
 quarter-master, who drew a lively portrait of me and 
 exaggerated my good breeding, manners, and power at 
 the Elector's Court. The Countess thereupon sent me an 
 envoy in the shape of a gentleman, who brouo-ht me a 
 
1702-3] AN INVITATION 119 
 
 magnificent present of game accompanied with as many 
 compliments as if I also had been a reigning prince. 
 I thanked the gentleman, through him made myself 
 acquainted with the places inhabited by the subjects of 
 the Countess, and begged him to present my respectful 
 assurance that I should observe all her wishes in the 
 matter. My quarter-master, who acted as interpreter 
 between us, added on his own responsibility everything 
 that he could think of to prejudice this gentleman in 
 my favour, and drew his attention to the difference 
 between my manners and those of their own officers, who 
 are not, as a rule, welcomed in winter quarters, for they 
 are too much in the habit of getting the most they can 
 out of the inhabitants. The envoy was so pleased with 
 the result of his embassy that when he made his report to 
 his mistress he enlarged upon all that my quarter-master 
 had said as to my good qualities, with the result that 
 a few days later he returned, bearing an invitation from 
 the Countess for me to dine with her. 
 
 I told this gentleman that it was a matter of extreme 
 regret to me that owing to my ignorance of the language 
 I dared not avail myself of the honour the Countess had 
 done me, but that I hoped soon, with the care I was taking 
 to educate myself on this point, to be in a position to visit 
 and offer my very humble respects to Madame la Comtesse. 
 The envoy replied that I already had an interpreter, whom 
 I could bring with me, and assured me that the lady would 
 consider this a favour on my part. 
 
 After such a pressing invitation I felt that it would 
 be impossible to refuse altogether, though I would not 
 accept the dinner, as I wished to avoid the embarrass- 
 ment of the interpretation, which would have bored me 
 to death, but I assured him that I should do myself the 
 honour of presenting myself that afternoon. 
 
I20 MY RECEPTION [chap- ^ 
 
 The Countess was delighted at the opportunity of 
 receiving a foreigner with all the state due to her 
 sovereignty; and the result was that when I appeared 
 I was introduced with nearly as much ceremony as if 
 I had been an ambassador at his first audience. 
 
 A number of gentlemen, ladies of honour, valets, and 
 extra footmen were ranged in order, and a Master of 
 Ceremonies conducted me round — through halls and ante- 
 chambers — before ushering me into the presence of Her 
 Excellency. She was seated in an immense armchair 
 of black velvet, set upon a dais covered with the same 
 material, with a magnificent canopy over her head. The 
 Master of Ceremonies respectfully introduced me, and 
 thought proper to make a long and tiresome speech, 
 of which I did not understand a single word. My inter- 
 preter was much put to it with this oration, for the 
 compliments it contained were so elaborate that he found 
 their translation quite beyond him. However, it came 
 to an end at last, and I was directed to seat myself in 
 a chair beside the dais, whilst the rest of the company 
 remained standing. The ladies of honour were posted 
 right and left of Her Excellency, the gentlemen at the 
 sides of the platform, and the remainder were arranged as 
 a sort of guard in double rank. During this imposing 
 ceremony I noticed that this beauteous sovereign lady 
 possessed a most expressive pair of eyes, which she well 
 knew how to employ to the best advantage, whether from 
 a ceremonial point of view or the reverse, and I had 
 a great desire to make their further acquaintance. I did 
 my very best to meet her glances whenever the chance 
 of so doing was afforded me, but further advances on 
 my part came to a full stop, owing to my inability to enter 
 into conversation. 
 
 This first visit put everything upon a proper footing and 
 
1702-3] THE BANQUET 121 
 
 etiquette being satisfied, I was made to promise to return 
 in a day or two in order to enjoy the hospitality of her 
 board. 
 
 I did not fail to carry out this promise, and shortly after 
 my arrival we sat down to the table, for I had arranged the 
 hour so that there should be as little waiting about before- 
 hand as possible. 
 
 The places of the guests at table were all assigned them 
 according to their rank and status, just as at the Imperial 
 Diet. 
 
 Most of our company were gentlemen of portly habit 
 and few words, but I had the honour of being seated at 
 the right hand of the sovereign. Opposite to us on the 
 table was a space where an equerry carved the various 
 meats which were served in due order plate by plate. The 
 Countess was helped first, the servitor making a profound 
 bow, then I, and then all the guests, each according to 
 their rank, thus following the custom observed by the 
 dames de robes in certain provinces in France on the 
 occasions when they dine together. 
 
 The procession of dishes was unending, and it seemed 
 to me as they appeared one after the other for the space 
 of three hours, as if the supply must have been quite 
 inexhaustible. So much for the viands : let us now come 
 to the wine. Their manner of drinking was no less tiring 
 to me than that of their eating. It was the duty of the 
 Countess to propose the toasts with all formality, making 
 in the first instance a low bow in honour of the favoured 
 personage, followed by another still lower after the act of 
 drinking. The health of all those at table having been 
 drank in due form, a large crystal glass like a chalice 
 was brought in full of wine and covered with a crown 
 of like material, which fitted the top. On the arrival 
 of this treasured glass the Countess rose up with a 
 
122 TOASTS [CHAP. V 
 
 solemn air, in which act she was followed by all present 
 at table, and took it in her hands. She then turned 
 towards me with the same grave manner, when my in- 
 terpreter cautioned me to remove and take charge of 
 the cover. This done, she pronounced in a solemn voice 
 her intention of drinking to the health of the Sacred 
 Person of the Emperor, when the whole company made 
 profound obeisance, only to be repeated when she had 
 drunk or made an appearance of so doing, after which all 
 resumed their places. A little later on I was presented 
 with this great cup full of wine, and was directed to 
 rise, replace the crown which I still held, and then face 
 the left - hand neighbour of the Countess, who took the 
 cover as I had done previously, and this toast went round, 
 too. After the health of the Emperor came that of the 
 King of France, which, without exaggeration. His Majesty 
 owed to me, as saving my presence, it would certainly have 
 been omitted. 
 
 The health of the King was followed by that of the 
 Elector, and the crowned heads of nearly the whole of 
 Europe, so that half our repast seemed to be taken up with 
 a continual bowing and scraping. 
 
 I noticed that in drinking all these toasts, the Countess 
 merely placed the glass to her lips and passed it on almost 
 untouched to her neighbour, so I thought it advisable to 
 do the same. As for our German nobles, they would have 
 deemed themselves wanting in respect to the crowned 
 heads whose healths they drunk had they failed to drain 
 the chalice to the last drop — with consequences which were 
 a source of much amusement to me ; for this was the 
 first occasion on which I had ever seen so many people 
 solemnly intoxicate themselves from a ceremonial point 
 of view. 
 
 In the course of this carousal I noticed that the eyes of 
 
1702-3] HER LADYSHIP'S AMIABILITY 123 
 
 the beautiful Countess were often upon me, and I received 
 more than one gracious smile from her, which I reciprocated 
 to the best of my ability, though in despair at being 
 obliged to express my feelings in such a limited fashion ; 
 it even seemed to me that she would not have been sorry 
 had it been otherwise, but there was no way out of the 
 difficulty. 
 
 I was by her side as she left the table, when my quarter- 
 master took the opportunity to ask my leave to go to his 
 own dinner. 
 
 "Let be so, sir, let be so," said the Countess, who had 
 not dared hitherto to risk the few words of broken French 
 she apparently knew, but which the excitement following 
 the banquet now brought forth. 
 
 " How is it, madame," I exclaimed, " when you can 
 talk French, you leave me to offer you my very humble 
 respects at the hands and mercy of an interpreter? There 
 would seem to be a grain of mischief within you, and that 
 you wished to punish me because I happened to be a 
 Frenchman ; but if you will only permit me the liberty 
 to prove to you the high esteem in which ladies of your 
 merit are held by my nation, I shall hope to compensate 
 myself for all I have suffered in the absence of converse 
 between us." 
 
 " I can only speak a little, sir," said she, " and do not 
 wish to punish you." 
 
 "You know quite sufficient, madame," I continued; "and 
 I feel immensely relieved that there is no longer any need 
 for an interpreter in any conversation that I may have 
 the pleasure of holding with you." 
 
 " My speech will not content you much, for I speak so 
 that you understand nothing that I tell you." 
 
 " Well, madame, you will teach me German and I will 
 teach you French." 
 
124 PLEASANT QUARTERS [chap, v 
 
 " I wish it with my whole heart, sir. If you teach me 
 to speak French well, it will be both a pleasure and a 
 privik ye." 
 
 Whilst this conversation was passing between us, the 
 German nobles who heard us conversing in a foreign 
 tongue held respectfully aloof. I continued to chat with 
 her ladyship, and after some talk we arranged that in 
 future I should visit her whenever I felt inclined and 
 waive further ceremony ; and by thus adopting the French 
 mode of life, which she appeared to be anxious to do, we 
 should banish all those formal customs which prove such 
 a hindrance in society. 
 
 So well did this scheme succeed that it was not long 
 before I became master of the situation, and was expected 
 to give my decision upon all sorts of matters. It was 
 quite enough for me to say that such and such was the 
 custom in France to secure this lady's approval, such was 
 her liking for everything done in French fashion. 
 
 The husbands in this country would not have been so 
 easy to deal with, but their wives willingly accept the 
 kindnesses and attentions bestowed upon them, because 
 they so seldom have the chance of receiving them ; the 
 men know next to nothing of the charms of Venus, but 
 give themselves up to those of Bacchus, to whom they 
 devote almost all their worship. 
 
 So it came about that it was quite sufficient for me only 
 to suggest some rule or another for this amiable lady 
 to carry it out to the letter, as I prescribed. It must be 
 confessed that, while my intention was to give her a high 
 conception of our manners and customs, I was also careful 
 to introduce nothing that would interfere with the object I 
 had in view — the solution of the problem how to metamor- 
 phose a weary period of winter quarters into a delight. 
 The Countess was so pleased with the fashion of our amuse- 
 
1702-3] A DISTURBING ELEMENT 125 
 
 ments that she could no longer bear with the coarseness 
 and drunkenness of her countrymen. We passed the 
 winter in a variety of ways ; I got the young people to 
 contribute to their Sovereign's pleasure by giving balls 
 and masquerades ; and her subjects began to look upon me 
 as a man to whom she had delegated a portion of her 
 authority. They crowded in numbers to the hunting 
 parties, rendering them easier to organise, and therefore 
 more interesting. All was joy within the town. 
 
 Our happiness would have been perfect if the Emperor's 
 troops had not arrived on the scene, as I shall proceed to 
 explain. 
 
 The Emperor, who had not had at the time a body 
 of troops at hand to oppose the victorious Elector, had 
 waited for an opportunity to avenge himself and to 
 render him and his politics odious in the eyes of the 
 rest of the German States. He caused a Diet to be 
 assembled at Ratisbon, when all the measures and con- 
 duct of this Prince were published and discussed in a 
 circumstantially aggravating manner, calculated to alienate 
 as many from his party as possible. This led to a 
 fresh resolution on the part of the Three Colleges, recom- 
 mending, without any regard to the views of the Elector 
 of Bavaria, that he should immediately without delay 
 withdraw his troops from Ulm, Memmingen, and other 
 places which he had seized outside his own frontier ; 
 and, moreover, that he should throw in his lot with the 
 Empire against France and Spain, in order to dethrone 
 the Duke of Anjou. Failing this, he would be considered 
 a rebel against the Imperial Decrees, and war would be 
 declared against him as an enemy to their common 
 country. 
 
 The Court of Vienna kept secret its attack on the 
 Elector, but he was not ignorant of what was going on. 
 
126 MARCHING ORDERS [chap- v 
 
 He had private information of all the preparations made 
 against him ; he knew even the names of the generals 
 who were to take command, and the towns and country 
 through which it was decided to invade his territory ; in 
 fact, he was in a position to checkmate their designs if 
 he chose to take the offensive at once ; but he preferred 
 that the Emperor should be responsible for this. Never- 
 theless, so as not to expose his subjects to the burdens of 
 heavy requisitions without taking some steps to defend 
 them, he moved his troops into Lower Bavaria, near a little 
 town called Scharting, where he knew a considerable force 
 of the Imperialists was concentrating. We therefore left 
 our quarters towards the end of February, 1703. 
 
 I happened to be with the Countess when my quarter- 
 master brought me the order for this written in German, 
 and he acquainted mc with its purport without her com- 
 prehending a syllable ; nevertheless, his rather mysterious 
 air aroused her suspicions. She insisted on being in- 
 formed of its contents, and showed so much determination 
 to see them with her own eyes that I was obliged to hand 
 her the document itself. 
 
 This charming lady was so moved at the sight of the 
 order for our separation that she dropped the paper from 
 her hand and became motionless. I likewise fell a victim 
 to profound grief, although I used my best endeavours to 
 console her. I pointed out to her that the troops could 
 not possibly enter upon a campaign at a season of the 
 year when the cold was yet so extreme, our movement 
 being more likely to be a mere change of position than 
 anything else, to be followed soon by a return to our 
 old quarters ; moreover, even if we were to remain billeted 
 in Scharting in readiness for the warmer season, it would 
 always be in my power to visit and pay my respects to 
 her, so that it was entirely unnecessary to be frightened 
 
1703] THE PARTING . 127 
 
 at the prospect. But still she had too true a presentiment 
 of the future ; fear caused her to foresee our complete 
 separation, and filled with such ideas, she was reduced to 
 tears and lamentations. She had given her heart to her 
 darling Frenchman, and could not help repeating this 
 every moment that I was with her. A thousand protesta- 
 tions on both sides were mingled with sighs and sobs from 
 the Countess, and at last, not finding words to express our 
 sorrows, we parted. 
 
 " Clim^ne et moi nous regardames ; 
 Nous ne dimes rien, que n'avions nous pas dit ; 
 Mais d'un air doux languissant, interdit. 
 Nous nous primes la main et nous nous seperames.'' 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1703 
 
 The Court of Vienna, wishing to surprise and ravage 
 the Elector's territory whilst his troops were still dis- 
 persed in their winter quarters, sent an army of twenty 
 thousand men under the command of General Schlick, 
 who at the end of February entered Lower Bavaria, which 
 marches with Austria, and inflicted the severest exactions 
 upon the people. 
 
 The Elector now felt that the conduct of the Imperial 
 troops was so cruel that it behoved him to take serious 
 measures to drive them back. To this end he advanced 
 by different roads a considerable body of troops, surprised 
 General Schlick at a moment when he least expected it, 
 and utterly defeated him. 
 
 This action took place on March 3rd near a village 
 called Heyzempirne, when the snow was still very thick 
 upon the ground. Schlick had encamped his army in the 
 plain near this village, and for greater security had occu- 
 pied another village, a league to his front on the road into 
 Bavaria, with a strong detachment of infantry and cavalry. 
 
128 RELIEF OF PASSAU [chap, v 
 
 With this advanced guard it seemed impossible to surprise 
 him, as it would have been necessary to attack and capture 
 the post in order to get at his main body. To do this 
 without information reaching him appeared to be out of 
 the question ; but the Fates decided otherwise. 
 
 Before setting out to attack Schlick, the Elector thought 
 wise to withdraw the garrison of one of the forts forming 
 part of the defences of Passau on the Danube. This fort 
 was threatened by the Imperial army, which occupied two 
 other strongholds near the town, which was under the rule 
 of the two sovereign Powers, one part belonging to the 
 Emperor, the other to the Elector. In order to facilitate 
 the retirement, three companies of dragoons, one being 
 mine, were advanced in support. 
 
 Herein lay an opportunity for our officers to exhibit their 
 dislike for me ; without informing me of the exact tenor of 
 the order we had received, they began by posting me and 
 my company in the midst of a fir wood full of snow, three 
 days before the garrison was to leave Passau. Despatched 
 in this way in such bitter weather, without rations or 
 forage, it was natural to suppose that we were not in- 
 tended to remain any length of time at our post. But 
 as the hours rolled on and no further orders arrived our 
 hunger increased, and I despatched some dragoons to find 
 out if it were not possible to obtain a provision of some 
 sort for man and beast in the neighbourhood. After a 
 tedious search they returned, bringing but a small quantity 
 of mouldy black bread, and only enough forage to make a 
 daily ration of five or six pounds for each horse. As to 
 the two other companies, they remained at their ease in 
 villages in the rear, and did not advance on Passau till the 
 actual day for the retirement of our garrison. After all, it 
 simply came to this, that the whole of my company, which, 
 as a matter of fact, belonged to the chief of our regiment, 
 
1703] ADVANCE ON HEYZEMPIRNE 129 
 
 and not to me, was the victim of their ill-natured spite. I 
 had been over three days in this wood when the garrison 
 began its retirement from Passau. 
 
 The Imperialists only realised what was taking place 
 after our force had started on its road from the town ; 
 they then advanced to the attack, but our dragoons 
 appeared on the scene and obliged them to retire after the 
 exchange of a few shots, which resulted in trifling loss. 
 We covered the retirement of the garrison for about three 
 leagues, and then moved on Scharting, where we rejoined 
 the regiment. 
 
 The whole army was paraded the next day on the plain 
 outside this town in expectation of an immediate advance 
 on the enemy, who were but four leagues distant. This 
 fourth night was no pleasanter for me than the three 
 preceding ones. New reasons were found for putting me 
 on duty, so that I had to remain nearly all night under 
 arms without the luxury of a fire, and my only means of 
 keeping at all warm was by stamping my feet and swinging 
 my arms. 
 
 Next morning, at break of day, the army was formed 
 into column of march, and the order to advance given so 
 as to take the enemy unawares. Twelve squadrons of 
 dragoons formed the advanced guard ; after them came 
 the mass of the infantry, supported by forty squadrons of 
 cavalry, which also covered the rear. When we approached 
 the village forming the enemy's advanced post, the sky 
 became overcast and down came the snow, so thickly, in 
 fact, that their sentries could only distinguish the leading 
 files of our column of dragoons. This they took for a 
 reconnoitring party, and as their commanding officer deter- 
 mined to cut it off", he concealed a part of his infantry 
 in a cemetery, the walls of which bordered on the single 
 street which ran the length of the village, and the rest in 
 
 K 
 
I30 AN AMBUSCADE [chap, v 
 
 the houses opposite, so as to bring us under a cross-fire. 
 He also caused his cavalry to mount at once and take 
 up a position outside the village, opposite the mouth of 
 the street, so as to cut off any dragoons who might push 
 on in order to make their escape; and waited patiently, 
 until Fate and our impatience to get on before General 
 Schlick could receive information of our advance should 
 draw us into his trap. We had no particular reason to 
 mistrust this open village where there was no sign of 
 advanced picquet or sentry ; our dragoons entered and 
 filed up the street without taking any precaution, and the 
 enemy seeing this, made up their minds that they had 
 them in the hollow of their hands. 
 
 They withheld their fire until all our men had advanced 
 towards their cavalry, but happily they waited until too 
 late to take good aim ; nevertheless, a great number of our 
 people were killed, and the rest thrown into confusion. 
 As it was, we hurried to gain the end of the village, 
 where we found their cavalry, which added to our sur- 
 prise, but we pulled ourselves together, dismounted our 
 dragoons, and threw ourselves into the houses right and 
 left at the end of the street, where we soon found ourselves 
 under cover and in a state of defence. My company with 
 the rest had fallen into the ambuscade, but we were lucky 
 enough to get off with a loss of twelve killed. Duchatel, 
 who commanded our advanced guard, was killed, and 
 much blamed after his death for having entered the village 
 without previous reconnaissance. 
 
 So far the enemy's commandant had reason to be 
 satisfied with the success of his manoeuvre, but his elation 
 was not destined to last long, for on the news of the 
 surprise our main body was speedily brought up, and 
 invested the village on all sides, the enemy's cavalry being 
 thus completely surrounded. A strong body of our infantry 
 
1703] DEFEAT OF GENERAL SCHLICK 131 
 
 then entered and cut down these unhappy creatures to the 
 last man. 
 
 This prelude to the general engagement which followed 
 shortly afterwards excited our Bavarians to such a pitch 
 of fury that they begged to be led at once to the attack. 
 Schlick, however, had news by this time of what had 
 taken place, and without knowing the actual number that 
 we could bring into action, got his men, a little hurriedly 
 perhaps, into line of battle. 
 
 We found he had posted himself in front of the village 
 of Heyzempirne, and as the country was extremely open, 
 it was not difficult to see the strength of his force and its 
 position. The Elector was soon ready, and both armies 
 opened a desultory cannonade whilst deploying. Our force 
 scarcely had time to get into battle array before the Elector 
 set us moving at a steady pace and with well-closed ranks, 
 due regard being given to the maintenance of an equal 
 pace throughout. When we had moved thus a sufficient 
 distance, our two wings, consisting of cavalry, advanced 
 at a rapid trot, whilst the infantry quickened their pace, 
 in order to dash upon the enemy without firing, reserving 
 this until they were in close contact. The first shock 
 was a very sharp one, and gave one the impression that 
 animosity between people of the same nation was more 
 obstinate than if they had been strangers to one another. 
 Victory hung for a long time in the balance between the 
 opposing cavalry, so stubborn was the fight, for the 
 Emperor's cuirassiers are really among his very best 
 troops. Our infantry did not experience the same resist- 
 ance: they stood the first effect of the enemy's fire, charged 
 home with bayonets fixed, and crushed all resistance. 
 Soon afterwards the enemy's cavalry gave way and their 
 rout became universal. Schlick escaped with the ddbris of 
 his army, leaving more than five thousand dead on the field. 
 
132 A PRACTICAL EXPEDIENT [chap, v 
 
 He abandoned all his artillery and train, a number of copper 
 pontoons, anchors and cordage, of which he had made pro- 
 vision against the crossing of the Bavarian rivers, count- 
 ing upon being able to invade and devastate the country, 
 and thereby give the Elector reason to repent of his dis- 
 obedience to the mandate of the Court of Vienna. I put 
 to the test at this battle a small frame of well-tempered 
 iron, which the cavalry officers, not in the cuirassiers, were 
 in the habit of placing in the crown of their hats. It 
 certainly saved me from the effects of two heavy sabre 
 cuts which I received in the melee, to the extent that I 
 got off with merely a few bruises. I had for my share 
 in this day's work the honour of going through two im- 
 portant engagements, the one as perilous as the other, and 
 to crown all I was again, the fifth night in succession, 
 ordered on duty to protect the artillery and baggage left 
 on the field by the enemy, which for the want of teams 
 could not be removed before the evening of the following 
 day. Nevertheless, although the snow lay very thick, I 
 did not suffer so much from cold as on the four preceding 
 nights, because the enemy had in their flight set fire to 
 the village, so that we had plenty of opportunity of warm- 
 ing ourselves. The artillery was moved rather late in the 
 following day, when I was directed to take up my quarters 
 in a little village eight long leagues from the battlefield; 
 and thus my sixth night was passed in a long and toil- 
 some march. I got at last to this wretched village, and 
 the comfort in finding there a cover to my head in so 
 distant a land was all I had to console me for the impossi- 
 bility of again seeing my sovereign lady. 
 
 After this expedition it suited the Elector's plans to 
 make himself master of the bridge and town of Ratis- 
 bon. This Hanseatic town is almost surrounded by his 
 territories ; its suburb called Beyricheoffen actually be- 
 
1703] CAPTURE OF RATISBON 133 
 
 longed to him. I had been but a few days in my village 
 when I received an order to march and join that portion 
 of our army which was on its way to invest Ratisbon, in 
 order to prevent the Emperor from seizing it. I had the 
 direction of the siege of this place, the defence of which lay 
 in the hands of its inhabitants, but I was much hampered 
 in my work owing to the regard which the Elector mani- 
 fested for the delegates of the Diet then sitting there. 
 However, after the suburbs had fallen into our hands, I 
 constructed a battery intended to destroy a traverse on the 
 bridge. As this traverse was of stone, it was feared that 
 the ricochet of the cannon shot would cause alarm to 
 some of the delegates, and damage their houses, con- 
 sequently I had to place my battery at such an angle that 
 my attack would have been useless. I constructed a 
 second with the same caution on the other side of the 
 Danube, and the burghers, who were not aware of the care 
 and consideration we had for the Diet, were so alarmed at 
 the prospect of seeing their town bombarded by an in- 
 vesting army that they surrendered, handed its keys to the 
 Elector, and admitted a Bavarian garrison. The Elector 
 enforced such good discipline meanwhile that nothing was 
 allowed to disturb the freedom of the deliberations. He 
 even did his best to persuade the Court of Vienna to agree 
 to a treaty by which this town should be declared neutral, 
 in which case he was prepared to withdraw his troops; 
 but the proposal was not accepted. 
 
 My company was detailed to form part of the garrison 
 of Ratisbon. I found much to interest me in this town, 
 for the number of delegates from all parts of Europe, 
 most of whom had their families with them, such as 
 M. de Charmois, who represented France, with his 
 wife, the Elector's representative with all his family, and 
 many others, formed a most agreeable social circle, quite 
 
134 CAPTURE OF NEUBURG [chap, v 
 
 apart from the interest connected with the war itself. 
 But I was not destined to enjoy this for long, as I was 
 obliged to be on the march again, and to practise my 
 profession as an engineer in connection with various fresh 
 enterprises that the Elector had determined upon before 
 the formal opening of the campaign. 
 
 We began by investing Neuburg on the Danube, which 
 owned the Elector Palatine as its suzerain. This town 
 was necessary to the Elector ; first, because it lies between ' 
 Donauwort and Ingolstadt, which belongs to him; and, 
 secondly, by reason of its bridge being the means of com- 
 munication with the flat country of the interior of Bavaria. 
 The conquests of the Elector within the Swabian Circle no 
 longer sufficed, as since the declaration of war with the 
 Emperor, it became necessary for the security and pro- 
 tection of his own country to secure the points by which 
 the enemy might seek to invade it. 
 
 Neuburg was one of the most important points of this 
 character, and hence the Elector's anxiety to secure it. 
 The enemy, who had no doubt that the town would be 
 attacked after the Battle of Heyzempirne, added new 
 works to the old walled enceinte, with which the place 
 was provided; but they were not of much use, for we took 
 possession of it five days after the trenches were opened. 
 I found, however, several difficulties to contend with at the 
 suburb situated on a low hill abutting on the Danube ; 
 here we lost a few men, and after the capitulation, in- 
 stalled a small garrison on account of its situation. 
 
 The town of Augsburg offered considerable opportunity 
 for either the defence or invasion of Bavaria, because it 
 lies within its borders. We had no difficulty in taking 
 it. The defence of this Hanseatic town was in the hands 
 of its own burghers, who immediately after the taking 
 of Ulm had the astuteness to ask of the Elector recoo-ni- 
 
1703] RECRUITING FRENCH GRENADIERS 135 
 
 tion of neutrality, which he accorded them. Notwith- 
 standing this, intelHgence was brought to the Elector 
 which proved to be only too true — that the inhabitants 
 were in league with the Imperialists, and he certainly 
 ought to have seized the place after the capture of 
 Neuburg ; but notwithstanding the ease with which this 
 could have been done, he preferred to take the risk of 
 leaving things as they were, in order to give proof to the 
 Empire of his moderation and the rectitude of his policy. 
 
 The enemy, less scrupulous, profited by this, and gained 
 admittance to the town, the loss of which could not be 
 repaired until after the first battle of Hochstett, and then 
 only after a tedious siege. M. de Ricous accompanied the 
 Elector during his campaign, and we had many oppor- 
 tunities of discussing the means of raising the proposed 
 regiment of French deserters. Notices had been dis- 
 tributed in the principal towns and among the troops 
 of the Empire. So far we had got together a certain 
 number of soldiers, who were meanwhile billeted in a 
 Bavarian town, in the hope of more arriving, and were 
 under the command of some subaltern officers, who, like 
 their men, had left foreign service to come to Bavaria. 
 About this time two good-looking young gentlemen 
 presented themselves with the story that owing to some 
 trouble connected with a duel in Italy they had been 
 obliged to leave the French army and seek refuge in 
 a foreign land, and that hearing of the war in Bavaria, 
 they had come there to implore the King's ambassador 
 to help them to find some employment suitable to their 
 rank and condition. M. de Ricous, undecided as to 
 his reply, sent them to me to see if they would suit 
 our new regiment. These gentry, who had taken good 
 care to inform themselves of the part of the country 
 I came from, appeared to be enchanted at having found 
 
136 ARRIVAL OF THE BASTIDES [chap, v 
 
 in me a neighbour, and told me that they both belonged 
 to the same family in Perigord, on the confines of the 
 Agenois, one being the Count de la Bastide, the other 
 the Chevalier de la Bastide. I inquired of them why they 
 had left the French service, and was told the story of an 
 imaginary duel, the details of which were so pathetic and 
 well studied that I was quite carried away by the tale 
 of woe ; in fact, my two neighbours made such an im- 
 pression upon me that I felt I could do no less than to 
 recommend them for the command of the two first 
 companies of our future regiment. On my report their 
 commissions were sent them at the time we were engaged 
 in the siege of Neuburg, and they were duly sent off to 
 the depot to organise their companies. As a matter 
 of fact, these adventurers were not in the least what they 
 made themselves out to be, and far from having served 
 in the army, were merely two young men from Villeneuve, 
 in the Agenois, married and without relations, who had 
 both begun life as small shopkeepers in order to supple- 
 ment the slender patrimony left them by their parents. 
 Want of business experience, together with a mania for 
 gambling, so wrecked their affairs that they found them- 
 selves forced to abandon their wives and children in order 
 to evade the pursuit of their creditors. After having 
 worked their way through Italy, they found themselves 
 in Bavaria, where they had the good fortune to fall on 
 their feet. They really belonged to the best burgher 
 families of their town, though I did not become acquainted 
 with all the above details until my return from Bavaria, as 
 I shall explain later on. 
 
 After the taking of Neuburg our army was broken up 
 into detachments, our regiment being with that under 
 Major-General M. de Wolframsdorf He set out for the 
 upper part of the Bavarian Palatinate to operate against 
 
1703] AN IMPERIAL OFFICER'S FATE 137 
 
 a corps of Imperialists who were ravaging this part of the 
 frontier. 
 
 Our last day's march found us camped near a large 
 village, Schmidmidel, where, according to the reports we 
 received, the enemy often put in an appearance, and 
 were now in greater force than we had been led to 
 expect. Our commandant sent out parties to obtain de- 
 tails as to their strength, and having learned that it was 
 not so very superior to our own, set out with our force 
 at night, with the intention of surprising them at a point 
 four leagues distant. It was daylight, however, before we 
 had discovered their advanced posts, the vedettes of which 
 managed to report our advance. Thus the enemy had 
 plenty of time to get into position to receive us, and we 
 found them drawn in readiness. When our detachment had 
 formed in like order, neither force dared attack the other, 
 but each watched to see what their opponents would do. 
 
 During this lull curiosity impelled me to ride out on 
 the flank of our squadrons, to get a better view of the 
 strength and position of the enemy, when a young Im- 
 perialist officer caught sight of me, and left his place in 
 the ranks with the intention of exchanging pistol-shots 
 with me. My first feeling was to rejoin my own troop 
 as if I had not seen him, for experience had by this time 
 convinced me that these single combats were quite useless, 
 and that it was the duty of an officer, in the interest of the 
 service, to reserve himself for the leading of his men, to 
 fight only in company with them. 
 
 But the reflection of what our Germans would say of 
 me under these circumstances flashed across me, and I 
 immediately turned about to face my hot-headed adver- 
 sary, who cantered towards me firing his pistol. He then 
 took to his heels, to return again and repeat the operation, 
 after the fashion of the hussars. This circus business. 
 
138 ROUT OF THE IMPERIALISTS [chap, v 
 
 which he enacted to the amusement of both sides, ended 
 unhappily for him, as, thanks to the over-employment of 
 his spurs, his horse took the bit in his teeth and bolted 
 right into our squadrons, where he and his master both 
 met their end. 
 
 This occurrence, trivial as it seemed, sufficed to bring 
 on the action : the officer who had just been killed hap- 
 pened to be the nephew of the Imperial commander, who 
 was so incensed to see him thus perish before his eyes 
 that he determined at once to give battle and avenge his 
 death. At the first indication of movement on the part 
 of the enemy we advanced to meet them, so as not to 
 lose the advantage of being on the move when the shock 
 should occur. The fury of both sides was so great that 
 the collision was violent in the extreme, and we remained 
 locked together in the confusion of the melee for some 
 considerable time. 
 
 The cavalry on both sides, after having driven its way 
 through the opposing forces, whilst their infantry were still 
 engaged, retired, re-formed, and actually met once again 
 in the charge ; but after a long and hard fight each side 
 retired for a second time to their own part of the field, 
 both losing a great number of men. 
 
 We encamped near the village of Schmidmidel in order 
 to remain in observation of the enemy, who, in fear of a 
 slight reinforcement which had joined us, decided to beat 
 a retreat. I lost the horse I rode during the fight; he 
 died that day from sabre cuts in the head — steel is more 
 murderous than fire in these cavalry fights, though the 
 iron framework in my hat saved me once again from 
 many hard blows. 
 
 Whilst our detachment was on the frontier we learnt 
 that Marechal de Villars had captured the Fort of Kiel, 
 opposite Strasbourg, on May 9th, after a ten days' siege. 
 
1703] JUNCTION WITH THE FRENCH ARMY 139 
 
 and having seized the passes in the Black Forest, had 
 effected a junction with the Elector's forces in the Swabian 
 district. Needless to say, this important news filled us 
 with inexpressible joy. We now flattered ourselves we 
 should achieve a thousand conquests, and we no longer felt 
 disposed to show any mercy to the German confederation. 
 
 This junction, however, in no way frightened Count 
 Stirum, who commanded the Imperial forces, for he ap- 
 peared with about twenty thousand men in the plains near 
 Hochstett after having partially pillaged that frontier of 
 Bavaria. 
 
 The Elector wished to oppose him in person, and 
 marched to meet him with all the troops he had at hand, 
 including a French detachment under M. Dusson. He 
 made nearly the same dispositions in dealing with Stirum 
 as he did when he surprised Schlick ; he found him in 
 a position in the plain of Hochstett ready for the fight, 
 and in possession of all the advantages that the locality 
 afforded. The encounter was a very stubborn one, and 
 although at first, perhaps, the issue was doubtful, the 
 enemy at last gave way ; their cavalry, closely pressed by 
 ours, began to retire, and deserted their infantry altogether, 
 who, finding their flanks unprotected, broke and sought 
 safety in retreat. The better to effect this, the whole of 
 their troops were formed into a single square, which gradu- 
 ally retired, fighting the while, until the woods in their 
 rear were reached and their safety secured. The enemy's 
 losses amounted to more than three thousand men, besides 
 prisoners and some artillery. 
 
 This affair was followed by the siege of Kempten, and 
 later on that of Augsburg, when my services as engineer- 
 in-chief to the Bavarian forces were dispensed with be- 
 cause there was a sufficiency of officers of this branch 
 of the service present with the French army. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 INVASION OF THE TYROL — DEFECTION OF THE DUKE OF SAVOY 
 — RETREAT FROM INNSBRUCK — THE COMMAND OF THE 
 FRENCH GRENADIERS GIVEN TO BOISMOREL — STRAUBING — 
 DEFEAT OF IMPERIAL HUSSARS 
 
 IT now became necessary to the army of France, which 
 had just penetrated without any great opposition as far 
 as the centre of Germany, to see that the passes between 
 Swabia and Alsace were l^ept open, for it would have been 
 hardly prudent to advance further into the Empire as 
 long as any army of the enemy had it in its power to 
 cut the line of communication by seizing certain fortified 
 towns. It was therefore most advisable to act without 
 precipitation and to watch the action taken by the Allies. 
 
 It was doubtless quite possible to advance beyond the 
 Swabian district if thought proper, but in the belief that 
 a blow struck at the heart of the Empire itself would be 
 the most efficacious means to its destruction, it was decided 
 that whilst the army of France continued and consolidated 
 the conquests in Swabia, the Elector with a portion of his 
 own army and a French detachment should force a passage 
 through the Tyrolese Mountains, to enable the army of the 
 Duke de Vendome of effect a junction with that of M. 
 de Villars, and to postpone all other enterprises until this 
 had been brought about, or had been frustrated. 
 
 There were, however, great difficulties to be surmounted 
 140 
 
1703] CAPTURE OF INNSBRUCK 141 
 
 in the execution of this plan, chiefly on account of the 
 mountainous nature of the country to be traversed ; on 
 the other hand, the passage once secured, the army of 
 Italy, together with that of Bavaria, would have it in their 
 power to put the Empire into a terrible plight. The 
 presence of the Elector was deemed necessary in this 
 famous expedition, and he conducted it with so much 
 skill and forethought, that if similar ability had been 
 manifested on the Italian side, everything would have 
 come about as had been arranged. 
 
 As a beginning, His Highness caused four principal 
 points, which covered the approach to the mountains from 
 Bavaria, to be attacked, namely, Rosenheim, Kufstein, 
 Hochstein, and Scharnitz, towns situated on the sides of 
 the mountains, or on almost inaccessible cliffs ; these he 
 seized in spite of all difficulties, either by assault or by 
 making terms. After the capture of these points, by which 
 he assured himself a safe line of retreat, he advanced with 
 his army by a single road cut in the sides of the mountains 
 as far as Innsbruck, a Hanseatic town and the capital of 
 the Tyrol. The magistracy, having no garrison to protect 
 them, and considering it inadvisable to attempt a defence 
 of the town, came out to meet the Elector, to whom 
 they presented the keys and took the oath of allegiance. 
 So far it would have been impossible to wish for a 
 happier outcome to our projects ; the capital appeared 
 to be held in great respect by the rest of the province, 
 and above all would make a most convenient base of 
 supply for the army of Italy whenever the junction took 
 place. 
 
 We had overcome the principal obstacles, and it only 
 remained to send a detachment to seize the more difficult 
 passes between Innsbruck and the approach from Italy, 
 and to inform the Duke de Vendome of the favourable 
 
142 DEFECTION OF DUKE OF SAVOY [chap, vi 
 
 state of affairs, so that he might set his army in motion 
 with all the speed possible. 
 
 In the meantime the Elector and his staff remained at 
 Innsbruck, the better to control the inhabitants and to 
 arrange for the prospective junction. 
 
 The force detached from the Elector's army was duly 
 detailed, and successfully passed the most difficult defiles 
 as far as one called the Brenner, which was the most 
 important of all ; the Marquis de Novion, son of the 
 Premier President of Paris, and de Caretti, a Piedmontese, 
 both captains in the Elector's Guards who knew the 
 country and patois, were also sent by the road over the 
 Grisons, in order to communicate promptly with the Duke 
 de Vendome. These arrangements being settled, the Elector 
 took up his residence in Innsbruck, and enjoyed the relaxa- 
 tion and amusements which the inhabitants provided for 
 his pleasure in a manner which would have done credit to 
 the devoted subjects of any Sovereign. 
 
 But while Fortune thus smiled upon us and the people 
 appeared so submissive and quiet, a movement of quite a 
 different character was beginning to make itself felt in the 
 country itself. The Courts of Vienna and Savoy were 
 weaving a plot against us, in which the Tyrolese joined 
 only too successfully, and which ultimately had the effect 
 of upsetting all our projects. 
 
 This unfortunate reverse was brought about by a sudden 
 change of policy on the part of the Duke of Savoy, 
 who abandoned the interests of France and Spain and 
 secretly joined the Imperial party. This Prince not only 
 forgot his obligations to a solemn treaty, upon which the 
 seal had been set by the marriage of the Princess, his 
 daughter, to the King of Spain, and his promise of armed 
 support to his son-in-law, but went over to his enemies in 
 order to do his best to dethrone him. In fact, he had been 
 
1703] SECRET TREATY WITH THE EMPEROR 143 
 
 preparing for some time to cut these ties, which should 
 have been most dear to him, in order to side with the 
 Emperor and his Allies. 
 
 The King of France believed he had secured the Duke 
 by bringing about the alliance between his daughter and 
 the King of Spain, and that the bond of relationship 
 would be sufficient to ensure the support of his son-in- 
 law and the maintenance of peace in Italy, which was 
 threatened by the Emperor's action. But whether it was 
 that he had a national aversion to France, or had been 
 induced by some other motive, he made a secret arrange- 
 ment with the Emperor just at the time when His Majesty 
 imagined him most attached to his interests. He was, 
 moreover, accused of supplying the Imperialist generals 
 with information of the most confidential nature regard- 
 ing the intentions of France at the very moment that he 
 appeared most devoted to her. 
 
 The Emperor offered him Montferrat, and promised 
 that England should furnish him with considerable sub- 
 sidies if he would break his treaty with the two crowned 
 heads and enter into alliance with him. He pointed out 
 to him the duty he owed to his suzerain, and promised 
 to allow him to return into his good graces provided he 
 made no delay in declaring himself Won over by these, 
 he promised the Emperor to furnish only a moiety of 
 the forces which he had agreed to contribute to the 
 King's army, and to keep his best troops within his own 
 territories to be employed as occasion offered. 
 
 Although this was a secret treaty, there were too many 
 persons engaged in it to admit of its being concealed from 
 the King. His Majesty, however, did not wish to take 
 immediate cognisance of it, as he hoped that his superior 
 force in Italy would be able to control the Duke of Savoy 
 until the junction was effected with the Elector of Bavaria 
 
144 AFFAIRS IN ITALY [chap, vi 
 
 in the Tyrol ; then the Emperor would be obliged to with- 
 draw his troops for the defence of his own dominions, and 
 the Duke, left to his own resources, would have been forced 
 to refuse the alliance. 
 
 But news came that there was no time to spare for this ; 
 the Convention with the Viennese Court had just been 
 signed, and the Duke was using all his efforts to seduce 
 several of the Swiss Cantons, especially the Grisons. To 
 defer matters longer was to risk everything ; all thought 
 of a junction in the Tyrol was abandoned ; it became 
 necessary to look to the safety of Italy, because General 
 Staremburg, who commanded the Imperial army there, 
 had just sent considerable reinforcements to the Duke 
 to place him in a position to resist the French army, 
 and raise a revolt among the religionists of the valleys 
 of Pragelas, Barcelonette, and others on the borders of 
 Piedmont. Besides which the fanatics hidden in the 
 Cevennes only wanted encouragement to rise and wage 
 war in the Dauphin6, which would add embarrassment to 
 the kingdom and create a diversion whilst the Germans 
 effected an entrance by Alessandria. In such a pressing 
 condition of affairs, His Majesty saw fit to put such of 
 the Savoy troops as were found in the ranks of his army 
 under arrest, lest they should turn their arms against him 
 in the first action that might take place, an eventuality 
 that the Allies would not fail to attempt to bring about. 
 As a reprisal the Duke of Savoy caused a detachment 
 of the King's troops passing near Turin to be stopped 
 and disarmed, and then, his intentions being clear after 
 such an act of hostility, he threw caution to the winds, 
 and formally declared war against France and Spain. 
 
 All this happened at the time the Elector was endeavour- 
 ing to bring about the junction with the army of Italy. 
 We now found ourselves forced to make a precipitate 
 
1703] A DIFFICULT RETIREMENT 145 
 
 retreat, for a delay of twenty - four hours would have 
 exposed us to the risk of massacre by the Tyrolese, who 
 rose in revolt at the mandate of the Emperor, upon the 
 new treaty with Savoy. Had the Elector given them 
 time, they would doubtless have closed the defiles behind 
 us, for they had every means at their disposal for effect- 
 ing this, owing to the nature of the country. 
 
 The Court of Vienna, having thus assured itself of the 
 Duke of Savoy, desired to take advantage of the mountains 
 and the character of the inhabitants of the Tyrol to de- 
 stroy the Elector and his army during their forced retreat. 
 Confidential agents were sent to persuade the mountaineers 
 to take up arms and oppose our passage, and in order to 
 rouse their emulation, some grenadiers were also sent to 
 reinforce the local huntsmen. The chase is a special 
 calling in these mountains. Those who engage in it are 
 dispersed among the Cantons, and are regarded as leaders 
 by the peasants. On the arrival of the first information of 
 all this, he drew in his advanced detachments by forced 
 marches, but notwithstanding his precautions, they were 
 not allowed to leave their posts unmolested ; if their losses 
 were not great, this was simply because the people had not 
 completed their arrangements for rising. It would not have 
 been possible to have got out of this tangle if they had had 
 the time to seize the various points of passage as ordered 
 by the Viennese Court, for the nature of the country is 
 so favourable to the defence that in some of these defiles 
 an entire army corps could easily be brought to a halt. 
 
 No human power could conquer the difficulties to be 
 met there ; the only means of passage is a single road, 
 the result of enormous labour on the part of the inhabit- 
 ants, cut in the side of the mountain, and so precipitous 
 that on the one side is a frightful chasm, while on the 
 other rise beetling cliiTs inaccessible to all but the natives. 
 
 L 
 
146 DEATH OF COUNT D'ARCKO [chap, vi 
 
 By means of crampons fixed to their knees and their 
 hands, they chmb places only known to themselves ; 
 there they have the lives of passers-by at their mercy, as 
 they can destroy them with impunity by raining down 
 rocks and stones from the mountain -tops. They were 
 thus in a position to annihilate a column of troops finding 
 itself on such a road, with the further alternative of 
 cutting the road itself at various places in its course, by 
 no means a difficult operation, and could so shut in the 
 Elector that it would be out of his power to save a single 
 man of his army. 
 
 As a matter of fact, the inhabitants were not yet ready 
 for action, but rumours of the rising had attracted many 
 to the difficult places that we had to pass through, and 
 they showered down rocks, putting us in such danger that 
 the grenadiers had to climb wherever possible to drive them 
 off. No one of us was in greater jeopardy than the Elector 
 himself, for a hunter posted himself behind a rock with the 
 special purpose of picking him off at the time when he was 
 passing along one of these terrible roads ; His Highness 
 escaped death at the hands of this assassin simply because 
 he was not recognised. 
 
 Count d'Arcko, husband of the Countess who died 
 several years ago in Paris, was taken for the Elector, and 
 died in his place as follows. The Fates ordained that on 
 this day the Elector should dress himself in simple attire 
 with the Order of the Golden Fleece hidden beneath his 
 coat, and a thousand paces before arriving opposite the 
 ambuscade, the wish to converse with one of his suite had 
 caused him to drop somewhat to the rear, whilst the Count 
 Arcko, left alone, found himself at the head of the party. 
 Two young Italian scouts, who usually followed the 
 Elector, accompanied the Count, who that day wore a 
 magnificent uniform. The glitter of the gold lace, and the 
 
1703] TYROLESE CRUELTY 147 
 
 two scouts in attendance, imposed upon this wretch. As 
 soon as he saw that he was within range, he fired upon him 
 with his carbine, which was loaded with a silver ball, and 
 mortally wounded him. 
 
 No sooner had the assassin fired his shot than he climbed 
 away by paths that could not even be seen, and published 
 far and wide in the Tyrol that he had killed the Elector of 
 Bavaria ; he gave such circumstantial evidence in support 
 of his assertion that the inhabitants, who desired nothing 
 better, easily persuaded themselves of the truth of his 
 story, and looked upon this ruffian as the saviour of their 
 country and a hero worthy of their admiration. 
 
 After all, there was nothing strange in this conduct on 
 the part of the Tyrolese, who are utterly uncivilised, and 
 derive satisfaction from a detestable deed because it is 
 in accordance with their savage habits. But similar action 
 on the part of a civilised people merits eternal condemna- 
 tion ; I speak of the Court of Vienna, who, believing that 
 the Elector was really dead, not only signified its approval 
 of the murder, but went further and rewarded the murderer. 
 He was given a golden chain, which he slung over his 
 shoulder like a belt, and was conducted in triumph through 
 all the streets of the Imperial capital. 
 
 The news of the death of the Elector spread over the 
 length and breadth of Germany, and it was a considerable 
 time before the people discovered the mistake. The 
 Tyrolese, who were now fully aroused, were so encouraged 
 by it that they mustered in still greater numbers ; they 
 invested certain places on their frontier, and even found 
 means to gain an entrance to Rosenheim, where they 
 slaughtered more than a thousand Bavarians. Their 
 cruelty did not stop there : they caught poor Count 
 Veritas, a brigadier in command at this place, an in- 
 timate friend of mine and a particularly charming man, 
 
148 RELIEF OF KUFSTEIN [chap, vi 
 
 paraded him round the streets, and finally beat him to 
 death with clubs. 
 
 Two other places were saved from their fury by means 
 of garrisoned forts, which held out until the Elector sent 
 forces to relieve them. I was with the troops sent to 
 Kufstein, which the besiegers had shut in with a line of 
 circumvallation formed of an abattis of wood, extremely 
 strong and well designed, which they occupied and guarded 
 with the exactitude observed by the best regular soldiers. 
 The senior lieutenant-general of the Electorate, who 
 commanded us, ordered me to force these lines. As soon 
 as I had reconnoitred the position I made three attacks, 
 two being feints, in order to draw away the besiegers, whilst 
 the real one was carried out by my own grenadiers and 
 dismounted dragoons, led by myself. 
 
 I arranged for these attacks to take place at the break 
 of day, while in the meantime our General attended Mass 
 in a village a quarter of a league away to implore Divine 
 support to our arms. The country we had to force a way 
 through was covered with large forests consisting of tall 
 and thick fir trees, and a number of the natives, thinking 
 to save themselves from the fury of our troops, climbed 
 the trees and hid themselves in the thick evergreen foliage. 
 Unhappily for them, one of their number failed to conceal 
 himself sufficiently, and our people at once set about 
 searching tree after tree, and bringing down their occupants 
 as if they were out squirrel shooting. Had not this scene 
 been somewhat repugnant to one's feelings it might have 
 been amusing, at all events, there was the merit of novelty 
 in this method of gathering, by means of powder and ball, 
 the large fruit which dangled at the tops of the fir trees. 
 
 More than eight hundred of these roosters lost their 
 lives, and after having killed more still when cutting our 
 way through the entrenchments, we relieved our garrison, 
 
1703] HOCHSTEIN SURRENDERS 149 
 
 which was on the point of starvation. The fourth town 
 seized by the Tyrolese was Hochstein, which experi- 
 enced more favourable treatment than Rosenheim. Baron 
 de Heydan, the commandant who capitulated, was de- 
 luded by false appearances and dread of the masses of 
 the enemy who had gathered to the investment. This 
 officer, otherwise a brave man, paid too much attention 
 to the reports of certain monks, who managed to convince 
 him of the death of the Elector by means of most circum- 
 stantial evidence. They persuaded him that the unexpected 
 death of the Prince at the hands of a miserable huntsman 
 was decreed by Providence as a means of restoring peace 
 to the German Empire, which, owing to the cruel war that 
 he had been responsible for introducing into the country, 
 had been threatened with inevitable disasters. They added 
 that the hand of the Almighty had made itself felt with 
 the best results, as the French army had retired from the 
 country, and that there was not a single invader left therein. 
 Neither did they fail to point out to him the danger that 
 he and his garrison would run if he chose to oppose this 
 decree of Providence, as now his master was gone, he could 
 no longer hope for relief, and besides, being at the end of 
 his provision supply, he would find himself at the mercy of 
 the Tyrolese, who in their fury had actually determined to 
 flay him alive should he hold out to the last. Finally, that 
 he had before him the example of poor Count Veritas, who 
 would have saved the lives of his garrison besides his own, 
 had he been fortunate enough to find mediators ; common 
 prudence suggested that he should make honourable terms 
 in good time. So gifted were these holy monks with the 
 power of persuasion, that poor Heydan allowed himself to 
 be won over by their seductive arguments, surrendered, 
 and retired with his garrison into Bavaria. On leaving the 
 town Heydan led his troops boldly into Bavaria, expecting 
 
I50 EXECUTION OF DE HEYDAN [chap, vi 
 
 to meet with nothing but desolation on account of the 
 death of the Elector ; he was much surprised to find on 
 his arrival what a mistake he had committed. The ease 
 with which he had been led astray by the discourses of 
 the monks caused him the most cruel disappointment. 
 
 The Elector, who had been duly informed of his conduct, 
 caused him to be put under arrest until he could explain 
 the reason of his surrender. In the inquiry which followed 
 there was entire want of evidence to show that he had had 
 any sinister design against his master's interests, and his 
 capitulation was proved to be due but to his credulity and 
 a desire on his part to save the garrison from the dangers 
 with which it was menaced. Thus, according to all appear- 
 ance, the punishment of death would not have followed as 
 a consequence of his misdeed ; His Highness was noted 
 for his clemency and appreciation of true intentions in 
 such cases, but the luckless star of Baron de Heydan led 
 him to the scaffold in an unusual manner. 
 
 One of the Counts d'Arcko in the Imperial service was 
 in command at Brisac when the Duke of Burgundy laid 
 siege to it in August, 1703. This Prince, who began 
 operations in the night of 24th-2Sth, quite expected that 
 so important and well fortified a place would have offered 
 a long resistance ; however, it surrendered on September 
 7th. His Imperial Majesty, disgusted at the slight resist- 
 ance made, to his mind, by Count d'Arcko, had him court- 
 martialed and beheaded. Information of this had scarcely 
 reached our army, before violent representations were made 
 to the Elector that Heydan's case was just as criminal as 
 that of Count d'Arcko, and that he should treat it as 
 the Emperor had done, both for the good of the State 
 and as an example to the army. The Elector, who did 
 not wish his Allies to think him lacking in energy in 
 anything concerning their common interests, ordered a 
 
1703] PROMOTED TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL 151 
 
 court-martial to be convened, which sentenced Heydan to 
 be beheaded. 
 
 After our return from the Tyrol, the force under M. 
 de Villars joined the army in Swabia at the siege of 
 Augsburg. This was followed by an encounter with five 
 thousand Imperialist cavalry under M. de Latour ; the 
 same who had left the Elector's service after the capture 
 of Ulm. They were attacked by MM. Legasle and du 
 Heron, near the little town of Munderkingen, and entirely 
 defeated. 
 
 In Lower Bavaria, on the frontier of the Linz country 
 which marches with Swabia, the Elector undertook in 
 person the siege of Passau and its forts, although the 
 season was somewhat advanced ; notwithstanding this, and 
 the resistance offered by the excellent Imperial garrison, 
 he became master of the place in less than three months. 
 This took place towards the end of November, when 
 the Prince advanced upon the lines constructed by the 
 Imperialists on the frontier, forced them, and levied 
 requisitions throughout the district. 
 
 I had had the honour, before the Elector laid siege 
 to Passau, of being promoted lieutenant-colonel of the 
 regiment of "deserter-refugees," which I have previously 
 referred to. There were as yet but five companies which 
 did duty at this siege under my command, and His 
 Highness had every reason to be satisfied with their 
 behaviour. 
 
 M. de Ricous, who had accompanied the Elector to the 
 Tyrol, was attacked by an obstinate fever, which com- 
 pelled him to return to Munich at this period. His 
 absence gave rise to a misunderstanding, which caused him 
 much annoyance, and from which he could certainly have 
 saved himself had he been less secretive. He had only to 
 signify to the Elector his desire to reserve this regiment 
 
152 EOISMOREL [chap, vi 
 
 for himself, and all would have been well ; but the Prince 
 knew nothing of his wish, and gave it to Boismorel, his 
 own aide-de-camp. This person was in attendance when 
 the town of Passau surrendered, and taking advantage 
 of His Highness' elation at the submission of so import- 
 ant a place, he begged of him and obtained the regiment, 
 as I shall explain, after having related how it came about 
 that he found himself on the Elector's staff 
 
 Boismorel, who when quite young was in the household 
 of the late Monsieur the only brother of the King, was 
 held to be one of the handsomest men of his time, and 
 had a most charming presence. He knew how to make 
 himself useful to this Prince, who showered kindnesses 
 upon him and favoured him in every way. He might 
 have become a rich man had he but known how to profit 
 by his good fortune, but whether he was too fond of 
 amusement or rehed too much upon his luck, it is certain 
 that he no more made the most of his opportunities 
 than he restrained the passionate temper of which he 
 was the slave. His conduct was so violent that it was 
 reported to the King, who apparently ignored it, in con- 
 sideration for Monsieur, his brother. France had the mis- 
 fortune to lose this latter Prince at the beginning of June, 
 1 70 1, and the position of Boismorel became precarious. 
 However, the Duke of Orleans, who took his part, seeing 
 him in danger of arrest on a charge of killing a gentle- 
 man opposite the Palais Royal, sent him off to Bavaria, to 
 join the army then entering Swabia, and gave him letters 
 of introduction to the Elector. His Highness could not 
 but take a favourable view of one in whom a prince of 
 the House of Bourbon was interested, and made him 
 his aide-de-camp with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. 
 Boismorel appeared before the Elector on his best be- 
 haviour. He was by no means ignorant of the require- 
 
1703] THE REGIMENT GIVEN TO BOISMOREL 153 
 
 merits of high society, and had all the appearance of a 
 perfect courtier ; in fact, he made court to the Elector to 
 such purpose that His Highness, with the good nature that 
 was his characteristic, admitted him to a free and intimate 
 friendship. He made the most of his opportunity when he 
 found the Prince overjoyed at the news of the capitulation 
 of Passau, by asking him for the regiment of French grena- 
 diers. The Prince was hardly prepared for this, and hesi- 
 tated before answering, but Boismorel, not wishing to give 
 him time for reflection, threw himself upon his knees before 
 him, and enlarged upon the great obligation under which 
 His Highness would place the Duke of Orleans in acced- 
 ing to his request. He even advanced as an argument how 
 much he had counted upon his goodness ; that, in fact, he 
 had relied upon this favour being granted him ever since 
 he had had the honour to be nominated as aide-de-camp, 
 and, moreover, all his friends had offered their congratula- 
 tions in advance, so that if His Highness declined to 
 consent, he would be a dishonoured man. 
 
 The Elector, who believed that the Duke of Orleans 
 was really interested in the demand of Boismorel, acceded 
 to it, and gave him the regiment. I naturally took the 
 greatest interest in all matters connected with M. de 
 Ricous, so that this was sad news for me ; besides, I felt 
 that a colonel should be a real chief to his regiment and 
 in every way be a man of complete experience, whereas 
 Boismorel had no war service, and could neither lead 
 these deserter recruits through the intricacies of a cam- 
 paign nor control them with the rigid discipline necessary 
 in such a case. 
 
 I had heard enough of Boismorel to give me the greatest 
 uneasiness as to his fits of temper. My reflections on the 
 matter caused me so much irritation that I ended by 
 taking a thorough dislike to the man, so much so that I 
 
154 MY PROTEST [chap, vi 
 
 made up my mind to go to the Elector and ask him to 
 dispense with my services in the regiment, and to transfer 
 me to any other in his service that he might think fit and 
 proper. 
 
 His Highness was not visible when I presented myself, 
 so I called on Marechal d'Arcko, who had always honoured 
 me with his friendship. I told him of my trouble and inten- 
 tions, and found him as sympathetic as ever in any matter 
 regarding my welfare. Nevertheless, with his greater ex- 
 perience, he was able to convince me that sovereigns never 
 made mistakes, that they are absolute masters in the dis- 
 tribution of such favours as they think right, and that 
 it is one's duty to accept every situation that may arise 
 from the exercise of their will. He told me further that 
 I need not be alarmed at the favour shown to Boismorel, 
 and exhorted me to continue my efforts to bring the 
 regiment into a good state of discipline, adding, that as 
 this officer was ignorant of his duty, it would follow that 
 I would always be looked upon as its real chief, and that 
 all orders and communications would be sent direct to me. 
 I was much comforted by his advice, and determined to 
 follow it, come what might. 
 
 After the expedition against the lines of Linz, the 
 Elector returned to Munich, and the troops went into 
 winter quarters. Our regiment was told off to the town 
 of Straubing, on the banks of the Danube, to which I 
 took it, whilst Boismorel accompanied His Highness to 
 Munich. 
 
 Boismorel spent the winter at Munich without troubling 
 himself about the regiment, whilst I did my best to get it 
 into shape at Straubing. He had fallen in love with a 
 woman whose wiles so fascinated him that he managed 
 to miss a notable action in which his regiment took part 
 in the next campaign. Such was his infatuation that he 
 
1703-4] DISCIPLINARY MEASURES 155 
 
 took no count of the humble station of the object of his 
 affections, for she was a woman no longer in her first 
 youth, who had obtained the place of cook in the Elector's 
 household. 
 
 Whilst he fanned the flames of his adoration before his 
 goddess, I set to work to organise his company, making 
 the sixth in the regiment. They were all over a hundred 
 strong, and formed a really fine battalion, which was 
 placed on the establishment as grenadiers. We were 
 obliged to wait for more recruits until we were in a posi- 
 tion to form the two fusilier battalions in accordance with 
 the organisation of the Elector's Guards; but the misfor- 
 tunes which had taken place in Bavaria prevented this 
 development. 
 
 I did my best to suppress the thieving ways and bri- 
 gandage which obtained with these men and rendered 
 them unbearable. The best of them deserved hanging 
 ten times over, and it was almost impossible to put a stop 
 to the bad habits they had contracted. The burghers of 
 Straubing never ceased to complain of them the whole 
 winter long, and the quarrelling and fighting that went 
 on between the grenadiers themselves took up nearly my 
 entire attention. Finally, after exhausting all the ordinary 
 means of maintaining discipline, I was compelled to ask 
 for power to flog them at my own discretion, without 
 convening a court-martial. This was granted me, and in 
 order to get clear evidence as to the guilty parties, whom I 
 found it perpetually necessary to chastise in this severe 
 fashion, I organised a service of patrols, night and day, in 
 all the streets of the town. These, relieved every six 
 hours, were obliged to report to me all disorder and the 
 names of the offenders. In this way I put a stop to a 
 greater portion of the evil under which the citizens suf- 
 fered, owing to the absence of proper barracks. 
 
iS6 GAIETY AT STRAUBING [chap, vi 
 
 However, the military art was not my only occupation, 
 for the exigencies of the war had brought a charming 
 society into the town, rendering it one of the most agree- 
 able places in the Empire. The proximity of Straubing 
 to the frontier necessitated a large garrison, and besides 
 the troops composing this, many families of good standing 
 in the country took up their residence in the town to 
 escape the raids constantly made by the enemy's hussars. 
 A number of young ladies also, who, as is usual in this 
 part of the country, were very good-looking, joined our 
 circle. They had never seen such a gathering of fine 
 people at one and the same time, and were delighted 
 beyond measure at the attentions paid to them by the 
 officers. We gradually became the best of friends, which 
 resulted in the organisation of entertainments, and we 
 officers, in order to make the most of our opportunities, 
 formed a club to bear expenses amongst ourselves ; con- 
 sequently balls and fetes took place without ceasing during 
 the whole of the Carnival. I could not help noticing the 
 refining effect of this association with the fair sex ; hatred 
 and malice became unknown in our society. Formalities 
 as to rank and station were banished, and in this tranquil 
 enjoyment our term of winter quarters slipped by with 
 such speed that we found ourselves entering on a fresh 
 campaign almost without noticing it. I was lucky enough 
 to have as my particular friend the daughter of Baron 
 de a charming young lady who spoke French per- 
 fectly — the mark of education in these parts. This gave 
 us an advantage over the others, in that we were able to 
 converse freely when in company with others on any sub- 
 ject which best pleased us, as she only among the ladies 
 knew the language. However, mingled with so much 
 enjoyment, I had a certain feeling of regret at the decep- 
 tion I was now practising towards my sovereign lady of 
 
1703-4] A LETTER FROM THE CHATELAINE 157 
 
 the past winter. The tender memories I had of all the 
 kindnesses she had shown me arose so vividly in my recol- 
 lection that I could hardly forgive myself for my present 
 conduct. 
 
 The Countess herself, meanwhile, had impatiently 
 awaited my return to her feet ever since the end of the 
 campaign, and no sooner did she learn the whereabouts 
 of my winter quarters than she began to have presenti- 
 ments of what might occur. She well knew the reputation 
 for gaiety attaching to Straubing, and being in doubt 
 whether I should reappear, owing to the distance and 
 the danger of the journey by reason of the Imperial 
 hussars who scoured the country, she sent me a letter 
 by the hand of a special messenger. Moreover, to show 
 how much she cherished everything relating to me, she 
 took the trouble to write this letter in French, so far as 
 her slender knowledge of the language would permit. I 
 have kept it for the sake of its curious expressions. It 
 ran as follows : — 
 
 " I have just learnt with great grief, my dear sir, that 
 you are in garrison far distant from me. Oh, how much 
 this is contrary to my wish ! I have always hoped, that 
 once the campaign over, you would come and see your 
 dear Countess, who has ever felt the same for you ; but 
 I trust that if you cannot come yet that you will come 
 very soon. Ah ! why has not this moment come to pass 
 already, and then how great would have been my joy ! 
 If this cannot yet be, bear in mind how much I promise 
 to love him who is always in my thoughts. 
 
 '' I much fear, my dear sir, lest in that little town you 
 may find ladies who would try to render you unfaithful 
 to me ; but no, my dear heart, you are too honest a man 
 to ever forget the beautiful promises you so tenderly made 
 to me. Ah ! when I remember your words, ' My dear 
 
158 MY GRENADIERS [chap, vi 
 
 Countess, I love you more than anybody in this world, 
 and will never change for another, although that other 
 should be as beautiful as the day.' 
 
 " What great joy had I because you gave me your 
 promise to hold to your word ! 
 
 "Adieu, my dear heart, and do not listen to the fair 
 ladies of your garrison ; but come at once to one who 
 awaits you with a cruel impatience." 
 
 This letter touched me very keenly. I realised all the 
 trouble that this lady had taken to write to me in French, 
 merely to give me pleasure, and I read in it her sad feel- 
 ings, which touched me beyond measure. Had it been 
 in any way possible to avoid the dangers of travelling 
 through the country, I should have set out there and then 
 to try and see her ; but as it was, I was obliged to con- 
 tent myself with sending her a reply couched in the most 
 dutiful and consolatory language. All the charms of the 
 Countess returned to my imagination and materially dis- 
 turbed the reality of the pleasure derived from our new 
 society ; but as time ran on fresh distractions offered them- 
 selves daily, which served but to fan my new flame. 
 
 During all this I had my grenadiers to look after, who 
 time after time obliged me to inflict severe chastisement 
 upon them, after exhausting all other means to counteract 
 their cunning and rapine. But, notwithstanding all this 
 rigour on my part, they did not dislike me, for I accom- 
 panied these punishments with remonstrances on their 
 conduct, and did my best to get them out of their bad 
 habits, so that I might not be put to the constant necessity 
 of chastising them. Ferocious as they were, they were 
 not altogether without feeling, and thoroughly understood 
 the connection between their own duty and the power that 
 lay in my hands, which they knew was not wielded under 
 the influence of temper or caprice. They appeared quite 
 
1704] IMPERIALIST RAIDERS 159 
 
 satisfied in having me as their commandant. An action 
 which occurred during the siege of Passau had prepossessed 
 them in my favour, and a second, during our term of 
 winter quarters, increased this good opinion. Experienced 
 warriors, such as these soldiers, malie light of peril and 
 dangers, and are able to form a better opinion than most 
 of the character and bravery of their officers. 
 
 This second action took place about the beginning of 
 March, 1704. Whilst we were in the Tyrol, the Im- 
 perialists had seized two small towns in the Upper 
 Bavarian Palatinate, about ten or twelve leagues from 
 our garrison, on the other side of the Danube. These 
 served as bases from which their hussars raided the 
 country, almost up to the gates of Straubing, seizing the 
 goods of the Bavarian peasants and lifting their cattle. 
 The poor people for the most part moved into the town 
 for shelter, but daily there were fresh lamentations and 
 complaints from them, for which there was little or no 
 remedy. The hussars are, properly speaking, nothing but 
 bandits on horseback, who carry on an irregular warfare ; 
 it is impossible to fight them formally, for although they 
 may when attacking present a solid front, the next 
 moment they scatter themselves at full gallop, and at the 
 very time when they might be thought to be entirely 
 routed and dispersed, they will reappear, formed up as 
 before. They have no fixed point on the frontier assigned 
 them, as they are constantly on the move ; and whatever 
 the tactics employed against them, regular warfare at least 
 is of no avail to hunt them down, unless, indeed, some 
 exceptional opportunity presents itself, as happened in the 
 following case. 
 
 M. de Wolframsdorf, who commanded at Straubing, was 
 much affected by the miserable state of the country people ; 
 he wished with all his heart to correct this state of affairs, 
 
i6o MY FLYING COLUMN [chap, vi 
 
 but had no idea how to set about it. One day we were 
 talking together on the subject, when he remarked that it 
 appeared to him that the best troops to employ against 
 them, would be my grenadiers, as they were even more 
 artful than the hussars, as well as being hardened warriors, 
 and that if I cared to take the business in hand, he felt 
 sure I should be able at least to prevent the enemy's 
 constant inroads, and to force them to devote their atten- 
 tion to some other district altogether. He added that if I 
 accepted this commission he would leave the conduct of it 
 entirely in my own hands, and that I could take what 
 force and arm I considered appropriate for such an ex- 
 pedition. I instantly felt an intense desire to hunt down 
 these bandits, so did not hesitate a moment in accepting 
 his proposal ; and I only asked for two squadrons of 
 cavalry to act with three hundred of my grenadiers. 
 
 From information furnished me, it seemed that a large 
 body of hussars had appeared near a little town called 
 Hochemburg, two long leagues from Straubing, so I forth- 
 with crossed the Danube with my detachment, and made 
 straight for this point. As the inhabitants were entirely 
 at one with us in this expedition, I sent on a trustworthy 
 person to notify my advance to the magistrates, and to 
 request them to despatch someone to meet me capable of 
 pointing out the exact locality in which were the hussars, 
 and of answering any further questions on the subject. 
 One of the magistrates came in person to give the in- 
 formation I was in need of, and after giving me a full and 
 doubtless much exaggerated list of the ravages committed 
 around his town, told me that he did not personally know 
 where I should meet with them, but that he would bring 
 me a countryman, just arrived on horseback, who had slept 
 the night before in a large village where five or six 
 hundred of them had taken up their quarters, with many 
 
1704] MY TACTICS 161 
 
 waggon loads of plunder. I knew that this village was not 
 more than a league away from Kamp, one of the two towns 
 seized by the Imperialists, under the cannon of which the 
 hussars always sought safety with their plunder. 
 
 Having thus obtained the required information, I marched 
 my detachment into Hochemburg with the avowed inten- 
 tion of halting there for rest and refreshment, and said not 
 a word of my true design to anyone, I made an ostenta- 
 tious show of taking things easily, and later on, observed 
 that it was too late to think of returning to Straubing ; 
 I then ordered billets and stabling to be prepared, so that 
 we might sleep in the town that night. I took these 
 precautions to prevent any evil - minded person giving 
 notice of my movements, and so ruining my design, and 
 quietly extracted from the peasant the while details as to 
 the village where he had left the hussars, what care they 
 took at night to guard against surprise, and the distance 
 and state of the road thereto, with the result that I found 
 it was a good eight leagues off. This would have been a bit 
 too far in the ordinary way for the infantry, although it 
 was necessary to cover the ground in the night if I wanted 
 to surprise the enemy. Fortune had evidently determined 
 that I should have something at least to contend with, so 
 I set to work to find the solution. 
 
 At nightfall I disclosed my plan for surprising the 
 hussars to the captain in command of the two squadrons, 
 and in a few words told him how I was going to set about 
 it. In the first place I asked him to mount a man whom 
 he could rely upon, who was to ride into the town as if he 
 had come with an order from the officer commanding at 
 Straubing, which order would be for me to rejoin the 
 garrison with my detachment. The trooper carried this 
 out quite to my satisfaction. In accordance with this 
 imaginary order, the two cavalry squadrons saddled and 
 
 M 
 
i62 WE SURROUND THE VILLAGE [chap, vi 
 
 mounted, and I marched off the whole detachment, with 
 the countryman at my side as a guide. 
 
 But when we were well away from the town I left the 
 Straubing road and made for the village where the 
 hussars were. The moon, which was up most of the night, 
 was a great help to us, and in order to render the march 
 less exhausting to my infantry, I made a point of talking 
 and conversing with them. I made much of the booty 
 awaiting their arrival at the place I was leading them 
 to, and convinced them that owing to the measures I had 
 taken nothing possibly could escape from our hands ; such 
 was the charm of future profit that no one amongst them 
 played the part of straggler. 
 
 A quarter of a league from the village my guide told 
 me that a little mill lay a hundred paces off the road, 
 inhabited by a miller who would certainly be able to give 
 me the latest news of the hussars, so I sent him on to 
 fetch him quietly. The miller told me that he had left the 
 village at nine o'clock that evening, and that the hussars 
 had made themselves quite comfortable there in strong 
 force, without watch or guard of any sort, and that all the 
 barns were full of their horses. On my questioning him 
 further, he said that the country was ilat and open on this 
 side of the village, but that there was an almost inacces- 
 sible cliff on the other, impossible for troops to hold or 
 even retire over if pursued. As concerned the village 
 itself, it consisted of a single street, in the middle of which 
 was a small square opposite the church, in the cemetery 
 of which I could post a number of my men. The miller 
 turned out to be a loyal Bavarian ; he joined my guide in 
 order to point out to me all these details, as well as the 
 principal houses in the village. 
 
 When we got to the open ground outside the village 
 I formed up my troops in battle formation as quietly as 
 
1704] CAPTURE OF THE HUSSARS 163 
 
 possible, and taking with me the officers of the grenadiers 
 and my two guides, we noiselessly made a circuit of the 
 place, noting all the points which should be occupied by 
 infantry. 
 
 This done and each detail settled, I told off my grena- 
 diers, posted them myself, and gave them their orders 
 couched in the clearest possible terms. 
 
 Having thus made sure of the interior of the village with 
 my infantry, I sent my cavalry at a foot's pace to occupy 
 its two outlets, after having despatched some smaller 
 parties to watch the flanks. This was carried out so 
 promptly that my men were all in position before day- 
 break, and as there was not long to wait for this, they had 
 no time to get wearied at their posts. As soon as it was 
 possible to see at all, I took my two peasant guides, with 
 a small escort, and went quietly to the house wherein was 
 lodged the commanding officer of the hussars. I had his 
 host called up by name, as if one of his neighbours had 
 something to say to him. He came to the door, and under 
 threat of being poignarded, was ordered to show us the 
 officer's chamber. This done, I went to the occupant's 
 bedside, requested him to get up, and took him to our post 
 at the cemetery. After thus securing him, we went to the 
 quarters of four others, who were treated in a similar 
 manner, when, day beginning to break, someone in the 
 village must have caught sight of my grenadiers in their 
 red uniform, for the alarm spread at once. The astonished 
 hussars, in a state of nature but for their shirts, rushed 
 about the town. Some ran to their officers' quarters ; some 
 made for the stables to escape on horseback ; but as fast 
 as these worthies showed themselves they were saluted by 
 my grenadiers with volley after volley, and those who 
 sought to save themselves by flight through the fields at the 
 back of the houses fell into the hands of our cavalry, who 
 
i64 OUR TRIUMPHANT RETURN [chap, vi 
 
 received them with pistol shot and the sabre. The result 
 was that they lost more than four hundred killed, and the 
 remainder, seeing the hopelessness of their case, hid them- 
 selves in sheds, lofts, and even under the beds. When 
 everything was quiet I called the inhabitants together and 
 ordered them to produce all the hussars hidden in their 
 houses, threatening to burn the village over their heads 
 if I found one left after their search ; and it was not long 
 before I had one hundred and forty prisoners. My victory 
 was complete. I had not lost a single man, and had the 
 satisfaction of keeping my word as to the plunder that I 
 had led my people to hope for ; it turned out to be very 
 considerable indeed. I made no distinction as to my own 
 share, but put the whole up by auction, and distributed the 
 proceeds to each according to his rank. 
 
 We returned in triumph with waggons, horses, and 
 prisoners in our train ; the people of Straubing and the 
 country round poured in to gaze at their defeated op- 
 ponents and manifest their joy. But no one took a greater 
 
 interest in this than the daughter of Baron de ; she 
 
 looked upon the compliments showered upon me as 
 belonging in part to herself, and quite imagined she was 
 the heroine of the hour. The other ladies congratulated 
 her ; never was woman more delighted than she, and her 
 regard and affection for me was so much augmented that 
 I dreaded the despair which would overcome her when the 
 inevitable moment for our separation might arrive. 
 
