'J'" H.B. LIVINGSTON FROM THE SIJMiY SCHOOL or S. PiJJL'S GHUECH, I EDGEWATER, NEW YORK. E EASTER-TIDE, 1885, CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GIFT OF Albert G, Mason CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 924 100 630 668 ¥2 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924100630668 THEOLOGICAL DICTIONARY DICTIONARY OF DOCTRINAL AND HISTORICAL THEOLOGY EDITED BY THE Rev. JOHN HENRY BLUNT, M.A., F.S.A. EDITOR OF THE "ANNOTATED BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER" ETC., ETC. SECOND EDITION RIVINGTONS WATERLOO PLACE, LONDON MDCCCLXXII A TABULAR GUIDE TO THE SYSTEMATIC READING OF THIS DICTIONARY THEOLOGY Fathers EuleofPalth Creeds Apostles' Creed Nicene Creed Quicunque vult Theology, SpeculatiTie and Dogmatic Eclecticism Syncretism Neo-Platonism Antioch, School of Origenism Alexandria, School of Augustinianism Scholastic Theology Mysticism Thomlsts Scotists Conceptualism TheoBophy Consent of Antiquity Analogy of Faith Economy Disclplina Arcani Reserve [See aho Erbors, Hebesies, and Sects] THE HOLY SCKIP- TUEES Revelation Scripture Word, Written Bible Canon of Scriptui-e Antllegomena Deutero-Canonical Old Testament Septuagint Talmud Targum Mishna Hillel Cahbala Haggadah Halacah Midrash New Testament Gospels Diatessaron Vatican Codex Alexandrine Codex Sinaitic Codex Versions Peschlto Vernacular Canons, Ammonian or Buseblan Inspiration Elements, Divine and Human Genuineness ' Authenticity Hermeneutica Interpretation Literal Interpretation Metaphorical Anagogical Allegorical Mystical Tropological Mythical Accommodation Exegesis Criticism Criticism, Comparative Parable Prophecy Weeks, Prophetic DOOTBINES OP THE CREED God Theism Nature, Divine Incomprehensible Jehovah Elohim Adonal Lord Sabaoth Almighty Attributes Glory Shechinah Monarchia Trinity Circumlncession Theandric Operation Communicatio Idioma- tum Creation Providence Word, The A andfi Messiah Christ Jesus 'Ix^iis Eternal Generation Hypostasis Union, Hypostatic Homoousion Divinity of Christ Pre-existence of Christ Incarnation Nativity of Christ " Ignorance " of Christ Transfiguration Passion of Christ Death of Christ Expiation Atonement Descent into Hell Besurrection of Christ Ascension Session of Christ Propitiation Vicarious Sacrifice Satisfaction Reconciliation Redemption Universal Redemption Mediation Intercession of Christ Presence of Christ Christology Spirit, The Holy Paraclete Procession of the Holy Ghost FUioque Church Congregation Body, Mystical Notes of the Church Unity of the Church Catholic Authority of the Church Indefectibillty of the Church Saint Communion of Saints Intercession of Saints Absolution Invocation of Saints Intermediate State Paradise Limbus Hades Purgatory Resurrection of the Body Body, Spiritual Antichrist Second Advent Chiliasm Millennium Last Judgment Everlasting Punishment Restoration of the Crea- ture New Creation Beatific vision Heaven Hell ANGELS Angels Guardian Angel THE BLESSED VIR- GIN MARY Mary Immaculate Conception Mother of God Theotokos Deipara Perpetual Virginity Assumption Mariolatry THE PHILOSOPHY OE CHRISTIANITY Infinite Eternity Evil Matter Substance OMa Personality Natural ReUglon Revealed Religion Nature Nature, La^s of Supernatural Miracles Life light Nature, Human Body, Natural Blood Head Heart Soul Creationism Traducianism Pre-existence of Soul Spirit Image of God Fall of Man Original Sin Death Damnation W^rathofGod PreeWm Sin Sacrifice Grace Faith Justification Sanctiflcation Prayer Intercessory Prayer Fasting Affections Illmnination Enthusiasm Doubt Truth THE SACRAMENTS Sacraments Mysteries Means of Grace Matter, Sacramental Opus Operatum Intention Character Baptism Initiation Regeneration Infant Baptism Lay Baptism Immersion A Tabular Guide AfPaslon Trine Affusion Aspersion Exorcism Sponsors Catechumen Competentes Neophyte Clinic Perfect! Chrism Confirmation Eucharist Communion, Holy Lord's Supper Mass Missa Teleion EeaJ Presence Bepresentation Concomitance Transubstantiation Consubstantiation Impanation Caphamaitism Ubiquity Orders, Holy Penance Penitence Repentance Attrition Contrition Bxomologesis Confession of Sins Auricular Confession Matrimony, Holy Marriage Banns Degrees, Forbidden Consanguinity AfBnity AtHnity, Spiritual Divorce Unction, Extreme Euchelaion THE MINISTEY OF THE CHURCH Hierarchy Holy Orders Episcopacy Apostolical Succession Jurisdiction, Spiritual Keys, Power of the Clergy Apostle Patriarch Archbishop Bishop Diocese ChoreplBcopl Suffragan Archimandrite Archdeacon Priest Parish Cure of Souls Pastor Parson Deacon Subdeacon Orders, Minor Readers Deaconess Vocation Mission Celibacy of the Clergy Ee-Ordlnation THE LAITY Faithful, The Christians Idlotse Laity Lay Priesthood Lay Co-operation Benefit of Clergy THE LITURGIES AND RITES or THE CHURCH Liturgy Ambrosian Rite Mozarabic Rite Ritual Adoration "Worship Ceremony Kneehng Benediction Anointing Imposition of Hands Ablution Hymns Agapse Hours Compline Purification of Women Burial of the Dead Prayer for the Dead Diptychs Beatification Canonization Missal Breviary Buchologion Mensea Menology Martyrology Gradual Comes Anaphora Ordinary of the Mass Missa Catechumenorum Missa Fidelium Missa PrsBsanctiflca- torum Missa Sicca Prothesis Altar Lord's Table Wafer Az3rme Wave-Offering Litany Introit Gloria in Bxcelsls Trisagion CoUect Offertory Kiss of Peace Ter Sanctus Oblation Invocation of the Holy Spirit in the Eucharist Lord's Prayer Embolismus Elevation Intinction Reservation Antidoron Invitatory Antiphon Canticle Benedicite Gloria Patri Ave Maria Kyrie Ble'eson Hosanna Hallel Alleluia Amen Bema Ambon Lessons Capitulum Preaching Homily Postil HermeneutsB Bidding of Prayers Lavlpedium Ci'oss CHURCH SEASONS Year Calendar Annual Commemoration Festivals Fast-Days Jejunia quatuor tempo- rum Vigil Sabbath Lord's Day Sunday Advent Christmas • Circumcision Epiphany Bethphany Candlemas Annunciation Septuagesima Sexagesima Quiuquagesima Lent Quadragesima Ash- Wednesday Caput Jejunii Ocena Domini Passover Easter Paschal Controversy Quartodeciman Annotine Easter Rogations Ascension Pentecost Whitsun Day Trinity Sunday CHURCH HISTORY Chronological Tables Popes, Catalogue of Councils Synods Convocations Fathers, Apostolic Apology Fathers Mart3rrs Paganism Persecutions of the Church Recognitions, Clementine Hellenists Paschal Controversy Image Worship Iconoclasm Missions Dark Ages Monasticism Jesuits Gallicanism Interim Adiaphoristic Contro- versy Pragmatic Sanction Huguenots Jansenism Supremacy, Royal Articles Puritanism Nonconformity Dissenters Nonjurors Toleration Brastianism Latitudinarianism Evangelical CHURCH OF ROME Popes, Catalogue of Ultramontanlsm Exemption Provisions Unigenitus Supremacy, Papal Romanism Protestantism Propaganda Popery Pardons Antipopes Annates Concordat In Ccena Domini Cardinal Decretals, False Decretals Encyclical Interdict IneffabUis Deus Indulgence Bull Brief Chirograph Reservation of Benefices Reserved Cases CHRISTIAN ETHICS Morality, Natural Law, Moral Law of Christ Grace Virtues, Theological Conscience Casuistry Sin Actual Sin Mortal Sin Venial Sin Vice Temptation Works Merit Supererogation Love Obedience Alms Restitution Oath Adjuration Abjuration Matrimony, Holy Bigamy Polygamy Adviltery THE ASCETIC LIFE Counsels of Perfection Contemplation Morttflcatiou Asceticism Fasting Xerophagy Cenobltes Monasticism Virginity Widows AgapetsB Nuns ECCLESIASTICAL LAW AND DISCIPLINE Jurisdiction, Ecclesiasti- cal Regale Law, Ecclesiastical Canon Law Civil Law A Tabular Guide Apostolic Canons Apostolic Constitutions Constitutions of Claren- don Capitulars Foundations, Ecclesiasti- cal Consecration Sacrilege Secularization Blaspliemy Benefice Tithes Simony Monition Irregularity Suspension Deposition Degradation Consistory Ordinary Official Visitation Commendatory Letters Dispensation Discipline, Ecclesiastical Bxcommunication Anatbema Maranatba Lapsed Libellaticl Flentes Energumenl Audientes Genuflectentes Consistentes Libelli Pacis Articulus Mortis ERRORS, HERESIES, AND SECTS Petlchism Magic Zabianism Polytheism Atheism Deism Buddhism Sablans Judaism Apostasy InfldeUty Heresy Schism Scepticism Fanaticism Dualism Pantheism Fatalism Materialism Splnozlsm Bationallsm Positivism Nicolaitans Cerinthians Bbionites Encratites Docetss BasUidians Marclonites Gnosticism Emanation ^on Demiurge Anthropomoi-phism Metempsychosis Manicheeism Montanism PriscUlianists Ee-Baptism Monarchianism Praxeanlsm P atripassianism Sabellianism Paulianlsts Arlanlsm Semi-Ariaulsm Homoiousion Anomeeans Eunomlans Apollinarianism Macedonianism Eutychianlsm Monophysltism Monothelitism Nestorianism Novatlanism Cathari Meletlan Schism Donatism Pelagianism Semi-Pelagianism Adoptionism Paulicianism Waldeuses Albigenses Lollards Lutheranism Augsburg Confession Basle Confession Belgic Confession Remonstrants Sacramentarians Ubiquity Solifldianism Zwingllanism Anabaptlsm Antinomianism Calvinism . Decrees, Eternal Imputed Righteousnesa Five Points Final Perseverance Calvinistic Confessions Lambeth Articles Election Indefectible Grace TTnitarianlsm Soclnianism Armiuianism Congregationalists Antitnnltarianism Sublapsarianism Supralapsarlanlsm Pietism Quietism Quakerism Moravianism Swedenborgianism Methodism Mormonism UniversaUsm EVIL Satan Abaddon Baal Evil Sin Temptation Demons : Demoniacal Possession Antichrist A A AlOD Q. The first and last letters of the Greek alphabet are nsed in a theological sense to express the comprehensiTeness of God's existence in relation to created thiags and persons [Eev. L 8, xxL 6, xxiL 13]. In this sense the expression is a Hehraism already represented in the Old Testament [Isa. xlL 4, xliv. 6], and otherwise known to the Jews, who employed Aleph and Tau, the first and last letters of the Hehrew alphabet, to express absolute completeness and perfection. So " Abraham and Sarah " are said to haTe " performed all the law from Aleph to Tau," and " he that walks in integrity is as if he per- formed aH the law from Aleph to Tau." [Light- foot, Harmony of the N. T. Rev. of St. John, voL iiL 1822.] The word nx, as comprehend- ing all the letters, was also used by them as a name of the ShechinaL The Syriac "Version of the Eevelation renders, I am Olaph, also Tau, while the Vulgate retains the Greek letters. Ego sum A et n. In the original Greek the definite article is prefixed, and as the terms of contrast are not the Omicron and the Omega, but the Alpha as the first and the Omega as the last letter, the more correct rendering would be, " I am the Alpha and the Omega," the one sole origin and end of all existence. The meaning intended in the several passages where the formula occurs is apparently that the eternal being, immutability, omnipotence, absolute perfections and truth of the self-existent God, " of Whom, and through Whom, and to Whom, are all things" [Eom. xi. 36], Who is "the First and the Last,, and beside " Whom " there is no God " [Isa. xHt. 6], are pledged to the fulfilment of the Revelation given through St. John in an epistolary form to the Seven Churches of Asia, as the repre- sentatives of the Church universal; that revelation relating specially to the Second Advent of Christ, and generally to the existence and chequered for- tunes of the Church until the final consummation of all things. God, as He Himself is, the Creator and Author of all things, whether old or new, pro- 1 i- poses, declares, promises, and will infallibly bring His counsels and promises to pass. The general tradition of the Church assigns these symbols to our Lord. Commentators, how- ever, are not agreed as to the Person of the Bless- ed Trinity who is speaking in the different pas- sages of the Revelation. Cornelius a Lapide takes i. 8 (and apparently xxL 6), of the Godhead in general as common to the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, referring in proof of his interpretation to V. 4, to which might be added Isa. xhv. 6, " Thus saith the Lord, the King of Israel, and His Re- deemer the Lord of hosts j / am the First," &c. Bengel and Alford understand the speaker to he God the Father, while St. Gregory Nazienzen, St. Athanasius, RufBnus, Wordsworth, and Trench interpret it of the Son. The last writer grounds his view specially upon the words o ip^o/ievo;, " which is in some sort a proper name of oui Lord" [Matt. xL 3; Heb. x. 37; John i. 15, 27 ; cf MaL iii 1 ; Hab. ii. 3]. On the other hand, in xxii. 13, there seems a general agreement that Jesus Christ is the speaker. If, then, we compare this passage with i. 17, 18, and ii. 8, it is clear that our Lord, by applying these words to Himself, claims all the attributes of the Godhead, as being the Source, the Upholder and End of all things, more especially the attribute of coetemity with the Everlasting Father. The letters Alpha and Omega, sometimes writ- ten from right to left, are found together with XP in the Roman catacombs and upon the houses in the deserted Christian cities of Syria near the Orontes. It is also said that in the times of Arianism they were inscribed upon the tombs of the orthodox as a protest against that heresy. They found their way too into ecclesi- astical Latin poetry. Thus Prudentius, Cathem. ix. 10, writes, — Corde natus ex Parentis ante mimdi exordium Alpha et Si cognominatus, Ipse fons et clausula Omnium quae sunt, fuerunt, quseque post futura sunt, which was adopted in the Use of York as the Abaddon Absolute Hymn for Compline, and in the Hereford Use for Prime during the Octave of the Nativity. The Sarum Hymn for Compline at Whitsuntide has Alpha, Caput Finisque simul, vocitatur et est 0, and the magnificent hymn of HUdebert, Ad Tres Personas SS. Trinitatis, commences Alpha et magne Deus Heli, Heli, Deu3 meus. [Cornelius a Lapide in Apocalypsim. Bengelii Gnomon. Archh. Trench, Comm. on the Epistles to the Seven Ohurohes, and Sacred Latin Poetry, pp. 323-325. Bishop Wordsworth's and Dean AJford's Greek Testaments. Maitland, Church in the Catacombs (1847). Hymnale secundum Usum Sarum, ^c, Littlemore, 1850.] ABADDON is a Hebre-w word meaning "destruction" [Job xxxi. 12]. In Job xxvi. 6, the Chaldee paraphrast renders it by the " house of destruction," or Hades ; in xxviii. 22, he places the "angel of death" in apposition with the word. The cognate form of "Abdana" occurs not un- frequently in the Targums for "destruction;" and one of the names for Christian schools in the Talmud is " Be' Abidan." In the N. T. it is the personification of Hades, Eev. is. 11, kiog and " angel of the bottomless pit ;" where it is inter- preted " in the Greek tongue Apollyon," and by the Vulgate, "Latine nomen habens Extermi- nans." Abaddon is one with Asmodeus, " Malca de Sh^de," king of the devils, as he is styled in Targums and Talmud; one also with Sammael, the angel of death, who in form of serpent de- ceived Eve. All these notions were developed at Babylon and brought back with the Jews after the Captivity. Evil spirits are referred in Eabbinical writings to a common origin with our- selves, either by a simultaneous act of creation, or by generation from Adam through the spectral Lilith ; " Adam's erste Fran " [Gbthe]. The Jew- ish trifling on this subject may be seen at more than sufficient length in Eisenmenger's Entdecktes Jud. ; Buxtorf, Lex. Talm. v. Asham ; Smith's Diet., art. Asmodeus. The case is, that as the divine attributes were personified in the various grades and Sephiroth of the angelic hierarchy, so human vices and debasing passions were de- monized under various grotesque names during the Captivity. Asmodeus has been identified with the spirit of impurity, which would suit Abaddon in the context, Eev. ix. 11. The other- wise d/BacriXevTov yevos [Prov. xxx. 27] of locusts, as the hriOviilai of the human heart, may very justly be derived from the smoke of the bottom- less pit [Eev. ix. 3]. Abaddon in this passage may be taken as a synonym for Lucifer, who " as lightning fell from heaven " [Eev. ix. 1 ; Luke X. 18], i.e. Satan. ABBA. A Syriac word signifying Eather, and expressive of loving reverence. Our Lord applies the designation to the First Person of the Blessed Trinity when addressing Him in prayer [Mark xiv. 36]. St. Paul does the same when speaking of the relation of adopted children in which Christians stand towards Him [Rom. viii. 15 ; Gal. iv. 6]. Selden and other late vn-iters 2 allege that the Jews had a law which forba bond-servants to use the term father to the masters ; and that hence the Apostle is using term which was especially expressive of a reli tion of liberty. In the churches of Palestir and Egypt the word is used as an episcopal titl hence no doubt it came to be used in the Wei also in the form of Abbot. [Abuna.] ABJURATION. A solemn act by which person renounces any heresy in which he hs believed, or of which he has been accused. E formal provision for such a renunciation of errc exists in the formularies of the Church of En; land. The Eoman Church has a modern autho: ized form of Abjuration which is ordered to l said before Confession, in the presence of th Confessor and two or three witnesses. In sul stance it is " I receive aU the definitions of th Council of Trent, abjure such and such heresiei and wish to remain in the unity of the Hoi Eoman Church. So help me God and thes holy Gospels." ABLUTION. A liturgical term for any ceri monial washing of the person, or of the sacre vessels. [I.] Of the Pbbson. 