 Thus, whilst our Bavarians and I made the dalliance 
 of love our chief occupation in life, the officers of the 
 French army had not, in their Swabian quarters, the same 
 distractions to relieve their idleness ; they spent their 
 time in making requisitions upon their hosts and landlords, 
 and took upon themselves, in the most painstaking way, the 
 guardianship of the funds which the inhabitants had for 
 
1704] FRENCH INDUSTRY 165 
 
 some years past so painfully scraped together. It was 
 reported that each lieutenant-general became a " trustee " 
 in this fashion of more than fifty thousand crowns, and the 
 other officers in proportion. Thus these gentry left their 
 winter quarters loaded with specie, and the Bavarians 
 loaded with kindnesses. They differed also in that the 
 Bavarians in leaving were parted from the objects of their 
 desire, whilst the French took the greatest care to carry 
 theirs off with them ; in fact, it was said that, not finding 
 Germany the safest place in the world for their prizes, they 
 longed for nothing more than a speedy return to France. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1704 JUNCTION WITH THE FRENCH ARMY 
 
 — REPRESSION OF LOOTING BATTLE OF DONAUWORT — 
 
 DEFENCE OF RAIN RETURN TO MUNICH 
 
 THE opening of the campaign of 1704 caused a truce 
 to love-making, and as the field of action was in 
 distant Swabia we were obliged to set out for the point of 
 assembly of our own army more than three weeks earlier 
 than the rest of our detachments. But as I could not 
 
 bear to leave without seeing the daughter of Baron de 
 
 again, I handed over the regiment to the care of the 
 Messieurs de la Bastide, and set out to join her. 
 
 After having stayed the time I allowed to myself, which 
 we employed in exchanging vows of eternal love, I tore 
 myself away, and set out to rejoin my regiment. 
 
 During my absence our officers and grenadiers had 
 made the most of their opportunity by imposing small 
 requisitions on the inhabitants of almost every village 
 where they had been quartered. I was informed of this 
 on my arrival, and as these exactions had occurred in 
 territory actually belonging to the Elector, I, after strict 
 inquiry into the matter, had the plunder disgorged and 
 returned to the rightful owners ; dispensing, at the same 
 time, punishment to some and severe reprimands to others. 
 
 We joined the army near Ulm, where it had been 
 mobilised at an earlier season than is usual for entering 
 upon a campaign. I was surprised to find that the Elector 
 
 1 65 
 
1704] EFFECT JUNCTION WITH THE FRENCH 167 
 
 had taken this course so early ; Boismorel was with him 
 and took over the regiment. It appeared to me that His 
 Highness must have had a design in hand to forestall 
 some movement on the part of the enemy; but I found 
 that it was because the regiments in the French army in 
 Bavaria had not been able to receive their quota of recruits, 
 on account of difficulties on the line of communication. 
 For the above purpose the Court of France had called 
 out the militia in various provinces of the kingdom to 
 the number of fourteen thousand men, and added thereto 
 young men of gentle birth to fill the posts of sub-lieutenants. 
 
 These had been collected on the frontier of Alsace, but 
 they could not enter Bavaria except under the cover of 
 our army, which was accordingly placed thus early upon a 
 campaigning footing in order to receive them at the passes 
 in the Black Forest, before the enemy were ready to in- 
 terfere with this operation. Our march to the frontier, 
 however, roused their suspicions, and they forthwith set 
 themselves in movement. 
 
 Prince Louis of Baden, who commanded the Imperial 
 troops, was able to follow us, and on the last day of our 
 march took up a position close to us. 
 
 The recruits, indeed, had scarcely joined us when we 
 noticed several of the enemy's squadrons on the high ground 
 commanding the road we had to take and posted to recon- 
 noitre our camp. We had every reason to fear that our 
 return march would not be so easy a matter, for Prince 
 Louis had taken care to secure the defiles that we should 
 have to repass, and consequently, as the country itself is 
 much cut up by woods and hilly ground, the Elector and 
 Marechal de Marsin, who had taken over the command 
 since the departure of M. de Villars, found it difficult to 
 decide upon their line of action. 
 
 We were scarcely in a position to attack the Imperialists, 
 
1 68 A DANGEROUS MARCH [chap, vii 
 
 on account of the defiles that separated the two armies, 
 nor could we stay where we were ; the bread which was to 
 be sent us from Ulm was wanting, and there was no other 
 way of providing it ; so that in our extremity there was 
 nothing for it but to break up our camp and set off under 
 cover of night with as little noise as possible. This was 
 done, and we passed through the Canton of Bale, in 
 Switzerland, which was not far off on our left flank. On 
 any other occasion we should not have ventured this, but 
 necessity has no law. The enemy were ignorant of our 
 route, and we made a forced march of it the whole night 
 long, in order to secure a defile eight long leagues from 
 our camping ground. The road, which passes between 
 two high cliffs on the shoulder of a mountain, was such 
 that at one place, eight hundred paces long, it was only 
 possible to advance with a front of six men. 
 
 The Prince of Baden had not reckoned on the possibility 
 of our daring to move an army through Swiss territory. 
 Had he done so, and kept a watch upon our movements 
 in this direction, it would have been perfectly easy for him 
 to have blocked our passage and cut us off altogether. 
 The Lake of Constance, which lay at our rear during this 
 march, formed a serious obstacle, and would have destroyed 
 any chance of our escape had we found the pass we made 
 such efforts to reach closed against us. 
 
 The apprehension lest the enemy should become aware 
 of our march gave our generals much uneasiness. This 
 bad commencement seemed to be a presage of the evils 
 that befell us later on, and, as a matter of fact, we were 
 employed during the whole of the rest of the campaign 
 in evading the attacks of the enemy. 
 
 We marched the whole night without stopping on this 
 cross-country route, and found ourselves at nine o'clock 
 next morning within sight of the mountain over which 
 
I704] COMPLIMENTS FOR OUR GRENADIERS 169 
 
 was the pass. Here some scouts that the Elector had left 
 in observation of the Prince of Baden's movements came 
 in and reported that this general had become aware of our 
 movements shortly after our departure; that he had broken 
 up his camp, and was advancing to bar our progress with 
 all diligence, so that, notwithstanding the start that our 
 army had gained over his, there was every necessity for 
 us to push on to forestall him. 
 
 As a result of this information, our regiment was or- 
 dered to relinquish the duty of rear-guard, which had been 
 in its hands all the night (the most dangerous duty of all), 
 and was marched to the head of the rest of the column, so 
 that it might be in position to lead the first attempt to 
 force a passage through the enemy if this deiile had 
 already been blocked. This sudden move from an ex- 
 tremely dangerous post to another still more so, with the 
 proud privilege of marching in front of the smior regi- 
 ments of France, gave me the impression that our regiment 
 would often have to bear the brunt of the fight. 
 
 The general officer who brought the order added the 
 most graceful compliments imaginable, to the effect that 
 our removal to the head of the column was but a proof 
 of the confidence which existed in our valour. I thanked 
 him for the honour shown us, without letting him see that 
 I was just as much aware as he was that we were selected 
 rather more on account of the blows to come than to give 
 us any special precedence. 
 
 Our grenadiers took this opportunity to ask for the 
 bread which was travelling with our rear-guard. This 
 was already a scarce commodity, but the General thought 
 the situation and need of their services to be so urgent 
 that he ordered the contents of several waggons to be 
 immediately shot down in front of them, when they were 
 allowed to help themselves without any account being 
 
I70 THE PASSAGE OF A DEFILE [chap, vii 
 
 taken. The result was that they made a good thing out 
 of it, for they sold the surplus dearly enough during the 
 following days. I should never have thought it possible 
 that they could carry the vast number of loaves they 
 managed to cram into their haversacks and effect the 
 rapid march that we made to reach the head of the 
 column. Over and above the clothes they stood in, their 
 equipment was composed of gun, bayonet, heavy sword, 
 grenade pouch, a pistol in their shoulder-belt, and a hatchet, 
 which alone one would have thought sufficient, together 
 with the night's work they had just gone through, to over- 
 whelm them. Notwithstanding this load, it was not long 
 before we found ourselves at the head of the infantry 
 column. There was, indeed, something altogether extra- 
 ordinary about this " refugee" regiment, for they never 
 failed to behave magnificently on all occasions of risk 
 and difficulty. 
 
 At last we reached the entrance of the defile, which was 
 commanded by high rocks on either side ; but we were 
 still in doubt lest we should find some detachment of 
 the enemy holding the exit at the other end against the 
 arrival of their main body. In this state of incertitude, 
 we marched with arms shouldered and fixed bayonets, 
 and we were lucky enough to reach the exit of the defile 
 without meeting a soul. As, however, the Imperialists 
 might have easily arrived on the scene before we had a 
 sufficiency of troops clear of the defile, we formed our- 
 selves into battle order to hold the ground, to cover the 
 passage of our troops, and to make head against any 
 possible attack. 
 
 The length- of time necessary for the passage of the 
 army and its train was such that we were kept in position 
 until the evening of the following day. At last we were 
 quit of this difficulty, and few amongst us realised the 
 
1704] MARECHAL D'ARCKO'S ADVICE REFUSED 171 
 
 great danger we had just passed through. Prince Louis 
 of Baden duly appeared, but too late to attack us ; 
 finding himself checkmated, he encamped about half a 
 league away, in a country so cut up by woods and ravines 
 that his force had to be divided. 
 
 We, on our part, remained halted after the last of our 
 army had passed through, in order to rest the troops and 
 enable our generals to reconnoitre the enemy's position, 
 which they found rather badly chosen. 
 
 Marechal d'Arcko, who was most assiduous in this duty, 
 advised our attacking them at once, and pointed out all 
 the advantages we enjoyed with our superior force and 
 the weak position they had selected. As a matter of fact, 
 our opportunity was an excellent one, and everything lent 
 itself to aid our troops in overwhelming their opponents. 
 The General declared that we should not put off the attack 
 for a single moment, as the Imperialists still lacked the 
 reinforcements they were expecting from their allies ; that 
 it would be too late to think of doing so when the Duke 
 of Marlborough had joined them with his force, as rumour 
 said he was about to do, and that if we dare not take 
 action now, still less should we be justified in doing so 
 when they were reinforced. But his advice, sound as it 
 was, was not listened to. 
 
 He was answered by the arguments that our army was 
 in want of bread, the unarmed and unorganised recruits 
 a burden to us rather than a source of strength, and that 
 the reinforcements expected by the Imperialists were not 
 in a position to join them ; the army of France which had 
 them in observation would give them plenty of employ- 
 ment in that quarter, so that they would never think of 
 transporting themselves to a point so distant as ours. 
 Moreover, our army being primarily destined for the im- 
 portant siege of Nuremburg, it would be wrong to hazard 
 
172 PRINCE LOUIS OF BADEN TOO LATE [chap, vii 
 
 a battle which, if not favourable to us, might have the 
 effect of upsetting all our plans, and it would therefore 
 be more prudent to continue our retirement. 
 
 The advice given by Marechal d'Arcko was to the point 
 and well conceived, and was only too well justified by 
 future events ; to have followed it would have been greatly 
 to the advantage of the State. 
 
 More than one critic said that the real cause that pre- 
 vented this battle taking place was the excellence of the 
 winter quarters, wherein most of the generals had enriched 
 themselves so much that they did not care to expose their 
 lives or treasures to any possible risk. One could, how- 
 ever, except Marechal de Marsin from this category, for, 
 besides the fact that he had not been long enough in 
 Swabia to accumulate riches, he was personally so little 
 interested in such things, that he could hardly be said 
 to have known the value of money. It was, therefore; 
 decided that our army should take the road to Ulm, on 
 which was yet a shorter defile to pass on the enemy's 
 flank, the approach to which was not very difficult, or 
 sufficient to cause us serious apprehension. Nevertheless, 
 the Prince of Baden, not wishing to throw away this small 
 opportunity, constructed a battery, which opened upon us 
 during our passage, but the range was so great that we 
 suffered but slight loss. 
 
 Having effected the passage of this last defile, we 
 entered a plain of some considerable extent, where it was 
 easy to effect a junction with the convoy from Ulm, which 
 brought us the much-wished-for bread. Our regiment was 
 the only one which had not suffered the pangs of hunger ; 
 on the contrary, it had made an extremely good thing out 
 of the bread which had been so liberally served out to it, 
 and this was not the only occasion on which it profited 
 during this march. 
 
1704] ORGANISED LOOTING 173 
 
 These " refugee " soldiers, full of experience and dodges 
 in the art of marauding, had scarcely left the Bavarian 
 territory for that of Swabia when they set to work to put 
 their knowledge to a practical use and elude my vigilance 
 whenever possible. They had the best of opportunities 
 for this, as the country people were not aware that they 
 could procure passports for themselves as safeguards 
 against pillage, and Marechal de Marsin did not under- 
 stand the principle of forcing such upon them, and making 
 the usual profit from the fees. Moreover, the post of 
 Provost - Marshal of the army was non-existent in this 
 campaign, and consequently the marauders had a fine 
 time of it. I thought I had done my best in taking 
 measures to control them, but they found means of the 
 most tricky nature to defeat my intentions. On their 
 arrival at each camping-ground it was their custom to go 
 and seek for wood and straw, and under this pretext they 
 set out in organised parties, turn and turn about, to scout 
 and pillage the country ; but everything they brought in 
 was handed over entire to the battalion and fairly divided. 
 
 The bandolier and pistol concealed under their coat 
 facilitated their proceedings, and with such arms of offence 
 they were enabled to undertake quite important expedi- 
 tions and few were able to withstand their raids. They 
 brought in four or five hundred sheep at a time, besides 
 cows and oxen, from pasturages far away from the camp, 
 where the inhabitants had believed themselves to be quite 
 secure from robbery of this sort. The army butchers being 
 in collusion with them, bought these herds, and the whole 
 transaction was conducted with such skill and precaution 
 that it would never have been discovered had they not 
 met with a sharp reverse in one of their principal attempts. 
 
 A number of the peasants had taken refuge, together 
 with their cattle and goods, in a strongly built country 
 
174 MARAUDERS CHECKED [chap, vii 
 
 house, and our grenadiers, having found them out, set to 
 work to force them to disgorge their property. The 
 peasants, finding them attacl<ing their outer gates with 
 hatchets and levers, tried to mollify them by the offer of 
 refreshments and hospitality. The robbers would listen 
 to none of their overtures, consequently the peasants 
 opened fire with the idea of frightening them, which 
 only had the effect of causing them to redouble their 
 efforts to break into the place. The defenders then saw 
 that desperate measures were necessary to save them- 
 selves from the fury of these madmen ; they minced 
 matters no longer, and slew in no time twenty-four of 
 them, and obliged the rest to take to their heels. The 
 scandal of this business, together with the death of so 
 many grenadiers, could not fail to reach my ears. I then 
 learned the whole history of their brigandage, and imme- 
 diately took fresh measures to control them during the 
 remainder of the march. The best that I could do was 
 to avail myself of the permit I had obtained, and camp 
 them apart by themselves ; one half of the regiment 
 mounted guard over the other, and I made the sergeants 
 and corporals personally responsible for all absentees from 
 the surprise roll-calls which I ordered at uncertain hours. 
 When the question of fetching wood and straw arose, I 
 caused each party to be properly organised, and accom- 
 panied by non-commissioned officers who were responsible 
 for such as could not return to camp with the rest, and 
 by such precautions, stamped out most of the misdeeds 
 that these brigands were in the habit of committing. 
 
 The army having continued its way to Ulm, finally 
 encamped near the town in a district called Langenau, 
 to await the advance of Milord Marlborough, who purposed 
 joining the army of Prince Louis of Baden. We had re- 
 ceived information of this, but we relied upon the army of 
 
1704] THE ALLIES THREATEN BAVARIA 175 
 
 the King, which had him under observation, to prevent it. 
 We expected that our army would soon be called upon to 
 undertake the siege of Nuremberg, the apparatus for which 
 was all ready at hand in the Arsenal of Ingolstadt. Lord 
 Marlborough, however, was able to move his army without 
 opposition, and we soon learnt that he had effected his 
 junction with the Prince of Baden. This was a new shock 
 for our generals, and I am convinced that the approach 
 of the reinforced Imperialists caused them to regret not 
 having followed the advice of Marechal d'Arcko, but there 
 was no help for it now. 
 
 Reconnaissances having been made, and the enemy being 
 found stronger even than we had supposed, it became 
 necessary to alter our projects ; there was now no longer 
 any thought of the siege of Nuremberg, and we were 
 forced to remain on the defensive. 
 
 Our attention was therefore directed towards securing 
 the various lines of advance by which the enemy might 
 invade Bavaria, and the districts we had acquired. 
 
 Scouting parties were sent out all over the country to 
 discover their movements, and on their report that an 
 advance was being made, which threatened the safety 
 of Augsburg and Donauwort, a Bavarian infantry corps, 
 with several squadrons of dragoons, was detached under 
 Marechal d'Arcko to occupy the heights of Schelem- 
 berg, and several French regiments were sent to garrison 
 Donauwort. This town is on the Danube, which flows 
 under its walls on the Bavarian side, and on the other 
 is the height of Schelemberg, a strong and citadel - like 
 position. 
 
 As soon as this force had started, our army broke 
 up its camp at Langenau and moved on to Lauingen and 
 Dillingen, where, after having made some stay, it set out 
 for the river Leek, and entrenched itself near Augsburg. 
 
176 THE SCHELEMBERG POSITION [chap, vii 
 
 The force under Mardchal d'Arcko consisted of the 
 regiments of Beam and Nectancourt, besides other French 
 regiments destined for Donauwort, and ten Bavarian 
 battalions ; the latter were without any doubt excellent 
 and strong, consisting of at least seven hundred men each, 
 and were detailed to occupy the Schelemberg height* 
 There were three from the regiment of the Elector's 
 Guards, of which the first were grenadiers ; three from the 
 regiment of the Prince Electoral, none of which were 
 grenadiers ; three from the regiment of Liselbourg, and our 
 own battalion of French grenadiers, which made the ten. 
 Besides these ten battalions, we had twelve French and 
 Bavarian squadrons. On the heights we found the remains 
 of an old entrenchment constructed in the past by Gustavus 
 Adolphus, King of Sweden, as a defence against the 
 Bavarians. 
 
 The Schelemberg height is oval in plan, with a gentle 
 slope on the southern side, which affords very easy com- 
 munication with Donauwort ; whilst on the northern the 
 country is covered with very thick woods and undergrowth, 
 reaching close up to the old entrenchments. 
 
 The two entremities of the entrenchment were practi- 
 cally safe from assault, and the attack on this height could 
 only be made on one of the two flanks ; a choice had to 
 be made between the two, owing to the lack of good 
 communication. Both flanks had precipitous contours, 
 leading to flat country of a considerable area. It would 
 be hardly possible to take the town of Donauwort with- 
 out first seizing the Schelemberg, for it commanded all 
 the flat country of Bavaria; withal having occupied it. 
 
 * The Duke of Marlborough designed and commanded the-attack on the 
 Schelemberg position, which covered the town of Donauwort, though the 
 Dutch attributed the victory to Prince Louis of Baden and struck a medal to 
 that effect. 
 

 
 
 
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 I \(;n k iniiTANXi.f: hhgin,e a consil] is skckktiorihus, ouiunks i'ehi.sck i.inis ki^ik.s 
 
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1704] BOISMOREL'S LEAVE OF ABSENCE 177 
 
 we did not believe that the enemy would dream of 
 approaching from this direction ; had it been otherwise we 
 should certainly have worked with more diligence on the 
 entrenchments we began on the old lines we found there. 
 As it was, working parties were detailed two days after our 
 arrival, that is on the eve of St. John, but these were not 
 strong enough for the extensive operations necessary. 
 They were told off to work on the east flank, and where 
 the wood approached our alignment, whilst the entrench- 
 ment of the opposite side was postponed until this was 
 completed. 
 
 Such was the state of the Schelemberg position when 
 the enemy made their appearance to attack it. I shall 
 now leave this subject in order to speak for a moment 
 concerning Boismorel. 
 
 Boismorel, who was new to the profession of arms, had 
 not learnt to distinguish between the seasons consecrated 
 to Mars and to Venus. The latter divinity had made so 
 complete a subjection of his senses that he found himself 
 no longer able to support the absence of his darling cook ; 
 he considered our detachment to be a thing of secondary 
 importance, and we had hardly left the main army before 
 he had formed plans to go and rejoin her. As we were 
 more than fifty leagues away from Munich, he found 
 himself obliged to obtain leave of absence from Marechal 
 d'Arcko, but as he was afraid to do this in person, lest the 
 General should go into details, he asked me to take 
 the business in hand for him. At first I thought he 
 was joking, but when I saw that he was in earnest, I 
 pointed out the probable consequences of such a trip ; 
 begging him to think of the situation we now found our- 
 selves in, the danger we were exposed to, his duty, and the 
 bad example he would be giving, besides the small grounds 
 he had as a pretext for asking leave ; but his infatuation 
 
 N 
 
178 OUR DESERTER AND HIS REPORT [chap, vii 
 
 was so great that all my remonstrances were vain. To get 
 over the difficulty, he told me to say that he was sick. 
 
 " That might do," said I, " as a pretext, if you were able 
 to prevent the discovery of your true reason ; but with the 
 knowledge that you are bound for a place as far off as 
 Munich, the real reason for your indisposition will not be 
 long in forthcoming, and if an engagement takes place 
 during your absence, what regret you will suffer when 
 reproached with not having been present, and all owing 
 to your own fault." 
 
 "Well, well, don't say anything about the place I am 
 going to," he replied ; " but if anything happens, send me 
 a courier to warn me." 
 
 " Very good," said I, " if Marlborough shows signs of 
 attacking, I will just beg him to wait a bit, for otherwise 
 you certainly can't hope to be one of our party." 
 
 All this, however, was powerless to recall him to a sense 
 of duty, even to himself; and I took upon myself to ask 
 for his leave. Marechal d'Arcko smiled maliciously, and 
 after thinking a little, told me that Boismorel could go 
 if he thought right, and said curtly that his presence 
 or his absence was a matter of indifference to him. I 
 had no sooner told Boismorel that he could go, than in 
 a transport of joy he took post, and left to us the care of 
 the defence of the Schelemberg position. 
 
 Our entrenchments were in the state detailed above 
 when a corporal belonging to the regiment of the Electoral 
 Prince deserted from us, and reported to the enemy our 
 position, the number of our troops, and our preparations, 
 about which he had taken care to obtain correct infor- 
 mation. He was brought before Prince Louis of Baden, 
 who, aware of the importance of the position, took good 
 care to make the best use of such important news. The 
 deserter not only swore to the correctness of his report. 
 
1704] THE ALLIES ADVANCE 179 
 
 but offered himself as a guide to direct the enemy's forces 
 along the best line of advance for their attack. Thus, 
 through a single individual of no special importance, 
 their generals surprised us on the flank on which no vi^ork 
 had yet been bestowed, and his advice was tantamount to 
 a death sentence on thousands of men. The entire force 
 of the enemy began its advance as night was closing in 
 on July 1st. The combined armies marched in several 
 columns, to facilitate their progress, and early next morn- 
 ing were clear of the woods and over a large stream 
 called the Wornitz. The march was long and the pace 
 forced (in order to avoid information of their design 
 reaching the Elector, who otherwise might have set out 
 to our support), and was continued until they were in 
 sight of our entrenchments, before which they appeared 
 at midday on July 2nd. Some small detachments, how- 
 ever, which we had placed to cover our front, came in 
 at nine in the morning to warn Marechal d'Arcko of 
 the enemy's advance. He at once sent off a courier to 
 the Elector with a request for support, and set his infantry 
 to work with picks and shovels to improve the defenceless 
 flank upon which the enemy was advancing. 
 
 The time left to us was too short to complete this satis- 
 factorily ; we could only place fascines one on the other, 
 sparsely covered with earth, so as to form something of 
 the nature of a parapet, which, moreover, was neither high 
 enough nor wide enough to be of much use. As to the ditch 
 on the enemy's side, from which works of this sort derive 
 their chief strength, the Imperial forces gave us no time 
 even to begin it. 
 
 No attention had been paid hitherto to this flank 
 because the town of Donauwort protected this side more 
 than the other ; its glacis so commanded the line of 
 approach to it that a column would have to defile along 
 
i8o THE LINE OF ATTACK [chap, vii 
 
 the edge of the wood to avoid the fire of the fortifica- 
 tions, which thus ought to have formed one of our principal 
 defences. 
 
 It was, however, at this point, by the corporal's advice, 
 that the enemy appeared and made their attack — per- 
 nicious advice for our cause and for the many brave men 
 who fell in the action. 
 
 As soon as I learned that the enemy were upon us, I 
 did my best to let Boismorel know the state of the case ; 
 but as the posting office had no horses to spare, the General 
 having requisitioned them all to keep up communications 
 with the Elector, I could do nothing ; and, after all, it 
 would have been useless, as the enemy hardly even gave 
 us the chance to get together. 
 
 The Imperialists, whose first object was to lose no time, 
 formed up their army as fast as its units arrived at the 
 point along the edge of the wood where they were shel- 
 tered from the fire of the fortress. Having planted a 
 battery of ten guns, they began by cannonading us high 
 and low, with the idea of smashing our feeble parapet, 
 shaking the courage of our troops, and covering their 
 deployment. 
 
 Marechal d'Arcko, who had flattered himself when they 
 first appeared that they would hardly be in a condition to 
 attack us that very day, and that the army from Augsburg 
 would have time to send us reinforcements, now realised 
 from the prompt action of this battery that they had 
 resolved to make short work of us before this could 
 happen, and that it was upon the defenceless flank that 
 the enemy were about to deliver their assault. 
 
 He also saw that the fire from the town must oblige 
 them to keep so close to the wood that their front would 
 be narrowed to the width of two battalions ; he therefore 
 massed his force opposite the side of the wood, and 
 
1704] MARECHAL D'ARCKO'S CONFIDENCE 181 
 
 brought up eight pieces of cannon to reply to their 
 battery. As soon as he had disposed the infantry along 
 the parapet, he posted my grenadiers at a most dan- 
 gerous point, fifty paces in rear, in order to have them 
 ready at hand to despatch to the actual locality chosen by 
 the enemy for their assault. My regiment thus found itself, 
 owing to the slope of the ground, so much above the crest 
 of the parapet that it was actually face to face with the 
 muzzles of the Imperialist guns. Marechal d'Arcko, when 
 posting us, told me that his reason in so doing was the 
 great confidence he had in us, and as he expected an 
 attack from the direction of the wood, we were there so 
 as to be in touch with either the flank or the extremity 
 of our oval-formed position, and that he left it to my 
 judgment to lead the regiment to whichever point I 
 thought fit when the assault was made. He added that 
 he did not believe the wood itself to be practicable for 
 troops, or that they would make a serious attack at this 
 point, but that it would be a feint at most, which, how- 
 ever, might develop into a real attack should they 
 find our resistance to be but slight. He thought that 
 appearances were all in favour of their advancing close 
 alongside the wood, and then throwing all their force 
 directly upon the angle of the flank, as it was hardly 
 possible that they would extend in the direction of the 
 glacis. 
 
 " M. de , brigadier in the King's army," said he, " is 
 
 in command in the town, and has without doubt taken 
 every care in lining the glacis with his infantry, therefore 
 I have decided to concentrate my force at this angle, and 
 disregard the ground covered by the town ; however, to 
 be on the safe side, I ordered him to place a battalion in 
 position there, and he has sent the regiment of Nectan- 
 court, but it will be much spread out. I leave the sup- 
 
i82 A RAKING FIRE [chap, vii 
 
 porting movement of your regiment," continued he, 
 "entirely in your hands." He then left to give orders 
 elsewhere. 
 
 I was still mounted when I received my orders from 
 Marechal d'Arcko, as I had had much ground to cover 
 in carrying out his orders in connection with the works 
 he had given me to superintend. As soon as he had left 
 I dismounted, but did not discard my heavy boots, which, 
 being soft, did not seem likely to incommode me ; I then 
 gave over my horse to a drummer, whom I ordered to 
 get under cover as near as possible, in case I had need 
 of him. 
 
 Marechal d'Arcko's orders gave me serious cause for 
 reflection, as I should have to decide hurriedly, in a 
 moment of time, the fate of the regiment, and this moment 
 would be one of the gravest importance ; I knew further 
 the difficulties that arise in disposing of a regiment to most 
 advantage when pushing it into the turmoil of an attack, 
 and therefore I made a point of impressing upon my men 
 the necessity of attention to orders, and of prompt obedi- 
 ence in carrying out any manoeuvres during the action with 
 courage and in good order. I assured them that herein 
 lay our safety and, perhaps, victory. 
 
 I had scarcely finished speaking when the enemy's 
 battery opened fire upon us, and raked us through 
 and through. They concentrated their fire upon us, and 
 with their first discharge carried off Count de la Bastide, 
 the lieutenant of my own company with whom at the 
 moment I was speaking, and twelve grenadiers, who fell 
 side by side in the ranks, so that my coat was covered 
 with brains and blood. So accurate was the fire that 
 each discharge of the cannon stretched some of my 
 men on the ground. I suffered agonies at seeing these 
 brave fellows perish without a chance of defending them- 
 
1704] THE ENEMY BEGIN THEIR ASSAULT 183 
 
 selves, but it was absolutely necessary that they should 
 not move from their post. 
 
 This cannonade was but the prelude of the attack that 
 the enemy were developing, and I looked upon the 
 moment when they would fling themselves against one 
 point or another in our entrenchments as so instant that 
 I would allow no man even to bow his head before the 
 storm, fearing that the regiment would find itself in 
 disorder when the time came for us to make the rapid 
 movement that would be demanded of us. At last the 
 enemy's army began to move to the assault, and still it 
 was necessary for me to suffer this sacrifice to avoid a 
 still greater misfortune, though I had five officers and 
 eighty grenadiers killed on the spot before we had fired 
 a single shot. 
 
 So steep was the slope in front of us that as soon 
 almost as the enemy's column began its advance it was 
 lost to view, and it came into sight again only two 
 hundred paces from our entrenchments. I noticed that 
 it kept as far as possible from the glacis of the town and 
 close alongside of the wood, but I could not make out 
 whether a portion might not also be marching within 
 the latter with the purpose of attacking that part of our 
 entrenchments facing it, and the uncertainty caused me to 
 delay any movement. There was nothing to lead me to 
 suppose that the enemy had such an intimate knowledge 
 of our defences as to guide them to one point in preference 
 to another for their attack. 
 
 Had I been able to guess that the column was being 
 led by that scoundrel of a corporal who had betrayed us, 
 I should not have been in this dilemma, nor should I 
 have thought it necessary to keep so many brave men 
 exposed to the perils of the cannonade, but my doubts 
 came to an end two hours after midday, for I caught 
 
i84 THE ENGLISH INFANTRY [chap, vii 
 
 sight of the tips of the Imperial standards, and no longer 
 hesitated. I changed front as promptly as possible, in 
 order to bring my grenadiers opposite the part of our 
 position adjoining the wood, towards which I saw that 
 the enemy was directing his advance. 
 
 The regiment now left a position awkward in the 
 extreme on account of the cannon, but we soon found 
 ourselves scarcely better off, for hardly had our men lined 
 the little parapet when the enemy broke into the charge, 
 and rushed at full speed, shouting at the top of their- 
 voices, to throw themselves into our entrenchments. 
 
 The rapidity of their movements, together with their 
 loud yells, were truly alarming, and as soon as I heard 
 them I ordered our drums to beat the " charge " so as to 
 drown them with their noise, lest they should have a bad 
 effect upon our people. By this means I animated my 
 grenadiers, and prevented them hearing the shouts of the 
 enemy, which before now have produced a heedless panic. 
 
 The English infantry* led this attack with the greatest 
 intrepidity, right up to our parapet, but there they were 
 opposed with a courage at least equal to their own. Rage, 
 fury, and desperation were manifested by both sides, with 
 the more obstinacy as the assailants and assailed were 
 perhaps the bravest soldiers in the world. The little 
 parapet which separated the two forces became the scene 
 of the bloodiest struggle that could be conceived. Thirteen 
 hundred grenadiers, of whom seven hundred belonged to 
 the Elector's Guards, and six hundred who were left under 
 my command, bore the brunt of the enemy's attack at the 
 forefront of the Bavarian infantry. 
 
 ' Also dismounted Dragoons. The 1st, 3rd, 5th, 6th, 7th Dragoon 
 Guards, 2nd Dragoons and 5th Lancers (then 5th Dragoons) served in this 
 and the succeeding campaigns under Lord Marlborough. The 2nd Dragoons 
 (Scots Greys) were led at Schelemberg and Ramillies by Lord John Hay. 
 
1704] A HAND-TO-HAND STRUGGLE 185 
 
 It would be impossible to describe in words strong 
 enough the details of the carnage that took place during 
 this first attack, which lasted a good hour or more. 
 We were all fighting hand to hand, hurling them back 
 as they clutched at the parapet ; men were slaying, or 
 tearing at the muzzles of guns and the bayonets which 
 pierced their entrails ; crushing under their feet their own 
 wounded comrades, and even gouging out their opponents' 
 eyes with their nails, when the grip was so close that 
 neither could make use of their weapons. I verily believe 
 that it would have been quite impossible to find a more 
 terrible representation of Hell itself than was shown in 
 the savagery of both sides on this occasion. 
 
 At last the enemy, after losing more than eight thousand 
 men in this first onslaught, were obliged to relax their hold, 
 and they fell back for shelter to the dip of the slope, where 
 we could not harm them. A sudden calm now reigned 
 amongst us, our people were recovering their breath, and 
 seemed more determined even than they were before the 
 conflict. The ground around our parapet was covered 
 with dead and dying, in heaps almost as high as our 
 fascines, but our whole attention was fixed on the enemy 
 and his movements ; we noticed that the tops of his 
 standards still showed at about the same place as that 
 from which they had made their charge in the first 
 instance, leaving little doubt but that they were reforming 
 before returning to the assault. As soon as possible we 
 set vigorously to work to render their approach more 
 difficult for them than before, and by means of an in- 
 creasing fire swept their line of advance with a torrent 
 of bullets, accompanied by numberless grenades, of which 
 we had several waggon loads in rear of our position. 
 These, owing to the slope of the ground, fell right 
 amongst the enemy's ranks, causing them great annoy- 
 
1 86 THE ATTACK RENEWED [chap, vii 
 
 ance and doubtless added not a little to their hesitation 
 in advancing the second time to the attack. They were 
 so disheartened by the first attempt that their generals 
 had the greatest difficulty in bringing them forward 
 again, and indeed would never have succeeded in this, 
 though they tried every other means, had they not dis- 
 mounted and set an example by placing themselves at 
 the head of the column, and leading them on foot. 
 
 Their devotion cost them dear, for General Stirum and 
 many other generals and officers were killed. They once 
 more, then, advanced to the assault, but with nothing like 
 the success of their first effort, for not only did they lack 
 energy in their attack, but after being vigorously re- 
 pulsed, were pursued by us at the point of the bayonet 
 for more than eighty paces beyond our entrenchments, 
 which we finally re-entered unmolested. 
 
 After this second attempt many efforts were made by 
 their generals, but they were never able to bring their 
 men to the assault a third time. They remained halted 
 half-way in a state of uncertainty, seeking an opportunity 
 of extricating themselves and improving their position. 
 They had all along feared the effect of the fire from the 
 covered-way of Donauwort, and this was why they 
 had narrowed their attack along the edge of the wood ; 
 having failed, therefore, to penetrate our particular angle 
 of the entrenchments, they sent off a lieutenant and 
 twenty men in the direction of the town to reconnoitre 
 it closely. 
 
 This officer, who fully believed he had received his 
 sentence of death, was agreeably surprised to find the 
 glacis deserted, and his party only received a few shots 
 from the loopholes in the old walls of the town. 
 
 The town commandant, upon whom Mardchal d'Arcko 
 had relied so much, instead of lining his covered-way with 
 
1704] THE TOWN COMMANDANT'S NEGLECT 1S7 
 
 his best troops, had withdrawn them all into the main 
 works ; he seems to have considered that the best way of 
 ensuring the safety of the place was to shut up his troops 
 and lock the gates, and the result was our ruin. It is quite 
 certain that if he had occupied the covered-way, as was 
 naturally to be expected, the enemy would never have 
 been able to get into our entrenchments, for they would 
 have found it impossible to do so under the flank fire from 
 the glacis, against which they could have in no wise pro- 
 tected themselves. I am of opinion even, that had they 
 cared to run this risk we should have had notice of their 
 line of advance from the resistance offered by the garrison, 
 in time to have afforded support in that quarter by filing 
 to our left along our entrenchments. As it was, we were 
 not in a position to know anything of this, owing to the 
 formation of the ground which hid their movements 
 from us ; and at the same time it seemed clear, owing to 
 the resistance maintained against them at every point and 
 the great loss they had suffered in their repulse, that their 
 chance of success in a third assault was as hopeless as the 
 two first. Besides this, the day's failure apparently spelt 
 ruin to them ; reinforcements from Augsburg were on their 
 way to join us, and certainly would have had time to arrive 
 by nightfall, when the enemy would find themselves in a 
 very awkward position owing to the demoralising effect 
 of the woods and defiles to be repassed in the retreat. 
 France would have then been able to carry out her original 
 plan of campaign, particularly as the enemy had already 
 lost nearly fourteen thousand men, as I learned from them- 
 selves later on, a number that would, as far as could be 
 judged, be largely increased during a forced retreat. But 
 as it happened, matters had a different ending. 
 
 When the enemy found themselves safe from attack on 
 the town side, they hastened to make the most of the day- 
 
1 88 SHORTLIVED JUBILATION [chap, vii 
 
 light left to them. It was nearly seven in the evening when 
 they began their movement to turn this flank, which they 
 did without making any change in their order of battle. 
 They had merely to turn their column to the flank, and 
 by reason of the fall of the ground, succeeded in chang- 
 ing their position to their right, near the glacis, without 
 meeting any obstacle, or being seen by us. If we only could 
 have been informed of this movement, we could have 
 moved to any place at which they might have presented 
 themselves, but we never believed it possible that they would 
 approach from this direction ; on the contrary, we had been 
 absolutely assured of the safety of this point, and seeing 
 no signs of a renewed assault, as the day waned, looked 
 upon the victory as ours, and, in fact, never was joy 
 greater than our own than at the very moment when we 
 were in the greatest danger. 
 
 We pictured to ourselves all the advantages produced 
 by our successful resistance, and the glory of the action 
 itself, perhaps the most memorable in the history of the 
 world ; for after all, although the enemy might in the 
 end, as I shall show later on, find themselves masters of 
 our entrenchments, it could not diminish the glory due 
 to our ten battalions, for having sustained, unbroken, two 
 determined assaults of a formidable army, which after 
 five hours' fighting no longer dared to make even an 
 appearance. 
 
 If this action had been described in detail by a practised 
 hand, it would be the subject of the admiration of the 
 century, but however good my own intentions in making a 
 vivid and touching description of it might be, I could not 
 give effect to them, because my literary powers would not 
 be equal to the task. I shall content myself, therefore, by 
 remarking that our ten battalions, with hardly the pretence 
 of an entrenchment, held their own at Donauwort against 
 
1704] THE ENEMY FORCE OUR LINE 189 
 
 the violent and reiterated efforts of a whole and powerful 
 army, which five weeks later defeated, on the plain of 
 Hochstett, the combined forces of France and Bavaria, in 
 which battle none of our battalions took part. I leave 
 the appreciation of the valour of our troops to those who 
 read these memoirs, and those more curiously inclined 
 who have studied the subject in other histories, to draw 
 their own deductions. I should not know how to set about 
 it, for I declare, before God and man, that I have never read 
 any treatise on this war except one regarding the Belgrade 
 affair, in a book entitled The Campaigns of Prince Eugene, 
 which one of my friends brought my wife, as it contained 
 a paragraph or so concerning me. I would go further by 
 saying that owing to the dislike I have always had of 
 speaking of war itself, I wrote these memoirs under a 
 species of compulsion, and would never have done so had 
 I had my own way in the matter. 
 
 The enemy then, having found means to change their 
 position and their line of attack unobserved, formed up on 
 a broader front than before, and advanced to attack part 
 of the entrenchments guarded only by the regiment of 
 Nectancourt. This regiment, which was strung out in 
 single rank, was in no wise in a position to offer a serious 
 resistance, and retired into the town on their approach 
 without giving the slightest information of their movement 
 to our ten battalions. Our dragoons, who saw all this 
 going on, came into action, but a volley from the enemy 
 killed so many of them that they were obliged to retire 
 without any possibility of their approaching the angle 
 we were holding. Mar^chal d'Arcko and Major-General 
 M. de Liselbourg, who were at this point when the enemy 
 broke through, were also cut off from us, and never 
 doubting but that our ten battalions had already retired, 
 made their way to the town, which they had some 
 
I90 I AM LEFT IN COMMAND [chap, vii 
 
 difficulty in entering, owing to the hesitation of the 
 commandant to open the gates. 
 
 We, however, remained steady at our post ; our fire was 
 as regular as ever, and kept our opponents thoroughly 
 in check. But while we were thus devoting our attention 
 to our own part of the field, the enemy had possessed 
 themselves of all the entrenchments on our left, and shut 
 us off completely from any communication with the town, 
 which ought at least to have served us as a haven of 
 retreat. I was the only commanding officer left among 
 the ten battalions, and I had a far from pleasing prospect 
 before me. 
 
 Marechal d'Arcko and Major-General Liselbourg had 
 vanished, and Count Emanuel d'Arcko, who had just been 
 wounded, was drowned during the retreat. He was 
 colonel of the Prince Electoral's regiment, and his 
 lieutenant-colonel, M. de Mercy, had been sent to Italy ; 
 the latter's brother, the Chevalier de Mercy, lieutenant- 
 colonel of the guards, was also wounded, as well as the 
 officer commanding the Liselbourg regiment. Thus I 
 was left alone at the head of a body of men full of pluck 
 and confidence, but about to be deserted by Fortune. 
 
 Although the enemy were in possession of all the 
 entrenchments on our left, they took, out of respect for 
 us, every precaution when advancing to attack us. As 
 fast as the infantry entered the position, their generals 
 formed them up four lines in depth, and although we now 
 were lining our parapet and had our left flank at their 
 mercy, we had inspired them with such fear of our powers 
 that they advanced upon us in slow time with shouldered 
 arms, either as if to warn us it was time to retire, or 
 because they still felt that our aspect was too dangerous 
 a one to risk anything rash. 
 
 What made our position still more trying was that 
 
704] AN UNEXPECTED APPEARANCE 191 
 
 aking us thus in flank they caught us, as in a trap, be- 
 ween their main line of battle and the entrenchment 
 vhich faced the wood on our right. However, to our 
 rreat good fortune, they never thought of dividing their 
 brce when they had got into the entrenchments, and 
 ending one portion to cut off our retreat, whilst the 
 )ther pressed us on the flank. 
 
 They arrived within gunshot of our flank, about 7.30 
 n the evening, without our being at all aware of the 
 )ossibility of such a thing, so occupied were we in the 
 lefence of our own particular post and the confidence 
 ve had as to the safety of the rest of our position. 
 
 But I noticed all at once an extraordinary movement 
 m the part of our infantry, who were rising up and 
 leasing fire withal. I glanced around on all sides to see 
 v^hat had caused this behaviour, and then became aware 
 )f several lines of infantry in greyish white uniforms 
 >n our left flank. From lack of movement on their part, 
 heir dress and bearing, I verily believed that reinforce- 
 nents had arrived for us, and anybody else would have 
 )elieved the same. No information whatever had reached 
 IS of the enemy's success, or even that such a thing was 
 he least likely, so in the error I laboured under I shouted 
 o my men that they were Frenchman, and friends, and 
 hey at once resumed their former position behind the 
 )arapet. 
 
 Having, however, made a closer inspection, I discovered 
 lunches of straw and leaves attached to their standards, 
 ladges the enemy are in the custom of wearing on the 
 iccasion of battle, and at that very moment was struck 
 ly a ball in the right lower jaw, which wounded and 
 tupefied me to such an extent that I thought it was 
 mashed. I probed my wound as quickly as possible 
 dth the tip of my finger, and finding the jaw itself entire, 
 
192 A RALLY AND A ROUT [chap, vii 
 
 did not make much fuss about it ; but the front of my 
 jacket was so deluged with the blood which poured from 
 it that several of our officers believed that I was danger- 
 ously hurt. I reassured them, however, and exhorted 
 them to stand firmly with their men. I pointed out to 
 them that so long as our infantry kept well together the 
 danger was not so great, and that if they behaved in 
 a resolute manner, the enemy, who were only keeping 
 in touch with us without daring to attack us, would allow 
 us to retire without so much as pursuing. In truth, to 
 look at them it would seem that they hoped much more 
 for our retreat than any chance of coming to blows with 
 us. I at once, therefore, shouted as loudly as I could that 
 no one was to quit the ranks, and then formed my men 
 in column along the entrenchments facing the wood, 
 fronting towards the opposite flank, which was the direc- 
 tion in which we should have to retire. Thus, whenever 
 I wished to make a stand, I had but to turn my men 
 about, and at any moment could resume the retirement 
 instantaneously, which we thus carried out in good order. 
 I kept this up until we had crossed the entrenchments on 
 the other flank, and then we found ourselves free from 
 attack. This retreat was not made, however, without loss, 
 for the enemy, although they would not close with us 
 when they saw our column formed for the retirement, fired 
 volleys at close range into us, which did much damage. 
 
 My men had no sooner got clear of the entrenchments 
 than they found that the slope was in their favour, and 
 they fairly broke their ranks and took to flight, in order to 
 reach the plain that lay before them before the enemy's 
 cavalry could get upon their track. As each ran his hardest, 
 intending to reform on the further side, they disappeared 
 like a flash of lightning without ever looking back, and I, 
 who was with the rear guard ready to make a stand if 
 
1704] AN EMBARRASSING POSITION 193 
 
 necessary against our opponents, had scarcely clambered 
 over the entrenchments when I found myself left entirely 
 alone on the height, prevented from running by my heavy 
 boots. 
 
 I looked about on all sides for my drummer, whom I 
 had warned to keep at hand with my horse, but he had 
 evidently thought fit to look after himself, with the result 
 that I found myself left solitary to the mercy of the enemy 
 and my own sad thoughts, without the slightest idea as to 
 my future fate. I cudgelled my brains in vain for some 
 way out of my difficulty, but could think of nothing the 
 least certain ; the plain was too wide for me to traverse 
 in my big boots at the necessary speed, and to crown my 
 misfortunes, was covered with cornfields. So far the enemy's 
 cavalry had not appeared on the plain, but there was every 
 reason to believe that they would not long delay their 
 coming ; it would have been utter folly on my part to give 
 them the chance of discovering me embarrassed as I was, 
 for as long as I was hampered with my boots, a trooper 
 would always find it an easy affair to catch me. 
 
 I noticed, however, that the Danube was not so very far 
 away, and determined to make my way towards it at all 
 risk, with the hope of finding some beaten track or place 
 where there would be some chance of saving my life, as 
 I saw it was now hopeless to think of getting my men 
 together. As a matter of fact, I found a convenient path 
 along the bank of the river, but this was not of much avail 
 to me, for, owing to my efforts and struggles to reach it 
 through several fields of standing corn, I was quite blown 
 and exhausted and could only just crawl along at the 
 slowest possible pace. On my way I met the wife of a 
 Bavarian soldier, so distracted with weeping that she 
 travelled no faster than I did. I made her drag off my 
 boots, which fitted me so tightly about the legs that it was 
 o 
 
194 THE PURSUIT [chap, vii 
 
 absolutely impossible for me to do this for myself The 
 poor woman took an immense time to effect this, and it 
 seemed to me at least as if the operation would never come 
 to an end. At last this was effected, and I turned over in 
 my mind the best way to profit by my release, when, raising 
 my head above the corn at the side of the road, I saw 
 a number of the enemy's troopers scattered over the 
 country, searching the fields for any of our people who 
 might be hidden therein, with the intention, doubtless, 
 of killing them for the sake of what plunder might be 
 found upon them. At this cruel prospect all my hopes 
 vanished, and the exultation I felt at my release from the 
 boots died at the moment of its birth. My position was 
 now more perilous than ever ; nevertheless, I examined 
 under the cover afforded by the corn the manoeuvres of 
 these cavaliers to see if I could not find some way out 
 of the difficulty. A notion came into my head which, if 
 it could have been carried out, might have had a curious 
 ending. It was that if one trooper only should approach 
 me, and his comrades remained sufficiently distant, I should 
 keep hidden and wait until he got near enough for me to 
 kill him with a shot from my pistol, for I had two on my 
 belt ; I would then take his uniform, mount his horse, and 
 make my escape in this disguise, a plan which would be 
 favoured by the approaching darkness. But not seeing any 
 chance of being able to carry out this idea, I thought of 
 another, namely, to get into the river up to my chin in the 
 water under the bushes on the bank, wait for nightfall and 
 the return of the troopers to their camp, and then to escape 
 in the dark. But there were more difficulties to contend 
 with in risking this even than in the other case, and as a 
 last resource it struck me I might save myself by crossing 
 the river, for happily I knew how to swim, although the 
 risk here was very great owing to the breadth and rapidity 
 
1704] I TAKE TO THE WATER 195 
 
 of the Danube. I hurriedly determined on this plan, as I 
 now saw a number of troopers approaching ever nearer to 
 my hiding-place, who were refusing to give quarter to the 
 unhappy wounded they found hidden in the corn, whom 
 they ruthlessly despatched the more easily to despoil them. 
 There was no reason to suppose that they were likely to 
 show any more mercy to me, particularly as I was worth 
 more in the shape of plunder than a private soldier, nor 
 was there time to lose in making up my mind, so I then 
 and there determined to swim the river. Before taking to 
 the water I took the precaution of leaving on the bank 
 my richly embroidered uniform, rather spoiled as it was 
 by the events of the late action. I scattered in a similar 
 manner my hat, wig, pistols, and sword, at one point and 
 another, so that if the troopers came up before I had got 
 well away, they would devote their attention to collecting 
 these articles instead of looking in the water, and it turned 
 out just as I thought. I kept on my stockings, vest, and 
 breeches, simply buttoning the sleeves of the vest and 
 tucking the pockets within my breeches for safety ; this 
 done, I threw myself upon the mercy of the stream. I had 
 hardly got any distance when up came the troopers, who, 
 as I had hoped, dismounted as quickly as they could to lay 
 hands on the spoil lying before them ; they even set to 
 work to quarrel over it, for I distinctly heard them shout- 
 ing and swearing in the most delightful manner. Others 
 apparently got no share, and they amused themselves by 
 saluting me with several musket shots, but the current of 
 the river which carried me on my way soon put me out 
 of their range. Finally, after a very long and hard swim, 
 I was lucky enough to reach the other bank, in spite of 
 the strength of the stream. 
 
 When I had left the water and with it all anxiety 
 regarding the safety of my life, I suddenly found myself 
 
196 ARRIVAL AT RAIN [chap, vii 
 
 completely overcome with exhaustion. This was not 
 surprising, considering all the labour of my day's work, 
 which only a robust constitution, such as mine was then, 
 could possibly have supported. As it was, one piece 
 of luck was followed by another, for I found to my relief 
 on the river-bank a quarter-master and a dragoon of the 
 regiment of Fonboisar, who, on their way back from some 
 duty, had stopped there in order to satisfy their curiosity 
 as to what was passing on the other side of the Danube. 
 I landed exactly at their feet, and the quarter-master, who 
 gathered by my waistcoat and linen that I was an officer, 
 came forward most politely to ask who I was and what he 
 could do for me. As soon as he had learned that I was the 
 lieutenant-colonel of the French grenadiers, he immediately 
 dismounted and searched the dragoon's valise, producing a 
 cap and a shirt, which he made me put on, together with 
 a cloak over-all, and insisted that I should mount his horse, 
 while he rode that of the dragoon, whom he took up 
 behind him. He kindly escorted me thus to a little town 
 called Rain, four leagues distant, which I had pointed out 
 to him. There I discovered at the best inn of the place 
 all the train of Marechal d'Arcko, which had escaped 
 from Donauwort. The officers of the Marechal's staff 
 received me with great attention and dressed my wound, 
 which was of no great consequence ; but while affording 
 me this relief they also gave me grounds to fear the fate 
 of my own baggage. They told me that it had been 
 possible to save but a very little belonging to those who 
 were encamped round the entrenchments, and that mine 
 was not included in it. It seemed that all the baggage- 
 waggons bolted off together at the beginning of the attack, 
 and the drivers, in trying to secure their own safety first, 
 had crowded down upon the bridge of boats, which had been 
 constructed over the river close to the town. Here the 
 
1704] MY VALET JOINS ME 197 
 
 over-weighted bridge had separated into several parts ; 
 numbers of waggons went to the bottom of the river, 
 and those that remained had been pkmdered by the 
 enemy. 
 
 Up to now I had not given a thought to my baggage, 
 having been too much occupied with other things, but this 
 report from the Mardchal's people brought home to me 
 the evil case I was in if it was really lost ; and by the 
 circumstantial account I had just received, there seemed 
 to be no doubt at all about it. 
 
 I found it impossible to get a wink of sleep all that 
 night. A confused picture of all the incidents of the 
 battle passed before my brain, and notwithstanding all my 
 efforts, I could not dismiss it from my thoughts. To add 
 to my misery, the windows of my room looked out upon 
 the town square, whence came a rumbling sound the whole 
 night long, caused by the baggage-train waggons from 
 Donauwort. Though daylight had already appeared, I 
 was still in bed when I thought I heard the voice of my 
 valet. I sprung in one jump from my bed to the window 
 to see if I was not mistaken, and sure enough I saw him 
 below me, fussing about to get some miserable carts out 
 of the way in order to let my carriage by. I hurriedly 
 waved my hand and shouted to him, but my man only 
 looked at me aghast, and never moved an inch. I redoubled 
 my efforts of voice and gesture to get him to come to me, 
 and at last, having approached my window and examined 
 me well, he uttered a cry as if he thought I had returned 
 from the other world. He then rushed up to my room, 
 and when I asked him why he had not recognised me, 
 he said he was so convinced by circumstantial reports that 
 I was dead that he could not believe his ears when he 
 heard me call. It finally appeared that my other servants 
 had wished to divide between them suchjof my property 
 
1 98 MARECHAL D'ARCKO'S INSTRUCTIONS [chap, vii 
 
 as had been saved, and that he had only prevented this 
 being done on the spot by saying this should take place as 
 soon as it was got away to a safer quarter, hoping thus to 
 put them off till some news of the regiment might turn up. 
 The pleasure brought by the recovery of at least a part 
 of my effects prevented me paying much attention to my 
 valet's tale, and my only thought was how I could collect 
 together such remains of my battalion that I might find in 
 the town. 
 
 Marechal d'Arcko, after leaving Donauwort, had gone to 
 the army at Augsburg, where his staff, who joined him 
 there, told him the story of my adventures, and that 
 I was in the town of Rain, occupied in rallying my 
 grenadiers. 
 
 This little town, which lies beyond Donauwort on the 
 edge of the Bavarian Lowlands, was a much-exposed posi- 
 tion, and there could be no doubt but that the enemy having 
 captured Donauwort would presently seize it, in order to 
 further their design of ravaging the country up to the 
 gates of Munich. The town itself was by no means in a 
 position to offer resistance, having only an old brick 
 enceinte, very thick, with towers at intervals, and a dry 
 ditch. The necessity of placing it in a state of defence 
 had never been thought of till now, when it became indis- 
 pensable to create a bulwark for almost all Swabia, and 
 it needed an extraordinary combination of circumstances, 
 such as had just occurred to us at Schelemberg, to cause 
 Rain to be regarded as a fit position to cover the rest of 
 the country ; however, this had come about, and the safety 
 of the inhabitants of the district depended on the town. 
 
 When Mardchal d'Arcko heard that I was there, he 
 wrote to me detailing the Elector's intentions on this point. 
 After having complimented me on the retreat from 
 Schelemberg, he pointed out that His Highness hoped 
 
1704] RAIN PREPARED FOR DEFENCE 199 
 
 I should show no less zeal in the defence of Rain, which 
 he now placed in my hands, and as the enemy would 
 doubtless attack it, he had ordered a detachment of six 
 hundred men, some cannon, and stores, to join me, which 
 were already on their way. He was confident that, with 
 the remains of the French grenadiers and the above, that 
 I should be able to hold out for some days, though he was 
 quite aware that the place itself was not defensible, but 
 that he could not better show the great reliance he had 
 in me than by placing the conduct of the operations in my 
 hands and leaving me to act in the matter entirely as I 
 might think best. Orders had been given in the neighbour- 
 ing districts for the constant supply of a great number of 
 peasants to work under my direction at the construction of 
 such defences as time would permit, and, with every faith 
 placed in my efforts, I was requested to take the work in 
 hand at once. 
 
 By this time I had about four hundred grenadiers, who 
 had managed to save themselves and the colours, by way 
 of Ingolstadt. These latter, although quite new at the 
 opening of the campaign, were now torn to rags by the 
 enemy's balls ; they had not even respected the motto 
 embroidered upon the white standard. This motto was in 
 two words, " Vse Spectanti" (" Woe to him who looks upon 
 me "). My grenadiers, and the detachment with six small 
 pieces of cannon, gave a thousand men for the defence of 
 the worst place in Europe for such a purpose, against two 
 powerful armies ; nevertheless, it was absolutely necessary 
 to check the enemy's advance with this handful of men, 
 the policy of the State demanded this, a thousand men 
 were exposed to sacrifice in order to bring salvation to a 
 much larger number. 
 
 I lost no time in the construction of works around the 
 town, and the labourers soon cut a covered-way, which 
 
200 THE ENEMY APPEAR [chap, vii 
 
 was strongly palisaded. I made as well two ravelins of 
 earth and more palisades, which commanded ground 
 outside the covered-way, over which the enemy would 
 be likely to advance. I also took care to construct a 
 number of gun platforms with embrasures on the flanks 
 of the towers, so arranged that my cannon could be easily 
 mounted and dismounted, and moved from one point to 
 another, according to the exigencies of the case. All this 
 being prepared, I waited resolutely for any lot that might 
 befall me. I had not long to wait ; in a short time an army 
 arrived on the scene, and occupied the whole of the 
 surrounding country, treating my little town with such 
 disdain that no arrangements were made to invest it 
 in a regular fashion. The enemy's camps were pitched 
 some distance away, and their General, without even 
 opening fire upon us, merely sent a trumpeter to summon 
 us to surrender, with a threat that if I offered any resist- 
 ance no quarter would be shown to me or my garrison. I 
 sent him back with the answer that I was extremely 
 touched at the consideration shown for my life and my 
 garrison, but as we had passed through many other similar 
 experiences when such an honour had not been paid us as 
 that now offered, I hoped that we should be considered 
 worthy of obtaining an honourable capitulation by means 
 of a real resistance, which owing to our numerous garrison 
 we felt we were in a position to offer, rather than to sur- 
 render without any attempt to defend ourselves at all. 
 
 The enemy, however, did not seem to think much of our 
 town, for, without opening a regular trench, they merely 
 traced a small parallel in which they mounted a battery 
 of ten pieces of cannon, for they believed that it would 
 prove but a simple matter to level our old ramparts with 
 the ground. 
 
 For three days they treated us to a leisurely cannonade 
 
1704] WE ANNOY THE WORKING PARTIES 201 
 
 without doing much damage, as the balls merely cut their 
 way into the brickwork without wrecking it in any way 
 whatever, so that as a result this was so much time gained 
 for us. Whilst this was going on I amused myself with 
 my six pieces of cannon, moving them from one emplace- 
 ment to another to disconcert their gunners, who were 
 never certain where to aim in order to dismount them, 
 and who suffered much discomfort in their battery from 
 our fire. At last, finding their efforts were no nearer 
 finality at the end of these three days, this fine army, to do 
 us the honour of laying siege to us in a regular fashion, 
 began the construction of trenches after nightfall, accord- 
 ing to the usual custom. 
 
 I was waiting for this to occur in order to raise an alarm 
 amongst their working parties to further delay their work, 
 for in such a case the first intimation of a sortie is usually 
 enough to cause them to cut and run. When the noise of 
 the enemy's picks warned me of their designs, I ordered 
 two hundred of my grenadiers, who were most accustomed 
 to the stratagems of war, to move out in two parties, 
 each under a captain and a lieutenant, one to the 
 right and the other to the left flank of the works. They 
 were ordered to march as quietly as possible, to avoid 
 risk of discovery, in the direction in which they could 
 hear the work going on, and as soon as they had neared 
 the position, the lieutenants, in each case, were directed to 
 take thirty picked men and place themselves at a distance 
 from their captains still more on the enemy's flank, in order 
 to make a greater show of strength. This done, the whole 
 were to lie down and wait until my six cannon had opened 
 fire upon the working parties, when they, in their turn, 
 would also bring a hot fire to bear upon them, accompanied 
 with loud shouts, in order to spread alarm and give the 
 impression that we were making a sortie in force. As soon 
 
202 THE SUMMONS TO SURRENDER [Chap, vii 
 
 as their volley had been delivered, they were immediately 
 to lie down again to avoid the fire of the enemy. Also, 
 should they notice the enemy preparing to advance against 
 them, which was hardly likely, they were to retire without 
 any further order. On the other hand, if the enemy 
 appeared contented with merely holding their position 
 and not delivering any counter-attack, they were to remain 
 concealed, in order to alarm the working parties a second 
 time should they return to their work, and, in fact, prevent 
 them doing anything, if possible, the whole night through. 
 Finally, I ordered them not to wait for daylight to appear 
 before retiring into the town. 
 
 My sortie came off just as I had hoped, and I thus 
 gained another night of delay ; but our besiegers took 
 a multitude of precautions the following evening. They 
 posted infantry everywhere to give warning and prevent 
 their working parties being disturbed. This, however, did 
 not prevent my giving them some more wholesome 
 exercise and alarm by means of a number of small 
 detachments which I sent out for the purpose that night, 
 with the result that they once more got no work done. 
 I got my grenadiers quite accustomed to this form of 
 warfare, and they became so keen for it that they found 
 means on their own account to disquiet the enemy, even 
 during the day, and so to retard their work. 
 
 The siege had now lasted twelve days, and their army 
 had invested me so closely that no opportunity was left 
 to make terms. The fear that an unexpected assault 
 would force my hand, determined me to hang out the 
 flag, as a signal that I wished to enter into negotiations 
 to capitulate. The enemy had no intention of according 
 me terms, and called upon me to surrender at discretion ; 
 but when I spoke as if I was yet in a position to defend 
 myself and cause them further loss, they relaxed so far as 
 
704] OUR CAPITULATION 203 
 
 propose holding me a prisoner of war only till the end 
 )f this campaign. 
 
 I refused absolutely to consent to this, and demanded 
 
 1 capitulation with all the honours of war, without which, 
 '. assured them, I would sustain any assault that they 
 night make, which, however successful, would cost them 
 it least as much as us. Then they tried cajoling, then 
 ;hreats, to induce me to accept their proposals, but finally, 
 seeing that I refused the bait, granted what I asked. 
 [ here had proof how essential it is in all military matters 
 :o maintain a firm attitude. We left this wretched place 
 lext morning for Munich, and the enemy, who were 
 Dersuaded we had a numerous garrison, arranged for us to 
 Dass through two ranks of their best troops, as is usual 
 vhen an important place is taken. It was singular how 
 nany of their officers, seeing the small party of men I had 
 mth me, seemed to be under the belief that I formed but 
 :he advanced guard of the garrison, and, either from im- 
 Datience or curiosity, asked me, one after the other, whether 
 :he rest were coming on soon. I assured them that they 
 would not be kept waiting long, as the remainder coming 
 ifter me were not likely to be a burden to them, and after 
 ittaining a considerable distance on our route, I was 
 imused to see, on looking back, that the double rank of 
 :roops were still at their post, waiting patiently until the 
 ' rest " of the garrison had left the place. 
 
 As soon as my capitulation had been signed, I sent off a 
 :ourier to Mar&hal d'Arcko to report all that had passed, 
 :ogether with the line of my retirement, and received an 
 mswer full of compliments. I was also told that I should 
 ind recruits at Munich to reinforce the regiment, and that 
 [ was to wait there for further orders from His Highness. 
 [ had already sent on an officer to report my advent, the 
 iay of my arrival, and to look out for billets, as there are 
 
204 BOISMOREL REJOINS [chap, vii 
 
 no barracks in Munich. Boismorel, who was still engrossed 
 in his amours, having learned from this officer when I 
 might be expected to arrive, and that we should enter the 
 town by the gate adjoining the Palace, thus marching 
 past the windows of the Electress, made up his mind 
 to shine at the head of the regiment on its entry into the 
 town, counting on the Princess giving us the honour of her 
 presence on the occasion. Never was man, in fact, better 
 turned out than Boismorel, but his brilliancy only served 
 as a more striking contrast to our war-stained, dishevelled 
 appearance, and the Electress, who was by no means 
 ignorant of Boismorel's proceedings, could hardly control 
 herself at the sight. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 PANIC IN BAVARIA — ACTION AT MARQUARTSTEIN DIFFICULTY 
 
 WITH BOISMOREL — BLENHEIM — IMPERIALISTS DEFEATED AT 
 
 INGOLSTADT PROTESTS AGAINST THE SURRENDER OF 
 
 BAVARIA NEGOCIATIONS WITH PRINCE EUGENE FOR EVACU- 
 ATION OF INGOLSTADT RETURN OF BOISMOREL 
 
 AS soon as the regiment had entered the town I had 
 L the honour of being received by Her Highness. I 
 described to her the vigorous defence her troops had main- 
 tained at Schelemberg, the unexpected turn of events which 
 had given the enemy this position, our retreat, and the 
 defence of the town of Rain, every detail of which appeared 
 to affect the Princess most acutely, and wrung from her 
 an expression of her fears for poor Bavaria. I took the 
 liberty of pointing out to her that the enemy's successes 
 were not yet sufficient to decide everything in their favour ; 
 that as we had every reason to hope for that help which 
 we ought at any moment to receive from the hands of 
 France, we should therefore arrange matters so as to delay 
 the enemy's advance ; for, after all, they had only taken 
 from us two of the worst places in Bavaria, which could 
 by no means be regarded as the equivalent to those that 
 the Elector had acquired in Swabia. 
 
 The Electress, who no doubt saw that I was endeavour- 
 ing to console her, made as though she agreed with all 
 I said, but to the best of my belief it was otherwise with 
 her innermost thoughts. Fear is a natural outcome of 
 
 205 
 
2o6 PANIC AND PRAYER [chap, viii 
 
 danger, and causes presentiments of evil which are often 
 realised. The Princess was in that state of mind which 
 anticipates misfortunes, and a few days later on she had 
 the sorrow of seeing their advent. From the windows of 
 the Palace she could distinguish the light of the conflagra- 
 tions caused by the enemy in the country round, and the 
 terrified inhabitants who poured into Munich for refuge 
 spread reports of additional horrors, which had their birth 
 merely in their imagination. 
 
 Everything was in a frightful state of confusion accord- 
 ing to the talk of the populace, and I will go so far as 
 to say that things were at such a pass as to somewhat 
 justify a belief in the truth of these calamities. However, 
 notwithstanding the current reports in Europe regarding 
 this conflagration, the idea that all the country-side of 
 Bavaria had been reduced to ashes, owed its origin simply 
 to fear and panic. I do not deny that some houses were 
 burnt, but the enemy's generals had no part in this ; it 
 was the work of marauders and camp followers who, dis- 
 gusted in finding the peasants' houses abandoned, burnt 
 some of them, and as is usually the case with a people 
 wild with fear, they carried the panic with them. The 
 crowds of peasants and refugees in Munich astounded 
 the Electress and the Council of the State ; public prayers 
 and religious processions were ordered. Her Highness 
 taking part in the latter barefooted and with exemplary 
 devotion. 
 
 As there were no other troops left in Munich but the 
 Palace guards and my grenadiers, the Council of State 
 proposed to me that I should set out with a detachment 
 of our regiment to reconnoitre the ravaged districts, and 
 quell as much as possible any existing disorder therein. 
 I therefore set out, provided with a list of the most 
 exposed villages, a guide thereto, and two hundred 
 
i7°4] A RECONNAISSANCE 207 
 
 grenadiers only, to make the most of the concealment 
 afforded by the woods which covered the country, and the 
 greater ease derived from a small force in moving quickly 
 from one point to another. Before leaving I had also 
 come to the conclusion that the panic the Munich eople 
 were suffering from was of much the same character as 
 that which had obtained at Straubing, which was a further 
 reason why I decided not to take more than two hundred 
 men with me. 
 
 I followed a route through several villages said to have 
 been reduced to cinders, and although I certainly found 
 a few burnt houses, still the damage done was as nothing 
 compared with the reports current throughout the country. 
 By means of the woods I was able to push on from village 
 to village in the direction of the enemy's army, and found 
 there even less evidence of damage ; the villages seemed 
 practically entire, and it was only on entering them that 
 it was possible to see any trace of burning in a house here 
 and there. We came across some marauders on our road, 
 who were promptly shot to prevent their continuing their 
 srrand in the future, and after having passed through 
 almost all the places mentioned on the list, I retired to 
 Munich with information which brought some small calm 
 Dn the subject of the present evils, but did not prevent the 
 dread of those likely to come. Notwithstanding that all 
 Sermany was resounding with the report of the burning 
 Df Bavaria, the Court of Vienna seemed to think this time 
 3f calamity an appropriate moment to suggest to the 
 Elector sentiments of a peaceful nature ; it counted on the 
 ;ompassion and love for his people to oblige him to listen 
 ;o the propositions it made him, namely, to abandon the 
 nterests of France and to join with those of Austria, or, 
 it all events, to lay down his arms. 
 
 Two envoys were sent to the camp at Augsburg, who 
 
2IO AN EXPECTED WELCOME [chap, vm 
 
 There were hardly any Bavarians left with the army at 
 Augsburg except a few regiments of cavalry, the rest being 
 dispersed in various directions. It had, in fact, been 
 resolved to keep the army under cover of their entrench- 
 ments until the arrival of the expected help from France ; 
 it was there thought to be in a sufficiently safe position to 
 send detachments to places deemed necessary for the safety 
 of the country, the more so as it was easy to recall them 
 in case of need. 
 
 Our regiment, which had been completely reorganised 
 in Munich, was ordered to join the other troops, which 
 were marching towards the Tyrolese frontier. Boismorel 
 was with us, and placed himself at its head for this 
 
 business. I learned on our way that Baron de had 
 
 left Straubing, and that he was living with his family in 
 a district through which our regiment would pass ; con- 
 sequently, the infatuation that possessed me for Made- 
 moiselle his daughter, compelled me to travel several days 
 ahead of the regiment in order to visit her. I took strict 
 account of the time at my disposal, lest, blinded by my 
 devotion, I should lose sight of my duty. I then set out, 
 my mind full of airy imaginings and the most delightful 
 thoughts of how I should surprise my fair one, as I felt 
 assured that my arrival would afford her a pleasure equal 
 with my own. I brought to mind the despair evinced by 
 this charming creature on my departure from Straubing, 
 and our reciprocal vows and protestations when we separ- 
 ated. All these thoughts filled my mind when I arrived at 
 the Baron's chateau at the fall of night. Having knocked 
 at the door, I told the lackey who let me in to say 
 that a French grenadier was desirous of speaking to 
 Mademoiselle. As I waited for an answer to this message 
 I could feel my heart beating as I pictured to myself her 
 hastily hurrying to ask for news concerning her dear 
 
i7°4] A COLD RECEPTION 211 
 
 Frenchman ; but I was a long way out in my reckoning. 
 I had chosen a bad moment. The young lady was enjoy- 
 ing the society of a noble bumpkin of the most uncouth 
 appearance, who had taken care to console her in my 
 absence. This wild animal, who knew somewhat of our 
 Straubing relationships, could not control himself when the 
 lackey gave the message. He broke out into reproaches 
 at the idea of her receiving any person whatever of our 
 nationality. Thus, after I had waited a considerable time 
 at the door, a message came down to say that I could wait 
 in the kitchen until Mademoiselle found time to come and 
 speak to me. I asked if she was ill, but received a blunt 
 " No," and I swear that I never felt more foolish in my 
 life than at that moment. All my fine ideas vanished, 
 and I nearly choked with vexation. I forced my way 
 into the room, feeling the greatest difficulty in moderating 
 my anger. Nevertheless, in order not to make a scene, 
 I asked the young lady if she did not recognise me, when 
 she, in fear of displeasing her lout if she spoke in language 
 unknown to him, answered me in German, to the effect 
 that she had forgotten how to speak French. This un- 
 expected answer made me long to reproach her in German, 
 so that her new lover might understand, and ask her if it 
 was this great brute before me who had caused her to 
 forget me, but at this moment, remembering the history 
 of Joconde, and profiting by the good training that I had 
 had in Paris, I made as though I had been mistaken 
 in addressing her at all, and went off to find her father 
 and mother, informing them I had merely come to see 
 them when passing through their neighbourhood. I left 
 next morning at break of day without inquiring further 
 after the young lady, and resumed my way to rejoin my 
 regiment. 
 
 A few days later we arrived at a little town called 
 
212 MARQUARTSTEIN [chap, viii 
 
 Rosenheim, where we found the Marquis de Massey with 
 his command. This place is not very far from a village 
 called Marquartstein, which lies at the foot of the Tyrolese 
 Mountains, overlooking a river and a pretty plain, on which 
 were encamped the enemy we were in search of The 
 neighbouring peasants kept us supplied with news, ex- 
 aggerating as usual. According to their report, the whole 
 plain of Marquartstein was covered with troops, and that 
 a force of even twice our strength would not be sufficient 
 to make head against them. The Marquis de Massey, 
 paying no attention to this, simply sent out an officer in 
 disguise, who came from this part of the country ; he 
 being a very intelligent man, and having reconnoitred the 
 enemy closely, brought in a reliable report of their numbers 
 and positions, and then our General no longer had any 
 hesitation in advancing to attack them, and, if possible, to 
 surprise them. We had some obstacles to pass through in 
 
1704] PREPARATION FOR THE ATTACK 213 
 
 us in the belief that by means of this rampart they would 
 be altogether safe from attack. Our peasant guides told 
 the Marquis de Massey that it would be impossible for the 
 enemy to retire over the mountains in their rear, as there 
 were no gorges or passes whatever, and in such a case they 
 would find themselves obliged to follow the river up-stream 
 for a good league, in order to arrive at a point at which they 
 could hope to cross the range ; moreover, before reaching 
 this point, they would have to traverse a small plain, 
 where it would be easy to head them off, as the river there 
 was only about three feet deep. I was with our General 
 and the colonels, Messieurs de Sauligny and de Mercy, 
 reconnoitring the enemy's position when the peasants 
 made this report, upon which we took counsel together 
 there and then. It was arranged that the three regiments 
 of dragoons should be sent off to seize this point, and that 
 when they had got beyond the enemy's flank we should 
 cannonade the village across the river with eight small 
 pieces of cannon that we had brought with us until they 
 were driven out, so that when their troops began to retire 
 and our infantry should take up the pursuit, they would 
 then find themselves between two fires when they passed 
 into the little plain, which was to be held by our dragoons ; 
 in short, the plan was so well thought out that the defeat 
 of our opponents was certain if only our dragoons could 
 seize the point ahead of them. 
 
 The order was then given to the dragoons to make 
 their way along the further edge of the plain, so that the 
 enemy should not discover the direction of their march ; 
 and the artillery officers were directed to bring up their 
 cannon to where we were standing in order to bombard 
 the Imperialists ; but the sentries posted by the enemy 
 on the top of a church belfry noted the movement of 
 the dragoons and gave the alarm, whereupon the enemy 
 
214 BOISMOREL AND THE GENERAL [chap, vm 
 
 immediately began to move in order to get a start. 
 Boismorel, who had remained with the main body of our 
 troops, as he was not on intimate terms with our generals, 
 knew nothing of our plan of operations, and seeing the 
 enemy begin their retirement, believed that we could 
 catch them like mice in a trap, and that we were letting 
 them go scot free either from fear or collusion on our part. 
 Besides this, want of knowledge of the art of war pre- 
 vented him from weighing such matters in the least degree, 
 consequently he worked himself into a passion, and we 
 now saw him dashing up to our group at full gallop with 
 his face distorted by astonishment. He accosted us like a 
 madman, and addressing the Marquis de Massey, shouted 
 out in a loud and threatening voice, " In the name of God, 
 sir, what do you mean by letting the King's enemies escape 
 in that manner, just at the time when we could have taken 
 every man of them ? You are a traitor, and unworthy of 
 your rank, and I shall certainly report you and complain 
 of your conduct." 
 
 We were dumb with amazement at this discourse, and 
 could hardly believe our ears that anyone could have 
 spoken thus to a general officer. The first thing the 
 General did on hearing himself apostrophised in this 
 manner was to carry his hand to his pistol, but he had 
 scarcely done so before Boismorel whipped out his own, 
 and had we not promptly laid hold of him, the General 
 might have been killed at the very moment when he was 
 devoting himself to the interests of the King and the 
 Elector. 
 
 We had a world of trouble to calm the violence of 
 Boismorel, and we should never have succeeded had we 
 not forcibly disarmed him of his pistols. The Marquis 
 de Massey acted most prudently on this occasion ; no one 
 could possibly have blamed him if he had ordered Bois- 
 
1704] OUR ADVANCE AND PURSUIT 215 
 
 morel to be shot, or killed him with his own hand on the 
 spot. He contented himself with ordering him to be put 
 under arrest ; but this was never carried out, for no sooner 
 did Boismorel find himself free of our grasp, than he 
 galloped off to the regiment, shouting to it to follow him. 
 
 It had just arrived close up to where we were, in accord- 
 ance with the General's orders, and several grenadiers 
 made as though they were going to obey him, but were 
 kept in their places by my orders. Three or four, how- 
 ever, of his own company followed him across the plain, 
 and later he sent a man to fetch the pistols of a sub- 
 lieutenant, after which he disappeared for the time being. 
 
 This incident so far over, we thought over our line of 
 action with regard to the enemy. Our regiment of grena- 
 diers had come up, but the rest of the infantry were still 
 some distance away, because the affair with Boismorel 
 had had the effect of checking the general movement- 
 Nevertheless, it was full time to begin our movement, if 
 we wished to close with the Imperialist rear guard, and 
 seeing our General getting impatient, I suggested crossing 
 the river with my grenadiers, and engaging it until the 
 rest of the infantry were at hand. My proposal was at 
 once accepted, so with the guides' assurance that the 
 stream was everywhere fordable, we plunged in file by file 
 and crossed with ease. 
 
 This crossing, however, was not effected as quickly as I 
 could have wished, and I feared, from the time it took, 
 that the enemy might escape me ; I therefore started in 
 pursuit with the first half of the regiment that had passed 
 over, and left an order for the rest to follow on. We were 
 now in hard chase of the enemy's rear-guard, and came up 
 with it a good quarter of a league from the village, owing 
 to their march having been hindered by the woods and my 
 extreme diligence in pursuit. I first caught sight of them 
 
2i6 ROUT OF THE ENEMY [chap, viii 
 
 retiring over the brow of a wooded ridge, when I gave my 
 grenadiers orders to fix bayonets and not to fire without 
 permission from me. We then hastened our pace, and the 
 enemy seeing us on the point of falling upon them, halted, 
 turned about, and opened fire upon us, with the result that 
 a number of my men were killed on either side of my 
 horse without, strange to say, even wounding him. This 
 animal was so gun-shy that he became quite paralysed, 
 and trembled so violently that, though I had no idea of 
 dismounting, still I was obliged to do so, as there was no 
 possibility of getting him to move on at all. After deliver- 
 ing this volley, the enemy continued their retirement with 
 even more precipitation than before, and without reloading. 
 Here, then, was our turn in the game. We let ourselves 
 go headlong upon them, and every one of our shots told. 
 They quite thought that the whole of our army was at 
 their heels, and were soon seized with panic ; my grena- 
 diers followed eagerly, slaying them with bayonet-thrust 
 and gunshot, giving no quarter, so as not to delay the 
 advance, and everywhere driving them before them. We 
 met with hardly any resistance, for they sought safety 
 only in flight, though this was by no means easy, as the 
 hilly country had already put them out of breath ; they 
 had no possible reason to expect any succour from those 
 in their van, as their one thought was to secure the open 
 position before the arrival of our dragoons. The rest of 
 our infantry were unable to join us in time ; indeed it was 
 judged unnecessary to push them over the river, so that in 
 this action of August 8th I and my grenadiers disposed of 
 the entire regiment of Schvein, eighteen hundred strong. 
 They fell victims to the fury of my men, excepting a very 
 small number, who were made prisoners under singular 
 circumstances which somewhat calmed the excitement of 
 my people. This is how it happened. 
 
1704] SPOILS OF WAR 217 
 
 A youth of good family, a cadet in the regiment of 
 Schvein, seeing death staring him in the face, crouched 
 behind a large tree, towards which I chanced to be making 
 my way. This poor boy, who had kept his wits sufficiently 
 to notice me, and thinking he might perhaps receive 
 quarter at my hands, waited in this position until I had 
 come right up to his tree, when, suddenly dashing out, he 
 threw himself upon his knees right between my legs, cry- 
 ing for mercy. His action and handsome face so excited 
 my compassion that, fearing that the grenadiers might run 
 a bayonet into him, I held him in my arms and shouted 
 loudly that no one was to harm him, as I wished to obtain 
 intelligence through him regarding the enemy. This ex- 
 cited the curiosity of my grenadiers, who crowded round 
 to see what was going on, with the result that their fury 
 calmed down, and they thought that I wished for more 
 prisoners to be taken. Thus, instead of shooting down 
 all that they met, they ran to make them prisoners, and 
 in this way were saved the lives of the lieutenant-colonel, 
 four captains, six lieutenants, and about two hundred and 
 sixty soldiers of the regiment. We also took the six 
 colours of the regiment, for in the Imperialist service 
 each battalion has two of these, and the regiment of 
 Schvein had three battalions. 
 
 After this was over, I rested my men in the midst of the 
 wood, when I found myself overcome by severe pangs 
 of hunger and thirst. I had ordered my grenadiers to 
 leave their haversacks in the village of Marquartstein, in 
 order to give them more freedom for the advance, which 
 thereby removed all chance of ministering to our wants ; 
 but it struck us to search those of our opponents, wherein 
 we found bread and small bottles of brandy, which much 
 refreshed us. This halt over, I set off to rejoin the rest of 
 our little army, which we found had already encamped 
 
2i8 A BRAGGADOCIO [chap, viii 
 
 M. de Massey, witnessing the dragoons return from their 
 fruitless attempt, being forestalled by the enemy's ad- 
 vanced guard, and believing, moreover, that our grenadiers 
 had failed to get into touch, and were merely amusing 
 themselves in the woods with the chase of sundry lag- 
 gards, determined to pitch his camp, and therefore sent 
 us an order to retire. Everything was over by the time 
 his order arrived, so I descended the side of a mountain to 
 re-enter the plain with my troops and prisoners, whom 
 I placed in the centre of my grenadiers. Boismorel now 
 joined us, puffed up with victories he had achieved on his 
 own account. He was so taken up in recounting his deeds 
 of valour that he had accompanied us for some time before 
 he had noticed our prisoners and their colours, and I really 
 believe that we should have arrived in camp without his 
 seeing them at all, had I not interrupted his discourse 
 to call attention to them. He informed us that he had 
 pursued a runaway, who had attempted to escape behind 
 a hedge, and despatched him with a pistol-shot ; then, 
 having caught sight of another who was creeping away, 
 he ran as hard as he could towards him, and made him bite 
 the dust likewise. Whilst he was thus congratulating 
 himself, I reflected on his case and how dangerous it was 
 to put inexperienced people such as he in command of a 
 body of troops. I saw in him, moreover, a true personifi- 
 cation of that conceit which causes us to think everything 
 of one's own deeds and nothing of those of others, and felt 
 compassionately for the error under which he was labour- 
 ing in actually lauding himself for being absent from his 
 regiment at the very time when it was in action. When 
 we arrived in camp I suggested to him that he should 
 himself present the colours and prisoners to the Marquis 
 de Massey ; but he did not agree to this under the circum- 
 stances, and left the matter to me. This I did, and agree- 
 
1704] BOISMOREL IS PUT UNDER ARREST 219 
 
 ably surprised the General, who had never expected so 
 happy a result. After complimenting me, he declared that 
 had I not been in command of the regiment he would 
 have sent an aide-de-camp much sooner to recall us, as he 
 believed we could do no good in the wood, and, moreover, 
 had a dread of the marauding habits of our grenadiers. 
 He added that if he had known what was going on he 
 would have sent reinforcements, but as the dragoons had 
 missed their mark, he had concluded the affair was over, 
 so that the joy he felt at so glorious a result was increased 
 since it was entirely unexpected. 
 
 As I wished to profit by this opportunity to speak in 
 Boismorel's favour, I did my best by pointing out Bois- 
 morel's share in the fight and attributing all the glory 
 thereof to him, hoping thus to obtain his forgiveness ; but 
 the Marquis de Massey had been just as well informed of 
 his conduct as I had, to the effect that after the action 
 Boismorel had gone straight to the quarters of the regi- 
 ment and retailed to each officer all that he just had told 
 me. His story had been reported word for word to the 
 General, who could hardly prevent himself from smiling 
 at my endeavours, and told me that if I were in Boismorel's 
 position I should not find in him the same ardour to serve 
 my ends, and begged me to talk of something else. 
 
 A house in a village near the camp had been secured 
 as quarters for Boismorel, and as soon as M. de Massey 
 knew of his arrival there, he sent a lieutenant and twenty 
 men as a guard, with orders to request him to hand 
 over his sword. Boismorel was much surprised at this 
 very natural attention : he had flattered himself that 
 his victorious achievements would suffice to whitewash 
 his previous conduct, and that his person was safe ; he 
 remonstrated loudly and vaunted his bravery for all 
 it was worth, but his complaint was entirely unheeded. 
 
220 BOISMOREL'S FAREWELL [chap, viii 
 
 The next morning deserters came in with the information 
 that the enemy, owing to the losses they had sustained, no 
 longer believed themselves able to hold their own on the 
 frontier, and had, therefore, retired by the road to Italy, 
 after having left three hundred men in a chateau about 
 three leagues from our camp. 
 
 M. de Massey, thanks to the French grenadiers, having 
 rid himself of his opponents, decided to lay siege to this 
 chateau, and set out for this purpose the next morning. 
 Before leaving, he took care to detail a lieutenant with 
 twenty dragoons, with orders to escort Boismorel to the 
 Tower of Munich, and report his conduct to the State 
 Council. Our start took place at such an early hour that 
 I found it impossible to see Boismorel myself before 
 leaving, but I sent an officer of our regiment to bear him 
 company till his departure, and receive any instruction he 
 might wish to give. It was not long before this officer 
 returned, for as soon as our troops were set in movement, 
 Boismorel and his escort set out for Munich. When 
 I asked him if he had brought any message, he replied, 
 " M. Boismorel has certainly given me an order, but except 
 by your leave I feel I can hardly carry it out." When 
 I inquired what caused this repugnance on his part, he 
 said that he was ordered by Boismorel to make a speech 
 to the regiment, so as to prevent any dangerous feelings 
 arising in the minds of the grenadiers, in consequence 
 of his arrest, which would doubtless bewilder them and 
 depress their spirits ; and to make them understand that 
 they need not be disquieted on his behalf, as his reputation 
 could quite hold its own against his enemies. He there- 
 fore hoped that the occurrence of this accident would in 
 no wise lessen their valour, and he exhorted them to do 
 their duty on every occasion during his absence, as if he 
 were present with them, this being his only anxiety. 
 
1704] BAD NEWS FROM MUNICH 221 
 
 I told the officer that he ought to obey the orders of his 
 colonel, to which he made reply that he would do so on 
 any other occasion, but in the present case he felt himself 
 quite incapable of making a speech in any way worthy 
 of him who had given the order. "Very well," said I, 
 " I will go and do it for you." I soon posted myself at 
 the head of the regiment, and as it passed before me I 
 gave out to the grenadiers their colonel's message ; but 
 these unfeeling scoundrels made light of his reputation, 
 and I was obliged to order silence to put a stop to the 
 outrageous language they used. 
 
 We invested, without any great preparation, the chateau 
 which the enemy had taken possession of, for we did not 
 consider the siege thereof to be of sufficient importance 
 to necessitate regular trenches. We simply constructed 
 a battery with our little cannon to breach a tower which 
 supported the gate of the first outer court, and hoped 
 thereby to damage the chateau as little as possible, for 
 it belonged to the Grand Master of the Bavarian States' 
 As soon as the garrison found a small breach had been 
 effected, they asked to capitulate, but we only agreed to 
 receive them as prisoners of war. We found in this 
 chateau a great quantity of warlike stores which the 
 enemy had collected there, intending to scour the country 
 and levy contributions. 
 
 Our conquests augmented the enthusiasm of our little 
 army, which was in a most joyful state of mind, and our 
 General was preparing to seize another chateau, said to be 
 occupied by the enemy, when a courier arrived bearing an 
 order from the Electress, to the effect that the Marquis 
 de Massey was to return with his troops at once to Munich, 
 by forced marches, so as to ensure the safety of the Elec- 
 toral family. This courier told us, with tears in his eyes, 
 that all was lost ; the army of France had been totally 
 
222 RETURN TO MUNICH [chap, viii 
 
 defeated on the plains of Hochstett,* the Elector had 
 fled to the French frontier, the Electress was in the saddest 
 possible condition, and the State Council knew not what 
 steps to take for the protection of the Princess and her 
 family. For this reason the arrival of our troops was 
 awaited with extreme impatience, for until our arrival 
 there would be continual panic. It would, therefore, be 
 necessary to march day and night to relieve this cruel 
 situation. 
 
 It would be out of my power to find words strong 
 enough to express the depression into which we were 
 plunged at so unexpected a piece of news. It wiped 
 out all the agreeable sensations produced by our little 
 victories. What a dreadful turn of the wheel of Fortune, 
 affecting nation and individual alike! All our manoeuvres, 
 plans, and conquests came to nothing in an instant ; it 
 was no longer possible to derive any advantage from our 
 past efforts, and our thoughts were cruelly exercised re- 
 garding the future. I had hoped for some reward for all 
 that had occurred since the affair of Schelemberg, flatterers 
 had often suggested it, and one's own feelings, which often 
 cause us to exaggerate the least of our own merits, made 
 me cherish pleasant hopes. But the finest deeds of indi- 
 viduals disappear at a time of general adversity ; even 
 those who merely bring the news of great victories are re- 
 warded, although they may have had no share in them. 
 
 We marched without a halt to Munich. Although the 
 Council had met many times, they had not been able to 
 come to any definite resolve, but on the arrival of our 
 troops the principal officers were admitted to the delibera- 
 tions, and the following line of action was then decided 
 upon. It was settled that the Electress and the Princes 
 should, under escort of three regiments of dragoons, take 
 
 * Blenheim. 
 
[704] BLENHEIM 223 
 
 :he road with all speed to join the Elector, and if it was 
 Dossible, to escape with him. In order to avoid the enemy, 
 ;he was to take the road by Memmingen, whilst the 
 infantry covered her progress by moving between them 
 ind the escort, the better to ensure her safety. 
 
 As a matter of fact, the enemy thought only of follow- 
 ing up their victory. They left but two flying columns in 
 the country, one to undertake the siege of Ulm, under 
 General Tungen, and the other that of Ingolstadt, under 
 Greneral d'Herberfeld, whilst their main army took up the 
 pursuit of that of France. 
 
 The Electress and her suite arrived at Memmingen 
 without mishap, but having learned at this town that it 
 was quite impossible to join His Highness, she found her- 
 self obliged to retrace her steps to Munich, and there await 
 the fate that the Almighty should decree. 
 
 The battle, disastrous alike to France and Bavaria, was 
 fought on August 14th on the plains of Hochstett. Many 
 persons have accused Marechal de Tallard of undue con- 
 tempt for his opponents and want of caution, thus giving 
 :hem an opportunity to engage at the very time that 
 le ought to have made every possible provision for the 
 jood of the State and the destruction of the Empire. It 
 NRS also said that elated by his victory at Spires, after 
 eaving the lines of Landau to fight the Prince of Hesse 
 L'assel, he made an entire mistake in leaving those of 
 Augsburg, from which he might have ravaged the very 
 leart of the Empire. 
 
 But it is a common mistake to judge such matters after 
 :heir event, without remembering that the outcome of a 
 jattle is often due to circumstances which human intel- 
 igence cannot foresee. If Marechal de Tallard had been 
 iuccessful, no one would have found fault with him; at 
 :he same time, what astonished me, and what no one has 
 
222 RETURN TO MUNICH [chap, viii 
 
 defeated on the plains of Hochstett,* the Elector had 
 fled to the French frontier, the Electress was in the saddest 
 possible condition, and the State Council knew not what 
 steps to take for the protection of the Princess and her 
 family. For this reason the arrival of our troops was 
 awaited with extreme impatience, for until our arrival 
 there would be continual panic. It would, therefore, be 
 necessary to march day and night to relieve this cruel 
 situation. 
 
 It would be out of my power to find words strong 
 enough to express the depression into which we were 
 plunged at so unexpected a piece of news. It wiped 
 out all the agreeable sensations produced by our little 
 victories. What a dreadful turn of the wheel of Fortune, 
 affecting nation and individual alike ! All our manoeuvres, 
 plans, and conquests came to nothing in an instant ; it 
 was no longer possible to derive any advantage from our 
 past efforts, and our thoughts were cruelly exercised re- 
 garding the future. I had hoped for some reward for all 
 that had occurred since the affair of Schelemberg, flatterers 
 had often suggested it, and one's own feelings, which often 
 cause us to exaggerate the least of our own merits, made 
 me cherish pleasant hopes. But the finest deeds of indi- 
 viduals disappear at a time of general adversity ; even 
 those who merely bring the news of great victories are re- 
 warded, although they may have had no share in them. 
 
 We marched without a halt to Munich. Although the 
 Council had met many times, they had not been able to 
 come to any definite resolve, but on the arrival of our 
 troops the principal officers were admitted to the delibera- 
 tions, and the following line of action was then decided 
 upon. It was settled that the Electress and the Princes 
 should, under escort of three regiments of dragoons, take 
 
 ^ Blenheim. 
 
1704] BLENHEIM 223 
 
 the road with all speed to join the Elector, and if it was 
 possible, to escape with him. In order to avoid the enemy, 
 she was to take the road by Memmingen, whilst the 
 infantry covered her progress by moving between them 
 and the escort, the better to ensure her safety. 
 
 As a matter of fact, the enemy thought only of follow- 
 ing up their victory. They left but two flying columns in 
 the country, one to undertake the siege of Ulm, under 
 General Tungen, and the other that of Ingolstadt, under 
 General d'Herberfeld, whilst their main army took up the 
 pursuit of that of France. 
 
 The Electress and her suite arrived at Memmingen 
 without mishap, but having learned at this town that it 
 was quite impossible to join His Highness, she found her- 
 self obliged to retrace her steps to Munich, and there await 
 the fate that the Almighty should decree. 
 
 The battle, disastrous alike to France and Bavaria, was 
 fought on August 14th on the plains of Hochstett. Many 
 persons have accused Marechal de Tallard of undue con- 
 tempt for his opponents and want of caution, thus giving 
 them an opportunity to engage at the very time that 
 he ought to have made every possible provision for the 
 good of the State and the destruction of the Empire. It 
 was also said that elated by his victory at Spires, after 
 leaving the lines of Landau to fight the Prince of Hesse 
 Cassel, he made an entire mistake in leaving those of 
 Augsburg, from which he might have ravaged the very 
 heart of the Empire. 
 
 But it is a common mistake to judge such matters after 
 their event, without remembering that the outcome of a 
 battle is often due to circumstances which human intel- 
 ligence cannot foresee. If Marechal de Tallard had been 
 successful, no one would have found fault with him ; at 
 the same time, what astonished me, and what no one has 
 
224 M, DE TALLARD'S TACTICS [chap, viii 
 
 been able to explain to me, was that on deciding to leave 
 his entrenchments, he did not recall at least fifteen 
 thousand men from the Bavarian army, including our own 
 detachment. Such a considerable reinforcement might 
 well have given us the victory, for the valour of these 
 troops was beyond question. The total defeat of General 
 Schlick at Heyzempirne, that of Stirum at the first battle 
 of Hochstett, and finally the affair at Schelemberg were 
 proofs of their bravery too certain to justify the neglect 
 of their recall, supposing this point ever to have been con- 
 sidered at all ; at any rate, such are my reflections on the 
 matter. 
 
 Not having been present at this battle, I cannot myself 
 bear personal witness as to its details, but I have often 
 heard of it from various persons of distinction, opponents as 
 well as friends, among others, Prince Eugene himself, who 
 many times accorded me this favour, so that I have drawn 
 from most varied sources that which I am going to tell. 
 
 After the capitulation of Rain the enemy were willing 
 neither to leave the Danube nor to advance too far into 
 Bavaria, being afraid lest their lines of communication 
 might be cut. They followed the course of this river in 
 order to seize Neuburg, where the garrison of four hundred 
 men, being in no condition to offer resistance, were ordered 
 to throw all the stores into the river and retire before the 
 place was invested. They then seized Aichach and Sche- 
 remhausen, neither of which were fortified or garrisoned, 
 and finally encamped in the plain of Ingolstadt, which 
 town they threatened to besiege. 
 
 It was then that M. de Tallard, who was occupying the 
 lines of Augsburg together with Marechal de Marsin, who 
 had lately joined him, decided to leave his entrenchments 
 to give battle, overruling the counsel of M. de Marsin, 
 being his senior officer. The enemy having by this time 
 
1704] MARLBOROUGH'S ADVANCE" 225 
 
 ascertained our intentions, now began a movement to take 
 us by surprise. 
 
 Our army was a fine one, but not so numerous as that 
 of the enemy, for although we had twelve more battalions, 
 they had many more men than ours, and, moreover, they 
 had about forty more squadrons than we, comprising the 
 pick of their troops. 
 
 Mar^chal de Tallard crossed the river Leek and directed 
 his march straight for the little plain of Blenheim, near 
 Hochstett, where he encamped with the intention of re- 
 maining a few days before proceeding further to a more 
 advantageous camping-ground nearer Ingolstadt. By this 
 movement he would hav^ foiled the enemy's designs upon 
 this place, but they did not give him time to carry it out. 
 
 As soon as they had learned the direction of his advance 
 they left the plains of Ingolstadt in order to meet him, 
 effecting their change of position in such a way as to 
 conceal their movement, and it is quite surprising that so 
 considerable an army should have been able to do this 
 without any information reaching our generals. It was 
 believed that they were still in their original position when 
 they suddenly made their appearance at six o'clock on the 
 morning of August 14th, in front of our outpost line, the 
 driving in of which was the first intimation we received of 
 the Allies and their intention. At this moment part of 
 our army was scattered in foraging parties, which was an 
 additional misfortune. Signal guns were fired to bring 
 back the foragers and their escorts ; the " Alarm " and the 
 " Assembly " were beaten hurriedly, and, without attempt- 
 ing to strike the tents, every effort was devoted to forming 
 line of battle in front of the camp. The hurry and pre- 
 cipitation of all this brought confusion and fear in its 
 train, whilst the foraging parties and their escorts, alarmed 
 by the unexpected signals, returned one by one, rather a 
 Q 
 
226 FRENCH INDECISION [chap, vm 
 
 prey to misgivings than animated with any desire to fight. 
 The difficulty of having to think of many things at once 
 in the actual presence of the enemy reacted upon the 
 nerves of those in command, and, above all, upon those who 
 had their carriages packed with the valuables accumulated 
 during their period of winter quarters ; such a state of 
 unreadiness is a serious disadvantage in the case of a 
 battle of these dimensions, the preparation for which 
 should have been made much earlier. Our generals set 
 to work most energetically to draw up the army, but as 
 they had made no previous plan, it became necessary to 
 change the position of many brigades to support the 
 flanks and reinforce exposed or weak points. 
 
 The enemy profited by these confused manoeuvres of 
 ours to pass a large stream, which they probably could 
 never have effected without suffering great loss had our 
 troops been ready in position. 
 
 This large and rather marshy stream offered much diffi- 
 culty to the passage of cavalry and artillery, but the enemy, 
 having solidified the bottom with fascines and constructed 
 bridges with pontoons, beams, planks, and trestles, at 
 which they worked undisturbed and with extreme dili- 
 gence, were able to effect a passage for their army in several 
 columns, which formed to their front as fast as they 
 crossed. They were only checked, and that for but a 
 short time, on the right of their line of advance ; for after 
 crossing the stream a marsh was met with, which obliged 
 this portion of their force to close to its left in order to 
 take up its position in the line of battle. During this 
 operation our army was getting into its own position, 
 brigades were sent to occupy the village of Oberhausen, 
 which lay on its left, and if our generals had only had the 
 time to push forward troops to dispute the passage of the 
 stream, the enemy would have found much danger in this 
 
1704] MARLBOROUGH'S GRAND ATTACK 227 
 
 undertaking, instead of which, as soon as they had con- 
 structed their bridges, they immediately passed over without 
 meeting with any opposition whatever. 
 
 As soon as the Allied army had crossed the stream 
 their generals advanced to the attack, without waiting for 
 their right, which was checked by the marsh on their front. 
 Those on their right, which attacked our left, were repulsed 
 by Marechal de Marsin with the greatest possible vigour, 
 but they rallied on a body of infantry advancing to their 
 support, returned to the charge, and were repulsed a second 
 time in the same vigorous manner. Prince Eugene once 
 more reformed these troops, and made a third assault, yet 
 again on our left, which had no better success than the two 
 former, for they were driven back a long way beyond the 
 village of Oberhausen ; but now Milord Marlborough, who 
 had arrived with a reinforcement of thirty squadrons, 
 recommenced the attack with such vigour that our troops 
 could not stand against it, and began to fall back. 
 
 The right of our army was in a much worse case, owing 
 to the arrangements the enemy had made in forming for 
 their attack. They were convinced that the senior regi- 
 ments and picked troops would be found there, in accord- 
 ance with the custom of the army, whether in camp or 
 order of battle, and in order to make headway against 
 these fine troops they took care to strengthen their left 
 and concentrate their efforts to drive in that portion of 
 our line, being sure that the defeat of our right would 
 give them the battle. 
 
 They attacked, therefore, with such superior force and 
 super-abundant energy that our very finest cavalry at the 
 first shock distinctly gave way, although every effort was 
 made to steady them, but the shock and confusion was so 
 great, partly owing to the immensely superior force of the 
 enemy and partly to our inferior disposition at the begin- 
 
228 CAPTURE OF BLENHEIM [chap, viii 
 
 ning of the affair, that there was no possible means of 
 resisting it. The only movement our cavalry made was to 
 retire, and then, seeing the enemy preparing for a fresh 
 charge, they all at once broke into flight, so panic-stricken 
 that, finding the Danube behind them, the most part threw 
 themselves therein, regardless of the danger, and were 
 drowned. Lieutenant-General M. de Clerambault was, 
 unfortunately for himself, one of these, and it was on the 
 banks of this river that Marechal de Tallard gave himself 
 up as a prisoner of war. 
 
 After the cavalry of our right wing had been routed 
 there remained twelve squadrons of dragoons and twenty- 
 seven battalions completely cut off, as the enemy had 
 forced their way almost right through the centre of our 
 line of battle, thus separating our right from our left and 
 destroying all means of communication. An orderly and 
 combined retreat became impossible. The left wing found 
 the retirement easier than the right, the wood of Luthingen 
 and the defiles of Hochstett affording some protection ; but 
 the right were not so fortunate, as they were obliged to 
 throw themselves into the village of Blenheim on their 
 extreme right, where they entrenched themselves in the 
 hope of finding later on some means of escape. Unhappily 
 their hopes were in vain, for they soon found themselves 
 invested by the enemy on all sides, and seeing no chance 
 of help and their line of retreat entirely cut off, they sur- 
 rendered as prisoners of war at the fall of night. 
 
 This capture of so great a number of troops at one 
 stroke was the most brilliant feature in the enemy's 
 victory, and was their chief boast when they recounted 
 the deeds of this day's work. I spoke of this incident to 
 the principal officers of the Imperial army three months 
 later, when I formed one of a deputation to Prince Eugene, 
 and found that they attributed glory without end to it, and 
 
1704] THE ELECTRESS RETURNS TO MUNICH 229 
 
 I must confess I could hardly justify the conduct of our 
 soldiery. 
 
 In fact, if these twenty-seven battalions and twelve 
 squadrons had consisted of really determined men, they 
 might have cut their way, sword in hand, through the 
 enemy's lines during the night, an undertaking the glory 
 of which could only have been compared with the danger 
 attending it. It was said that personages of rank and 
 distinction took upon themselves to surrender the colours, 
 so that the force should escape the fate of two other 
 brigades which had also been surrounded in the centre 
 of the first line. These, however, stood firm and main- 
 tained the fight for a very long time, in and about the 
 camp and amongst the tents, with all possible valour ; 
 but overcome at last by numbers, their defeat became 
 inevitable. 
 
 The Electress, after her return to Munich from Mem- 
 mingen, found that the Prince, her husband, had invested 
 her with plenary powers on his retirement to France. 
 This Princess was therefore in a position to act, govern, 
 and dispose of the State's welfare in any way that she 
 might think fit and proper, and the Prince consented, in 
 advance, to all treaties or negotiations made by her, and 
 notified his wish that all her decisions should be as fully 
 respected and acted upon as though formulated by himself 
 With this power in her hands, the Electress convened the 
 State Council together with the general officers of her 
 army, in order to make arrangements for the safety of the 
 country and her family. 
 
 Reliable information had been received that the allied 
 armies had continued their march after the battle of 
 Hochstett towards the frontier of Alsace, had crossed the 
 Rhine, and were preparing to lay siege to Landau. A 
 flying column only now remained in Bavaria, which was 
 
230 BAVARIA DOES NOT DESPAIR [chap, vhi 
 
 then engaged in besieging Ingolstadt, with the greater 
 confidence, as it was beheved that the country was quite 
 devoid of Electoral troops. For this reason the enemy- 
 omitted to take precautions against any possible attempt 
 to relieve this place, and had not even occupied the banks 
 of the Danube, which runs beneath its walls and which 
 is crossed by an excellent stone bridge. They contented 
 themselves with pitching their camp on an extensive plain 
 near the river, where they had opened their trenches of 
 approach without any covering work whatever. 
 
 Being thus certain of the enemy's design, the Council 
 of the Electress determined to profit by their carelessness 
 and relieve Ingolstadt. To this end all detachments were 
 recalled, formed into a corps d'armce, and put into move- 
 ment with all speed for the purpose of raising the siege 
 of this town, which is one of the most important in the 
 Electoral States. 
 
 It had already been decided that the best way of bring- 
 ing about an honourable settlement with the Emperor was 
 to maintain as effective a resistance as possible, to prove 
 that Bavaria was not yet reduced to that extremity she 
 was believed to be in, and that she had suiificient troops 
 and resources yet to hand to cause anxiety to the Allies. 
 It was further decided to make a diversion to support the 
 French army, and in order to accelerate the advent of 
 peace, all her forces should be brought at once to the front 
 and war be prosecuted without any hesitation. 
 
 It was reckoned that the siege of Landau would occupy 
 the enemy's army for the rest of the campaign, and thus 
 leave us free to clear and reoccupy Bavaria ; so even if the 
 flying column under General Tungen, then laying siege to 
 Ulm, should decide to retire into Bavaria after the fall of 
 that town, we should be ready to withstand him, for our 
 troops were accustomed to beat the Imperialists and did 
 
1704] I PLEAD FOR BOISMOREL 231 
 
 not fear them, even if they proved to be two to our one 
 in strength. 
 
 Finally, if it should so happen that we had to lose 
 everything, glory would accrue to the nation if it sur- 
 rendered, sword in hand, instead of being driven by fear 
 to submit to a yoke, the burden of which would be made 
 all the harder to bear by the contempt of the conqueror. 
 
 It became necessary, therefore, to issue orders without 
 delay for the concentration of the troops, and the march 
 on Ingolstadt. 
 
 During these deliberations I took the opportunity of 
 doing all I could on behalf of Boismorel. I got all my 
 friends to work, and succeeded so well that I obtained 
 from the Electress an order for his release from the prison 
 in which he had hitherto been strictly confined, so that 
 he was merely kept under arrest in his own room with a 
 sentry at his door. This favour was an essential one to 
 him, as it eased his mind from the fear of further penalties, 
 and the chance of his escaping in case of need became 
 a matter of certainty. Appearances against him were of 
 so threatening a nature, that it was not without reason 
 that he feared for his life, so I had at least the satisfac- 
 tion of relieving him of this apprehension before leaving 
 Munich. On September 6th the concentration of our army, 
 under the command of M. de Vequel, late lieutenant- 
 general of the Electoral forces, being completed, the troops 
 began their march, and by nightfall of the 9th were close 
 up to the bridge of Ingolstadt. The enemy were encamped 
 on the other side of the river, too far beyond the town 
 to learn anything of our approach, with the result that we 
 defiled over the bridge and passed through the town to 
 the open country without being perceived. 
 
 As soon as we saw it was light enough to move against 
 them, we drew up our army in four lines for the purpose 
 
232 RELIEF OF INGOLSTADT [chap, viii 
 
 of facilitating the advance, and so that when sufficiently 
 forward the second and fourth lines should close upon the 
 first and third, with the result that order of battle of two 
 lines was formed instantaneously. The enemy's vedettes, 
 however, caught sight of us when we were yet at sufficient 
 distance to give them time to strike their camp and get 
 themselves into battle array to receive us. 
 
 The Imperialists made at first sight a very fine show, 
 though we saw that in the hurry of their formation they 
 had placed the whole of their cuirassiers on the right flank 
 of their infantry. This brought about a change on our 
 part; several squadrons of dragoons were sent to our left 
 to oppose their cavalry, followed by our regiment of 
 grenadiers to support the dragoons. The enemy availed 
 themselves of the time necessary for these movements to 
 place their baggage column in a position of safety, and 
 it was nearly nine o'clock before the battle actually began. 
 
 The hatred that existed between the Bavarians and 
 Imperialists was such that they rushed upon each other 
 like madmen, and the collision was terrible. So much so, 
 in fact, that the enemy did not think fit to stand a second 
 charge ; they gave way, and took to flight over the plain, 
 the woods at the end of which afforded great protection to 
 their infantry. 
 
 The dragoons and my grenadiers pursued them for 
 more than two leagues ; we took many prisoners, and the 
 enemy's loss amounted to more than three thousand men, 
 without reckoning prisoners and eight hundred horses, 
 which we found very useful for remounting our dragoons. 
 
 Some booty was taken during the pursuit, but my 
 grenadiers did not approve c>f robbing dead men and 
 prisoners. However, they found an opportunity during 
 the pursuit to detach a party for the express purpose of 
 scouring the country and plundering the neighbouring 
 
1704] FRENCH SURRENDER ULM 233 
 
 villages and pastures, whence they brought in at least 
 four hundred head of cattle and cows, and so well did 
 they conceal their booty that I knew nothing of the matter 
 until there was no opportunity left for me to remedy it. 
 
 On the very day of our victory over the Imperialists, 
 the French garrison, who were holding Ulm, surrendered 
 that city to General Tungen, upon which he sent a small 
 detachment of his troops to reinforce those who had just been 
 beaten at Ingolstadt, and marched with the rest of his flying 
 column to join the King of the Romans who was laying 
 siege at Landau. The Imperialists, thus reinforced, be- 
 lieved themselves in a condition to undertake some new 
 enterprise, and pitched their camp in the plain of Ratisbon. 
 We were still in the neighbourhood of Ingolstadt when 
 we learned that they had occupied this position, with the 
 evident design of besieging some town or ravaging the 
 country, and seeing that there was no time to be lost, we 
 at once marched to give them battle should we come up 
 with them. 
 
 In a few days' time we reached the plain on which they 
 were encamped, but we found that they were much more 
 upon their guard than had been the case at Ingolstadt. 
 They had already provided for their retreat by garrisoning 
 the woods in their rear with infantry, and after having well 
 reconnoitred them, we came to the conclusion that it 
 -would be imprudent to attack them in the position they 
 had taken up. Their cavalry and the rest of their infantry 
 were in order of battle close to the woods, and in the best 
 fettle in the world, because they believed themselves abso- 
 lutely safe from our attack. 
 
 However, the determination they showed in holding to 
 their position only made us think of how to oust them and 
 cut up their rear-guard, which we could not have done 
 had they retired at our first approach. We quickly had 
 
234 IMPERIALIST REAR-GUARD CRUSHED [chap, viii 
 
 fascines made, and requisitioned labourers who in a short 
 time constructed a battery for the six field-guns that we 
 had with us. This battery was placed half-way between 
 us and them, within point-blank range. We constructed 
 it with the express purpose of bringing on an attack on 
 their part to interfere with our labourers, but they thought 
 it better to think of their retreat when they saw the 
 cannon being brought into position. Their troops began 
 their march before even our cannon could get a shot at 
 them, keeping close to the woods under cover of their 
 infantry stationed therein, who conformed with the move- 
 ment of the main body of their army. 
 
 When we saw that the Imperialists were retreating, we 
 set our army in motion to keep them in observation with- 
 out, however, getting within range of the woods, and we 
 marched thus until the time came when they were obliged 
 to leave their cover and enter the open country. They 
 then quickened their pace, but we followed them up close 
 and fell upon and entirely defeated their rear-guard, kill- 
 ing fifteen hundred men and taking some prisoners. We 
 camped in this plain until we had collected information as 
 to the future intentions of the enemy. We learned that 
 they made three long marches in succession ; had at last 
 halted near Oberkirchen, because of its excellent position 
 as a camping-ground, and were apparently of a mind to 
 establish themselves there in order to cause uneasiness 
 among the population. At this news we again resumed 
 our march with a determined intention of coming into 
 close quarters with them, but they once more avoided an 
 engagement, for as soon as they heard of our approach 
 they hastily struck their camp, and betook themselves over 
 the frontier. 
 
 Here we have an example of the condition and training 
 of the Bavarian troops, by which they proved their courage 
 
1704] INTRIGUES IN THE STATE COUNCIL 235 
 
 and pluck to the Imperialists ; whereas all the rest of 
 Europe had been convinced that, since the field of Hoch- 
 stett, not a single Bavarian soldier v/as in existence. 
 
 Whilst we pursued the Imperialists and ultimately 
 cleared Bavaria of their presence, the State Council at 
 Munich, unknown to the General Officers of the army, 
 obtained from the Electress permission to send a deputa- 
 tion to Vienna to treat with His Imperial Majesty. This 
 craven Council had represented to the Princess that her 
 subjects had suffered extremely and were no longer in a 
 state to furnish the men necessary for the war, and that 
 the state of things was such that nothing better could be 
 done than to implore the clemency of the Emperor, at the 
 very moment when our troops appeared to be victorious. 
 That if Her Highness insisted on maintaining her Regency, 
 she would be acting in opposition to her country's welfare, 
 for such action was impossible since the Battle of Hoch- 
 stett ; she would alienate the whole of the Germanic Body, 
 who would make a final effort to invade her States, 
 when it would be too late to think of entering upon a 
 compromise. They not only feared for the loss of her 
 States, but also lest she herself and her family should fall 
 into the hands of the enemy, and it was impossible for 
 them to reflect upon the possibility of such a sad result 
 without the most heartfelt grief 
 
 They besought the Princess to recall to her memory the 
 efforts she had herself made to induce the Elector to enter 
 upon some compromise, and to recollect the reasons she 
 had then put forward, to lend a compassionate ear to the 
 cry of the people who begged her to save them from the 
 terrors of a war which could have no result but the inevit- 
 able destruction and total ruin of the whole State. 
 
 She was reminded yet again that the pay had been due 
 to the troops since August 1st; it was impossible to pay 
 
236 THE JESUIT AND THE ELECTRESS [chap, viii 
 
 them, and the longer peace was deferred, arrears would go 
 on accumulating without any expectation of relief. This was 
 already causing desertion, recruits were necessary to keep 
 the regiments up to their war strength, and through the 
 lack of men and money the country would find itself in a 
 very short time completely at the end of its resources. 
 Thus, therefore, the most prudent course to take would be 
 to make a treaty of peace at once, instead of waiting till 
 the last extremity. 
 
 This carefully studied " Remonstrance " was initiated by 
 the members composing the Council of State to serve 
 their own ends. They represented the measures neces- 
 sary for carrying on the war as difficult and impracticable 
 because they were not in favour of it, and as they had the 
 control of the finance in their hands, they found plenty 
 of pretexts to prove the impossibility of supplying the 
 needs of the troops and the cost of the campaign. They 
 had, besides, no qualms in bringing to the notice of the 
 Emperor, whom they regarded already as their suzerain, 
 the regard that they had for his interests, in order to 
 secure his protection and rewards. It is natural to sup- 
 pose that this was not entirely owing to affection only, but 
 that fear played its part with them as well ; however this 
 might have been, the result was the same. 
 
 The Council of State had an agent in the household 
 of the Electress in the person of the Jesuit Father 
 Schumacher, her confessor, who attuned his pious advice 
 with the arguments of Messieurs the Councillors, so that 
 at last she determined to sue secretly for peace. 
 
 It was, however, impossible to carry on all these in- 
 trigues without their coming to the ears of our general 
 officers, who had sent a deputation to Munich to apply for 
 the payment of the troops. This deputation addressed 
 itself to the Council, and others responsible for such pay- 
 
1704] OUR ARMY BECOMES UNEASY 237 
 
 merits, without obtaining any satisfactory reply ; the more 
 they persisted, the less definite was the answer they 
 received, and obliged to go into detail on the point, 
 they divined from these vague replies that the Electress 
 would be obliged to make peace in order to save her- 
 self from such troublesome questions. In fact, they were 
 informed that payment was out of the question ; the 
 Treasury was exhausted, and it was quite impossible to 
 levy more taxes on the people. They were told, there- 
 fore, to return to the troops, calm their feelings, and that 
 when the State was in a position to make this payment, 
 notice would be given. This answer opened the eyes of 
 the deputation, and the more they considered the matter, 
 the more sure were they that the Council expected soon 
 to be relieved from the pressure brought to bear on it by 
 the army. 
 
 Our deputation returned much dissatisfied with the result 
 of their journey. They informed us of their discovery, which 
 surprised us the more as we had relied upon the fame of 
 our victories to pave the way for a favourable reception 
 of our demands, instead of which, far from giving us credit 
 for all our successes, we were merely looked upon as im- 
 portunate beggars. 
 
 The fidelity of the army was in no way shaken ; they 
 had a sincere desire to protect Bavaria, and all those 
 under arms were determined to suffer anything rather 
 than abandon the interests of a Prince who was the idol 
 of his subjects. We went further, for our intentions did 
 not confine themselves to the preservation of Bavaria, as 
 we wished to push our conquests into the enemy's country, 
 and only asked for bread and recruits. 
 
 We called together a Council of War, composed of the 
 general officers and commanding officers of each regi- 
 ment, to discuss this subject, and after having exhaustively 
 
238 OUR PETITION [chap, viii 
 
 considered all its aspects, present and future, we drew up 
 a Petition by which we made it evident that it would 
 still be more profitable to continue the war than to make 
 peace. We showed that any such treaty that the Elec- 
 tress could make on the present occasion would always 
 be disadvantageous to her, for the Court of Vienna, 
 which had the right to act despotically with regard to 
 all the different members of the Empire, would never 
 think itself obliged to abide religiously by its condi- 
 tions if it found it more convenient to break them ; that 
 this arrangement between the two Sovereigns would prove 
 but a yoke under which the head must be bowed at the 
 pleasure of the House of Austria, and that the question of 
 consideration for the population of Bavaria was nothing but 
 a pretext for handing it over completely to the enemy, in 
 order that they should be in better state to furnish the 
 subsidies that the Emperor would certainly impose upon 
 them ; that it would be known, when too late, that Bavaria 
 could keep up a much larger army, if only the State 
 revenues were honestly dealt with. That if any real com- 
 passion existed for the people it should be shown by every 
 possible effort being made to prevent their falling into the 
 hands of their greatest enemies, the Austrians, for if they 
 became thus subject of the Court of Vienna, they would be 
 treated as a nation which sooner or later must be restored 
 to the control of its original ruler ; thus, tax;es and imposi- 
 tions would be showered upon them, to make as much as 
 possible out of them in the meantime, and the difference 
 would then be only too manifest between those imposed 
 by their enemies and those necessary for the maintenance 
 of an army which would be working for their indepen- 
 dence. 
 
 If, however, all these arguments counted for nothing, 
 and it was deemed impossible to compel the populace 
 
1704] A QUESTION OF FINANCE 239 
 
 itself to find the cost of the war, there were yet other 
 means at hand to provide for this, namely, to requisition 
 the immense quantity of plate that existed in the abbeys, 
 cloisters, convents, and parishes, receipts being given for 
 it, and then coin it into money. Moreover, besides all 
 this plate, there was in the churches an enormous number 
 of bells, some of which could also be coined ; so that how- 
 ever little the people could give on their own part, these 
 two sources would prove more than sufficient, not only for 
 the sustenance of the troops actually in the field, but for 
 a considerable augmentation of their number. There still 
 also remained the resources of the country in crops and 
 cattle, which were so abundant that they furnished many 
 of the neighbouring provinces with their annual supplies. 
 
 Besides this, the troops would be quite contented with 
 six months' pay in the year, provided that they could 
 reckon upon an honest payment of the balance due to 
 them when matters permitted, and were not only ready 
 to defend the State faithfully, but even to invade the 
 enemy's territory. 
 
 In the case of the Provinces of Linz and Salzburg 
 with their open frontiers, contributions and requisitions 
 could be made therein to add to the State Treasury, 
 in fact, the Electress might rest assured that this action 
 alone would oblige the Emperor to make such an impor- 
 tant diversion of his army that France, with her inex- 
 haustible resources, would profit thereby to send us help, 
 as she had done in the preceding year, the only means 
 of bringing the Elector back to his State. 
 
 Our Petition was duly presented to the Electress and 
 the Council of State, but, very far from being listened 
 to, only served as a pretext to give the Princess bad im- 
 pressions of the army. The Council accused us of wishing 
 to sacrifice the country to our interests. We feared, ac- 
 
240 ELECTRESS AND EMPEROR [chap, viii 
 
 cording to them, that if peace was made we should lose 
 our employment, whilst on the other hand, in the confusion 
 of war, we should seize the Government and inflict ex- 
 actions upon the Prince's subjects. They decided that 
 peace was the best policy to pursue, and that we must 
 not be listened to. Moreover, things had already gone 
 too far with the Emperor at the time we presented our 
 Petition ; the preliminaries were settled between the two 
 parties, and it was therefore determined to continue the 
 negotiations, and we were not even vouchsafed a reply. 
 Whilst these matters were being arranged between the 
 Emperor and the Electress, the Imperial troops got into 
 movement and appeared in the plain of Straubing. We 
 were some distance away from this district, and acting on 
 information received as to the above, our generals set our 
 army in motion with the intention of attacking them and 
 preventing them laying siege to this town, which we 
 believed to be their design. The Council at Munich 
 learning this, and suspecting our intention, which at any 
 other time they would have deemed most praiseworthy, 
 sent the Sieur Neyzinguer, a member of the Council, who 
 brought us an order from the Electress by which we were 
 forbidden in the future to commit any act of hostility 
 against the Emperor's troops, and commanded to retire 
 and pitch our camp in a certain locality, where we were to 
 remain until further orders. 
 
 We were then convinced of the little attention that 
 had been paid to our Petition, and that the treaty had 
 been concluded according to the wishes of the cowardly 
 Council, who wished to put itself under the protection of 
 the Court of Vienna. We had many a conference amongst 
 ourselves, and having examined the question from every 
 point, it seemed only too certain that the Electress had 
 been induced by the Council to look upon our Petition 
 
1704] BAVARIA CAPITULATES 241 
 
 and its sound arguments as contrary to her own in- 
 terests and the tranquillity of her State. Would that 
 their reasons had been better than ours ! but future events 
 unfortunately proved the contrary. After impartial reflec- 
 tion on all that passed with regard to this matter, it will be 
 found to be absolutely certain that the propositions of the 
 military party were sincere and pure, and that those of 
 the Ministers were influenced by fear and interest. The 
 people were quite ready to take up arms for their own 
 defence, and more than sixty thousand willing men could 
 have been found to hand, who would have given the Im- 
 perialists plenty to do. If the Council had only possessed 
 a proper feeling, Bavaria could have stood by her own 
 right, and would in all probability have escaped falling 
 under the yoke of a foreign Power. Notwithstanding the 
 peace, she was for ten years treated as cruelly as if she was 
 suffering from a regular invasion, sword in hand, and her 
 Princes were robbed of their freedom. 
 
 The prime movers of the Council now made a secret 
 agreement by which the Electress was to hand over to 
 His Imperial Majesty the towns of Landsberg, Mitlitmen, 
 Ingolstadt, Straubing, Scharting, Braunau, and Landshut, 
 the principal fortified places in Bavaria, and to disband 
 all her own troops, who were to retire to wherever they 
 wished in the Empire, provided they did not leave it. Out 
 of these she reserved the right to choose one battalion to 
 act as her bodyguard. She was to be content with the 
 possession of the town and bailiwick of Munich only, to 
 serve for her maintenance and mark of sovereignty, and 
 all the rest of Bavaria was handed over to His Imperial 
 Majesty, to do with as his choice and will might direct — 
 as if, in fact, it was one of his own States. According 
 to this treaty, the Electress was not to be disturbed in 
 her occupation of the town and bailiwick under any 
 
 R 
 
242 WE ARE SENT TO INGOLSTADT [chap, viii 
 
 pretext whatever, and no attempt was made to pay the 
 troops their arrears of pay. The Ministers were some- 
 what embarrassed by this last point, which they had con- 
 cealed from the Electress and the Emperor, and made up 
 their minds not to pay the army, which was to be dis- 
 banded at the earliest possible date. They thought, with 
 truth, that so long as it remained concentrated, it might 
 claim its rights as soon as there was no longer hope or 
 chance left for it ; consequently they arranged means of 
 breaking it up. Quarters were detailed for each regiment, 
 so distant from each other that the Bavarian army no 
 longer existed as such. In this distribution of the forces, 
 my battalion of grenadiers was ordered to the town of 
 Ingolstadt, together with the three battalions of the regi- 
 ment of Liselbourg, the whole being under the command 
 of the major-general of that name, to whom no special 
 orders were given as to his future action, and nothing was 
 said as to the treaty between the Emperor and the 
 Electress. 
 
 The Council, fearing discontent among the troops, 
 wished to keep this matter hidden until the moment 
 arrived when the Imperialists should take over the various 
 fortified towns ; then, availing themselves of the Princess's 
 authority, the necessary order was to be issued to each 
 commandant with all the emphasis necessary to bring 
 about strict obedience. The gist of this order was that 
 the troops should lay down their arms in the towns they 
 were occupying, and after having received the Imperial 
 garrisons they should be disbanded, and depart as private 
 individuals, each one as he found convenient. The 
 " Honourable " members of the Council hoped, by send- 
 ing us these orders only at the actual moment of the 
 surrender, to rob us of any time for reflection ; but not- 
 withstanding their precaution, we discovered their designs 
 
1704] SAD PLIGHT OF THE GRENADIERS 243 
 
 in time for our garrison to confer together as to what 
 should be done in the case, and to make them render 
 the justice due to us. The contents of this treaty, 
 which excited the curiosity of the whole world, gradually 
 became common property, and it was with downright grief 
 that I learned that there was no mention therein respect- 
 ing the French grenadiers — an ominous omission that gave 
 us no grounds for a favourable view as to our ultimate fate. 
 Some asserted that we should all be shot to rid the country 
 of a nuisance, whilst others thought we should not even 
 have that honour accorded us, but were convinced that all 
 the grenadiers would be hanged in the wood of Ingolstadt 
 as deserters from the Empire ; in fact, of all those who 
 discussed our fate, there was not one who did not condemn 
 us to death : the only question to their minds seemed to 
 be the particular form this would take. It is true that 
 there were many things which might be laid to the account 
 of the battalion — ^firstly, it was entirely French ; secondly, 
 these Frenchmen were, in fact, deserters from the Imperial 
 service; thirdly, they had been guilty of excessive plunder- 
 ing. But supposing this regiment was treated like the 
 Bavarians, with the permission to disband and disperse, 
 it would have been no better off, for it was impossible for 
 them to traverse Germany in order to reach France with- 
 out being massacred by the peasants. We were looked 
 upon as enemies by the whole of the Germanic League, 
 and we thus found ourselves in the midst of the Empire at 
 the mercy of an infuriated populace, and without a chance 
 of succour or aid of any kind. I was responsible for these 
 unfortunate soldiery, whose minds had been charitably 
 filled by indiscreet people with vivid pictures of the misery 
 threatening them ; in fact, so dismal was the lot foretold 
 for the French grenadiers that one really felt that they 
 were beyond hope. 
 
244 OUR COUNCIL OF WAR [chap, viii 
 
 M. de Liselbourg, a perfectly straightforward man, was 
 deeply sensible of the injustice about to be perpetrated with- 
 out the knowledge of the Electress on troops who had served 
 with so great a zeal, and was by no means averse to assist- 
 ing them to right their case before surrendering to the 
 Imperialists such a town as Ingolstadt, which, owing to its 
 fortifications, magazines, and arsenal, was the most im- 
 portant fortress in the Bavarian States. He being unwilling 
 to act entirely upon his own responsibility, consulted his 
 lieutenant -colonel, M. de Florimont (now major-general), 
 and me. We, the senior officers of this garrison, agreed 
 unanimously that without being unfaithful to the interests 
 of the Electress, we could and should, before surrendering 
 the place, insist upon proper arrangements being made 
 for our troops, and that we should hold out until this was 
 granted. Also, that in the event of our having to with- 
 stand a siege we should then be acting as against the 
 Emperor and the Bavarian Ministry only, since the Princess 
 could not possibly intend to inflict on the troops an injustice 
 of which she knew nothing. 
 
 To be on the safe side, we also settled that we should 
 prepare a Petition to present to her, which should explain 
 our reason for not surrendering Ingolstadt. After we had 
 decided upon the course we should take, we informed the 
 rest of the officers of our garrison, who were delighted 
 to find us so disposed to devote ourselves to the general 
 welfare, and each one declared his intention of shedding 
 the last drop of his blood rather than surrender the town 
 before satisfaction had been afforded us. When I saw that 
 all the officers were of this mind, I thought the time had 
 come to bring forward a design I had already thought out, 
 but which I had not hitherto dared to make public ; it had 
 to do with my French grenadiers. I pointed out to our 
 principal officers that, without in any way prejudicing their 
 
1704] AN ORDER FROM THE ELECTRESS 245 
 
 interests, I should propose that a fresh treaty should be 
 made on our behalf, on the supposition that we had been 
 forgotten, as was reported to be the case, in that made 
 by the Electress. I reminded them of the service my 
 battalion would render them if it became necessary for 
 us to stand a siege by the Imperialists, which in itself 
 should make them see the expediency of doing what they 
 could for us. It was then agreed that no arrangement 
 should be entered upon which did not include our grena- 
 diers, and this clause was embodied in the Petition that we 
 had ready to send to Madame the Electress when we 
 thought it necessary. 
 
 At last the day on which the Imperialists were to enter 
 Ingolstadt, November nth, was announced to us on the 
 previous evening in an order from the Electress. This 
 stated that we were to evacuate and hand over the 
 place to the Imperialist garrison, after having handed the 
 keys to Mar^chal d'Herberfeld, the Imperial General, and 
 returned the arms to the Arsenal ; that this was the wish of 
 Her Highness, to violate which would be to incur her 
 displeasure, and who, having judged it necessary to disband 
 a portion of her troops for the welfare of the State, 
 thanked the garrison of Ingolstadt for its services, and 
 directed that it should betake itself wherever it desired. 
 
 There was not a word in this Order as to the payment 
 of the troops, and no reference to my grenadiers ; the 
 ofificers of the garrison having had it read to them were 
 cut to the heart to find this injustice carried through to the 
 bitter end. They were so irritated that the resolution they 
 had taken not to deliver up the place was strengthened; 
 nevertheless, in order to acquaint the Electress with the 
 fact that in taking this line of action our intentions were 
 in no way intended as rebellion to her wishes, we at once 
 sent off an express envoy to present her with our Petition. 
 
246 POURPARLERS [chap, viii 
 
 This contained the detailed reasons which obliged us to 
 refuse entry to the Imperialists, and we at once took all 
 necessary precautions to prevent our being surprised. 
 
 Marechal d'Herberfeld did not fail to appear next 
 morning about ten o'clock with a body of cavalry and 
 infantry, which he left in an open plain near the town. He 
 then advanced with several officers and a Deputy from the 
 Council in Munich to call our attention to the Order and 
 the intentions of the two Powers. We had been careful 
 to occupy the lines as far as the outlying fortifications, 
 and to man the ramparts and covered -way with our 
 infantry. 
 
 As soon as he appeared MM. de Liselbourg, Florimont, 
 and I advanced to the farthest point in our lines to meet and 
 enter into explanations with the General, who appeared to 
 be most surprised to find us maintaining an attitude so 
 contrary to that which his orders had led him to expect. 
 He was annoyed at the idea of retracing his steps, and 
 together with the Deputy from the Council, began to point 
 out to us the rashness of the step we were taking. 
 
 He told us that the question of default of the pay was 
 not one upon which evasion of the treaties and orders of 
 His Imperial Majesty and the Electress could be founded, 
 and that our refusal to obey constituted open rebellion 
 which we wished to cover under a poor pretext, and finally 
 advised us to think this over before he retired, as he 
 feared lest our conduct should cost us too dearly. When 
 we saw the high and mighty view that he took of the 
 matter, we told him that for our part we could only 
 counsel him to retire, and that quickly, lest it cost him 
 dearer than us, for he had no time to lose in which to 
 withdraw his troops out of the range of our cannon. This 
 he did without further parley. 
 
 Our refusal to surrender Ingolstadt made a great stir at 
 
1704] WE STAND FIRM 247 
 
 the Courts of Vienna and Munich, complaint was made to 
 the Electress of the non-observance of the treaty, and she 
 was requested to give orders of a more stringent nature 
 to compel us to obey. The Council itself was extremely 
 irritated at our boldness, and sent us a new Order under 
 the name and authority of the Electress in which there 
 was no mention whatever made of the issues raised by us 
 in our last Petition, but declared that if we did not obey 
 as soon as we should have received it, our action would be 
 looked upon as mutiny, and punished as such. 
 
 This new Order caused us little astonishment ; we were 
 convinced that the Council alone were responsible for 
 these threats, and certainly not the Electress, to whom 
 it was a matter of little or no importance whether the 
 town fell into the hands of the Imperialists now or later. 
 
 The mischief being done, our conduct could not make 
 things worse ; we knew, besides, that Her Highness would 
 in no way benefit from the arrears of pay refused to us, 
 but that it was the Ministers or the Viennese Court who 
 would profit thereby. Having thus duly considered every 
 phase of this matter, we stood firm, and took extra pre- 
 cautions against being taken by surprise. 
 
 However, in order not to delay matters, we prepared 
 a new Petition even more circumstantial than the first, 
 by which it was clearly proved that there was nothing 
 in our action contrary to the interests of the Electress : 
 it only effected the Emperor, or at the most the States 
 which had been ceded to him. 
 
 Also, that in simple equity we should be paid, for if it 
 was not done now out of the revenue of the abandoned 
 country, the Elector would find himself one day in the 
 unfortunate position of being pledged to satisfy us, simply 
 because he had not forced the Imperialists to do so when 
 it was possible without prejudicing the interests of the 
 
248 I AM SENT TO PRINCE EUGENE [chap, viii 
 
 Electress. We besought her very humbly to look upon 
 our action in as favourable a light as possible ; we had 
 no intention of doing anything contrary to her interests 
 or to the respect we owed her, and begged her to leave the 
 Emperor to settle with us, as it was evident the control 
 over the troops and fortresses was no longer in her hands. 
 
 Our Petition was written in French, the Princess knew 
 no German, and being given into her own hands, had all 
 the effect that we could reasonably expect. She declined 
 to interfere further with the fate of Ingolstadt, and left the 
 Court of Vienna to settle the matter as it might think fit. 
 
 We remained undisturbed and without any news until 
 the 27th of the month, when the King of the Romans 
 returning from the siege of Landau with Prince Eugene, 
 visited Marechal d'Herberfeld, who had his headquarters 
 four leagues from Ingolstadt. The King of the Romans 
 continued his journey to Vienna, and left to Prince 
 Eugene the question of arranging this affair. Prince 
 Eugene, with praiseworthy moderation, wished to know 
 from our own lips why it was that we refused to sur- 
 render as purposed by the Electress. He therefore sent 
 a lieutenant-colonel to us to say that he wished we would 
 send one of our number to him, with whom he could 
 confer as to the difficulties which gave rise to our refusal. 
 No sooner had M. de Liselbourg assembled the officers 
 of the garrison than it was decided that I should bear 
 this " commission," and I was sent straightway to Prince 
 Eugene. The Prince received me with much kindness, 
 and, with none present but our two selves, I had the 
 honour of pointing out to him, in his private study, the 
 justice that would be brought about by satisfying the 
 demands of these troops, who had done their duty with 
 such zeal and repute. 
 
 I informed him that the money we claimed would 
 
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1704] MY INTERVIEW WITH THE PRINCE 249 
 
 be of no profit either to His Imperial Majesty or to 
 Madame the Electress, and of the fact that this sum still 
 owing to us constituted the sole reason for our refusing to 
 surrender. As to the exclusion of the regiment of French 
 grenadiers from the treaty with Madame the Electress, 
 I pointed out that as they were not Bavarian subjects the 
 omission had evidently occurred either accidentally or with 
 malicious intent, and that it would only be equitable to 
 draw up a special tfeaty to decide the fate and ensure the 
 safety of the regiment. 
 
 The Prince then asked me what I hoped to gain by such 
 a treaty. 
 
 " I would ask Your Highness," said I, " that His 
 Imperial Majesty should graciously grant the safe depar- 
 ture of the regiment of French grenadiers from the town 
 of Ingolstadt with all the honours of war — that is, with 
 drums beating, colours flying, arms and baggage, together 
 with the servants and all Frenchmen that could be found 
 in the town. That it should be accompanied by Com- 
 missioners and a proper escort as far as the town of 
 Strasburg by the shortest route. That the daily march 
 should be not more than five leagues daily, resting each 
 third day, billets should be regularly marked out for us, 
 and that transport for the sick and the baggage should be 
 furnished us gratis. That the Commissioners and the 
 escort should take entire charge and superintendence 
 of the billeting and such like matters, so that by the 
 regiment taking no part in this, any pretext by which 
 the antipathy existing between the Germans and French 
 could be aroused might be avoided ; and in order to ensure 
 that all these conditions were observed. His Imperial 
 Majesty should send hostages to the town of Strasburg to 
 await the arrival of the regiment." 
 
 Prince Eugene listened to me attentively, and asked me 
 
250 OUR CONDITIONS [chap, viii 
 
 in his habitually calm manner if I had well thought out 
 the proposals I had just made, and whether a foreign 
 regiment, alone in the centre of the Empire, could expect 
 all the honours I demanded, or, to put it plainly, dictate to 
 the Emperor conditions that the garrison of Ingolstadt 
 would not obtain if it was ten thousand men strong. He 
 gave me to understand that I must limit my demand to 
 a passport for each of our grenadiers to enable them to 
 leave in safety whensoever they individually wished, and 
 that this even would only be granted as a favour, because 
 our regiment had no claim to any conditions over and 
 above those granted to the garrison of Ingolstadt. That 
 although we had been forgotten in the conditions of the 
 treaty with the Electress, he would be pleased to issue these 
 passports upon his own responsibility, in accordance with 
 any detail of numbers that I might furnish him with, so 
 that each person could leave individually or, if thought 
 best, in groups of ten, and that that, together with the pay 
 owing to us, was all that he could grant us. 
 
 He added that he was making every effort to satisfy the 
 garrison and to remove any excuse for delaying the 
 evacuation of the place, and that if I accepted the ad- 
 vantageous proposals that he made me, we should receive 
 the money and passports at once. I again represented 
 to the Prince that while the proposals he had so graciously 
 made appeared to be reasonable and fair, and passports 
 on any other occasion would be all that was required, still 
 that they would not meet the case in which we now found 
 ourselves. Attention had been drawn to our regiment, and 
 the world had decided its fate and sentenced it to death. 
 Consequently, the peasants of Swabia, accustomed to 
 bloodshed and plunder ever since the Battle of Hochstett, 
 would pay no respect to passports carried by unarmed 
 Frenchmen ; and the cruelty of these people had been 
 
1704] A SATISFACTORY REPLY 251 
 
 so much increased by the bad behaviour of our grenadiers 
 towards them that it would now be practically impossible 
 for our people to pass through the country without being 
 massacred on the road. 
 
 I begged His Highness to agree with my views and 
 to believe that I had no attention whatever of laying down 
 the law in the heart of the Empire, but that it was only 
 our dire situation that forced me to ask for these favours; 
 that our solitary regiment was hardly an object which 
 could affect the glory of the Emperor, and that the 
 honour I asked for had but our safety as its end. 
 
 The Prince, after having remained silent for some time, 
 consented to my reasonings. He wished, however, before 
 showing this to oppose other arguments, in order to see 
 if I should firmly persist in the attitude I had taken 
 up. He pressed me so hard that I was driven to tell him 
 that the regiment had already acquired so great a reputa- 
 tion that in support of the same it would find it more 
 glorious to perish in a bastion at Ingolstadt than to take 
 the chance of being massacred by some miserable peasants 
 This would not fail to happen unless he was good enough 
 to grant the conditions I proposed to him, and I respect- 
 fully gave him to understand that this was our final 
 decision and that of the whole of the garrison. 
 
 He understood from this interview that we were re- 
 solved to die in Ingolstadt if we did not obtain these terms. 
 Moreover, he saw that it was not to the Emperor's interest 
 to risk his own troops to force us, or to retard in any way 
 the occupation of the place, and he did me the honour of 
 saying that the evidence I had put forward prevented an 
 entire refusal of my propositions, but that he must have 
 time for reflection, and told me to wait in his quarters for 
 a final reply. 
 
 I left the Prince in a very satisfied frame of mind, and 
 
252 PRINCE BAREYTER'S DRAGOONS [chap, viii 
 
 found in his ante-chamber a numerous company of dis- 
 tinguished people, among others Marechal d'Herberfeld, 
 who complimented me on my mission. He told me that 
 he would gladly have made us advantageous proposals 
 himself. He had put our views before the King of the 
 Romans ; that it was upon his own advice that Prince 
 Eugene had remained in his quarters to decide upon our 
 differences. Whilst d'Herberfeld was talking to me, Prince 
 Bareyter, brother-in-law of the King of Poland, joined us 
 with an inquisitive air. I knew that these gentlemen 
 would have given anything to know the outcome of my 
 interview with Prince Eugene, but I affected not to be 
 aware of this, and answered their polite remarks as vaguely 
 as possible. 
 
 We then talked of matters regarding the details of the 
 actions which had taken place during the campaign, and 
 I learned that four troopers of Bareyter's regiment had 
 had a great quarrel over the division of the spoil I had left 
 on the banks of the Danube, when I swam that river after 
 the action at Schelemberg, and that one of them had been 
 killed as the result. The Prince told me that by reason of 
 this dispute my coat had been brought to him, and he had 
 learned my name from the papers in the pockets, then, 
 hearing that I had charge of this mission, my adventure re- 
 called itself to his memory, and he wished to express how 
 glad he would be to do anything for me that lay in his 
 power. I had the honour of finding myself seated next to 
 him that day at Prince Eugene's table, and in order to mark 
 his good feeling towards me, he made me drink several 
 more bumpers with him than is usual. Thus passed the 
 first day, and on the next this Prince again made me sit 
 by him at table, and caused the same series of bumper 
 toasts to be drunk, not that this, however, led me to exceed 
 in this respect, as I only acknowledged those that he drank. 
 
1704] A TEMPTING OFFER 253 
 
 In the afternoon he made me propositions the nature of 
 which surpassed anything that I could have hoped, had my 
 duty and nationality permitted me to accept them. Mare- 
 chal d'Herberfeld joined with him in suggesting that I 
 should enter the Emperor's service, and both promised me 
 all their support. They tempted me by saying that they had 
 sufficient influence at the Viennese Court to obtain me the 
 command of a regiment of Frenchmen, such as I now 
 commanded, should I think fit. They told me that an 
 infantry regiment in the Emperor's service was worth at 
 least twenty thousand crowns yearly, and if I had scruples 
 in carrying arms against my own country, means would be 
 found to give me employment in Hungary or with the 
 King of Poland, and that in my peculiar situation I might 
 well regard myself as being without a master, for, according 
 to the treaty with the Electress, I was entirely free to act 
 as I liked without offending against honour or propriety. 
 They also told me my country would not give me great 
 credit for my scruples, as one individual more or less in 
 a kingdom was of no consequence. The advice of these 
 gentlemen was certainly to my own interest, and I saw as well 
 as they did that the treaty with the Electress would save 
 me from any imputation that might be made upon my 
 conduct, On the other hand, I should always carry with 
 me the regret of having accepted conditions which would 
 have obliged me to support the advancement of my 
 country's enemies. The regiment without doubt would 
 have followed me, in fact, I believe it had that idea in 
 mind, but this in itself made me quite averse to the pro- 
 position. I therefore thanked them without arguing the 
 point, and thought it best to leave the matter open without 
 giving a decided answer. 
 
 Prince Eugene called me into his private room the same 
 evening. He, for some time, still opposed the propositions 
 
2 54 FINAL ARRANGEMENTS [chap, viii 
 
 I had made to him, but finding me provided with fresh 
 reasons to support those I had already put before him, he 
 determined to grant them, with the exception of that 
 relating to the despatch of hostages to Strasburg, or per- 
 mission to take with us German servants above the age 
 of fifteen. He said that hostages would be quite un- 
 necessary, for he would send Imperial orders to all the pro- 
 vinces and principalities through which the regiment would 
 have to pass, to see to the observance of all the articles 
 in the treaty. Commissioners, together with the escort 
 detailed to accompany us, would supply everything, and 
 I could now go back to Ingolstadt, to return again after 
 six days, in order to give him time to obtain the signature 
 of the treaty by His Imperial Majesty; he would then 
 hand it to me and tell me pretty nearly the date of our 
 departure. In the meantime he would arrange for the 
 payment of the whole garrison ; I was empowered to 
 assure them on this point, and that everyone would be 
 satisfied. He also added, with a laugh, that I knew what 
 I was about in arranging capitulations, and that this one 
 went well by the side of that of Rain. I was surrounded 
 on my arrival at Ingolstadt by the whole of the officers of 
 the garrison, who were impatiently waiting to hear the 
 result of my mission. I made them my report, and it 
 appeared to give everyone the greatest satisfaction. Our 
 Frenchmen, above all, were in the seventh heaven ; their 
 good fortune seemed to surpass their greatest expectations, 
 for they found themselves covered with distinction at the 
 very moment at which they had given themselves up for lost. 
 On account of the course we had resolved upon, and were 
 ready to take if necessary, there was not one who had not 
 felt the full force of the gravity of the situation, and there 
 were some even who were so affected by the melancholy 
 prospect of their destruction, that they could hardly bring 
 
1704] BOISMOREL REJOINS US 255 
 
 themselves to believe it possible that such excellent and 
 honourable conditions would be sincerely carried out. 
 
 By this treaty I had an excellent opportunity to save 
 Boismorel from the prosecution which might have been got 
 up against him at Munich in the absence of his partisans. 
 In order not to miss such a chance I despatched an officer 
 the same day post haste to acquaint him of the news, and 
 to tell him to pack up some things and join us (for there 
 was no difficulty in evading his guard) ; in the meantime 
 I would arrange a lodging for him. 
 
 I called upon and reported this to M. de Liselbourg, 
 who, to please me, was good enough to agree to the course 
 I had taken, on condition that Boismorel should never 
 appear in public and still less at his own house, so that he 
 should be relieved of all suspicion of connivance at his 
 escape. Next day I saw Boismorel arrive, overjoyed to 
 find himself at liberty and to feel that the moment had 
 come for his return to France. As he could only appear 
 about the town incognito, his sole companions besides 
 the officers of the regiment were two French engineers, 
 Parisians, who were in Ingolstadt before the Battle of 
 Hochstett, and with whom he contracted such a close 
 friendship that they never left him. So happy was he 
 in the companionship of these gentlemen that he soon 
 forgot his late troubles and all the services I had just 
 rendered him ; like the serpent in the fable he repaid 
 me only with ingratitude. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 QUARREL WITH BOISMOREL — MEETING WITH THE LADY OF 
 STRAUBING — BOISMOREL's ATTEMPTED REVENGE — -FRENCH 
 GRENADIERS ESCORTED TO STRASBURG — BASTIDE's CONFES- 
 SION — TROUBLE AT BORDEAUX — FIGHT WITH THE BAILIFFS 
 — DEPARTURE TO MONS — FAILURE TO INDUCE BOISMOREL 
 TO FIGHT A DUEL 
 
 I SET out from Ingolstadt to report myself to Prince 
 Eugene on the day he had appointed for me to receive 
 the articles of our capitulation. Boismorel, like the rest of 
 the garrison, was perfectly aware of the object of my journey, 
 and that there was no question of further negotiation. I 
 found everything arranged exactly as the Prince had kindly 
 promised me. He himself handed me the articles of the 
 treaty, assured me that the Commissioners were then at 
 work upon lists for the payment of our garrison, and that 
 when this was complete we should receive our money. I 
 was empowered to tell our people that they would not be 
 asked to evacuate the place until two days after everyone 
 had been settled with ; he could not state positively the 
 date of our departure, because it was necessary to com- 
 municate the terms of the treaty to the Princes through 
 whose territory we should have to pass, and to avoid 
 confusion in the detail of our billets. He said further that 
 some time must pass before all was in order, but that if 
 when we left Ingolstadt things were not in readiness, he had 
 arranged that we should wait in the little town of Scherem- 
 
 256 
 
17041 A MESSAGE FROM BOISMOREL 257 
 
 hausen until our route and escort arrived, which, as far 
 as he could judge, would be on or about December 15th. 
 This over I took my leave of the Prince and returned to 
 Ingolstadt, where I arrived rather late and prostrated with 
 a sick headache. As on the previous occasion I found all 
 the officers assembled at the house of M. de Liselbourg, 
 excepting Boismorel ; I forthwith made my report, gave 
 the articles into the hands of our General, because contained 
 therein were the promises of payment to the garrison, and 
 then being no longer able to support my malady I went 
 home to bed. 
 
 I had made up my mind to start for Munich early 
 next morning, where lay all my property, to make use of 
 the time before our departure and put in order various 
 matters I had charge of. I got into my dressing-gown 
 immediately on arrival at my lodgings, but passing the 
 time with some arrangements connected with my journey 
 was still up and about when I saw a regimental gargon- 
 major* enter the room with a message to say that Boismorel 
 wished to see me. I pointed out to him that it was im- 
 possible for me to go out, and as far as our business was 
 concerned, several officers of the regiment who were at 
 M. de Liselbourg's, and who were asked to do so, had 
 doubtless informed him on the subject, so that there was 
 nothing to tell him that he did not already know, and, 
 besides, I should call on him next morning before starting 
 for Munich. A short time after the gargon-major had left 
 another messenger arrived on the same errand. I asked 
 him if Boismorel was alone, and as he replied that he was 
 at supper with the two engineers, I had no doubt that he 
 wished me to join their party, and therefore sent my thanks 
 
 * An officer so-called in the old French service. He was selected from 
 among the lieutenants of a regiment to assist the aide-majors in the general 
 detail of duty. — James. 
 S 
 
2s8 BOISMOREL CALLS UPON ME [chap, ix 
 
 for the invitation with the same answer as previously ; but 
 I was wrong. Boismorel seemed to have thought that it 
 was my duty personally to report to him my arrival and 
 the result of my mission, not being aware that the com- 
 mandant of the garrison was the proper person to whom 
 such matters had to be reported. Furthermore, he did not 
 really belong to the garrison, because he was supposed to 
 be actually in irons, and as an officer is struck off all duty 
 when merely under arrest, he was not in a position to 
 demand anything from me as commanding the regiment, 
 or even from the most junior subaltern. 
 
 Boismorel's feelings were hurt, and thus he had sent 
 these two messengers to remind me to come and fulfil 
 my duty ; they, seeing the awkwardness of the situation, 
 had not dared to deliver me the message as given, and 
 had simply said that he wished to speak to me. The 
 engineers also, equally ignorant of the rules of the service, 
 had strengthened him in his opinion, making out that his 
 authority had been slighted, and that I was trying to assert 
 myself as the commanding-officer of the regiment. All 
 this was quite enough to put him into such a furious 
 temper that after my second reply he started off, entered 
 my room swollen with rage, and demanded a reason for 
 my disobedience. 
 
 I had retired to bed when I saw him enter, followed by 
 the two messengers, who, however, discreetly remained by 
 the door. Approaching me in a hectoring manner, he 
 said, " Well, sir, it seems that I am to be obliged to come 
 here myself to bring you to a sense of duty. Do you 
 know that I am your colonel, and what that means?" 
 " Yes, sir," said I, " I know you, and if you knew yourself 
 equally well, you would not have troubled yourself to 
 come to my house just to pay me a compliment." How- 
 ever, to enable him to get out of his mistake and re- 
 
1704] AN UNSEEMLY SQUABBLE 259 
 
 cover his temper, I told him with calmness the details 
 of the messages his people had brought, and the answers 
 I had given ; how, in the belief that he wished me to join 
 his party, I was obliged to refuse on account of my con- 
 dition, but he was so wrapped up in his own importance 
 that he still believed I wished to ignore him, and was so 
 full of what the engineers had put into his head, that my 
 reasons were of no avail. Far from recollecting what he 
 owed me, he made use of what I said to overwhelm me 
 with such low abuse that I was ashamed to hear such 
 words from a person of his position. It was in vain for me 
 to point out to him that he had other means at hand for 
 asserting what was due to him, if he believed himself to 
 be insulted, but I said that although I was starting the next 
 morning for Munich, my time was at his disposal, and he 
 could have the satisfaction he wished for. 
 