1. In the Eastern Churc there is a solemn ablution of the newly baptizec which is performed on the octave of the day < Baptism, for the purpose of washing away th Chrism which has been used in Confirmatioi 2. The well-known ceremony of washing the fee of the poor on Maundy-Thursday as a sign c humility and love. [Lavipbdium.] 3. The al lution of the celebrant's hands before and afte the celebration of the Holy Eucharist. In th Sarum rite the first of these takes place immt diately after the offertory, and "ad dextrui comu altaris," the priest saying, " Cleanse m« Lord, from every defilement of mind and bodj that I may be able with purity to perform th holy work of the Lord." The second is for th purpose of removing any portion of the const crated elements that may adhere to the fingers and follows the Communion. [IL] Op the Sacred Vessels. The ablutio: of these after Communion is a liturgical custor which has for its object the reverent consumptio: of every portion of the consecrated elements According to the Sarum rite, the ablution is twc fold — ^first, with wine and water, and secondly with wine alone. According to the Eoman rite it is thiee-fold — ^first, with wine; secondly, wit] wine and water ; and thirdly, with water alone The celebrant alone drinks the ablutions, i either case. He also rinses his fingers in ther (independently of the second washing of th hands) ; and it is a modern English custom t rinse the paten with one or both of the ablution used for the chalice. The Sarum rubric als (^jrects — "Cum vero aliquis sacerdos debet hi celebrare in uno die, tunc ad primam missar non debet percipere ablutionem ullam, sed poner in sacrario, vel in vase mundo usque ad finer alterius missse ; et tunc sumatur utraque ablutio ABSOLUTE. This word is theologicaUy oj posed to "relative" and "conditional." Fores Absolution Absolution ample, [1.] Divine goodness is absolute and not relative goodness, being perfect and infinite, with- out any admixture of imperfection, and without relation to any standard of comparison. [2.] The grace of Holy Baptism is ahsolute and ndt condi- tional when no bar is placed ia the way of its reception, as ia the case of infants. ABSOLUTION. [1.] The sacerdotal act of forgiving a penitent's sins in the Name of God. [2.] The legal release of an exconmmnicated person fiom the penalties attached to excommunication. The ecclesiastical use of the word is to he traced to Holy Scripture, where our Lord is found giving a spiritual sense to the idea of imbinding or un- loosing j as may he seen by the comparison of John xi. 44 ; Luke xiii. 16 ; Matt. xvi. 19, and xvui. 18. The word was also familiar to the early Christians of Europe as an official term for "release" or "acquittal" in the Eoman law. Scriptural statements respecting the forgiveness of sins show that such an institution as that of Absolution formed an integral portion of the Christian system as it was revealed in and by our Lord Jesus Christ. Not, indeed, that it was a new institution, for it was recognised under the Jewish system, and the type of its very fullest development is recorded in the Old Testament, where a confessing penitent says, " I have sinned against the Lord," and an absolving priest replies, "The Lord also hath put away thy sin" [2 Sam. xiL 13]. But in the Christian system all things were made new by derivation of grace &om the Person of our Lord, and by the operation of His human nature in the work of Mediation and Li- tercession. And in accordance with this new system, our Lord took pains (if we may venture so to say) to set forth His own Person as the fountain of absolution, and to make His apostles understand that they were the channels through which its stream flowed forth from His Manhood to the Church at large. When a paralyzed man was brought to Him for cure. He uttered the startling words, " Son, thy sins be forgiven thee ;" on which the Scribes began " reasoning in their hearts. Why doth this man thus speak blas- phemies ? Who can forgive sins but God only % And immediately when Jesus perceived in His spirit that they so reasoned within themselves. He said unto them. Why reason ye these things in your hearts ? Whether is it easier to say to the sick of the palsy, Thy sins be forgiven thee ; or to say. Arise, take up thy bed and walk ? But that ye may know that the Son of Man hath power on earth to forgive sins (He saith to the sick of the palsy) I say unto thee. Arise, take up thy bed and go thy way into thine house" [Mark ii. 5-11]. Thus He illustrated His power of loosing from the bonds of sin by an act of His power of loosing from the bonds of a prostrating bodily infirmity, and showed to the incredulous cavillers that not only was there a Divine Power in heaven to absolve, but also a Human person "on earth," the "Son of Man," the head of the new system. Our Lord, as Head of His Church, being thus the Fountain of Absolution. He endowed the 3 Apostles with a capacity to become channels foi the conveyance of the gift. On two occasions [Matt. xvi. 19, xvui. 18] He had promised to give them the power of binding and loosing in heaven by their acts of binding and loosing on earth j which was equivalent to a declaration that their absolutions [see also Excommunioation] would be ratified by God. This power He ac- tually gave to them when He was about to ascend into heaven ; and in doing so he again made it unmistakeably evident that He was the original source of the absolving power bestowed. " Then said Jesus to them again. Peace be unto you : as My Father hath sent Me, even so send I you. And when He had said this, He breathed on them, and saith unto them, Eeceive ye the Holy Ghost : whose soever sins ye remit, they are re- mitted unto them, and whose soever sins ye retain, they are retained" [John xx. 21-23]. They were to minister the virtue of His Touch by means of Baptism, of His Presence by means of the Holy Eucharist, and of His all-forgiving Word, by means of Absolution. And as His eye could look forward into the darkness of the future, and be- hold a continuous succession of sinners needing forgiveness, so did His wisdom ordain a succession of ministers to give absolution; and he added the same continuous force to the commission to absolve as He added to the commission to baptize, by saying, " Lo, I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world" [Matt, xxviii. 20]. Eespecting the form which was practically given to this commission of absolution by the Apostles there has been much controversy. Some have contended that the early Church knew no other form of absolution than that of readmitting her penitents to the participation of the Holy Eucharist after satisfactory evidence had been given of penitence by confession and submission to penitential discipline. But no writer of the early ages, nor down to the sixteenth century, ever identified our Lord's commission to forgive sins with the administration of the Holy Eucha- rist; nor did they ever associate the continued adnunistration of it with " the remission of sins," for which our Lord declared that His Blood was shed [Matt. xxvi. 28]. Li the one great gift of Christ's Body and Blood all other spiritual gifts are doubtless, in a sense, contained; but this concentrated power of the Holy Eucharist does not by any means exclude other ordinances for the bestowal of spiritual gifts, and does not ex- clude that of absolution for the remission of sins. Upon the authority of Morinus \De peewit. viii. 2, xiii. 8] it is frequently asserted that the Church used no other form of absolution than that of a prayer for 1200 years, and that the in- dicative form " I absolve thee," was first adopted in the twelfth century. St. Thomas Aquinas writes of the indicative form in the thirteenth century as if it had always been in use \Opuscul. xxii.], and he certainly could not have so written if the change had been recently made. Goar also [Eueholog. Orceo. p. 673, n.] asserts his belief that it had been used from primitive ages. And notwithstanding the learning of Morinus, many Abstinence Accommodation other learned men consider that the evidence adduced by him is insufficient to prove the j?re- catory form to have heen the only form used for 1200 years. Probahly the truth is, that in the jpublic services of the Church precatory forms vrere always used, and that an indicative form was used for the absolution of individual peni- tents, as is the case in the Church of England.^ The precatory form, "The Lord absolve thee," etc., is alone used in the Eastern Church ; but, notwithstanding the adherence of Orientals to ancient usages, this does not prove it to have been the primitive form, for they use an analo- gous form in baptizing, " N the servant of God is baptized," instead of the ministerial form " I baptize thee," which is undoubtedly primitive. The precatory or optative form of absolution is illustrated by the general forms used in the English Church after the general confessions at the Holy Communion, Mattins, and Evensong. It must be regarded as an authoritative act of the Church, sown broadcast to become an indi- vidualized pardon of sin wherever there is good soil in wMch it can take root.^ The circimi- stances necessitate some reserve in the terms used. The indicative form is intended to be used after a particular confession of particular sins, which has been preceded by a searching examination of the conscience. Both the confession and the absolution are here individualized at once, and therefore no reserve in the terms of the latter is necessary, beyond that which distinguishes the absolution as a ministerial act done on behalf of God, in whose Ifame it is given. [Confes- sion, Penance. Morinus de Fosnitentia ; St. Thom. Aquin. Opuscul. xxii. ; MaskeU on Absolve tion.'] ABSTIKENCE. Diminution of bodily nour- ishment for the purpose of self-discipline ; a mitigated form, therefore, of fasting. It is to be regulated by the circumstances of the individual case, such as the necessities of health, courtesy towards others, and general rules of sound sense and reason. [St. Thom. Aq., qusest. 146, art. i ; Asceticism.] As regards what is called " Total Abstinence," it is to be noted that by the ancient custom of the Church any man who has a natural abhor- rence of wine, or cannot take it without danger, is incapable of receiving priest's orders. Analogy would make a vow of Total Abstinence incon- sistent with the office of the Christian priesthood. Eor the application of the word in a sense that applies to married clergy, see Celibacy. ABSTEACT. A theological term derived from logicians, and denoting quality £is distinguished from and independent of person. It is opposed to "Concrete," but is often used for it in Holy Scripture, as when circumcised persons or Jews ^ The rubric before the Absolution in the Visitation of the Sick, as it stood in the Prayer Book of 1549, ordered, "And the same form of absolution shall be used in all private confessions," which haa been the constant prac- tice of later times. 2 This use of it is very clearly illustrated in the " Forms of Prayer to be used at Sea," by a rubric preceding the Confession. 4 are called "the Circumcision," or the captive Jews "the Captivity." It is often, also, used for the purpose of augmenting an idea ; as when God is said to be Wisdom, Goodness, Justice, Holiness, rather than wise, good, just, or holy. So Christ is called our Salvation, Eedemption, the Truth, the Life. ABTTTSTA. The title of the metropolitan of Abyssioia. It is etymologically equivalent to Abhas and Papa. The Abuna is nominated by the Coptic Patriarch of Alexandria. ACCIDENTS. This term of ancient philo- sophy has been appropriated by theologians to express the sensible qualities of the consecrated elements in the Holy Eucharist. Transubstantia- tion involves the principle that the natural ele- ments of bread and wine cease to exist, but that the size, colour, appearance, and taste of them yet remain. These latter are thus called the " accid- ents," or " species," of the bread and wine, the only substance being that which results from the work of God in causing the elements to become the Body and Blood of Christ. The application of the term is rather a scholastic refuge from a logical difficulty than an explanation of the mys- tery. [St. Thom. Aq., iii qusest. 75, art. iL and 77, art. i. ; Coricil. Trident. De 8S. Euch. can. iL; Gatech. Trident. iL 44, 45. Tra.nsub- STANTIATION.] ACCOMMODATION. A term used to ex- press the manner in which Divine communica- tions are adapted to the understanding, habits, and circumstances of those to whom they are made. In Patristic theology it is also called oiKovofiia (economy), and cruyKarajSacrts (condes- cension) ; and modem writers have defined two modes of such adaptation, [1.] the accommodation of form, [2.] the accommodation of matter. [1.] The first of these, accommodation of form, is that adaptation of Divine Truth which consists in the representation of it under figurative or paraboHcal language : as, for example, when our Lord taught by direct parables, or by such lan- guage as " When the unclean spirit is gone out of a man, he walketh through dry places, seeking rest, and findeth none," &c. [Matt. xii. 43]. Such also is the language used respecting God, who is incomprehensible and has neither parts nor passions, and yet is represented as sitting on a throne, as beholding men with His eyes, and as repenting, being angry, jealous, and so forth. [Antheopomoephism.] Such accommodation does not misrepresent the truth, but puts it into a form which represents it more vividly to the human understanding. So the Incarnation itseli was by some of the Fathers called the Economy, as bringing the unknowable God within the range of human knowledge. Without such an accom- modation, the revelation of some Divine truths would be impossible: but it is important tc remember that no communication from God whatever the language in which it is made, cai possibly be inconsistent with truth. [2.] The accommodation of matter is definec as positive or negative. Negative is when trutl is imparted gradually, with a proportion of re Acephali Adoption serve suited to tlie circumstances of those to whom it is communicated ; or as when a law is not enforced fully, hut with relaxations adapted in a like manner to circumstances. Thus St. Paul feeds his converts with milk until -they are ahle to hear strong meat [1 Cor. iii. 2] ; and the indissoluhle character of marriage was not strictly enforced upon the Jews hecause of the " hardness of their hearts " [Matt. xix. 8]. Positive accom- modation is the deHherate adoption of untruths for the sake of making truth intelligihle, or the adoption of wrong customs for the sake of wia- niag persons to right ones. This is funda- mentally iuconsistent with the character of God, of Divine Eevelation, and of our Lord as Man. And heing so, no explanation of any difficult passages of Holy Scripture which is founded upon the principle of " positive accom- modation" can be admitted by the Christian theologian. ACEPHALI. Certain