 Instead of listening to this, he made threatening gesticu- 
 lations with his hands, and flourished his fist in my face. 
 Then, seeing this game had gone far enough, and in the 
 fear that I should receive the first blow, I thought it best 
 to be beforehand with him, and so, not having any words 
 ready at the moment to apostrophise him with, I gave 
 him a heavy blow with my fist full in the face, which made 
 him stagger. He was so astonished at this that he forgot 
 he had a sword at his side, and in another instant we 
 had grappled with each other. When the two officers 
 heard our struggles, they and my valet rushed in and 
 separated us. Then Boismorel, still forgetful of his sword, 
 threw himself upon the sentry at the top of my staircase, 
 and endeavoured to wrest his gun from him, but the grena- 
 dier held fast, and his efforts were of no avail. 
 
 Whilst this was going on, I dashed into the next room 
 for my arms, and the thought that I should be ready for 
 him sooner than he liked, inspired him with such fear 
 
26o I ARRIVE IN MUNICH [chap, ix 
 
 that he rushed down the stairs, and made off precipitately 
 to his own house. When my anger had calmed somewhat 
 and I was in a condition to think, I could not conceive 
 what evil star could have led me into such an unfortunate 
 business, for I certainly had some reason to think that the 
 author of it would have sacrificed himself for me, in recog- 
 nition of the trouble I had taken in getting him out of 
 prison and thence to Ingolstadt. I had procured him his 
 liberty, perhaps even saved his life, but far from remem- 
 bering this, he had just put us into the unfortunate position 
 of having to draw upon each other. 
 
 Having been struck, honour now demanded that he 
 should wash out the affront with blood. I had no doubt, 
 therefore, but that I should have to fight early next morn- 
 ing, and in order that he should have nothing to reproach 
 me with regarding the satisfaction to which he was entitled, 
 I put off my journey to Munich till the afternoon. I made 
 a point even of walking in the principal square for a long 
 time so as to show people that he could find me if he 
 wished, but I never heard a word from him. 
 
 I then thought that he, knowing I had to go to Munich, 
 wished to meet me outside the town, so I mounted my 
 horse in the afternoon, and stopped on purpose to talk 
 with an officer in the Square, to give him time to catch me 
 up on the road, but I had to continue on my journey with- 
 out seeing him or anyone representing him. Arrived at 
 Munich, I found the inhabitants in a state of consterna- 
 tion, all gaiety had vanished, and this town, which had 
 been so brilliant last winter, full of society and the affairs 
 of the French army, was plunged in gloom. 
 
 About eight days after my arrival a lackey belonging 
 to a lady of rank came to say that his mistress hoped 
 I would call upon her with reference to a matter of im- 
 portance. I was not acquainted with the lady in question, 
 
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1704] A FAIR SCHEMER 261 
 
 and could not imagine what tliis important business could 
 be ; however, I made my call. What was my surprise 
 when on entering the room I found therein my fair one 
 of Straubing with her mother. They threw themselves 
 on my neck one after the other, with such studied eager- 
 ness that one could have sworn that they, especially my 
 amiable Princess, were animated with the most violent 
 affection. Our adieux at Landshut were nothing in com- 
 parison with the tearful tenderness she feigned to show at 
 this moment, and she played her part in the comedy with 
 such effect, what with the prostration of her feelings and 
 languor, that anyone would have thought she loved me 
 to madness. She mingled reproaches with excuses for 
 what had occurred when I went to see her in the country ; 
 she complained of my sudden departure without even 
 thinking it worth while to inquire for her ; and then said 
 that it was the surprise of our meeting that had been the 
 cause of her not showing me all the attention she could 
 have wished. She really had been overcome almost to the 
 extent of fainting, but that did not prevent the delight she 
 had felt, though at the time she was incapable of showing 
 it. She had recovered by the next day only to find I had 
 gone, when despair took the place of joy, but learning that 
 I was at Munich for a time she had come there expressly 
 to see me and reproach me for my indifference. For a 
 young lady of her rank to take such an important step was 
 the greatest proof she could give me of the attachment and 
 esteem in which she held me, and that I ought to take this 
 explanation at its proper value and effect a perfect recon- 
 ciliation between us. Although she understood that I was 
 about to return to France without keeping faith with the 
 love that I had so often sworn to her, she felt that I was too 
 good-hearted a man to wish to leave her without the accom- 
 plishment of that she had so hoped of me, and she had. 
 
262 I RETURN TO THE REGIMENT [chap, ix 
 
 therefore, made up her mind to sink all differences between 
 us, and to follow me wherever I judged fit to go. The 
 journey to France would be no obstacle to her ; she would 
 undertake it with pleasure, and, lastly, it would be impos- 
 sible to live without me. 
 
 After very few words of reply I bowed and retired. 
 I could not conceive how people of their position could 
 play such different roles in so short a period of time, and 
 found it extraordinary that this young lady's affection 
 should have resuscitated just at the moment that I was 
 leaving the country. I well recollected the manner with 
 which she had received me when I found her in company 
 with her imbecile countryman, and I could scarcely think, 
 after being so off-hand with me, that she could really 
 imagine that her tricks could have any effect upon my 
 feelings. The more I thought over the matter, the more 
 grew the dislike I now felt for her, so I concluded that 
 some unforeseen marriage had robbed her of her lover, 
 or perhaps even death, and that as a last resource she had 
 played these wiles so as to get me to take her to France 
 where her adventures would be unknown. 
 
 A few days later I left Munich, after having asked my 
 orders and taken my leave of the Electress, who did not 
 appear to be annoyed with what had happened at Ingol- 
 stadt ; on the contrary, she treated the liberty I had taken 
 with all the kindness in the world. I learned that the 
 garrison at Ingolstadt had been paid all that was due to 
 it, the Imperialists had entered the place, and that our 
 regiment was quartered in the little town of Scherem- 
 hausen, waiting for the escort to conduct them according 
 to the treaty. 
 
 I joined the regiment without delay, and no sooner had 
 I set foot in my billet than M. de Florimond, the two 
 engineers, and several other officers who were passing to 
 
1704] THE MEDIATORS 263 
 
 France by favour of my treaty, came to tell me that in 
 my absence they had arranged with Boismorel that we 
 should not settle the difference between us until the last 
 day's march before entering France, because it had been 
 intimated that the Imperialists were going to put off the 
 time of our departure in order to see how the matter 
 would end. They reckoned, it seemed, that the event 
 would be productive of some pretext to disturb the regi- 
 ment and so cause its desertion in a body. It was, 
 therefore, necessary in the interests of the King and the 
 many honest folk who hoped to travel under the protec- 
 tion of the battalion, that we should observe a truce until 
 we were on the frontier ; then, without prejudicing anyone, 
 we could wipe out our difference. Boismorel, at their 
 request, had consented to this arrangement, and they 
 hoped that I would not oppose it. 
 
 I told these gentlemen that there was no evidence what- 
 ever that the Imperialists had such designs concerning us, 
 or still less that they were in the least aware of what had 
 passed between Boismorel and me, but that, as they 
 thought proper that there should be several days truce 
 between us, I had nothing to say against it. Besides, it 
 lay with Boismorel to demand satisfaction from me, and 
 he was at liberty to keep silence as long as he thought fit, 
 though by putting the affair off there was always the fear 
 that he would raise fresh difficulties by reason of his 
 passionate temper. They told me that they had thought 
 as I did, but they had provided for this, and hoped to keep 
 him in check. 
 
 The warning turned out to be only too true, for 
 Mardchal d'Herberfeld, now commanding this province 
 since Prince Eugene had left for Vienna, annoyed at the 
 rebuff he had received from us at Ingolstadt, thought to 
 revenge himself by altering the date of our departure so 
 
264 ANOTHER MISSION [chap, ix 
 
 as to bring about desertion in the regiment. The 15th 
 and 1 6th of the month had already gone by without our 
 hearing a word on the subject — a silence that gave rise to 
 considerable consternation, and I was again called upon 
 to go and interview Marechal d'Herberfeld. 
 
 The General availed himself of excuses as to the way 
 he had been prevented from giving us this information, 
 and raised withal several further difficulties, which I set to 
 work to clear up. In the course of our conversation I 
 convinced him that some evil-minded person must have 
 set the rumour going as to a difference existing between 
 me and Boismorel, and that there was nothing in it. I 
 also pointed out that our long detention in the country 
 was neither to the Emperor's interest or that of the inhabi- 
 tants of Scheremhausen, as our grenadiers were a heavy 
 tax upon the district that they were quartered in, and 
 that they would be quite delighted to stay any length of 
 time. In fact, I told him so many things of the sort that 
 he finally determined to fix Christmas Eve as the day of 
 our departure, assured me that the Commissioners and 
 escort would be at the gates of the town that day to 
 conduct us, and, moreover, that a very honest and peace- 
 able set of men had been chosen for this work, with whom 
 we should be perfectly satisfied. 
 
 I left quite contented with the result of my mission, and 
 brought veritable relief to the minds of our people when 
 I produced such good news. 
 
 But Boismorel had not yet quieted down ; his evil 
 passions caused him to imagine means of revenge without 
 risking his life, and in such a way that no one could make 
 a personal accusation against him for failing to keep to 
 the arrangement he had made. To accomplish this, he 
 availed himself of the disposition and temper of his lieu- 
 tenant, who might have been called his double. He 
 
1704] THE DELUDED LIEUTENANT 265 
 
 was a young gentleman from Champagne, full of fire and 
 energy; neither well educated nor experienced, easily 
 taken in, and incapable of seeing the inwardness or truth 
 of any proposition made to him. Boismorel persuaded 
 him that I intended to do him a harm ; that he knew as 
 a fact that I premeditated cashiering him when he arrived 
 in France on account of his friendship for himself, and 
 that as he was in fear lest he should thus become a victim 
 to my jealousy, he advised him to avenge himself upon 
 me before I had time to do anything of the kind. This 
 young officer was so struck with Boismorel's advice that 
 he incautiously let fall countless threatening remarks 
 against me. The Chevalier de la Bastide, who was ex- 
 tremely attached to me, found out all this, and fearing 
 some sudden outbreak, reported the details to me when 
 I returned from my interview with General d'Herberfeld. 
 
 I was therefore on my guard when on the same day I 
 accidentally met the lieutenant in one of the streets. It 
 struck me that here was a chance of disabusing his mind 
 by explaining matters to him, and stopped him for this 
 purpose ; but I found him so prejudiced against me that 
 without further ceremony he showered abuse upon me in 
 such a high voice, and a manner so entirely wanting in 
 due respect, that I drew my sword and hit him with the 
 flat of the blade to show my resentment at his words. 
 I then stepped back to give him time to defend himself; 
 but a number of people who were attracted by his voice 
 came up, separated us, and saw us to our respective quarters. 
 
 Boismorel was overjoyed when he learned that the affair 
 had turned out in a way that made withdrawal impossible 
 before matters were brought to the usual climax, and 
 that the lieutenant must demand satisfaction from me, 
 since no official objection, on the score of his being but a 
 subaltern, could now be put forward. He hoped that this 
 
266 A CHALLENGE TO FIGHT [chap, ix 
 
 active and robust youth would relieve him of the danger 
 he would incur in fighting me, and he spent the rest of 
 the day doing his best to excite all the fury and rancour 
 that lay in his nature. He advised him to arm himself 
 with a thick stick in order to hit me before I had time to 
 draw my sword, should he be able to surprise me, so as 
 to wash out the insult of the blow I had given him with 
 the flat of my blade, and with this object sent him next 
 morning to prowl round my quarters. 
 
 I was in the act of dressing when I noticed him from 
 my window parading the Square, stick in hand, so in order 
 not to delay the satisfaction he intended to derive from 
 me, I finished my toilet as quickly as possible, and sallied 
 out to look for him without troubling much about his 
 stick. I could not see him in the Square, so took the 
 direction of Boismorel's lodgings, where I thought it likely 
 he would be, and saw him in the street talking to the 
 colonel through the window. As soon as I was sure that 
 both had seen me, I made my way towards a gate of the 
 town to gain space for our battle, and avoid the possible 
 contingency of our being separated as had happened on 
 the evening before. The lieutenant followed on my heels, 
 and seeing me pass through the gate got it into his head 
 that I had taken this road with the intention of avoiding 
 him. This idea increased his courage to the extent that 
 he quickened his pace, shouting, " Stop, stop ! you are not 
 going to escape from me." 
 
 I was on the bridge over the ditch of the town when 
 his voice rang harshly in my ears ; hurt by the unworthy 
 insinuation conveyed by this threat, I turned, sword in 
 hand, and in two bounds was upon him. He had barely 
 time to draw his own, and discard the stick, which he 
 had now no chance of using in the way he had planned. 
 The tactics I confronted him with were so contrary to 
 
1704] BOISMOREL'S DISAPPOINTMENT 267 
 
 his expectations that they contributed much to his dis- 
 advantage ; however, he did his best to defend himself, 
 but was confused, lost his head, and was quite unprepared. 
 I soon saw that I could easily finish off my man, and had, 
 happily for him, plenty of time to reflect that if I killed 
 him the fact of his death would, doubtless, be made the 
 cause of some awkward trouble. Hence I only wounded 
 him twice in the arm and disarmed him. I gave him his 
 life that I had in my power, although I was well aware 
 that I should not have met with the same fate if I had 
 been at his mercy, for Boismorel had commended me too 
 warmly to his care. 
 
 Several officers who had their suspicions of this affair, 
 and whom curiosity had brought to the spot, heard me 
 reprimand him for his evil intentions, and for being 
 capable of following such advice without realising that he 
 who gave it simply wished to sacrifice him for his own 
 revengeful purpose. I made him see how mistrustful he 
 should be of such pernicious gossip, and that he should 
 profit by the experience he had just undergone to avoid 
 mixing himself up with other people's quarrels. In 
 point of fact he appreciated this, and did all he could to 
 bring himself back again to my good opinion of him, 
 the which I granted him with pleasure. Boismorel, who 
 awaited with extreme anxiety the outcome of our combat, 
 was aghast when he learned the advantage I had gained 
 over his friend and the lecture I had administered to 
 him after our encounter, and for the time being let the 
 matter rest. 
 
 The day of our departure, as arranged with Mardchal 
 d'Herberfeld, came at last ; the escort and Commissioners 
 joined us at Scheremhausen, and we took the road to 
 France on the 23rd of December. There were no troops 
 left in Bavaria, but those belonging to His Imperial 
 
268 END OF THE BAVARIAN WAR [chap, ix 
 
 Majesty and the battalion left at the disposal of the 
 Electress. All the Bavarians had been disbanded accord- 
 ing to the treaty, and many who knew not where to go 
 joined the Emperor's service. Care was taken to send 
 these men to Hungary or Italy, lest they should be seized 
 with a desire to rejoin their Sovereign. It was not given 
 to the Electress to see the good faith of the treaty kept 
 for any length of time. To her sorrow she saw the Court 
 of Vienna, under various frivolous pretexts, send a com- 
 mandant to Munich to see that nothing occurred there 
 contrary to the interests of the Emperor, and Her High- 
 ness now saw from several indications that nothing but 
 unhappiness was promised for the future. She wished to 
 safeguard her family, so she asked for a passport for 
 Rome. The Court of Vienna, taking this opportunity to 
 complete its designs, granted the passport for the person 
 of the Electress only, and sent her five children to Gratz, 
 so that there should be no motive for unrest in the 
 Bavarian States. 
 
 The considerable revenue of the country contributed 
 effectually to the cost of the war, and only proved too 
 clearly how well it could have held out, as we had 
 declared. If the worst had come to the worst, it could 
 but have suffered loss of army and country. As it was, 
 the Elector's subjects were a prey to the subsidies laid 
 upon them by the Court of Vienna, which amounted 
 annually to at least thirty millions of French money. 
 
 Such was the end of the Bavarian War, with the details 
 of which very few people in Europe have made themselves 
 impartially acquainted. I could not well have added to or 
 left out any of the incidents thereof without weakening the 
 truth, and if I had but as much elegance as impartiality, I 
 know that my memoirs would be more presentable than 
 they actually are. 
 
1704] AN ATTEMPTED RECONCILIATION 269 
 
 We now found ourselves fairly on our road with the 
 Commissaries and a hundred and fifty cuirassiers as escort 
 under the command of a captain, a man of mark in the 
 Empire. He arranged the details of our billets, halts, 
 marches, and transport with all the exactitude that we 
 could have wished for, and brought about so good a feel- 
 ing between the cuirassiers and our grenadiers that it 
 appeared as if both were serving under the same flag. 
 Thus our journey was as comfortable and peaceful as pos- 
 sible ; the officers messed together day after day, and these 
 pleasant moments inspired them with the idea of trying to 
 bring about a reconciliation between Boismorel and me. 
 They believed that they had discovered a plausible excuse 
 to this end in giving a different aspect to our affair, and 
 persuaded themselves that it was a simple misunderstand- 
 ing of no consequence, and what had passed in the privacy 
 of my chamber was no evidence that there was deliberate 
 intention on either of our parts to give offence ; that we 
 had always been friends up to the time of this trifling 
 occurrence, and that there was no reason for enmity in so 
 small a matter. Moreover, as no one could possibly have 
 the right to criticise us on this point, we ought to suppress 
 our feelings, and make it up as good friends should. 
 
 The first proposals as to this arrangement were made to 
 Boismorel, as they naturally supposed that if he agreed to 
 them there would be no further obstacle to our reconcilia- 
 tion. He it was who had been struck. I was in the 
 position of owing him satisfaction, so that if he was con- 
 tent, I ought to be likewise. Any scruples that Boismorel 
 may have had were soon got over, for he was by no means 
 sorry that means were being devised to enable him to 
 avoid the risk incurred in the meeting which he ought to 
 have demanded from me. He swallowed his own disgrace, 
 persuaded himself that these gentlemen were right in their 
 
2 70 WE ARRIVE AT STRASBURG [chap, ix 
 
 premises, and gladly accepted their propositions. After 
 assuring themselves of Boismorel, they came on at once to 
 interview me ; but I could hardly believe that his consent 
 was really genuine or that there might not have been some 
 misunderstanding in the report they made me. It ap- 
 peared, however, that the matter was beyond question, and 
 instead of having to give satisfaction, sword in hand, to 
 Boismorel, I was to be let off with the embrace of amity. 
 This arrangement was followed by much conviviality, 
 which continued until our arrival at Strasburg on January 
 8th, 1705. 
 
 Marechal de Marsin, who was in command there, re- 
 ceived us in the most gracious manner possible, and 
 covered us with congratulations on our good fortune in 
 being able to preserve the regiment by means of an 
 honourable treaty, in spite of such adverse circumstances. 
 He told us that he had orders to send us to Mons, in 
 Flanders, by a route that he would point out, but that he 
 wished us to rest eight days in Strasburg, so that he 
 might have the pleasure of entertaining us. He kept the 
 Imperialists who had accompanied us for a similar pur- 
 pose, showed them all the hospitality that lay in his power 
 for three days, and on their departure directed two wag- 
 gons full of choice wine to join their train, one of cham- 
 pagne and the other of Burgundy, as a present to the 
 officers, who went on their way rejoicing. 
 
 During our stay at Strasburg I noticed that the 
 Chevalier de la Bastide, who ought to have appeared more 
 contented than anyone, was, on the contrary, extremely 
 gloomy and prepossessed. I had the greatest affection for 
 him ; he was a companion of the most kindly nature and 
 brave in action, and as he was much attached to me and I 
 had rendered him some service, I was interested through 
 him in the result of my work. 
 
1705] BASTIDE'S DILEMMA 271 
 
 Such was our friendship that we were accustomed to 
 hide nothing from, and ask anything of, each other. Moved 
 by the expression of his countenance, I asked him to tell 
 me the source of his melancholy, if it was but a manner 
 of affecting to hide his joy at finding himself back in 
 France, or whether something unfortunate had occurred to 
 him which he had not dared to tell me of I assured him 
 that if the latter was the case, I was absolutely desirous 
 that he should declare it to me, and that it appeared to me 
 very strange that he should have waited for me to ask him 
 about it. 
 
 When he saw that I insisted upon this, he tendered 
 several reasons to put me off ; I pressed him again on the 
 score of our friendship, and with friendly threats extracted 
 from him that the cause was of such a nature that he 
 would prefer it concealed for all time ; but he trusted that 
 notwithstanding the obligations he owed me already, I 
 would not cease my interest in him when I learned the 
 facts of the case ; and he begged me to continue a pro- 
 tection which he was now more than ever in need of 
 
 " I am not," he said, " what I told you I was when I 
 presented myself to you on the first occasion ; I assumed 
 a name and a standing to which I had no right. We were 
 in a foreign country, where I believed that by calling 
 myself a person of quality I would the sooner get employ- 
 ment. As a matter of fact, had you known that I had 
 never been in the service and who I really was, you would 
 have thought you were doing me a great favour even 
 by enlisting me as a private carabineer. You have been 
 the means of my obtaining an important post, one that 
 I could fill in a foreign land, but now that I am at home 
 it will be no longer possible for me to keep up my 
 disguise. A hundred times have I thought over the course 
 I should take. I would take arms in the service of the 
 
272 THE STORY OF A FRAUD [chap, ix 
 
 Emperor were it not for the grief I should cause you when 
 you came to learn of my desertion. How much rather 
 would I take my chance and follow you than commit 
 an act that would cause you pain, but the confidence I 
 have in your protection and friendship lead me to hope 
 that you will not abandon me. 
 
 "I was born," continued he, "at Villeneuve d'Agenois. 
 My name is Galand, my family is not a noble one, but 
 is bourgeois, and the oldest in the town. My father died 
 and left me but a small sum, though this did not prevent 
 my mother planning to see me married as soon as possible 
 on account of my being the only son. This done, I found 
 myself entirely without the means to keep up my house- 
 hold, so set to work in a small business on credit given me 
 by some merchants of Bordeaux, who supplied me with 
 some merchandise. I then opened a shop, but my want 
 of experience and liking for cards soon exhausted my 
 means, and nothing remained to liquidate my account with 
 the merchants. Default spelled imprisonment, and being 
 quite unable to meet my liabilities, I was obliged to desert 
 my wife and children and fly abroad to save myself 
 
 " One of my neighbours, named Roux, found himself in 
 the same case. We agreed to go off together to seek our 
 fortunes, and we were happy enough to meet you. He, 
 bolder than I should have been, took the title of Count, 
 and persuaded me to take that of Chevalier. Judge now 
 of my sad case. I foresee that as soon as we join the 
 army I shall meet many of my neighbours now serving, 
 who will be much astonished at the name of Bastide and 
 my rank as captain of grenadiers. They will guess that 
 I have only reached my position by means of a borrowed 
 name and rank, my promotion will excite their jealousy, 
 and they will not fail to inform the world of a history in 
 which the term bankrupt will not be spared. My creditors, 
 
1705] I CONSOLE BASTIDE 273 
 
 who will without doubt duly receive the information, will 
 crowd upon me either in person or through their agents, 
 and aid in making public my real status in life ; all this is 
 inevitable. 
 
 "If I had reached the post I hold by regular -grades, 
 merit would overcome the fact of my origin, but that a 
 bankrupt should all at once become a captain of grena- 
 diers is inconceivable. My adventure will come to the 
 knowledge of Marechal d'Arcko, who will be gravely 
 astonished that I should have taken him in with an 
 assumed name. 
 
 "These reflections drive me to despair, and I see but 
 one single remedy for my troubles that you can possibly 
 procure for me, but this would be asking too much of you 
 after the story I have just told you, which probably has 
 aroused your utmost indignation. I well see that there 
 is nothing whatever left for me to do but to rejoin the 
 Imperial escort, and throw myself into their ranks." 
 
 " Not at all," said I to him ; "I have sufficient experience 
 to see that your misfortune is due rather to your bank- 
 ruptcy than bad faith. Ever since I have known you, you 
 have shown yourself to be an honest man, and I make 
 no more of your having deceived me than that I have 
 deceived the Elector in procuring for you your company 
 in the grenadiers. No one could have held the post better 
 than you in the interests of the Prince. Your comrade 
 died in action, which will always be to the honour of his 
 memory, and I have no regrets whatever in having intro- 
 duced two such fellows as you. Simply tell me the means 
 by which you think I could extricate you from your diffi- 
 culties, and if they are in any way possible, I will spare 
 nothing to carry them out, and prove to you that when 
 once I have given my friendship it is for ever." 
 
 The poor boy, with tears in his eyes, threw himself 
 
 T 
 
 f 
 
2 74 BASTIDE AND I GO ON FURLOUGH [chap, ix 
 
 upon my neck, saying that as I was so kind, it would 
 necessitate my accompanying him to his own part of the 
 country, and leaving the regiment to move on to Mons 
 without us. To turn this journey to account, he would 
 write and describe to his wife and relations the plight he 
 was in, together with his intention of satisfying his creditors 
 and relieving his family, for which his affection had never 
 lapsed. 
 
 He added that if I rendered him that service, many 
 officers now on leave at Villeneuve, his creditors and 
 neighbours, seeing that I was fully conversant with all 
 his affairs and interested therein, would be silent with 
 regard to this news, which they would have otherwise 
 attempted to connect with the regiment ; they would 
 become gradually accustomed to his presence, and would 
 perceive nothing strange in his conduct. Even supposing 
 that someone did speak against him, my presence in his 
 neighbourhood would suffice as a reference or witness in 
 his favour, and with all his creditors satisfied, as he hoped 
 would be the case on his arrival, he trusted that they 
 would not show any bad feeling towards him. 
 
 Bastide told me this with such feeling that I was truly 
 affected by his troubles, and did not hesitate a moment in 
 telling him to write home at once, and that I was quite 
 ready to accompany him. 
 
 I then informed Boismorel that I intended to profit by 
 the remainder of the winter season, and go into the 
 country to put various matters in order, taking Bastide 
 with me. 
 
 He was charmed to find himself relieved of the presence 
 of two individuals who stood in the way of his ambition 
 to be the sole head of the regiment, and to pose as its 
 saviour. He even flattered himself that I intended to 
 retire altogether, and gave the regiment to understand 
 
lyos] BACK AT BORDEAUX 275 
 
 this. I however wrote to Mardchal d'Arcko, who was 
 with the Elector at Brussels, and reported to him fully all 
 that had passed in the regiment, my proposed tour, my 
 return to Mons before the opening of the campaign, and 
 then set off with Bastide. 
 
 Our journey was without incident, and we arrived at 
 Villeneuve very near the date named to his relations. So 
 determined were they to give me a good reception that 
 they assembled their friends, etc., to the extent that they 
 could hardly have made more preparations in the case 
 of the advent of an ambassador than they did for me. 
 The nobility and principal inhabitants heaped attentions 
 upon me. Nothing could have been more gracious than 
 the manners of these gentlemen ; every day there were 
 fresh entertainments, sumptuous repasts followed by 
 dances and balls, and I spent the Carnival in the most 
 agreeable fashion. Nevertheless, all this pleasure-making 
 did not prevent our arranging the affairs of Bastide, other- 
 wise Galand, which took such a favourable turn that 
 all his creditors declared themselves quite contented. 
 
 I gave him such a high character that no one considered 
 his sudden change in position in the least strange, and he 
 was regarded as a man who really deserved still better 
 fortune. A number of officers, who were then on leave 
 in the country, became accustomed to recognise him and 
 his rank in the regiment, and our journey fully realised its 
 intentions. 
 
 Bastide's affairs established, my presence became no 
 longer necessary, so I left Villeneuve the second week of 
 Lent to pass a few days in Bordeaux, to fill in the time 
 before my return to Flanders. Besides the convenience 
 of passing Lent there, the desire to see my own friends 
 again was the real object of my journey ; as regards the 
 lawsuit I had left there, it had passed from my memory 
 
276 MY LEGAL ADVERSARIES AGAIN [chap, ix 
 
 so completely that I never thought of it for one single 
 moment. 
 
 But my adversaries had by no means forgotten it : they 
 had profited by my absence and my so-called flight to 
 obtain a judgment in their favour. They had been 
 awarded costs to a considerable amount, and I had been 
 notified to pay the same within four months, failing which 
 they had power to imprison me. As soon as they heard 
 that I was in the district, they had no doubt whatever but 
 that I should go to Bordeaux before returning to the army, 
 so they determined to have me arrested at any cost. 
 
 To this end they arranged with a sheriff's officer named 
 Lalande, a one-eyed, bold, and enterprising man — a person 
 who would not pay any regard even to a parliamentary 
 bigwig if it was a question of gaining money. They 
 informed him of all my habitual movements about the 
 town, and the inn at which I usually lodged, so that he 
 could at once find me when I arrived. This worthy, who 
 took care to get daily information regarding me, at last 
 found out that I was in the f(Awn, and prepared all his 
 batteries for action. Although he had no reason to be- 
 lieve that I expected anytlimg of this, he nevertheless did 
 not picture the affair to himself as easy of execution; he 
 had been told that I was not the most docile of men, and 
 had insisted on an advance of thirty pistoles as against the 
 expense he would have to incur to ensure my capture. 
 He enlisted six men whom he believed to be the most 
 suitable for his purpose, and they arranged the details 
 between them so that there should be no chance of missing 
 me. They decided upon following me until I should pass 
 in front of the prison gate, correctly reckoning that I must 
 sooner or later take this road, if it was only to go to the 
 Fair of the Bourse (which is close by and which opened 
 on March 1st). 
 
lyos] "PRISONER IN THE KING'S NAME!" 277 
 
 Again, they found means to get the lackey I had en- 
 gaged on my arrival in Bordeaux to join their band, and 
 with all these preparations they had every confidence that 
 they would be able to carry out their purpose. For four 
 days they tracked me down without finding an opportunity 
 to seize me. At last one Sunday about sundown, when 
 I found myself in the Rue des Argentiers, which leads 
 to the gate of the Court, followed by two porters (for 
 luckily the chair I had with me was only for show), the 
 archers saw me take the road they had counted so much 
 on, and waited until I was exactly opposite the door of 
 the Court to attack me. Then I suddenly felt myself seized 
 from behind, from shoulders to feet, to the cry " Prisoner 
 in the King's name ! " 
 
 I fully believed at the moment that this was a practical 
 joke on the part of some of my friends, but seeing a 
 strange face in front of me with a most villainous ex- 
 pression, the possessor of which seized the hilt of my 
 sword to snatch it from me, I realised that this was no 
 pleasantry. There was not much time to make up my 
 mind ; it was necessary to plan and defend myself at one 
 and the same instant, and now I saw quite clearly that 
 this was some manoeuvre on the part of my old enemies. 
 The efforts that this band made to secure me were of the 
 most violent and prompt nature. Some set to work to 
 seize me by the legs, others got me by the shoulders, and 
 others again round the waist, whilst Lalande did his best 
 to disarm me. 
 
 It was lucky for me that I happened to be endowed 
 with some considerable strength, for, without boasting, 
 I have never found the man who could resist me when 
 roused ; and as my passion grew my power redoubled 
 itself It served me marvellously in my violent struggles 
 to shake off these seven great ruffians, who threw them- 
 
278 A VIOLENT STRUGGLE [chap, ix 
 
 selves upon me with all desperation. Lalande it was 
 who tore at the hilt of my sword to wrest it from 
 me, whilst the others grasped me tightly, in order to 
 prevent me defending myself; but happily the sheath 
 being firmly fixed by its hook to the belt, the blade 
 was drawn out bare. As soon as I saw it glitter, I 
 instantly struggled furiously, threw myself forward, and 
 caught it a foot from the point. To seize and break it 
 with a turn of my wrist was the result of one movement, 
 so that I found myself master of at least the point. 
 Finding myself thus armed with a dagger, which he who 
 had seized my sword was unaware of, I renewed my 
 efforts, which gave my arms sufficient liberty to stab 
 right and left two of my assailants in the breast, which 
 instantly put them out of action. A third, who had me 
 by the shoulders, received another before the four others 
 had time to notice how it all came about. Lalande, who 
 saw his band wavering, flew at my neck in order to rally 
 them, shouting desperately, " Help in the name of the 
 King ! Help in the name of Justice ! " But he had 
 scarcely time to get a hold when I drove his head back 
 with my left hand, the better to plunge my spike into 
 his stomach, and felled him like a log at my feet without 
 having had the chance of stabbing him. Then as I let 
 him alone in order to keep myself on the defensive, he 
 was picked up ; and I did not fail this time to deliver 
 my point, for I stabbed him in the breast, and almost 
 in the same action, snatched his sword from him without 
 his noticing it. He merely placed his hand upon his 
 wound, and precipitately retired in fear lest I should renew 
 my attack. No sooner had I relieved Lalande of his 
 sword than I caught sight of a fifth man, who, with some 
 courage still left in him, had just bared his blade. I 
 immediately advanced upon him to treat him to a sword 
 
lyos] MASTER OF THE FIELD 279 
 
 cut, when this worthless wretch, perceiving me ready 
 to attack him, howled as if he had already received 
 his death blow, and fled through the crowd, upsetting 
 several women whom he found in his path. As soon 
 as he had thus saved himself, I noticed a calm come 
 over the scene, and it seemed as if I had no one else 
 from whom to fear any injury, but not wishing to rely 
 too much upon appearances, I turned about on all sides 
 in order to ascertain if there were not more combatants 
 about ; and I then saw two men, who kept behind me 
 as if they wished to keep out of my sight. They were 
 the remnant of this pleasing band, who, seeing themselves 
 abandoned by their leader and comrades, neither dared 
 attack me or to break through the crowd, lest in their 
 efforts to force a passage, they might make me aware 
 of their presence, and thus be caught before they were 
 able to escape. Besides, it was not so easy for them 
 to get through, for, owing to the great crowd that had 
 packed themselves together, there was no semblance of a 
 gap anywhere. What was really surprising was that 
 amongst so many people not one was found with sufficient 
 generosity of feeling to come to my assistance. My two 
 porters even took to their heels at the very beginning 
 of the affair. 
 
 The archers shouted so effectively, " Help for the King ! 
 Help on the part of Justice ! " without my uttering a 
 syllable, that they all credited me with being guilty, and 
 none cared to come forward in my defence. 
 
 Recognising the two bailiffs by their pale and anxious 
 faces, I approached them, and such was their fear that they 
 stood quite immovable. However, I reassured them by 
 telling them that they had nothing to be afraid of, that 
 I despised them too much to do them the honour of killing 
 them, but that it was my express desire that they would 
 
28o FRIENDLY ADVICE [chap, ix 
 
 before leaving the ground find me my hat, peruke, and the 
 hilt of my sword, without which I should certainly with- 
 draw the mercy I was extending them. 
 
 These two wretches tremblingly searched for my pro- 
 perty, and luckily found it on the field of battle, and with 
 the profoundest submission, assisted to replace the peruke 
 upon my head. I took the opportunity, whilst they were 
 so humbly rendering me their service, to reprimand them 
 in a loud tone of voice, so that every one could hear me 
 distinctly. 
 
 With a repentant air they explained that Lalande had 
 engaged them without giving them any details, that he kept 
 all the papers, and that they had believed it to be only a 
 question of debt. I let them go, and so overpowered with 
 fear were they, that no sooner had they got eight or ten 
 paces off than they took to their heels in dread lest I 
 should change my mind. Then a murmuring arose among 
 the spectators, who showed regret at not having come to 
 my assistance, perhaps because there was now no longer 
 any necessity. 
 
 This business was quickly reported all over the town. 
 My friends thronged to offer their services and inquired of 
 me as to the details of my offence, so that they could take 
 measures to ensure my safety. I told them that I was 
 myself ignorant of how the matter arose ; one of the 
 bailiffs had certainly said that he believed it was a question 
 of debts, but this, however, could not be the case, as I had 
 never borrowed a farthing from anyone, and from this 
 reply they came to the conclusion that the matter was 
 more serious than it appeared to be on the surface. They 
 pressed me to retire to some place of safety, but I assured 
 them so strongly that no harm could possibly come to 
 me that Messieurs Leglise and Grenier, parliamentary 
 councillors, took me to call upon M. I'Albessard, Advocate- 
 
1705] A LETTER FROM MONS 281 
 
 General, now President at Mortier, and begged him to send 
 an order to the sheriff's officer to deliver him up the 
 papers, so that my case could be examined and further 
 consequences avoided. He was kind enough to lend 
 himself to the affair in the most obliging way in the 
 world ; he impounded the papers, and in a very short time 
 I settled the costs that had been obtained against me, 
 and the matter was closed. 
 
 I was very much touched by the attention paid me by 
 the Advocate-General, and the gracious manner in which 
 he rendered me this service, which was by no means his 
 last. I owe him the perfection of gratitude, and I shall 
 not forget it as long as I live. To be insensible to a service 
 rendered with such promptitude and good feeling is charac- 
 teristic of ungrateful natures. 
 
 The archers took no proceedings against me as to their 
 wounds ; perhaps they believed it would be useless so to 
 do against a soldier who did not belong to the town, and 
 who was consequently in a better position to avenge him- 
 self on them in the future ; besides, as the little rebuffs 
 that they had sustained were all in their way of business, 
 they probably had no right to ask any recompense from 
 the authors of their misfortune. However that may be, 
 I heard nothing further from them except in form of 
 apologies when they knew of my later return to Bordeaux. 
 
 I had scarcely settled this affair than I received letters 
 from Mons, by which I was informed that Boismorel had 
 entered the town at the head of the regiment in the 
 manner of a triumph, as if he himself had carried his 
 soldiery safely through all the dangers they had under- 
 gone ; these airs availed him nothing, as care had been 
 taken to give the Elector full particulars of what had 
 passed between him and the Marquis de Massey, and his 
 escape contrary to the orders of the Electress. Copies 
 
282 VEXATIOUS NEWS [chap, ix 
 
 of the inquiry which had been instituted against him 
 had been forwarded by the Princess to his Electoral 
 Highness, and two days after his arrival he was again im- 
 prisoned. Nevertheless, by the influence of the Duke of 
 Orleans he had been enabled to extricate himself from this 
 unfortunate position at the cost of being cashiered from 
 the King's service. I learned further that in deference 
 to his illustrious protector he had had the luck to be 
 taken back as aide-de-camp to the Elector with his rank 
 as colonel ; that the difference we had had between us had 
 been much noised abroad, particularly at the house of the 
 Duchess de Crouy, which was a daily meeting-place for 
 all the 6\ite of the town. He, having wished to take part 
 in these gatherings, was, however, given to understand 
 that he would get but a bad reception, as he bore the stain 
 of having been struck without having exacted the proper 
 satisfaction. In order to clear himself he had published 
 an outrageous story by which he attempted to prove that 
 I had absconded to avoid a duel, and would certainly 
 never reappear. In fact, so successfully had he played his 
 part that I was now the guilty one in the opinion of the 
 whole garrison, and these libels obliged me to demand 
 satisfaction of him. 
 
 This letter filled my inmost soul with vexation ; despair 
 seized me when I thought of so many good people so 
 prejudiced against me, and that on my rejoining the 
 garrison I should be regarded with contempt. I regretted 
 having gone so far out of my way on account of Bastide 
 as to accompany him to the country ; I ought to have led 
 the regiment to Mons, where my presence would have 
 prevented all these slanders, or at least if an attempt had 
 been made to utter them I would have been in a position 
 to put a stop to them before any impression had been 
 made. I longed to be in Mons to avenge upon so knavish 
 
i7os] A NEW COMMAND 283 
 
 a trick, and after receiving tliis letter made no long stay at 
 Bordeaux. 
 
 The question of my marriage which was in the course 
 of being arranged had been occupying my mind, but the 
 time was too critical to think about this now. I put the 
 matter off till a quieter period, as I wished to wait until 
 I could first obtain a truce to the untoward events which 
 poured in succession upon me. 
 
 Just about this time I received a letter from Marechal 
 d'Arcko, who informed me from Brussels that Marechal de 
 Villeroi, by the King's direction, had asked the Elector for 
 the regiment of grenadiers, and His Highness had been 
 pleased to mark his preference for it by keeping it in his 
 service, and had arranged to present him with a regiment 
 of hussars in its place. Nevertheless, the Elector, cut 
 off from his dominions and at the end of his resources, 
 found it impossible to maintain the regiment, he had 
 decided therefore to form it into a single company, 
 under my command, and to employ the officers according 
 to their seniority. The regiment of the Electoral Prince 
 having been organised, this company was to march at its 
 head ; I was to be in sole command of the French 
 grenadiers ; besides which His Highness gave me the 
 rank of lieutenant-colonel in the regiment itself By this 
 arrangement I entered the service of the Elector of Bavaria 
 with the consent of the King. I thus found myself more 
 at liberty to demand satisfaction from Boismorel, as the 
 Elector readily gave his assent to necessary duels, however 
 premeditated. His Highness had already found it very 
 strange that Boismorel and I, who were under his orders 
 and of established position in his service, could have set 
 such bad examples by allowing our difference to pass in 
 silence. 
 
 I left Bordeaux for Mons (after having told Bastide to 
 
284 MY ABORTIVE CHALLENGE [chap, ix 
 
 join me there), and called whilst passing through Paris 
 upon the Marquis de Ricous, whom I found reduced to 
 despair at the reverse of his fortunes brought upon him 
 by the Battle of Hochstett. He had been in some sort 
 discredited ever since, and this weighed upon him to such 
 an extent that his health was shattered and he died shortly 
 afterwards. I felt the deepest grief at the loss of one who 
 had given me so many practical proofs of his friendship. 
 I arrived at Mons three hours after midday, and having 
 entered the town by a side road, dismounted at a secluded 
 inn so that my arrival should be unknown to anyone. As 
 soon as I had settled down in my room I sent to ask one 
 of the senior captains in the Electoral Prince's regiment, 
 named Grondeur, to come and speak to me. This officer 
 was one of those fellows who never have any hesitation 
 in drawing their swords, he even made rather a business 
 of it, so that I thought I could not apply to anyone better 
 able to point out to me the most appropriate spot on 
 which to settle the quarrel between Boismorel and myself, 
 and to carry my challenge for me. I was sure that in 
 case of a difficulty he would know how to make things 
 easy. Grondeur appeared without keeping me waiting, 
 and being informed of my intentions said he quite under- 
 stood what had to be done ; that he could show me a 
 quiet spot absolutely suited to the purpose, and that 
 he would put himself at my service with the greatest 
 pleasure. He added that if Boismorel accepted the chal- 
 lenge, of which he had no doubt, he would act as our 
 guide ; that there could not be a better opportunity of 
 settling this affair once and for all, as no one in the garrison 
 was aware of my arrival, and he would therefore go at once 
 and find Boismorel, who he was sure would be of the same 
 opinion. " You wish apparently as challenger," said he, 
 " to leave him the choice of weapons ? " 
 
1705] BOISMOREL'S SCRUPLES 2C5 
 
 " Certainly," I replied. " I accept in advance any con- 
 ditions that you may make so long as Boismorel appears 
 on the ground." 
 
 Grondeur set out to find Boismorel, who evinced ex- 
 treme surprise on learning that I was in the town and that 
 I intended remaining incognito until I had obtained the 
 satisfaction I demanded of him. He had so fully per- 
 suaded himself that I had quite left the service that, in his 
 astonishment, he hardly knew how to answer Grondeur. 
 At last, after having remained some time in perplexity, he 
 replied that the King had forbidden duelling, but he was 
 in the habit of strolling in the streets, and if I required 
 anything of him I had only to attack him on our meeting, 
 when he would defend himself Grondeur did his best to 
 explain matters to him, but he stuck to his point, and the 
 only answer I could get was this regulation of the King's, 
 to which Boismorel intended religiously to adheie. Never- 
 theless I again sent Grondeur, and begged him to make 
 Boismorel understand that the pretext he had devised 
 to avoid fighting could only lead to his dishonour ; that 
 he knew as well as I did that we were responsible to the 
 Elector for our actions ; that he himself, now an outlaw 
 from France, had no one to rely upon but this Prince, 
 who was sure to have a bad opinion of two people of our 
 standing if we did not follow the customs prescribed by 
 honour. Also that we were too much in view of his Court 
 and troops to evade this duel, and that for a long time 
 past he had owed it to himself to have forestalled me in 
 my challenge. He, however, was not disturbed by these 
 arguments, and I was obliged to leave two days later to 
 report myself to Marechal d'Arcko at Brussels, without 
 having had the chance of coming across Boismorel. The 
 only hope left me was that of meeting him on the field, 
 when I reckoned that he would have no excuse left him 
 for evading the satisfaction that I demanded of him. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1705 — DUEL WITH BOISMOREL — MARL- 
 BOROUGH RELIEVES LIEGE AND FORCES THE LINES OF 
 
 MEERDORP VILLEROI CHECKS MARLBOROUGH IN LOUVAIN 
 
 THE CAMP MIRACLE THE CAMPAIGN OF 1706 — RAMILLIES 
 
 — ASSISTANCE RENDERED TO MAISON DU ROI 
 
 IN 1705 the army in Flanders was commanded by 
 Marechal de Villeroi. 
 
 The conquests of France now reached as far as the 
 confines of Holland, and resulted in her possession of a 
 chain of fortresses which covered an immense extent of 
 country. 
 
 Besides these lines which served to defend the Spanish 
 Low Countries, we had also fortified positions, constructed 
 with all possible care, which formed a second line of 
 defence against any designs that the enemy might enter- 
 tain on the territory of the two Crowns. Since the be- 
 ginning of the war neither side had as yet made any 
 attempt to carry on a campaign in Flanders itself; Italy 
 and Germany had hitherto attracted the particular atten- 
 tion of all the Powers concerned. 
 
 France, however, fearing a further development of the 
 successes gained by the Allies on the Rhine, sought 
 to create a diversion by raising dissension amongst the 
 Dutch. To this end we had prepared a larger army than 
 any we had had in the previous campaigns, and as soon 
 
 286 
 
1705] BOISMOREL BROUGHT TO BAY 287 
 
 as Marechal de Villeroi had mobilised it, he left our lines 
 and invested the little town of Huy. The Elector of 
 Bavaria, who was then at Brussels, was not long in joining 
 him; and Boismorel, in his capacity of aide-de-camp, was 
 obliged to follow His Highness, which gave me the hope 
 that he would be no longer able to avoid granting me 
 that which he had refused at Mons. I saw him arrive, 
 and immediately made up my mind to let him know my 
 intentions the first thing next morning. To carry my 
 challenge to him I enlisted the services of the Sieur 
 Hoguan, an Irishman by nationality, a lieutenant-colonel 
 in the Electoral Guards, and a man of courage, now a 
 lieutenant-general of the King's army in Portugal. He 
 straightway went off to find Boismorel, resolved to make 
 the latter arrange the hour and weapons. I had purposely 
 taken Hoguan to a coppice in which was a little clearing 
 used as a saw-pit, a most suitable place for our affair, so 
 that he could acquaint Boismorel of the spot at once in 
 case he accepted. 
 
 Hoguan was successful in his mission, settled that we 
 should meet at six in the evening of the same day at 
 the place agreed upon, and that we should fight with 
 swords. He who happened to arrive first on the ground 
 was to wait until seven o'clock and whistle or call, so as to 
 make his arrival known. Finally, there were to be two 
 witnesses to the fight, who were merely to act as umpires, 
 following the Bavarian custom in prearranged duels, and 
 the Sieurs Hoguan and Nicolini were so appointed. 
 
 The hour arrived, and all four of us appeared at the 
 place appointed as the field of battle, Hoguan accompany- 
 ing Boismorel while I brought Nicolini. 
 
 The others arrived a second or so before us, and set to 
 work to call out at the very moment that I appeared before 
 Boismorel. As I was annoyed at his being beforehand with 
 
288 PRACTISED DUELLISTS [chap, x 
 
 me, I drew out my watch to point out to him that it was 
 not my fault, for six o'clock had not then struck. 
 
 I perceived whilst paying him this attention that he was 
 not over-pleased at my self-possession, and that he was 
 suffering much from the want of that characteristic himself 
 He wore a troubled look, which marked the agitation 
 passing within him ; but I did not keep him long in 
 suspense, for as soon as I had replaced my watch I drew 
 my sword, and we set to with fury. We had some grounds 
 to fear each other ; Boismorel was the most apt and skilful 
 man in France in the use of arms, and I was about his 
 match, although bred in a part of the country which, owing 
 to our bringing-up and the rude air, makes for clumsiness, 
 
 However, having left home very young I had since 
 breathed a purer air, or perhaps nature had worked some- 
 what in my favour, so Boismorel was aware that he had 
 quite as much to fear of me as I of him. We had each 
 made many thrusts, and tried all the ruses we knew with- 
 out scoring a hit on either side, though once I thought 
 I had noticed a slight resistance to the point of my sword; 
 but there was nothing to show this in my adversary's 
 expression, and our combat became fiercer and fiercer 
 until we came to close quarters. Then each did his best 
 to trip up his opponent, but so skilful were we both 
 in this art that we found ourselves forced to grapple 
 with each other arm to arm. I proved myself here the 
 stronger, and at the second attempt I grassed my man, 
 and presented the point of my sword to the pit of his 
 stomach to force him to give up his arms and cry for 
 mercy ; but our two seconds separated us, telling me that 
 as I had his life in my hands, I had ended the affair more 
 gloriously than if I killed him outright, and they allowed 
 Boismorel to keep his sword. Nevertheless, a private mis- 
 giving at thus leaving my enemy in possession of his arms 
 
1705] FOUL PLAY 289 
 
 after his defeat caused me to watch his movements, and 
 well for me that I did so, for as soon as he was on his legs 
 again he suddenly lunged out at me with his sword to the 
 full extent of his arm, with such violence that, although I 
 parried the thrust, the blade pierced my coat and waist- 
 coat just over the navel, and passed between my skin and 
 shirt. Our friends were greatly surprised to see me obliged 
 to defend my life against a man who owed me his own. 
 They were distressed beyond measure at their careless- 
 ness, but they could do nothing further as the next 
 instant we were fighting so furiously that it would have 
 been more dangerous to attempt to separate us than to 
 allow us to continue the combat. Once more, then, we 
 desperately thrust at each other with victory still in the 
 balance ; again I felt a slight resistance to the point of 
 my sword as if it had hit something, but I did not see 
 my enemy wince, and our set-to continuing without the 
 slightest relaxation, we once more came to close quarters. 
 As soon as I had gripped Boismorel, I threw him to the 
 ground, face uppermost, at my first effort, and I could 
 then have taken his life without offending honour, because 
 after the deed he had just committed he had rendered 
 himself unworthy of the slightest mercy. I could not 
 help feeling that, given a hundred less creditable oppor- 
 tunities of taking mine, he would not have shown me 
 mercy in any one of them. However this may have been, 
 when I found myself the victor, my resentment faded, and 
 I found myself relenting. By way of precaution I pre- 
 sented the point of my sword to our witnesses, to show 
 them that they were not to interfere this time until I had 
 disarmed him, when all at once Boismorel began to cry 
 out in a half-stifled voice that he was dead. We at once 
 turned to him, and he was so pale that we had no doubt 
 that he was dying. Our first thought was to tend his soul 
 u 
 
ago BOISMOREL CONFESSES [chap, x 
 
 and body, and to this end our seconds hurriedly set out, 
 the one for a chaplain, the other for a surgeon, whilst I 
 remained at his side. I had no need to request him to 
 make a formal surrender of his sword, as he had dropped 
 it out of sheer helplessness ; my only fear was lest he 
 should die in my arms before the return of our friends, 
 and wishing, should this happen, that he should do so in a 
 proper state of mind, I raised him into a sitting posture by 
 propping him up against me, and exhorted him to die a 
 good Christian. He with difficulty forgave me being the 
 cause of his death, but, finally, affected by the remarks 
 that his case inspired me to make, he commended his soul 
 to God, admitted that he had brought all upon himself, 
 and that he deserved his fate. 
 
 As soon as I believed that I had given a better turn to 
 his thoughts, I asked him if he did not wish to make any 
 arrangements regarding his family or others, and told him 
 that he had only to commission me, and I would carry out 
 his directions exactly as he might order me. He hardly 
 answered this question, only saying that he would be dead 
 before help arrived, though he begged me urgently to take 
 the portrait of the cook, which he wore as a relic next his 
 heart, and place it in her hands on the first opportunity. 
 Our interview was finished by the arrival of our friends, 
 who with all diligence had brought with them the surgeon- 
 major of my grenadiers, a most skilful man, who, after 
 inspecting three wounds that Boismorel had sustained in 
 his body, and which he had not felt during the heat of the 
 fight, told us that he hoped to save him. His first action 
 with regard to these injuries was to well suck them — the 
 most sovereign remedy to apply to all wounds caused by 
 iron. 
 
 Whilst this was going on, I noticed the Chevalier de la 
 Bastide, who had arrived with my valet and three horses. 
 
1705] SLIGHTLY WOUNDED 291 
 
 which he had taken care to bring with him in case of 
 accident. Bastide, who saw blood upon my coat (which 
 I had hitherto been unaware of), made sure that I was 
 wounded, and insisted upon examining me. 
 
 I assured him that I felt nothing and was in no way 
 hurt, but he would not be denied; indeed, I really thought 
 he would strip me naked to search me ; so I set to work 
 to look myself, and then, wishing to use my left hand, 
 found thereon a swelling, back and front, the size of a nut. 
 It had been pierced right through, and the swelling was 
 caused by the accumulation of blood without its hurting 
 me, as by good luck no tendon had been injured. I judged 
 that I must have received it when rushing into close 
 quarters. I sucked my wound myself, and, without plas- 
 ters or much pain, shortly afterwards found it had healed. 
 
 Suction and bandaging seemed to relieve Boismorel, 
 and he was able to mount one of my horses, which was 
 led by my valet. M. Hoguan and the surgeon-major then 
 accompanied him to his quarters, which were in a large 
 abbey, where the Elector and Mardchal de Villeroi were 
 lodged. He was so well known that his mishap would 
 soon be published abroad among the headquarter staff, 
 so I thought it best to be on the safe side and keep out 
 of harm's way. I and Bastide betook ourselves to two 
 captains of the Nivernais regiment, the Chevalier de 
 Montelemberg and la Pairiere de Villeneuve d'Agenois, 
 the former of whom is now brigadier in the King's army. 
 I slept the night with them, and next morning early 
 requested the hospitality of Baron de Bourlemont at his 
 chateau, two leagues distant, pending news of Boismorel's 
 condition, and so as to be in a position to ensure my safety 
 in case of his death. I there heard that his wounds were 
 going on as well as could be expected, and twelve days 
 later the surgeon-major called to assure me that his skill 
 
292 THE ELECTOR'S APPROVAL [chap, x 
 
 was no longer needed. I ordered him to go and report on 
 my account to Mar6chal d'Arcko, who would willingly 
 speak to the Elector, who in turn would doubtless send a 
 messenger to tell me to present myself at his Court as if 
 I had never absented myself 
 
 I soon found myself in attendance on the Mar^chal to 
 thank him for all his kindness. He told me without any 
 affectation that he was glad of my success, after which 
 I presented myself before the Elector, in whose eyes I 
 could read approval of my action. The courtiers followed 
 suit in showering congratulations upon me ; but the more 
 these courtly personages complimented me, the greater was 
 the chagrin of Boismorel, to whom all this was duly 
 reported. 
 
 His annoyance was such that he could never bring him- 
 self to be reconciled with me again, and service with the 
 Elector having become distasteful to him, he joined that 
 of the King of Spain, thanks to the influence of the Duke 
 of Orleans. 
 
 After this matter was over I had just time to join in the 
 assault of an outwork belonging to the fortress of Huy, 
 called the Red Fort, and commanded the grenadiers told 
 off to carry it by storm. This assault was of a different 
 character to that which usually obtained in such cases, 
 because it was necessary to employ escalading, and I lost 
 many men who were thrown from the tops of the ladders. 
 The lieutenant who had fought with me at Scherem- 
 hausen was amongst them ; the poor lad was shot while 
 climbing the very ladder on which I was myself, and the 
 ball entered the top of his breast and passed through his 
 entrails. One could not believe his recovery possible, but 
 the care taken of him and the strength of his constitution 
 pulled him through, so that his cure was regarded as a 
 species of miracle. He was rewarded by promotion to 
 
DUTCH CARICATURE OF PRINCE I.OUIS OF BADICN 
 
 To face page 292 
 
i79S] MARLBOROUGH MOVES 293 
 
 captain, and I received as my share many honied speeches 
 from the Court officials. The outwork carried, the town 
 capitulated the next day, June loth. 
 
 After the reduction of the town of Huy the army lay 
 siege to that of Liege by surrounding the place without 
 opening any trenches before the citadel, which is one of 
 the largest existing. Liege is a very large mercantile town, 
 situated on the river Meuse, and almost entirely un- 
 defended. 
 
 The enemy, whose design was to continue their con- 
 quests in the Alsace country, suffered the capture of this 
 town without changing their plan of campaign. Milord 
 Marlborough was on the Moselle with a considerable 
 force, where he awaited the arrival of Prince Louis of 
 Baden with the Imperial army. He then intended to force 
 the frontier at Traerbeck,* and drive back our army, which 
 was strongly entrenched in the neighbourhood. France, 
 afraid lest these two allies should invade the Electorate 
 of Treves and the Comte de Chigni, or even German 
 Lorraine, which is hard by the Metz district, desired 
 rather to draw them in the direction of Flanders, where 
 the country was covered by a chain of fortified towns 
 suitable to ward off reverses, an advantage wanting to 
 us on the Moselle. This was why we pressed the attack 
 upon Liege, so as to force the Dutch to recall Marl- 
 borough, which was eventually done. This General, 
 seeing no sign of Prince Louis of Baden, did not give a 
 thought to his non-arrival, though he could not have been 
 ignorant of the allegations made against this Prince. The 
 belief was so general as to the latter's understanding with 
 France that a print had been published in Holland repre- 
 senting him asleep upon a sack of Louis d'or, as an 
 allusion to the sums reported to have been given him by 
 
 * Probably the frontier village of Traubach. 
 
294 THE LINES OF MEERDORP [chap, x 
 
 France to keep him inactive. Marlborough was pleased 
 to find an opportunity, such as in the relief of Liege, 
 to leave a country in which his army was beginning 
 to find it difficult to subsist. We had just begun the 
 trenches before the citadel when we heard that he was on 
 the march towards us, and thereby fulfilling exactly the 
 intentions of France. Our generals now decided that it 
 was unnecessary for us to continue the siege ; it was 
 abandoned at the enemy's approach, and we took cover 
 behind our lines, near a village called Meerdorp, to observe 
 his movements. These lines, constructed at our leisure, 
 were cannon-proof, with wide parapets and extremely deep 
 ditches, but they covered so great an extent of ground 
 that our army was unable to occupy them throughout. 
 
 In order to obviate this defect a detachment of con- 
 siderable strength, under the orders of a lieutenant-general 
 of the King's army, was posted on the left of our position, 
 a measure virhich appeared to secure us against surprise. 
 However, Marlborough, whose army was superior to ours 
 in number, formed a plan to attack us. The precautions 
 we had taken rendered the enterprise a difficult one ; our 
 lines had all the posts and sentries necessary to preserve 
 communication, patrolling was kept up regularly every 
 night, the main army was at hand ready to reinforce the 
 detached force, and the suspicion of danger was so slight 
 that it was calculated that we should be able to keep the 
 enemy fully occupied there the greater part of the cam- 
 paign. But, notwithstanding all this, they found a means 
 of entering our lines without any great effort and almost 
 no loss. 
 
 Milord Marlborough struck his camp on the night of 
 July 8th, marched his army in several columns, so that no 
 one was able to divine his intentions, and appeared at 
 break of day in front of the force under the lieutenant- 
 
1705] RETIREMENT ON LOUVAIN 295 
 
 general posted on our left flank. Our patrols by this time 
 had returned to camp, which was wrapt in slumber ; 
 consequently when he arrived in sight of our lines he 
 could see that we were making no movement or attempt 
 to defend them. He then ordered his infantry to advance, 
 who immediately rushed two of the gates and broke down 
 a length of parapet to allow his cavalry to enter before 
 the lieutenant-general's detachment had the chance of 
 opposing them, or even to warn the army to come to its 
 help. So sudden was this action that the enemy were 
 actually able to form up in our own lines before our 
 people had left their camp, although immediately the news 
 was brought to Marechal de Villeroi he had had the alarm 
 beaten and marched to oppose them ; but it was too late ; 
 the enemy had secured the position, and it would have 
 been extremely rash to have attacked them, as the 
 flanking detachment, which was of considerable strength 
 in itself, was now in full retreat. We then occupied the 
 camp at Lierre, a small town near Antwerp, and remained 
 there whilst the enemy recaptured Huy. Then, anxious 
 for the town of Louvain, we marched to take up a position 
 covering it, and encamped along the little river Oberichen, 
 which runs through it. Shortly after pitching our camp, 
 we saw the enemy make their appearance, and post them- 
 selves nearly opposite to us. Only the river separated 
 us, and we were so much in view of each other that 
 neither army could make the slightest movement by day- 
 light without the knowledge of the other. 
 
 Our position was additionally advantageous, inasmuch 
 as we not only protected the town of Louvain, but many 
 other places as well, because we commanded the passage 
 of the river. The enemy, realising the necessity of crossing 
 it in order to throw themselves on Brussels, or any other 
 place, with the object of obliging us to retire, resolved 
 
296 OUR OUTPOST SYSTEM [chap, x 
 
 to attempt the passage by a surprise similar to that which 
 they had already made upon our lines, but experience had 
 now taught us to be more vigilant. Posts of observation 
 were placed above and below the army with sentries con- 
 necting the various points ; and to see that everyone did 
 his duty, general officers were daily told off to go the 
 rounds by day and night. It is by no means easy to 
 effect the passage of a river by surprise in the face of 
 such precautions ; pontoons have to be constructed, and 
 such work could not be carried out in view of our sentries 
 without being perceived. However, the enemy, resolved 
 on making the attempt, chose a very dark night to move 
 up the river a league beyond our right flank. Before them 
 marched a train of copper pontoons, with their platforms 
 and joists for bridging purposes; they brought up batteries 
 of cannon to protect the operation, and got everything 
 ready for the passage of the river at break of day ; but if 
 night hid their movements from our eyes it could not 
 prevent us using our ears. Notwithstanding the fact that 
 they created but the minimum of noise, yet the calm of 
 the night rendered the smallest sounds perceptible to the 
 ear, and our sentries becoming aware of something un- 
 usual, warned their officers, who, listening in their turn, 
 were convinced that the enemy were on the move. 
 
 Ever since we had been at this river, the generals of 
 the day had visited our outposts with extreme exactitude 
 every night. As is well known, " officers of the day " are 
 officers told off for duty day by day, consisting of a 
 lieutenant-general, a major-general, a brigadier, a colonel, 
 a lieutenant-colonel, and a major, whose duty is to parade 
 the guards in front of the camp, supervise their distribu- 
 tion, attend at the relief of the outposts, and be ready to 
 march with the inlying picquets of the army in case of 
 need. On this occasion I was acting in the capacity of 
 
1705] OUR ARMY ON THE ALERT 297 
 
 officer of the day, and making a tour of the posts on our 
 right conjointly with the lieutenant-general and the briga- 
 dier ; the other officers on duty were visiting the left, when 
 we received a report from those at the point opposite, 
 where the enemy were launching their pontoons, as to a 
 noise they had heard, and their suspicions as to the reason 
 thereof 
 
 As soon as we had assembled each placed his ear to 
 the ground, so as to hear better, and we were convinced 
 we could detect the sound of planks being placed in 
 position. The lieutenant-general despatched his aide-de- 
 camp to warn the Elector and Marechal de Villeroi, and 
 as the noise soon got more distinct, he sent me with 
 further information. I arrived at M. de Villeroi's quarters 
 as day broke, and found him mounting his horse ; after 
 having made my report, he ordered me to accompany him 
 to the Elector, whom we found mounted in front of the 
 camp. He was gazing through his glass at the enemy's 
 camp to try and distinguish their movements, and whether 
 they had struck it, when an officer arrived from the 
 garrison of Louvain who confirmed the report of their 
 march. 
 
 Marechal de Villeroi had not wasted a moment in 
 getting the army into movement. It was already in column 
 of route when he came up, and on the march to the point 
 where the enemy were constructing their bridge. This 
 smartness prevented us being surprised a second time, 
 saved the town of Brussels, and perhaps some other places 
 as well. 
 
 I was still with the Elector and the Marechal when the 
 enemy, who by this time had finished their bridges, opened 
 an artillery fire upon two of our picquets who were annoy- 
 ing them. As soon as I heard the first shot I asked 
 permission of the Elector to rejoin my own men, and 
 
298 RETIREMENT OF THE ENEMY [chap, x 
 
 together with M. de Gassion, lieutenant-general in the 
 King's army, who was also with the Prince, galloped 
 off to the head of the column to rejoin the regiment. 
 The enemy, however, had begun to cross the river by the 
 time the head of our column had arrived on the high 
 ground commanding their bridges, and although it was 
 some distance from this point to the river, they were 
 nevertheless surprised to see us so ready to oppose them, 
 as they thought us to be still in the arms of sleep, so 
 they hurried into battle formation in a little plain between 
 the heights and the stream as fast as they could push 
 their men across. But neither did we lose any time; the 
 leading brigades were ordered to descend, and the main 
 column in rear, which followed in quick time, being at 
 hand, the whole were formed to engage the enemy in 
 front and on the flank, whilst our batteries were brought 
 into action, to open a direct fire upon the exits from their 
 bridges. We were then directed to advance and attack 
 them before a greater number were able to effect the 
 passage. But Marlborough, seeing his efforts checkmated, 
 recalled his troops, who repassed their bridges and retired 
 with a loss of more than a thousand men. They encamped 
 upon the heights on their side, and we did the like on ours, 
 whilst we watched each other with the greatest care. 
 
 Our regiment was one of those ordered to attack the 
 enemy's flank. We marched on the extreme left of our 
 column, and in order to arrive at striking distance we had 
 to traverse some fields along the river-bank, so open and 
 exposed to the fire from their batteries that we lost five 
 captains, eight lieutenants, and eighty soldiers before we 
 were able to gain the shelter of a large hedge, studded 
 with thorn trees. The reason why their battery did so 
 much damage was that each cannon was loaded with 
 three shots at a time, a new invention on the part of 
 
i7os] THE DRUMMER AND THE CRUCIFIX 299 
 
 someone unknown to me, which has not remained in 
 practice, as it shortened the range so much. Our regi- 
 ment was one of the first victims of this experiment, and 
 suffered considerably, but the others hardly lost a man. 
 However, it appeared to some of us at the time that we 
 received a recompense in the form of a miracle vouchsafed 
 to us by the Almighty at the very place where we had 
 been so maltreated : a miracle which, though it appeared 
 astonishing enough to excite the admiration of the uni- 
 verse, turned out to be but the effect of imagination, as I 
 will now show. 
 
 On our way to the attack we passed through a deserted 
 village just before entering the open fields. There a young 
 drummer, who had amused himself by foraging among 
 the rubbish left in the street, found a crucifix stuck 
 on cardboard, which he carried off with him. After we 
 had run the gauntlet of the fields and found ourselves 
 in tranquillity behind the hedge, he leaned against an old 
 thorn tree, and either thoughtlessly or on purpose inserted 
 this bit of cardboard into a deep crevice of the trunk, 
 thinking nothing more about it. After the action our 
 regiment was the only one ordered to encamp in the very 
 field where we had been so hotly saluted, the hedge in 
 question forming the front of our camp, and it chanced 
 that one of our men, looking for wood to boil his kettle and 
 finding nothing dryer and more suitable for the purpose 
 than the old trees therein, set to work upon the very one 
 containing the crucifix, and soon split off a supply of chips 
 with his hatchet. This caused the crucifix to jump appar- 
 ently from the heart of the trunk, as the hacking with the 
 axe had destroyed any traces of a crack. The soldier was 
 so amazed to see this image emerge from the middle of a 
 tree-trunk that he had not the slightest doubt but that 
 it was a manifestation from the Divine Power which 
 
300 A CAMP MIRACLE [chap, x 
 
 should lead to his salvation, and regarded himself as the 
 chosen agent of a miracle, and forthwith gave vent to his 
 excitement in loud shouts of joy. Other soldiers near 
 by who ran up to him were so struck by the story he 
 told that they also proclaimed the miracle as loudly as 
 he, and finally the chaplain of the regiment hurriedly 
 appearing on the scene, was as convinced as the rest of 
 the miraculous nature of the occurrence. The more the 
 matter was gone into the more extraordinary did it appear 
 — a crucifix bedded in a tree-trunk, scatheless, and without 
 a sign of any point of entry ! ! In the end it was settled 
 by the chaplain that the tree should be regarded with 
 veneration as the matrix which had contained a precious 
 relic for an untold number of years, and that in order 
 to do due honour to both, he would daily celebrate the 
 Holy Mass before it. To this end an altar was immediately 
 constructed against the tree, with a small roof to protect it 
 in case of bad weather, the crucifix was fastened to the 
 altar, and the little chapel was adorned in every possible 
 manner. The soldier never left his crucifix ; during the 
 celebration of Mass he took charge of the altar in the 
 sincere belief that he had been selected by the Almighty 
 to make this miracle known, and he composed his features 
 rather after the fashion of those directors of seminaries 
 who are looked upon as the Elect. The whole day 
 long he remained glued to the tree with a serious look on 
 his countenance, distributing relics to the good souls who 
 came to beseech favours from " Saint Crucifix." These 
 relics consisted of little bits of the tree, which he reverently 
 cut off and passed over the surface of the crucifix with 
 much ceremony, while the devotees remained on their 
 knees at the foot of the altar, then, having wrapped the 
 holy chips in paper, he handed them to the recipients. 
 In return for these each suppliant, according to his means, 
 
i7os] THE CHAPLAIN AND THE DRUMMER 301 
 
 placed offerings on a plate which lay on the altar, and 
 these were duly shared every evening between the chaplain 
 and the soldier. 
 
 This miraculous image produced an immense sensation 
 throughout the army and the neighbouring country, and 
 its wonders augmented day by day. Sometimes it was a 
 lame man, who, having been carried before the tree, had 
 instantly found himself able to walk without his crutches ; 
 then the deaf, dumb, and blind, who had heard, spoken, 
 and seen — in fact, all who were infirm received relief accord- 
 ing to their faith. There was always a continuous crowd 
 in attendance ; the Elector even, and the Mar^chal de 
 Villeroi, who were passing our regiment one day, had the 
 curiosity to pay it a visit, and placed a handsome offering 
 in the plate. A fortune might have been made out of this 
 devotion, and would really have come to pass, had not the 
 true origin of the miracle come to light, for the indiscretion 
 of the drummer put an end to the business. 
 
 The drummer, who recollected having slipped the crucifix 
 into the thorn tree, confessed the fact to the chaplain with 
 all its attendant details. The devout priest, who was 
 drawing a solid income, thanks to the faith of the populace, 
 exhorted him to be careful lest he should do anything to 
 interfere with the good works which were being done, 
 and warned him that he would be guilty before God if he 
 did not keep silence. He gave him to understand that 
 a pious intention was always acceptable as a means for 
 procuring the salvation of souls, promised to give him 
 a portion of the offerings, and, as a matter of fact, did 
 give him something to hold his tongue. But when our 
 drummer found himself so far interested in the matter, he 
 examined the sum of the receipts more closely, and 
 discovered that the chaplain and the soldier kept the 
 lion's share to themselves, giving him apparently only a 
 
1 1 
 
 302 M. DE MERCY AND THE CHAPLAIN [chap, x 
 
 dole. He therefore went straight to M. de Mercy, the 
 colonel of the regiment, with whom I was at the time, and 
 reported to him the whole of the mystery. The chaplain 
 was summoned and confronted with the drummer, and 
 a beginning was made by reproaching him with the abuses 
 he had permitted with regard to his image, and his avarice 
 in taking remuneration for the little bits of wood that he 
 gave out as relics. He was told that the receipt of such 
 offerings, the sad result of the credulity of an ignorant and 
 rude people, only went to prove him to be a greedy 
 grasper, and his companion as well. It might have been 
 thought that this would have somewhat disconcerted 
 his reverence, but he kept his countenance, and replied 
 with an air of assurance that he had only followed the 
 example of many famous divines who had perhaps less 
 foundation to work on than that supplied by this crucifix, 
 and that as to the custom of making offerings, the prayers 
 that accompanied them were not the less acceptable to the 
 Almighty, to whom it mattered but little as to the form 
 they took, so long as the souls were led along the road to 
 salvation. 
 
 " Very well," said M. de Mercy, " if such is the case the 
 image must be left in the country here, for as we shall be 
 but a short time in this place, and you cannot cart about 
 with us the tree which has brought forth the image and the 
 relics, I shall send it to the Capuchins of Louvain " ; which 
 he forthwith did, but the good Fathers received the present 
 and its story with much indifference, and since then nothing 
 whatever has been heard of it. 
 
 The two armies remained encamped for some time yet 
 in their respective positions until the enemy marched three 
 leagues up the river, when we did likewise and halted 
 opposite to them, still separated by the stream. 
 
 By this time we were not far from Brussels, which lay on 
 
i7o6] THE CAMPAIGN OF 1706 303 
 
 our right, and it was believed that the enemy intended to 
 make a dash for this place, but in this case they would 
 have to traverse the forest of Waterloo which was of vast 
 extent ; after several attempts, which ended in nothing but 
 the shifting of their camp to no more than a league distant, 
 the campaign came to an end. 
 
 France was very lucky in thus being able to stay the 
 enemy's advance both on the Rhine and the Moselle, and 
 the King marked his satisfaction by the present of a 
 hundred thousand crowns, which he made to Marechal de 
 Villeroi. This General certainly rendered all the plans of 
 the Allies abortive ; their only success was a little one in 
 Alsace, to wit, the capture of Haguenau, an almost defence- 
 less town. 
 
 The last campaign had been so favourable to France that 
 she became convinced the wheel of Fortune was turning in 
 her favour, and that she should therefore take the oppor- 
 tunity to strike terror in the hearts of her enemies. 
 
 To bring this about a battle in Flanders would be 
 necessary ; she had in reserve, should a reverse occur, a 
 number of fortified towns which would be a means of 
 defence for the frontier by checking the enemy's advance 
 and giving us time to replace our losses, and in case of 
 success Holland and the German frontier lay open to us. 
 By invading Holland, France could mine the resources of 
 the enemy, for they drew therefrom their chief supplies of 
 money and all kinds of munitions of war. 
 
 Thus we began the campaign of 1706 in Flanders. 
 Great preparations were made, and to realise our project 
 we mobilised about the beginning of May one of the finest 
 armies ever seen, which took up a position overlooking the 
 Plain of Ramillies, its left resting on the wood of Waterloo, 
 with the right in the plain itself The enemy recalled 
 detachments they had in the Cleves and Limburg districts 
 
304 FRENCH CONFIDENCE [chap, x 
 
 and the garrisons of several of their towns to reinforce 
 their army in every possible way to resist us, or to attack 
 us themselves if they saw a favourable opportunity of so 
 doing. 
 
 With these intentions the enemy appeared in the Plain 
 of Ramillies, but owing to its vast extent, instead of 
 posting themselves exactly opposite us, they took up a 
 position at the end of the plain, the left of their army 
 resting on a marsh near a village named Tavier, whilst in 
 front of their right they had a series of very deep ravines, 
 which rendered them unassailable at this point. The 
 ground bordering on these ravines, although dry to all 
 appearance, was none the less impracticable, and in this 
 position they awaited our attack. 
 
 France was burning for the fight, her plan of campaign 
 was decided upon, and it would never have done to have 
 missed the first available opportunity ; that which now 
 presented itself was believed to be a favourable one, so our 
 generals set to work to reconnoitre the plain. 
 
 The marsh which protected the enemy's left served to 
 cover our right flank as we advanced — but the ravines on, 
 and in front of, their right were not perceived by us, or the 
 fact that they would prevent our attacking them there. 
 
 It was believed that neither side would have any 
 advantage over the other in the combat ; acting upon this 
 opinion, it was decided to take the initiative and attack the 
 enemy at once. 
 
 It was on May 23rd, the Day of Pentecost, that this 
 action took place, as fatal to France and Spain alike as 
 was the Battle of Hochstett (Blenheim), and although the 
 number who perished on the field was not excessive, the 
 losses it brought in its train later on were almost as 
 considerable. 
 
 It appeared as if ill - fortune pursued the House of 
 
To face page 30! 
 
i7o6] THE PLAIN OF RAMILLIES 305 
 
 Bavaria with a greater persistence than in the case of 
 any of the other Powers. 
 
 It had been arranged that if Bavaria was lost the Elector 
 should obtain as compensation the Burgundian Circle or 
 the Spanish Low Countries, and now the Battle of Ramillies 
 snatched this Crown from him as Hochstett had robbed 
 him of Bavaria. 
 
 So vast was the plain at Ramillies that we were able 
 to march our army on as broad a front as we desired, and 
 the result was a magnificent spectacle. The army began 
 its march at six o'clock in the morning, formed into two 
 large columns, the front of each consisting of a battalion ; 
 the artillery formed a third, which marched between the 
 two infantry columns. The cavalry squadrons in battle 
 formation occupied an equal extent of ground, and there 
 being nothing to impede the view, the whole force was 
 seen in such a fine array that it would be impossible to 
 view a grander sight. The army had but just entered on 
 the campaign, weather and fatigue had hardly yet had 
 time to dim its brilliancy, and it was inspired with a 
 courage born of confidence. The late Marquis de Goudrin, 
 with whom I had the honour to ride during the march, 
 remarked to me that France had surpassed herself in the 
 quality of these troops ; he believed that the enemy had 
 no chance whatever of breaking them in the coming con- 
 flict; if defeated now, we could never again hope to with- 
 stand them. 
 