early schismatics so named from a and Ki<^aXrj, without a head or chief. The name has been used in a very general way, hut the persons chiefly indicated by it are: — [1.] Those who refused to follow St. Cyril of Alexandria, or John the Patriarch of Antioch, at the condemnation of ^Nestorius by the Council of Ephesus. [2.] Certain heretics of the fifth century, whose principles were similar to those of the Eutychians. They were condemned by the Synod of Constantinople, a.d. 536. [3.] Priests who refuse to acknowledge the authority of their bishop, and bishops who refuse to acknowledge that of their metropolitans. [Euttohians.] ACTUAL GEACE is distinguished from ha- bitual grace as that which God gives to Christians for the purpose of doing some action acceptable to Him ; habitual grace being an inherent quality making them acceptable to Him, such as the grace possessed by baptized infants. The one is grace combined with will, the other grace inde- pendent of wUL ACTUAL SIN is in a similar way distin- guished from Original sin; the consent of the wiU, and the power to discriminate between good and evil being required. [Sin.] ADIAPHOEISTIC CONTEOVEESY. A fanciful name given to the dispute about ecclesi- astical customs not ordained in Holy Scripture, which agitated for a long time the followers of Luther and Melanchthon. The latter compre- hended under things indifferent [oStoi^opa] almost aU the traditions and ceremonies of the Church ; being disposed to give them up for the sake of concord. The opposite opinion was defended by Flacius Ulyricus, Professor of Hebrew at "Witten- berg, and ids followers long continued in contro- versy with those of Melanchthon ; the two parties being called Philippists and Flacianists. [Inteeim. ] AD JUEATIGF. The binding of a person by a solemn invocation of the Divine Name, or of something sacred from its association with God. In the one case it is express, as " I adjure thee by the living God," or " in the Name of God :" in the other it is implicit, as " I adjure thee by the gos- pel of Christ." It differs from an oath in not 5 calling God to witness, and also in the fact that an oath is not in any way binding upon a person until that person has taken it. An adjuration can only properly be used when it is used with great reverence, and for a proper purpose. It can seldom be necessary or right for a private person to use any adjuration ; but the official use of it as a ministerial act is recognised in Holy Scripture : Matt. xxvi. 63, 64 ; Acts xix. 13. It is also recognised by the Church in the ExoROiSM which precedes Baptism in all ancient baptismal offices. ADONAI. Adonai, Lord, was the term sub- stituted by the Jews in reading Scripture for Je- hovah, from fear of incurring guUt under Exod. XX. 7. The Name Jehovah was uttered only in the sanctuary by the priests pronoxmcing the bless ing, and by the high priest within the Holy ot HoUes on the Day of Atonement [Maimon. More Nevocldm, i. 61], and the true pronunciation was said to have been lost. The vowels with which it is pointed do not really belong to the word, but to Adonai; when Adonai, therefore, occurs in juxtaposition with Jehovah in the sacred text, the vowels assumed by the latter are no longer those of Adonai, but of Elohim, which then becomes the substitute, e.g., Jehovih. PhUo terms Jehovah the " Incommunicable Name," and even Maimon- ides, when he has occasion to mention it, does not venture to write it otherwise than by spelling it as the " Shem Hammephorash," the distinctly articulated, Yod, He, Vau, He. The LXX. in- variably express the word by the Greek equivalent for Adonai, viz., Kijptos, shewing that it was the re- cognised substitute for the Sacred Name when the Old Testament was translated into Greek. Adonai being a proper name and not an appellative, is always anarthrous, as is Jehovah ; aU. other names for the Deity being affected by the article. The plural form is the expression of majesty as Eashi says [Is. xix. 3] ; the longer vowel Kamets being substituted for Pathach to distinguish it from Adonai, "my lords" [Gesen. Lex.'] In the Cab- bala the combination " Jehovah Adonai" is isody- namical with "Amen," the letters in either case summing, as Hebrew numerals, 91. Adonai is termed by Irenseus nominahile, i.e., p-riTov as con- trasted with the apprjTov, " Jehovah." [Hcer. ii] ADOPTION {vlodea-ia). A term of Eoman law taken into the theological vocabulary of the Christian Church by St. Paul when writing to the Eomans, Galatians, and Ephesians [Eom. viii. 15, 23, ix. 4 ; Gal. iv. 5 ; Eph. i. 5], and ever since used with loving reverence to signify the relation of Christians to their Heavenly Father. By the Eoman law, adoption was effected by a formal act through the process properly called by the name, when a child stUl imder the authority of its natural parent was made over to another person to whom he was henceforth to be as a son ; or else by the process of Arrogation, when one who was his own master was taken into sonship by his own consent.' Thus, in the Christian ^ " Cum in aUenam fanuliam inque liberorum lootiin extranei sumuntnr, aut per prsBtorem fit, aut per populum. Quod per prsetcrem fit, adoptio dicitur ; quod per popu Adoptionism sense, God makes a covenant with tlie children of men by the force of which they hecome "children of God, and if children, then heirs, heirs of God, and joiat heirs with Christ." The instrumental cause of adoption ia the Scriptural sense, is the Incarnation of our Lord, by which human Nature was so sanctified as to he once more in the relation to God which is ex- pressed in Luke ui 38, where it is said of Adam, "which was the son of God." The human Nature which our Lord took of His human mother was thus spoken of hy the angel, — " that Holy Thing which shaU he bom of thee shall be called the Son of God" [Luke i. 35] ; and St. Paul shews that this relation of sonship thus acquired by the human Nature of Christ possessed a capacity of extension-: "When the fulness of the time was come, God sent forth His Son, made of a woman, made under the law, to redeem them that were under the law, that we might receive the adoption of sons " [GaL iv. 4, 5]. But this capa- city of Christ's sonship was not at once extended to aU by the act of its acquisition in His own individual person. His Incarnation became the instrumental cause of adoption, but the formal act by which each individual person is adopted as a chUd of God is the act of baptism, in which they receive " the spirit of adoption, whereby we cry Abba, Father" [Eom. viii. 15] : "Ye are all the children of God by faith in Christ Jesus. For as many of you as have been baptized into Christ, have put on Christ" [Gal. iii 26, 27]. It must be remembered that adoption is whoUy the work of God. No act of man's own could make him a son of God ; but whosoever is bap- tized being made a member of Christ by God's blessing following on the means used, they thus " put on Christ," and in their union with Him are adopted into the sonship of God. ADOPTIONISM. The heretical opinion that our Lord Jesus Christ is the Son of God the Father by adoption. It is opposed to the Catholic dogma that He is the " only begotten" Son of God, as stated in the Nicene Creed. The adoptionist theory was not unknown to the early Church, being refuted by St. Cyril of Jerusalem, St. Hilary, St. Ambrose, St. Chry- sostom, and St. Augustine, in the age succeeding the heresy of Arius. Thus, St. Cyril says that Christ " is the Son of God by nature, begotten of the Father, and not by adoption" \Gate6h. Led,. xi.] ; St. Hilary that " the Son of God is not a false God, or God by adoption, or mere metaphor, but true God" [Hilar, de Trinit. v. 5] ; St. Am- brose that "we do not speak of an adopted son as a son by nature, but we do say that a son by nature is a true son" [Ambros. de Incarnat. viii.] ; and St. Augustine that " we to whom God has given power to become His sons are not begotten of His nature and substance as His ' only begot- ten,' but adopted by His love : the Apostle often using the word for no other purpose than to dis- tinguish the 'only begotten' from the sons by adoption" [Aug. de Consens. Evang. ii. 3]. From lum arrogcutw." Aulus GeUius, v. 19, where a full expla- nation will be found of the Eoman system of adoption. Adoptionism such expressions it is sufificiently evident that adoptionism was already known in the fourth century. [Arianism.] But it was in the eighth century, and in the Church of Spain that this heretical opinion be- came distinctly formalized, its chief disseminators being Elipand, Archbishop of Toledo, and Felix, Bishop of TJrgel. The latter was a subject of the Emperor Charlemagne; but the diocese of Toledo was within the bounds of the Mahometan rule, and it is probable that the theory of adop- tion was revived as a means of conciliating the Mahometans, and of making the reception of Christianity easier to them. They acknowledge "Deum, Dei Fihum, ante omnia tempora sine initio ex Patre genitum cosetemum et consubstan- tialem, non adoptione, sed genere," but denied that perfect union of the human nature of Christ with His Divine nature by which the Man Christ Jesus was from the beginning of the Incarnation the very Word, the eternal and only begotten Son of God. [CoMMUNiCATio Idiomatum.] This was substantially a denial of the basis of Christi- anity, and although many followers were attracted by the new teaching, it was at once opposed by orthodox theologians as involving the same dan- gerous principles found in the heresy of Nestorius. The earliest opponents of adoptionism were an abbot named Beatus, and Etherius, Bishop of Osma; but the most effective was Alcuin the friend of Charlemagne, who was summoned by the Emperor from England for the purpose of refuting Felix, and bringing bim back to orthodox opinions. After a full examination of the adop- tionist statements, Alcuin wrote a treatise against Felix, in seven books, and another in four books in reply to Elipand, besides letters addressed to both. His arguments are founded on the Unity of the Person of Christ, which precludes the pos- sibility of His being at the same time Son of God by nature and Son of God by adoption. His two natures cannot make Christ two sons, for they are perfectly and inseparably united in one Person. Adoptionism was formally condemned in the first instance by the Synod of Eatisbon [a.d. 792], where Felix abjured and anathematized his errors in presence of the assembled bishops, and of Charlemagne himself. He was, however, sent to Eome as a prisoner by the Emperor, and only obtained his liberty by making a fuU confession of his faith in orthodox terms, and subscribing to it before the Holy Eucharist. On returning to his diocese of Urgel, however, FeUx relapsed into his former opinions, and fled out of Charle- magne's dominions to Elipand, whose diocese was in the Mahometan part of Spain. Elipand and his suffragans pleaded with the Emperor in favour of Fehx, and his tenets were referred to the Council of Frankfort, which was then sitting [a.d. 794]. The heresy was condemned in the first canon of that Council, and declared to be one which "ought to be utterly rooted out of the Church" [Hard. Concil. iv. 904]. This con- demnation was followed up by that of a Council held at Friuli in A.D. 796, which stated the true theology of the case, viz.. that Christ is one and Adoration Aerians the same Son of man and Son of God; not putative but real Son of God ; not adoptive but proper ; proper and not adoptive ia each, of His natures, forasmuch, as after His assumption of manhood, one and the same Person is inconfusihly and inseparably Son of God and of man" SjMd. iv. 756]. The heresy Avas condemned again, and again retracted by Felix, at Aix-la-Ghapelle, ia A.D. 799 J but EHpand defended it until his death. ADOEATION. Exactly defined, adoration is an act of reverence, interior or exterior, towards a person entitled to receive it. The Latin adorare is supposed to come from "manum ad osmitterej" kissing the hand as a sign of respect ; as the cor- respondingGreek term, Trpoo-KW6fv,refers primarily to genuflexion. The corresponding English word of native origin, " worship," has always been, and stUl is, used with reference to human persons, and, of course, in an inferior sense to that with which it is used towards the Divine Persons ; but the naturalized word " adoration " has been gene- rally applied exclusively to acts of reverence to- wards God, Hence " adoration," or its correla- tive " divine worship," answers to the Aarpeia of St. Thomas Aquinas and other exact theologians. Interior adoration is the devotion of the mind, soul, and heart ; that is, of the spiritual part of our nature. Exterior adoration consists of bodily acts, such as kneeling, speaking words of prayer, singing praise, or reading Holy Scripture in the of&ces of the Church. The first must co-exist with the second, to make the latter acceptable as a personal offering to God ; but the absence of it does not vitiate ministerial acts of adoration. [Worship, Latbia, Dtjlia, Hypeedulia.] ADULTEET. The sexual intercourse of a married person with a man or woman other than the married person's husband or wife ; or of an immairied person with one that is married. The moral criminality of adultery is implied in the inspired words of Adam [Gen. ii. 24] and declared in the seventh commandment. Our Lord confirmed the former in very distinct lan- guage, as is recorded in Mark x. 7 ; and besides the confirmation of the seventh commandment which is implied in the same discourse, and in His general confirmation of the whole Decalogue, He gave an additional force to the commandment in question by the words " But I say unto you, that whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after her, hath committed adultery with her already in hisheaxt" [Matt. v. 28]. The punishment of adultery under the Mosaic law was death [Lev. xx. 10; Deut. xxii. 22]. Our Lord's forgiveness of the woman taken in adultery [John viii. 1 1] may be taken as sufficient authority for the mitigation of this punishment, and it is certain that it was abolished among Christians, although, sometimes, inflicted in Christian times under non-Christian laws. But the words of Christ do not in any degree extenuate the crime, and the Church has always condemned those guilty of it with the severest ecclesiastical censures, and enjoined the strictest penitential discipline upon them. 7 Several degrees of guilt are distinguished in respect to adultery by moral theologians. [1.] The most heinous form of the crime is when both the man and the woman are married. [2.] The second degree is when the woman is married, a confusion of offspring ensuing which makes the crime worse than it is per ae. [3.] The third degree is when the woman is unmarried. These distinctions, however, relate rather to the social aspect of the crime than to its relation to the law of God. [DivoEOB.] ADVENT. There is an old tradition, handed down by Durandus, that the season of Advent was appointed by St. Peter. [Durand. vi. 2.] But no historical trace of it is to be discovered before the time of St. Jerome and. the early Sacramentaries. In the latter, and in the " Comes " of St. Jerome, epistles, gospels, and collects are found for five Sundays before Christ- mas, and for the Wednesdays and Fridays of the weeks included. There are Sermons De Adventu Domini by Maximus, Bp. of Turin, in the year 450, and also by Csesarius of Aries [a.d. 501-542], which give a full account of the season ; and St. Gregory of Tours writes that one of his prede- cessors. Perpetuus, had ordered the observance as fasts of three days in each week from the feast of St. Martin [Nov. 11] to that of the Nativity. In the Ambrosian and Mozarabic liturgies Ad- vent also commences with St. Martin, and it was anciently known as Quadragesima Sancti Martini; from which it seems likely that the ancient Church kept a forty days' fast before Christmas, as is the habit of the Eastern Church at the present day. The season of Advent was always observed in the same manner as Lent, but with less strict- ness. The Council of Magon [a.d. 581] ordered the observance of the Monday, Wednesday, and Friday fast-days by the clergy of France; but Amalarius writes in the ninth century that Ad- vent was kept strictly only by the religious. The Church of England retained the epistles and gospels for Wednesdays and Fridays in Advent until the Keformation of the Liturgy. The rule by which Advent Sunday is fixed is that it is the nearest Sunday to St. Andrew's Day, that is, the first Sunday after November 26th. In the Western Church thafr Sunday has long been considered as the beginning of the Christian year. But the ancient Sacramentaries began it with Christmas Day ; and until 1752, notwithstanding the arrangement of the Sundays in the Prayer Book, a note stated that the sup- putation of the year of our Lord was reckoned by the Church of England from Lady Day. J50N. [Gnosticism, Eternity.] AEEIANS. A sect of heretics who derived their name and their principles from Aerius, a priest and monk of the Armenian Church, who was stiU living in the year 376, when St. Epipha- nius wrote against him. The Aerians held the same errors respecting our Lord and the Blessed Trinity as those of the Arians ; but they added to them the notion that the office of a bishop differs ia no respect from that of a priest, the one A'etians Leing able to do all that the other can do. Aerius also opposed the observance of Easter as a Jewish superstition. For further details see the Diet, of Seois and Heresies. AETIANS. Heretics -who followed the teach- ing of Aetius/ a contentious tradesman of Antioch, who was ordained deacon by the Arian bishop Leontius about the middle of the fourth century. He taught Arianism in its boldest form, alleging that the Son differs from the Father in wUl as weU as in substance. The heresy was condemned by the Council of Seleucia, a.d. 359. [Anoimans. ExjNOMiANS. Diet, of Sects and Hebesies.] AFFECTIONS : "as joy and grief, fear and anger, with such like, being as it were the sundry fashions and forms of appetite," " can neither rise at the conceit of a thing indifferent, nor yet choose but rise at the sight of some things. Wherefore it is not altogether in our power whether we will be stirred with affections or no." [Hooker, E. P. i. 7.] "Appetite," the same writer goes on to describe, as " that inferior natural desire," the ob- ject of which is " whatsoever sensible good may be wished for" \ibid[\. This passage appears to take too materialistic a view of the Affections in confining them to modes of the desire for sensible good, but describes them correctly as purely passive, and as in a relation of necessary dependence on the object before them. The substitution, for "Appetite," of the word Feeling avoids the error, and at the same time indicates the notions of passivity and necessary dependence. Feeling is negatively defined by Baia as any mental state, not being volition or intelligence ; i. e. any state in which man is not active in relation to the world without. [1.] Feeling and the Feelings. The Affections or Feelings (plur.) never exist by themselves in isola- tion, but always imply an act of transformation by the Eeason, whereby alone they can become what they are. In other words, Feeling (sing.) per se as a purely passive state, can give no account of it- self, cannot distinguish itself from any other state, cannot o/tYseZ/ assure us of its presence as opposed to its absence, is unable to distinguish d&erent forms of itself, such as love, joy, fear, &c., untU formed, determined, defined, by the Eeason. Un- til then, it is as vague and indescribable as mere Matter destitute of any definite attributes. It is mere " inwardness" in the mind, as Matter jjer se is mere " outwardness" in the world. Even this amount of distinction is not possible to Feeling as such ; it cannot of itself become aware even of " something outward" as felt, because the dis- tinction of within and without is again an act of reason. Feeling as such, without the interven- tion of reason telling of an outward world, can only feel itself; and itself, having no definite character, until it becomes differentiated as a series of Feelings, this feeUng of itself is feeling of nothing in particular, and as such is unrealizable as a state of consciousness. UntU, then, a dis- 1 An African general of the same name flourislied in the earlier half of the fifth century and supported the Donatists. 8 Ajffections tinct object can be presented to be felt, a man to be loved, a course of action to be admired, until (in short) I feel this as contrasted with dhiia, are marked in the margin. There is also some ornamentation, of which a portion has a distinctly Egyptian character. [Cowper, Cod. Alexand. Introd. xxiii.] The writing is much faded in some parts, but not anywhere so much so as to be actually illegible. The foUovring inscription is contained on a fly-leaf of paper at the beginning of the first volume : " Liber iste Scripturse Sacree Novi et Veteris Testamenti prout ex traditione habemus est scrip- tus manu Theclse, nobiUs fosminse .^gyptise, ante nulle et trecentos annos circiter paulo post Con- cilium NicEenum. Nomen Theclse in fine Hbri erat exaratum, sed extincto Christianismo in JSgypto a Mahometanis, et Hbri unk Christian- orum in simUem sunt reducti conditionem, extinctum ergo et Theolas nomen, et laceratum, Allegorical Almighty sedmemoria et traditio recens observat. ►!< CyiiUus Patriarcli. Constamti." An ancient Aiabic note on the back of the fiist folio also states that the MS. was written by the hand of Thecla the martyr. If this tradition were correct, the MS. must have been produced ia the early part of the fourth century, Thecla being one of the martyrs of Palestine, and contemporary with Eusebius. The tradition has not been disproved, but the general opinions of critics are that the MS. is of later date. Dr. Grabe considered it to have been written not long after the Council of McEea. Archbishop Ussher assigned it to the middle of the fourth century, some years before the death of St. BasU in a.d. 378. Mill and Walton thought it even earlier. Tregelles and Cowper agree in thinking it belongs to the middle of the fifth century. There seems, however, some pro- bability that it was one of the copies written under the direction of Eusebius by command of the Emperor Constantine \Be vita Const, iv. 36] ; and the tendency to give late dates to MSS. of the Holy Scriptures is one which has been so unreasonably indulged in, that where it comes into conflict with ancient tradition it should be received with caution. The Codex Alexandrinus has been printed in facsimile under the editorship of Woide in 1786, The O.T. byBaber inl816; and in 1860, theN. T. portion, in a portable form, was re-edited jfrom Woide's edition by Cowper. The Introduction of the latter may be referred to for a very full account of the history and criticism of the MS. ALLEGOEICAL interpretation assumes that something is intended — usually something more spiritual — different from that which the words or form of speech express. The sense thus elicited is either something different from the primary import of the words — e.g. Gal. iv. 24, artva ka-nv dXX'qyopovfjLeva ; or such that, under the obvious signification, there lies a yet deeper meaning, or many deeper meanings — e.g. Eph. v. 32, marriage is " a great mystery." The allegory, accordingly, expresses or explains one thing under the image of another:^ — the Song of Songs, for instance, as signifying the relation of Christ to the Church ; Isaac bearing the wood for the sacrifice, as setting forth a scene during Christ's Passion. To this head some reduce the type, which, however, is more properly a concealed prophecy explained by its completion— e. gr. Jonah [St. Matt. xii. 40] ; the brazen serpent [St. John iii. 14]. [Peophect.] The Allegory differs from the Meta- phor in that the latter is concerned with part only of a proposition. It differs irom the parable in form rather than in essence, as containing an historical or literally true sense; while the Parable, although "never transgressing the actual order of things natural," is a fable. In the Allegory, the thing signifying and the thing signified are blended together ; in the Parable they are kept distinct. Ps. Ixxx. 8-16 is an Allegory; lea. v. 1-6, resting on the same image, is a Parable. [See Trench On the Parables.] 1 Suidas defines the iOlegory— ^ /ieraffiopd, SXKo \iyov Ti ypdfiiia, Kal a\>o tJ v4vua. 14 ALLELUIA. The Greek and Latin form the Hebrew Hallelujah, Praise ye the Lord. Tl adoption of this simple, but technically expre sive word by the Church receives an early Uln tration from Rev. xix. 6, "And I heard as were the voice of a great multitude, and as tl voice of many waters, and as the voice of mighi thunderings, saying, Alleluia ; for the Lord Gc omnipotent reigneth." But St. Jerome is tl first writer who refers to it as being actually us( in Divine Service. It was at first only sung i Easter by the Western Church; but the Eas em Chursh used it more freely, and St. Jeron mentions its use at the funerals of holy person St. Gregory ordered the Alleluia to be used co: stantly in the celebration of Divine service, ai was reproached for introducing a Greek custoi but he claimed the authority of his predecess( Damasus for the usage. Eor some time it wi used at the burial of the dead, and even in Len but this was forbidden by the Council of Tolec [a.d. 633]. In our first Prayer Book the ancient custo: of the Church of England of singing the Allelu: in its original form was continued, as also that ( singing it only fcom Easter to Trinity. In 155 it was altogether expunged, and restored in tl English words "Praise ye the Lord" in 1551 " The Lord's name be praised " was added to tl Scottish Prayer Book in 1637, and to the Engli£ in 1661. ALMIGHTY. This word, like its Lati equivalent Omnipotens, represents the LX3 ILavTOKpaTODp, which in its turn represents " Th Mighty God" and "The Lord God of hosts" c the Hebrew Scriptures. It is an appellative of God, used by Himself i making His covenant with Abraham [Gen. xvii. 1 and frequently found afterwards in Holy Scri] ture, especially in the Book of Job and the Ei velation. It appears in the earliest known fon of the Christian Creed, that given by Irensev [Hcer. i. 10], and in nearly every subsequent oe that has come down to us. Thus used it indicates comprehensively tb relation of the objective Creative power of Go to the subjective phenomena of aU existences tha are not God. Giving force to the word xgan (which is represented in the Greek), as weU as t the Latin and English forms, this relation is t be taken as thi'eefold: [1] Comprehensive, a containing aU things ; [2] Originative, as creatin aU things ; [3] Preservative, or Providential, a sustaining all things. [Theophil. ad Autolyc. i. 4 Cyril Jer. Gatech. iv. Gregor. Nyss. Or. u. < Eunom.'] Hence it is the highest appellative c the Deity, and as such is used in the etema praises of Heaven. [Rev. iv. 8 ; xix. 6.] The term applies to the Eirst Person of th Holy Trinity as the original fountain of all being and therefore the Apostles' and Mcene Creed say "The Father Almighty;" but since He com naunicateB His power to the Second Person b eternal generation, and to the Third Person b' procession, therefore the Athanasian hymn en krges the statement, and declares, "So likewis Alms Altar the Father is Ahnighty, the Son Almighty, and the Holy Ghost Almighty ; and yet there are not three Almighties, hut one Almighty." ALMS. The word is a contraction from the Greek IXei/juoo-wij, mercy. The German almosen, the French aumone, and the old English almose, shew how the final word has heen arrived at. We use it now as a plural that has no singular ; but it was originally a true singular, notwith- standing its apparent plural form, and as such appears in our Authorized Version. [Acts ui. 3. Shakespeare also uses " an alms."] It wUl be convenient to consider the subject under the heads of Scriptural Authority, and History. I. SoEiPTUEAL Attthoeitt. [1.] The express commands of God, His Son, the Apostles, &c., as Deut. XV. 11 J Prov. v. 15, 16; Matt. v. 42, vi. 2, 3, 19, xix. 21 ; Luke vi. 30, xii. 33 ; Eom. xii. 13 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 2. [2.] Promises of blessing upon the bountiful, as Prov. -jHy. 17, xxviii. 27 ; Eccl. xi 1, 2 ; 2 Cor. ix. 6, 7 ; 1 Tim. vi. 18, 19. [3.] Threatenings of punishment upon the covetous and stony-hearted, as Prov. xi. 24, xxi. 13, xxviii. 27 ; 2 Cor. ix. 6. n. History. The various provisions made in the Mosaic code for the support of the poor would partake more of the nature of a poor-law than a voluntary offering : a rate, rather than a contri- bution. The release of the debtor every seventh year peut. xv. 1-6J, the leaving the comers of the field ungathered [Lev. xix. 9], the right of the poor to what grew during the year of rest [Ex. xxiii. 11], and similar regulations, could only be included under the head of alms in that they formed a provision for the poor : the volun- tary self-sacrifice which we attach to the word is wanting. But the duty of giving alms, besides the payments required by the law, was recog- nised before Christ. Our Lord and His disciples practised alms-giving [John xiii. 29]. In the early church it was reduced to a system. For the proper administration of relief to the poor, among other objects [Acts vi. 1], the diaconate was instituted. The disciples at Antioch made a general collection for the impoverished church at Jerusalem [a.d. 43 : Acts xi. 29]. So also did the disciples of Macedonia and Achaia [a.d. 60: Eom. xv. 26]. And St. Paul espe- cially urges that this practice should be regular and systematic, and not fitful and impulsive : that the contributions should be habitually made weekly in small sums, rather than in larger dona- tions at special occasions cf oxeitement. " Upon the first day of the week let every one ot you lay by him in store, as God hath prospered lum, that there be no gatherings when I come" [1 Cor. xvi. 2]. And we have evidence that this was done at the weekly services of the early church. Justin Martyr describes the collections during the Holy Communion^ [a.d. 150]. Chrysostom mentions the custom, and indeed urges it, of be- stowing alms on the poor at entering a church.^ ' Opera, Cologne, 1688, 98 E. Apol. 2. ^ Horn. 25 and Horn. 1 on 2 Tim., quoted by Bing- ham, iv. 517, 518. 15 In the fourth century deaconesses collected and administered alms for prisoners. Frequent jour- neys were made to carry collections of alma to suffering brethren, after the Apostolic example. So Sisinnius went from Gaul " ingenti pecunia " to assist the monks of Palestine, and from thence to Egypt on a hke errand [Baron., a.d. 406, XXXV.]. We are told that the Emperor Anastasius attempted to bribe Theodosius in a subtle way by offering biTn thirty poimds for the poor \i'b., A.D. 511, xvi.]. The distribution of the alms was not confined to members of the Church, although the injunction to do good, "specially to them of the household of faith," was not forgotten. Pope Gregory the Great, writing to John, Bishop of Eavenna [a.d. 592], says, " Nobis considerandum fuit, quia miseri- cordia prius fidelibus ac postea Ecclesise hostibus est facienda" [Lib. it Ep. 32]. The practice was recommended to the lapsed, inter aha, as a solace, a means of grace, and a comfort in peni- tence. In the English Church the weekly collec- tion has always been recognised; since, as well as before, the Eeformation. In addition to the usual collections of alms, extraordinary ones have also been customarily made in England by means of briefs :3 and as a specimen of the objects for which these briefe were issued, the following extracts are given. They are from a copious list in the register of Elton, Hunts : — 1661, for the Protestant Church in Lithuania, lis. 3d. ; 1666, for the sad fire at London, £10; 1671, for the English captives under the Hungarians, 5s. Id. ; 1679, for St. Paul's, London, £2, 13s. 9d. ; 1680, for redemp- tion of English slaves at Algiers, .£3, 5s. 6d. ; 1681, towards training up ministers for the Pro- testant churches in Lower Poland, 8s. 6d. ; 1699, for a fire in Drury Lane, London, 5s. 4d. It should be stated that some sectarians have forbidden almsgiving. The Manichees did so, as administering to a bad principle. "Eo de- mentise pervenerunt, ut execrarentur eos qui pauperibus eleemosynam darent, quod eo actu faverent mali principio."