 When the leading battalions of our columns arrived 
 near the marsh on our right their direction was changed 
 a quarter left, followed by those in rear, with the immediate 
 result that the army found itself in battle array two lines 
 in depth parallel to the position of the enemy, who were 
 now within range of our artillery. It was then noticed 
 that they were moving troops from their right to their 
 
 X 
 
3o6 FAULTY DISPOSITIONS [chap, x 
 
 left ; but it was impossible to divine their intentions, 
 though the sequel showed that as the safety of their right 
 was ensured by the ravines which divided us from them, 
 they sent the bulk of their forces to their left to make 
 more certain of crushing our right, which they feared on 
 account of the presence there of the King's household 
 troops, the Maison du Roi. We, on our part, so far relied 
 upon the valour of our troops who occupied this wing that 
 we actually denuded it to reinforce elsewhere. 
 
 Could we have foreseen the ravines which prevented our 
 left from closing with the enemy's right, we should have 
 made different dispositions, and otherwise employed the 
 troops sent there, who proved to be of no use whatever 
 in the battle. 
 
 There was yet another point to which no attention had 
 been paid, but which had an important bearing on the 
 result, and that was the village of Tavier, which lay beyond 
 the marsh, nearly equidistant from the enemy and our- 
 selves. Although in order to occupy it, it was necessary 
 for either side to cross the marsh, it was yet essential to 
 both to seize it before the beginning of the action. The 
 cavalry were formed on the extreme flanks of both armies 
 on the edge of the marsh, which was but a pistol-shot in 
 breadth and only practicable for infantry; hence, whichever 
 infantry occupied the village, they could line its edge, 
 open a destructive fire, and destroy the cavalry without 
 any risk whatever. The enemy, who were the first to 
 appreciate this fact, sent fourteen battalions across the 
 marsh to seize it, and then our generals realised the result 
 this would have on the course of the battle, and resolved 
 to drive them out before the action began. 
 
 This village was the scene of the opening of the engage- 
 ment, and the fighting there was almost as murderous as 
 the rest of the battle put together. The following dragoon 
 
1706] BAVARIAN BRIGADE CHANGES POSITION 307 
 
 regiments were told off for this : the King's, d'Aubigni, 
 de Notat, and two others whose names I have forgotten ; 
 all were ordered to dismount, and were joined by the 
 infantry regiment Greder-Suisse, the whole making five 
 regiments of dragoons and three battalions, and finally 
 our Bavarian brigade was added. In the order given to 
 each it was omitted to show the details of the troops 
 forming the detachment, or to appoint a rendezvous on 
 our side of the marsh, so as to prevent one or another 
 attempting anything before the rest were assembled. The 
 units were at some distance from each other in the first 
 instance, and being uninformed as to whom they were to 
 work with, each took their own line to reach the village, 
 ignorant even as to whether there was a likelihood of its 
 being defended. Our brigade formed part of the right 
 wing of the first infantry line, not far from the centre, and 
 consequently some distance from the marsh when we 
 began our advance on the village. As soon as the respec- 
 tive armies began to cannonade and bombard each other, 
 I had ordered flourishes to be played upon our hautboys, 
 to entertain us the while, but the booming of the guns 
 that went on all round so startled our musicians that they 
 disappeared like a flash before anyone noticed it, and 
 transported the melodious sounds of their instruments 
 to some quarter where the harmonies were not quite so 
 discordant. However, we set out, and passed along the 
 right of our line to reach the marsh without knowing if 
 any other troops had preceded us, or if others were to 
 follow us ; we thought, in fact, that we only were told 
 off for the expedition, and preserved in our march all 
 the order possible to maintain among troops anxious to 
 win renown before the eyes of an army. The enemy's 
 cannon, however, did some damage to our brigade, because 
 in passing the length of the line we found ourselves 
 
3o8 BRIGADE COMMAND FALLS TO ME [chap, x 
 
 exposed to several batteries, which had already opened 
 fire upon our battalions. I noticed, when passing the 
 Maison du Roi, that there were large intervals between 
 the squadrons, and that their formation was disproportion- 
 ately extended. This made me think that the principal 
 attack was not to be made here ; that there was some 
 other and more dangerous point that had had to be pro- 
 vided for ; and that reliance had been placed upon the 
 Maison du Roi, all picked men, at this point. When these 
 gentlemen saw us pass the head of their squadrons they 
 evidently thought that we were coming to support their 
 right on the marsh, and by the graceful applause with 
 which they greeted my grenadiers, this seemed to give 
 them some pleasure ; they recalled the action of Schelem- 
 berg, and made known to us how much they counted on 
 our valour in the coming engagement ; but they soon 
 found that they could hardly reckon upon us, as we con- 
 tinued our march and crossed the swamp. Our brigade 
 was commanded by a colonel in the service of the Elector 
 of Cologne, and consisted of his regiment and our own. 
 M. de Mercy, our own colonel, should have commanded it, 
 but he had been sent to Italy before the opening of the 
 campaign with orders from the King and the Elector to 
 raise the Royal Bavarian regiment, which was intended 
 for the Chevalier of Bavaria, the present Count. The 
 colonel rode at the head of our brigade, when we were on 
 the point of entering the marsh ; he had it sounded, and 
 doubtful as to the possibility of crossing on horseback, 
 tried it first alone. He thought he had found a convenient 
 way, so hazarded the passage, but found himself bogged 
 in the middle with his horse upon him, and he would never 
 have got out had it not been for the enemy's assistance, 
 who promptly carried him off a prisoner. I then found 
 myself in command of the brigade, and we crossed fairly 
 
i7o6] WE SUFFER A SEVERE REPULSE 309 
 
 easily on foot, though in some parts were over knee-deep 
 in water. Scarcely had my troops got over when the 
 dragoons and Swiss, who had preceded us, came tumbling 
 down upon my battalions in full flight, just at the time 
 when I was re-forming my men after their crossing ; they 
 brought such alarm and confusion in their train, that my 
 own fellows turned about and fled along with them. It 
 appeared that they had attacked the village without 
 waiting for us, and had been repulsed with much loss 
 by the fourteen battalions the enemy had there, which 
 were well posted, and outnumbered them by two to one. 
 The Swiss perished almost to a man, and it is not sur- 
 prising that a small body of troops attacking others 
 more than double their strength in an advantageous 
 position should have been vigorously repulsed and driven 
 back in disorder. M. d'Aubigni was killed, and his 
 lieutenant-colonel and many others wounded. The run- 
 aways threw themselves amongst my men, and carried 
 them off with them, and I was never more surprised in 
 my life to find myself left standing alone with a few 
 officers and the colours. I was immediately filled with 
 rage and grief; I cried out in German and French like 
 one possessed ; I shouted every epithet I could think of 
 to my grenadiers ; I seized the colonel's colour, planted 
 it by me, and by the loudness of my cries I at last attracted 
 the attention of some few of them. The officers who had 
 stood by me rushed after the fugitives, also shouting and 
 pointing out the colonel's colour, which I still kept in my 
 hands, and at last they checked the stampede. I gradually 
 rallied my French grenadiers and several companies of 
 the Cologne regiment, making in all four small battalions, 
 very much shaken with the manoeuvres they had just gone 
 through. I got them into fighting formation under cover 
 of a little rise in the ground which concealed them from 
 
3IO I RESTORE ORDER [chap, x 
 
 the enemy occupying the village, and when they were in 
 order, and a bit reassured, I ordered them to advance for 
 the purpose of reconnoitring the ground and the situation 
 generally. Having reached the summit of this rising 
 ground, I discovered that the fourteen battalions had left 
 the village, apparently with the intention of working round 
 the flank of the Maison du Roi, and then charging them 
 across the marsh. When, however, my leading files 
 appeared over the rising ground, our opponents stopped 
 dead, as if they thought that we were a fresh reinforce- 
 ment just brought up to renew the attack, at least, so I 
 thought ; and in order not to disabuse them of this idea, 
 I manoeuvred my people so as to increase this impression, 
 always showing a firm front in my position to make them 
 keep their distance. My wish was to make it appear as if 
 we had a strong force of infantry hidden behind the rise, 
 ready either to fall upon them in case they advanced, or to 
 advance upon them when our dispositions were completed. 
 During this manoeuvre I noticed that my troops were 
 becoming unsteady at the aspect of so many opponents, 
 and the fact that I was making no preparations for a 
 retirement ; moreover, they were uncertain whether I 
 should not even have the rashness to hurl them against 
 a force so obviously superior to our own ; and I heard a 
 soldier behind me exclaim with an oath that it would all 
 end in a butchery. The probable result that such an asser- 
 tion might have produced rekindled the anger that still 
 possessed me, so that I myself, swearing like a grenadier, 
 demanded in stentorian tones where the scoundrel was 
 who confessed to such a fear, declaring that I was the only 
 proper person to act as his butcher, and finally did all 
 I knew to find him. But not being successful in this 
 search, I continued my impassioned address, crying out 
 that he and his like ought to know that at any time an 
 
i7o6] THE ENEMY OUTWITTED 311 
 
 occasion might arise wiien it would be our duty to sacrifice 
 ourselves, such things were in the nature of our business, 
 and that at any rate the example set by the gallant men 
 who led them ought to be quite sufficient for the miserable 
 cowards who showed such a fear for their skins. At last 
 the temper into which I had worked myself had the effect 
 I desired, and my troops appeared to be much more re- 
 assured. 
 
 It is absolutely certain that a commanding officer cannot 
 exhibit too much firmness in such perilous situations, for 
 upon him all eyes are fixed, and it is usually by his example 
 that the cowardice or courage of his men is decided. The 
 position I held was of real importance, for although it was 
 out of my power to attack the enemy in Tavier, yet I 
 detained them in that village, from which they did not 
 dare to emerge, and thus protected the right flank of the 
 Maison du Roi from their assaults, in itself an important 
 service. It is true that in the end the Allies did destroy 
 them without employing these fourteen battalions, but 
 even then my post afforded signal assistance, as the oppor- 
 tunity was given me of saving the lives of many brave 
 men belonging to the musketeers and gendarmes of the 
 guard who would otherwise have perished during the fight, 
 as I shall now explain. 
 
 The enemy and their fourteen battalions perceiving us 
 thus manoeuvring on the little rise, and being ignorant of 
 our real strength, first halted, and then proceeded to retire 
 into the village under the impression that we were going 
 to assault their position, and from thence kept up a con- 
 tinual fire upon us. But as we were nearly out of range, 
 and under the partial protection of the rising ground, this 
 hardly troubled us, so I forbade my men to return the fire, 
 as my intention was only to keep them amused, and so 
 render their further efforts abortive. We had not been 
 
312 WEAKNESS OF OUR RIGHT WING [chap, x 
 
 here very long before we saw the general action begin, 
 and from the place where I was situated the lines of both 
 armies were presented to my view almost in their entirety, 
 so that hardly any of their movements escaped my notice. 
 Following on the cannonading and bombarding, which was 
 maintained during the completion of the final dispositions, 
 I saw the cavalry of the enemy's left wing march to attack 
 the Maison du Roi, followed by their infantry in slow time, 
 and I was able to distinguish to perfection the great num- 
 ber of squadrons they had detailed for this assault. The 
 enemy advanced in four dense lines like solid walls, while 
 we had but three lines, the third of which was composed of 
 several squadrons of dragoons with plenty of gaps between 
 them. As I have already said, we had not reconnoitred the 
 ravines which separated our left from their right ; they 
 were found impracticable, and, consequently, no important 
 action took place thereabouts. The Allies, who knew the 
 ground well, had concentrated the bulk of their forces 
 to attack our right, which consisted of the Maison du Roi, 
 in whom we had placed, perhaps, too much faith. That 
 they were the pick of the French army cannot be denied, 
 but they were crushed by force of numbers. The enemy's 
 infantry, which connected with their cavalry and extended 
 as far as the centre of their line of battle, had been re- 
 inforced in a similar manner, so that their right flank was 
 much denuded of troops, and remained almost immobile. 
 Besides this, the precaution had been taken to post a corps 
 in reserve some distance in rear to ensure the destruction 
 of our right flank, and in this array the enemy confidently 
 made sure of victory before even the action had actually 
 begun. 
 
 I now saw the enemy's cavalry advance upon our people, 
 at first at rather a slow pace, and then, when they thought 
 they had gained the proper distance, they broke into a trot 
 
i7o6] THE ENEMY CRUSH OUR RIGHT 313 
 
 to gain impetus for their charge. At the same moment 
 the Maison du Roi decided to meet them, for at such 
 a moment those who await the shock find themselves 
 at a disadvantage. But what a contrast was shown in 
 the melee that resulted ! The enemy, profiting by their 
 superiority in numbers, surged through the gaps between 
 our squadrons and fell upon their rear, whilst their four 
 lines attacked in front. Naturally, our right was soon 
 crushed. I noticed numbers of riderless horses make their 
 escape, and in a short time the rout became general. The 
 enemy took our lines in flank, rode them down, and com- 
 pletely routed them ; each thought only of its retreat. 
 Hardly any but the Maison du Roi were roughly handled 
 on the battlefield, but brigade after brigade broke during 
 its retreat ; the enemy made numerous prisoners, and by 
 their pursuit drove them so precipitately and in such 
 different directions, that for more than two months after 
 the action it was quite impossible to mobilise the army 
 on a campaigning footing. 
 
 I said above that an opportunity was given me to save 
 the lives of a number of brave men on this occasion, and 
 this is how it came about. During the onset made upon 
 the Maison du Roi, a number of musketeers, light horse, 
 and gendarmes, who had come out unscathed, attempted 
 to re-form and rejoin their standards, but they found their 
 road barred behind them. Whilst they hesitated as to 
 the route they should take, they were noticed by the 
 reserve corps of the Allies, from which several squadrons 
 were forthwith detached to bring them between two fires. 
 These gentlemen, finding themselves in this fix and having 
 no other way open to them but the marsh, threw them- 
 selves into it without knowing whether it was practicable 
 or not. They had got no further than fifty paces before 
 they found their horses engulfed in the mud, without a 
 
314 MAISON DU ROI IN THE SLOUGH [chap, x 
 
 possibility of extricating them, whilst they themselves, 
 caught by their spurs, hampered by their boots, and 
 entangled in their stirrups, were many of them under 
 their chargers. Happily for them the direction they had 
 taken lay exactly opposite my position. Had this not 
 been so, they would have fallen an easy prey to the 
 squadrons pursuing them, and obliged to choose between 
 musket and pistol bullet at the edge of the marsh, with 
 the result that probably not one would have escaped. As 
 long as I live I shall carry with me a feeling of perfect 
 satisfaction that this opportunity of relieving the distress 
 of such brave men fell to my lot. Seeing their plight, 
 I felt the danger they were exposed to and the necessity 
 of helping them promptly, so I paid no more attention 
 to the fourteen battalions which yet remained in and 
 about the village, but at once made a change of front 
 with my troops, a quarter left, to line the border of the 
 marsh on my left flank. Immediately the enemy's 
 squadrons appeared on the further edge, with the intention 
 of shooting down the fugitives, I ordered a volley to 
 be fired by the whole of my line, which threw them into 
 disorder. A singular feature connected with this volley 
 was the astonishment of the enemy, who were under the 
 impression that my battalions, dressed as they were in 
 blue and red, belonged to their side and that we had fired 
 upon them by mistake. They set to work to signal to us 
 to stop, but as I continued to ply them with bullets, they 
 recognised their error, turned about and took up a position 
 out of range, after losing many men and horses ; in fact, 
 those squadrons who believed they had our own people 
 safe in the marsh, found there instead an almost complete 
 defeat as their portion. 
 
 However, I saw that the remains of their squadrons had 
 taken up a position still sufficiently within range of the 
 
i7o6] THE RESCUE 315 
 
 marsh to enable them to knock over our bogged people 
 with stray shots ; I therefore sent a captain and a hundred 
 grenadiers to line their side of the marsh and keep down 
 the enemy's fire. M. de Quemin, captain of the French 
 grenadiers, an intrepid and well-conducted man, now 
 colonel of the Bourbon Regiment, volunteered for this 
 duty. He posted himself on the other side, and repeatedly 
 opened fire upon these squadrons so adroitly that not only 
 were they obliged to retire, but others also which had 
 arrived to reinforce them. We were now at liberty to 
 extricate unmolested such of the Maison du Roi who were 
 still in difficulties, though many had disentangled them- 
 selves, thanks to the opportunity we had afforded them by 
 driving back the enemy, at whose hands they assuredly 
 would have perished. I ordered the horses to be extri- 
 cated, which was done after many efforts on the part 
 of my grenadiers, and returned to their owners, excepting 
 some whose masters had not judged it convenient to wait 
 until they were dragged out of the swamp. A few days 
 afterwards application was made for these, and I handed 
 them over with scrupulous exactitude. IVIany of these 
 gentlemen told me their names, and assured me of their 
 extreme gratitude, but these have escaped my memory, 
 except one which is too well known for that to occur, 
 namely, the Marquis de Liancourt, son of the Duke de la 
 Roche-Guion, then a lieutenant in the gendarmes of the 
 Guard, and lieutenant-general of the King's army. A 
 corporal of my grenadiers had the good fortune to ride 
 with him, after his extrication from the morass, as far 
 as the town of Namur. In recompense for this service, 
 M. de Liancourt got him a commission as a lieutenant on 
 the retired list, with a pension for the rest of his days. 
 He did not live long to enjoy this, as he died two years 
 later at Strasburg from the effects of a fall. 
 
3i6 WE RETIRE ON NAMUR [chap, x 
 
 I also indirectly learned that two of my Bordeaux 
 neighbours were in this business — one being the Marquis 
 de Lansac, who died last autumn, and the other was 
 M. de Grenier. 
 
 When this affair was over I looked to see what the 
 enemy's fourteen battalions were about, but I found they 
 had abandoned the village and rejoined their main army, 
 which was now in full pursuit of ours. Even the squadrons 
 which had followed the musketeers up to the marsh had 
 disappeared, and the field of battle was deserted. How- 
 ever, I remained in position with my force till six o'clock 
 in the evening, in case of any further opportunity occur- 
 ring in which I could prove to be of use ; but as both 
 armies by that hour were now far afield and everything 
 was peaceful in our quarter, I determined to march to 
 Namur, two or three leagues distant. Night had fallen by 
 the time I arrived at the gates. M. de Saillant d'Estain, 
 Governor of the town and a lieutenant-general of the 
 King's army, was notified, and came himself to ascertain 
 the number of troops that demanded entrance at such an 
 hour. As he was not unaware of the fatal catastrophe 
 that had befallen us, he was delighted to find that fortune 
 had been kind enough to send him a reinforcement, 
 because under the circumstances he had but a feeble 
 garrison for a town such as Namur, which, by the loss 
 of the battle, had become one of the most exposed upon 
 the frontier. After having told me that unfortunately for 
 him he had no direct command over our troops, he begged 
 me to remain a few days, so as to give him time to 
 communicate with the Elector and Mardchal de Villeroi, 
 who had retired to Mons, and he would then ask for an 
 order to keep us, in the event of the army being unable to 
 resume the campaign, as was but too probable. This was 
 granted him, and I remained in this town until we were 
 
1706] WE LOSE SEVERAL TOWNS 317 
 
 needed in the field, the enemy meantime making no 
 attempt to besiege us. 
 
 In order to give our various units the opportunity 
 of reorganising themselves, the regiments were distributed 
 in the frontier towns, with the result that their garrisons 
 were reinforced and ready in event of their being besieged. 
 The success that the Allies had just gained over us proved 
 of the greatest importance to them, for the campaign was 
 but beginning, and the season of the year enabled them to 
 fling themselves on many a town, one after the other, and 
 without the slightest fear of being disturbed, besides 
 leaving them free to make their own dispositions and to 
 collect the necessary munitions. Notwithstanding Mardchal 
 de Villeroi's misfortune, it would have been more in accord- 
 ance with the King's wish if this General had remained in 
 command of the army in Flanders, but he begged His 
 Majesty to dispense with his services, and obtained per- 
 mission to retire to the Court. 
 
 The enemy resumed operations by laying siege to 
 Louvain, a very extensive town without any good fortifica- 
 tions. A new palisaded covered-way had certainly been 
 constructed, together with some earthen outworks, but the 
 whole was of but little consequence, and what resistance 
 was offered was due to its garrison alone. 
 
 Antwerp was taken, followed by Malines and Brussels, 
 and the capture of these towns resulted in the formation 
 of a new rampart for the United Provinces of Holland, 
 in which the enemy established their principal magazines 
 to enable them to extend their conquests further afield. 
 Shortly afterwards they possessed themselves of Ghent, 
 Bruges, and Ostend, and all these towns were snatched 
 from us before the first week in July. 
 
 The taxes imposed by the Allies over this extent of 
 country greatly strengthened their financial position and 
 
3i8 ARRIVAL OF DUKE DE VENDOME [chap.x 
 
 gave them the means to carry on the war, whilst ours 
 were correspondingly reduced. After the capture of the 
 above places, they began the siege of the town of Menin, 
 about three leagues from Lille. Although this is but a 
 small place, it is one of the strongest in the kingdom ; its 
 fortifications are constructed after the most perfect fashion, 
 and the late M. de Vauban, who designed them, paid so 
 much attention to their construction that it is maintained 
 that Menin and the citadel of Lille are the most celebrated 
 of his works. The enemy, therefore, took greater pre- 
 cautions in making their attack upon this place than they 
 had in the case of the other towns, notwithstanding which, 
 it held out for quite three weeks, and did not surrender 
 until August 3rd. It was said that this siege cost the 
 Allies nearly eight thousand men. 
 
 The troops composing the French army having now 
 had time to reorganise in the various towns to which they 
 had been detailed, it was decided to call them out and 
 reform the army as before, and the Duke de Vendome 
 was summoned from Italy to take over the command. He 
 set out thence on August 3rd, leaving matters there in 
 a satisfactory condition ; in fact, it seemed as if the Duke 
 of Savoy would soon have cause to repent having left the 
 side of France, for he had been deprived of one portion 
 of his State already, and was now in a fair way to lose 
 the rest. The Duke de Vendome then came to our aid in 
 the Low Countries ; he assembled the army, and encamped 
 it between Lille and Armentieres, thus covering Lille, 
 Ypres, and Gravelines at the same time. These were 
 three towns of importance, and had become much exposed 
 to attack after the capture of Menin, which took place a 
 few days before our army re-entered upon the campaign. 
 The advantageous position of our camp brought about a 
 change in the enemy's tactics, and they fell back and turned 
 
i7o6] THE END OF THE CAMPAIGN 319 
 
 aside to besiege the little town of Dendermonde, which 
 capitulated on September 5th, and thence continuing their 
 march to Ath, took that town also on October 2nd. 
 Both armies now distributed themselves over the country 
 for foraging purposes, and finally retired into their winter 
 quarters. 
 
 Such were the melancholy results which followed on the 
 Battle of Ramillies. 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1 707 — RETIREMENT FROM XAINTROM — 
 VILLARS IN ALSACE — DUKE OF SAVOY REPULSED AT TOULON 
 
 AFFAIRS IN SPAIN — ALMANZA LOSS OF NAPLES — THE 
 
 CAMPAIGN OF 1708 — OUDENARDE ALLIES BESIEGE AND 
 
 TAKE LILLE — WYNANDAEL — ALLIES RELIEVE BRUSSELS — THE 
 CAMPAIGN OF 1709 — SEVERE WINTER — LOSS OF TOURNAI 
 MALPLAQUET— RETREAT TO VALENCIENNES 
 
 OF all the campaigns in this war, that of 1707 was 
 the least eventful as far as the army in Flanders 
 w^as concerned. The Duke de Vendome began operations 
 on May 21st around the little town of Binche, which was 
 made the general headquarters of the army, and after 
 several counter-marches occupied the famous camp at 
 Gembloux, a league and a half beyond Namur. The 
 enemy concentrated at a point two short leagues from us 
 in a very well-chosen position ; and these two powerful 
 armies remained in observation of each other without 
 moving until August 14th, when Milord Marlborough 
 struck his camp with a view to surprising our lines at 
 Xaintrom, near Mons. The Duke de Vendome, fore- 
 warned of his intention, broke up his own camp the same 
 day, and moved off to forestall him. For three days the 
 two armies marched on parallel lines, so that from time 
 to time their columns were in full view of each other. A 
 fight was quite expected on the second day of our march, 
 on account of a defile that we had to pass on our road. 
 
 320 
 
1707] AN AWKWARD PREDICAMENT 321 
 
 We had struck our camp at two o'clock in the morning, 
 owing to the proximity of the enemy and the difficulty 
 of effecting the passage in full daylight in their presence. 
 General Tilly with ten thousand cavalry had reconnoitred 
 our position the evening before, and would undoubtedly 
 have attacked our rear-guard had he had a chance, but 
 we escaped this owing to the darkness. As it was, the 
 whole of our army had not passed by daybreak, though as 
 a matter of fact the number left was but insignificant. A 
 nasty little stream with difficult banks constituted our 
 defile, which M. de Vendome had lined with dismounted 
 dragoons to cover the retirement of our rear-guard in the 
 case of an attack by General Tilly. The few that still 
 remained to cross were supported by our dragoons, who 
 checkmated the attempts of the enemy to interfere with 
 them. Our army marched about a league further on after 
 passing this defile, in order to reach the plain of Roeulx, 
 where a halt was made to reassemble the various regi- 
 ments which had become dispersed, and to bring order 
 into our line of march. The Allies, who were moving on 
 our right, were separated from us by several woods, and 
 seeing us forming up on the plain, and not knowing our 
 motive, took up a battle formation in case of accidents. 
 The Duke de Vendome noticing this, thought they in- 
 tended to attack us, so ranged his men likewise, who 
 meantime discharged their pieces preparatory to re-charg- 
 ing them, in case they had got damp. I was at this 
 moment walking with Quemin in front of the line when 
 we were much startled by the fire thus brought to bear 
 upon us, for they were all firing in our direction ; I believe 
 that I never had a better chance of being killed than on 
 this occasion ; a battle even would have been no more 
 dangerous. By no possibility could we obtain cover where 
 we were, so we came to the conclusion that we had best 
 
322 LINES OF STOLOFFEN CAPTURED [chap, xi 
 
 run straight for our line ; the nearer we got to it, the safer 
 we should be, inasmuch as they were firing in the air. 
 
 After the two armies had remained some time in mutual 
 observation of each other, they both recognised their mis- 
 takes, and resumed their march. Ours did a very long 
 one indeed that day, and no camp was marked out or 
 tents pitched. Each regiment spent the night under a 
 constant downpour of rain, on the spot where it found 
 itself in the order of march, so as to be the sooner ready 
 to resume the advance next day and attain our lines. 
 Success attended our efforts, and the manoeuvres carried 
 out by M. de Vendome gave the enemy no opportunity 
 of attacking us or even making an attempt to seize any 
 town, for he was ever on the alert, and forestalled them 
 everywhere. It is true that our army had had to forego 
 the luxury of a baggage column for some time, and lacked 
 every comfort, but our country's safety was ensured 
 thereby. We saw the campaign come to an end whilst 
 we were occupying our camp, which covered the town of 
 Lille. It was universally believed that the enemy in- 
 tended to attack it after their failure to surprise our lines 
 at Xaintrom. But our general in the end succeeded in 
 rendering all the enemy's designs abortive. 
 
 Prince Louis of Baden died in the early part of this 
 year. The enemy remained on the defensive in Alsace, 
 where M. de Villars, who was in command of the King's 
 army, attacked their lines at Stoloffen, behind which they 
 were strongly entrenched. He succeeded in forcing them 
 on May 23rd without sustaining any great loss, and so 
 complete was his victory that he captured all their artil- 
 lery and baggage. He then advanced by Oeting, through 
 the pass of that name in the Black Mountains, as far as 
 Pforzheim, which is on the other side, laying all the country 
 and that of Durlach under forced contributions right up 
 
1707] DUKE OF SAVOY FAILS AT TOULON 323 
 
 to the territory of the Franconian Circle. The advantages 
 to us brought by these successes were very considerable, 
 and it seemed as if Fortune had ceased to be offended 
 with us, as we had now secured our position in Flanders, 
 besides making these conquests in Alsace. The Allies, 
 however, recouped themselves in Italy, where they secured 
 complete submission to the Emperor, and they desired 
 to extend their conquests further by crossing the Alps and 
 striking a blow at one of the principal towns in France. 
 To this end the Duke of Savoy crossed the river Var 
 on July nth, with the assistance of the enemy's fleet, 
 which had approached Antibes on its way to invest Toulon. 
 The eyes of all Europe were fixed upon this enterprise. 
 The enemy opened their trenches, and although the siege 
 of the town did not make very rapid progress, they 
 managed after several attempts to seize the height of St. 
 Catherine. They placed their batteries thereon and began 
 the bombardment ; but Marechal de Tesse, the Governor, 
 made a sortie with a body of his garrison, attacked and 
 drove them from their position, and killed or made 
 prisoners nearly two thousand men. They determined, 
 however, still to carry on the siege, and continued the 
 bombardment, but after many unsuccessful efforts they 
 found themselves forced to retire precipitately, and repassed 
 the Var September 1st. The defence of this town, which 
 is the most celebrated French port on the Mediterranean 
 coast, was regarded as an important victory ; and it is 
 quite certain that if the enemy had succeeded, a great 
 portion of country would have been laid open to attack. 
 
 This campaign was still more fortunate for us in Spain. 
 The King's affairs so much improved in that quarter that 
 on April 25th the Duke of Berwick secured a complete 
 victory over the enemy's forces, which were commanded 
 by Milord Galway. The Plain of Almanza was the scene 
 
324 ALMANZA AND NAPLES [chap, xi 
 
 of this action ; both sides fought most stubbornly, but the 
 enemy were entirely defeated, and lost nearly eight thou- 
 sand men killed on the field of battle, without counting 
 a still larger number of prisoners. The Duke of Orleans 
 arrived next day, took over command of the forces belong- 
 ing to the two Crowns, and laid siege to Valencia, which 
 surrendered on May 8th. After this success the Prince 
 marched direct upon Saragossa, and besieged and took it 
 on the 25th of the same month. The Marquis de Bay, 
 who commanded a detached column, also laid siege to the 
 town of Ciudad Rodrigo, where the besieged offered some 
 resistance as they bore the brunt of an assault upon their 
 town, but they lost nearly three thousand men killed and 
 the two thousand that remained were made prisoners of 
 war. M. de Bay carried this town by assault on October 
 4th, and on November 12th the Duke of Orleans captured 
 the Castle of Lerida, which held out for eleven days against 
 a regular siege. The town itself was taken by storm, but 
 the Prince of Darmstadt, who was in command there, 
 withdrew to the castle, and was only induced to leave it by 
 granting him terms. Thus events within the kingdom 
 were all favourable to the two Crowns, and the campaign 
 everywhere had a fortunate ending, as far as we were 
 concerned. 
 
 The town of Naples was the only one to fall under the 
 Emperor's rule, and this was inevitable, because the Duke 
 of Escalona, who commanded there in virtue of his posi- 
 tion as Viceroy, found himself destitute of troops when 
 the Imperialists appeared to attack it. He was obliged 
 to abandon the town and retire to Gaieta, where he held 
 out for a long time, but was at last betrayed by a Catalan 
 regiment, which delivered the town into the hands of the 
 enemy. General Thaun, who commanded the latter, 
 having the Viceroy in his power, threw him into prison 
 
i7o8] PREPARATION FOR NEXT CAMPAIGN 325 
 
 after exposing him to the insults of the populace in the 
 public square of the town, to which he had had him pur- 
 posely conducted. 
 
 After the very considerable losses sustained by the two 
 Crowns during the campaign of 1706, it might have 
 seemed that they had more to fear for the result of that of 
 1707. Fortune, however, decided otherwise. I say, For- 
 tune, because, taking a natural view of the situation, the 
 two Crowns had everything to hope from the campaign of 
 1706, but they lost everything, whilst in that of 1707, 
 when they had every reason to fear still greater loss, they 
 lost nothing ; on the contrary, they won success both in 
 Spain and Alsace. 
 
 Such is the fortune of war. Circumstances which ap- 
 pear to us to be the foundation of our future success often 
 prove to be but instruments leading to our ruin. 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1708 
 
 The preparation we made for the campaign of 1708 
 gave the Allies reason to believe that we had important 
 designs upon Germany. Mar^chal de Villars, by forcing 
 the lines of Stoloffen, had opened up a line of advance 
 for us into the enemy's country by the easiest pass to be 
 found in the Black Mountains, and, moreover, it could 
 easily be imagined that should the Elector of Bavaria 
 appear at this point the people of his States would rise in 
 his favour and bring about a revolution which could be 
 duly taken advantage of It was, therefore, decided that 
 the Elector and the Duke of Berwick, who had been 
 recalled from Spain, should command our army in Alsace, 
 and that Marechal de Villars should go to the Cevennes, 
 to quell the revolt there and keep it from spreading. To 
 this end all the Bavarian regiments then in Flanders were 
 ordered to set out at the beginning of May, and to con- 
 
326 STRATEGICAL MANCEUVRES [chap, xi 
 
 centrate in Alsace. The Elector also left and went to 
 Strasburg, leaving his baggage to follow with his troops. 
 The cares of escort duty to the treasure and baggage fell 
 upon my shoulders, for which purpose I had six hundred 
 grenadiers with four squadrons of cavalry, and I started 
 three days ahead of the troops, so as not to be hampered 
 regarding billets for men and waggons. The number of 
 waggons necessary for the transport of the Prince's bag- 
 gage and that of all the officers of his staff was very 
 great, and they gave me so much trouble to supervise that 
 I became an expert waggoner by the end of this journey. 
 At every bad place on the road it always fell to me to 
 give the necessary orders to extricate the waggons and 
 arrange that the teams should help one another, without 
 which all would have been in dire confusion. This march 
 was a most troublesome and wearisome one to me. 
 
 On our arrival at Pfalzburg I received a message from 
 the Elector to remain in that town with his baggage until 
 further orders. These were brought me by the Chevalier 
 de Broglio, a lieutenant-general in the King's army. The 
 units were, therefore, ordered to camp in the outskirts of 
 the town, where we remained for eight days, until the 
 Elector himself arrived on his way back from Strasburg. 
 All intention of attacking Germany had been given up, as 
 it had been discovered that the Allies had a great scheme 
 in hand for an invasion of Flanders with superior forces. 
 
 The Imperial army withdrawn from Italy by Prince 
 Eugene was on its way to join that of Milord Marlborough 
 in Flanders and had already crossed the Rhine. France 
 did not consider it wise to lay her frontier open to attack 
 whilst she was looking for a by no means certain result 
 in Germany, and in consequence an order was issued to 
 the army in Alsace to send a portion thereof to Flanders 
 and keep the remainder to hold the enemy in check. In 
 
i7o8] COMMANDERS-IN-CHIEF OF FORCES 327 
 
 the meantime the whole army was placed in motion to 
 observe the march of Prince Eugene along the Moselle, as 
 a precaution against anything in the nature of a surprise, 
 in event of his crossing that river and directing his march 
 upon Flanders. The division above referred to was to take 
 the road by the Comte de Chigny under the Duke of 
 Berwick in order to join the Duke de Vendome, whilst the 
 other was to retrace its steps along the banks of the Sarre 
 as far as the Rhine. The two opposing armies in Alsace 
 kept alongside of each other after the passage of the 
 Rhine in German Lorraine, with the river Sarre between 
 them, and after having both remained some days on the 
 Moselle, Prince Eugene crossed it on his way to join 
 Milord Marlborough, whereupon the Duke of Berwick 
 marched with his reinforcements for our army in Flanders. 
 The remainder of our force on the Moselle moved up the 
 Sarre and occupied the camp of Landkandel near Landau, 
 to keep in check the few Imperialists that remained in that 
 part of the country. 
 
 The Duke of Burgundy, together with the Duke of 
 Berry, now arrived to place themselves at the head of the 
 army of Flanders during this campaign, in joint command 
 with the Duke de Vendome. They arrived about May 20th, 
 but neither our German reinforcements nor those of the 
 Allies were on the ground until towards the end of June, 
 when the two formidable and well-ordered armies took 
 the field. Ours was led by the first Princes of France, 
 the Duke de Vendome and the Duke of Berwick, whilst 
 the enemy had their two most famous generals, Prince 
 Eugene and Milord Marlborough at their head. Before 
 the junction was effected, however, we took by surprise 
 the towns of Ghent and Bruges. M. de Faille, a leader 
 of the Walloon troops, who had been Grand Bailly of 
 the first-named place when the enemy took it, entered 
 
328 THE BATTLE OF OUDENARDE [chap, xi 
 
 the town, in company with ten other officers in his con- 
 fidence, disguised as peasants. With the connivance of 
 the burghers they managed to introduce a detachment 
 of our troops by a gate which they at once seized and 
 thereby secured the town. The little garrison, which was 
 in the fort, seeing the town thus taken, capitulated and 
 left the same day, according to the terms of their surrender, 
 The Count de la Mothe with a body of troops approached 
 Bruges on the same day, and this town, which found itself 
 at the time quite unprepared, capitulated on the same 
 conditions as the Fort of Ghent. 
 
 It was not long after we had taken these two towns that 
 we learned of the junction efTected by the Allies at 
 their camp at Anderlecht, their immediate march on 
 Assche whence they seized upon Lessines, and finally their 
 passage of the Dendre without any opposition. During 
 the time that the enemy was making these movements, 
 our army was occupying a camp near Oudenarde, not in a 
 particularly advantageous position, and it was decided to 
 improve this state of things by means of certain entrench- 
 ments. The alignments of these were hardly traced out 
 when the enemy, who resolved to attack us before this 
 improvement could be effected, marched upon us forthwith 
 and appeared in front of our army on July nth. As the 
 time of day was somewhat advanced, it was possible, had it 
 been wished, to have avoided giving battle, and that this 
 should have been done was quite the opinion of the Duke 
 de Vendome. As it was, one hardly knows how the 
 battle began, but it did so about four hours after midday 
 and lasted until night, being resumed more than once.* 
 
 * Oudenarde. " The Prince who represented the lost cause of the Stuart 
 family fought at Oudenarde on the side of the French. The representative of 
 the dethroned and exiled dynasty was in one army — the representative of the 
 house now appointed for succession to the rule of England was in the other." 
 — The Reign of Queen Anne, Justin McCarthy. 
 
M\^'\^ 
 
 hit .t^^4 A. ^ ^^ \i 
 
 
 
 'Villi 'X^;?^ '#'^^^/ 
 ..'#/' iVif* :lIc^ \\ ^ 
 
i7o8] THE ALLIES INVEST LILLE 329 
 
 Our army did not quit the field till two o'clock in the 
 morning and then directed its march upon Ghent. We lost 
 some excellent troops , far more than the enemy. The 
 Duke de Vendome, who had wished all along to avoid this 
 engagement, was annoyed without measure at its unhappy 
 result, and went to the extent of lamenting it in such 
 terms that a grave misunderstanding arose between him 
 and the Duke of Burgundy, by which the Allies duly 
 profited. This unfortunate business was followed by a bold 
 attempt on the part of the Allies, namely, the siege of 
 Lille. Immediately this town was seen to be threatened 
 steps were taken to enable it to offer a vigorous defence, so 
 as to gain time to organise measures for its relief if such 
 were possible, and by attacking the enemy's convoys to 
 compel them to raise the siege. To this end a consider- 
 able force of our best troops was sent to form the garrison 
 under the command of Marechal de Boufflers; this, how- 
 ever, in no way deterred the enemy, who invested the town 
 on August 22nd. The Duke de Vendome advised that 
 they should be attacked immediately on their arrival, but 
 it was not considered fit to carry out this advice. The 
 enemy, taking advantage of the interval, dug lines of 
 circumvallation, which were so well constructed that they 
 placed themselves quite out of harm's way.- It became 
 necessary then to rely upon what resistance Marechal de 
 Boufflers could offer, and to watch for an opportunity of 
 attacking their convoys, which often had to come a great 
 distance on account of the length of time occupied by the 
 siege. As a matter of fact, favourable opportunities did 
 arise for us to prevent the safe arrival of some of these. 
 If perchance they had been properly attacked and their 
 escorts beaten off, we might well have caused the Allies to 
 suspend their operations if not to raise the siege. 
 The Chevalier de Broglio, a lieutenant-general in the 
 
330 CONVOY ACTION AT WYNENDAEL [chap, xi 
 
 King's army, attacked and entirely destroyed one. He 
 seized some thousands of pounds weight of powder loaded 
 on barges on the Escaut (Schelde); these he set fire to, 
 and the result was such a terrific explosion that a village 
 some distance even from the river was completely wrecked. 
 The capture of this convoy much retarded the besiegers, 
 and if only the next one we attacked had met with the 
 same fate, there is no doubt whatever that the enemy 
 would have found themselves unable to go on with the 
 siege, as there was a want of every kind of munition of 
 war in their camp. This second convoy, which came from 
 the sea-coast towns, was composed of an immense number 
 of waggons escorted by twelve thousand men, and was 
 attacked by twenty thousand of our people, commanded 
 by one of our senior lieutenant-generals.* Our troops, 
 who ought to have had detachments detailed for the 
 express purpose of attacking the waggons and cutting the 
 traces whilst the main body attacked the escort, entirely 
 devoted themselves to a combat in the moorlands of 
 Vignandal (Wynendael), and allowed the waggons of the 
 convoy itself to pursue their way in all haste. Owing 
 to this inattention to details we did not profit by our 
 superiority in numbers, whilst the enemy on the other 
 hand, who knew too well how to take every advantage of 
 the ground by posting themselves in the woods, always 
 warded off our people, and eventually obliged them to 
 retire with some loss. This failure prompted us to think 
 of another way of annoying the enemy, which, though it 
 was very well planned, ultimately came to nothing ; it was 
 to invest and lay siege to the town of Brussels. It was 
 hoped that this enterprise would oblige the Allies to make 
 a considerable diversion of their strength should they 
 
 * Count de la Mothe, who commanded a force of thirty-six battaUons and 
 sixty-two squadrons. — Hist. Memoirs Marquis de Feuquieres, 1735. 
 
i7o8] THE ELECTOR BESIEGES BRUSSELS 331 
 
 decide to try and relieve the town, whilst, if we captured 
 it meantime, it would serve to counterbalance the loss of 
 Lille. It was also believed that the presence of the Elector 
 of Bavaria would much assist in bringing about its sur- 
 render, as this Prince was extremely beloved by the in- 
 habitants. The Elector, therefore, with a comparatively 
 small force went thither and opened the trenches. In order 
 to protect him in his operations before the town, the 
 precaution was taken to post a considerable detachment 
 under one of our senior lieutenant-generals upon the banks 
 of the Escaut, over which the enemy would necessarily 
 have to pass if they decided to march to the relief of 
 Brussels. This lieutenant-general took care to entrench 
 himself along the river, and there was every reason to 
 hope that, provided the enemy persisted in the siege of 
 Lille, they would lose Brussels ; or that, if they attempted 
 to go to the relief of the latter, they would have to risk 
 an important action on the Escaut to force a passage, 
 which would oblige them to employ so very many troops 
 that their force before Lille would be considerably weakened. 
 It was further arranged that as the Elector's force was not 
 sufficiently strong to provide for its own safety in case of 
 the Allies being able to send a relieving force to Brussels, 
 he should be kept fully informed of all that went on, so 
 that he should not find himself surprised in his own camp. 
 The Prince, having made all his arrangements, carried on 
 the siege with such vigour that he soon overpowered most 
 of the outworks, and was in hopes of attacking the main 
 fortifications in a few days time. The enemy, who were 
 quite aware of his valour and skill, determined to attempt 
 the passage of the Escaut with a force which, although 
 a considerable one, did not prevent their continuing the 
 siege of Lille. They preferred rather to risk the loss of 
 Brussels than to abandon this enterprise, the more so that 
 
332 RELIEF OF BRUSSELS [chap, xi 
 
 they were already masters of the town itself, and were 
 almost certain of a similar result to their labours with 
 regard to the fortress. They therefore took their chance 
 of success with this detachment, with the result that mis- 
 fortune, which followed us everywhere, willed that their 
 troops should effect the crossing in the face of our people, 
 notwithstanding all our precautions, and without meeting 
 any resistance to speak of They continued their march 
 upon Brussels undisturbed, and no information was sent 
 to the Elector, who believed himself to be in perfect safety. 
 It was not until they actually appeared before his eyes 
 that he became aware of his dangerous position, and having 
 no troops available to withstand their advance, he found 
 himself forced to make a precipitate retreat and to abandon 
 all his artillery and wounded. His rear-guard even was 
 roughly handled, and thus the Allies both relieved Brussels 
 and continued their siege to Lille. The enemy's passage 
 of the Escaut, made so easily in the face of our troops, 
 caused nearly as much sensation as our failure to capture 
 the last convoy, and gave rise to these words with refer- 
 ence to him who defended the bank of this river : — 
 
 " This motto's on his cutlass spied : 
 ' Whatever else— no homicide.' " 
 
 (" 11 est mis sur son coutelas 
 'Homicide point ne seras.'") 
 
 The enemy were henceforth unmolested, and at last this 
 famous fortress fell into their hands on December 8th, after 
 having held out for three and a half months. They also 
 took the town and citadel of Ghent, which surrendered on 
 the thirtieth of the same month. 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1709 
 The campaign of 1709 opened very late in the season, 
 and such was the extreme cold at the beginning of the 
 
1709] VILLARS TAKES COMMAND 333 
 
 year that since 1608 the like had not been known in 
 Europe. It is reported that in the year 1608 the cold was 
 so great in France, Germany, and the northern countries 
 that the very largest rivers were frozen over so that 
 carriages and carts were enabled to cross them on the ice ; 
 but it is not said that the corn, all the vines, fruit trees, 
 and many other kinds also perished by reason of the 
 severity of the cold, as actually happened this year. It 
 became necessary to plough up the already sown fields 
 and re-sow them to provide subsistence, which, withal, did 
 not prevent a famine in the kingdom. Our army suffered 
 much from its effects towards the end of the campaign, 
 and it would have been better had the latter begun earlier, 
 on account of the forage supply. As time had to be 
 given to allow the new crops to grow, it was nearly mid- 
 June before the armies took the field. 
 
 The enemy concentrated all their forces in Flanders. 
 Their two armies, under Milord Marlborough and Prince 
 Eugene, were so strong that, notwithstanding all the 
 efforts made by France, she was unable to concentrate 
 sufficient troops to meet them in the open field. We had, 
 therefore, to act on the defensive and to select such camps 
 and entrenched positions as would protect and cover our 
 country as much as possible. The Duke de Vendome, 
 discontented with what had occurred in the course of the 
 preceding campaign, had retired, and recourse was had 
 to Marechal de Villars, who took over the command of the 
 army of Flanders at the beginning of the year. The 
 King could not have shown a greater sense of his appre- 
 ciation of the worth of this General in relying upon him 
 alone to ward off the evils which threatened France and to 
 remedy, if he could, those which had already occurred. 
 His Majesty was not mistaken in his choice. 
 
 When our army had assembled, we occupied a camp in 
 
334 CAPTURE OF TOURNAI BY ALLIES [chap, xi 
 
 a fairly advantageous position near the canal of Douai. 
 It rested on some marshes between this canal and the 
 village of Combrin. Entrenchments were dug, and we 
 found ourselves so far safe from attack. The enemy made 
 feints upon various towns ; but being aware of the fact that 
 we had withdrawn part of our infantry from the garrison 
 of Tournai, they determined to attack this town, proceeded 
 to invest it, and after having constructed strong lines 
 of circumvallation, opened their trenches during the night 
 of July 7-8th. The fortress of Tournai is one of the strong- 
 est and most regularly laid out in the kingdom. M. de 
 Maigrigni, the famous engineer, had devoted all his know- 
 ledge to the construction of this citadel just as M. de 
 Vauban had in like manner done at Lille. The enemy, 
 who were perfectly aware of all the advantages it possessed, 
 took every precaution necessary for such an enterprise. 
 They divided their operations into three principal points 
 of attack, bombarded the town without ceasing, and as 
 any idea of relief was out of the question, M. de Surville, 
 a lieutenant-general in the King's army who commanded 
 there, was obliged to make terms regarding the town, and 
 withdrew into the fortress itself on July 31st. 
 
 The fortress was forthwith attacked with even more 
 energy and resource than had been the case with the town. 
 The glacis was counter-mined with numberless branches, 
 which led from the counter-scarps under the earth and well 
 to the front connected with pits and mines, which had 
 been constructed to blow up the besiegers when they 
 attempted to make their lodgments, but the enemy, to 
 prevent such accidents, never advanced their approaches 
 without first probing the ground, and themselves dug 
 shafts here and there by means of which they ferreted 
 out the mines and rendered them useless. What was most 
 unfortunate for the besieged was the lack of food in the 
 
1709] VILLARS ATTEMPTS TO RELIEVE MONS 335 
 
 fortress, for in the case of such a want anything else 
 becomes useless. It has been pointed out that this might 
 have been provided against during the siege of the town 
 by obliging the inhabitants to give up the corn they had 
 stored in their warehouses, but whether these were not 
 inspected, or whether it was believed that the supplies 
 were already sufficient, the fact remains that want of 
 food contributed in no small degree to the reduction of 
 the fortress, which called for a parley on August 30th. 
 The enemy at first declined the conditions proposed by 
 M. de Surville for the surrender, and recommenced their 
 operations. However, having thought the matter over, 
 they, three days later, accepted the very conditions they 
 had just refused, and the fortress was handed over to 
 them. 
 
 After the Allies had got possession of Tournai they 
 bethought them of another enterprise, which was of no less 
 importance than that they had just succeeded in, to wit, 
 the siege of Mons. Their preparations were complete, 
 and without losing a moment. Prince Eugene marched 
 with the leading portion of his army to invest the town, 
 leaving the rest to follow. Marechal de Villars, seeing 
 that the enemy were determined to seize this town, 
 resolved to take up an advantageous position, such as 
 would interfere with their designs. He broke up his camp 
 on September 7th, and directed his march along the woods 
 of Sart and Jean-Sart to a little place called Malplaquet, 
 within easy reach of Mons, so that the enemy had to 
 engage him before beginning their siege. Owing to this 
 march, a piece of work fell to my share as unexpected 
 as it was fatiguing. Nothing had been said to me as to 
 the order of our march, and I had gone peaceably to bed ; 
 but I had hardly got there when I received an order to 
 report myself at midnight at the centre of the first line to 
 
336 OUR POSITION AT MALPLAQUET [chap, xi 
 
 take over the command of six hundred men detailed as 
 escort for the baggage of the army. I was obh'ged to 
 pack my own things as quickly as possible, and betake 
 myself to the point named where I was given instructions 
 for this embarrassing commission, which I carried out by 
 taking a different route to that of the rest of the army. 
 Escort duty over waggons in the presence of the enemy 
 is a troublesome affair. In addition to the confusion 
 that usually reigns amongst them, care has to be taken to 
 protect them from visits on the part of the enemy, which 
 means continuous watching with fears of surprises ; in such 
 cases an ofiScer's loss of reputation has often depended 
 upon a momentary negligence. Two nights and a day did 
 I spend in this agreeable exercise, and on the evening of 
 the second day, after having left the baggage train in a 
 place of safety, I rejoined the army, which had just en- 
 camped in the plain of Mons, near the woods of Sart and 
 Jean-Sart. 
 
 Our position was a peculiar one but advantageous withal. 
 On our front lay these two woods, separate the one from 
 the other, forming a kind of broad avenue, wide enough 
 for twenty battalions to pass formed up side by side, which 
 gave upon the plain we were occupying. Marechal de 
 Villars ordered the infantry to occupy the end of this 
 avenue and the edges of the woods, so as to create a sort 
 of blind alley and to prevent entrance to the plain. The 
 cavalry remained in the plain, the Household troops in 
 the centre, in rear of the infantry posted across the alley, 
 and the rest on the right and left of our line in rear of the 
 woods. The enemy could only attack us by advancing up 
 this avenue, and we thought this was going to take place 
 on the day of our arrival, for we saw a body of cavalry 
 appear at its entrance. It turned out to be Prince Eugene, 
 who merely wished to reconnoitre our position, so as to 
 
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1709] ALLIES BOMBARD OUR ENTRENCHMENTS 337 
 
 avail himself of every precaution in readiness for making 
 his attack when the rest of his army joined him from 
 Tournai. 
 
 As soon as we realised that we were not going to be 
 attacked that day, the whole of our infantry set to work to 
 entrench themselves in the best way possible, reckoning that 
 the crisis would come on the morrow ; those out in the open 
 opposite the end of the avenue constructed cannon-proof 
 parapets with gaps here and there to facilitate an advance 
 in case of need, whilst those on the borders of the woods 
 did likewise, so that in a short time our position was well 
 fortified. The only infantry that were without any cover 
 at all from the enemy's artillery was the Bavarian Brigade, 
 which was in reserve in rear of the Garde Frangaise, who 
 held a portion of the parapet, whilst in the rear of us again 
 ware the Maison du Roi, who were equally exposed. 
 
 The Allies, not being in a position to attack us formally 
 on the day of our arrival or on the following day, placed 
 batteries of artillery which opened fire on every point, 
 but specially on the Household cavalry, and as we were 
 posted exactly in front of these, many shots intended 
 for them constantly carried off someone in our brigade. 
 On the afternoon of September loth, the enemy began to 
 construct a battery about half-way up the avenue, and 
 during that night armed it with thirty cannon of large 
 calibre to breach the entrenchments in the wood on our 
 left, on which they intended to make their main attack. 
 Thus we awaited them, lying that night in battle formation, 
 whilst our patrols and those of the enemy kept up a con- 
 stant fire whenever they came across each other. Next 
 morning at break of day the battery of thirty cannon 
 opened fire, and by its continuous volleys succeeded in 
 breaching the entrenchments in the wood on our left, and 
 the head of the enemy's infantry column made its appear- 
 
338 THE ENEMY'S GRAND ATTACK [chap, xi 
 
 ance. They came on at a slow pace, and by seven o'clock 
 had arrived in line with the battery threatening our centre. 
 As soon as this dense column appeared in the avenue, 
 fourteen guns were promptly brought up in front of our 
 brigade almost in line with the regiment of Garde 
 Frangaise. The fire of this battery was terrific, and hardly 
 a shot missed its mark. I could not help noticing the 
 officer in command, who although he seemed elderly was 
 nevertheless so active that in giving his orders there was 
 no cessation of action anywhere, the cannon shot continued 
 to pour forth without a break, plunged into the enemy's 
 infantry and carried off whole ranks at a time, but a gap 
 was no sooner created than it was immediately filled again, 
 and they even continued their advance upon us without 
 giving us any idea of the actual point determined on for 
 their attack. At last the column, leaving the great battery 
 on its left, changed its direction a quarter right and threw 
 itself precipitately into the wood on our left, making an 
 assault upon that portion which had been breached. It 
 sustained the full fire of our infantry entrenched therein, 
 and notwithstanding the great number killed on the 
 spot, it continued the attack and penetrated into the 
 wood, a success which it owed as much to being drunk 
 with brandy as to martial ardour. If all our regiments 
 had behaved equally well the enemy's infantry would have 
 been entirely destroyed in this fight, and would never have 
 been able to force their way over our entrenchments, but 
 some of our best dressed troops did not think proper to 
 hold their ground, doubtless not so much that they were 
 afraid of being killed as the fear of the embarrassment 
 they might cause the State by the difficulty that would be 
 created later on in having to replace them ! ! They there- 
 fore made off to a safer quarter, leaving the position open 
 to the enemy, and they actually during their retirement, 
 
1709] IRISH BRIGADE SUPPORTS OUR LEFT 339 
 
 having come across the horses of the dragoons of Notat, 
 who had been dismounted to come to their support, 
 mounted thereon to take the better care of them while 
 the dragoons themselves looked after the fighting business 
 for them. 
 
 Although the enemy had forced their way into the 
 wood, this success did not involve their winning the 
 battle, and if our cowards had only rejoined the brigades 
 that they left still fighting, it would have been quite 
 possible to have repulsed them. The nature of this wood- 
 fighting gave no particular advantage to either side, but 
 their only notion was to keep themselves intact to shine 
 at the reviews to which they are such an ornament. The 
 fighting which now went on in the woods was extremely 
 stubborn and murderous, and victory hung in the balance. 
 Our generals perceived that there was a lack of infantry 
 in the wood on our left, owing to these regiments having 
 abandoned their position ; so to supply this need the Irish 
 Brigade, which had hitherto lined the entrencliments at the 
 end of the avenue abutting on the wood, was ordered to 
 move into it, and we, to our great content, were directed 
 to take its place. I say to our great content, because since 
 the enemy's great battery had ceased firing upon the wood 
 it had directed its attention to us and the Maison du Roi, 
 and we had had to stand and see ourselves knocked over 
 without any possibility of returning the compliment. By 
 the time the Irish Brigade had got well into the wood it 
 was considered to be hardly sufficient as a reinforcement 
 by itself, and an order came for us to follow it, although 
 there was no one else left to fill our place which would be 
 left open to the enemy. They would not fail to seize it, 
 as they could then attack the Maison du Roi with a great 
 chance of success by simply lining the outside of our 
 entrenchments, a manoeuvre quite possible for them to 
 
340 A QUESTIONABLE MANCEUVRE [chap, xi 
 
 carry out. When the first order was brought to the 
 brigade-major, who reported it to me, I refused to obey 
 it, and pointed out the absolute necessity that existed 
 for our maintaining the position we were holding ; but a 
 lieutenant-general then arrived on the scene, and ordered 
 us a second time to march off, so sharply that all our 
 remonstrances were useless. We abandoned our post and 
 marched into the wood to join in the fusilade with the 
 others. What I have just related here will be found to 
 agree with the criticisms that have been made on the affair 
 of Malplaquet. 
 
 It is admitted that, had the Bavarian Brigade not left 
 its position to enter the wood, we should not have been 
 obliged to leave the field of battle in the hands of the 
 enemy, and as none of the critics were aware whether it 
 took this action on its own initiative or not, M. de Villars 
 a year later called an inquiry as to why we had abandoned 
 such an important point in the line. We deputed M. de 
 Ouemin to represent us, who assured him in the name of 
 the whole of the corps of the remonstrances we had taken 
 the liberty to make at the time to the lieutenant-general 
 who had given us the order ; he also gave him his name, 
 and added with perfect truth that we should never have 
 left our position had not the latter emphatically ordered 
 us to do so in the name of the King. 
 
 Whilst events were passing thus on the left, the wooded 
 country on our right was also attacked by a column of the 
 enemy's infantry, which had followed the advance of the 
 first. The woods there were neither as thick nor as high 
 as those on the left, but as the ground was much more cut 
 up by hedges, it was on this account the more advantageous 
 to our troops. Our right withstood the enemy's attack 
 with admirable firmness, disputing every foot of the ground 
 in the same manner as on our left. From the Regiment of 
 
1709] OUR CENTRE FORCED 341 
 
 Navarre, which happened at that time to be composed of 
 very short men, nearly in rags, who held our extreme right, 
 and who behaved none the less marvellously well, to the 
 Regiment of Alsace, which extended thence to the centre 
 held by the Garde Frangaise, everything went always in 
 our favour. 
 
 It was now midday, and our right and left still held 
 their own, with no decided advantage either to the enemy 
 or ourselves. The tangled nature of the ground inter- 
 sected by woods on which the principal fighting took 
 place had this advantage about it, that it was impossible 
 to spread a panic ; each brigade fought, as it were, in- 
 dependently, without being in the least aware of its neigh- 
 bours' movements. As far as those who occupied the 
 centre were concerned, it would have been a pity to have 
 exposed them ; everything went on well without them, 
 and a victory even might have resulted had not the 
 enemy thought of feeling their way towards the entrench- 
 ments that our brigade had just left. They had noticed 
 that neither smoke nor fire came from them, and then 
 their hussars, by cantering around, approached little by 
 little until they at last discovered that we had no one 
 left in occupation. Then, profiting by the chance thus 
 given them, they caused their infantry to advance, who 
 in turn protected the passage of many squadrons through 
 the intervals in the parapet ; these formed up at the 
 mouth of the plain to charge the Maison du Roi, who 
 had previously retired somewhat to avoid the infantry fire. 
 
 When these battalions advanced to seize our entrench- 
 ments the fine infantry holding our centre, who so far had 
 not suffered from a single hostile shot, had every oppor- 
 tunity of deploying to cover the gap made by our empty 
 entrenchments, but then they would have run still more 
 risk of spoiling their beautiful uniforms, their most notice- 
 
342 MARECHAL DE VILLARS WOUNDED [chap, xi 
 
 able characteristic, and they therefore retired to try and 
 find a quieter spot where they would be safe from any 
 such rough handling. The result was that the cavalry 
 were at liberty to pass through all the intervals in the 
 entrenchments, and having reformed in the plain beyond, 
 they moved straight upon the Maison du Roi, who like- 
 wise advanced to give them battle. The Scotch Guards 
 of the Queen of England, most excellent troops, led 
 the charge, which was a most violent one; and then the 
 two sides, after the confusion of the first shock, disen- 
 tangled themselves. They came on a second time to the 
 charge, just as we learned that Mar6chal de Villars had 
 been dangerously wounded and incapacitated by a bullet 
 through the knee. M. de Boufiflers, who had joined the 
 army the evening before simply, as he told Mar^chal de 
 Villars, as a volunteer, now sent us an order to beat a 
 retreat. It was after one o'clock in the afternoon when 
 this order reached us, and we were still holding our own 
 as well as ever in our wood, where the enemy had lost 
 very heavily without scoring any further advantage than 
 that of sharing its occupation with us. Had Marechal de 
 Villars not been wounded, it is quite certain that we should 
 never have given up the fight, for the enemy's cavalry, 
 which had entered the plain and then become engaged 
 with the Household troops, could have easily been repulsed, 
 as we had all our cavalry posted right and left, who up 
 to then had not had an opportunity of even letting off a 
 pistol. It would have been perfectly feasible to make 
 them converge upon the centre, and so wipe out those of 
 the enemy, the more so as our infantry had lost next to no 
 ground, and were by no means so broken as to be likely to 
 lose their grip of what they held. In short, although the 
 enemy ultimately found themselves at liberty to undertake 
 the siege of Mons, they owe it entirely to him who hap- 
 
1709] OUR RETREAT 343 
 
 pened to wound Mardchal de Villars. As far as the battle 
 itself is concerned, it would be impossible for them, if they 
 impartially considered the matter, to say with truth that 
 they really gained anything by their victory. 
 
 When we began our retreat, none of our infantry 
 brigades were at all broken, always excepting the two 
 famous regiments who held the centre of our line, and 
 whose behaviour in quitting the field I have already re- 
 marked upon. Our cavalry were in excellent trim. The 
 Maison du Roi and the gendarmerie alone had been 
 engaged, and were not much disordered thereby. Our 
 march was as undisturbed as if there were no enemy in 
 the country. Our right retired on Quesnoy and our left 
 on Valenciennes. It is true that as soon as our line of 
 retreat was determined upon, and our columns began their 
 retirement, the enemy sent out a number of squadrons 
 to keep us under observation, but they neither dared 
 approach our rear-guard nor even make a pretence of 
 attacking us, and there is no doubt whatever that they 
 were filled with astonishment at seeing us thus quit the 
 field of battle. There was no doubt, at any rate, as to 
 Marechal de Villars being no longer at our head. 
 
 We marched for all the world as if we were merely 
 changing our camping-ground, without any hurry or con- 
 fusion. I was with the left wing which retired by the road 
 to Valenciennes, which for three leagues passed through a 
 fine open country, where we met with neither stream or 
 defile which could afford an opportunity for the enemy's 
 squadrons to attack our rear-guard. A little further on 
 we did reach a village, where we were obliged to cross over 
 a fairly wide stream, which checked us for a while, but the 
 enemy also halted, and there was some reason to fear they 
 might attack the tail of our column during its passage. 
 To meet this case, infantry were required, as our rear-guard 
 
344 A REAR-GUARD ACTION [chap, xi 
 
 consisted solely of cavalry. As it was, the whole of our 
 infantry had already crossed, and were continuing their 
 march, with the exception of our regiment and my French 
 grenadiers, who held the honourable post of rear-guard to 
 the whole of the infantry. As I crossed the stream, the 
 cavalry who followed me had noticed the necessity of 
 infantry support to cover the passage, without which our 
 rear-most squadrons would have been destroyed. I met 
 with the Chevalier de Rosel, lieutenant-general in the 
 King's army, who was asking for infantry, which by this 
 time was a considerable distance off; for as soon as each 
 regiment had passed over it marched away, without wait- 
 ing for the next, with the result that they were at least 
 a quarter of a league distant the one from the other. 
 Seeing that the Bavarian regiment was the only one to 
 hand, and which he regarded in the light of a foreign 
 corps to which he dared not give a command, I begged 
 him to give us whatever orders he thought fit, and he 
 forthwith gave me his instructions. I then recrossed the 
 brook, and posted my men in the gardens round the 
 village, by which means I covered the cavalry rear-guard 
 and prevented the enemy approaching. I might say that 
 when I took up my position I asked the Chevalier de 
 Rosel to wait for me, so that my infantry could retire in 
 company with the cavalry, which he had the politeness to 
 do, for there were yet two more leagues to march before 
 reaching Valenciennes, over open country in which my 
 men would have been much exposed if the enemy had 
 followed us up, but they did not even dare to cross the 
 stream. 
 
 M. de Boufiflers took over the command of the army in 
 the absence of Marechal de Villars. He directed us to 
 pitch our camps next day, the right wing near Quesnoy 
 and the left at Valenciennes ; we were thus in a secure 
 
1709] BOUFFLERS AND THE INTENDANT 345 
 
 position between these two towns, especially after we had 
 constructed a strong line of well-flanked entrenchments 
 along our front. The enemy, who had lost nearly twenty 
 thousand men in the battle, hardly so much as dreamed 
 of following us up ; their only desire was to be allowed 
 to carry on their siege of Mons undisturbed, and as we 
 were yet quite in a position to interfere with their enter- 
 prise, they were reassured when they found we were hard 
 at work piling earth in front of us. Some time after we 
 had settled down in our encampment, Mardchal de 
 Boufflers held a general inspection of the whole army, 
 which he found in a most satisfactory state, and in a 
 condition to give battle at the first moment he judged 
 necessary. It was said that this was the King's own 
 intention, and that orders had already been prepared for 
 the same. 
 
 A friend of mine at Versailles, who believed he was in a 
 position to know what was going on, informed me of this, 
 which he vouched for strongly as being correct, and even 
 told me the date when the operations were to begin ; but 
 the famine which raged in our army put a stop to the 
 preparations. All the corn magazines were empty; the 
 hard frost had prevented their replenishment, and as it 
 was imperative that provision should be made of at least a 
 four days' supply of bread before beginning an advance, 
 the project became impossible. M. Dangeat, Intendant of 
 Maubeuge, who controlled these stores, when threatened 
 with being hanged at the gate of the town if he did not 
 iind some means of providing some bread for these four 
 days, declared that he was ready for the hanging ; thus it 
 was want of bread alone that prevented us engaging in a 
 second battle. The enemy must have had some hint of 
 all this, for they put off the siege of Mons, and only began 
 their trenches on the night of 2Sth-26th of September. 
 
346 DISTRESS IN OUR CAMP [chap, xi 
 
 The want of bread in our army now became serious, 
 and we lived from hand to mouth, that is to say, the 
 rations were distributed singly, and very often only half 
 a ration was given out in the morning and the other in the 
 evening, because the supply was so short in the magazines. 
 Baking operations were confined to the meagre arrivals 
 of flour from the surrounding provinces, and half the 
 constituents of the bread served out consisted of bran. 
 The rigours of the season began to tell upon us, and the 
 result of occupying the same camp for so long a period 
 created such a scarcity of forage in the country round that 
 the horses which had escaped the Battle of Malplaquet 
 actually perished of hunger at their picket ropes. The 
 teams of the commissariat waggons also died off one after 
 the other, and yet no move was made to take up winter 
 quarters until all the horses in the army were ruined. Our 
 garrison at Mons, after some resistance, made terms and 
 surrendered on October 21st, and a little later both armies 
 withdrew from the field. I had the honour of being 
 promoted to the rank of colonel at the end of this 
 campaign. 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 THE ALLIES INCREASE THEIR EFFORTS — PEACE OVERTURES AT 
 
 GERTRUIDEMBERG ENGLAND WITHDRAWS HER SUPPORT 
 
 MARLBOROUGH RETURNS TO ENGLAND — THE CAMPAIGN OF 
 
 171 1 THE ELECTOR AWARDED BRABANT AND CHIGNY 
 
 GAIETIES AT NAMUR — THE CAMPAIGN OF 1 7 12 — DUTCH 
 
 PREPARATIONS PRINCE EUGENE INVESTS LANDRECI 
 
 VILLARS SEIZES DENAIN — THE BAVARIAN LIEUTENANT AND 
 HIS SON — NARROW ESCAPE AT DOUAI FEVER — AN ANTI- 
 DOTE 
 
 THE Allies, determined to increase their conquests in 
 Flanders, strengthened their forces more and more, 
 and spared nothing to further the seizure of our best 
 provinces. The Dutch, above all, regarded the war carried 
 on in their country as a benefit by which they ought to 
 profit later on, the conquests being in their favour, and with 
 such designs in mind these gentry regretted neither the 
 expense nor the provision of munitions of all kinds that 
 they were put to. So great was their enthusiasm that when 
 the Emperor, who was the moving spirit of the war, found 
 himself unable to bear the burden of its cost, as he had 
 engaged himself to do in his treaty with them, they sup- 
 plied the deficiencies as long as they lasted without a 
 murmur, in the hope of making a greater profit than the 
 Archduke himself, for whom their sacrifices were made. 
 With these objects in view their preparations were hurried 
 on, and their army opened the campaign at such an early 
 
 347 
 
348 ABORTIVE PEACE PROPOSALS [chap, xii 
 
 date that the siege of Douai was begun on April 14th. 
 France was not yet ready, and almost the whole of her 
 troops were still in winter quarters when she learnt that 
 the enemy had taken the field ; in fact, before the regi- 
 ments which were in the Comte de Chigny and the Metz 
 districts had arrived in Flanders, Douai was invested, 
 Moreover, even when our army was fully mobilised it 
 was still too inferior in strength to that of the enemy to 
 make any head against them. The loss of Douai caused 
 us much inquietude, as the necessity of reinforcing 
 the garrisons of the many towns open to the Allies' 
 attack further enfeebled our army, and finally compelled 
 us to remain strictly on the defensive and content our- 
 selves with merely keeping the enemy under observation 
 for the remainder of the campaign. The Court of France 
 found itself further embarrassed by this unfortunate con- 
 dition of its affairs, for the strongholds threatened by the 
 enemy lay contiguous to the royal provinces ; the inhabi- 
 tants took alarm, and fear which exaggerated the actual 
 peril inspired many to say that the King himself would 
 soon fail to find safety even in Versailles. France, to 
 counteract the evil which threatened her, made a pro- 
 posal of peace to the Allies, and sent plenipotentiaries for 
 this purpose to Gertruidemberg, but the gentlemen who 
 represented the Dutch States acted their part with so 
 much arrogance that it was impossible to come to an 
 understanding with them. It was even said that their 
 replies included insulting references to the King. How- 
 ever this may have been, it is certain that they were of 
 such an extraordinary nature that the plenipotentiaries 
 of France were obliged to withdraw on July 25th. 
 
 Douai made a better defence than Tournai or Mons. 
 This town was an important one to us ; it covered all 
 Artois, had magnificent arsenals, and was the headquarters 
 
lyio] FRANCE APPROACHES ENGLAND 349 
 
 of the Artillery School. Although munitions of war were 
 not wanting, it was obliged to capitulate on July 3rd. 
 The capture of this place contributed not a little to in- 
 crease the pride of the Dutch States and to expedite the 
 departure of our deputies from Gertruidemberg. The 
 enemy now laid siege to Bethune, which was not over- 
 strongly fortified, notwithstanding which, its defence was 
 maintained from July 27th to August 29th. After 
 Bethune was taken, Ayre and Saint Venant were in- 
 vested, the trenches being opened before the first during 
 the night of the I2th-i3th September, and a little later 
 in the case of Saint Venant, which surrendered on 
 October 2nd, the town of Ayre capitulated on the loth. 
 In short, the Allies took Bethune, Ayre, and Saint Venant, 
 after which both armies retired to their winter quarters. 
 
 The capture of these four towns inspired the Allies with 
 fresh courage, and they were convinced that France was 
 reduced to the last extremity. It is true that she was 
 exhausted financially, and was obliged in paying the 
 troops to have recourse to paper money {Billets d'usten- 
 qiles). The officers lost three-quarters of their pay in their 
 exchange of this for actual money, and this did not tend 
 to improve discipline, but it was the only way then to 
 meet this state of affairs. England had profited nothing 
 from the conquests wrung from us on terra firnia, which 
 gave the King reason to hope that there would be less 
 difficulty in detaching this country from the alliance 
 against him, and he therefore set to work to make secret 
 proposals to this end. William III. had died in the year 
 1702, soon after he had made his treaty with the Emperor, 
 and the English Parliament, on his death, had called 
 Anne Princess of Denmark to the throne, the sister of 
 the late Princess of Orange. This Princess had no 
 interests in this war other than those regarding her new 
 
3SO MARLBOROUGH AND HIS ACCUSERS [chap, xii 
 
 kingdom ; the motives which induced King William to 
 ally himself with the Emperor had no weight with the 
 Queen ; thus there was no great difficulty in entering 
 into negotiations with her. These were accordingly begun, 
 at first very secretly, but were as time went on openly 
 declared. 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 171I 
 
 The Allies did not open the campaign in Flanders with 
 that energy which had distinguished them in the pre- 
 ceding years. The Queen of England had begun to 
 listen to the proposals made her by France, and Milord 
 Marlborough interested himself less in the conquests that 
 were being planned. The Emperor Joseph died on April 
 17th, and left the Empire to his brother the Archduke. 
 
 It was hardly in the interests of England, or any of the 
 other Powers of Europe, to see the Empire and the 
 Spanish dominion under the rule of one and the same 
 Prince. However, the Archduke, since his ascent to the 
 Imperial throne, showed no signs of relaxing his hold on 
 the kingdom of Spain, and wished rather that the further 
 conquest of Flanders should be prosecuted with vigour. 
 The Dutch demanded nothing better for themselves, 
 because they would profit thereby, and therefore set-to to 
 beg Milord Marlborough to begin the siege of Bouchain. 
 Notwithstanding the limits set him by Queen Anne, he 
 consented to this ; the town was invested, the trenches 
 opened about the beginning of August, and it surrendered 
 to him on the i8th of the same month. The conquests of 
 the Allies were limited in this campaign to the taking of 
 this town ; it was even said that Milord Marlborough had 
 gone too far, and they took the pretext of his having 
 exceeded the orders of the English Court to accuse him 
 of receiving bribes. He was severely handled on this 
 
i7ii] THE ELECTOR'S NEW POSSESSIONS 351 
 
 point, and the annoyance caused him much mental distress. 
 M. de Villars for his part took the Fort of Alleures. 
 
 The death of the Emperor Joseph decided the position 
 of Philippe v., for the departure of the Archduke from 
 Spain for Vienna was taken to be an abandonment by him 
 of the kingdom. 
 
 France, perceiving that the Emperor's election would 
 determine a section of the Grand Alliance to listen to 
 terms of peace, sought means to introduce the case of 
 the Elector of Bavaria as a vital point in the negotia- 
 tions on this subject, in order to demand the restitution 
 of his territories. This was provided for by the cession 
 by the King of Spain of the sovereignty of the Circle 
 of Burgundy, of which the countships of Brabant and 
 Chigny yet remained intact. These provinces which, it 
 was reckoned, would have to be given up on the declara- 
 tion of a general peace, in order to form the new 
 buffer-state demanded by the Dutch, gave the Elector 
 the power to send his representatives to the general 
 Diets to demand the restitution of Bavaria. It was to 
 the interest of the Dutch, in order to form their desired 
 barrier, that this exchange should be effected. 
 
 This Prince therefore set out to take possession of 
 Namur as representing Brabant, and Luxembourg, 
 Chigny, and after his installation, at which I had the 
 honour to be present, His Highness took up his residence 
 in Namur, and caused money to be coined there with his 
 own die. 
 