^ But perhaps both they and the Arians were bountiful to those who sided with them. Bale° names also the Pub- licans, and the Family of Love, as opponents of this duty. Those of the Anabaptists, who main- tained a community of goods, of course rejected almsgiving [Art. xxxviii.]. ALTAE. The structure of stone or wood upon which the Holy Eucharist is consecrated. The name of altar is given to it on account of the ' The collection of money under briefs became very general in the seventeenth century. A more incon- venient or expensive machinery could not have been devised. Upwards of half the amount collected was usually absorbed in the cost of collecting. In the Statute, 4 Anne, many of the grosser abuses of the plan were abolished, and fresh regulations passed. These were in turn abolished by 9 Geo. IV. The right to issue briefs still exists, but the Crown has issued none since the year 1854. * Baromua, iii. 277, xxix. Cf. ib. iv. 356, xl. and vi. 406, li. ' Mystery of Iniquity, 53 ; Geneva, 1545. He quotes 4.ug. de Mor., Hanich., lib. ii. Altar Ambrosian Rite sacrificial cliaracter of the Eucharist; hut it is very commonly called "The Lord's Tahle," as heing not only that from which the Holy Eucha- rist is offered to the Lord, hut also that from which the Lord distrihutes His good gifts to men. So the Jews used hoth terms indifferently. [Mai. i. 7.] The Eucharist heing so distiactly commemora- tive of the sacrifice of our Lord's death, the idea of sacrifice was of course associated with it from the first [EtJOHAEiST. Saokifioe], and hence also the idea of an altar with its celehration. [Heh. xiii. 10.] But the comprehensive character of the Eucharist is such as to make the idea of the Christian altar a congeries of the ideas helonging to several parts of the Temple furniture, rather than to any particular one. The altar of humt sacrifice was associated with the sacrifice of the " Lamh as it had heen slain " [Eev. v. 6] ; the tahle of shewhread with the Bread which is hroken and the Wine which is poured forth to hecome the Body and Blood of Christ ; the altar of incense with the Church's greatest act of prayer ; the ark and mercy-seat with the Eucha- ristic Presence of the Lord. It seems to have been the last of these upon which the mind of the early Church rested iu its idea of a Christian altar ; and the most ancient altar known, that of St. John Lateran at Eome, is, substantially, in the form of the ark, a hollow chest, on the Hd or raensa of which the Eucharist was celebrated. This altar is traditionally said to have been used by St. Peter, and a figure of it will be found in Webb's Sketches of Gontinental Eccledology, p. 508. That this was the original form is also confirmed by considering Eev. vi 9 in associa- tion with the early Christian custom of placing the relics of martyred saints — the ashes or few bones that friends could recover from the fire or the arena — under their altars. The modem table form of the Lord's table is associated in the minds of many persons with the table at which our Lord paitook of the Last Supper before institut- iug the Eucharist, and hence with the Eucharist itself. But there is scarcely anything in common between the form of it and that of the ancient Triclinium, which made three sides of a square ; and moreover, the term "table" was applied rather to the entertainment and the provision than to that on which it was served. Hence, when St. Paul speaks of the Tahle of the Lord, and the table of devils [1 Cor. x. 21], he refers to the substance partaken of, not to that from or on which it was eaten. Although, therefore, there are not wanting very early instances of the table form of altar, it must be considered that not it, but the ark form, was that originally adopted by the primitive Church. Upon the ark of the tabernacle and the temple rested the outward sign of the Divine Presence ; towards it aU. the rites of the Jewish service tended, and there they aU culminated. Nothing more exactly typified the Christian altar and the Eucharistic Presence, the sacred climax of all Christian worship. Wood and stone were indifferently used in the construction of altars for a long period. Stone was ordered by councils of the fourth century from an association of the altar with the sepulchre of Christ ; but wood seems to have been generally used in England until the Conquest. But archae- ological details cannot here be entered into. AMBON \b.vapaiveiv\. An elevated platform, or tribune \fififia\, placed in the midst of the nave in early churches, and to which the clergy ascended for the purpose of reading the Holy Scriptures used in Divine service, and also of preaching. In the mediaeval Church it was re- presented by the rood-loft, a gallery across the chancel arch, which was used for the same pur- poses. In modem churches the ambon is repre- sented by the lectern and the pulpit. The use of the ambon in the early Church is a strong illustration of the principle that the reading of Holy Scripture in Divine service is intended to be for the instruction of the people as well as for an act of worship. AMBEOSIAN EITE. The archdiocese of Milan retains in use a very ancient form of liturgy, which goes by the name of St. Ambrose, but is probably of even earlier date than the age of that saint. It is alleged by Visconti \de Ritib. Missce, n. 13] that it originated with St. Barna- bas, being afterwards revised by St. Mirocles, and brought into its existing form by St. Ambrose. The truth appears to be that it is a local form of the primitive liturgy of St. Peter, coming there- fore from the same original source as the Eoman Liturgy. When St. Gregory the Great revised the ancient Eoman liturgy, his revision was, foi some now unknown reason, not received by the Church of Milan, although the " diesque nostras in tua pace dispone " which he is said to have added to the Eoman Canon is also found in the Ambrosian. The Emperor Charlemagne formed a design of making the Eoman rite compulsory in all the Churches of the West. The opposition of the Milanese clergy and laity to its introduction into that diocese eventually succeeded, and they re- tained their old form of divine service. As in the case of the Mozarahic rite it is said to have been preserved by a miracle. It was decided to shut up copies of the Gregorian and the Ambro- sian rite in a church for three days ; and when the church was opened at the end of that time, each volume opened spontaneously with a loud noise, and a voice was heard, " Let the mystery of Gregory and the mystery of Ambrose both be honoured and presei-ved in their integrity by the whole Church." About a.d. 1060, Pope Mcola.s n. made another attempt to introduce the Eoman rite into Milan, and secured the aid of St. Peter Damian. But Nicolas died before he had accom- plished his end, and was succeeded by Alexander II., who was himself a Milanese, and would not allow the matter to proceed further. Since that time the Ambrosian rite has held its place com- paratively undisturbed, and at the present day the clergy of the city wiU not permit strangers to use the Eoman in their Churches. It was introduced into the Church of St. Ambrose Amen Ammonian Sections at Prague in 1450 by Charles IV., and the tripar- tite rite of St. Gall was formed fcom a combina- nation of it with the sacramentaries of St. Gela- sius and St. Gregory. With these exceptions it has always been confined to MUan. _ A full acount of the Ambrosian Liturgy is given by Bona \ReT. lAturg. lib. i. cap. x.], and the liturgy itself is printed at length in the LituTgicon of Pamelius. The canon is almost identical with the Eoman, the chief differences being that the fraction of the bread takes place immediately before the Lord's Prayer, and that there is no second oblation. There is, however, much variation between the two rites in the introits, collects, epistles, and gospels ; different names are used for portions of the office (as In- gressa for Intmitus) ; and there is a collect " super sindonem," which has quite dropped out of the Eoman liturgy. It should be added that gradual approximations to the Eoman form of the liturgy have been made by that of MUan, although it is stUl quite a distinct rite. The Breviary of MUan also differs from that of Eome. A fuU account of it is given by Gran- coLis in the 10th chapter of his Commentary on the Breviary. [Bona Iter. lAturg. MabiUon, Museum Italicum. Gueranger, Institutions Litur- gique. Grancolas, Comm. Hist, in Rom. Brev.] AMEN. A Hebrew word mostly left untrans- lated in the Greek of the New Testament, and thus intrciduced without alteration into the liturgies of the Church. The root, in the original, signifies " to be true," the verb aman, " to prop," having that signification in the passive. The different meanings of the word are easUy to be referred to this root. In its ritual use it has but two signifi- cations — [1.] " So be it," as at the end of the prayers ; and [2.] " So it is," as at the end of the Gloria Patri, the Creeds, and the denunciations in the Commination service. A misconception of the meaning of the word, assigning the first meaning instead of the second, in the latter ser- vice has given rise to a popular but unfounded objection to the use of the it. To the early liturgical use of the word there is fre- quent allusion in the Old Testament. The woman's answer in the trial of jealousy, when adjured by the priest, is "Amen, Amen" [Num. v. 22]. At the curses from Mount Ebal the direction is, " AU the people shaU say. Amen" [Deut. xxvU. 15-26]. Of the five great divisions of the Psalter, the first three end with " Amen and Amen." [See also 1 Kings i. 36 J 1 Chron. xvi. 36 ; Neh. v. 13, viii. 6.] In these passages the Septuagint trans- lation is yivoiTo, except in the last three, where we find dfj.-qv. The Vulgate in the Psalms has " Fiat, fiat ;" elsewhere " Amen." In old Eng- lish books of devotion it was always translated " So be it," the original word coming gradually into use in the tenth century. In two instances the variety in the translation well Ulustrates the slight variety in meaning. Hananiah [Jer. xxvui. 3 ; in LXX. xxxv. 6] prophesies falsely the re- turn of Jeconiah ; Jeremiah, " wishing it to be true" pleading of chapter], says. '" liGnen : the Lord do so." The Latin has " Auieu." the Greek 17 i; aXtjOws. And the English version, "Shall swear by the God of truth" [Isa. Ixv. 16], is a transla- tion of the same Hebrew word, rendered in the Septuagint, tov Qedv rov aX-qdivov, and in the Vulgate " jurabit in Deo amen." Except where St. Paul attests its congrega- tional use [1 Cor. xiv. 16], the N. T. use of the word is not liturgical. In St. John's Gospel it is always repeated and translated "Verily, verily." St. Luke, in corresponding passages, has often aX-qOm or val. Once it is used v ery emphatically, of a strong affirmation, " in Him Amen " [2 Cor. i. 20], TO a/iijv, the consummation of God's pro- mises. And once of Christ, o afi-qv, "the Amen, the faithful and true witness " [Eev. iii. 1 4]. St. Paul urges the incongruity of a response being made to a prayer not understood [1 Cor. xiv. 16]. Three cases were noted in which the response would be invalid. " Amen pusiUum" when the respondent does not understand the prayer ; " Amen surreptitium." when the response is made before the prayer is concluded ; " Amen sectUe" when the respondent has some reserva- tion, " aUquid aliud agit."i The earhest patristic mention of the use of the word in the liturgy is by Justin Martyr. The people, he says, an- swered Amen at the consecration prayer in the Eucharistio service.' Jerome compares^ the fer- vency with which Amen was answered in service to an heavenly thunder. St. Ignatius sometimes concludes his epistles, as that to the Ephesians, with " Amen — Gratia." The same form is used by later bishops. The word has been placed at the end of the New Testament epistles in our ver- sion; but it is in nearly every case an un- authorized addition. The different type in which the word is printed in the Prayer-book has a significance which should not be passed over. When in a different type to the prayer itself, it is a response ; when in the same type, a conclusion. In the latter case the same person or persons recite both ; in the former, different persons. It seems there- fore clearly intended that the word is not a re- sponse at the Invocation of the Trinity in the Baptismal service and the Ordinal, at the first Lord's Prayer in the Communion service, at the Exhortation in the Commination service, and other similar places. The communicants in the early Church always answered, " Amen," at the reception of the ele- ments. The Scotch office retains the use in these words, " Here the person receiving shall say Amen." Though no longer enjoined in the Eng- lish Uturgy, the practice is very common among devout persons. AMMONLSlN sections. [Cakons Euse- BIAN, DiATESSARON.] ^ Eadem ratione in Talmudicis Massecheth Berachot, dum reprehenditur audientium osoitantia, lemtur triplex Amen illegitimum. Baron. Annates [ed. 1738], i. 57, olxv. ; quoting Angelo Canini in 1 Cor. xiv. ' o5 [sc. ToS TpociTTuros] (TWTe\4ffayTos ris ci^xas Kal T^v eixapiarlav, irds 6 irapix'v "Kahs iTev(p7itiei Xiyuv, d/tiji'. Just. Mart. Apol. ii. 97, D. ' Ad similitudinem coelestis tonitruis. Hieron. pref. lib. 2, in Galat. apud Baron. Lo. Anahaphsni ANABAPTISM. A name given to the leading principle of a sect of heretics which arose during the early part of the Eeformation period, and spread widely both in Germany and ia England. [See Did. of Sects and Heresies.] The second baptism is adopted on the ground that the first was not valid, either from being administered dur- ing infancy, or by aspersion instead of immersion. As baptism is undoubtedly valid if administered by actual contact of the water and the person, and with the proper form of words, the ceremony used on the principles of Anabaptism is of course no baptism at all but a mere ceremony. But as the use of such a ceremony is a practical repudia- tion of the previous gift of the Holy Ghost it involves a very grievous sin. [Blasphemy.] ANAGOGICAL interpretation (from dvayeiv, to lead upwards, to exalt the mind) is where, from thoughts of earth or time, the mind is raised to thoughts of heaven or eternity. Thus Ps. xcv. is interpreted in Heb. iv. The Sabbath is the emblem of rest in heaven. Ps. xlv. denotes not an earthly king, but Messiah. ANALOGY .OF FAITH. This is a phrase used by St. Paul in Eomans xii. 6. The passage stands thus : — " Having therefore gifts, differing according to the grace that is given to us, whether prophecy, let us prophesy according to the pro- portion of the faith [Kara t'^v avaXoylav t^s TTto-Tetos], or ministry, let us," &c. It is clear that the word iria-Tis here is not " fides quS, creditur," nor " fides salvifica." It has no reference to the subjective faith of the individual Christian. It is rather the "regula fidei," or rule of faith, the faith which is believed in and handed down by the Church ; that which St. Jude speaks of [v. 3] as aira^ Trapa^oQda-a, " once for all delivered " im.to the saints ; that which St. Paul in another place [Eph. iv. 5] calls the " one faith " — ixia tt'uttl^. It is the one body of Christian doctrine, the one objective faith — the belief of Christendom embodied in the creeds, and "to be proved by most certain warrants of Holy Scripture." As there is one Lord Jesus Christ, and one body the Church, and one baptism, the entrance to that Church, so there is one uniform confession of faith for the members of that one bodyi — the "form of sound words" [lun-oTVTrojcrts vyuxivovTiav Aoywv, 2 Tim. i. 13], " the good thing committed " \r) KaX-q irapadrJKrj, ib. 14] by apostles to their successors, and so ever handed on for the Church to transmit, to declare, but not to add to nor diminish from. "It is not now that the faith began, but from the Lord, through the disciples, hath it come to us." [St. Athan. Ep. Eneyel. n. 1, p. Ill, ed. Ben.] " The Church has received the faith from the apostles and their disciples, and this faith she carefully guards, as though she dwelt in one house, and were not dispersed throughout the world." [St. Irenters, Ado. Hoeres. fib. i. cap. 1 Cf. Attan. Creed. " This is the Catholic faith, which, except _a man believe," &c. ; so also in the ofBce for the Visitation of the Sick, "Here the minister shall rehearse the articles oHM faith." Then follows the Apostles' Creed. Anaphora 2 & 3]. " For us, it is not lawful to bring in any doctrine of our own choice, as neither is it to choose that which any one hath brought in of his own choice. We have for our authority the apostles of the Lord, who . . . faithfully delivered over to the nations the religion which they had received from Christ." [TertuUian, de Prmscr. c. vi. p. 440, Oxf. Tr.]^ The word avaXoyia is defined by Aristotle [Eth. N. V. iii. 8] tVoVrjs Adywv (" equality of ratios"), hence our use of it as signifying " analogy" or "proportion."' The words " analogy of faith," then, point out to us that aU prophesying (i. e. preaching, or ex- pounding Christian doctrine) must be in iigree- ment with the faith of the Chuich from the beginming, and according to the harmony or pro- portion which exists between the several doctrines of that faith. To this private notions and fancies must be subordinated, nor may particular doc- trines or single parts or texts of Scripture be unduly exalted to the depreciation of others. The articles of the Christian faith are in perfect harmony, and according to that harmony or pro- portion must all interpretation and exposition of doctrine be set forth. " We must receive God's promises in such wise as they be generally" {gen- eraliter, i. e. universaUy) " set forth in Holy Scripture" [Art. xvii]. It has been the practice of heretics in every age to take up small portions and often single texts of Holy Writ, and to in- terpret them in such a way as to contradict its general tenor. This is to violate that law of analogy or proportion which the Bible itself lays down for us, which the Chiurch in purest times has ever striven to follow, and which right reason also no less plainly commends.^ AJSTAPHOEA. Eastern hturgies, like those of the Western Church, are divisible into three distinct portions, as follows : — Western. Eastern. Praeparatio. Oifice of the Prothesis. Ordinarium. Pro-Anaphora. Canon. Anaphora. The latter of these three divisions is the most important, and the most ancient portion, and may be called the liturgy proper. In the English liturgy it consists of aU that follows " Lift up youi hearts," the preceding portion properly belonging to the offertory and preparation. The Anaphora consists of four principal divi- sions, as follows : — • [I.] The great Eucharistic prayer, including, 1. The Preface: 2. The Prayer of the Triumphal Hymn : 3. The Teiumphal Hymn or Teisagion : 4. Commemoration of our Lord's life : 5. Com- memoration of the Institution of the Eucharist. ° So also de Virgin. Veland., c. 1, "Regula quidem fidei una omnino est, sola immohilis et irreformahilis. " ^ See instances of this analogy in 1 Cor. xii. 12, &c. * That the Church of England at the Reformation held to this mle may be seen abundantly from the Homilies, e.g. those "Against Peril of Idolatry," and on Fasting. See also Preface to Ordinal. Archbishop Cramner and our Reformers [Reformatio Legum, i. 13] wished all preachers and expositors to have always before their eyes the creeds "ne quid contra symbola aliquando interpre- teraiu." [See Wordsworth, G. T., on Romans xii. 6. J Anathema Anathema pi.] The Consecration, including, 1. The Words of Institution : 2. The Ohlation : 3. The Invocation of the Holy Ghost. [III.] The great Intercession, including, 1. An Intercession for the living and the dead : 2. The Lord's Prater, preceded hy a prayer of preparation, and followed by the Emholismus. [IV.] The Communion, including, 1. The Prayer of Inclination, or humble access : 2. The Elevation : 3. The Fraction : 4. The Confession : 5. The Communion : 6. The Thanksgiving and Dismissal. In each of these four divisions that portion printed in small capitals forms the central point ; and thus the Anaphora may be said to consist of a great act of Praise, the Consecration, the Inter- cession, and Communion : the words of Christ in instituting the Eucharist, and the Lord's Prayer, being the true centre of the whole. ANATHEMA. The word anathema {avd,hfj,a) is a Greek one, and, like the cognate form ana- thema [avddrjfj.a, Luke xxi. 5, 2 Mace. ix. 16, with whicli it is confused in the various readings of the LXX. text, and by some even of the Greek fathers, e.g. by Theodoret on Is. xiii. 13, Zeph- aniah i. 7], is derived from dvaTWrjfii, to set up upon (the wall of a temple), hence to dedicate. Both words contain the idea of that which is set apart from common uses, and made over or devoted to God; the latter properly in the good sense of a votive offering, especially some costly gift to be hung up or preserved in a sacred place, the former in the bad one of being marked out as the object of His wrath and ban. [Cf. the use of aytos, dyos, sacer.] Anathema occurs six times in the original Greek of the New Testa- ment : Acts xxiii. 14, E. V., under a great curse ; Vulgate, devotione. Eomans ix. 3, accursed : V. anathema. 1 Cor. xii. 3, accursed, anathema : xvi. 22, where the original word is retained in the E. v., " let him be Anathema Maran-atha ;" so the Vulgate. Gal. i. 8, 9, " let him be ac- cursed;" anathema. And the derivative verb dva9efiaTi^(o is found in Mark xiv. 71, " he be- gan to curse;" V. anathematizare. Acts xxiii. 12, 14, 21, "bound themselves under a curse," oath; devoverunt. The word is also used in the LXX. as the rendering of Oin Uin, kherem or cherem, that which is shut' up' 'or cut off [cf. Haram, from the same root, the secluded apartments of women in the East], devoted irre- vocably to God, and hence to destruction or curse, because it could not be redeemed. See Lev. xxvii. 28, 29, and of nD"in, Khormah; E. V. Hormah, a proper name, margin utter destruc- tion, Numbers xxi. 2, 3. In like manner the Syriac version of Eom. ix. 3, &c., gives kherem as the equivalent of anathema, which is thus brought into connection with the Jewish forms of excommunication. Of these there were three kinds: — 1. Mddui, ''WJ, " banishment " or " ex- clusion, of the offender from the synagogue and the society of his brethren for thirty, sixty, or ninety days, the condition of its removal being repentance. 2. Kherem, Din, which answers to anathema 19 or cursing. This was the more solemn, being accompanied with execrations from the law of Moses, and used against those whom the milder form had failed to reclaim. The sentence was, " Let N. N. be anathema and accursed. Upon him is the imprecation, upon him the oath, upon him exclusion." The person so excommunicated was forbidden all dealings with his brethren, except the buying of necessary food. 3. Shammatta, snSB', the last and most griev- ous form, which handed over the offender as hopeless, totally and finally, to the judgment of God. The name, though explained by Eabbinical writers as meaning either nn*D W, there is death, or xnn KDDB', there shall be desolation, has been thought, apparently not without reason, to be derived from NflN DB*, i.e "the (incom- municable) name" (often used for Jehovah or God Himself) "cometh" to execute judgment, and thus to have suggested to St. Paul the form of expression [1 Cor. xvi. 22], " If any man love not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be Anathema," (for) " the Lord" Jesus " is at hand [see Words- worth, G. T., in loco] to take vengeance upon him, or "is come" already in the flesh, and so he is without excuse. [Maranatha.] AVhether or not this view be correct, it is cer- tain that the expression of St. Paul [Gal. i. 8, 9] was adopted by the Christian Church as a formula of spiritual censure. The word maran-atha is not found in any early form of excommunication, but anathema constantly recurs. It is explained by the fathers to mean separation or alienation from God and from Chnst, and His body the Church, also the person so separated,. St. Chry- sostom, de Anathemate, says, " Anathema wholly and entirely cutteth off," and Zonaras on Canon III. of the council held in the Church of St. Sophia, " As the votive offerings made to God are separated from common and human uses, so also is he who hath become anathema cut off and divided from the assembly of the faithful who are devoted and consecrated to God, and from Him, and he is assigned to the devil as his portion, and devoteth himself to him." It is not proposed here to enter into the sub- ject of excommunication generally. We have seen that the synagogue exercised this power of discipline over irregular and unfaithful members. The Church, in Hke manner, resting upon the commission and promises of Christ [Matt. x. 14, 40, 41 ; Luke ix. 5, x. 10-16 ; Matt. xvi. 15, 19, xviii. 15-18; John xx. 22, 23], has ever claimed, though in an elevated and spiritualized form, the right of subjecting to spiritual censures and penalties those of her members whose lives or doctrines contravene her mission as a society ordained to further the salvation of souls, and to embody before the world the truth of God and holiness of life. As a link of connection between the two systems in after times, we may instance the expression used in the Council of Antioch, A.D. 264, where Paul of Samosata was proclaimed to be aTToo-Di/ayto-yos, lit. " cast out of the syna- gogue " [of John ix. 22, xii. 42, xvi. 2 ; Heb. X. 25 ; James ii. 2]. Anathema Anathema Passing by the Apostolic age, where we see St. Paul delivering to Satan not only the incestuous Corinthian [1 Cor. v. 1-5], hut also Hymenseus and Alexander for blasphemy, the former ap- parently for the denial of the "resurrection of the body" [of. 1 Tim. i. 20 with 2 Tim. ii. 17, 18], and, in Gal. i. 8, 9, making false doctrine the ground of a twice-repeated anathema : — ^we find that the Church subsequently continued to claim a Kke power, and to censure and excommunicate for offences against the faith and morals. The Fathers and the CouncUs attribute to the sen- tence of the Church the greatest solemnity and efficacy. We may observe in passing that there were two kinds of excommunication — the lesser or d(j>opuTfwi, " separation," " suspension," which ex- cluded from partaking of the Eucharist and the prayers of the faithful ; and the greater, TravrfX^s a.iJ,a crapKOi ■ apapTiai, Eom. viii. 3] is the taking our nature, not the nature of angels^ o/iotu/ia being used lest iMp^ should imply our sinful nature ; then trx^/ita us avOpioiros is the guise in which He appeared as a man among men. Angels have various titles, or are divided into several classes, according to their functions. Among them are the Cherubim. [Compare Ps. civ. 4 and Ps. xviii. 10.] The cherubim appear as guards at the gate of Eden; cherubic forms cover the ark ; cherubim minister to the Almighty when He goeth forth; to Ezekiel by the river Chebar they appear in the midst of the glory of the Lord ; and again [ch. x.] beneath the glory. The cherubim, then, are angels in immediate at- tendance on the Almighty, or where there is a special manifestation of His presence. They symbolize His glory. Next the Seraphim. These appear only in the vision of Isaiah. They are spirits of fire ; and that fire is the fire of love. They are engaged in ceaseless praise, in great nearness to God ; yet as concerned about us be- low, for part of their song is " the earth is full of His glory," and one of them touches the pro- phet's hps with a coal of fire from the altar. Their chant is antiphonal. Other titles derived from office are not made known to us, except that the spirits employed to minister for us are more specifically angels or messengers. Besides these distinctions of office, there is also at least one distinction of rank and authority. There are Archangels. This distinction first ap- pears in Josh. V. 13. "We do not find that the Christian Fathers when speaking as they fre- quently do of the Son of God as appearing in the Old Testament, and as the special object of the provocation of the Israelites, include this appearance to Joshua among the deo(j>d.veiai. But to this there are two distinguished exceptions — the one is Justin Martyr, the other is Eusebius." [MUl, Panth. Princip., part ii. p. 92 — note on the Captain of the Lord's Host.] Eeferring to that note^ for the discussion of this parti- ^ The argument of most weight to show that this ap- pearance to Joshua is to be reckoned among the Theo- phanies, is the command to Joshua to loose his shoes, com- Angels ciilar instance, we pass to th.e fuller revela- tions during and after the captivity, these revelations occurring, not as if the doctrine of angels were the primary object, but in the course of the apocalypse of kingdoms to Daniel, in the course of the Messianic prophecies of Zechariah, at the time when the last breath of old prophecy was to be uttered. We will take first Zechariah's prophecy, iv. 10. This prophecy was remark- ably prepared for by Hanani, Asa's seer [2 Chron. xvi. 9]. Hanani refers to the destruction of the Ethiopians " before the Lord and before His host" [2 Chron. xiv. 13] ; where " His host" can be no other than the angelic host, as in Ps. xxxiv. 7, " The angel of the Lord encampeth round about," &c., the captain, i.e. of the Lord's host with his army; and regarding this host Hanani speaks, " the eyes of the Lord run to and fro through the whole earth." In Zechariah's prophecy the word of the Lord refers to the seven lamps of the golden candlestick, " they are the eyes of the Lord which run to and fro through the whole earth." Even from the Old Testament, then, we learn that these lamps represent the seven vigils or prime ministers of God's providence, seven archangels. In Eev. iv. 5 and v. 6, we have Zechariah's very words, seven eyes sent forth into aU the earth, seven spirits of God, and these represented by the seven lamps which burned before the Throne. [See Mede. Disc, on ZecTi. iv. 10; Works, i. p. 53.] This gives the interpretation of Zech. iii. 9. " Upon one stone seven eyes :" perhaps it may lead us to think that in Micah v. 5, " seven shepherds and eight princes of men," the shepherds are archangels, and the princes riders of the four celestial chariots [Zech. vi.], two, as was usual, in each chariot. In Zechariah we have the mysterious vision of the contest between the angel of the Lord and Satan regarding Joshua the high-priest. The words of the angel are the same as Michael's words in the no less mysterious contest over the body of Moses. [Jude 9 ; comp. 2 Pet. ii. 11.] Is not the connection more than a mere coinci- dence 1 Does it not shew that the two transac- tions are of the same nature, referrible to one idea 1 The opposition to Joshua was an attempt to interrupt the succession of the witnesses [Eev. xi. 3, 4], who were represented by the two olive branches which connected angeUc ministrations with the ordinary ritual and service of God's Church. The secret and divine burial of Moses pared with the like command to Moses. Mill writes : ' ' As with the example of all the earUer, as well as the later Scriptures before us, it seems most natural and oh- vious to conceive that the Lord sent this message to Joshua [cf vi. 2] by the mouth of His archangel, so there seems no derogation to the Divine honour in believing, with the fathers of old, that the ground was hallowed which was trodden by such an exalted servant of God," &c. To which ought to be added the thought that in this case, more than in ordinary cases of angelic ministra- tion, the archangel appears strictly as the vicegerent of God, executing an ofttce which the Son of God had un- dertaken, and was prevented by the sin of the people from discharging in person. That, in ch. vi. 2, it is said, " The Lord said to Joshua," does not shew that the captain of the host was the Lord. The same mode of speech occurs in Zech. iii. 1, 2. Angels may have been a symbol that Moses lived in his successor ; and the attempt of Satan an atternpt to make it appear that his authority ceased with his death — an attempt to interrupt the succession of lawgivers, as