 The Elector of Bavaria, who brought pleasure in his 
 train wherever he might find himself, soon made Namur 
 one of the pleasantest retreats in Europe. The inhabi- 
 tants who, before the arrival of this Prince, were distin- 
 guished by their rather outlandish manners and customs, 
 became civilised and sociable beings. They manifested 
 
352 GAIETIES AT NAMUR [chap, xii 
 
 by their rejoicings the deHght they felt at having the 
 Elector as their sovereign. Amongst the fetes that they 
 organised was a combat between sailors on the river 
 Sambre, when there was not much stream. Several boats 
 rushed at each other impelled by their rowers, each 
 carrying champions planted upon the decks with lances 
 at rest, who jousted to see which was best man. They 
 carried small baskets on their stomachs to receive the 
 blows which they encountered during their charge, which 
 were delivered with force enough to upset an adversary 
 and topple him over into the water. Such was their skill, 
 however, that their lances would break with the shock 
 without either combatant losing his footing ; others would 
 overthrow two opponents at a blow, making divers of 
 them, but as these people are perfect swimmers, they 
 were soon at the surface and shouting to be allowed to 
 begin again. 
 
 Following on this came the game of the eel. Across 
 the river was stretched a cord at the middle of which was 
 attached an eel, which the competitors endeavoured to 
 seize whilst passing at full speed standing upon the edge 
 of their boats, and who, reaching forward to make their 
 grasp, oftener than not found themselves in the water. 
 There were prizes given for all these games and judges 
 appointed for their distribution. They did not limit 
 themselves to the water combats and the eel game, for 
 I saw men who had placed themselves face downwards on 
 a pivot high up in the air with arms and legs extended, 
 and who maintained their equilibrium so perfectly that they 
 they could whirl themselves round with the speed of a wind- 
 mill. But the play with which they wound up these games 
 was the best, to my mind, to wit, a battle on the Grande 
 Place of the town, which was produced in an altogether 
 original manner. It represented a quarrel which formerly 
 
171 1] A WAR GAME 
 
 353 
 
 existed between the inhabitants of a suburb (now included 
 within the walls) and the town itself. In the old days, 
 each side, wearing a distinguishing uniform, assembled 
 in equal strength in the town square to wipe out their 
 differences, and fought the matter out sword in hand, 
 as gunpowder had not been invented at that time. The 
 party which drove the other to the extreme limit of the 
 square was held to have proved their point by victory, 
 under the control of properly appointed judges, who 
 decided also as to the fairness of the blows. To com- 
 memorate this battle the inhabitants divided into two 
 parties, one of which called themselves Meylans, the 
 other Aures. They were formed into companies and 
 were drilled in the art of walking on stilts, on which they 
 maintained as solid a footing as if they had been on their 
 own feet. They had their officers and drummers, as in 
 the regular army ; the Aures carried blue and white 
 plumes and cockades, and the Meylans red and white. 
 Officers were not appointed by favour. To become a 
 captain it was necessary to have vanquished five com- 
 petitors ; and it would be a good thing for many States 
 if they enforced the same regulations, things would go 
 much better then. 
 
 The height of these stilts was an advantage from the 
 spectator's point of view of the play, which might be 
 described as a combat between two giant forces. At the 
 time appointed each side arrives at opposite ends of the 
 square, where they form up in battle array with the utmost 
 precision. The most famous fighters are distributed along 
 each line to receive the brunt of the shocks and the most 
 violent attacks, and bodies in reserve are placed ready to 
 support the points that may show signs of weakness in 
 the course of the action. These two little armies then 
 solemnly advance against one another with well-dressed 
 
354 A KEEN CONTEST [chap, xii 
 
 and locked-up ranks, until they arrive near the place 
 marked out for the combat, which is exactly half-way 
 across the square. Then their march quickens its pace, 
 the two sides close with each other, and the fight begins 
 in earnest. The elbows of the combatants are their only 
 weapons, for their hands are engaged with the butts of 
 their stilts, which reach up to their thighs, so that their 
 elbows stick out like the handles of a pot, and they work 
 these with such rapidity to upset their adversaries that 
 they look for all the world like teetotums. They are 
 so adroit in this exercise that they can use one shoulder 
 instantaneously after another, and can stoop and recover 
 themselves in a second. The blows given and taken are 
 extremely brisk, and one must have a robust constitution 
 to enlist in these troops. When one side has been so 
 often floored that it can no longer offer any resistance, 
 the other occupies the ground of the defeated ones, forms 
 up in battle array, and shouts victory. Then the van- 
 quished retire stunned and confused, and dare not put 
 in an appearance during the subsequent fete held by the 
 victors, which lasts about three days. 
 
 When the two sides advance to the attack their fathers, 
 mothers, sisters, wives, or near relations follow in their 
 steps, and during the action encourage them in the liveliest 
 terms. They keep close behind them to support them lest 
 they kill themselves by falling upon the stone pavement, 
 to give them refreshment to reanimate their strength, and 
 to help them remount their stilts and make them return 
 to the charge. There is something very comic to see these 
 women following up the giants, trembling, gesticulating, 
 and screaming, all at the same time, to animate their hus- 
 bands or relations. The cry one hears oftenest is, " A 
 chasse ! A chasse ! " which is addressed to those who have 
 
I7I2] ORMONDE REPLACES MARLBOROUGH 355 
 
 been upset, and is intended to encourage them to be quick 
 in remounting their stilts to rejoin the fray. 
 
 I was a witness of this famous battle, and so was the 
 Elector with his whole Court It went on for nearly 
 three hours before one side had made much impression 
 on the other, for as soon as the one gained any ground 
 so soon did the other regain it, and the reserves which 
 came to the rescue restored the balance of affairs over 
 and over again. However, the combatants were upset 
 with greater ease towards the end of the conflict than 
 had been the case at the beginning. One saw these 
 colossi one moment prostrated by their falls, then re- 
 appearing as if mother earth had given new birth to 
 them. This spectacle was altogether most amusing, the 
 bull fights, contests between various animals, and other 
 shows of this kind were nothing in comparison ; it was a 
 true picture of war. All these struggles and upsets at last 
 reduced most of the combatants to a state of inanition, 
 and many after their falls found themselves with broken 
 legs and arms, others were breathless ; in fact, there was 
 hardly one of them left who was not completely blown. 
 However, one of the two parties had to win, which pre- 
 sently occurred; the Meylands finally drove the Aures 
 beyond the boundaries marked for victory, and the air was 
 rent with cries of joy, amid which the losers retired more 
 dead than alive. 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1712 
 
 The change which manifested itself in the armies of the 
 Allies sufficiently showed the intentions of Queen Anne. 
 Milord Marlborough was no longer in command of the 
 English forces. He had been recalled to London to meet 
 the accusations that had been made against him, and the 
 Duke of Ormonde had been put in his place. The latter 
 
356 PRINCE EUGENE'S PREPARATIONS [chap, xii 
 
 had secret orders to undertake nothing of his own initia- 
 tive or in co-operation with the Allies, and to attend no 
 Council of War without fresh orders from the Queen. 
 The strength even of the body of troops that he had with 
 him on a war footing was less than had been the case in 
 the preceding campaigns, for it consisted of no more than 
 fourteen thousand men. The Court at Vienna, which was 
 quite aware of the English designs, acted as though nothing 
 was happening, and arranged with the Dutch States to 
 make a last effort to overpower the rest of our strongholds 
 on the frontiers of Picardy, and to carry out their original 
 plan of reducing France to impotence. To this end the 
 Dutch had amassed prodigious stores of food and muni- 
 tions of war, which were gathered into various magazines 
 near at hand to the points of conquest they had in view. 
 For the transport of these munitions the rivers Escaut* 
 and Scarpe were available, up which they towed enormous 
 barges, while the abbey at Marchiennes, the Quatre- 
 Clochers, the little town of Saint Amand, and the Abbey 
 of Anzim were detailed for the magazines themselves. 
 These munitions consisted of quantities of cannon, bombs, 
 mortars, bullets, powder and ball, flour, rice, husked barley, 
 cheese, butter, beer, wine, and brandy. Never had better 
 preparations been made to ensure a successful result; all 
 these magazines and barge convoys were protected by the 
 towns of Douai, Bouchain, and the Abbey of Denain on 
 the Escaut, which had been doubly entrenched. 
 
 These preparations completed, Prince Eugene and the 
 Dutch had several conferences with the Duke of Ormonde, 
 in order to come to a decision as to the siege of Valen- 
 ciennes. This was a considerable undertaking, for we had 
 provided this town with a good garrison, commanded by 
 the Prince de Tringry, son of the late Duke of Luxemburg. 
 * The Scheldte. 
 
I7I2] WE LOSE QUESNOY 357 
 
 This general was noted for his personal courage as well as 
 his capacity, thus it was necessary for the enemy to take 
 every precaution. It was also obligatory in this case that 
 the various chiefs of the Allied army should be consenting 
 parties in this enterprise, but the Duke of Ormonde finally 
 withdrew from the affair, with the result that the siege of 
 Quesnoy was decided upon instead ; this did not require 
 such great preparations, as the town was small and unable 
 to hold a large garrison. They intended, after capturing 
 this town, to leave Valenciennes on their flank and throw 
 themselves on Landreci, Guise, and Bapaume. By this 
 they would enclose Valenciennes and even Cambrai within 
 captured territory, and make it impossible for these two 
 towns to collect provisions or receive any help. The 
 plans were well conceived ; there was reason to fear that 
 if the enemy succeeded in their design Valenciennes would 
 suffer much for want of food, and affairs as they were then 
 gave us no great promise of hope. 
 
 The enemy began their siege of Quesnoy and opened 
 their trenches about the middle of June. The English, 
 for their part, did not separate themselves from the allied 
 army, but allovi^ed the siege to progress without participat- 
 ing in the work. Meanwhile Marechal de Villars occupied 
 the camp of Noyelle, on the heights near the town of 
 Cambrai. On this town rested the left of his army, whilst 
 his right extended along the river Escaut, which covered 
 his front. It was a good position, but he was unable to 
 prevent the enemy from making a heavy attack upon 
 Quesnoy, which surrendered on July 4th, after no great 
 resistance and on very poor terms. Prince Eugene re- 
 mained some days longer encamped near this town before 
 determining upon a further advance. Queen Anne, who 
 up to this time had shown all consideration for the Allies, 
 now saw that they took their own way without any 
 
358 LANDRECI INVESTED [chap, xii 
 
 thought or desire for her help, and made no further 
 mystery of the treaty which she had just concluded with 
 the King. She sent a courier to the Duke of Ormonde 
 with an order to separate himself from the Allied army and 
 to move his troops to the seaports preparatory to return- 
 ing to England. Shortly afterwards this suspension of 
 arms between France and England was notified to our 
 army. The very day that the Duke of Ormonde de- 
 parted, which was July i8th, Prince Eugene invested 
 Landreci with forty battalions and sixty squadrons, fol- 
 lowing himself the next day with the rest of his army, 
 which he posted with its left near the town, having a large 
 stream called the Escaillon on his front. Whilst carrying 
 on the siege of Quesnoy his supplies had reached him by 
 the high road of Mons ; but the siege of Landreci took 
 him so much further afield that he found his convoys 
 were no longer safe from attack, owing to the neighbour- 
 hood of Valenciennes and Cambrai. He then looked for 
 a safer road. He drew from the magazines he had on the 
 Scarpe, and made a depot at the Abbey of Denain, where 
 he had a bridge over the Escaut, and from there supplied 
 his army. To ensure the safety of these convoys the 
 enemy had fortified the abbey with a double line of en- 
 trenchments, and had constructed a road, equally strongly 
 entrenched, leading thence to the river Scarpe, on 
 which plied the great transport barges. This line of 
 communication was so convenient to them that they could 
 never be in want of supplies for the siege of Landreci, 
 and it moreover ensured their communications for a further 
 advance later on. Such being the state of affairs, they 
 thought lightly of the English retirement, and with an 
 army so superior in numbers to ours, they confidently re- 
 solved to make the most of their opportunity. 
 
 Mardchal de Villars, seeing the enemy on the march for 
 
1712] TACTICS OF MARECHAL DE VILLARS 359 
 
 Landreci, broke up our camp, and ascending the Escaut, 
 we crossed it between Le Catelet and the Abbey of 
 Vauselle, where we halted on July 19th. We parted with 
 our baggage trains the next day, which were sent on to 
 Le Catelet, when we encamped at Ch^teau-Cambresis, 
 with the little river Selle in front of us. This camp was 
 not far from that of the enemy, and was sufficiently well 
 placed to cause them some uneasiness ; but IVI. de Villars 
 wished to get still nearer. He reconnoitred all the country 
 between the Selle and the Sambre which ran through 
 Landreci, and after having made his plans, marched us 
 over the Selle in eight columns, and by three o'clock in 
 the afternoon of 22nd July our right was on the banks of 
 the Sambre near the wood of Ribaucourt, with the left 
 close to Chateau-Cambresis. 
 
 Thick woods lay between our army and the circum- 
 vallation of the enemy, upon which they were then hard at 
 work. For this reason we could see no sign of activity on 
 their part, and we thought that they were merely taking 
 their time to reconnoitre us ; but Marechal de Villars had 
 no real intention of keeping us where we were. We 
 stayed there during the 23rd, when twelve hundred work- 
 men were mustered and set to work to make roads along 
 the banks of the Sambre in the direction of Guise, although 
 this was not the route our general had in his mind to 
 take us. To deceive the enemy still more, he sent some 
 dragoons under the orders of M. de Coigny, who at fall of 
 night took this road along the Sambre with measured 
 tread, and so as to lead our opponents to believe that the 
 whole of our army was on the march, they were accom- 
 panied by reliable men, extended at intervals, who shouted 
 out in the darkness the names of our regiments, and drum- 
 mers were posted here and there along the line who every 
 now and then gave a few taps with their sticks as if 
 
36o OUR FLANK MARCH [chap, xii 
 
 to recall scattered soldiery. By this manoeuvre Prince 
 Eugene was deceived into thinking that M. de Villars 
 was availing himself of the darkness of night to advance 
 against him, and watched for our advent (on a road we 
 never took) until break of day. 
 
 M. de Villars, delighted to find that Prince Eugene had 
 been misled by his feint, broke up his camp and repassed 
 the Selle over the same bridges that we had crossed two 
 days before. We had no baggage train to hinder us, but 
 marched in the dark, knowing neither our destination nor 
 the intentions of the General. This information was denied 
 us, lest spies should report this nocturnal change of posi- 
 tion ; and our army was preceded in its march by an 
 advanced guard of hussars under M. d'Albergoti, who 
 scoured the country to prevent the slightest warning of 
 our movement transpiring. Our advanced guard con- 
 structed bridges over the Escaut near the little village 
 of Neuville, and our army made a magnificent march, for 
 by eight o'clock next morning, July 24th, it had com- 
 pleted six long leagues. A halt of only half an hour's 
 duration was then made in some very flat country, and 
 when the march was resumed over the bridges at Neuville 
 we found ourselves in a wide open plain and in sight of 
 the entrenchments of Denain. I only realised the design 
 of our General when we came in view of these entrench- 
 ments and when the head of the column halted in order to 
 wait until the rest of the infantry had crossed the bridges. 
 In the meantime, however, arrangements were made to 
 invest these intrenchments to a certain degree, and as the 
 enemy's cannon were firing point-blank at us, the leading 
 brigades were ordered to lie down to avoid the shot as 
 much as possible. The intention had been to attack at the 
 moment of our arrival, but M. d'Artagnan, who was direct- 
 ing the formation of the Brigade of Champagne to this 
 
I7I2] THE SURPRISE OF DENAIN 361 
 
 end, thought it wiser to wait until almost the whole of our 
 infantry had debouched upon the plain. 
 
 Prince Eugene, who had spent the night in observation 
 of the supposed march conducted by M. de Coigny, was 
 much astonished when it was reported to him at five 
 o'clock in the morning that our army was well on its way 
 in a direction quite opposite to that which he was watching, 
 and that no information was forthcoming as to our inten- 
 tions. He therefore directed his steps towards the high 
 ground bordering the little river Selle, whence he sighted our 
 column, and following up our advance, arrived at the Abbey 
 of Denain at ten o'clock in the morning, still in ignorance 
 of the object of our march. He remained in the entrench- 
 ments until we had crossed the bridges at Neuville, and 
 our troops had taken up their positions in preparation for 
 the attack. The Prince had up to then believed that 
 M. de Villars made this manoeuvre with the object of 
 finding some way of throwing provisions into Valenciennes, 
 and made a remark to this effect to the Duke of Albemarle, 
 the General of the Dutch troops, who was in command of 
 these entrenchments. With this impression on his mind 
 he thought Marchiennes might perhaps be endangered, and 
 did not dream of an attack upon Denain until midday, 
 when he saw our troops taking up their positions. It was 
 clear to him then that he had been taken in by M. de 
 Villars, whereupon he at once took seventeen squadrons of 
 cavalry that were in the abbey and told the Duke of 
 Albemarle to hold out to the utmost, while he himself 
 recrossed the Escaut and took up a position on the high 
 ground, from which he had a good view of whatever might 
 happen. He was not in a position to give any help to 
 Denain, for his army was too far distant, and what was 
 really wanted were troops ready to enter the place at once 
 before our attack took place. The entrenchments were of 
 
362 A SUCCESSFUL ASSAULT [chap, xii 
 
 too great an extent for the number expected to defend 
 them, a small army would hardly have been sufficient, and 
 the enemy had but eighteen battalions, although it is true 
 that besides the lines of circumvallation which extended 
 much beyond the little village that formed the abbey 
 proper, there was yet another entrenchment into which, if 
 necessary, this force could retire and hold out in an 
 extreme case. 
 
 In the orders for the assault the front ranks of our troops 
 were directed to sling their muskets and use their swords, 
 so as to have greater freedom in scaling the parapets. 
 Those in rear followed with bayonets fixed and took no 
 fascines. We doubled rapidly forward to the ditch and 
 scrambled in, with each other's aid, without meeting with 
 much resistance or anything in the nature of a repulse, 
 and although this was not effected without some loss, one 
 does not wait to count the cost when one's attention is 
 taken up with what is going on in front. When the enemy 
 saw that we had penetrated their lines at more than one 
 point, their courage failed them, and they retired with 
 precipitation to their second line which covered the head 
 • of the village. Here we had to make fresh dispositions to 
 attack them, and as they still felt themselves in a parlous 
 state, they took this opportunity to retire along the river 
 Escaut which runs under the abbey, in order to cross the 
 bridge and join the seventeen squadrons with Prince 
 Eugene. Unfortunately for them it turned out that their 
 baggage train, in its attempt to retire over the river during 
 the attack, had blocked the bridge with a number o 
 waggons and carriages ; it collapsed and let them down 
 into the river, an event quite unknown to the eighteen 
 battalions which were effecting their retreat on this point. 
 They had abandoned their second line of entrenchments 
 in order to gain time to cross the bridge and destroy it 
 
Fold out 
 
To face page 3^2 
 
I7I2] THE ENEMY'S SEVERE LOSSES 363 
 
 after their passage, and Prince Eugene, who had foreseen 
 that they would be ultimately forced to retire, was waiting 
 to support them with his seventeen squadrons. But they 
 had scarcely left their position before we entered it close 
 on their heels, and finding no one to oppose us, we con- 
 tinued our advance to below the little village where the 
 fields run down to the river. Our troops then caught sight of 
 the backs of the enemy, who were hurriedly retreating in 
 the direction of the bridge, and at once opened fire upon 
 them, which, notwithstanding the extreme range, spread 
 such terror in their ranks that they broke into a run, and 
 finding the bridge gone the rear ranks, in the dread of our 
 fire, hustled those in front and forced them into the river, 
 where they were drowned. The Escaut is a narrow river 
 with steep banks which hold up the water, which is as deep 
 at the edge as in the middle. In a moment they were 
 engulfed in its stream, and all that were left of the eighteen 
 battalions were two or three thousand men, who were cut 
 off and made prisoners. Among the drowned were four 
 of their generals, who might have escaped had not "the 
 soldiers and officers, who threw themselves into the river 
 at the same time, hung on to their chargers and dragged 
 them under, when all perished together. These were 
 Count Dohna, Lieutenant-General and Governor of Mons, 
 he Count of Nassau, a Prince of Anhalt, and M. 
 d'Herebertong. Among the more fortunate were the 
 Duke of Albemarle, Commander-in-Chief, and nephew of 
 Count Dohna, the Prince of Holstein Sickinga, the Prince 
 of Nassau-Siegen, Count Corneille de Nassau, Baron 
 dAlbert, the Counts of Lippe and Hohenzollern, and 
 M. Zobel, all of whom were General Officers and were 
 made prisoners with many colonels and officers of 
 inferior rank. 
 
 Prince Eugene, who had seen us penetrate the entrench- 
 
364 M. DE QUEMIN'S REQUEST [chap, xii 
 
 ments of Denain, brought his squadrons down to the river- 
 bank to cover the retreat of the Duke of Albemarle. He 
 had seen the troops marching in the direction of the 
 bridge, but had not noticed them cross over. He could 
 not divine what had stopped their progress, and in his 
 uncertainty kept his cavalry in battle formation near the 
 river for a considerable time. At last the enemy's 
 squadrons, annoyed by five pieces of cannon that we 
 brought to bear upon them, seeing no sign or appearance 
 of any of their people, took their departure. 
 
 Our regiment remained halted and ready for action in 
 the captured entrenchments, while M. de Villars was 
 arranging further attacks and the cannonade on the cavalry 
 was going on. M. de Quemin, noticing that we were doing 
 nothing for the moment, remarked that if I saw fit he 
 would fill up the time by ascertaining the number of men 
 who had fallen during the attack. I willingly gave my 
 assent, and told him that I should be very glad to hear 
 his report At that moment an excellent Bavarian, who, 
 though no longer a youth, was lieutenant in the company 
 which belonged to me in my capacity of colonel, asked 
 permission to accompany him, which I granted with 
 pleasure, and off they both went They found no lack 
 of material for their reckoning, and were adding a victim 
 to their list when they heard him give a groan. A grena- 
 dier of the regiment of Guienne, who was loitering around 
 to see if any of the bodies had escaped spoliation, aimed 
 his gun at him, saying, with an oath, that he would put the 
 poor devil out of his misery. Happily M. de Quemin was 
 at hand to push aside the gun, saying, " Let this poor 
 creature die if he must die." The man took aim a second 
 time, and finally M. de Quemin was obliged to drive him 
 off the scene altogether. My lieutenant, who understood 
 but little French, suggested to 'SI. de Quemin that perhaps 
 
1712] A PATHETIC MEETING 365 
 
 the dying man might understand German and that he 
 would question him. As a matter of fact, the wounded 
 man answered in that language ; so the kind fellow, finding 
 him to belong to his own nation, set to work to ask him 
 questions. He asked him what part of the country he 
 came from, and was told Bavaria. " Bavaria ! " growled 
 my old lieutenant. " Would you serve against your 
 Prince ? You ought to be shot. But what part of Bavaria 
 do you come from ? " The other said he belonged to 
 the neighbourhood of Ingolstadt. " Who is your father, 
 and what are your relations .' " resumed the lieutenant. 
 " My mother," said he, " is dead, and I am the only son 
 of an officer in the Elector's troops, who shortly after he 
 had lost her put me to school at the Ingolstadt College. 
 He was at the Battle of Hochstett, where he was apparently 
 killed, for since then I never heard more of him. My 
 relations then seized upon his goods, and left me entirely 
 in want. When I grew bigger I knew not what was to 
 become of me, so I, together with two of my companions, 
 enlisted under the first officer we met." 
 
 The lieutenant was so strangely affected by this recital, 
 without quite knowing the reason why, that the tears ran 
 down his cheeks, and he was hardly able to utter a word. 
 However, he pulled himself together and said, "What is your 
 name?" "My name is Oudesch" was the answer he received. 
 " Oh, unhappy creature ! " cried he. " You are my son, and 
 yet I should have watched your death without making 
 the slightest effort to avert it had it not been for M. de 
 Quemin. To think that you got yourself into such a 
 position that either of us might have slain the other had 
 the opportunity arisen, and yet now Heaven has brought 
 us here to save your life." This unfortunate youth — in the 
 saddest state possible for man to be in — now experienced 
 the happiness of finding again the father he had so long 
 
366 DESPOILING THE ALLIES [chap, xn 
 
 thought of as dead and gone. He was transported with 
 joy, to which he gave the fullest expression in the cry 
 of " Oh, my father ! " and he threw himself at his parent's 
 feet, kissing them with such ardour that one had all the 
 difficulty in the world to drag him off. M. de Quemin 
 came back at once to tell me of his adventure and to get 
 soldiers to carry in the wounded man. He was as naked 
 as when he came into the world, but the surgeon-major 
 treated his wound, which healed shortly afterwards, and at 
 the present time this young man is actually holding a 
 commission in the regiment. 
 
 Immediately after the entrenchments were stormed and 
 taken, Marechal de Villars detached a force of forty-four 
 battalions and several squadrons to invest Mortaigne, Saint 
 Amand, Marchiennes, and Anzin, which on its way wiped 
 out several small parties of the enemy holding fortified 
 posts on their lines of communication. The large Dutch 
 barges on the river Scarpe were also captured ; not one 
 escaped, and by the morning of July 23rd Mortaigne, 
 Anzin, and Saint Amand had surrendered and their 
 garrisons were made prisoners of war. Marchiennes alone, 
 which had a garrison of six good battalions of six hundred 
 men each and three squadrons under M. de Beroque, 
 showed any desire to see the cannon fired, but in the end 
 shared the same fate. The enemy's magazines in the 
 above four towns were inspected on the 30th of the same 
 month, together with all the captured barges. It is extra- 
 ordinary to think how M. de Villars could have arranged 
 matters with so much exactitude that the enemy had no 
 opportunity of even throwing the supplies overboard or 
 burning or sinking the barges ; at any rate, all these 
 magazines were of the greatest use in the sieges under- 
 taken by us later on. A hundred and twenty-five beautiful 
 pieces of cannon, quite new, were found therein over and 
 
I7I2] PRINCE EUGENE CHECKED 367 
 
 above the munitions of war and food, and it was reckoned 
 that these captures were worth more than twenty milHons. 
 This affair, which cost us no more than six hundred men, 
 was one of the most important and happy successes that 
 France could have hoped to gain, under the circum- 
 stances in which she then found herself. It abruptly 
 checked the enemy's movements at the moment when 
 they were on the point of invading the kingdom itself, 
 and it obliged them to retrace their steps and to think 
 seriously of the protection of their own towns and country. 
 One can imagine the extremity that affairs had come 
 to, seeing that Landreci, the last town left to cover Picardy, 
 was besieged by a powerful army, and was powerless to 
 make a long resistance. The Allies, by the capture of this 
 town, would have been able to lay all the neighbouring 
 provinces under contribution. As it was, they did not 
 wait for this to give us an example of what they would 
 have done under such circumstances, for they sent out 
 a detachment, which, after having overrun part of Picardy, 
 entered first Champagne and then the Metz country, and 
 enforced requisitions in all the districts through which 
 they passed. They halted just outside the town of Metz, 
 burned the country houses of all those who could not 
 produce money to ransom them, and traversed German 
 Lorraine along the river Sarre without meeting with any 
 opposition. If it was possible to carry out such a bold 
 expedition before Landreci was captured, what would they 
 not have done later ? We should have been obliged to 
 concentrate all our efforts to defend the passage over the 
 rivers Oise and Marne if we had not wished to leave the 
 country open to these exactions; and then, notwithstanding 
 the suspension of hostilities between France and England, 
 the Emperor and the Dutch could have dictated their own 
 terms, even supposing they cared to listen to us at all. 
 
368 OUR ARMY CONCENTRATED [chap xii 
 
 The victory of Denain and its resultant successes 
 obliged the Allies to listen more attentively to the pro- 
 posals of peace which were made them in the following 
 winter ; they saw clearly that fortune was deserting them 
 for us, and that later on they might find themselves in 
 a less advantageous position to make terms. The losses 
 they had sustained, and the changes brought about by 
 them, were so great that their army was weakened by 
 twenty-one battalions and three squadrons, without 
 counting the troops with which they were obliged to 
 garrison the towns we were now about to besiege. We, for 
 our part, found in their own supplies the means for carry- 
 ing on the war, we recalled our troops which held the 
 various towns that we had hitherto feared might be 
 attacked, and Prince de Tingry alone, who rejoined the 
 army after the action, brought in eighteen battalions. 
 
 Our army encamped on the field of battle until August 
 6th, in order to decide upon our next operations, and to 
 watch the movements of Prince Eugene. During this 
 stay an order was issued that all soldiers who knew how 
 to swim, and cared to dive for the bodies of their drowned 
 adversaries, would receive thirty sols for each corpse, be- 
 sides what spoil they might find on the same. An im- 
 mense ditch of great depth and width was dug, into 
 which the bodies withdrawn from the water, excepting 
 those of the four generals which were carried away by 
 Count Dohna's nephew, were thrown, a note of their 
 numbers being taken. The reason of this was the fear 
 lest these bodies might block up the locks at Valenciennes, 
 on the Escaut, and their subsequent putrefaction bring 
 about an epidemic in the town. 
 
 It was several days before we saw our baggage again, 
 and the officers had experienced some discomfort owing 
 to its absence ; amongst them myself, who, before I got 
 
Fold out 
 
jsr I s H 
 
 SketcTx Map of 
 
 BELGIUM 
 
 Miles 
 
 To face page ; 
 
1712] CONVOY DUTY 369 
 
 my own, was honoured by being assigned one of the most 
 difficult and uncomfortable pieces of work possible to carry 
 out. I was ordered to take twelve hundred men and 
 march to Saint Quentin, a town some distance from the 
 army, whence I was to fetch and convoy fourteen thou- 
 sand sacks of flour to the magazines of Valenciennes, 
 which were nearly exhausted. I had several days on the 
 road before me, and lacked my cooking apparatus and 
 other conveniences, the want of which caused me much 
 annoyance. I had also during my long march to collect 
 the great number of carts and waggons necessary for the 
 transport of all this flour, exposed withal to the enemy's 
 attacks, for they still lay before Landreci. They were 
 beginning to feel the want of bread, so that they would 
 have found my convoy very useful to them had it fallen 
 into their hands. I was so sure that I could not execute 
 my order if they became aware of my movements that 
 I took the liberty of expressing my sentiments on the 
 subject, and they were found to justify proper precautions 
 being taken. 
 
 Marechal de Villars directed M. de Coigny, who was in 
 command of a detached corps of observation, to cover my 
 convoy, so that no accident might happen. This pre- 
 caution turned out to be of the greatest use, for the enemy 
 took the field and did all that lay in their power to cut me 
 off, but M. de Coigny checkmated their designs, and I 
 successfully completed my journey. However, I did meet 
 at one point a party of the allied forces, which had found 
 a way through and made an attack without either pushing 
 it home, or leaving a certain wood that they lined. They 
 alarmed my convoy, and I actually lost three men ; but 
 these were my only casualties, and I brought my flour 
 into Valenciennes, where it was greatly needed. 
 
 Prince Eugene well knew that, as Marechal de Villars 
 2 B 
 
37° WE LAY SIEGE TO DOUAI [chap, xii 
 
 was in possession of Denain and all the Allies' supplies, 
 his situation had become critical, and that owing to 
 want of provisions he would not be able to continue the 
 siege of Landreci ; he nevertheless wished to see what 
 could be done by drawing supplies from Brussels and 
 Mons. With this object in view he altered the position 
 of his lines, and placed the right of his army near Ques- 
 noy, with the left on Landreci. But the Allies were not 
 prepared for the necessity in which he now found himself, 
 and could send him nothing ; in fact, bread became so 
 scarce in his army that four days after the action ammuni- 
 tion loaves fetched a crown each. He was then obliged to 
 send back to Quesnoy the large siege guns destined for 
 Landreci, withdraw his troops in the direction of Mons in 
 order to feed them, and confine himself to the observa- 
 tions of Marechal de Villars' intentions, which soon after 
 became evident. On August 2nd Messieurs d'Albergoti 
 and de Broglio had marched with the troops which had 
 taken Marchiennes, Pontarche, and finally had blockaded 
 Douai. M. de Villars sent them a reinforcement of six 
 Swiss battalions, and on the sixth of the month he 
 marched with his whole force to undertake the siege. 
 
 Our lines of circumvallation around the town were con- 
 structed with great care, and were sufficiently strong to 
 resist any attack the enemy might make. One section 
 ran along the banks of the Scarpe, another across a marsh, 
 while a third was on terra firvta. The trenches were 
 begun during the night of the I3th-I4th without much 
 loss, the works progressed, and a very heavy fire was 
 opened upon the town. 
 
 When the Allies saw that Marechal de Villars was 
 completely committed to this siege, they quitted their 
 position at Mons and encamped in view of our entrench- 
 
171 2] PRINCE EUGENE ON THE DEFENSIVE 371 
 
 ments. Prince Eugene, after having made a reconnais- 
 sance, ordered each of his battalions to make a great 
 number of fascines and gabions, which were stacked at the 
 head of the regiments along the front of his army, to be 
 used in filling up our trenches and the marshes. We had 
 little reason to doubt, on hearing of these preparations, 
 that we were going to be attacked, but had not much fear 
 of the result, as our entrenchments were strong, and our 
 army strengthened, while the enemy were in the opposite 
 case. It was said that Prince Eugene had really deter- 
 mined to attack us, that the surprise of the entrenchments 
 at Denain had gone to his heart, and that he would have 
 risked very much to wreak his revenge, but that the 
 Dutch, who were meditating proposals of peace for the 
 coming winter, opposed so bold an enterprise. Prince 
 Eugene thus found himself reduced to the necessity of 
 acting on the defensive for the rest of the campaign; he 
 remained within his camp until just before the fall of the 
 town, and on the eve of this event he struck his tents, 
 and then set light to the piles of fascines and gabions 
 which lay along the entire front of his army. As the 
 night was a very dark one, this long extended line of fire 
 looked like the " Northern Lights," and produced a mag- 
 nificent spectacle. 
 
 Nothing out of the way occurred during the siege of 
 Douai. The garrison was not large and gave us little 
 trouble, but the fogs which rose every evening over the 
 marsh, in which we had been working, brought with them 
 miasma, which produced many diseases among our army, 
 the least among them being obstinate fevers which gave 
 much trouble in their curing. The majority of our officers 
 fell sick, and for the first time in my life I found myself no 
 more exempt than the rest of us. However, I paid little 
 
372 FEVER AND A WOUND [chap, xii 
 
 or no attention to it. It was simply a tertian fever, 
 which did not prevent my doing my tour of duty in the 
 trenches. 
 
 One day when I was there with M. d'Albergoti, who 
 was in command, he expressed his intention of visiting 
 our trenches and reconnoitring an outwork, which he 
 wished to carry by assault. He had the kindness to put 
 off his inspection until the shivering fit which had seized 
 me had passed off, so that I might accompany him ; he 
 believed in my knowledge of foi'tification, and his good 
 opinion of me nearly cost me dearly. He had taken up 
 his position at a little opening in our trench, which 
 exposed him down to the waist, to examine some sacks 
 of earth which the enemy had laid along the tops of the 
 palisades of their covered-way, when he was noticed, and 
 directions given to fire upon him. On such occasions one 
 does not remain too long in a place like this, so he with- 
 drew quickly to allow me to make my observations, but 
 hardly had I taken his place than I was hit by a bullet, 
 which, luckily for me, only passed through my hat and 
 along the side of my head. I merely sustained a con- 
 tusion, which instantly developed into a swelling the size 
 of an egg. A trifle more to the right, and my fever would 
 have given me no more trouble. I was not yet acquainted 
 with the proper remedies, and had some trouble to get 
 myself to try any ; however, my friends persuaded me to 
 listen to them, and I consented to take some medicine, 
 but I chose my time so badly that less than a quarter 
 of an hour after I had swallowed it the order came to 
 break up the camp ; the town and its citadel had capitu- 
 lated, and our army was ordered off to begin the siege 
 of Quesnoy. The surgeon had imprudently given me 
 this dose the very day that the fever was accustomed to 
 
17 12] WE CAPTURE QUESNOY 373 
 
 appear, with the result that, after having marched a league, 
 I was seized with a shivering fit, which upset me so com- 
 pletely that I thought the last day of my life had come ; 
 however, as soon as it had passed off I went on with 
 my duty, fever and all, as if I had nothing the matter 
 with me. I had relied a little too much upon my strong 
 constitution. As it was, many officers fell victims to this 
 disease, among others Comte de Villars, brother to the 
 Mardchal, who died on August 20th. 
 
 After the surrender of Douai on September loth we 
 set-to upon the siege of Quesnoy. The trenches and 
 works made by the enemy when they took this place 
 from us in the preceding June still existed, although the 
 breach had been freshly repaired, which made its capture 
 the easier for us. Our garrison on the above occasion 
 had been accused of surrendering before the breach was 
 practicable, and thus giving up the place before full 
 necessity had arisen, and the same complaint was even 
 made against the Commanding Officer himself, one of 
 our lieutenant-generals, upon which the King ordered 
 him to be sent to the Bastille. It is said that he justified 
 himself, and that there was more bad luck than fault 
 attaching to his particular conduct. His services had 
 always hitherto been met with approbation, and his 
 advancement was owing more to them than to his birth 
 or family. 
 
 This town only held out for a few days, and we found 
 therein the siege guns destined for the siege of Landreci^ 
 which the enemy left there when they broke up their 
 camp. 
 
 Before the capture of Quesnoy, M. de Villars despatched 
 a force to invest Bouchain, and in the siege that followed 
 nothing novel happened. Quesnoy surrendered October 
 
374 MY AILMENT AND ITS CURE [chap. XII 
 
 6th, and Bouchain October 21st. The enemy never moved 
 during either of these sieges, and the season being now 
 advanced, each side retired to their winter quarters. 
 
 The fever which I had caught before Douai nearly 
 ruined my health. I had neglected to take proper reme- 
 dies for it, and little by little it took such a hold on my 
 system that when I was marching my regiment to Luxem- 
 burg, where we were to be quartered, I found myself 
 obliged to stop at Mezi^res in Champagne. I was 
 told that there was a prisoner in the citadel, placed there 
 by the King's order, who was one of the most skilful 
 physicians in the kingdom, so I begged the Commandant 
 to be so good as to have him sent to me. He immediately 
 bled and purged me, and then gave me to follow an opiate 
 compounded of cinchona bark, confection of alkermes, 
 hyacinth, eyes of the crayfish, prepared red coral, syrup 
 of absinthe, and centaurie. This medicine, in truth, drove 
 the fever out from me in four days, but whether I then 
 gave way too much to my appetite, or that it was not 
 quite wholly efficacious, I had a relapse three weeks 
 later, and was about as ill as I had ever been before. I 
 discarded my doctor, and the town major, who had been 
 in the same condition as I was, sent me a man who had 
 cured him by means of a different opiate. He told me 
 that had I not already been bled and purged, it would 
 have been necessary to have begun operations by so doing, 
 but as I had been, he gave me his opiate at once. I took 
 it in bolus form, made in bread to conceal its flavour, and 
 I was obliged to take three pills as big as filberts every 
 four hours. Two hours after each dose I had something 
 to eat, or else soup, according to my fancy. I continued 
 to observe this treatment, night and day, every four hours, 
 until I had taken all he gave me ; if I had left greater 
 intervals between the doses, the effect would have been far 
 
1712] A SUCCESSFUL RECOVERY 375 
 
 less prompt. The effect of this opiate was so excellent 
 that I derived complete relief from the day on which 
 I began to take it ; up to then I had been consumed by 
 a fire within me, but all at once this fire was extinguished, 
 and I enjoyed a perfect ease. 
 
 I finally so far recovered my health that in a little while 
 I found myself able to ride, and took the post to rejoin my 
 regiment. Before taking leave of my saviour, I wished at 
 all cost to obtain the receipt of his remedy, and arranged 
 matters so well that he gave it to me in the most obliging 
 manner in the world. I have thus since been able to 
 render the greatest services to various persons given up by 
 their doctors, by making them take it as a last resource. 
 Even many doctors to whom I have given the recipe have 
 found it most useful ; some certainly thought the remedy 
 too heating, though it always had the effect of reducing 
 the fever. The latest trial I made of it was upon my 
 coachman, who was attacked by pleurisy. Though he has 
 not a very strong constitution, he was bled twelve times 
 within a period of a few days ; he took sudorifics and 
 cordial drinks ; poultices were applied to his side, and as 
 no improvement manifested itself, the last rites of religion 
 were administered to him, and nothing remained but to 
 wait for him to breathe his last breath. In such an ex- 
 tremity it was thought that no harm could be done in 
 making him swallow some of the large pills of my opiate. 
 He no sooner took them than he found relief, and as the 
 first dose did not entirely root out his malady, he was 
 given a second, which completely restored him, with the 
 result that shortly afterwards he was able to drive my 
 carriage again. I consider I should be rendering a service 
 to those who may read these memoirs by inserting here 
 the composition of this opiate, as perhaps the occasion 
 may arise when they might find it of use, but it is im- 
 
376 THE RECIPE [chap, xii 
 
 portant to observe the proportions of the ingredients as 
 I have here noted them. 
 
 Opiate Febrifuge. 
 
 Quinquina . . . one ounce. 
 
 Tartre martial . . . half an ounce. 
 
 Theriaque, fine . . . two drachms. 
 
 Sal de Centauree . . two drachms. 
 Extrait de Geni^vre. 
 
 Syrup d'absinthe . . two ounces.* 
 
 The whole is mixed in a mortar, with the exception of 
 the syrup of absinthe, which is to be gradually added to 
 the rest during the mixing. This is the opiate, the manner 
 of taking which I have already stated above. 
 
 * Quinquina = cinchona bark; tartre martial = ferrum tartaratum ; theri- 
 aque = a pharmacopceic preparation consisting of fifty-six ingredients : among 
 these it contains opium in the proportion about one grain to one drachm ; 
 extrait de Genievre = extract of juniper ; sel de centauree (centaury) is pro- 
 duced by incinerating the plant ' ' centauree " ; the final product consists of 
 potassium carbonate. The last ingredient explains itself, and is very old. 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 THE PEACE OF UTRECHT — THE EMPEROR REFUSES HIS ASSENT 
 
 VILLARS BESIEGES FREIBURG — THE ASSAULT AND SURREN- 
 DER OF FREIBURG — ANOTHER DUEL — PEACE OF RASTADT 
 
 BAVARIA RESTORED TO ELECTOR — HOME ON FURLOUGH — 
 RECALLED BY ELECTOR — WIFE's INTERVENTION — RETURN 
 TO MUNICH 
 
 BY reason of the Conferences held in the w^inter at 
 Utrecht by the Powers interested in the war, the 
 campaign of 17 13 opened rather late in the season. The 
 success enjoyed by France during the preceding campaign 
 had restored her position and induced the Dutch to listen 
 to the very propositions which they had rejected on a 
 former occasion, and the suspension of arms with England 
 and Portugal finally forced them to agree to a general peace. 
 Each Power sent its representatives to Utrecht, and bit 
 by bit articles were agreed upon to regulate the balance 
 of power. Spain was made to pay the bill for all the rest ; 
 she was despoiled of the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, 
 as well as the Milanese and its appertaining provinces, 
 some island or other in the Mediterranean and Spanish 
 Flanders, otherwise the Circle of Burgundy, almost all of 
 which was now in the hands of the House of Austria. The 
 treaty was signed on April i ith by France, Spain, England, 
 Holland, Portugal, Brandenburg, Bavaria, and Savoy, and 
 two more kings appeared in Europe, to wit, the Elector 
 of Brandenburg, who was now recognised as the King of 
 
 377 
 
378 THE EMPEROR REFUSES HIS ASSENT [chap, xiii 
 
 Prussia, and the Duke of Savoy as King of Sicily, and 
 later King of Sardinia. The Court of Vienna, notwith- 
 standing these favourable conditions, did not find the treaty 
 meet its views, refused to sign it, and the Plenipotentiary 
 of the Emperor, Count Zinkendorf, departed from Utrecht 
 in a great dudgeon on April 15th. 
 
 The Emperor had made up his mind to continue the 
 war, in order to exact better conditions touching certain 
 points that concerned him in particular, so that if, after all, 
 he was obliged to accept peace, it should not be said after- 
 wards that lesser Powers had restricted his demands. The 
 greater part of our troops were in Flanders, and some 
 time elapsed before they were able to present themselves 
 in Alsace ; but while the Emperor was making his pre- 
 parations to support his pretensions, the other Powers 
 were occupied in carrying out the articles of the Treaty 
 of Utrecht. The French and Bavarian garrisons left 
 Namur and Luxemburg on May 27th, and handed them 
 over to the Dutch, and on the 31st Nieuport was given up 
 to the English. The Dutch also had Ypres and Charleroi 
 given up to them in the beginning of June, whilst they 
 evacuated the towns of Aire and Lille in favour of French 
 garrisons. But these peaceful arrangements had no effect 
 whatever in inducing the Court of Vienna to accept the 
 treaty ; it preferred rather to rely upon war to improve its 
 position, and to this end collected all its forces to oppose 
 those which France was concentrating to protect the Rhine 
 frontier. 
 
 The first success we gained over the Emperor was the 
 capture by M. Dillon on June 24th of the town and fort of 
 Kaiserslautern, the garrison of which were made prisoners 
 of war. The same day Mar^chal de Bezons, who had 
 brought the army from Flanders to Alsace, invested 
 Landau, where the enemy, seeing us about to lay siege 
 
1713] VILLARS BESIEGES FREIBURG 379 
 
 to this town, abandoned Mannheim on account of the 
 proximity of our army. The trenches were begun before 
 Landau two days later. Marechal de Villars joined the 
 army at about this date, and took up his quarters at the 
 house of the Messieurs Paris, in the town of Spires, until 
 the arrival of his baggage train. Landau had a good 
 garrison commanded by Prince Alexander of Wurtemberg, 
 a thoroughly well-informed and very brave man, who took 
 every possible opportunity of delaying our approaches, 
 and carried out a magnificent defence of several outlying 
 works beyond the main fortifications. He made a grand 
 sortie, prepared during the night of July 3rd-4th, and fell 
 upon our working parties the following morning, whom he 
 drove in together with our covering troops. Lieutenant- 
 General M. de Biron, who was on duty in the trenches on 
 this occasion, rallied our men and drove back the garrison 
 in their turn, but this action cost him the loss of an arm. 
 At last, though the garrison was so hemmed in that it 
 became an impossibility for them to renew their sorties, 
 they did not abate in the least their resistance at any of 
 the points we attacked, and this would have been even 
 more creditable had they not carried it to extremes. They 
 put off the question of capitulation till too late, and M. de 
 Villars obliged them to surrender as prisoners of war on 
 August 20th. 
 
 After the capture of this place and a short rest, our army 
 began its march and crossed the Rhine, on September 12th, 
 at Offenburg, to join forces with the Count of Bourg. He 
 had placed himself at the head of the body of troops with 
 which he had driven back M. de Vaubonne, who then 
 defended some lines constructed by the Imperialists to 
 cover the town of Freiburg and the Breisgau. Our army 
 arrived before Freiburg on September 22nd, and by the 
 end of the month the trenches were begun. 
 
38o EMBARRASSING FORTIFICATIONS [chap, xiii 
 
 This town belonged to the Emperor himself, inasmuch 
 as it was a fief of the House of Austria ; it was fortified 
 with great regularity, and its works were extremely well 
 arranged. It is situated at the foot of a mountain upon 
 which lie two forts, one above the other, which communi- 
 cate with the town. The mountain on which lay these 
 forts is commanded by its neighbours, but is separated 
 therefrom by rocks and such inaccessible ravines that it is 
 impossible to carry on breaching operations in the usual 
 fashion. The provision of cover for the approaches 
 presented equal difficulty, and the only way of supply- 
 ing the place of trenches was by means of sacks of earth 
 or bales of wool, which entailed much trouble and danger. 
 The town itself was easier to attack ; nevertheless, when 
 beginning the trenches before it, we began others in front 
 of one of the forts, opposite a little half-moon work, 
 which, owing to the contour of the ground, was named 
 Escargot {i.e. snail), and was the only point by which 
 access could be gained to the covered-way between the 
 forts. The trenches before the town were far distant 
 from those before the forts, thus two separate commands 
 were created under two separate major-generals. The 
 town was of a good size and its garrison a strong one, 
 so to counteract any sorties the latter might make, we 
 strengthened the flanks of our works with several good 
 redoubts. Our parallels were of wide extent and of 
 some distance the one from the other, and zigzag ditches 
 were dug to maintain communication between them. 
 Nevertheless, we could not thoroughly batter the curtain 
 and the faces of the polygon without first capturing the 
 covered-way, on account of the manner in which the works 
 of this town were sunk, and covered by their glacis. 
 Moreover, there was another obstacle in the form of a 
 half-moon work which covered the curtain, and the be- 
 
1 7 13] THE GRAND ASSAULT 381 
 
 sieged had also constructed another small one of earth 
 covering the main fortifications, all of which had the effect 
 of somewhat retarding our works. The season was advanc- 
 ing, and there was the weather to be reckoned with ; this 
 town lay at the foot of the Black Mountains, and the effect 
 of a single fall of snow would have given us the greatest 
 trouble in continuing the siege. 
 
 It was not only the question of capturing the town, for 
 there were the forts to be considered, which would require 
 a siege to themselves, as the trenches we had opened 
 before the Escargot turned out to be insufficient for the 
 purpose. Under these circumstances M. de Villars did 
 not think it wise to lose time in reaching the covered-way, 
 foot by foot, by sapping work, and he made up his mind to 
 risk an assault, though at the time we were yet seventy 
 toises distant (fathoms). He ordered forty-seven companies 
 of grenadiers and ten of dragoons, supported by the 
 battalions already in the trenches, for this duty on the 
 night of November 2nd. Before the grenadiers and 
 dragoons could begin the actual assault they had to march 
 seventy toises across the open, for this was the distance 
 between our works and the palisades of the covered-way, 
 and, finally, effect a lodgment along the palisades, to get 
 cover from the fire of the main fortifications. Time is neces- 
 sary for such an operation and moments are worth much ; 
 during all this manoeuvre they would be under fire from the 
 palisades of the covered-way itself, as well as from two 
 bastions and one half-moon, which defended this area. As 
 it turned out, before even reaching their goal in the midst of 
 so many dangers, our people were obliged to remain nearly 
 an hour exposed to point-blank cannon and musketry fire, 
 bombs, and grenades, the results of which were so terrible 
 as to defy description. What again added to the furious 
 and murderous character of this action was the fact that we 
 
382 THE BRIGADE-MAJOR'S MISTAKE [chap, xin 
 
 had pitched upon the identical night for our attack that 
 the besieged had themselves selected to make a sortie upon 
 us, with the result that they had doubled their force 
 defending the covered-way an hour before the moment 
 when our people began their advance; and we thus had 
 to contend with twice as many as we were prepared for. 
 Although this rendered the fight more bloody, and at 
 times even doubtful in its outcome, we at last carried the 
 covered-way and effected a lodgment therein, and though 
 it is true that we lost a number of men, no particular 
 attention was paid to this. 
 
 The forty-seven companies of grenadiers were almost 
 entirely cut to pieces, one captain only remained alive. 
 He belonged to the regiment of Toulouse, and he escaped 
 simply because he had the good fortune to be ordered 
 to throw himself and party into a little earthen lunette 
 abandoned by the enemy when they saw our troops rush- 
 ing the covered-way. 
 
 By a piece of luck I saved the life of M. de Quemin, 
 captain of our own grenadiers. I happened to be standing 
 at the door of my quarters just at the moment when the 
 brigade-major was passing on his way back from head- 
 quarters. He stopped to chat with me, and told me of the 
 dispositions made for the attack that evening, that Quemin's 
 company was among the forty-seven detailed for this work, 
 and that he was on the way to hand over the orders to the 
 adjutants of the different regiments affected, so that the 
 grenadier officers might be warned in time for them to take 
 up their posts in the trenches at four o'clock in the after- 
 noon. I was much interested in all relating to Quemin ; he 
 was always quartered with me, and we were quite insepar- 
 able, so I took a glance at the orders for the grenadier com- 
 panies which had preceded this one, and found that instead 
 of my regiment coming on duty that day in the trenches, 
 
1713] AN ARMISTICE 383 
 
 it was the turn of that of Boutler and not Quemin's. I 
 reprimanded the brigade-major for not keeping a better 
 roster, and obliged him to go back to the major-general 
 of the army to get the order corrected. I said nothing 
 about this to Quemin until I felt that the major would 
 have had time to get the change made, as he would cer- 
 tainly have insisted on marching to glory at any cost. 
 After dinner I remarked to him that the issue of an order 
 particularly affecting the grenadiers was expected that 
 day, and, therefore, that it might be as well for him to 
 prepare to march, as he would possibly be called upon to 
 form one of the party ; but about an hour later the major 
 came to tell me that he had seen to the change being 
 made, and that the grenadier company of the regiment of 
 Saillant was to take the place of that of mine. Next morn- 
 ing, as soon as daylight appeared, I and Quemin went 
 round the trenches, and the first captain we found dead 
 there was he of Saillant. He had been killed immediately 
 on leaving the trench, and had never had time to get as 
 far as the covered-way. A truce was declared that morn- 
 ing, from nine o'clock to one in the afternoon, for the 
 purpose of collecting the dead. Numbers of unarmed 
 soldiers came out from the town, who took away those 
 belonging to them to their own side of the covered-way, 
 there to bury them, whilst we did the same with our own. 
 While this was going on many of the officers belonging 
 to the garrison came up and talked to us and inquired 
 for their relations and friends in our army. When I was 
 in the trenches I saw two brothers, people of quality, who 
 were gentlefolk of Tresigny, one of whom was a captain 
 in the garrison, the other a captain in our Bavarian troops. 
 They stayed with me until the drums began to roll as 
 a warning for each side to resume their places, and then 
 it was a case of good-bye to fraternity. Almost the whole 
 
384 THE TOWN SURRENDERS [chap, xiii 
 
 of the inhabitants, as well as the garrison, profited by this 
 opportunity to get upon the ramparts, whence they had 
 the melancholy satisfaction of a view of the dead, and 
 could, moreover, examine the plan of our works, the dis- 
 position of our artillery, and our lines of attack. 
 
 After capturing the covered - way, we proceeded, by 
 sapping work, to construct works to cover us from the 
 fire of the bastions, which outflanked us on both sides, 
 and a battery of twelve large guns, which had but to fire 
 across the width of the ditch to batter in the breach. 
 We also made along the edge of the ditch, which was 
 full of water, a number of galleries by which fascines and 
 hurdles could be passed along and thrown in, together 
 with sacks of earth, to fill it up, and thus form a ramp 
 by which to mount to the assault, when the breach 
 should be ready for this. Just as all was completed, 
 Baron d'Arsch, the Governor, who had already been 
 summoned to surrender, withdrew with the pick of his 
 troops to the forts ; but he was too late. It cost the 
 inhabitants an immense sum to ransom themselves from 
 pillage, and the Governor was obliged to receive the 
 women and wounded, whom he had left in the town at 
 the mercy of Marechal de Villars. The state of affairs 
 was such that our general found that he could not afford 
 to relieve him of this responsibility. 
 
 The capture of the town did not further matters much 
 with regard to our attack on the two forts. We certainly 
 had a large battery, which had been firing for some time 
 past upon that of St. Pierre, but its position on the moun- 
 tain side, separated as it was from its target by a vast 
 chasm and the consequently long range, greatly minimised 
 its effect. By means of sacks of earth and wool, ap- 
 proaches had been pushed forward up to the covered-way 
 of " the Snail " Fort, but even if this was taken it would not 
 
1 7 13] OUR ATTACK ON THE FORTS 385 
 
 mean much. The capture of these forts was rendered still 
 more difficult by the existence of a road communicating 
 from one to the other, by which reinforcements could be 
 moved at will ; we had a sad proof of this in an attack 
 made by a major - general, without the knowledge of 
 M. de Villars, before the town surrendered. The attempt 
 was a risky one; but this officer, thinking he had thoroughly 
 mastered the means by which the work could be carried, 
 took advantage of the opportunity when he came on duty 
 in the trenches to try and obtain glory for himself, and 
 give the Mar&hal an agreeable surprise. He therefore 
 made his attack at daybreak, and with merely the troops 
 at hand in the trenches soon forced his way in and drove 
 out the enemy. Our people worked hard to effect a 
 lodgment and get under cover, but just when they thought 
 they had effected this, the enemy sprung a mine beneath 
 them, which sent our works flying into the air, and at the 
 same moment considerable reinforcements were sent down 
 the communicating passage, who fell upon those who had 
 escaped the explosion, and chased them right back to our 
 trenches. The result was that our labours were even less 
 advanced than before this event. The regiment of Mortemar, 
 which occupied the trenches at the time and made the 
 attack, suffered considerably, and M. de Mortemar received 
 a ball in his face. The difficulties that presented them- 
 selves in the reduction of these forts seemed almost in- 
 surmountable. To make a breach appeared to be as 
 impossible as the operation of mining, and our only hope 
 was in starving out the garrisons ; but M. de Villars 
 thought out a way which was worth all the batteries and 
 the most ingenious approaches put together, and which 
 forced the Governor to capitulate. 
 
 Freiburg is a place of importance to the Emperor, 
 inasmuch as it is not only well fortified, but by its situation 
 2 c 
 
386 FREIBURG SURRENDERS [chap, xiii 
 
 covers the whole province of Breisgau, and it was nearly 
 certain that by the treaty of peace which was then being 
 negotiated this town would be secured to him as being 
 part of his own private property. For this reason M. de 
 Villars caused loaded mines to be laid under the founda- 
 tions of the town defences in order to blow them up 
 simultaneously, and so dismantle them as to render it as 
 harmless as an open village. When all was ready he 
 informed M. d'Arsch that he must at once surrender the 
 forts ; failing this, or should the siege be abandoned owing 
 to the severity of the weather, he would not hesitate to 
 blow up all the fortifications of the town ; at the same 
 time, if he judged it more to the interests of his Imperial 
 master that the town should be sacrificed for the sake of 
 these forts, which would then be useless, he was welcome 
 to stay where he was, but the destruction that would 
 take place would then be put down as the result of his 
 obstinacy. He added that he could give him but a very 
 short time to think this over. The Governor was much 
 surprised at the line taken by Marechal de Villars, and 
 he asked for time in order to write to Prince Eugene. 
 The General forwarded the despatch by courier to the 
 Viennese Court, which, taking into consideration the great 
 expense that it would be put to to rebuild the threatened 
 fortifications, ordered the surrender of the forts. Their 
 garrisons marched out about the middle of November, 
 and the war came to an end with the capture of this 
 town. 
 
 My duelling experiences had not yet ended. I found 
 myself drawn into one during this siege rather by my 
 enthusiasm for the King's service than anything else. 
 One day when I was in our trenches the besieged did 
 their very best to flood us out. There was a kind of dyke 
 within the town for the purpose of holding up the water 
 
1713] A CRITICISM AND ITS SEQUEL 387 
 
 of a large stream which ran through it, and they opened 
 the locks in this, with the result that the water actually 
 ran into one of our parallels on the left of our attack. 
 We had two battalions present at this point commanded 
 by a colonel, who was seized with such a panic at the sight 
 of the water that, without thinking of the result, he retired 
 his men as fast as the water crept in, until he had quite 
 deserted his post and reached the extreme limit of the 
 trench. I was then with my grenadiers where the sapping 
 was going on, but hearing what had happened, I ran to 
 the scene, where I found but little water, and no current 
 which could make what there was there rise to any serious 
 extent. I was extremely surprised to find that all that 
 were left of the two battalions were a captain and two 
 lieutenants, who told me of the panic and its result. I 
 asked them if their men showed no signs of returning, or 
 at any rate if reconnoitring patrols were not being sent 
 out, and when the only reply I got was that they were 
 all huddled up at the end of the trench without making 
 any effort to ascertain the real state of affairs, I felt my 
 anger with their commanding officer rise so strongly within 
 me that I went off at once to where he was. In my 
 excitement I expressed myself very strongly upon the 
 manoeuvre which he had just executed without first 
 reporting the case to the General Officer commanding. 
 I ordered the captains to march the regiment back again, 
 adding that I regretted to find their reputations lowered 
 by the panic of their commandant. The colonel, seeing 
 himself dishonoured by my taking the command out 
 of his hands, and by the words which I had used in 
 reference to him, made up his mind to get satisfaction 
 from me, as the affair had immediately caused some 
 stir in the trenches. The General Officer on duty must 
 have learned somewhat of the matter, for when I was 
 
388 ANOTHER DUEL [chap, xiii 
 
 standing by him at the time the colonel came up to speak 
 to me, he saw him before I did, and remarked that my 
 friend was on his way to join us, and that apparently he 
 had something private to say to me, upon which he quietly 
 retired and left us to ourselves. Sure enough, the colonel, 
 on approaching me, declared that I had insulted him, and 
 that he wished to have satisfaction ; upon which I replied 
 that he had dishonoured himself by his conduct, but that 
 I was quite ready to give him any satisfaction he liked 
 if he thought this would restore his reputation. During 
 this conversation we had gradually moved from the 
 neighbourhood of the trenches, and found ourselves 
 among some brushwood, where we drew our swords 
 without fear of being seen by anyone. Besides, should 
 anyone have seen us, there was nothing extraordinary 
 in the sight of two men fighting at a time when one 
 witnessed a death every moment, without paying it any 
 particular attention. We kept up the fight for some time, 
 and at last came to close quarters, when I threw my 
 adversary to the ground, and made him give up his sword 
 without either one of us having received the slightest 
 scratch. When we were on our legs again, the colonel did 
 all he could to persuade me to restore him his sword, but 
 the danger I had previously run in my affair with Bois- 
 morel was too fresh in my mind to allow me to accede to 
 this. I put it under my coat and told him to follow me, 
 and when we were quite near to the General Officer's 
 quarters, I sent my prisoner on to him to beg him to join 
 us alone. The General did this without being noticed by 
 anyone, and I handed him the sword, which he then passed 
 on to my late opponent. My object in taking this pre- 
 caution was simply that he might be acquainted with the 
 fact of our having fought out our quarrel. 
 
 As soon as the forts had capitulated the troops were 
 
1714] RATIFICATION OF PEACE 389 
 
 distributed to their winter quarters. The interview be- 
 tween Marechal de Villars and Prince Eugene to confer 
 as to the means of bringing about a cessation of hostilities 
 is talked about even at the present time. The generals 
 met at Rastadt and drew up the conditions of peace 
 between the two belligerent Powers, which were signed 
 at last at Baden on March 6th, 17 14, and on the i8th, 
 M. de Villars received at the hands of the late Duke de 
 Berry the Collar of the Golden Fleece. 
 
 The war was now entirely over, and the only thought 
 was of the reduction and alterations of the establishment 
 of the King's troops. Peace was proclaimed, but in more 
 than one part of the kingdom there was no show of 
 rejoicings on its account. The exhausted state of the 
 nation, and the little likelihood of any rapid recovery of 
 the affairs of the kingdom, held out as dark a prospect 
 in peace as in war. 
 
 It was four years since I had seen anything of my 
 family ; the different duties that had fallen to me had given 
 me no opportunity of getting home during the winters, so 
 I naturally thought that I should now be able to visit my 
 relations, who much felt my absence, but I could not 
 obtain any leave. The necessity of my presence during 
 the winter in several of the towns in the neighbourhood 
 of Luxemburg was pointed out to me, on account of my 
 rank as brigadier in the army with which I had just been 
 honoured. It was known that in the agreement made with 
 the Emperor, Bavaria was to be given back to the Elector, 
 and that therefore his troops would sooner or later return 
 to his provinces, but the date upon which they would have 
 to begin their march for this purpose was so uncertain that 
 the commanding officers dared not absent themselves, so 
 I had to stay in and about Treves and Luxemburg until 
 December 14th, 1714. The Emperor had by that time 
 
390 BAVARIA REINSTATED [chap, xiii 
 
 evacuated the towns in Bavaria, and left the country as 
 arranged by the Treaty of Rastadt ; we then at last 
 began our homeward march, and arrived there in the 
 midst of bitterly cold weather. We found the people 
 worn out by the subsidies they had been obliged to pay 
 during ten years of the Emperor's rule, but notwith- 
 standing this, so great was their joy at the sight of their 
 rightful Prince, that there was nothing they would not do 
 to show it. The Imperial garrison was still in Ingolstadt 
 when we arrived to take the town over, and more than 
 fifteen days passed before they could complete some con- 
 ditions which they were yet bound to fulfil. Whilst this 
 was being done, the Emperor's troops lived in the town, 
 and our infantry were billeted among the peasants in the 
 neighbourhood. These poor people had all my sympathy. 
 Bread is always served out to the troops, but one knows 
 full well that under these circumstances the soldier is not 
 satisfied with his ordinary ration and pay, so I issued an 
 order to those in my command forbidding any exactions 
 from the householders with whom they lodged. The 
 better to assure myself that this order would be obeyed, 
 I called the mayors of the villages together, and told 
 them that the soldiers were getting their pay and bread 
 regularly, that I did not expect them to make any exac- 
 tions, but that if they had done so or attempted to do so, 
 the case had only to be reported to me, and I would put it 
 right, because the Elector in returning to his country had 
 no intention whatever of placing any such burden upon 
 his people, who had already suffered so much in his 
 absence. 
 
 " And as for our share in this business, monsieur," said 
 these excellent people, " it shall not be said that our 
 master's soldiers returned to their country, and were not 
 entertained by us. We assure you that for whatever period 
 
i7is] RETURN OF THE ELECTORAL FAMILY 391 
 
 they may be in our parishes, in whatever state of poverty 
 we may have been left by the ImperiaHsts, we shall do our 
 very best to cheer our soldiers as well as ourselves. We 
 have a good master, who will leave us to enjoy in peace 
 and quietness the little left to us, and it is in his hands 
 only whether or no we are soon at rest again." 
 
 As a matter of fact, whatever debts the Elector may 
 have contracted during the war, he none the less procured 
 relief for his people by abolishing the subsidies imposed 
 upon them by the Imperialists, besides all other taxes, 
 except that of the poll-tax on its old footing. They thus 
 enjoyed an ease undisturbed by any changes in their 
 financial arrangements, or in their coin, which maintained 
 its currency, while the revenues of the Prince were col- 
 lected first-hand, and went direct into the State Treasury. 
 
 All the fortified towns in Bavaria were evacuated by the 
 Imperialists and handed over to the Elector's troops by 
 February 25th, 1715, in exact conformity with the Treaty 
 just ratified between the Emperor and the King of France, 
 and finally the Electoral Household, which for eleven 
 years had lived dispersed, began to reassemble. The 
 Elector himself set out from France, the Electress from 
 Venice, and the Princes from the town of Gratz in Silesia. 
 Before the departure of the latter, the Emperor had 
 bestowed the Collar of the Order of the Golden Fleece 
 upon the Electoral Prince. 
 
 Their respective journeys were so arranged that every 
 member of this illustrious family arrived in the Chateau of 
 Lichtenberg, the Prince's country residence, on the same 
 day and at the same hour. The interval of eleven years 
 which had passed by since their separation had so altered 
 the Princes that from children they had developed into 
 men, and the Elector and Electress would never have 
 recognised them had they not been forewarned. Their 
 
392 BORDEAUX ONCE MORE [chap, xiii 
 
 meeting was most touching, everyone was moved to tears, 
 and hastened to express their joy and congratulations. 
 But this was nothing to what happened when the Electoral 
 family left Lichtenberg and made its entry into Munich. 
 The inhabitants raised triumphal arches of surprising 
 magnificence, the whole of the burghers appeared richly 
 dressed and under arms ; and the illuminations, fireworks, 
 and all forms of homage paid to their liege lord went on 
 without ceasing for many days. Never was there such 
 unmixed joy as that now experienced by this Sovereign 
 and his subjects. 
 
 As soon as I saw that everything was settling down, the 
 soldiery idle in their quarters, and that my presence was 
 no longer absolutely necessary, I asked permission of His 
 Electoral Highness for leave to visit my own country. I 
 took the liberty of pointing out to him the length of time 
 I had been parted from my family and private affairs, in 
 order to carry out my duty, and that I was probably the 
 only ofificer who had spent over five years without an 
 opportunity of seeing wife or children, or of arranging 
 his family matters ; in fine, that this had been so prejudicial 
 to me that I begged His Highness to grant me leave to 
 remain at home until recalled by my duty to his service. 
 The Elector was kind enough to appreciate my reasons, 
 and gave me permission to remain at home as long as the 
 peace should last, or until he sent me the order to return. 
 I left Bavaria on June 15th, 1715, and betook myself to 
 Bordeaux to look into my affairs. Here I remained for 
 two years in ignorance of all appertaining to war, troops, 
 regiment, and almost even of Bavaria itself Most of my 
 acquaintances who saw me thus inactive and unemployed, 
 believed that I had quite left the service. As I did not 
 see fit to enlighten them, they puzzled their brains as to 
 why I absented myself for so long from my regiment, 
 
1715-17] RUMOURS OF WAR 393 
 
 being under the impression that I was on the same footing 
 as the officers in the French service, who when taking long 
 leave have still to report themselves on certain occasions. 
 I had no reason for correcting their impressions, but lived 
 quietly and allowed them to give free vent to their 
 imaginings as to my Bavarian business. 
 
 There was gossip in the country at this time with 
 regard to the war between the Turks and the Emperor. 
 So few people were interested in such a distant matter that 
 no one gave it any particular attention, and I perhaps less 
 than anyone else, for, as I said before, I really hardly cared 
 to talk of wars and rumours of wars. Nevertheless, this 
 war was a fact, and the Elector of Bavaria, who was con- 
 templating the marriage of the Electoral Prince with the 
 second Archduchess, daughter of the late Emperor Joseph, 
 was delighted to find therein an opportunity for meeting 
 the wishes of the reigning Emperor. He therefore offered 
 a body of six thousand of his troops to serve as auxiliaries 
 in the army which was being sent off to Hungary, which 
 offer His Imperial Majesty gladly accepted. So secretly 
 was this negotiation conducted, that the news only gave 
 our officers just time for them to prepare to march with 
 the regiments told off to assist the Emperor, and the 
 period given them to get their carriages and baggage in 
 order to fit them for such a distant campaign was a very 
 short one indeed. 
 
 It could never have been supposed, taking into con- 
 sideration the short time available and the distance of 
 my present home, that I should be chosen to accompany 
 these troops, but such was the intention of the Elector. 
 Although certain persons, who would have been delighted 
 to see themselves in my place, and who at all events were 
 quite as capable of filling it, pointed out to the Prince the 
 impossibility of my accomplishing the four hundred leagues 
 
394 DUBON'S LETTER [chap, xiii 
 
 in time, he decided absolutely that I should be written 
 to, and directed M. de Quemin, who was then lieutenant- 
 colonel, to do this. The difficulty of arriving in Bavaria 
 in time to go on to Hungary was not the only one, for I 
 had to surmount another born of chance. I saw myself 
 upon the brink of being deprived of the post destined for 
 me, and of seeing His Electoral Highness' good opinion 
 of me changed for one of contempt and disgust, all owing 
 to no fault of mine. This might all have come to pass' 
 thanks to my wife, who by her inept designs to prevent 
 my departure tried to intercept the letter that Quemin 
 had written me. She had heard the news before me, and 
 this is how chance came to her assistance. 
 
 Serving with our Bavarian troops was an old lieutenant- 
 colonel, a native of Bordeaux, who was then acting as 
 captain in one of the regiments detailed for Hungary. 
 Dubon, such was the captain's name, had a sister living 
 then in Bordeaux (now at Bergerac), and, when he learnt 
 at Munich that the order for my instant return was to be 
 sent to me, wrote to her in the fulness of his joy of going 
 himself to the war, and despatched it by the same courier 
 that Quemin had employed in my case. He told her that 
 I was destined to command the contingent, and would 
 receive my instructions on the same day that she got her 
 own letter. At the same time he asked her to call upon 
 me as soon as possible, and express to me the pleasure he 
 felt at the prospect of serving with me. This young lady 
 did not fail to call immediately after receiving her brother's 
 letter. It so happened that the distributor of letters, who 
 had received them on Saturday evening, did not deliver 
 them at their respective destinations till Sunday afternoon. 
 At the moment he brought mine he met my lackey at the 
 door, just going out after his dinner, to whom he gave 
 them, and this youth, who was on his way to join some 
 
17 1 7] MY WIFE'S PLOT 395 
 
 comrades in a walk, stuffed them into his pocket and went 
 on his way. I left the house soon after to join in a game 
 of ombre with some neighbouring ladies, and it was during 
 my absence that Dubon's sister called with her letter. 
 Finding me away from home, she showed it to my wife, 
 who, horrified at the mere idea of a war with the Turks, 
 resolved to prevent the news reaching my ears ; to this end 
 she seized the letter from the young lady, and begged and 
 prayed her to speak of it to no one, but to return home as 
 quietly as posssible, for she feared that if I returned and 
 found her there that my curiosity would be aroused thereby) 
 and she finally made her promise the strictest secrecy in 
 the matter. 
 
 She also called together all the servants in the house, 
 and asked them all if any letter had been brought to me, 
 but in her agitation she failed to note the absence of my 
 lackey, who was then enjoying his walk. Having so far 
 ascertained that no letter had arrived, she proceeded to 
 give them notice that if the letter-carrier should bring any 
 for me, or anyone else, she should be quietly warned and 
 the letters handed secretly to her, and then, having taken 
 all these precautions, she resumed her composure. As I 
 did not return until rather late, she had plenty of time to 
 consider the matter, but soon another trouble arose in her 
 mind and gave her further agitation. It struck her that 
 possibly I might have received my own letter at the time 
 I left the house, and in order to clear up this point in her 
 mind made much study of my physiognomy on my return, 
 but, finding nothing disquieting there, was once more re- 
 assured. But she was so much affected by the matter 
 that she still wished to probe it in every direction she could 
 think of, and for this purpose began to chat with me on 
 current events, saying that whilst sitting by the window 
 that afternoon, she had overheard two people who had 
 
396 QUEMIN'S GOOD OFFICES [chap, xiii 
 
 stopped in the street below talking about the war against 
 the Turks, and that one of them said that the Elector of 
 Bavaria was sending troops. This she repeated several 
 times without making any particular impression upon me ; 
 so, seeing this, she went on to say that Dubon had written 
 to his sister, and that he was hoping for orders to go. 
 I ingenuously replied that probably Dubon had invented 
 the news himself over a bottle of wine with a boon 
 companion, because if it was really true, I should cer- 
 tainly have heard of it, whei'eupon I changed the subject 
 of our conversation. 
 
 My obviously sincere speech completely reassured my 
 wife, and tranquillity reigned supreme in her mind, though 
 it was not long before this was broken. We were supping a 
 little later on, in company with one of my wife's young lady 
 friends, when the subject of our talk fell upon letters, and 
 then my lackey, who was present, remembered the one he 
 had for me, which he routed out from his pocket and handed 
 to me. I was astonished beyond measure at hearing my wife 
 give a loud scream and seeing her grasp the lackey's arm 
 in her attempt to snatch the letter from him, but I had it 
 fast already, and as I did not know what to think of this 
 exhibition of alarm, stood quickly aside and tore it open, 
 when I read these words : " Start by the post immediately 
 on receipt of this, and use your utmost endeavour to report 
 yourself here as soon as possible. You are given the 
 command of our battalions in Hungary, which are to leave 
 Ingolstadt on June lOth, and I trust that you have yet 
 sufficient time to get there. I have been ordered by the 
 Elector to inform you of these his wishes. Many people are 
 intriguing to get the command in place of you, but I hope 
 that your diligence will render their efforts useless, and in 
 the meantime I am going to get your baggage train in 
 order." 
 
1717] POST HASTE FOR MUNICH 397 
 
 I received this letter on May 27th, 1717. The time at 
 my disposal was short enough as it was, but travelling by 
 post obliged me to go through Paris and Strasbourg, which 
 added a detour of near a hundred leagues to my journey, 
 happily, however, the days were drawing out now. Being 
 absolutely determined to act in accordance with the 
 Elector's wishes, the tears and remonstrances of my wife 
 had no effect upon me whatever, and at a very early hour 
 next morning I began my journey on a post horse. I 
 stayed nearly an entire day in Paris, for the purpose of 
 seeing a friend of mine and of obtaining a special order 
 from M, de Tor^y for the supply of post horses, and not- 
 withstanding this, arrived in Munich at four o'clock in the 
 afternoon of June 5th. I at once repaired to the Palace to 
 report myself to His Highness, as well as to thank him 
 for all his kind thought of me. He received me most 
 graciously, and did me the honour to say many kind 
 things concerning my diligence, besides others concerning 
 our Hungarian expedition with which he was sending his 
 sons, the Prince Electoral and Prince Ferdinand. 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1717 AGAINST THE TURKS — BAVARIAN 
 CONTINGENT ARRIVES IN VIENNA — MARCH TO SZLANKAMEN 
 — BELGRADE : ITS WORKS AND SIEGE — THE TURKISH ARMY 
 — BESIEGERS BESIEGED 
 
 THIS war against the Turks brought forth an immense 
 amount of emulation among the young Princes and 
 noblemen in Europe, so that almost all the Royal Families 
 sent their representatives, who came flocking in to serve as 
 volunteers in the army. The presence of so many dis- 
 tinguished personages gave rise to a constant stream of 
 wonderful stories of deeds of valour which those around 
 them took every opportunity of publishing among their 
 friends. Although these heroes, for the most part, could 
 hardly have been called masters of the art of war, or their 
 deeds anything but those of the most ordinary nature, 
 the most usual occurrences were written up as extra- 
 ordinary feats, and justice and truth were not always 
 strictly observed. 
 