in the other case to interrupt the succession of the priesthood. In Daniel we have [iv. 13] "a watcher and an holy one," to be com- pared perhaps with the riders of the foui chariots of Zechariah : for these go forth, as in the vision of Zech. i., and make report, and give account of their mission to the Angel of the Lord. The one fact then regarding angels peculiar to Daniel is that as God set His chief angels as the deputed guardians of His people, so he set other, and apparently inferior angels over other nations. And this revelation to Daniel is in harmony with Daniel's position as a prophet. He was employed to disclose God's care and providence over heathen nations. Two of the archangels are named by him, Michael and Gabriel, who are named also in the Ifew Testament. In Tobit, the most probable date of which is about 350 B.C., Eaphael describes himself as one of the seven holy angels which present the prayers of the saints, and which go in and out before the glory of the Holy One. This is in perfect accordance with canonical Scripture. The office of the archangels then appears to be : first, to be the universal in- spectors of the whole world, and the rulers and princes of the whole angelical host : secondly, to have the peculiar charge and guardianship of the Church, while the rest of the world is com- mitted to the care of subordinate angels. That the charge of the Church belongs thus peculiarly to the seven, may appear from St. John's saluting the churches with a benediction of grace and peace from their ministry, and from the typing of them by the seven eyes and horns of the Lamb, as powers which the Father, since He exalted Him to be head of His Church, hath annexed to His jurisdiction. [Compare Pusey, Daniel, p. 522, and Mede, i. p. 57.] For fiiU discussion of the objection that the later knowledge was bor- rowed from heathenism, see Mill, part ii. sect. iv. p. 52, and Pusey, p. 513, &c. It is sufficient here to notice that the later knowledge is only a strict and legitimate development ; that it appears, as has been said, in the final working up of prophecy, not detached as if imported from without ; and lastly, that if it were so that it was in any degree borrowed, there is nothing incon- sistent with the inspiration of the prophets to seize remains of truth that may be found in heathen nations, or truths which the philosophy of heathen nations may have attained, and incor- porate them, sublimed and corrected, in the deposit of truth committed to God's Church. Besides the ratifications of Jewish doctrine which have been noticed in the New Testament it appears also to be probable (perhaps rather we should say, certain, for the Jews no doubt held the doctrine, and the Church of Christ has for the most part received it) that each chEd of God is from his childhood assigned to the care of his own guardian angel. Considering that this be- lief was held by the Jews it can hardly be bul Angels that Heb. i. 14, Matt, xviii. 10, Acts xii. 15 both countenance and prove the doctrine. We may now turn to notice briefly the examples of the ministration of Angels : — I. The elder Sinaitic dispensation was subjected to created angels. Acts vii. 53, " at the injunc- tion of angels" [see Alford's note], Gal. iii. 19. In St. Stephen's speech the angels are men- tioned to glorify the law, being opposed to mere human mediators. Here the motive is different. The interposition of created beings is contrasted with the direct agency of God Himself. [So also in Heb. ii. 2, Prof. Lightfoot in loc], Heb. i. and ii. For the verification of this see Exod. xxxiii. 2, 3 ; Dent, xxxiii. 2 ; Josh. v. 1 3 ; Psa. Ixviii. 7, 8, and 17. But to the angels God hath not put in subjection, TijV o'iKovfJtivrjv rrjv /ieAXovcrav Trepl ■^s AaAov/tev, the Christian dispensation. Here the angels ap- pear, 1st, as ministering to the Mediator the Angel of the Covenant, and 2ndly, under Him, as ministers of grace to us, as they will be minis- ters of the final judgment. II. It will be observed also that before the call of Abraham we have only the cherubim for- bidding the approach to Eden, Enoch's prophecy of the holy ones attending the Lord when He comes to judgment, and the accusations and temptations of Satan. The ministrations of angels on behalf of God's people appear with the designation of the chosen seed. Lot is to be considered as belonging to Abraham. With the patriarchs, again, before the establishment of the covenant of works, the intercourse of the angels was more familiar, more affable. To this charac- ter of intercourse there is a return when the Gos- pel admits believers to the society of the " in- numerable company of angels." m. The opening the eyes of EHsha's servant [2 Kings vi. 17] was an instruction to those who doubted the Psalmist's word, " The angel of the Lord tanieth round about them that fear Him : " and an instruction to us, if we ever doubt the " more sure word" of Christian prophecy. To us, in this as in stiU higher matters, seeing is denied, that vpe may obtain the higher blessing of those who believe, and therefore act, without seeing. The more we can realize the presence of God's angels, as in Christian assembHes so in private, the more closely shall we keep to the ordinance and rule of God's government, and therefore the more nearly shall we live to Him who has ap- pointed such ministrations. In Christian assem- blies angels are present, and regard is to be had to their presence [1 Cor. xi. 10], they present the prayers of the faithful before the throne of God [Eev. viii. 3, 4], they are watchers on God's part of the fulfilment of the duties of the ministry [1 Tim. V. 21], and of the discharge of the vows of the worshipper [Eocles. v. 6]. As in the assemblies of the Church, so in the private life of each heir of salvation, they watch over Christ's little ones [Matt, xviii. 10], they re- joice over each sinner that repenteth [Luke xv. 10], they present to God alms and prayers, and return with blessings of fuller light [Acts x. 4], they continue their ministrations to Christ by 25 Annotine Easter ministering in behalf of His members (for to them, as well as to us, belongs the word, " Inas- much as ye have done it to one of these little ones, ye have done it unto Me), they unceasingly carry on that warfare whose first great victory was won when Satan was cast out of heaven, they convey the souls of the faithful to paradise [Luke xvi. 22], and at the end of all things they will be ministers of the last dread judgment. ANNATES. These, which were also called First Fruits, were payments made by bishops to the Pope at the time of their consecration ; and were a practical recognition of his supremacy, being of the nature of a tribute. The first step of the Eeformation in the Church of England was the repudiation of this tribute by the clergy. [Blunt's Reformat. Ch. of Eng. i. 250.] The origin of Annates appears to be traceable to the presents which were made to the Pope by all bishops at the time of their consecration; audit is alleged that this custom was so early as to be abo- lished by Gregory the Great. If the custom existed at such an early period, it probably did not extend beyond those bishops who were consecrated by the Pope's own hands. Nor was the amount paid very definite ; but it was understood to be not less than a year's income, and sometimes even much more was required. The sum paid by the bishop was, however, partly made up to bim by the first fruits which he received from his clergy on their preferment. The pay- ment of these was not regularly established until A.D. 1253, when by granting the revenue derived from them to Henry III. for three years, Pope Innocent gained the co-operation of the Crown in fixing them upon the clergy. In 1288 Nicolas IV. made a similar grant of them for six years to Edward I. for the expenses of the Crusade. Between a.d. 1486 and a.d. 1531, a sum equi- valent to £45,000 a year had been paid to the Popes by the Enghsh bishops in the form of Annates. In the latter year the Convocation of Canterbury petitioned the Crown for rehef, and a conditional Act [23 Hen. VIII. cap. 20] was passed, by which a compromise was offered to the Pope. No notice being taken of this offer, the Act was confirmed by Letters Patent (according to the terms of its enactments) on July 9, 1533. First-fruits in a less onerous form have since been paid to the Crown by every priest and bishop on acceding to a benefice, if above a cer- tain annual value. But the tax was applied to the benefit of the clergy by Queen Anne's Bounty Act, and is now chiefly used for building parson- age houses. ANNOTINE EASTER A day observed by primitive Christians in commemoration of their baptism. The festival was kept only by those who had been baptized in the previous year, and was nominally the anniversary of the day on which they had been baptized. There seems to have been some variation in the day itself. The fourth Sunday after Easter, the Thursday after the Sunday which was the actual Dominical an- niversary of the previous Easter, the third Satur- day after Easter, and Low Sunday, are the four Annual Commemoration Anointing (lays named by ancient writers. But Low Sun- day, or tlie octave of Easter, appears to have been the usual day. [Micrologus, Ivi. ; Martene, IV. xxvi. 6.] ANNUAL COMMEMOEATION. It was an early practice of the primitive Church to com- memorate the martyrs on the anniversary of their deaths : and when the days of persecution had come to an end, the habit was extended, or con- tinued to be practised, in respect to others of the departed, besides martyrs, such as relatives, friends, and benefactors. Hence were derived the Obits and Year-minds of the Church of Eng- land, which are stUl kept up by many people in their private devotions, and which are publicly recognised in the Obit Sunday service of St. George's, Windsor, and the " Coromendation of Benefactors " at the colleges of our Universities. For the offices used on these occasions see the Annotated Book of Common Prayer, Appendix to the Burial Office. The University " Commemo- ration " at Oxford is a secular corruption of this religious custom. ANNUNCIATION". [1.] The fact. In St. Luke's Gospel it is narrated that at a certain time there indicated the angel Gabriel was sent from God to the Virgin Mary, and that on coming into her presence he saluted her with the words, " HaU, thou that are highly favoured, the Lord is with thee. Blessed art thou among women." This angelic salutation was followed by the announcement, " Fear not, Mary ; for thou hast found favour with God. And behold thou shalt conceive in thy womb, and bring forth a son, and shalt call His Name Jesus. He shall be great, and shall be called the Son of the Highest : and the Lord God shall give unto Him the throne of His father David : And He shall reign over the house of Jacob for ever ; and of His kingdom there shall be no end." And when the Blessed Virgin inquired how this should be, Gabriel answered her, " The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee, and the power of the Highest shall overshadow thee : therefore also that holy thing which shall be born of thee shall be called the Son of God" [Luke i. 26-35]. The over- shadowing of the Holy Ghost appears to have ensued at once, and from the time of the Annun- ciation is to be dated the beginning of the Incar- nation of the "Word of God. [2.] The festival. At what date this great mystery began lirst to be commemorated is uncer- tain. There is a collect for the day in the Sacramentary of Gelasius [a.d. 492], and also in that of St. Gregory [a.d. 590], and a homily exists which was preached upon the day by Proclus, the Patriarch of Constantinople, some time in the earlier half of the fifth century. The Council of Toledo [a.d. 656] passed a canon changing the date of its observance to December 18th, so that it should never occur during Lent : but this latter day became eventually the feast of " The Expectation of the Blessed Virgin," and the Annunciation was stUl commemorated on March 25th. Whether or not that is the actual day on wliich the event occurred is to be determined bv 26 ' the chronology of the Christian eia, as associal with the Nativity of our Lord. [Incarnatk Cheistmas. Ave Maeia.] ANOINTING. How the ceremonial use oil originated is utterly unknovm. Its first i l^earance in history is in the book of Genes where Jacob is twice recorded to have set up pillar and poured oil upon it [Gen. xxviii. 1 XXXV. 1 4, c£ xxxi. 1 3]. There is no evidence wh ever to warrant us in associating this early ce monial use of oil with any habit of anointing t person for the sake of health or luxury, and ar thing that could be said to the effect would mere conjecture. Of its ceremonial use in t consecration of persons and things among t Jews there are abundant instances. [I.] Persoi Priests were so anointed by special command God [Exod. xxviii. 41, xxix. 7, xl. 15]. Kin were also anointed, equally by express Divi command [1 Sam. x. 1 and xv. 1, xvi. 1, 1 2 Kings ix. 1, 3]. It appears also from the w; in which the anointing of Elisha is mentione as if it was a Divine precept in respect to t' ordinations of prophets [1 Kings xix. 16]. [I] Things. God also commanded Moses to anoi the tabernacle, the ark, the table of shew-brea the altars, and all the vessels, saying in additic "And thou shalt sanctify them that they may 1 most holy" [Exod. xxx. 26-29, xl. 9-11]. T] unction was to be made with a special kind oil, or ointment, made of ingredients named 1 God in certain fixed proportions [Exod. xxx. 2 25], and no person was to be permitted to mal any like it, or to use it for any other purpos under pain of excommunication [Exod. xxx. 3.5 A special class of men, called "apothecaries were afterwards appointed for the purpose - compounding it, and the " ointment of the apoth cary" is the "precious ointment" of the san tuary. Whether or not the ceremonial anointing ( persons and things found its way among tl GentUe nations from the Jews, it is certain thi it was so common that it would be no exagger tion to call it an universal custom : and th: fact seems to show that it had its roots deep] planted in some religious instinct or primevi revelation. Associating this with the solenmil of the Divine ordinances respecting it, the ev dence tends towards a high probability that, lil many other customs, anointing looked towarc the Messiah, or Anointed One, as the Eedeemi for whom the world was waiting : a convictio which is strengthened by the fact that our Loi first announced His office by adopting the wore of Isaiah, " The Lord hath anointed Me," [Is Ixi. 1 ; Luke iv. 18]. In some mysterious wa oil and precious ointment became symbolical ( the mission of the Holy Ghost, in the powei ( which the Messiah, the Christ, the Anointe One, went forth to His redeeming work. An thus the anointings of prophet, priest, and kin] were supremely typical of a delegation of Divii authority and Divine assistance. The practice of ceremonial anointing wi adopted into the Christian Church from the vei Anomceans Antichrist first. The Apostles used, it, doubtless by our Lord's command, in restoring the sick to health [Mark vi. 7, 12, 13], and St. James speaks of it as if of a -well-known custom [James v. 14, 15]. It also became part of the ceremonies of Baptism, Confirmation, Ordination, and Corona- tion. [Christ. Extreme Unction. Baptism. Confirmation, &c.] ANOMiEAMS [a and o/^otos]. A sect of semi-Arians, condemned by them in their Council of Seleuoia [a.d. 359.] They denied the likeness of God the Son to God the Father, as ■well as His consubstantiaKty, and hence their name. [Aetians, Eunomians.] ANTELIJCAN". A term of reproach given to the early Eucharists of the primitive Christians. These -were celebrated before daybreak for the sake of safety, in times of persecution : but the heathen imagined that such secrecy was adopted on account of immmoral or criminal rites. ANTHEM. [Antiphon.] ANTHEOPOMOEPHISM [i.e. in the likeness or form of man]. A name given to the opinion that the Deity has a human form, and that passages of Scripture which speak of God's " eye " or " ear," His " smelling a sweet savour," and His creating man in " His own image