 They were so much surprised at their first view of the 
 Turks, that they were convinced that the war against this 
 nation was something far greater and more important than 
 any that had been waged amongst Christians. Each one 
 of these courtiers wrote from his own point of view, 
 assigning courage and boldness even to those who had 
 but played the part of spectators to the tragedy, in which 
 others were the real actors. Perhaps what I shall report in 
 
 398 
 
1717] A VOYAGE DOWN THE DANUBE 399 
 
 these memoirs will hardly be as amusing as these histories, 
 as I shall not quote any astonishing deed of this nature; 
 I have laid down a law for myself to speak of things as 
 they actually happened, and, therefore, I omit numberless 
 unimportant details which have no special significance, and 
 do not approach in importance many events which I have 
 omitted in my account of the wars of France. In the 
 meantime, I will now continue my journey to Hungary. 
 Our little Bavarian army embarked on the Danube at 
 Ingolstadt on the precise date as foreshadowed by Quemin, 
 all my affairs were in order, and my departure caused me 
 no more trouble than would have been the case if I had 
 never left Bavaria. Boats and rafts had been constructed 
 for the transport of the troops, horses, and waggons, with 
 so much care and diligence, that every convenience possible 
 was found on board them. So great was the number that 
 a very considerable fleet was the result, which took up a 
 large space, and the sight of all these vessels was so 
 entrancing that the inhabitants poured from the towns and 
 villages far and wide to see us pass on our way. We 
 stopped for several days at Vilshofen, a little town on the 
 extreme frontier of Bavaria, in order to give time for the 
 completion of some details before entering Austria. We 
 then resumed our journey as far as Vienna, where we 
 arrived on June 24th, and camped on the banks of the 
 Danube near one of the outskirts of the town, in which 
 the officers of higher rank were quartered. We were now, 
 from the time of our arrival, under the orders of the 
 Emperor, and therefore begged him to inspect us. Our 
 condition justified the request, for never were our people 
 smarter or in better form than they were then. The 
 Elector's Mounted Grenadiers and a Regiment of Dragoons 
 (which was presented to the Emperor) which bore the title 
 of Prince Ferdinand of Bavaria accompanied the infantry, 
 
400 THE EMPEROR'S INSPECTION [chap, xiv 
 
 and we should have been very sorry not to have appeared 
 in our glory before His Imperial Majesty and the Court. 
 He appeared to be very pleased with our request, and 
 arranged that our review should be held on the following 
 morning at ten o'clock, in front of his pleasure residence, 
 La Favorite, about a quarter of a league from the town. I had 
 already had the honour of being presented to His Imperial 
 Majesty and of kissing his hand on the very day of our 
 arrival. The same honour was granted me by the Empress- 
 Dowager his mother, the Empress-Dowager his sister-in- 
 law, his wife the reigning Empress, the two Archduchesses 
 his sisters, the two Archduchesses his nieces, and the 
 Princess Wolfenbiittel his mother-in-law, whereby I felt 
 much honoured, for such an excess of affability is by no 
 means usual in this Court. I was also present while this 
 illustrious family took their supper, and received every 
 possible politeness from the great personages of the Court. 
 
 When we paraded next morning in front of the La 
 Favorite Palace, the Emperor and all his Court took their 
 stand at the windows, from which they could see the whole 
 of our army from flank to flank, and we finally marched 
 past and made a very brave show. An astonishingly large 
 crowd lined our route from the camp to La Favorite ; all 
 the inhabitants of Vienna seemed consumed with curiosity 
 to see the Bavarians, whose reputation for valour stood 
 very high with them. Our troops seemed to have a more 
 foreign appearance in this Imperial capital than they had 
 borne in France, and they therefore attracted the more atten- 
 tion ; and, in truth, excited a deal of curiosity by reason of 
 their uniforms and stature, as they were picked men. The 
 Emperor was more than satisfied, and his good opinion 
 was more than justified by the event. 
 
 On the morning after our review we continued our 
 march, and halted for an entire day at Pressburg. This 
 
17 17] THE TWIN SISTERS 401 
 
 town is situated on the banks of the Danube, in a very 
 beautiful plain, and surrounded with vineyards which add 
 immensely to its charms. The houses are substantially 
 built, the streets well arranged, the inhabitants of a pleas- 
 ing temperament, and almost all Roman Catholics, under 
 their own bishop. I saw in this town a most extraordi- 
 nary freak of nature, to wit, two young girls about sixteen 
 or seventeen years of age who were joined together from 
 their waists downwards ; otherwise the rest of their forms 
 was as distinct and separate as in the case of any other 
 person. These twins lived in a convent, where they were 
 maintained by the Bishop, who had placed them there. 
 He had done this to prevent their mother, who was quite 
 indigent, from taking them round to exhibit their de- 
 formities, and because he feared that such a sight was 
 sufficient to bring about a similar accident in the case of 
 any woman with child. A permit was necessary from the 
 Bishop for admission to see them, and this was granted to 
 me and my companions. They had a sweet expression, 
 and were quite pretty, one especially ; and without think- 
 ing much about it, I gave the prettier one the little present 
 of money that I had ready for the purpose, at which the 
 other appeared to become quite jealous. She complained 
 of the way her sister was made the recipient of all such 
 attentions, but at that moment the other placed my pre- 
 sent in her hand, and appeased her with words of consola- 
 tion. The life and health of the one affected the other ; it was 
 impossible that one should experience any inconvenience 
 without the other suffering to a like degree. I devoted 
 some thought to the case of these girls, entering into the 
 details that nature has subjected us all to in life — illnesses, 
 etc. ; and it remained on my mind for many days. I since 
 learned from the Gazette that they died not long after- 
 wards, one having survived the other but for a few days. 
 
402 A TERRIBLE MARCH [chap, xiv 
 
 We also made a halt at Buda-Pesth, which consists of 
 two towns separated by the Danube. It is a matter of at 
 least three hundred good leagues from Buda to Belgrade, a 
 fact that the geographers have never accurately marked on 
 their maps. Here we repaired the boats and barges which 
 formed our convoy, and which had somewhat suffered on 
 the voyage, and finally we disembarked at Peterwardein 
 on July nth to continue our journey by road, as the 
 Danube hereabouts bends its course too much to make 
 the water route worth while travelling by. On the I2th 
 we camped near a little ruined town called Carlowitz, 
 where but a few remains only of its houses were left stand- 
 ing, and where the Emperor concluded the last truce made 
 between him and the Turks. We had a very long day's 
 work the next day in going from Carlowitz to a little place 
 called Szlankamen, which lay on the Danube. It was 
 impossible to find a single spot on this road where water 
 could be obtained ; the winding of the Danube on its way 
 to Szlankamen took it far away from our land road, and 
 as it was absolutely necessary to have water at our camp- 
 ing-ground, it became necessary to regain the river in the 
 one day. To accomplish this we left Carlowitz at two a.m., 
 and all our men were provided with water before starting ; 
 but unhappily for us, it turned out to be one of the hottest 
 days possible. The wind blew from the south, but it was 
 hardly perceptible ; the air was so oppressive that it af- 
 fected the respiration of those even who could keep quiet 
 and still, and a thousand times more so that of the soldiers 
 on the march. Our road lay along the edge of a plain 
 entirely devoid of trees or shade, and to add to our trouble, 
 there were cliffs on our fliank which reflected a heat more 
 scorching even than the vertical rays of the sun. Our 
 men, who early in the day had drunk their last drop of 
 water, now began to feel the torments of thirst; they 
 
1717] THE REFRESHING STORM 403 
 
 became so exhausted that they could hardly put one foot 
 before the other. Nevertheless, by extreme efforts they 
 managed to complete eight hours of marching. But 
 Szlankamen was yet two leagues distant when their 
 strength entirely failed them, and a halt became absolutely 
 necessary, exposed as we were to the stifling effect of the 
 heat. A slight haze and a few stormy clouds now ap- 
 peared, but as no breeze accompanied them, we obtained 
 no relief in the state of collapse to which we were reduced. 
 The rest resulting from the halt, far from easing our burden, 
 rendered the condition of the men worse even than before, 
 for they felt the heaviness and inability to breathe more 
 than ever. After remaining thus for three good hours, the 
 question of resuming our march became imperative ; but 
 as soon as the men, erstwhile so robust, had fallen into 
 their places, they appeared to have lost the use of their 
 arms and legs ; the most part fell flat down where they 
 stood, others, after the greatest exertions, struggled forward 
 a few paces, and finally the whole column again came to a 
 standstill. Many were seized with convulsions as if in a 
 fit. Such a sight was never seen, and I really thought that 
 our infantry was doomed. We had sent on officers to 
 Szlankamen to send back some barrels of water ; but this 
 would not have effected much relief; when suddenly some 
 small clouds began to appear, the atmosphere darkened, 
 and thunder made itself heard. A frightful storm now 
 burst over us. It was so severe that it carried away part 
 of the bridges that Prince Eugene had built over the 
 Danube and the Save, and sank a number of boats full of 
 munitions of war. Even waggons drawn by oxen and 
 horses were precipitated into the Danube and altogether 
 carried away. This was followed by a steady downpour 
 of rain, which restored our soldiers to life ; they felt 
 refreshed thereby, and one saw them gradually begin to 
 
404 A CHAT WITH PRINCE EUGENE [chap, xiv 
 
 revive like persons who had just returned from another 
 world. Nevertheless, even when they were once more 
 under way, they still bore a stupefied air, and did not 
 finally recover themselves for several days. Five were left 
 dead on the ground, and three others, who had to be 
 carried into Szlankamen, died that night, and it was 
 common belief that had not the heat been followed by the 
 sudden fall of rain, all our infantry would have perished. 
 
 We had two more days' march before arriving at 
 Belgrade from Szlankamen, so I went on ahead of the 
 column to report the arrival of our troops to Prince 
 Eugene, and to receive his orders as to our encampment. 
 The Prince received me in the most gracious way possible ; 
 he recognised me at once, and the same evening chatted 
 with me regarding the capitulation of Ingolstadt, which 
 I had arranged with him in the year 1704, while for many 
 days later the subject of our conversations was a recapitu- 
 lation of all the events that had happened before the date 
 of the Peace of Rastadt. He referred to the mistake we 
 had committed at the action of Malplaquet in abandoning 
 part of our entrenchments in order to go to the rescue 
 of the Irish Brigade in the woods, upon which I told 
 him of the objection I had raised to the order given us, 
 the severe comment of Mardchal de Villars upon this 
 manoeuvre, and the explanation that we had subsequently 
 given him. I continued that the man who wounded M. 
 de Villars really won the battle, as our retreat and subse- 
 quent loss of Mons was only owing to the absence of our 
 general. He also said that he had noticed at the time 
 when his hussars had reported to him that the Bavarians 
 had left their position to enter the wood that several 
 battalions, mostly in blue uniforms, occupying a large 
 portion of the entrenchments, took to flight immediately 
 his infantry closed with them. We did not allow the 
 
I? 17] BELGRADE 405 
 
 matter to rest there, for in the course of the campaign 
 the Prince put before me many of his ideas and remarks 
 of this character. As I happened to have been in most 
 of the actions he referred to, I was enabled to supply him 
 with many details, so that these conversations gave 
 pleasure to him as well as information to me regarding 
 many points that none could tell me better than he. 
 Having ascertained in the course of our talk that I 
 understood the art of fortification, he gave me the order 
 to visit and report upon the entrenchments he had made 
 to ensure the safety of his camps, and to devote my 
 attention to them generally. 
 
 Our troops planted their camp colours on July i6th, 
 and were posted in the first line of the Emperor's army, 
 which was surrounded by circumvallations, as a defence 
 against the Turks should they attempt the relief of 
 Belgrade, and lines of contravallation to keep off the 
 garrison, which was a very numerous one. A corps of 
 Ottoman troops had been pursued by Prince Eugene 
 at the beginning of the campaign, and had retired across 
 the Danube to escape the clutches of the Imperial army. 
 It then threw itself into Belgrade, under its Seraskier 
 Pasha, and so raised the garrison of this town to more 
 than thirty thousand strong. 
 
 The town of Belgrade is situated in the angle formed 
 by the confluence of the rivers Danube and Save. The 
 Danube runs west to east, the Save south to north. One 
 flank of our lines rested on the Danube, the other on the 
 Save, thus enclosing the town with lines of contravallation, 
 and presenting a front to the open country with those 
 of circumvallation ; our army lay between these two lines, 
 at each end of which were bridges over both rivers, the 
 Danube on our right, the Save on our left, with tetes-du- 
 pont in the form of strong redoubts. Besides these there 
 
4o6 THE TURKISH POSITION [chap, xiv 
 
 were advanced posts occupied by troops strongly en- 
 trenched, which protected the approaches to these bridges, 
 our foraging parties and convoys, that on the Save, near 
 a Httle place called Semlin, and that on the Danube was 
 constructed on an island called Donauwitz. Thus we 
 surrounded Belgrade on the land side. Besides this we 
 had nine well-armed frigates stationed on the Danube, 
 above and below the town, not only to protect our trans- 
 port shipping from attack by the Turkish caiques* and 
 galleys, a great number of which were lying in the port 
 of the town, but also to prevent the enemy maintaining 
 any communication by means of the river. These frigates, 
 by forming a barrier across the river, not only protected 
 our bridges, but also prevented any attempt by the Turks 
 to ascend it from certain posts which they occupied below 
 Belgrade ; and they formed a line like a well-armed wall 
 that the caiques dared not approach, except perhaps by 
 keeping close to the banks. Several other frigates were 
 placed to support a post near Orsova below Belgrade; 
 moreover the Turks were not alone in possessing caiques, 
 for we had several, well armed, for the purpose of fighting 
 theirs. Thus no precaution was omitted for the invest- 
 ment of this town. The Turks, however, had managed 
 to maintain their hold upon an island in the Danube, 
 between the town and that of Donauwitz, which was 
 rather an inconvenience to the bridges. Here they had 
 entrenched two thousand men, but no great difficulty 
 existed in attacking them, nor could they easily obtain 
 aid from the garrison. 
 
 These people had plenty of opportunities in their favour 
 had they known how to profit by them, but then they 
 would have had to understand war as it is waged in 
 Europe ; they were in no real need of help, for their 
 
 * Turkish rowing boats. 
 
1 717] DEFENCES OF BELGRADE 407 
 
 garrison was strong enough to keep us easily at arm's 
 length, and even perhaps to force us to give up our enter- 
 prise. The advantageous arrangement of their fortifica- 
 tions should have enabled them to torment us with sorties, 
 for the approaches to the town were easy to defend on 
 account of two large suburbs, called Palankas, which 
 dominated the enceinte, one lying on the bank of the 
 Danube, the other on that of the Save, and they had only 
 to construct good entrenchments in front of these two 
 suburbs and support them with the numerous garrison at 
 their disposal. With these and all the galleys now lying 
 in the port, the river-side portion of the town could be 
 rendered safe from attack. Thus the landward side only 
 was the important one to defend, and that was not a 
 difficult matter, after certain entrenchments and advanced 
 works had been constructed, which would necessarily have 
 to be forced before the attack could be made on the body 
 of the place, all of which would have cost us much time 
 and untold loss. 
 
 Belgrade lies in an amphitheatre, and consists of an 
 upper and lower town. The upper town which faces the 
 land side is fortified with a number of works without any 
 method or regularity, having been constructed as the 
 necessity arose on the occasion of the various attacks the 
 town has been subjected to in times past. Otherwise 
 these fortifications are very well built, with good dry 
 ditches and counterscarps and strongly palisaded covered- 
 ways, besides which their power of defence is increased 
 owing to the cross-fire from one to the other, thanks to 
 the irregularity of their position. The lower town is also 
 well provided for, notwithstanding the absence of any 
 elaborate fortifications, as the upper town commands it, 
 and the number of galleys and caiques it gives cover to 
 is sufficient to cause great difficulty in approaching it. 
 
4o8 TURKISH MISTAKES [chap, xiv 
 
 Moreover, it is so thoroughly commanded by the upper 
 town that, if it were taken, there would still be plenty of 
 work to do to effect a proper lodgment therein, and carry 
 out an attack upon the entrenchments that could be made 
 dividing the two towns. 
 
 Independent of such entrenchments as could be made 
 by the Turks in front of their Palankas, and on the ground 
 covering the upper town, they could have yet made others 
 across the Save opposite the lower town and its Palanka, 
 with a bridge to communicate therewith. They should 
 have placed a body of troops there, which would then 
 have occupied the very ground across the Save, which we 
 ultimately made use of in our attack on the lower town 
 and part of the upper, and which turned out to be the 
 only possible way of effecting a breach. If this ground 
 had been rendered defensive, their town would have been 
 protected from our first approaches, or at all events we 
 should have found ourselves obliged to force such entrench- 
 ments before anything else could be undertaken, and this 
 would have entailed a regular siege, which would have 
 delayed us enormously. This entrenchment on the other 
 side of the Save would have been of additional advantage 
 to them, as it would have facilitated their sorties in the 
 direction of Semlin, and interrupted our communications 
 over our bridge on the Save, used by our convoys and 
 foraging parties. But owing to want of experience they 
 did not profit by their opportunities, for they left the 
 ground open to us ; there we opened our first trench and 
 planted some good batteries, the cannon of which swept 
 the lower town across the Save with shot and shell, and 
 ultimately brought about the reduction of the place. They 
 had had, moreover, plenty of time and people to put the 
 defences of Belgrade into the state I have spoken of before 
 we had made our own dispositions. The corps of troops 
 
Fold out 
 
To face page 40? 
 
1717] RECEPTION OF BAVARIAN CONTINGENT 409 
 
 that Prince Eugene had driven before him when he crossed 
 the rivers entered the town on June i8th; provisions and 
 munitions of war were not wanting to them, for they had 
 abundance of both, besides artillery ; one hundred cannon 
 were counted on the ramparts and about eighty on the 
 caiques, so that they had nothing to do but to make full 
 use of all these advantages. They had certainly dug an 
 entrenchment before the upper town ; but it was not only 
 badly designed, but was also limited in size, being only 
 just sufficient to encamp within it the troops they were 
 unable to find room for in the town itself Another and 
 still less important one in front of the Palanka on the 
 Save side was exposed to the fire from our batteries in 
 the trenches along that river, a state of things that would 
 never have arisen had they occupied that section of the 
 field I remarked upon above. 
 
 Our Bavarians now found themselves fighting with the 
 Imperialists, who gave us the heartiest welcome that could 
 be imagined. All the troubles and differences that had 
 existed between us for nearly twelve years were now 
 forgotten, and the sole aim of each one of us was to 
 celebrate the joy and satisfaction we all felt at our recon- 
 ciliation. Our troops were an important addition to the 
 Imperialist forces ; they had a great opinion of us, and 
 their generals showed this by entertaining our officers of 
 higher rank for several days in succession. Our two 
 Princes were given important posts in the army, not only 
 on account of their birth, the most ancient in the world, 
 but because of their troops, the most important of the 
 Allies present. The Electoral Prince had his own regi- 
 ment, which I had the honour to be colonel of, and Prince 
 Ferdinand his dragoons, which bore his name. The latter 
 also held the rank of major-general of the Empire, and 
 both these Princes, who ranked in all respects as high-born 
 
412 OUR WORKING PARTY CUT UP [chap, xiv 
 
 important consideration in the case of an attack upon our 
 works, for we were thus unable to send any prompt help 
 either from our army or from the post at Semlin, and it 
 therefore would have been absolutely necessary to have a 
 considerable body of troops on the spot to cover our 
 working parties, at all events, at the beginning of the 
 operations ; but that was just what we lacked. However, 
 ground was broken on July i6th, and by the end of the 
 first day a very long trench was dug without any interrup- 
 tion on the enemy's part. M. de Marcilly, major-general 
 in the Emperor's service, a Frenchman who had left his 
 country by reason of some affair of honour, had the con- 
 duct of these works, with about two thousand infantry to 
 support his working parties, and about three hundred 
 cavalry, who were posted where the strip of dry land gave 
 upon the plain. The Turks contented themselves the first 
 day with watching us from the higher ground of Palanka, 
 which was just opposite our works, the river being between 
 us, from which they could count us man by man ; and they 
 decided to drive us back the next day if we did not add to 
 our strength at this point. No one thought of reinforcing 
 our post the following day, necessary as it really was, 
 for as the work developed a greater number of infantry 
 were required to occupy it, but M. de Marcilly was again 
 sent to continue the operation with the same number of 
 troops as before. The Turks did not fail to observe this 
 fact, and knowing exactly not only the number of our 
 men, but also their position, prepared to attack them. 
 To this end they threw across a corps of infantry by 
 means of their caiques, part of which were landed well 
 below where our works were, and out of sight of our 
 people. The rest, with some cannon, were then rowed 
 up the river until they arrived opposite us, where they 
 took up a position ready to support the attack in case 
 
1717] THE GARRISON INVESTED 413 
 
 of need. When all was prepared they suddenly rushed 
 at us sword in hand, in no formation whatever, uttering 
 the most frightful yells, and then threw themselves upon 
 our people, whom they completely surrounded, front and 
 flanks, with the result that all, excepting some few who 
 happened to be more in rear and who took to their 
 heels in time, were slain and decapitated, including poor 
 M. de Mar^illy. The little cavalry detachment was ready 
 at the first alarm, but had hardly moved a pace in advance 
 when a cannon ball from one of the caiques carried away 
 their colonel. He was the only son of M. Heyster, a 
 Marshal in the Imperial service, who was serving with the 
 army. The lieutenant-colonel, however, led them on, but 
 the Turks, who never stay long upon one spot, and who 
 carry out their designs with great promptitude when once 
 they have taken them in hand, had made off, laden with 
 the heads of our people. According to their custom, a 
 ducat is given for every Christian head brought in by their 
 soldiery, which profit tends to animate them in the fight. 
 Thus they cleared our trenches and regained their caiques 
 before our cavalry had a chance to interfere with them. 
 
 This was the only important action that this strong 
 garrison engaged in from the time it was shut up in the 
 town till the occasion on which they finally left it. This 
 mishap interrupted our operations but for a short time ; 
 troops and workmen were sent there the very same day, 
 but much more care was taken, and the Turks did not 
 dare to put in an appearance again. As we gradually 
 approached the position in front of the lower town the 
 ground widened out more and more, and we strengthened 
 our works with some large redoubts, proof against the 
 cannon of the upper town which commanded us, and kept 
 us under a perpetual fire. We continued our works as far 
 as the junction of the Save with the Danube, so that our 
 
414 TURKISH ARMY OF RELIEF [chap, xiv 
 
 frigates and armed caiques, which were lying on the latter 
 river, were enabled to co-operate with us in case of 
 need. When we had thus ensured the safety of our posi- 
 tion and constructed our batteries, we dragged up twenty- 
 six large pieces of cannon and fifteen mortars which 
 opened fire on July 22nd. Our particular object was to 
 dismount the enemy's cannon, which much annoyed us, 
 and to raze their parapets and defences, so that the town 
 was subjected to a constant bombardment. Four other 
 pieces of cannon were brought up the next day to effect 
 a breach in the lower town, which opened fire with similar 
 vigour, and the bombardment was kept up until the 28th 
 of the month. The advanced parties of the Ottoman 
 army of relief now began to appear, and we somewhat 
 relaxed our attacks in order to observe their movements. 
 Report still told of a strength of three hundred thousand 
 men, and this made us take all precautions against an 
 assault upon our entrenchments, for we had no reason to 
 doubt that they would attack us as soon as ever they had 
 concentrated their forces, according to their usual custom. 
 The Turks in all preceding wars against the Empire had 
 always given battle on the first opportunity, or at all 
 events, if they foresaw a minimum of difficulty attending 
 it, and then, if they lost the day, they immediately retired 
 and made off to their own homes. If victory declared 
 itself in their favour they would then make an extremely 
 rapid advance, not employing themselves as is the custom 
 in Europe in discussing camping-grounds and strategy, 
 for they believed that the only way to make war upon the 
 Christians was to strike a blow as rapidly as possible, It 
 was a relief to think that their enormous armies are not 
 composed of regular disciplined troops, for had this been 
 so, Christianity would have been in the greatest danger, as 
 it is, the janissaries from a regular infantry point of view, 
 
1717] TURKISH WARRIORS 415 
 
 and the spahis as cavalry, form but a small proportion of 
 their whole body. The rest of their troops are a mob 
 collected from the populations of the vast territories of 
 the Grand Seigneur, which the Viceroys or Governors 
 of the various provinces, who are called Seraskiers, Pashas, 
 or in the case of Tartary, Kams, are required to gather 
 together on the order being given them, and to maintain 
 them during the campaign, which is usually quite a short 
 one. Each of these Viceroys or Governors furnishes a 
 contingent in proportion to the extent of territory under 
 his rule, and marches it off to join the army at the time 
 and place notified in the order sent him ; thus the Otto- 
 man Court is saved all trouble concerning mounting, 
 arming, clothing, or pay. 
 
 As one can easily imagine, these troops are ignorant 
 of all discipline, and are neither armed nor trained suffi- 
 ciently well to make a stand against a regular force. Their 
 only chance of success lies in superiority of their numbers 
 or some chance accident, in which case the Turks prove 
 themselves more dangerous than other opponents ; they 
 are so active and charge with such impetuosity, though 
 without order, that it becomes impossible for an army 
 which once shows its back to them to save itself by flight, 
 or in any other way. They are most expert in the use 
 of the sabre, those they have being usually of very excellent 
 quality, and such is their skill in its use that, should their 
 opponents give way before them, they produce an incredi- 
 ble carnage in the shortest possible time. Their other 
 arms vary according to the nations composing their army ; 
 some carry muskets like the janissaries — in the case of the 
 people called Arnauts they are long in the barrel, and 
 carry far ; others throw javelins with great adroitness ; 
 some are armed with bows and arrows, whilst some again 
 use " couples," which are a species of lance or half-pike. 
 
4i6 ALL SORTS AND CONDITIONS OF MEN [chap, xiv 
 
 The mounted men are armed with short muskets, as well as 
 their sabres, but none carry pistols. There is no uniformity 
 whatever in their clothing. The janissaries and most of the 
 Turks wear large heavy turbans, long robes, and very wide 
 breeches fastened round the ankle. Others have them 
 very tight on the leg below the knee, a coat half-way down 
 the body, and very scanty turbans indeed. Some have 
 but a jacket only reaching to the belt of the breeches, the 
 sleeves of which are tight fitting and so short that their 
 arms are bare to the elbow ; their breeches also stopping 
 short at the knee, their legs and arms bare, and with 
 the little red cap on their heads, these look for all the 
 world like galley slaves. Others, again, are clad in rags 
 and tatters, with a rather scanty mantle only reaching 
 half-way to the ground, which they twist about them 
 according to the weather. Their faces and complexions 
 are as varied as their clothes. The Turks of Europe and 
 part of Asia are fine, well-built men, good-looking, and as 
 often fair as dark. The Tartars are small and ugly with 
 sallow complexions, and inhabit the northern territories 
 of the Grand Seigneur, whilst the Arnauts are swarthy, 
 with little hair or beard. Regarding those who inhabit 
 the southern regions— from Erzeroum, and on a line drawn 
 through Aleppo, Babylon, Jerusalem, Bussora, Medina, 
 Mecca, Arabia, generally on to Egypt as far as Barca 
 and Algeria, and all the other tributary countries of the 
 Empire — I can only say that their complexions are of a 
 more or less olive nature according to the climate of their 
 country. In fine, the army that was threatening us was 
 composed of a collection of human beings as different one 
 from the other as there were varieties in their arms and 
 clothing, and one might say that all the nations were 
 represented from the Arctic to the Antarctic Circles. 
 These troops for the most part were divided into separate 
 
1 71 7] A PICTURESQUE CAMP 417 
 
 small companies ; each company has its own little standard, 
 and the officers and soldiers composing it camp together 
 under the same tent, like a short tower with a pointed roof, 
 held up by a large mast-like pole. The Pasha usually 
 pitches his tent in the midst of the troops belonging to 
 him; and thus a Turkish camp becomes an assemblage 
 of groups of tents of all sizes according to the numbers 
 of individuals collected by each Governor. These tents 
 and flags are of all colours, so that at a distance their 
 camp has quite the appearance of a gigantic flower-bed 
 full of every kind of blossom. The tent of the Grand 
 Vizier, who is also generalissimo of the army, is pitched in 
 a place apart from the rest, and owing to the different 
 rooms it contains, is of vast extent. It is elaborately 
 decorated with golden and silk embroidery of varied 
 design, and its beautiful appearance is only equalled by its 
 great value. It comprises a very fine entrance-porch, a 
 magnificent reception apartment of fine proportions, and 
 a little court most artistically rendered, at the end of which 
 the Vizier's own tent is erected. This in itself contains 
 various chambers and cabinets, and has behind it another 
 court, round which the principal officers of the household 
 have their lodgings, and, finally, further in the rear is a 
 spacious square wherein are situated the kitchen and 
 servants' quarters. The whole is of the most effective 
 workmanship, enhanced by the many coloured materials 
 used in its construction. Numberless waggons are needed 
 to move this vast palace, and it takes five hundred men to 
 pitch it. 
 
 Each of these nations are fed in a different fashion. 
 That of the Tartars, perhaps, has the merit of at least being 
 the most convenient in form, the only provisions carried 
 by their soldiery being cheeses made of mares' milk. As 
 soon as these cheeses are made they are buried in the 
 2 E 
 
41 8 OUR CAMP DEFENCES [chap, xiv 
 
 ground and kept there for six months, when they become 
 as hard as a stone. When required for use the Tartars 
 scrape a httle into a pannikin of water, stir it up with 
 their finger, and swallow the mixture, which is as white as 
 milk and constitutes their only nourishment. If we could 
 all exist on such food, what a deal of trouble would be 
 spared the world in general ! I must now return, however, 
 to the history of the siege, from which I have digressed to 
 relate these details, which, I think, are worthy of notice. 
 
 On the approach of this formidable army of Turks 
 many cannon were brought up to furnish the parapets 
 of our entrenchments, platforms were constructed for them, 
 and in one place and another we had seventy pieces in 
 position. We made banquettes along the whole extent 
 of the parapets, so that our troops could fire over them, 
 and garnished the banks of the ditches of our entrench- 
 ments with chevaux-de-frise. Finally, several small ad- 
 vanced works were taken in hand in the direction of the 
 Turkish camp to flank our entrenchments, and a great 
 many scythe-blades and spikes were placed along the 
 top of the parapets to hinder an escalade. All this work 
 was completed as quickly as possible, the idea being that 
 as soon as the Turks arrived they would reconnoitre our 
 entrenchments, and that the very next thing would be 
 that we should find them swarming to the assault. Our 
 thoughts might have been rather gloomy had we reflected 
 upon the host of infidels now about to attack us in front 
 as well as their troops garrisoning the town, who could 
 assail our rear at the same moment. The whole strength 
 of our army was but ninety thousand men, supposing 
 every man to be present, but we had to deduct those 
 garrisoning far-off posts that we had captured, the troops 
 on board the ships, and those occupying the trenches. To 
 add to our trouble, dysentery had incapacitated many 
 
1717] THE TURKISH SKIRMISHERS 419 
 
 of our people, so that when the Turkish army made its 
 appearance we had not fifty thousand men with which 
 to oppose it. Withal, we were in such a position that we 
 found ourselves obliged to risk an action against an in- 
 credible number of opponents without any possible chance 
 of avoiding it. Shut in as we were between two lines 
 of entrenchments, we could not disentangle ourselves by 
 means of a retreat, and meeting them in the open would 
 have been still more dangerous. 
 
 Several of the Turkish advanced parties made their 
 appearance on July 28th, and were followed by others 
 during the next day, who took up a position on the high 
 ground before our camp, but beyond the range of our 
 cannon. Soon afterwards a great number of their mounted 
 men rode towards our entrenchments, apparently to recon- 
 noitre, and to familiarise themselves gradually with them ; 
 they even came within gunshot, caracolling all the while, 
 but never for long on the same spot, and made signs as if 
 defying us to come out and exchange shots with them. 
 They let their horses go at such a speed that we could 
 hardly believe it possible that they could check them, 
 even right up to the brink of our ditches ; but so skilful 
 was their horsemanship that they stopped dead there, 
 and in an instant after had turned, and were dashing 
 round back to the rear again. As they wheeled round 
 they discharged their muskets at us, holding them in 
 one hand, and shouting in a loud voice, " Allah ! Allah ! " 
 This exhibition of riding, and the challenges thrown at us, 
 so excited some of our subalterns, cadets, and volunteers 
 of a lower grade who had followed the army with the idea 
 of getting employment therein, that they left the entrench- 
 ments on foot, and posted themselves in groups in order 
 to open fire upon these caracollers. Both sides acted as 
 though they were playing a game, without doing each 
 
420 THE ENEMY HEM US IN [chap, xiv 
 
 other much harm, and we spectators enjoyed the play as 
 much as they did. The enemy's army continued to in- 
 crease during July 30th and 31st, and finally encamped, 
 full in our view, along the surrounding heights, on which 
 the multitude of parti-coloured tents made a charming 
 picture. As fast as the Infidels arrived, the number of 
 caracollers in front of our entrenchments increased, and 
 the country around was also full of scattered men, doing 
 nothing apparently except trying to find something to 
 make the time pass. These were apparently officers, for 
 their turbans and robes were much cleaner than was usual 
 among their soldiers, and they were mounted upon excel- 
 lent horses. For the first few days our army was kept in 
 fighting formation in rear of the parapets, in readiness for 
 the attack that we were convinced was going to take place 
 on the enemy's arrival, and as soon as one of these cara- 
 collers appeared on the scene our people opened fire, and 
 both parties amused themselves in this way from morning 
 to night. Cannon also were fired at them, and as these 
 braggarts were constantly appearing, and were relieved by 
 others, there was a continual rattle going on which helped 
 the performance of the comedy, but had no other import- 
 ance. 
 
 The Ottoman troops were all encamped by August ist. 
 Their camp was very long and deep, and formed a com- 
 plete half-circle around our lines of circumvallation, so 
 that our army was entirely invested. The Turks had 
 scarcely settled themselves down before they began to 
 construct a long and deep parallel between them and 
 us, to protect their camp, and to strengthen this they 
 added to the central portion facing our camp an immense 
 oval entrenchment, with a good high parapet and a number 
 of embrasures for cannon. This oval fortification was on 
 as light eminence which commanded us and served them 
 
I7I7] OUR TRYING SITUATION 421 
 
 as a citadel, while the line of entrenchments upon which it 
 was placed, and which extended right and left of it so as 
 to shut us in, had smaller fortifications at each end, but 
 nothing comparable to the central one, which they made 
 their principal depot for their magazines and stores. The 
 reason why the Turks paid so much attention to all these 
 precautions was that a rumour of the same nature was 
 current among them as obtained with us ; we had believed 
 that they would attack us immediately on their arrival, 
 and they believed that Prince Eugene would leave his 
 entrenchments, and attack them as soon as they came in 
 sight. They had indeed intended to attack first, but after 
 reconnoitring our lines, they found them too strong to 
 carry by assault, and as they did not wish to run the risk 
 of any failure, they took the precaution of making this 
 fortified parallel to deprive us of the chance of rushing 
 them, in case we decided to attempt it. By this they not 
 only neutralised our fortifications, but shut us up within 
 them, and reckoned upon being able to blow us into the 
 air by means of mining operations, for they finally resolved 
 upon making approaches with trench and sap in regular 
 siege fashion. 
 
 These measures were by no means badly planned, and 
 were doubtless the outcome of wise counsel, and it is cer- 
 tain that had these people shown as much skill in the art 
 of fighting as they did in the arrangement of their works, 
 they would have utterly destroyed our army, and not a 
 man would have escaped to tell the tale. All Europe 
 knew of our trying situation, thanks to the news sent 
 home, which represented our case to be even worse than 
 it was, and we were looked upon as doomed men. The 
 greatest interest was taken as to what means Prince Eugene 
 might employ to extricate us ; much discussion arose both 
 for and against the boldness of his tactics, and the issue 
 
422 PRINCE EUGENE UNMOVED [chap, xiv 
 
 was awaited with impatience. Prince Eugene alone re- 
 mained unmoved by all this : it was not the first time that 
 he had waged war against the Infidels ; he knew their 
 limitations, and that the opportunity for him to strike his 
 blow would assuredly come in time. He was waiting to 
 see whether the enemy would not first commit themselves 
 to some line of action more detrimental to their cause than 
 that he had himself already planned, when he would take 
 advantage of the situation to attack them. 
 
 As soon as the general saw the barrier the Turks had 
 raised, he realised that they did not dare storm our 
 entrenchments, and that they had some entirely different 
 manoeuvre in their mind ; and having no longer any fear 
 on this point, he determined to make the best use of the 
 time at his disposal. To this end he resumed the siege 
 of the lower town, under the very eyes of this formidable 
 army, with as much energy as he had shown before its 
 arrival. He caused the trenches to be reoccupied and 
 furnished in every way which would hasten on the work ; 
 the battering of the proposed breach was carried on with 
 all possible vigour, and the shells caused terrible havoc. 
 He even went further, and ordered trenches to be opened 
 before the upper town, which had not been begun before 
 the arrival of the Turkish army, in order to occupy the 
 attention of the garrison, and still further to complete 
 their investment. In connection with this we attacked a 
 small fort which lay in a marsh, and took it by storm on 
 August 4th. We then attacked the post on the island 
 opposite the town, which consisted of a star-shaped 
 entrenchment held by two thousand men. General Merqy, 
 who had been detailed to command this expedition, had 
 a fit of apoplexy at the very moment it started, but as he 
 recovered himself in a short time, the movement was con- 
 tinued, and he was at the head of his troops when they 
 
171 7] WE SURPRISE AND CAPTURE A FORT 423 
 
 carried this post by assault at practically their first attempt. 
 The Turks defending it abandoned their position the 
 moment we closed with them, in order to seek the safety 
 of their boats, which were moored along the bank in case 
 of need, and took refuge in the town. 
 
 This island had protected a number of boats used by 
 them in maintaining the command of their part of the 
 river. It was also useful to them as a point from which 
 they could threaten our bridge over the Danube below it, 
 by launching fire-boats full of combustibles and fitted with 
 grappling hooks to hang on to it, and set it on fire, which, 
 however, they never succeeded in doing. Since the arrival 
 of their army these attempts had become more frequent ; 
 they thought it would keep us so occupied that we should 
 never dare to attack their island fort, and, on the other 
 hand, that they would be able to clear the river, destroy 
 our bridge, and open up a free communication between it 
 and Belgrade. The Infidels therefore were quite taken by 
 surprise when they saw us advancing to attack the island 
 on August nth, at a moment, too, when they thought 
 themselves safe from any such thing. We only had three 
 thousand infantry and three hundred and fifty cavalry, 
 owing to our deficiency of transport, to attack two thousand 
 Turks well entrenched. They ought to have made a fine 
 defence, but they deserted their post to save themselves in 
 the town ; and more than five hundred of their men were 
 killed or drowned before they ever reached their boats. 
 
 The garrison, by our capture of the Star Fort, now 
 found themselves entirely confined to the limits of the 
 town wall. They dared not show themselves outside, nor 
 even on the river-bank, which was too exposed to our fire. 
 We also took the native suburb, or Palanka, which lay on 
 the banks of the Save close up to the lower town, where we 
 were at work on the breach, thus giving us a direct road 
 
424 A SUCCESSFUL BOMBARDMENT [chap, xiv 
 
 to the point where the assault was to be made ; and we 
 seized an eminence, crowned by a mosque, near the upper 
 town on which we had already broken ground, which 
 enabled us to make better progress with our trenches and 
 advance our approaches. But the progress we had made 
 against the face of the lower town by means of our 
 trenches, and the mortar and cannon batteries that we 
 had in position across the Save, was far more considerable, 
 for being now able to destroy any of the buildings at will, 
 we had gradually ruined almost all the magazines the 
 enemy had in that quarter. I had the good fortune to 
 send one of the largest of these flying into the air on 
 the day on which I was on duty in the trenches, when 
 I held command there as major-general in the Emperor's 
 service, the rank of my predecessors in this duty. This 
 magazine was really a laboratory full of sulphur, pitch, 
 loaded grenades, match, shells, and all sorts of explosives. 
 It was impossible to check the conflagration which took 
 place during the entire day : the sulphur and pitch gave 
 it renewed force, whilst masses of loaded grenades and 
 shells added their explosions to the continual din. 
 
 I had this command on August 4th, and before taking 
 it over I went to receive my orders from Prince Eugene. 
 The Prince was good enough to tell me that his mind 
 was quite at ease now that my turn of duty had fallen 
 upon this particular day, for the Turks had placed two 
 large pieces of cannon near a certain tower in the upper 
 town, which had silenced five of our batteries already, and 
 no means of remedying this state of things had yet been 
 found. These two cannon were so completely masked 
 that our gunners could find no mark to aim at, and it thus 
 became absolutely necessary to construct another battery 
 to bear specially upon that flank of the tower near which 
 they lay; and as I understood better than anyone else how 
 
1717] I DEAL WITH A DIFFICULTY 425 
 
 this could be carried out, he hoped that I could arrange 
 this whilst I was in the trenches. This order gave me 
 extreme pleasure, and on arriving at the trenches I saw 
 too well the truth of his statement ; I found there one of 
 our batteries in the greatest disorder, the cannon of which 
 had been dismounted by our own gunners to save them 
 from actual destruction by the two large pieces in the 
 town. These men came up to me to point out the devasta- 
 tion that had taken place, and the further dangers that 
 awaited them if something was not done, and asked that 
 a number of workmen should be sent to heighten the 
 parapets of their battery and to strengthen them against 
 the fire of these cannon. Then the engineers arrived on 
 the scene, asking for an equal number of workmen to raise 
 epaulments and deepen their trenches and saps so as to 
 give the approaches that lay between the Danube and 
 Save more cover, and according to what each one asked 
 for I should have needed double the number at my dis- 
 position to satisfy all their demands. I was not unaware 
 of the fact that the gentlemen of the artillery are not 
 always in agreement with their brethren in the engineers 
 as to the employment of the working parties, and that 
 they get hold of them on their respective accounts when- 
 ever they can if they have any works in hand. To avoid 
 this, I told them that I was responsible for the affair and 
 would see that a just division should be made of the labour 
 at our disposal, which would content everyone, and that 
 all they need do was to second my efforts ; meanwhile I 
 should go round and look into the whole matter. 
 
 I began by making a reconnaissance of the neighbouring 
 ground, and finding a place which entirely commanded the 
 flank of the tower which had caused us so much damage, 
 I traced out there a battery for ten cannon, and set as 
 many workmen to work upon it as were necessary to finish 
 
426 PRINCE EUGENE'S COMMENDATION [chap, xiv 
 
 it. I then inspected the work which the engineers had in 
 hand, and after having calculated the number of workmen 
 that they required, I told them off to their duties, and even 
 then found I had some left over. I gave my personal 
 attention the whole night through to our new battery, 
 so that by break of day it was ready to open fire, and 
 shortly afterwards the enemy's two great cannon, which 
 had annoyed us so much, were dismounted before they 
 could make any effective reply. I at once reported this to 
 Prince Eugene, and informed him that all was quiet again in 
 this quarter. The Prince came himself, about ten o'clock in 
 the morning, accompanied by all the distinguished volun- 
 teers in the army, to inspect the construction and effect of 
 our new battery. He was most content with what he saw, 
 and with the gracious air which always accompanied his 
 praise, made me most complimentary remarks in the hear- 
 ing of our Bavarian Princes, who were delighted to hear such 
 praise given to an officer belonging to their troops in the 
 presence of such a gallant company. These young Princes, 
 owing to the chances of the last war, had never before 
 seen an army in the field, and were so full of enthusiasm 
 that they took a personal part in every operation, whenever 
 or wherever it took place. Their only wish was to see 
 their troops distinguish themselves above all the others. 
 Besides, it was not surprising to see such noble sentiments 
 evinced by the offspring of Roman Emperors of the House 
 of Otho, who had had the power to nominate the Pope him- 
 self, whenever the See became vacant. How could they, 
 descendants from such heroes and at the head of the 
 most important body of auxiliaries in the army, possibly 
 have an ignoble ambition? This desire for distinction took 
 such a strong hold upon them both that whenever any 
 notable action occurred between the Turks and the officers 
 of the army, other than those belonging to their own 
 
1717] JEALOUSY OF THE ELECTORAL PRINCE 427 
 
 troops, they would lament over their own lack of a similar 
 opportunity. I had already noticed on several occasions 
 how greatly this feeling had affected the Electoral Prince. 
 On one day in particular, when I had the honour of dining 
 with him, mention was made of a captain in the regiment 
 of Hesse Cassel, who had withstood an assault on the 
 redoubt which formed the tete-du-pont of our bridge over 
 the Save on July 14th. A hurricane had broken and 
 carried away the bridges, and the Turks, profiting by this, 
 attacked the redoubt with a considerable force. They 
 advanced with much energy and confidence, as they were 
 aware that there was no possibility of aid reaching it, and 
 had actually forced their way into the redoubt, but this 
 officer, with his sixty men only, made such a surprising 
 resistance that he repulsed and slew a great number of 
 them. Those present at table did not fail to do full justice to 
 his bravery, and as they were recounting the details of the 
 action, I watched the Prince's face. He seemed mortified, 
 and could not refrain from saying that the action would 
 have appeared a much finer one to him had the captain 
 belonged to his own troops, and that he would have given 
 anything if that had been the case. I at once took the 
 liberty of remarking that had his troops had the good 
 fortune to fight in times past under His Highness's 
 eyes, he would remember many an action having taken 
 place far more noteworthy than that under discussion, and 
 that he need have no doubt as to their valour and 
 reputation, their sole desire being an opportunity to prove 
 this, and that, according to all appearances, the campaign 
 was not likely to come to a finish before His Highness 
 would be satisfied on this point. I argued justly, for never 
 was a Prince more thoroughly pleased than he was during 
 the general action in which he could see his troops acting 
 alone, detached from the rest of the Imperial infantry. 
 
428 A TERRIFIC EXPLOSION [chap, xiv 
 
 deciding the day in favour of the Empire by means of 
 incredible valour, which was published abroad, and ap- 
 plauded by the Emperor and the whole of Europe. 
 
 Our batteries were quite safe from attack, since the 
 Turkish guns had been dismounted, and they continued 
 the work of creating a large and wide breach in the wall 
 of the lower town next to the native suburb. Our shells 
 for ever ravaged the town, and no house or mosque of any 
 size was allowed to escape destruction. Almost all the 
 magazines had by now been destroyed, excepting the 
 powder magazine, which contained an infinite number of 
 barrels, and which the besieged had taken every imagin- 
 able precaution to protect from injury. But it often 
 happens that, in cases deserving such extreme care and 
 attention, the grave fault of omission is committed, 
 and this happened to the besieged in the removal of the 
 powder from the magazine, which was quite bomb-proof 
 owing to the depth of the subterranean chambers in the 
 form of which it was constructed. It happened one day 
 that a leaky barrel caused the formation of a train of 
 powder leading from the interior of the magazine to the 
 last door outside, without its being noticed by those rolling 
 it along, and this communicated with the powder inside as 
 if it had been laid on purpose. One of our shells, which 
 then chanced to fall just outside the entrance, set light to 
 several barrels standing there, which in their turn lighted 
 the train, and thereby the magazine, which flew skywards 
 with such a terrific explosion that it even created a panic 
 in the enemy's camp outside. I was at the time in my tent, 
 together with several officers, and so great was the 
 shock that we all thought an earthquake had taken place. 
 This occurrence completed the destruction of the lower 
 town, which now presented the appearance of a mass of 
 broken stone and piles of debris of all kinds. All who 
 
1717] THE STAFF UNDER FIRE 429 
 
 happened to be in this quarter were buried under the 
 ruins of the houses, and it is said that more than four 
 thousand persons perished by this single catastrophe. 
 The Turkish army, scared by the great detonation, and 
 unable to realise its cause, left their camp and opened 
 fire with the whole of their artillery, to let the besieged 
 know that they were under arms and ready to fight, for 
 they had an idea that the noise they had just heard was 
 a signal of some kind made by them. They advanced 
 right up to our lines, and great numbers of their cara- 
 collers rode along our entrenchments making absurd 
 demonstrations with loud shouts of " Allah ! Allah ! " but 
 finding no sign of movement amongst us, they returned 
 to their camp again. This terrible occurrence happened 
 on August 14th, two days before the battle. 
 
 Whilst our attack on the Lower town was being so 
 vigorously pressed, our trenches in front of the Upper 
 town were also being pushed forward, so much so, that all 
 was in readiness to begin breaching operations to bear 
 there, but the same facilities did not exist for this as 
 in the case of the trenches across the Save. The cordon 
 of works with cannon which annoyed us even in our 
 camp, had to be destroyed first, during which operation, 
 on August 6th, a sad accident befell Count d'Estrade, 
 lieutenant-general in the King's army, and Mayor of 
 Bordeaux. Prince Eugene was on that day making 
 an inspection of the trenches then opened before the 
 town, with the Princes and noble volunteers following 
 in his train according to their custom, and whilst he was 
 observing the progress made in the new works, a cannon 
 ball from the town broke the leg of Count d'Estrade. 
 This nobleman had accompanied Prince de Dombes to 
 Hungary, and was riding with the staff of Prince Eugene. 
 The same cannon ball carried away the heel of one of 
 
43° DEATH OF COUNT D'ESTRADE [chap, xiv 
 
 Prince de Dombes' pages, who was as close to him as 
 Count d'Estrade himself, but notwithstanding the danger 
 he had gone through this young Prince showed not the 
 slightest trace of emotion. The Count's leg was amputated 
 and possibly recovery might have ensued, had not his 
 excitement, on the eve of the battle, brought on an attack 
 of fever, when his wound took a turn for the worse, and he 
 died two days later. 
 
CHAPTER XV 
 
 TURKISH ARMY OF RELIEF INVESTS PRINCE EUGENE — CAMP 
 BOMBARDED — ORDERS FOR THE ATTACK — ATTACK AT DAWN 
 — ASSAULT OF TURKISH LINES AND REDOUBT — PRINCE 
 
 EUGENE CONGRATULATES BAVARIAN CONTINGENT FLIGHT 
 
 OF TURKS AND SURRENDER OF BELGRADE — WINTER 
 QUARTERS IN UPPER HUNGARY — RETURN TO BELGRADE 
 AND END OF WAR — ENVOI 
 
 THE siege of Belgrade was carried on under the eyes 
 of the Ottoman army with as much order and regu- 
 larity as if the latter had not been present, but at the same 
 time we did not fail to take every precaution to prevent 
 any sudden surprise. Our troops were continually on duty 
 on the ramparts, to observe the movements and works 
 of the Turks, for the knowledge of their capricious and 
 impulsive method of attack, when in an instant they are 
 just as likely to rush upon one with an army corps as with 
 the smallest of detachments, obliged us to hold ourselves 
 ready from one moment to another. 
 
 Their tactics, however, turned out to be altogether 
 different to what we had expected, for it seemed that 
 the Grand Vizier was afraid to do anything precipitately, 
 in case he should suffer similar misfortunes to those of 
 his predecessor. He had amongst his army certain rene- 
 gades, skilled in the art of war, who gave him advice to 
 which he acceded ; they knew well the resistance we were 
 able to make behind our fortified and carefully constructed 
 
 431 
 
432 THE TURKS INVEST US [chap. xv. 
 
 entrenchments, and they counselled him to run no risks in 
 attempting to turn us out on the spot. They pointed out 
 to him that it would be necessary to open trenches, and 
 to attack us exactly as would be done in the case of 
 regular siege operations, and when he had sapped his way 
 to our trenches he should construct a series of mines to 
 blow up the entire camp at once, and should then, when 
 all was consequently in confusion, dash forward to the 
 attack, and victory would not fail him. The idea in this 
 scheme of thus neutralising our parapets was quite excel- 
 lent in principle, as the affair would then turn upon a 
 question of numbers, in which they were so superior, and 
 what between those in their army and those in the town 
 we should have been quite overwhelmed. It would also 
 have been in their power to keep a large corps in reserve 
 within their oval entrenchment, either to give support 
 in case of need or to cover their retreat if they were 
 not successful. The method of attack was sure, and 
 would have succeeded had not the position we found our- 
 selves in, owing to their works, obliged us to leave our 
 lines and attack them ourselves. The following describes 
 how they set to work. 
 
 When they had completed the long parallel which in- 
 vested us from flank to flank, and well garnished it with 
 artillery, they began, under its protection, to construct a 
 number of sap ways from their oval redoubt in the 
 direction of our camp. As soon as they had dug their 
 way a short distance, they made fresh and spacious 
 parallels, which served them as points for assembly, and 
 to cover their further operations ; thus they approached, 
 protected from our fire, and without fear of sorties. So 
 extended were their works that it became possible for 
 them to produce a force therefrom with a front consisting 
 of twenty thousand men, besides which their workmanship 
 
1717] WE KEEP UP A CONTINUAL FIRE 433 
 
 was marvellous. We watched their progress from our 
 ramparts day after day, and kept up a continual fire, but 
 this did not incommode them much, as they kept them- 
 selves well buried in their trenches. Little by little they 
 neared our ditches, and we began to find that we ran 
 more risk in showing our heads above the parapets in 
 order to fire upon them than they did. Never before, 
 in all probability, has a besieging army ever been seen 
 in such a case, besieged in its turn, and by the same 
 methods. 
 
 In fact the conditions were more favourable to those 
 investing us than to us who were besieging the town. 
 They hardly lost a man during the progress of their 
 works, had no need of cannon or shells for breachins 
 our ramparts, and had no complicated advanced work 
 or covered-way to deal with ; consequently their arrival 
 at our ditch was an assured affair. For our part, the 
 nearer they approached us the greater was the danger 
 that we ran, because when once their trenches had arrived 
 to within gunshot of our entrenchments, the fire that they 
 kept up to cover their workmen prevented our people 
 showing their heads, or even arms, to return the compli- 
 ment, or, at all events, without exposing themselves to 
 a considerable degree, because the nearer they approached 
 the higher our soldiers were obliged to raise themselves in 
 order to fire down upon them. The Turks had, moreover, 
 taken care to place nearly two hundred pieces of cannon 
 along the length of their grand parallel wherever there 
 was a rise in the ground, or in their entrenchments which 
 communicated with it, and all this artillery produced a 
 cross-fire which annoyed us terribly. Their cannon balls 
 fell in showers throughout our camp, and striking the 
 ground, which owing to the heat was extremely hard, 
 rebounded into the air time after time, finally falling as 
 
 2 F 
 
434 WE ARE BOMBARDED [chap, xv 
 
 if from the sky, and owing to their erratic course, fell 
 into many a place hitherto supposed to be sheltered from 
 them, but which now turned out to be as exposed as any 
 other. 
 
 Each regiment worked hard in the position it held to 
 place itself under cover from this cannonade, which began 
 at break of day and did not finish until dark; heavy 
 epaulements were raised opposite the enemy's batteries, 
 but the balls, striking the earth often as not, bounded over 
 them, and caused us much loss. We were almost all of 
 us exposed to this danger, for it was impossible to say 
 which place in the camp was the safest, and it practically 
 became a question of chance. I had had a place dug out 
 for me as a shelter wherein I was dining one day with 
 some officers as guests, and when dinner was cleared away 
 we left the table and sat down in some chairs close by. 
 A cannon ball, which had already ricochetted several 
 times, landed right in the middle of the table, and then 
 flew on its way beyond without hurting any one of us. 
 Another struck the ground in the midst of five of my 
 servants, and continued its course among my horses 
 picketed near by, but did no harm whatever. But there 
 were others which passed close by me and left their traces, 
 as in the case of a corporal who had his head taken off 
 by one at the very moment that he was speaking to me. 
 On that same day an officer who was riding past from 
 headquarters stopped for a moment to speak to me, when 
 a cannon ball carried away the quarters of his horse with- 
 out its rider coming to any harm whatever. Another ball 
 rolled between me and four other officers, who were out 
 walking together one evening, without touching one of 
 us. Three soldiers also were struck down together by 
 a single ball, just as I was about to move them to another 
 part of the parapet. The greatest risk I ran was at a 
 
1717] HAZARDOUS EXPERIENCES 435 
 
 place where our infantry were lining the first banquette 
 of the parapet, but I was lucky enough to catch sight of 
 the ball ricochetting towards me ; during its passage it 
 entered and upset several soldiers' tents, the fall of which 
 caught my eye, so that I had just time to throw myself 
 on one side, but an unhappy soldier standing close by me 
 received it full in his chest. Another day when I was 
 below, on the second banquette, two soldiers were sitting 
 side by side on the one above with their backs against the 
 parapet, their heads showing perhaps an inch and a half 
 above it, when a ball tore away the earth just at this point 
 and the tops of their two skulls, and then passed exactly 
 over my head, covering my coat with the brains of these 
 two unfortunates. To record all the accidents of this 
 nature would be impossible, but I wished to note those 
 from which chance had saved me, and, after all, I was no 
 more exposed to them than anyone else. 
 
 At nightfall the crashing of the bursting shells took the 
 place of cannon shot ; they threw them at us at all 
 possible angles, and at no fixed spot, so that it was a pure 
 chance where any one of them fell. Prince Eugene's 
 quarters were not exempt from them, for one of his cooks 
 had a leg blown off, and it was deemed wiser therefore to 
 move them further to the rear, and to a less exposed posi- 
 tion. Almost all the regiments struck their tents and 
 took shelter behind their parapets, to which they had 
 added epaulements to gain more cover ; but there was 
 a likelihood that this game could last too long, for ever 
 since August 3rd, up to the day of the battle, our time 
 was entirely occupied in seeking shelter from the rain of 
 shells and cannon balls. The fatigue of this, added to the 
 intense heat and poisonous atmosphere, weakened our 
 army more and more. The Turks were quite aware of 
 this, as from time to time they received among them one 
 
436 A TRYING FORTNIGHT [chap, xv 
 
 or another of our Christians, who deserted in order to 
 deny their own faith, and who at the same time informed 
 them of the ravages in our ranks caused by dysentery 
 and the terrible fire of their artillery. They reported that 
 our camp was nothing better than a hospital, and that 
 when the Turks had taken it, they would have to throw 
 the whole into the river to avoid infection. 
 
 Although we had two hundred pieces of cannon in our 
 entrenchments, which kept up a fire almost all the day 
 long, their effect was almost nil. Our batteries were not 
 on an equal footing with those of the enemy, for their 
 camp was beyond the range of our cannon, and ours was 
 too near their batteries to escape annoyance. The total 
 number of cannon in position on both sides, including 
 those of the town, in our trenches, and on the ships and 
 galleys, amounted to nine hundred pieces, and their in- 
 cessant fire would have been a pleasure to witness had 
 it not been for the danger which accompanied it. All 
 these batteries formed a circle around us, and it might 
 have been said that they were purposely arranged thus to 
 celebrate some rejoicings, so great was the order shown in 
 the succession of their volleys. 
 
 For fourteen days did we suffer the fearful whistling of 
 the cannon balls, but this was only a prelude to some 
 greater event which the near approach of the Infidel's 
 trenches seemed to portend. We had so far no notion 
 of their real intentions, and the strength and excellent 
 condition of our own entrenchments rendered our minds 
 quite easy should they attempt an assault. The ap- 
 proaches and trenches by means of which they had 
 worked up to us had given rise to the belief that their 
 design was to cover themselves from an artillery fire, and 
 thus gain a position close to our ditch, which done, some 
 fine morning at break of day we should find the whole 
 
17 17] PRINCE EUGENE'S INSPECTION 437 
 
 of their infantry swarming out therefrom to the attack. 
 In this expectation our infantry had never left our ram- 
 parts since these trenches had appeared near us. It never 
 entered our heads that they intended pushing them up to 
 our ditch, thence to undermine our parapets in order to 
 blow us into the air, when their entire army would be 
 ready to fall upon us, sword in hand, and take us by sur- 
 prise in the confusion that would inevitably occur. 
 
 Prince Eugene inspected, at least once a day, the entire 
 circuit of our entrenchments, and watched the Turkish 
 works for any indication showing an opportunity of which 
 he might take advantage. I admired the patience of the 
 General on these occasions, when he was accompanied by 
 all the princely volunteers and the distinguished people 
 in their train. Whenever he stopped to make an observa- 
 tion, these illustrious volunteers, in their ardour and 
 curiosity, pushed themselves forward to get into the best 
 place from which they could see what had attracted the 
 General's attention, without noticing that they crowded 
 past him and blocked his view ; whilst he, for his part, 
 waited patiently until they had satisfied their curiosity 
 before he moved forward to look into the matter. This 
 inspection took place daily from August 3rd to i6th, with 
 no further casualties than those occurring to Count 
 d'Estrades and Prince de Dombes' page. 
 
 Prince Eugene, seeing that the Turks had closed in 
 upon us until they were only the distance of a pistol-shot 
 from the brink of our ditch, and that our soldiers could 
 not show their heads above the parapets on account of the 
 fire from the trenches, now judged it time to take in hand 
 the danger that was threatening us. It was no longer 
 a question of relying upon our entrenchments, as their 
 tactics would render them not only useless to us, but 
 even a hindrance. The evil was urgent, and would 
 
438 A COUNCIL OF WAR [chap, xv 
 
 have been past remedy had we delayed any longer the 
 expedient of leaving our lines to give them battle, because 
 there would have been hardly distance enough left between 
 our ditches and their trenches for us to get into fighting 
 formation. The Prince made his usual inspection on 
 August iSth, and having seen the urgency of our case 
 stopped at ten o'clock in the morning at the section held 
 by our Bavarian troops, which was just opposite the centre 
 of the infidels' works, their strongest point. Count Thaun, 
 lieutenant-general in the Emperor's army, had dug a 
 trench in the earth close under our banquette, roofed it 
 with his tent, and had taken up his abode therein. Prince 
 Eugene entered this, and as the day was that of the Feast 
 of the Virgin, had Mass celebrated, after which he entered 
 into conversation with some of the generals and tested 
 the opinion of each of them. At that moment I happened 
 to be on the banquette behind this tent in ignorance of 
 what was going on, when one of these general officers left 
 it, came up to me, casually remarked that the Turks had 
 now got very close to us, and then went on to ask me 
 what I should do if I was in command. I said at once 
 that I should have made a sortie and fallen upon them 
 two days ago, and that the case seemed to me to be very 
 pressing indeed. He left me a moment later and re- 
 entered the tent, the occupants of which remained therein 
 for some time longer, by which I then saw that something 
 important was being discussed, and that I had been ques- 
 tioned purposely. When he came out again he came up 
 close to me, and whispered in my ear, "You will have 
 your wish ! " 
 
 That afternoon Prince Eugene summoned all the senior 
 general officers of his army to his own quarters, where he 
 held a Council of War. It was decided that our army 
 should the next night leave camp by its various exits in 
 
1717] WE RECEIVE OUR ORDERS 439 
 
 order to take up our line of battle by daybreak. Orders 
 were drawn up regarding the details to be observed in 
 the attack, and were sent in writing to all commanding 
 officers. I received mine between six and seven o'clock 
 that evening, according to which all our troops were to 
 begin to pass through four of the exits leading towards 
 the enemy's flanks at midnight precisely, that is to say, 
 by the two on the right and the two on the left of our 
 line, with the least possible noise. Each brigade was 
 told off to the particular gate it had to leave by, that 
 furthest on our right being assigned to the cavalry of 
 our right wing, the infantry of the latter leaving by 
 the next in order, which was nearer the siege works of 
 the Turks. Similar orders were given to both wings, 
 and with respect to the two exits on our left. After 
 passing the gates the infantry were directed to turn 
 and defile up the ditch, those on the right of our camp 
 to their left, and those on the left to their right, so that 
 these two columns might meet and form up opposite the 
 centre of the Turks, taking up their fighting order between 
 our ditches and their trenches. It was of vital importance 
 that our infantry should be in position before daybreak, 
 because it would have been quite impossible to have 
 accomplished this defile in sight of the enemy, as their 
 proximity and our exposed flank would have led at once 
 to a passage of arms ; therefore success could only be 
 secured under cover of darkness. It was also noted in 
 these orders that there was no reason to suppose that the 
 Infidels expected a sortie on our part, and that we should 
 not be observed by them, provided that no manoeuvre 
 was attempted which vi'ould discover our march; moreover, 
 that we could hardly mistake our way, as we had the edge 
 of our ditch as a guide, which was not to be left under 
 any consideration ; and, further, that when our two columns 
 
440 OUR TROOPS ARE CAUTIONED [chap, xv 
 
 had effected their junction and taken up their battle forma- 
 tion, they were to remain halted and in their places until 
 daybreak, in order that the attack might be made with 
 greater precision. The cavalry was ordered when the 
 infantry was in position along the entire front of Turkish 
 trenches to proceed well beyond the enemy's flanks, so 
 that when the infantry attack was delivered at daybreak 
 it should make a simultaneous onslaught and carry dis- 
 order among the unsuspecting Turks. There was to be 
 no drawing of rein or slackening of fire, the movement 
 was to be ever forwards in the direction of their great 
 oval entrenchment, which it was absolutely necessary that 
 we should carry by assault ; for in this only lay our salva- 
 tion, and as soon as we had captured it we were to see 
 to the holding of it, rather than to be led far afield in a 
 pursuit, as therein lay the key to victory. 
 
 One noted in these orders that the fighting position 
 of our Bavarian infantry was still the same as on the 
 ramparts, namely, exactly opposite the centre of the 
 Turkish works, the point at which the Infidels were sure 
 to offer their greatest resistance. No thought had been 
 given as to which quarter the moon happened to be in ; 
 if it had been up our army would have been utterly lost, 
 but it happily set before midnight. The sortie that we 
 were about to make was absolutely a case of conquer or 
 die on our part, for if we had got the worst of it we had 
 no chance whatever of withdrawing. The Turks are so 
 marvellously quick and agile in their sabre charges, that 
 if we showed the slightest sign of giving way before them, 
 our destruction was assured. We had already cautioned 
 our troops against being scared by the yells they make in 
 battle, and gave them to understand that the Turks only 
 had recourse to this method of frightening their enemies 
 because they themselves realised their own want of courage. 
 
1717] OUR REDUCED NUMBERS 441 
 
 We also warned them to reserve their fire, because as soon 
 as our enemy saw that we had discharged our muskets 
 they would avail themselves of their greater skill in the 
 use of the sabre to throw themselves upon us, and we 
 should be cut down before we had had time to reload. 
 On the other hand, it was necessary to maintain a steady 
 unwavering advance upon them, with bayonets fixed, with- 
 out regarding their terrifying cries, and finally that all 
 depended on our composed and collected bearing. We 
 further impressed upon them that the slightest slip on our 
 part would not escape their notice, and that steadiness and 
 an unswerving advance were essential to our success. 
 
 All our commanding officers realised the importance of 
 the work in hand. We were about to attack a formidable 
 army, fifty thousand men of which (for the most part 
 janissaries) were occupying the trenches in front of us. 
 These troops were supported by the whole of the re- 
 mainder of their force, which could easily be moved in a 
 very short time to the point of attack, while, should they 
 be driven back, they had their great parallel with its 
 fortified oval redoubt to retire on, which a small body of 
 troops could hold against an entire army. To surmount 
 this formidable array of obstacles we had but a force 
 weakened by furnishing the various detached posts we had 
 to occupy, the fatigues it had gone through, and the 
 ravages caused by dysentery. In fact, all we could muster 
 for the sortie, counting cavalry as well as infantry, only 
 amounted to between thirty-five and forty thousand men, 
 leaving five thousand in our entrenchments to oppose the 
 garrison of Belgrade, should it attempt to attack our rear 
 during the night. This garrison alone, almost equal in 
 strength to our army, could have penetrated our lines of 
 contravallation in a moment, for the five thousand men we 
 left in camp to defend them were in no way sufficient 
 
442 WE FORM FOR THE ATTACK [chap, xv 
 
 either to occupy them or to make anything of a stand 
 against thirty thousand. It might have been taken for 
 granted that the garrison would turn out at the first signal 
 from their army, and having soon captured our camp, 
 would proceed to attack our rear. We should never have 
 been able to withstand both these attacks without falling 
 into confusion, even if we had time to offer any defence at 
 all, for the surprise would have been too great, and owing 
 to the encouragement mutually afforded by the enemy's 
 two armies, not a Christian would have been left between 
 them to tell the tale of our defeat. The Infidels, who are 
 accustomed to travel vast distances when they have won a 
 victory, would then have overrun all the Empire, and the 
 safety of Italy even could not have been guaranteed. 
 
 This, then, was the state of affairs when we found our- 
 selves staking all on one cast. We fell into our places 
 behind our entrenchments before dark, to obviate confu- 
 sion as much as possible, the leading regiments close up to 
 the gates, with the remainder in rear according to their 
 places in the column, and as soon as all were covered we 
 ordered our men to sit down to wait till the time came for 
 moving out. This was a most excellent arrangement, for if 
 we had postponed the parade any later, we should hardly 
 have been able to have carried it out, so dark did it 
 become when the moon set. In the dark it is necessary to 
 tread on the heels of the men in front to follow correctly. 
 I lay down on a little straw at the head of my men whilst 
 we were waiting to move out, and, as no one made the 
 slightest noise, fell asleep for a moment or two ; but the 
 sleep that comes over one on such occasions, whatever the 
 story-tellers may say, is never a very tranquil one. I 
 had already taken the precaution of seeing that my can- 
 teens were well filled with provisions, including plenty of 
 wine, which were then packed upon a horse so that they 
 
1717] A FRIENDLY FOG 443 
 
 might follow me. I have always taken care to do this, 
 finding it to be of the greatest use on all occasions of the 
 sort, but perhaps never more so than on this day, for after 
 the battle everyone suffered from hunger, and still more 
 from thirst, and many officers of rank who had not shown 
 the same forethought were much relieved to find that I 
 had wherewithal to minister to their needs. 
 
 At last the hour named arrived, and the four columns 
 began to move, but we did not find the order of our march 
 to be as easy as we had imagined, for it so happened that 
 the cavalry column, which took a wide sweep outwards so 
 as not to impede our infantry, who were making for the 
 edge of our ditch, found its passage barred by a ravine 
 which ran up towards our entrenchments. It was there- 
 fore obliged to skirt the ditch where the infantry should 
 have marched, and as this passage-way was so narrow that 
 few could pass at a time, some were obliged to wait whilst 
 others pushed on to be first, and the result was delay and 
 confusion. It took so long to get past this point that day- 
 light began to appear before we had all left the entrench- 
 ments and recovered our places in the column. We then 
 fully believed that there was no further hope for us, for 
 how could we possibly move with an exposed flank along 
 the enemy's works to take up our proper position in front 
 of them ? They were not a pistol-shot away from the edge 
 of our ditch ; the daylight increased, and there seemed to 
 be no doubt but that they would discover our march, and 
 then profit by the position of affairs to signal to the garri- 
 son, who would reply by making a sortie upon us. As it 
 was, we were within a hair's breadth of our ruin when we 
 found the hand of the Almighty extended to help us. 
 
 Scarcely had daylight begun to appear, when an ex- 
 tremely dense fog arose, the first we had seen since we 
 pitched our camp. As the light increased, so did the fog ; 
 
444 UNACCOUNTABLE IMMUNITY [chap, xv 
 
 it enveloped us as in a cloud, and although it rendered us 
 invisible to our opponents, we could see about ten paces in 
 front of us. This divine assistance was of far greater use 
 to us than the obscurity of night would have been, for the 
 noise caused by our march was converted into a smothered 
 sound, which, as they saw nothing and knew how close 
 they were to our entrenchments, the enemy imagined must 
 proceed from behind our parapets, whereupon they opened 
 a terrific fire through the fog, with the result that a con- 
 tinual stream of missiles were rushing just over our heads. 
 The whistling created by this hurricane of balls and bullets 
 was so vehement that it could not fail to cause some fear. 
 It really seemed as if they were all passing close to our 
 ears, for we had no idea whether they were actually aimed 
 at us or not. The particular position that I was in was far 
 worse than that of the men on foot, for I was on horseback, 
 as is the usual custom among the commanding officers of 
 foreign troops in action, and had the shots been aimed the 
 least bit lower, I should have been the first to have caught 
 them ; as it was, my horse was so frightened at this con- 
 tinuous rattle that he kept his head turned away from 
 it close to his side. Yet that strange fate, which either lets 
 us go scot-free or nullifies every precaution we may take 
 decreed that one of our colonels and the lieutenant of my 
 own company, who was marching close alongside of my 
 horse, should fall at one of the first of the enemy's volleys, 
 whilst I, who, humanly speaking, ran far greater risk than 
 they did, received no hurt whatever, either then or during 
 the battle, which lasted for six consecutive hours. 
 
 Although the fog did not last very long, the action 
 began before it had cleared away ; but this was owing to 
 an accident. The Mar^chal de Palphy, who was superin- 
 tending the right wing of our cavalry, was marching it 
 forward to gain the flank of the Turks when he met with 
 
17 1 7] THE SURPRISE OF THE TURKS 445 
 
 a long trench lying across his path that they had con- 
 structed during the night, and which he had been unaware 
 of owing to the fog. He was on the point of dashing 
 into this when his cavalry was subjected to such a heavy 
 fire from it that they were obliged to fall back, after 
 losing a great number of men ; he, however, continued 
 his advance later on more in the direction of the 
 enemy's camp. A portion of our infantry wing, which 
 outflanked the front of these works, moved to the support 
 of General Palphy, and the action gradually became 
 general in the obscurity of the fog. The Turks, owing to 
 its density, were unable to grasp the situation, and fired 
 away in front of them without seeing a single person to 
 aim at. We, for our part, contented ourselves with occa- 
 sional discharges from small groups, sufficient only to 
 maintain our communication with each other, and which, 
 delivered, as they were, right in the faces of the enemy, 
 scared them to such a degree that they fell back in con- 
 fusion to seek cover in their trenches. Whilst we took 
 advantage of this by seizing and occupying several of their 
 saps and trenches, the fog lifted as rapidly as if a curtain 
 had been drawn at a window, and allowed us the sight 
 of the finest day one could have wished for. Upon this 
 the Turks, still in disorder, and seeing our troops advanc- 
 ing upon them front and flank, determined in aspect and 
 with unbroken ranks, were seized with the fear of being 
 surrounded, for our army had all the appearance to them 
 of being more numerous and imposing than it really was. 
 
 Then their troubles increased, for far from attempting to 
 restore order in their ranks, they rushed first to one trench 
 and then to another, firing at random in a way that enabled 
 us continually to gain ground. However, as there was a 
 very considerable distance to cover before all these works 
 could be cleared and their great entrenchment reached, it 
 
446 A DIFFICULT ADVANCE [chap, xv 
 
 was highly important that they should be kept on the 
 move. Our Bavarian infantry, being opposite the centre 
 of this net-work of ditches, were exposed to a merciless 
 fire, and owing to their position, were called upon to make 
 the greatest efforts to force all these works in detail, and 
 thus indeed decide the fate of the battle. 
 
 As soon as the fog had vanished, and the Turks had 
 gained a clear view, they poured a terrific fire upon us, 
 which killed a number of our people, but in no way 
 checked the ardour of my men ; they made use of a most 
 varied assortment of weapons, for javelins and arrows 
 accompanied the bullets that fell amongst us. Being 
 mounted, I attracted their special attention, and, more- 
 over, in my red coat, I doubtless appeared in their esti- 
 mation as a person of importance, for one of their number, 
 a man of great stature, hurled a javelin at me, which 
 passed close by my side and buried itself in the ground. 
 I had it brought to me, and having sheathed my sword, 
 carried this javelin for the rest of the day. I also had the 
 luck to notice in time a janissary kneeling behind a ditch 
 in order to take a steady aim at me, owing, no doubt, to 
 my horse and red coat. I had just time to turn my 
 charger sufficiently to escape being hit when at the very 
 same moment an arrow grazed my shoulder and pierced 
 the arm of a soldier in one of our rearmost ranks. 
 
 Our situation was a trying one, as we were only able to 
 advance by forcing and carrying by assault a succession 
 of trenches, of which there were a great number occupy- 
 ing a wide extent of ground, before arriving at the great 
 battery. This obliged us to appear in the open time after 
 time to contend with opponents who were under cover, 
 and who, consequently, had every advantage over us. Such 
 was the lot of the Bavarians throughout the whole battle, 
 which could be well compared with the experiences they 
 
17 1 7] THE BAVARIANS LEAD THE ATTACK 447 
 
 underwent at Schelemberg. But what will seem to be 
 really extraordinary is the fact that this body of infantry, 
 occupying a central position in our line of battle, fought 
 single-handed and unsupported except by one battalion 
 of the regiment of Hesse Cassel, drove its way through 
 the Turkish lines to the foot of the great battery, and 
 then, after halting for a moment to re-form, stormed, took 
 it, and planted the Bavarian colours in this stronghold, 
 and finally had to wait until the unharmed and slow- 
 moving Imperial infantry had joined them. 
 
 One would have naturally imagined that the right and 
 left of the line would have advanced in a similar manner, 
 and thus have supported our flanks ; as a matter of fact, 
 not having anything like such difficulties to deal with, they 
 could easily even have got on ahead and forestalled us. 
 However, it was not only quite the other way, but one 
 of their generals did his best to delay us at the very 
 beginning of our advance, and if we had obeyed him, the 
 Turks would have had an opportunity of remedying their 
 disorder, taking up the offensive, and defeating us. 
 
 Our Bavarian troops, before the fog disappeared, had 
 already made a beginning by capturing several trenches, 
 so that when it became clear they were discovered to 
 be quite separated and well in advance of the remaining 
 battalions. 
 
 The general officer commanding this section of our 
 line had actually taken the precaution of covering the 
 front of his own infantry with chevaux-de-frise without 
 allowing them to leave the counter-scarp of our ditch, 
 as if he himself dreaded an attack on the part of the 
 Turks ; and when he saw us thus detached he despatched 
 his aide-de-camp with an order for us to return and rejoin 
 him. 1 felt that this order must have been dictated by 
 reasons of which we were ignorant, and that it was obliga- 
 
448 A DIFFERENCE OF OPINION [chap, xv 
 
 tory to obey it, so I checked my men in order to file them 
 along a trench in this direction ; but as soon as the Turks 
 caught sight of this movement, they left their cover, and 
 with fearful yells, prepared to charge down upon us. 
 Seeing this, I re-formed my force in its original position to 
 resist this attack, whereupon they at once re-entered their 
 trenches. The General, thinking we had no intention 
 of rejoining him, sent his aide-de-camp a second time to 
 repeat the order with an earnestness which convinced me 
 of the importance of acting upon it. I again, therefore, 
 began to move my men towards the point named, when 
 the Turks at once prepared to resume their attack. I then 
 saw that the manoeuvre which we were desired to carry 
 out would undoubtedly be very prejudicial to the end we 
 had in view, and that we ought, on the contrary, to devote 
 our energy entirely to keeping the enemy for ever on the 
 move by constantly pressing them in what order we could. 
 I re-formed my men a second time just as the Turks 
 showed signs of making their sortie, and was preparing to 
 advance when the aide-de-camp appeared for the third 
 time with the same order, annoyed that it had not been 
 already obeyed ; but I no longer saw it in his light. 
 I told him that he could inform his general that I 
 possessed Prince Eugene's written instructions as to what 
 I had to do, and that these were not that we were merely 
 to hold a defensive position on the edge of our ditch 
 behind chevaux-de-frise, for by this means we should 
 never drive the enemy out of his trenches, and still less 
 carry the great entrenchment by assault as he expressly 
 ordered should be done. I further told him that he could 
 remain where he was as long as he saw fit, as we would 
 form a chevaux-de-frise to protect him, and I then resumed 
 our advance with all the eagerness in the world. This, 
 then, explains how it was that our infantry fought un- 
 
17 1 7] THE JOY OF THE ELECTORAL PRINCES 449 
 
 supported, excepting by one battalion of the regiment 
 of Hesse Cassel. Their uniforms were blue like our own ; 
 they followed our steps without flinching, and, indeed, 
 never left us. 
 
 It took us four long hours to fight our way from trench 
 to trench, so great were their numbers and the extent 
 of ground they covered. Our colours waved before the 
 eyes of the generals, and distinguished volunteers and, in 
 fact, the whole army, alone in the midst of the smoke and 
 storm of shot ; at one moment they were swallowed up in 
 the trenches, and the next were seen rising beyond them, 
 always advancing and ever gaining ground from the Turks. 
 This sight filled our princes with a great joy, though the 
 uncertainty of the outcome might well have caused them 
 to hesitate to show it. We received no help from anyone 
 in this rough work, though I ought to give a word of 
 praise to the dragoons and cuirassiers, who, as soon as 
 they saw us engaged, left the left flank and found a way 
 across a large number of trenches, in order to form up 
 in our rear and act in support of us. The dragoons 
 of Wurtemburg were the first to arrive ; they deployed 
 into a solid and deep line, which in its turn was prolonged 
 by the cuirassiers. But this reinforcement hardly eased 
 the efforts we had to put forth to maintain our advance, as 
 we now had to level passages for the cavalry at every 
 trench we took by throwing the earthen parapets into the 
 ditches to enable the horses to cross over. Although we 
 only profited by their presence, the labour incurred thereby 
 was a pleasure to us, and they seemed to infuse our 
 Bavarians with a greater spirit of emulation than ever. 
 Although these were really very fine troops, they found 
 themselves unable to take as active a part in the work 
 as we did; still they were always at hand and ready to 
 be made use of as a last resource. At last we found that 
 
 2 G 
 
452 GREAT ENTRENCHMENT ASSAULTED [chap, xv 
 
 as far to the front as we are," I replied ; " we have paved 
 your way so far, and if we could have reached this point 
 surely you could do likewise, and follow a finer example 
 than you have set." 
 
 It was now perfectly obvious to me that we could not 
 expect to receive any further assistance, and that we should 
 have to finish single-handed the work in hand just as we 
 had begun it. I therefore at once dismounted, and we 
 forthwith began the assault of the great entrenchment. 
 The Turks now immediately redoubled their yelling and 
 howling, but nothing shook the determination of our men ; 
 they took no notice of the risks incurred, one and all 
 furiously clambered up through a hail of shot and fire, and 
 we finally threw ourselves into the work with such rapidity 
 that the Turks were seized with a panic and took to flight. 
 I ought to say, however, that, when climbing up the 
 parapet, I caught sight of a line of Imperialist infantry 
 approaching from our left in order to join us, and at no 
 great distance from us, but those on our right on whom we 
 had been ordered to retire did not put in an appearance for 
 some time after the flight of the Turks. 
 
 As soon as we had gained the interior of this great work, 
 we lost not a moment in turning its cannon upon the 
 enemy ; I had them served with cartridge and ball as 
 promptly as possible, and we had no sooner begun to 
 effect this than I saw the Grand Vizier himself, half-way 
 between the spot where we were and his camp. He had 
 halted with a large group of officers formed in a circle 
 around him, as if he was holding a council of war. Here, 
 I thought, was an opportunity for showing a piece of polite- 
 ness by saluting the generals before attending to the rank 
 and file, so as soon as the first cannon were loaded, I had 
 them laid and fired upon this distinguished assemblage, with 
 the result that one ball alone diminished their number by 
 
1717] PRAISE FROM PRINCE EUGENE 453 
 
 three, who were left dead on the field. This group was 
 so astonished to find their own cannon opening fire upon 
 them that each individual straightway fled at the top of his 
 speed in the direction of their camp. Then with this fine 
 example before their eyes, their cavalry and infantry did 
 their best to follow it by the same road, and this scattered 
 mob of troops made off at such a speed that they soon 
 became completely lost to our view. I took care, however, 
 that they should have a constant accompaniment of cannon 
 shots to attend them in their flight, which were fired at 
 random among them, and I have no doubt that the 
 whistling of the balls added strength to their legs and 
 put more life into their movements. My charger now 
 arrived, led by the drummer to whom I had handed it over 
 at the time of the assault, and I was riding around to 
 superintend my soldiers in their novel work as artillerymen 
 when an officer came up to tell me that Prince Eugene and 
 the princely volunteers were coming our way. I advanced 
 to meet him, to take over any orders he might wish to give 
 me, but the instant that he halted, the Electoral Prince 
 pushed his way through the crowd, fell on my neck, and 
 did me the honour to kiss me in the height of his joy with 
 inexpressible tenderness. He almost had tears in his eyes. 
 Prince Eugene was good enough to add much praise to the 
 caresses of the Electoral Prince, regarding the part we had 
 taken in the course of the action. Whilst these com- 
 pliments were being showered upon us, an Imperialist 
 general arrived on the scene so full of what we had done 
 that he broke in upon what the Prince was saying in order 
 to explain the success of the Bavarian troops, to whose 
 undaunted conduct he attributed the success of the battle, 
 adding that their colours were always to be seen leading 
 the advance, alone and unsupported, their men never 
 wavered once during the action, but had stuck to their 
 
454 COMMENTS ON THE BATTLE [chap, xv 
 
 work until they had crowned it by the capture of the 
 great entrenchment. 
 
 Prince Eugene heard him out, and then replied in a 
 quiet voice, " Well, well, sir, in what way have these men 
 improved upon their usual behaviour ? " 
 
 "Ah, sir," I cried, "how delicately can your Highness 
 fashion a compliment ! " and truly the answer he made 
 expressed all that one could possibly have wished said. 
 
 Perhaps those who may read my memoirs, and who 
 have not heard the Battle of Belgrade properly discussed, 
 will think that there is too much onesidedness in the 
 details I have just given. I admit even that the rank 
 that I held in the Bavarian troops might afford grounds 
 to suspect me of this. But there are too many dis- 
 tinguished witnesses of this action for me to dare to 
 tamper with the truth of the facts, in order to pander to 
 my own vanity by doing honour to the Bavarians. Those 
 who before me wrote on the subject had no reason to show 
 any preferences, and I cannot prove my sincerity better 
 than to quote word for word a passage to be found in 
 the second volume of the book called The Campaigns of 
 Prince Eugene in Hungary, p. 331, to wit : — 
 
 "It would be impossible to give too high praise to the 
 Bavarian infantry ; they contributed enormously to the 
 winning of the battle, for, carried away by their warlike 
 ardour in the heat of the action, they left the first line 
 in which they had been posted, notwithstanding the efforts 
 of generals commanding their wing to keep them there, 
 and the various attempts to moderate their impetuosity ; 
 they unceasingly pressed on in advance upon the Turks, 
 opened up a way through them, and by putting to flight 
 all who opposed them, gave time and opportunity to the 
 troops following in rear to form up and get into fighting 
 formation. Finally, when at one point after another this 
 
r7i7] THE TURKS IN FULL FLIGHT 
 
 455 
 
 infantry found itself joined by otlier bodies of troops, it 
 renewed its efforts, took up its advance again and drove 
 its vi^ay through the enemy, and continued these tactics 
 until the battle was finally won. The whole army 
 witnessed this fine feat of arms, and Monsieur the Prince 
 Electoral of Bavaria, who with the other volunteers always 
 accompanied Monsieur the Prince Eugene, was so over- 
 whelmed with joy at the sight of this that after the final 
 shock he ran and kissed Monsieur de la Colonie, colonel 
 of his own regiment, who had greatly distinguished him- 
 self in the fight." 
 
 Thus I have but given fuller details of facts which have 
 been already stated publicly in print, a single paragraph 
 of which includes more praise than will be found in several 
 of those in my memoirs put together. In my account of 
 these deeds I have had but in view the glory of the Elector 
 of Bavaria and his troops, and there is no ground for belief 
 that a self-seeking spirit is involved. The public accounts 
 have flattered me more than I should ever dare to do, and 
 it would certainly not strike me as seemly to say that I 
 had distinguished myself in the way reported in the book 
 I have quot ' above. 
 
 The Turks ^ by this time in full flight, and the 
 
 whole of our arm_,, which had now come up and joined 
 us, took up its position beyond the great parallel in battle 
 formation, in order to observe whether the enemy's rout 
 was assured or not. Prince Eugene wished to have no 
 doubt upon a point of such importance, so kept his army 
 in readiness to fight exactly as if the enemy were in front 
 of him, and detached several hussar and native regiments 
 in pursuit of the infidels to discover how and in what 
 order they were making their retreat. Although the 
 Turkish camp lay open before us, not a man left the 
 ranks in search of loot ; our troops were kept strictly in 
 
4S6 WELL-REGULATED SPOLIATION [chap, xv 
 
 hand, as it was feared lest the excitement caused by 
 pillaging would produce confusion among them. It has 
 often happened that leave given to pillage has brought 
 about the loss of a new-born victory when the disorder 
 created among the plundering victors has given the con- 
 quered an opportunity of rallying and profiting by the 
 confusion. As soon as it was reported to the general that 
 the Turks were completely routed, and that the regiments 
 sent in pursuit of them were fully engaged in slaying the 
 fugitives, he ordered thirty men from each battalion and 
 regiment of cavalry to go and collect everything that had 
 been left in the camp ; he directed that the articles they 
 brought in, of whatever description, should be taken to 
 each unit, in order that an equitable distribution should 
 be made. The troops told off for this duty grounded 
 their arms, and were marched to the enemy's camp with 
 as much order and regularity as if they had been entering 
 upon some fresh manoeuvre, whilst the army itself remained 
 under arms until their return. This was the opportunity 
 to produce my canteens and provisions, which proved most 
 welcome; the rest and tranquillity had aroused our hunger 
 and thirst, and as we now had a good chance of doing 
 things in an orderly manner, all of our officers who needed 
 sustenance got their share, and never did repast give such 
 great satisfaction. 
 
 The loot from the enemy's camp did not amount to 
 much, with the exception of the Grand Vizier's tent (which 
 was reserved for Prince Eugene) and those of the Pashas. 
 The battle had lasted six hours, so that they had had ample 
 time to save the best of their possessions. They only left 
 behind them the heaviest and most difficult things to carry 
 off, such as provisions, coffee, camels, buffaloes, waggons, 
 and tents, I had for my share a magnificent eagle of a 
 very fine breed, which had belonged to the Grand Vizier; 
 
1717] SURRENDER OF BELGRADE 457 
 
 I had him sent to Bordeaux, where he died from poison. 
 We returned to our camp in peace, Prince Eugene in the 
 meantime sending in pursuit of the enemy yet more 
 squadrons of Hght cavalry, which for three days inflicted 
 a frightful slaughter among them. So panic-stricken were 
 they that the Grand Vizier, who had retired in the first 
 instance to a town called Semendria, with tne intention of 
 rallying the ddbris of his army, thought his position there 
 to be so dangerous that he suddenly left it, after setting it 
 on fire, as he feared we might occupy it to our profit. 
 The peasants also of the neighbouring provinces threw 
 themselves upon the runaways and slew numbers of them, 
 and their rout, together with their loss on the field of 
 battle, cost them more than twenty-eight thousand men, 
 while we, who never proceeded further afield, lost over 
 eight thousand. 
 
 This defeat brought about the fall of Belgrade, and the 
 garrison's sole thought now was to arrange a capitulation. 
 Their surprise was great when they learned of the complete 
 rout of the Ottoman army, as they had been waiting a 
 signal from the latter to leave their lines and fall upon 
 us. The officers of the garrison told us that they never 
 dreamed that we were in a position to attack their 
 entrenched army seriously, and this was why they had 
 determined to remain inactive. After such an extra- 
 ordinary miracle, therefore, they had no hesitation in sub- 
 mitting themselves to the dictates of Fortune. The 
 Seraskier in command offered terms the morning after the 
 battle, when the Articles were all signed, and a gate of the 
 town was handed over to our keeping. Four days' grace 
 were given to the inhabitants, so that the Mohammedan 
 element could leave with their families for any part of the 
 country they might choose for their habitation, and a large 
 number of boats were placed at their disposal, for use in 
 
458 PUNISHMENT FOR RENEGADES [chap, xv 
 
 the transport of themselves, their goods, and chattels. 
 These people were much to be pitied, for they left the 
 most part of their possessions and elected to go out into 
 the world rather than give up their religious faith, whilst 
 the Jews, native inhabitants, and schismatic Greeks re- 
 mained in the town in the enjoyment of all their goods. 
 The Governor was also obliged to hand over to us all the 
 Christian slaves, and the deserters who had left our army 
 and entered the town. It is astonishing that Christians 
 could have ever been so foolish as to give themselves up to 
 a garrison at a moment when it was in danger of being 
 captured, and that they should have abjured their religion 
 in the hope of ensuring their liberty. These unhappy 
 people were all handed over to us, and what seemed most 
 extraordinary to me was to see among them an Italian 
 Chevalier of the Maltese Order, who had been impious 
 enough even to tread the cross under his feet before the 
 Seraskier and had had himself circumcised. I heard him 
 accused of these abominations by two small German boys 
 in my presence, who had been captured by the Turks in 
 the gardens where they had been amusing themselves with 
 eating plums. They accused him of being one of the 
 ringleaders in this form of perversion, and to have been 
 more vindictive against the Christians than even the Turks 
 themselves. All prisoners who were convicted of having 
 so denied their religion were impaled in front of our camp, 
 a punishment that the Turks are accustomed to inflict 
 upon their own criminals. The Maltese Chevalier was, 
 however, saved from this fate, as Prince Eugene wished 
 him to be condemned by the judges of his own Order, and 
 to this end caused him to be sent to Malta to stand his 
 trial there. The garrison and the Mohammedan inhabitants 
 left the town on the 22nd. I witnessed their start, but 
 never caught a glimpse of the face of one of their 
 
17 1?] A FERTILE LAND 
 
 459 
 
 women, on account of the care they took to prevent such 
 a thing occurring. Even the meanest of them covered 
 themselves up in a thick piece of linen, which, passing 
 over from the back of their heads to the front, was 
 tucked into their sashes, so enveloping them that nothing 
 could be seen of them except their figures, which were 
 upright and well formed. 
 
 As soon as the garrison had evacuated the place a 
 hundred and fifty men were told off from each battalion 
 to clean the town, clear away the ruins, and put the streets 
 and houses into a condition to be rebuilt and lived in 
 There were so many corpses under the ruins of these 
 houses that a disgusting smell tainted the air, and it 
 became absolutely necessary to do this. The Emperor 
 published it abroad throughout the neighbouring countries 
 that all who wished to take up their residence in Belgrade 
 would have a house and a piece of ground given to them, 
 and that they would be exempt from all taxes for a series 
 of years. The town, which was divided into parishes, 
 the mosques serving as churches, now possesses a large 
 population, and lies in a country which produces grain 
 and fruit in abundance of a most excellent quality. The 
 Jews and natives cultivate vines, the grapes of which are 
 extremely good, whilst the melons, which are sown broad- 
 cast in the fields, are of an exquisite flavour. The 
 pasturages are rich, and the herds so numerous that our 
 meat in camp never cost us more than two sols the 
 pound in French money. It was the same with regard 
 to fish, for they abound in the Danube and the Save. 
 There is a third river opposite Szlankamen called the 
 Theiss, and it was a common saying that one-third of it 
 consisted of fish and two-thirds water. This country is a 
 healthy one for all animal life, and those people who have 
 settled there are certain to find all their wants amply 
 
46o CLEARING THE NEIGHBOURHOOD [chap, xv 
 
 filled. The climate is much the same as that of Marseilles, 
 but the soil is richer and more fertile, while its produce 
 is of a far better quality. All sorts of game abound, 
 especially partridges, quail, blackcock, woodhens, wild 
 turkey, pheasants, without mentioning deer. Although 
 the practice of grafting is unknown, yet their fruit is 
 superior to that of France. We lived very well during the 
 whole period of our stay there, and the wines of Burgundy, 
 Champagne, Gerniany, Hungary, and Italy wera not want- 
 ing, some being transported by the Danube, others by the 
 Save. But notwithstanding we were in the midst of all 
 these good things, the climate disagreed so with our health 
 that we were much troubled with dysentery, though per- 
 haps the immoderate consumption of fruit by our soldiers 
 went some way to assist the spreading of this disease 
 among them. A great number perished, and the officers 
 were no more exempt from it than their men. Prii ce 
 Eugene himself had a slight attack, but it soon passed off, 
 though I for my part kept as well as if I had been in my 
 native land. 
 
 The Turks abandoned two more fortified towns below 
 Belgrade without waiting for us to attack them, and still 
 another one, much larger and further away, called Orsova. 
 They made a show of defending the latter, but when 
 they saw us quite prepared to attack it they left it to its 
 fate, as they had the two former. We seized two more 
 towns on the river Save, Shabatz and Mehdia, and nearly 
 all these towns were found to contain artillery and war- 
 like stores. A column was also sent into the province of 
 Bosnia, in which is situated the town of Zvornik, an im- 
 portant place on account of the territory it defends. It 
 was occupied by the Turks, and we quite hoped that they 
 would abandon it at our approach, as they had the other 
 towns, but we found we were in error as to this. A 
 
1717] WE ARE ORDERED TO HUNGARY 461 
 
 detachment of inferior strength only was sent to lay siege 
 to this town, which, besides the usual fortifications, was 
 possessed of a separate citadel. The Turks allowed the 
 town to be breached, the assault took place, and our 
 troops put all to the sword who were not able to take 
 refuge at once in the citadel. The town being in our 
 hands, the attack of the citadel was then undertaken, 
 though it was already the beginning of October when the 
 trenches were opened. The rainy season delayed matters 
 further ; our detachment was not strong enough to carry 
 on the siege and withstand as well the relieving force 
 expected, and having heard that the Turks had assembled 
 a considerable body of troops on the frontier to oblige us 
 to raise the siege, we finally retired without completing 
 the capture of the citadel. Here our campaign came to 
 an end, and each side retired to their winter quarters. 
 
 Our Bavarian troops were ordered to Upper Hungary, a 
 country far distant from Belgrade, for we had twenty- 
 seven days of marching, not counting rests, before we 
 arrived at our destination. I had the command over two 
 provinces in this country during that winter. The inhabi- 
 tants have always been most rebellious in their conduct 
 towards the Emperor ; they have waged many a war in 
 order to withdraw themselves from the Imperial rule and 
 set up a sovereign of their own. In the last of these Prince 
 Ragotzi held all the most important fortified towns in 
 the country, and had money stamped with his own device. 
 When the principal people learned that I was a French- 
 man and the men under my command were not Imperial- 
 ists, they were delighted, and looked forward to a period 
 of greater tranquillity with us than they had enjoyed with 
 the Emperor's troops. Their hopes were not in vain ; we 
 were accustomed to make the best of our fare in winter 
 quarters, and were quite contented with what luxuries 
 
462 A MINING DISTRICT [chap, xv 
 
 those in authority were pleased to afford us. The country 
 is everywhere intersected by small mountain ranges, rather 
 bare and arid, with fairly fertile valleys of no great extent 
 between them. There are many mines in these mountains 
 which produce various minerals, among them gold as pure 
 as any in the world, which is purified in the country itself 
 at a little town called Kremnitz. The Emperor had money 
 coined there, the ducats of which carry the name of the 
 town over all Germany. This gold is much renowned, and 
 the Jews set such store by it that at Vienna they give five 
 sols over the value for each piece of money. Five leagues 
 away is another small town called Schemnitz, where silver 
 is worked from mines in the neighbourhood, but this is not 
 so pure as the gold. Besides these gold and silver mines, 
 there are others of tin, lead, copper, quicksilver, antimony, 
 and iron, of which the most productive are the copper, in 
 which a great trade is carried on. The chief occupation of 
 the inhabitants is the working of these mines by means of 
 extremely deep pits, by which they descend below the 
 ground, where they find the veins. What they earn thereby 
 makes up for the barrenness of their lands, and helps them 
 to exist. Silver is commonly found in the same mine in 
 conjunction with copper, and a piece of ore may often be 
 seen, silver on one side and copper on the other. There is 
 a spring close to Kremnitz the water of which has the 
 property of attracting particles of iron and substituting 
 copper in its place ; sheets of iron are placed therein, 
 allowed to remain there for thirty or thirty-five days, and 
 when they are withdrawn are found to be no longer of 
 iron, but copper of the same nature and quality as that 
 extracted from the mines. It is true that these sheets thus 
 converted into copper do not leave the spring in the same 
 solid form as when they were thrown in, for their surface 
 becomes uneven and full of holes and lumps, like large 
 
17 17] A PLEASING POPULATION 463 
 
 sponges. The water itself has a very corrosive property, 
 and as the spring forms a brook of some length, animals 
 drinking from it might easily be poisoned. Guardians are 
 appointed by the Emperor in order that no one should 
 profit by a monopoly of its properties. German connois- 
 seurs who fiind themselves in these parts have goblets and 
 cups made for them out of this iron converted into copper, 
 which they gild, and have verses in their language en- 
 graved thereon referring to the singularity of the metal, 
 
 such as : — 
 
 " Heyzen Warich, 
 Kupfer bin ich, 
 Gold Vedekmich." 
 
 This can hardly be translated either as regards sense or 
 rhyme ; it merely means " I have been iron, now I am 
 copper, and I am clothed in gold." The country is by 
 no means disagreeable ; the inhabitants appear to have 
 amiable manners ; their chief language is Latin, and their 
 schools teach no other, all their writing and conversation 
 being carried on in this tongue. They, however, have a 
 patois among them which they call Chalavak ; but this is 
 only spoken by the lower orders. Their houses are ex- 
 tremely well built and very comfortable, chiefly on account 
 of their large halls and balconies. Rudeness of manner is 
 far less common with them than among the Germans, and 
 they are far more amusing and polite in society. We held 
 a number of balls and feasts during the Carnival, at which 
 I enjoyed myself exceedingly. The sex is beautiful, but 
 very reserved, and the wives strictly loyal to their hus- 
 bands. They are ignorant of such things as intrigues or 
 lovers, and yet they have more liberty of action than exists 
 among their sex in any other part of the world. The 
 men are dressed like the hussars one sees in France and 
 Germany, and always wear high boots, the gentry being 
 
464 THE EMPEROR'S MEDAL [chap, xv 
 
 distinguishable by their long spurs, similar to those of the 
 period of Henry IV., which they wear with their gala 
 costume. The women, too, have the same sort of boots, 
 which fit as close to their legs as stockings, and are of all 
 colours; stockings or socks are unknown to them, while 
 as regards their dress they wear spotless stay bodices with 
 long and very ample petticoats, and over all a robe of 
 Polish fashion, with elaborately embroidered button-holes 
 down each side. I am now referring to their usual costume; 
 but some add long black veils wreathed round the brow, 
 and falling at the back as low as the bottom of the skirts ; 
 and these fine transparent gauzes tend to increase the 
 brilliancy of their complexion. The wines are very good 
 and cheap. The hills are everywhere covered with vines, 
 for this is the country which produces the celebrated Tokay 
 wine so renowned throughout Europe. 
 
 Ever since the people had been deserted by Prince 
 Ragotzi they have been under the rule of the Emperor, 
 and had always had Imperial troops quartered upon them 
 in the winter season, who had treated them with every 
 kind of severity. They experienced so great a difference 
 in the peaceful and unselfish manner in which we abode 
 amongst them, that, in recognition of this, they of their 
 own accord made many handsome presents to our officers 
 and soldiers. When we left their country for the next 
 campaign these poor people manifested the greatest 
 regret at our leaving them. They were in dread lest the 
 Imperial regiments should come to replace us, for they 
 had lived in the hope of our occupying their district for all 
 time. 
 
 Whilst I was in this country I had the honour to receive, 
 at the hands of one of the Emperor's officials, a gold 
 medal, as an Imperial recognition of the Battle of Bel- 
 grade and my rule of the province in which we were 
 
i7i8] RETURN TO BELGRADE 465 
 
 quartered. Its great weight renders it of much worth, 
 but it is of still more value to me on account of the 
 courteously worded inscription in the German tongue. 
 I preserve it as a valued relic on account of the illustrious 
 hand from whom it emanated. 
 
 We quitted our quarters in Upper Hungary to begin 
 the campaign again on May 20th, 1718. The army once 
 more assembled at Belgrade, but all acts of hostility ceased 
 between us and the Turks, and the only talk was of an 
 honest and durable peace or, rather, a renewal of the 
 truce. According to their custom, the Infidels will only 
 conclude a truce with Christians, in which they avoid 
 with care the mention of the word peace : this being a 
 religious question among them. There were many long 
 conferences on this subject while the campaign lasted, 
 and at last a truce was arranged between the two Powers 
 without any occurrence taking place which could have 
 been called war. It was a very advantageous one for 
 the Empire. Hitherto her frontier only extended as far 
 as Peterwardein, and now she was given all the territories 
 conquered by her in campaigns of 1716 and 1717, which 
 comprised a vast extent of country in the shape of the 
 Provinces of Bosnia, Servia, part of Wallachia, and the 
 Banat of Temesvar. The famous stronghold, Belgrade 
 and Temesvar, remained in her hands, and would prove 
 to be of service not only to resist the Infidels in case they 
 attempted an invasion, but also as bases from which to 
 extend her conquests in the countries they yet possessed 
 in Europe. 
 
 Our troops were employed during this campaign in 
 working at the restoration of the town of Belgrade and 
 the construction of a new fort across the Save, exactly 
 where I said the Turks ought to have entrenched them- 
 selves, and from whence we conducted our attack on the 
 2 H 
 
468 FINIS [chap, xv 
 
 years old. I also intended to provide for the future of the 
 daughter, and had already placed her in a convent for 
 educational purposes, but the mother upset my plans by 
 marrying her very young, and very indifferently, whilst 
 I was away with the army. The widow also remarried, 
 and she herself looked more to satisfy her own disposition 
 thereby than to make a suitable match. She had already 
 been the cause of serious trouble to my brother, and after 
 his death acted in no way honourably. 
 
 With regard to my sister, she also has two children who 
 for many years since have been in the service of the King 
 in Spain, where they hold important posts. The eldest 
 son was appointed in 172 1 Commissary-General of 
 Cavalry of the kingdom of Chilly, which he selected 
 in preference to a governorship offered him in the same 
 kingdom. He is very rich, and owes his fortune and 
 advancement entirely to his services and attention to 
 duty. 
 
 Besides these two children my sister had four girls, who 
 are poorly married in Perigord. Their families are 
 numerous and badly off, and the widow of my late brother 
 is in the same case. 
 
 As for me, I have a son who is now Councillor in the 
 Parliament of Bordeaux, and a daughter who is still quite 
 young. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Adige, 76 note 
 Agenois, 136 
 Aichach, 224 
 
 Aire, evacuated by the Dutch, 378 
 Aix-le-Chapelle, 45 
 Albemarle, Duke of, General of the 
 Dutch troops, 361 ; taken prisoner, 
 
 363 
 
 Albergoti, M. d', 360 ; at Douai, 
 370 ; inspection of the trenches, 
 
 372 
 Albert, Baron d', taken prisoner, 363 
 Albessard, M. 1', Advocate-General, 
 
 280 
 Alessandria, 144 
 Alleures, Fort of, taken, 351 
 Allies, the, bombard Dieppe, 39 ; 
 besiege and capture Namur, 39-43 ; 
 number of losses, 43 ; negotiations 
 for peace, 5° ; treaty of Ryswick 
 signed, 51; conquests, 112; 
 threaten to invade Bavaria, 175 ; 
 advance on Schelemberg, 178 ; 
 attack, 182-6, 189 ; invasion of 
 Bavaria, 209 ; defeated at the 
 battle of Marquartstein, 212-16 ; 
 besiege Landau, 229 ; at the battle 
 of Ramillies, 303-15; lay siege to 
 Louvain, 317 ; capture Antwerp 
 and other towns, 317; besiege 
 Menin, 318; Dendermonde and 
 Ath, 319; fail to surprise the 
 French at Xaintrom, 320 ; con- 
 quests in Italy, 323 ; at Ander- 
 lecht, 328 ; march on Assche, 328 ; 
 seize Lessines, 328 ; at the battle 
 of Oudenarde, 328 ; invest Lille, 
 329 ; convoys attacked, 330 ; re- 
 lieve Brussels, 332 ; capture Tour- 
 nai, 334 ; besiege Mons, 335 ; at 
 the battle of Malplaquet, 335-43 ; 
 capture Douai, 349 ; besiege Ques- 
 noy, 357 ; surprised at Denain, 
 359-63 ; number drowned, 363 
 Almanza, battle of, 323 
 
 Alsace, 47, 229 ; conquests of the 
 French in, 322 ; troops concentrate 
 in, 326 
 
 Amand, Saint, 356 ; surrender of, 
 366 
 
 Anderlecht, Allies camp at, 328 
 
 Anhalt, Prince of, drowned, 363 
 
 Anjou, Philip, Duke of, succeeds to 
 the Spanish throne, 70, 71 note, 72 
 
 Anne, Princess of Denmark, succeeds 
 to the throne of England, 349 ; 
 negotiations for peace from the 
 King of France, 350 ; orders with- 
 drawal of the army, 358 
 
 Antibes, 323 
 
 Antwerp, 295 ; taken by the Allies, 
 
 317 
 
 Anzim, Abbey of, 356 ; surrender of, 
 366 
 
 Arcko, Count d', killed, 146 
 
 Arcko, Count d', in command at 
 Brisac, 150; beheaded, 150 
 
 Arcko, Count Emanuel d', wounded 
 and drowned, 190 
 
 Arcko, Marechald', at Biberach, 104; 
 his advice to M. de la Colonie, 1 54 ; 
 on attacking the Imperialists, 171; 
 at Schelemburg, 175 ; force under, 
 176; arrangement of his troops, 
 180; retires, 189; at Augsburg, 
 198 ; instructions for the defence 
 of Rain, 198 
 
 Armentieres, 318 
 
 Arnauts, 415, 416 
 
 Arras, 63 ; ceremony of the worship 
 of the Candle, 63-5 
 
 Arsch, Baron d'. Governor of Frei- 
 burg, withdraws to the forts, 384 ; 
 surrenders, 386 
 
 Artagnan, M. d', 360 
 
 Assche, 328 
 
 Ath, siege of, 50, 319; surrender, 51 
 
 Aubigni, M. d', killed, 309 
 
 Augsburg, 175; taking of, 134, 139, 
 151 ; envoys sent to, 207 
 
47° 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Austria, Emperor of, refuses to recog- 
 nise Philip v., 72, 73; his invasion 
 of Italy, 76 ; designs against the 
 Elector of Bavaria, 125; secret 
 treaty with the Duke of Savoy, 143; 
 proposals of peace to the Elector of 
 Bavaria, 207-9 I secret treaty with 
 the Electress of Bavaria, 241 ; re- 
 fuses to sign the treaty of Utrecht, 
 378 ; evacuates Bavaria, 390 ; ac- 
 cepts offer of troops from the Elector 
 of Bavaria, 393 ; receives M. de la 
 Colonie, 400 ; reviews the Bavarian 
 troops, 400 ; extension of his fron- 
 tiers, 465 
 
 Austria, Emperor Joseph of, his death, 
 
 350 
 Autefort, Count of Montignac d , his 
 
 death, 37 
 Auvergne, Prince of, 88 
 Ayre, invested, 349 
 
 Baden, 89, 389 
 
 Baden, Prince Louis of, in command 
 
 of the imperial troops, 167 ; his 
 
 death, 322 
 Bale, 84, 168 
 Bapaume, 357 
 Barbesieux, M. de, J, 8 note ; letter 
 
 from, 53 
 Barcelona, siege of, 50; capitulation, 
 
 SI 
 
 Barcelonette, 144 
 
 Bareyter, Prince, 252 
 
 Bart, Chevalier, 47 
 
 Bastide, Chevalier de la, 136, 265, 
 270; story of his deception, 271-4; 
 assistance of M. de la Colonie, 275 
 
 Bastide, Count de la, 136; killed, 182 
 
 Bavaria, threatened invasion of, by 
 the AlHes, 175 ; intrigues of the 
 State Council, 235; deputation from 
 the army, 236 ; petitions against 
 the surrender, 238-40, 244, 247 ; 
 capitulation, 241 ; disbandment of 
 the army, 242, 268 ; signs the treaty 
 of Utrecht, 377 ; return of the 
 Elector, 390 
 
 Bavaria, Elector of, 51; alliance with 
 the Kingof France, 62, 70; Governor 
 of the Spanish Low Countries, 72; 
 reasons for his alliance with France 
 and Spain, 74-7 ; in Brussels, 75 ; 
 return to Munich, 75, ill, 154; 
 secret treaty with France, 77-9 ; 
 receives M. de la Colonie, 96; 
 seizes the town of Ulm, 96-102; 
 his want of engineers, 102 ; at 
 
 the siege of Memmingen, 104-10 ; 
 his escape, 109 ; resolution of the 
 Diet against, 125 ; defeats General 
 Schlick, 127, 1 3 1 ;captures Ratisbon, 
 1 33; junction with the French army, 
 139; at the battle of Hochstett, 139; 
 invasion of the Tyrol, 141; at Inns- 
 bruck, 142; forced to retreat, 144; 
 attempt on his life, 146 ; report of 
 his death, 147; besieges Passau, 151; 
 promotes Boismorel, 152; proposals 
 of peace from the Emperor of Austria, 
 207-9 ; retires to France, 222, 229; 
 at Mons, 316; at Strasburg, 326; 
 besieges Brussels, 331 ; forced to 
 retreat, 332 ; demands restitution 
 of Bavaria, 351 ; takes possession 
 of Namur and Luxembourg, 351 ; 
 reinstated, 390 ; return of his wife 
 and sons, 391 ; entry into Munich, 
 392 ; marriage of his son, 393 ; his 
 offer of troops to the Emperor of 
 Austria, 393 
 
 Bavaria, Electoral Prince of, 51 ; his 
 death, 71 
 
 Bavaria, Electoral Prince of, 397 ; at 
 the siege of Belgrade, 409, 426 ; 
 his desire for distinction, 426; con- 
 gratulations to M. de la Colonie, 
 
 453 
 
 Bavaria, Electress of, 204 ; receives 
 M. de la Colonie, 205 ; invested 
 with plenary powers, 229; convenes 
 the State Council, 229 ; petitions 
 from the army, 23S, 244, 247 ; 
 secret agreement with the Emperor 
 of Austria, 241 ; granted a passport 
 to Rome, 268; return home, 391 
 
 Bavaria, Prince Ferdinand of, 397 ; 
 at the siege of Belgrade, 409 
 
 Bay, Marquis de, lays siege to Ciudad 
 Rodrigo, 324 
 
 Beam, regiment of, 176 
 
 Beckmant, Sieur de, 97 
 
 Belgrade, 404 ; position of, 405 ; forti- 
 fications, 407; siege, 407-14, 418- 
 53 ; capitulation, 457 ; fertility of 
 the land, 459 ; climate, 460 ; re- 
 storation oi^ the forts, 465 
 
 Bellegarde, 84 
 
 Beroque, M. de, 366 
 
 Berry, Duke of, in command of the 
 army of Flanders, 327 
 
 Berwick, Duke of, taken prisoner, 28; 
 his victory of Almanza, 323 ; re- 
 called from Spain, 325; in command 
 of the army in Alsace, 325 ; ordered 
 to join the Duke of Vend6me, 327 
 
INDEX 
 
 471 
 
 Besan9on, 5 note 
 
 Bethune, siege of, 349 
 
 Beyricheoffen, 132 
 
 Bezons, M. de, Governor of Bordeaux, 
 5 ; invests Landau, 378 
 
 Biberach, iii ; siege of, 102 
 
 Binche, 320 
 
 Biron, Lieut. -General M. de, at the 
 siege of Landau, 379 
 
 Bitarelle, 3 
 
 Bitry, IM. de, 467 
 
 Black Forest, 102, 103 
 
 Blenheim, battle of, 222, 225-8 
 
 Boismorel, his character, 152 ; aide- 
 de-camp to the Elector of Bavaria, 
 152, 2S2, 287 ; in command of the 
 French grenadiers, 153; at Munich, 
 154; falls in love, 154; obtains 
 leave of absence, 177; rejoins his 
 regiment, 204 ; his behaviour at the 
 battle of Marquartstein, 214; deeds 
 of valour, 21S ; under arrest, 219 ; 
 sentto Munich, 220; farewell speech, 
 220; released from prison, 23 1; re- 
 joins M. de la Colonie, 255; quarrels 
 with him, 257-60; mode of revenge, 
 264-7 ; reconciliation, 269 ; enters 
 the town of Mons, 281 ; imprisoned, 
 2S2 ; cashiered, 282 ; receives a 
 challenge, 284, 287 ; fights a duel, 
 2S7-91 ; wounded, 289 ; recovery, 
 291 ; takes service with the King 
 of Spain, 292 
 
 Bordeaux, 8, 275, 392 ; lawsuits at, 
 66-70 
 
 Bosnia, province of, 460, 465 
 
 Bouchain, siege of, 350, 373 
 
 Boufflers, Marechal de, at the siege 
 of Namur, 40 ; his answer to M, 
 de Vigouroux, 44 ; in command of 
 the garrison at Lille, 329 ; joins the 
 army at Malplaquet, 342 ; orders 
 a retreat, 342 ; takes over the 
 command, 344 ; inspects the army, 
 
 345 
 
 Bourg, Count of, 379 
 
 Bourlemont, Baron de, 291 
 
 Boutler, 383 
 
 Brabant, 351 
 
 Brandenburg, signs the treaty of 
 Utrecht, 377 
 
 Brandenburg, Elector of, 81 ; recog- 
 nised King of Prussia, 377 
 
 Braunau, 241 
 
 Bregenz, 91, 104 
 
 Breisgau, 379 
 
 Brenner pass, 142 
 
 Brisac, 5 note ; surrender of, 150 
 
 Broglio, Chevalier de, 326 ; his attack 
 
 on a convoy on the Escaut, 329 ; at 
 
 Douai, 370 
 Bruges, taken by the Allies, 317 ; by 
 
 the French, 327 
 Brunswick, Duke of, 76 
 Brussels, 295, 302 ; bombardment of, 
 
 43; taken by the Allies, 317; 
 
 siege of, 331 
 Buda-I'esth, 402 
 Burgundy, Duke of, 46 ; lays siege to 
 
 Brisac, 150 ; in command of the 
 
 army of Flanders, 327 
 
 Caiques, or rowing-boats, 406 
 
 Calais, 46 
 
 Camaret, 39 
 
 Cambout, Marquis de, Brigadier- 
 General, killed, 76 
 
 Cambrai, 5 note, 357 
 
 Candle, the Holy, ceremony of the 
 worship of, at Arras, 63-5 
 
 Caretti, Captain de, 142 
 
 Carlowitz, 402 
 
 Carpi, 76 note 
 
 Catalonia, Viceroy of, 51 
 
 Catelet, Le, 359 
 
 St. Catherine, height of, 323 
 
 Catinat, M. de, 46 ; in command of 
 the army of Flanders, 50 ; at the 
 siege of Ath, 50 
 
 Cevennes, 144, 325 
 
 Champagne, 367 
 
 Charlemont, 5, 15 
 
 Charleroi, siege of, 28 ; digging the 
 trenches, 30 ; throwing fire-pots, 
 30; assault, 31 ; capitulation, 36; 
 given to the Dutch, 378 
 
 Charles IL of Spain, 51 note, 52; 
 his will, 70, 71 note ; death, 72 
 
 Charmois, M. de, 133 
 
 Chateau-Cambresis, 359 
 
 Chevreuse, Duke de, 76 
 
 Chigny, 351 
 
 Chilly, kingdom of, 468 
 
 Ciudad Rodrigo, siege of, 324 
 
 Cladech, M. de, 15 
 
 Clerambault, Lieut. -General M. de, 
 drowned, 22S 
 
 Cleves district, 303 
 
 Coigny, M. de,'359, 361, 369 
 
 Coligny, Admiral de, 3 
 
 Cologne, Elector of, 76 
 
 Colonie, M. de la, his birth, 2 ; great- 
 grandfather, 2-4 ; joins a cadet 
 company, 5 ; studies, 6 ; first duel, 
 7 ; employed in the Royal Office 
 of Works, 7 ; insulted by the 
 
472 
 
 INDEX 
 
 garcon-major, 8 ; his revenge, lo ; 
 imprisoned, 11-13; liberated, 13; 
 promoted sous-brigadier, or lance- 
 corporal, 14 ; at the siege of 
 Namur, 15-24; appointed second 
 lieutenant of the Vexin Regiment, 
 25 ; at the battle of Landen, 26-8; 
 the siege of Charleroi, 28-36 ; re- 
 flections on discipline, 29 ; cornet 
 in the regiment of dragoons, 38 ; 
 on the siege and capture of Namur 
 by the Allies, 39-43 ; promoted 
 lieutenant, 44 ; in quarters at 
 Pfalzburg, 47 ; on the Peace of 
 Ryswick, 51 ; reduction of the 
 army, 51 ; at Versailles, 53; pro- 
 moted captain, 54; in Paris, 54; 
 his friendship with the Countess, 
 55^62; intrigue with the Marquise, 
 57-61 ; at Arras, 63 ; return to 
 Bordeaux, 66, 275, 392 ; lawsuits, 
 66-70 ; in command of the French 
 regiment, 82 ; his journey to 
 Soleure, 84-7 ; at Baden, 89 ; 
 Rochart, 90 ; meeting with a 
 friendly corporal, 92-4 ; at Munich, 
 95, 204, 222, 260, 397 ; received 
 by the Marquis de Ricous, 95 ; ap- 
 pointed to a company of dragoons, 
 96 ; received by the Elector of 
 Bavaria, 96 ; at the siege of Ulm, 
 96-102 ; appointed engineer, 103 ; 
 at the siege of Memmingen, 104-10 ; 
 on the behaviour of the officers, 
 112 ; treatment of the major, 113- 
 15; punishes his lackey, 116; win- 
 ter quarters, 117; invitation from 
 the Countess, 118; banquet, 120- 
 3; intimacy with her, 124; part- 
 ing, 126 ; at the battle of Heyzem- 
 pirne, 127-32 ; defeat of General 
 Schlick, 131 ; at the siege of Ratis- 
 bon, 133; capitulation of Neuberg, 
 134; taking of Augsburg, 134, 139; 
 battle of Schmidmidel, 137 ; en- 
 counter at Hochstett, 139; inva- 
 sion of the Tyrol, 140 ; difficulties 
 of the retreat, 145 ; on the cruelty 
 of the Tyrolese, 147 ; at the relief 
 of Kufstein, 148 ; promoted lieu- 
 tenant-colonel, 151 ; on the appoint- 
 ment of Boismorel, 152-4 ; advice 
 of Marechal d'Arcko, 154; at 
 Straubing, 154; disciplinary mea- 
 sures, 155, 158, 166; letter from 
 the Countess, 157 ; expedition 
 against the hussars, 160-4 ! joins 
 the army near Ulm, 166 ; a dan- 
 
 gerous march, 168-70 ; repression 
 of looting, 173; encamps at Lan- 
 genau, 174 ; the Schelemberg 
 position, 176 ; absence of Bois- 
 morel, 177; at the battle of Donau- 
 wort, 179-91 ; left in command, 
 I go; wounded, 191, 372; retreat, 
 192; embarrassing position, 193-5; 
 swim across the Danube, 195 ; 
 arrival at Rain, 196 ; recovery of 
 his baggage, 197 ; preparations for 
 the defence of Rain, 198-200 ; 
 siege, 200-3 ; received by the Elec- 
 tress, 205 ; reconnoitres the district, 
 207 ; marches towards the Tyrol, 
 210; reception from Mademoiselle, 
 210 ; at the battle of Marquartstein, 
 212-16 ; at the battle of Blenheim, 
 225-8 ; intercedes for Boismorel, 
 231, 255 ; at the relief of Ingol- 
 stadt, 231-3 ; in pursuit of the 
 Imperialists, 233-5 ; capitulation 
 of Bavaria, 235-41 ; petitions to 
 the Electress, 238, 245, 247 ; on 
 the disbandment of the army, 242 ; 
 fate of the French grenadiers, 243 ; 
 refusal to surrender Ingolstadt, 
 244, 246 ; interview with Prince 
 Eugene, 248-5 1 , 404 ; receives 
 offer to enter the Emperor's service, 
 253; his terms granted, 254; re- 
 ceives the articles of the treaty, 
 256 ; quarrel with Boismorel, 257- 
 60; meeting with the lady of Strau- 
 bing, 260-2 ; takes leave of the 
 Electress, 262 ; interview with 
 General d'Herberfeld, 264; treat- 
 ment of Boismorel's lieutenant, 
 265-7 ; departure from Bavaria, 
 267 ; reconciliation with Boismorel, 
 269 ; at Strasburg, 270 ; interest in 
 Chevalier de la Bastide, 270-5 ; 
 at Villeneuve, 275 ; attempted ar- 
 rest, 276-80 ; in command of the 
 French grenadiers, 283 ; promoted 
 lieutenant-colonel, 283 ; challenges 
 Boismorel, 284, 287 ; lights a duel, 
 287-91, 386-8; wounded, 291 ; at 
 the assault of Red Fort, 292 ; at 
 Meerdorp, 294 ; Lierre, 295 ; Lou- 
 vain, 295 ; on the miracle of the 
 crucifix, 299-302 ; at the battle of 
 Ramillies, 303-15 ; in command of 
 the brigade, 308 ; retires to Namur, 
 316; placed in an awkward pre- 
 dicament, 321 ; at Pfalzburg, 326; 
 at the battle of Oudenarde, 328 ; 
 siege of Lille, 329 ; Malplaquet, 
 
INDEX 
 
 473 
 
 335-43 ; retreat, 343 ; famine, 345 
 promoted to the rank of colonel 
 346 ; on the gaieties at Namur, 
 351-5 ; the surprise of Denain 
 359-64 ; assigned convoy duty, 369 , 
 at the siege of Douai, 370 ; attack 
 of fever, 371, 374 ; recovery, 375 
 at the siege of Freiburg, 379-86 
 saves the life of M. de Quemin 
 382 ; promoted brigadier, 389 ; re 
 called by the Elector, 393 ; plot of 
 his wife, 394-6 ; in command of 
 the contingent for Hungary, 396 ; 
 voyage down the Danube, 399 ; at 
 Vienna, 399 ; his troops reviewed 
 by the Emperor, 400; at Pressburg, 
 400 ; Buda-Pesth, 402 ; march to 
 Szlankamen, 402-4 ; at the siege 
 of Belgrade, 405-14, 418-53 ; con- 
 gratulations, 453-5 ; distribution of 
 the loot, 456 ; punishment of rene- 
 gades, 458 ; ordered to Upper 
 Hungary, 461 ; receives a gold 
 medal, 464 ; return to Belgrade, 
 465 ; Marechal des Camps et 
 Armees, 466 ; his brothers and 
 sisters, 466-8 ; son and daughter, 
 468 
 
 Combrin, 334 
 
 Comt^ de Chigny, 293, 327, 348 
 
 Conde, Prince of, 3 
 
 Constance, Lake, 90, 168 
 
 Corporal, a friendly, 92-4 
 
 " Couples," or lances, 415 
 
 Creci, M. de, 50 
 
 Croatia, 466 
 
 Croix, Sainte, 26 
 
 Crouy, Duchess de, 282 
 
 Crucifix, miracle of the, 299-302 
 
 Dangeat, M., Intendant of Mau- 
 beuge, 345 
 
 Danube, the, 99, 175, 399, 403, 405 ; 
 swim across the, 195 
 
 Darmstadt, Prince of, in command of 
 the Castle of Lerida, 324 
 
 Delft, 50 
 
 Denain, Abbey of, 356, 358 ; sur- 
 prise of, 359-64 
 
 Dendermonde, siege of, 319 
 
 Dendre, 328 
 
 Desbordes, M., Major-General, and 
 Governor of Pfalzburg, 47 ; his 
 escape, 49 
 
 Descorailles, Marquis, 44 
 
 Dieppe, bombardment of, 39 
 
 Dillingen, 175 
 
 Dillon, M., captures the fort of 
 Kaiserslautern, 378 
 
 Dinan, 15 
 
 Dohna, Count, drowned, 363 
 
 Dombes, Prince de, 429 
 
 Donauwitz, island, 406 
 
 Donauwort, 134, 175 ; battle of, 180 
 
 Douai, canal of, 334 ; siege, 348, 370; 
 surrender, 349, 373 
 
 Drummer, the, and the crucifix, 299- 
 302 
 
 Dubon, Captain, 394 
 
 Duchatel, 1 30 
 
 Duel, lighting a, 6, 287-91, 386-8 
 
 Dunkerque, 47 
 
 Durlach, 322 
 
 Dusson, M., in command of a French 
 detachment, 139 
 
 Dutch States, arrogance of the pleni- 
 potentiaries, 348 ; preparations for 
 war, 356 ; towns handed over to, 
 378 ; evacuation of towns, 378 
 
 England, signs the treaty of Ryswick, 
 51 ; of Utrecht, 377 
 
 Escaillon, 358 
 
 Escalona, Duke of, retires to Gaieta, 
 324 ; taken prisoner, 324 
 
 Escaut (Schelde), 330, 331, 356, 358, 
 362 ; troops drowned at, 363 
 
 Estrade, Count d', accident to, 429 
 
 Eugene, Prince, defeats a detachment 
 of French troops, 76; at the battle 
 of Blenheim, 227 ; his interview 
 with M. de la Colonie, 248-51, 404; 
 grants his terms, 254 ; his march 
 along the Moselle, 327; at the battle 
 of Malplaquet, 335; captures Ques- 
 noy, 357 ; siege of Landreci, 358 ; 
 surprised at Denain, 359-64; on the 
 defensive, 371 ; his meeting with 
 Marechal de Villars at Rastadt, 389; 
 at the siege of Belgrade, 421-53 ; 
 his daily inspection of entrench- 
 ments, 429, 437 ; holds a Council 
 of War, 438 ; compliments M. de 
 la Colonie, 453 
 
 Eugene, Prince, The Campaigns of, 
 extracts from, 189, 454 
 
 Faille, M. de, leader of the Walloon 
 troops, 327 ; enters Ghent, 328 
 
 Fascines, battle of the, 28 
 
 Feldz (or Felds), Lieutenant-Generai 
 Count, loi, 112 
 
 Feuquieres, Hist. Memoirs Marquis 
 de, 8 note, 330 note 
 
474 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Fire-pot, meaning of the term, 30 
 
 Fleurus, battle of, 4 
 
 Florimont, M. de, 244, 262 
 
 Fonboisar, regiment of, 196 
 
 France, famine in, 37 ; peace with 
 Savoy, 46 ; position, 80 ; extent of 
 the conquests, 286 ; proposals of 
 peace at Gertruidemberg, 348 ; pro- 
 posals to England, 349 ; demands 
 restitution of the Elector of Ba- 
 varia's territories, 351 ; signs the 
 treaty of Utrecht, 377 
 
 Franche-Comte, 84 
 
 Francis II., 2 
 
 Franconia, circle of, 75, 76 
 
 Freiburg, siege of, 379-86 ; capture 
 of the town, 384 ; the forts, 
 
 386. 
 Friedlingen, victory at, 112 
 Furnes, town of, captured, 26 
 
 Gaieta, 324 
 
 Galand, 272. See Bastide 
 Galway, IVIilord, 323 
 Gar9on-major, meaning of the term, 
 
 8 note 
 Gassion, M. de, 298 
 Gembloux, camp at, 320 
 Gerbonville, 11 
 Gertruidemberg, peace proposals at, 
 
 348 
 Ghent, taken by the Allies, 317, 332; 
 
 by the French, 327 
 Goudrin, Marquis de, 305 
 Gramont-Fallon, Marquis de, 38 
 Gratz, 268, 391 
 Gravelines, 318 
 
 Grenadiers, French, fate of the, 243 
 Grenier, M. de, 2S0, 316 
 Grison Mountains, 90 
 Grondeur, 284 
 Guise, 357, 359 
 
 Haguenau, capture of, 303 
 
 Harlai, M. du, 50 
 
 Havre-de-Grace, Le, 39 
 
 Hay, Lord John, in command of the 
 2nd Dragoons, 184 note 
 
 Heilbroun, 75 
 
 Henry III., 3 
 
 Herberfeld, Marechal d', the Imperial 
 General, 223, 245, 252 ; on the re- 
 fusal to surrender Ingolstadt, 246 ; 
 interview with M. de la Colonic, 
 264 
 
 Herebertong, M. d', drowned, 363 
 
 Heron, M. du, 151 
 
 Hesse Cassel, Prince of, 223 
 
 Heydan, Baron de, commandant of 
 Hochstein, capitulates, 149 ; be- 
 headed, 151 
 
 Heyster, M., 413 
 
 Heyzempirne, action at, 127 
 
 Hochemburg, 160 
 
 Hochstein, 141 ; surrender of, 149 
 
 Hochstett, battle of, 139, 222, 223 
 
 Hoguan, Sieur, 287, 291 
 
 HohenzoUern, Count of, taken prisoner, 
 
 363 
 
 Holland, signs the peace of Ryswick, 
 51; of Utrecht, 377 ; recognises 
 Philip V. , King of Spain, 72 
 
 Holstein Sickinga, Prince of, taken 
 prisoner, 363 
 
 Hungary, Upper, 461 ; gold and silver 
 mines, 462 ; inhabitants, 463 ; cos- 
 tume of the men, 463 ; the women, 
 464 ; wines, 464 
 
 Hussars, Imperialists, their mode of 
 warfare, 159; expedition against, 
 160 ; surrounded, 162 ; captured, 
 163 
 
 Huy, attack on, 26; siege of, 39, 
 287 ; capitulation, 293 ; recaptured, 
 295 
 
 Illingen, 102 
 
 Ingolstadt, 134, 224, 241, 399; siege 
 of, 230; relief of, 231-3; refusal 
 to surrender, 244, 246 ; order to 
 evacuate, 245 
 
 Innocent XII., Pope, 73 
 
 Innsbruck, capture of, 141 
 
 Italy, invasion of the Emperor of 
 Austria, 76 ; conquests of the AlHes 
 in, 323 ; Imperial army withdrawn 
 from, 326 
 
 Jaillis, M. de, 14 
 Jean-Sart, 335, 336. 
 
 Kaiserslautern, captured by the 
 
 French, 378 
 Kaiserwert, 112 
 Kamp, 161 
 
 Kempten, siege of, 139 
 Kiel, Fort of, captured, 138 
 Kol, an infantry ensign, no 
 Kremnitz, 462 
 Kufstein, 141 ; relief of, 148 
 
 Lackey, punishment of a, 1 16 
 
INDEX 
 
 475 
 
 Lalande, attempt to arrest M. de la 
 Colonie, 276; struggle with him, 
 277-80 
 
 Landau, 112; siege of, 229, 233, 378; 
 surrender, 379 
 
 Landen, battle of, 26-8 
 
 Landkandel, camp of, 327 
 
 Landreci, 357 ; siege of, 35S, 367 
 
 Landsberg, 241 
 
 Landshut, 241 
 
 Langenau, army encamped at, 174 
 
 Lanquedoc, province of, 467 
 
 Lansac, Marquis de, 316 
 
 Latour, Lieutenant-General, 112; de- 
 feated, 151 
 
 Lauingen, 102, 175 
 
 Leek river, 175, 225 
 
 Legasle, M., 151 
 
 Leglise, M., 280 
 
 Lerida, castle of, captured, 324 
 
 Lessines, 328 
 
 Liancourt, Marquis de, 315 
 
 Lichtenberg, Chateau of, return of tlie 
 Electoral family, 391 
 
 Li^ge, citadel of, 112; siege, 293 
 
 Lierre, 295 
 
 Lille, 318 ; siege of, 329 ; surrender, 
 332 ; evacuated by the Dutch, 
 .378 
 
 Limburg district, 303 
 
 Lindau, 91 
 
 Linz, province of, 239 
 
 Lippe, Count of, taken prisoner, 
 363 
 
 Liselbourg, regiment of, 176 
 
 Liselbourg, Major-General M. de, at 
 the battle of Schelemberg, 189; 
 his refusal to surrender Ingolstadt, 
 244 
 
 Locatelli, Sieur de, arrested, 104 
 
 Longwy, 5 note 
 
 Looting, repression of, 173 
 
 Lorraine, 293, 367 
 
 Lorraine de Lillebonne, Prince of, 28 
 
 Louis XIV., King of France, 4; at 
 the siege of Namur, 15 ; reduction 
 of his army, 51, 81 ; alliance with 
 the Elector of Bavaria, 62, 70 ; 
 corps of the Prince's Foreign Guard, 
 81 ; signs the First Partition Treaty, 
 71 note ; his secret treaty with the 
 Elector of Bavaria, 77-9; his present 
 to Marechal de Villeroi, 303 ; his 
 household troops, the Maison du 
 Roi, 306, 308 
 
 Louvain, 295 ; siege of, 317 
 
 Louvois, M. de. Secretary of War, 
 8, 13 
 
 Luthingen wood, 228 
 
 Luxembourg, Marechal de, 15; attacks 
 
 Huy, 26 ; at the battle of Landen, 
 
 26 ; the siege of Charleroi, 28-36 ; 
 
 death, 39 
 Luxemburg, 351, 374, 389 ; handed 
 
 over to the Dutch, 378 
 Luxemburg, Duke of, 356 
 
 Madrid, 72 
 
 Maigrigni, M. de, constructs thecitadel 
 of Tournai, 334 
 
 Maintenon, Madame de, 15 
 
 Major, the churlish, 113; treatment 
 of, 114 
 
 Malines, taken by the Allies, 317 
 
 Malo, St., 37 
 
 Malplaquet, battle of, 335-43 
 
 Mannheim, 379 
 
 Manteufel, Baron de, at Memmingen, 
 106-8 
 
 Marchiennes, abbey at, 356 ; surrender 
 of. 366, 370 
 
 Marcilly, M. de, at the siege of Bel- 
 grade, 412 
 
 Marigny, M. de, 24 
 
 Marlborough, Duke of, joins the army 
 of Prince Louis of Baden, 174 ; 
 plans the attack on Schelemberg, 
 1 76 note; at the battle of Blenheim, 
 227 ; on the Moselle, 293 ; advance 
 to Liege, 294 ; forces the lines of 
 Meerdorp, 294; his attempt to sur- 
 prise the French at Xaintrom, 320; 
 at the siege of Bouchain, 350 ; re- 
 called to London, 355 
 
 Marne, the, 367 
 
 Marquartstein, battle of, 212-16 
 
 Marsin, Marechal de, in command of 
 the troops, 167, 172 ; at the battle 
 of Blenheim, 224, 227 ; at Stras- 
 burg, 270 
 
 Massy, Marquis de, his expedition to 
 the Tyrol, 209; at Rosenheim, 212; 
 at the battle of Marquartstein, 212; 
 treatmentofBoismorel, 2I4;ordered 
 to return to Munich, 221 
 
 Maxse, Princess, 88 
 
 Mayence, Elector of, 75 
 
 McCarthy, Justin, The Reign of Queen 
 Anne, 328 note 
 
 Meerdorp, 294 
 
 Mehdia, 460 
 
 Memmingen, siege of, 104-10 ; sur- 
 render, no 
 
 Menin, siege of, 318; surrender, 
 318 
 
 Mercy, Chevalier de, wounded, 190 
 
476 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Mercy, General, sent to Italy, 190, 
 
 308; at Marquartstein, 213; at the 
 
 siege of Belgrade, 422 
 Metz, S note, 348, 367 
 Meuse, the, 15, 17, 293 
 Mezi^res, 374 
 Michael, St., Mount, 28 
 Alilice Franfaise, Histoire dt la, 5 
 
 note 
 MitUtmen, 241 
 Mons, 270, 284 ; taking of, 4 ; siege, 
 
 335 ; surrender, 346 
 Montelemberg, Chevalier de, 291 
 Montluc, M. de, Governor of Guienne, 
 
 3 
 
 Mortaigne, surrender of, 366 
 
 Mortemar, M. de, wounded in his 
 face, 385 
 
 Mortier, 281 
 
 Moselle, the, 293, 327 
 
 Mothe, Count de la, 330 note ; takes 
 Bruges, 328 
 
 Munderkingen, 102, 151 
 
 Munich, 70, 75, 95, iii, 204, 260, 
 397 ; panic in, 206 ; State Council 
 at, convened, 229; intrigues, 235; 
 deputation from the army, 236 ; 
 secret agreement with the Emperor 
 of Austria, 241 ; order to disband 
 the army, 242 ; entry of the Elector 
 of Bavaria into, 392 
 
 Namur, siege of, 14-24 ; surrender of 
 the town, 17 ; position of the cita- 
 del, 17 ; fortifications, 18; surprise 
 attack, 20-4 ; capitulation, 24 ; 
 besieged and captured by the Allies, 
 39-43; French troops retire to, 316; 
 character of the inhabitants, 351 ; 
 gaieties at, 352-5 ; handed over to 
 the Dutch, 378 
 
 Naples, revolution, outbreak of, 76 ; 
 taken by the Imperialists, 324 
 
 Nassau, Count of, drowned, 363 
 
 Nassau, Count Corneille de, taken 
 prisoner, 363 
 
 Nassau-Siegen, Prince of, taken pri- 
 soner, 363 
 
 Nectancourt, regiment of, 176, 181, 
 189 
 
 Neerwinden, 26 
 
 Neuburg, 224 ; capitulation of, 134 
 
 Neuville, 360, 361 
 
 Neyzinguer, Sieur, 240 
 
 Nicolini, Sieur, 287 
 
 Nieuport given up to the English, 
 378 
 
 Nimeguen, treaty of, in 1678, 51 note 
 
 Novion, Marquis de, 142 
 Noyelle, camp of, 357 
 
 Oberhausen, 226, 227 
 
 Oberichen, 234, 295 
 
 Oeting, 322 
 
 Offenburg, 379 
 
 Oise, the, 367 
 
 Opiate, effect of, 374 ; recipe for, 
 376 
 
 Orange, Prince of, 4 
 
 Orleans, Duke of, 152, 282 ; lays 
 siege to Valencia, 324 ; captures 
 the Castle of Lerida, 324 
 
 Ormonde, Duke of, in command ol 
 the English forces, 355 ; ordered tc 
 return, 358 
 
 Orsova, 406, 460 
 
 Ostend, taken by the Allies, 317 
 
 Ottoman army, at the siege of Bel- 
 grade, 414 
 
 Oudenarde, battle of, 328 
 
 Oudesch, rescue of, 365 
 
 Palankas, or suburbs, 407 
 
 Palphy, Marechal de, 444 
 
 Paris, 54, 397 
 
 Partition Treaty, the First, 71 note; 
 
 the Second, jl note 
 Passau, garrison withdrawn from, 
 
 128 ; siege of, 151 
 Perigord, 2, 88 
 Perigueux, 3 
 Peterwardein, 402, 465 
 Pfalzburg, 47, 326 
 Pforzheim, 322 
 Philippe v.. King of Spain, cedes 
 
 the sovereignty of the circle oi 
 
 Burgundy, 351 
 Picardy, 367 
 Piedmont, 46 
 Poland, King of, 252 
 Pontarche, 370 
 Pontorson, 28 
 Portugal, signs the treaty of Utrecht, 
 
 377 
 Pragelas, 144 
 Pressburg, 400 
 Prussia, King of, 378 
 Puisieux, Marquis de, 83, 87 
 
 Quarter-master, a mutinous, 49 
 
 Quatre-Clochers, 356 
 
 Quemin, M. de, 321, 340 ; captain 0: 
 
 the French grenadiers, 315; rescue! 
 
 a wounded man, 364-6 ; his lif< 
 
 saved by M. de la Colonie, 382 
 
 letter from, 394 
 
INDEX 
 
 477 
 
 Quercy, 3 
 
 Quesnoy, 343, 344; siege of, 357; 
 
 surrender, 357; captured by the 
 
 French, 373 
 Quintin, Saint, 369 
 
 Ragotzi, Prince, 461 
 
 Rain, 196 ; preparations for the de- 
 fence of, 198-200 ; siege, 200-3 > 
 capitulation, 203 
 
 Ramillies, Plain of, 303 ; battle, 304- 
 15 
 
 Rastadt, peace of, 389 
 
 Ratisbon, capture of, 133; retreat of 
 the Imperialists, 233 
 
 Ratisbon, Diet of, decisions, 76, 125 
 
 Red Fort, assault of, 292 
 
 Refuge, Marquis de, 5, 24 ; his treat- 
 ment of M. de la Colonie, 12 
 
 Reineck, 91 
 
 Renegades, punishment of, 458 
 
 Reveillon, M. de, 5 
 
 Rhine, the, 229, 327, 379 ; source of, 
 90 
 
 Ribaucourt, 359 
 
 Ricous, Marquis de, negotiations with 
 the Elector of Bavaria, 62, 70, 77, 
 80 ; proposal to raise a regiment, 
 81 ; receives M. de la Colonie, 95 ; 
 instructions, 95; attack of fever, 
 151 ; his return to Munich, 151 ; 
 death, 284 
 
 Riedhausen, 102 
 
 Rochart, 90 
 
 Roche-Guion, Duke de la, 315 
 
 Rochelle, 46 
 
 Rodez, 44 
 
 Roeulx, plain of, 321 
 
 Romans, King of the, 233, 248 
 
 Rosel, Chevalier de, 344 
 
 Rosenheim, 141, 147, 212 
 
 Rouergue, 44 
 
 Royere, no 
 
 Ruremonde, 112 
 
 Ryberck, 108 
 
 Ryswick, conference at, 5° ; peace of, 
 51 ; terms, 51 note 
 
 Saillant, regiment of, 383 
 
 Saillant d'Estain, M. de. Governor 
 
 of Namur, 316 
 Saintes, 3 
 Salins, 84 
 
 Salzburg, province of, 239 
 Sambre, the, 17, 2°. 42, 352. 359 
 Saone, the, 84 
 Saragossa, besieged and taken, 324 
 
 Sarre, the, 327, 367 
 
 Sart, 335, 336 
 
 Sauligny, M. de, 213 
 
 Save, the, 403, 405, 408, 411 
 
 Savoy, Duke of, 46 ; his change of 
 policy, 142 ; secret treaty with the 
 Emperor of Austria, 143 ; declares 
 war against France and Spain, 144 ; 
 repulsed at Toulon, 323 ; King of 
 Sicily, 378 
 
 Savoy, peace with France, 46 ; signs 
 treaty of Utrecht, 377 
 
 Savoy, Princess of, 46 
 
 Scarpe, the, 356, 358, 366, 370 
 
 Scharnitz, 141 
 
 Scharting, 126, 129, 241 
 
 Schelde, 330 
 
 Schelemberg, heights of, 175 ; attack 
 on, 180 ; retreat from, 192 
 
 Schemnitz, 462 
 
 Scheremhausen, 224 ; regiment quar- 
 tered at, 256, 262; departure, 267 
 
 Schlick, General, defeated, 127, 131 
 
 Schmidmidel, battle at, 137 
 
 Schumacher, Father, 236 
 
 Schvein, regiment of, 216 
 
 Selle, the, 359, 361 
 
 Semendria, 457 
 
 Semlin, 406, 411 
 
 Servia, province of, 465 
 
 Shabatz, 460 
 
 Sicily, King of, 378 
 
 Sisters, the twin, 401 
 
 Soleure, journey to, 83-7 
 
 Spain, Infanta Margaret, 52 
 
 Spain, signs the peace of Ryswick, 
 51; of Utrecht, 377; succession 
 to the throne, 51, 71 ; cause of the 
 war, 71-4 
 
 Spires, 379 ; victory at, 223 
 
 Staremberg, General, in command 
 of the Imperial army in Italy, 144 
 
 Stilts, war game of, 352-5 
 
 Stirum, Count, in command of the 
 Imperial forces, 139 ; defeated at 
 Hochstett, 139 
 
 Stirum, General, killed, 186 
 
 StoloCfen, lines at, captured, 322 
 
 Stralsund, 47 
 
 Strasburg, 5 note, 51 note, 270, 326, 
 
 397 
 Straubing, 154, 241; Imperial troops 
 
 at, 240 
 Surville, M. de, in command of the 
 
 fortress of Tournai, 334 ; surrender, 
 
 335 
 Swabia, circle of, 75, 7° ; reduction 
 of the principal fortress in, 102 
 
478 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Sweden, Gustavus Adolphus, King 
 
 of, 176 
 Szlankamen, 459; march to, 402-4 
 
 Tallard, Marechal de, his tactics at 
 the battle of Hochstett, 223 ; made 
 prisoner, 228 
 
 Tartars, 416 ; their food, 417 
 
 Taufkirken, Count Maxe, arrested, 
 104 
 
 Tavannes, Vicomte de, 3 note 
 
 Tavier, 304, 306 
 
 Temesvar, 465 
 
 Tesse, M. de, 82 
 
 Tesse, Marechal de. Governor of 
 Toulon, 323 
 
 Thaun, General, 324, 438 
 
 Theiss, the, 459 
 
 Thuin, 45 
 
 Tibergeaut, Madame de, her advice 
 to M. de la Colonie, 88 
 
 Tilly, General, 321 
 
 Tingry, Prince de, 368 
 
 Tor9y, M. de, 397 
 
 Toulon, siege of, 323 
 
 Tournai, 5 note ; captured by the 
 Allies, 334 
 
 Traerbeck, or Traubach, 293 
 
 Traubach, 293 note 
 
 Treaty of Partition, the First, 71 note; 
 the Second, 71 note ; a secret, be- 
 tween the Elector of Bavaria and 
 the King of France, 77-9 
 
 Trenches, digging the, 30 
 
 Treves, 293, 389 
 
 Tringry, Prince de, in command of 
 the garrison of Valenciennes, 356 
 
 Triple Alliance, 74 note 
 
 Troschmandorf, Baron de, 89 
 
 Tungen, General, 223 ; at the siege 
 of Ulm, 230-33 
 
 Turenne, Vicomte de, 3 
 
 Turin, 46, 144 
 
 Turks, war against the, 398 ; at the 
 siege of Belgrade, 406, 418-53 ; 
 sorties, 410-13; mode of warfare, 
 414; composition of troops, 415; 
 arms, 415 ; dress, 416 ; appearance, 
 416; camp, 417; tent of the Grand 
 Vizier, 417; food, 417; horseman- 
 ship, 419; their method of attack, 
 432 ; flight, 453, 455 
 
 Twin sisters, the, 401 
 
 Tyrol, invasion of, 141 
 
 Tyrolese, character of the, 147 
 
 Ulm, 166; siege of, 96-102, 230; 
 surrender, 102, 233 
 
 Utrecht, peace of, 377 
 Uzes, Duke d', 28 
 
 Valencia, surrender of, 324 
 
 Valenciennes, 5 note, 343, 344 ; siegs 
 of, 356 
 
 Var river, 323 
 
 Vauban, M. de, 19, 24, 33, 318 
 
 Vaubonne, M. de, 379 
 
 Vauselle, Abbey of, 359 
 
 Venant, Saint, invested, 349 
 
 Vendome, Duke of, 140; at the siegf 
 of Barcelona, 50 ; in command 
 the French army, 318; his head' 
 quarters at Binche, 320 ; break; 
 up his camp, 320 ; successful man 
 ceuvres, 320-2 ; retires from the 
 command, 333 
 
 Vequel, M. de, in command of tht 
 troops, 231 
 
 Veritas, Count, 147 ; murdered, 14? 
 
 Versailles, 5, 46, 53 
 
 Vexin Infantry Regiment, 25 
 
 Vienna, 399 
 
 Vignandal (Wynendael), 330 
 
 Vigouroux, Sieur de, stories of, 44-( 
 
 Villars, Comte de, his death, 373 
 
 Villars, M. de, in command of th( 
 army, 103, 333 ; his victory ai 
 Friedlingen, 112; captures the For: 
 of Kiel, 138 ; joins the army ir 
 Swabia, 139, 151 ; attacks th( 
 lines at Stoloffen, 322 ; ordered tc 
 Cevennes, 325 ; attempts to relievf 
 Mons, 335 ; at the battle of Mai 
 plaquet, 335; wounded, 342; take; 
 the Fort of Alleures, 351; occupiei 
 the camp of Noyelle, 357 ; his sur 
 prise march to Denain, 358-61 
 victory, 361-4 ; at Spires, 379 ; a 
 the siege of Landau, 379 ; 
 Freiburg, 379-86 ; meeting witl 
 Prince Eugene at Rastadt, 389 
 receives the Collar of the Goldei 
 Fleece, 389 
 
 Villeneuve, 136, 275 
 
 Villeroi, Marechal de, 42, 283 ; bom 
 bards the city of Brussels, 43 ; ii 
 command of the army in Flanders 
 286 ; invests Huy, 2S7 ; at Liege 
 295 ; his present of money from th( 
 King of France, 303 ; retires t< 
 Mons, 316 
 
 Vilshofen, 399 
 
 Wallachia, 465 
 Waterloo, forest of, 303 
 
INDEX 
 
 479 
 
 William III., recognised King of 
 England, 51 note ; signs the First 
 Partition Treaty, 71 note; recog- 
 nises Philip V. King of Spain, 72 ; 
 his change of policy, 73 ; death, 
 
 349 
 Wolfenbuttel, Duke of, 76 
 Wolfenblittel, Princess, 400 
 Wolframsdorf, Major-General M. de, 
 
 136, 159 
 Wornitz, 179 
 Wurtemberg, Prince Alexander of, in 
 
 command of the garrison of Lan- 
 dau, 379 
 Wynendael, 330 
 
 Xaintrom, 320 
 
 Ypres, 318 ; given to the Dutch, 378 
 
 Zinkendorf, Count, 378 
 Zobel, M., taken prisoner, 363 
 Zvornik, siege of, 460; raised, 461 
 
 PLYMOUTH 
 WILLIAM BKENDON AND SON, PRINTERS