or Kkeness " [Gen. i. 27, vi. 8, viii. 21 ; Neh. i. 6], are to be understood in their literal sense. This gross error is incon- sistent with the teaching of Scripture, that God is a Spirit, infinite and omnipresent, and that it is impossible by man's art or device to delineate the form of Him whom no man hath seen or can see [Isa. xl. 18; Acts xvii. 29]. MeHto, a writer of the second century, has been supposed to hold Anthropomorphic errors; but only frag- ments of his works are extant, and his alleged errors may fairly be questioned.' TertuHian also has been supposed to have held similar opinions. He says that God has a body, though not the same as ours,^ and passions, though not as man's;' meaning perhaps by "body" the 1 See the fragments of Melito [Migne's ed.] He was accused of Anthropomorphism chiefly on the authority of Origen and on account of the title of a work which is no longer extant, Treoi iva-ufiarov OeoO, which is supposed to mean " On God in human form," but may be translated " On God, i. e. Christ, incarnate." St. Jerome in his tract " De iUustribus viris " [sec. 24] gives an account of St. Melito's works, and refers wUhout censure to this treatise, and could not therefore have given to the title an un- catholic meaning. " Quis enim negabit Deum corpus esse, etsi Deus spiritus est ? Spiritus enim corpus sui generis in sua effigie. Sed et invisibilia ilia quaecunque sunt, habent apud Deum et suum corpus et suam formam, ]per quae soli Deo visibilia sunt, quanto magis quod ex Ipsius substantia missum est [soil. Filius ejus] sine substantia non erit ! Qusecunque ergo substantia Sermonis fuit, illam dico personam, et illi nomen Filii vindico ; et dum Fihum agnosoo, secundum a Patre defendo. [Advers. Praxeam, c. vii.] ' Nam et dexteram et oculos et pedes Dei legimus, neo ideo tamen humanis comparahuntur, quia de appellatione sociantur. Quanta erit diversitas divini corporis et humani sub eisdem nominibus membrorum,_ tanta erit et animi divini et humani differentia sub eisdem licet vocabulis sensuum, quos tam comiptorios efficit in homine corruptibilitas substantise humanae, quam incorruptorios in Deo efficit incorruptibilitas substantise diyins. . . . Omnia necesse est adhibeat [Deus] propter omnia ; tot 27 Divine essence, or in other words that God is not a mere phantasm, but has a personal and substantial existence. His orthodoxy on this point is maintained by Natalis Alexander* and others.^ About the middle of the fourth century [a.d. 340], Audasus, a monk of Syria, was expelled from the Church, chiefly at least for censuring the immoral lives of the clergy, and then fell into the errors of Anthropomorphism. The sect origi- nating from him, called Audseans, were probably extinct at the close of the fifth century." The ecclesiastical historians, Socrates,' Sozomen,' and Theodoret,^ give an account of the general pre- valence at the close of the fourth century of Anthropomorphism amongst the monks of Egypt. Thus Sozomen says: "Most of the monks of that region believed that God had eyes, ears," &c. Probably such opinions had been derived from the Audsean sect, or from a want of educa- tion and instruction they had faUen into similar errors. The latest work of St. Cyril, of Alexandria is written against the Anthropomorphism of some of the monks of Mount Calamon in Egypt. Nor were such opinions extinct many centuries afterwards. In the tenth century Eatherius, Bishop of Verona, had a controversy [a.d. 939] on Anthropomorphism; " for in the neighbourhood of Vicenza there were many persons not only amongst the laity, but the clergy, who supposed that God possesses a human form, and sits upon a golden thione in the manner of kings, and that his ministers or angels are winged men clothed in white robes." '" Anthropomorphism, though a gross error, does not exclude or necessarily lead to separation from the communion of the Church. St. Augus- tine" speaks of some who held such views (camales et parvulos nostras), which he considers more tolerable than the heresy of Manichaeism. Anthropomorphism is not professed by any modern sect. ANTICHEIST. 'O 'Avti'x/o'o-tos is four times referred to by St. John [1 John ii. 18, 22, iv. 3 ; 2 John 7], but the name itself is not used by any other New Testament writer. It is plainly a designation formed from the name which indi- cates the oflice of our Lord, and by which He was known in prophecy : " The Antichrist " being etymologically related and set opposite to "the Christ." An analogous designation 'Avrt^eos sensus quot et causas ; et iram pi'opter scelestos et bilem propter ingratos, et emulationem propter superbos, et quicquid non expedit malis. Sed et misericordiam propter errantes et patientiam propter non resipiscentes et prse- stantiam propter merentes, et quicquid bonis opus est. QuiE omnia patitur more suo. . . . lAdvers. Marcimum, lib. 2, c. xvi.] * In Sist. Secies, ssec. 11, dissert, ix. 5 In TertuU., Apologet. auct. Nourry, c. vii. 3. ^ An account of Audaeus is given in Henry's Ecclesi- astical History, lib. x. sec. ii, and by Natalis Alexander, Ecdes. Histor., tom. iv. de secta Audaeorum. ' Lib. vi. 7. " Lib. viii. 6. » Lib. iv. 10. 1" Mosheim, tenth century. History of Heresies, cap. v. § 4. 11 Contra Epistol. Manichcei, c. xxiii. See dso Di HaeresiMis, 1. Antichrist Antichrist is found in classical writers, and also in St. Chry- sostom's Commentary on the second chapter of tlie second Epistle to the Thessalonians. The word is rmdouhtedly intended to signify an oppo- nent of Christ, as St. Augustine says, "Anti- christus, id est contrarius Chiisto" \Ep. Jdhan. ii. tract, iii. 4], and as is also said by St. Hilary \Ep. contra Aiixenf] and others : but avrl in compo- sition bears the sense of usurpation not less than that of opposition, and this seems to have been included, at least, in the original idea of the Antichrist, if it was not the primary sense iu which the designation was understood. As the early Church was familiar with the idea of the great enemy of God transforming himself into an angel of light [2 Cor. xi. 14], so was it with the idea of "the Antichrist" being a counter- feit Christ as well as an opponent of Christ. The manner in which St. John writes respec- ting the Anticlirist shews that the subject on which he was writing was one that formed a common topic of early Christian teaching, " as ye have heard that AJitichrist shall come," and again, " this is that spirit of Antichrist, of which ye have heard that it shall come." There are no other parts of the New Testament in which any- thing is said that can be directly associated with these words, and it must therefore be supposed that he refers to oral teaching. But from the earliest times two passages in the prophet Daniel, and one in an Epistle of St. Paul, have been considered to refer to the Antichrist. The Old Testament prophet, speaking of his vision of the day of judgment, describes it as preceded by the appearance of a little horn, in which " were eyes like the eyes of man, and a mouth speaking great things" [Dan. vii. 8, viii. 8-14], and afterwards of " a king of fierce countenance, and under- standing dark sentences," whose "power shall be mighty, but not by his own power," &c. [Dan. viii. 23]. St. Paul, also writing of the day of judgment, says, " that day shall not come except there come a falling away first, and that man of sin be revealed, the son of perdition, who opposeth and exalteth himself above aU that is called God, or that is worshipped ; so that he, as God, sitteth in the temple of God, shewing himself that he is God" [2 Thess. ii. 3]. And the apostle adds that he had abeady spoken of this man of sin ; " Eemember ye not, that when I was yet with you, I told you these things," an expression corresponding with the "as ye have heard " of St. John.^ It may also be ob- served that these passages from Daniel and St. Paul are in close keeping with Eev. xiii 4-18, the mystical allusions of which have been con- stantly interpreted of Antichrist. These passages of Holy Scripture might be supplemented by many more, especially from the Psalms, in which there are mystical allusions to some great personal antagonist of Christ, but as mystical allusions are always open to dispute it wiU be better to rest upon the above, as setting ' The same familiarity with eucli teaching is indicated by the use of the relative, " that man of sin." 28 forth the generally received view of Antichrist ai it stands in the Old and New Testaments. There was no doubt in the early Church that bj the Antichrist of these passages was intended a rea person. In more recent times they have been sup posed to referto systems orprinciples, as theEomar Empire, Infidelity, the Church of Eome, World liness. But this mode of interpretation is mucl less consistent with the language used in botl the Old and New Testaments than that which with the ancient Church, regards it as setting forth a personal Antichrist. Attributes of per sonality, hfe, and individual action are assignee to the Antichrist of Scripture. He is to sit ir the temple of God, to exalt himself, to worl miracles, to be " that wicked one," to be destroyed and so forth. The use of the article, '0 'Avrl ^gisTog, is also of no small significance in the sam( direction. And lastly, more than all, the nature of the opposition which is to be shown by Anti Christ towards Christ is manifestly characteristic of a person. Although, therefore, any systen which directly opposes itself to Christianity maj very naturally be called Antichristianity, yet as the one is the system of a personal Pounder anc Centre, so also is the other ; as Christianity grow! from and converges towards Christ, so Anti Christianity grows from and converges toward: Antichrist. The idea of the Antichrist is indeed that of i person setting up a kingdom in opposition to and for the purpose of supplanting, the Kingdon of God. Thus, in the prophecy of Daniel, he i represented as (to use the word of Chrysostom the Antitheos. But after the Incarnation of th Son of God, the kingdom of God became re vealed as the system of which Christ is th Head. And thus the Antichrist must be definec to be a person setting up a religious system an tagonistic to that of our Lord Jesus Christ. From this we may see how various person have come to be stigmatized as Antichrists though none of them exhibit in anything lik completeness the characteristics set down as thos of the Antichrist. So Antiochus Epiphanes wa generally called, of those who lived before th coming of our Lord ; and so Mahomet, of thos who have lived since. Each offered direct an systematic opposition to God's kingdom, an Mahomet practically offered himseK to men a the supplanter of Christ. These are the tw most conspicuous of what may be called typice Antichrists ; but as St. John wrote, " even no^ are there many Antichrists," so we must regar as belonging to the same class such persons s Simon Magus, Dositheus, Bar-Cochab, Menande and others, who not only denied Christ, but als set up visible "false Christs" in opposition i Him who had been received out of the sight ( His disciples. " As the Saviour," said St Jerome " had Solomon and the other saints as types ( His coming, so we may rightly believe that Ant Christ had as a type of himself that most ev king Antiochus, who persecuted the saints an profaned the temple" [Jerom. on Dan. xi. 21" a principle which may plainly be extended i Antichrist Antichrist sucli persons as those above named without any violation of the sobriety of soimd iaterpretation. Among the great variety of opinions entertained respecting Antichrist by ancient writers, there is one opinion in which they are unanimous, viz. that he will appear in the age immediately pre- ceding the Second Advent of Christ, and that he wiU be a person specially under the influence of Satan. Thus Origen quotes Celsus as having said that Christ had declared Satan would come as He Himself had done, work miracles, and usurp the glory of God [Orig. cont. Gels. vi. 42] ; and in the Apostolic Constitutions Antichrist is called " the deceiver of the world, the enemy of the truth, the champion of that which is false," \Oonst. App. vii. 32], this person being directly afterwards named the DevU. St. Cyril of Jerusa- lem expresses the same belief : " When the true Christ is about to appear a second time, the Adversary, taking advantage of the expectation of the simple, will actuate a certain man who is a magician, and very expert in the art of de- ceiving " \Catech. xv. 4] ; and so also does Theo- phylact : " Now this Antichrist is a man who carries Satan about with him" [Theophyl. in 1 John iv. 3]. And in the second of the Clementine Homilies it is said that " towards the end Anti- christ will appear (preceded by a forerunning prophet), and after him o ovtus Xpicrros, the true Christ " [II. xvii.]. The opinion was also very general among the Fathers that Antichrist would not appear so long as the Eoman Empire endured, but that when it had been broken up into ten kingdoms, he would come, and reunite them into an universal empire under his own sovereignty. This idea, that to Karexov of 2 Thess. ii. 6 was the Eoman Empire is first found in TertuUian \de Resurrect. Gam. xxiv.] ; and the same writer says in his Apology [xxxiL] that Christians prayed daily for the prosperity of the emperors and the empire, and for the interests of Eome, because they knew that the continuance of these would hinder the approach of Antichrist. Lac- tantius [Divin. Instit vii. 25] speaks in a similar strain.i Lastly, it was a common opinion that he would be a Jew, of the tribe of Dan, of which tribe no mention is made in the book of the Eevelation. It seems to be indicated in the little which is said about Antichrist in Holy Scripture that this last great enemy of Christ and His kingdom wUl directly and definitely simulate the Person and Power of Christ. To this the very language of the Apostles witnesses, for they speak of the " coming," or advent, of Anticlu'ist, of his " ap- pearing," and his " revelation :" the " mystery of iniquity," in 2 Thess. ii. 7, opposes itself to the "mystery of godliness" in 1 Tim. iii. 16 ; Anti- christ's presence in the world is to be signalized by great "signs and wonders," i.e. miracles wrought by hm : and the one characteristic by which his appearance is set forth in the Apoca- ' There was also a singular opinion that Antichrist would be Nero resuscitated. See Lactant. de Mortib. Persec. ii. ; Jerom. in Dan. xi. ; Aug. de Civit. Dei, six. 3, XX. 29 lypse is that he is like a lamb, though speaking as a dragon [Eev. xiii. 11]. This idea took i strong hold upon some divines of the earlj Church. Thus Hippolytus wrote in his treatise on Christ and Antichrist : " The deceiver seeki to Kken himself in aU things to the Son of God Christ is a Lion, so Antichnst is a Hon ; Christ ii a King, sO Antichrist is also a king. The Savi our was manifested as a Lamb ; so he too wil appear as a lamb, though within he is a wolf The Saviour came into the world in the circum cision, so also wiU he. The Saviour sent apostlei among all nations, and he in like manner wil send false apostles. The Saviour gathered to gether the sheep that were scattered abroad, anc he wiU likewise bring together a scattered people The Lord gave a seal to those who beUeved ii Him, and he wiU give one in Kke manner. Th( Saviour appeared in the form of man, and he toe wiU come in human form. The Saviour raise( up and shewed His holy flesh like a temple, anc he wiU raise a temple of stone in Jerusalem.' By some eminent Fathers it was, indeed, believed (and the belief is a very probable one) that Anti Christ would be an incarnation of the Evil One who seems to have assumed the form of a serpen when trying to win our first parents from Bom( dim foresight of the Incarnation which was to wii mankind for God. Thus Theodoret writes : " Foi the devil will imitate the Incarnation of our Goc and Saviour, and as the Lord was manifested bj the instrumentality of man's nature, and wroughl our salvation, so shall the devil also take a meel instrument of his own wickedness, and by means thereof shew forth his own operation, deceiving such men as are indolent and off their guard witl false signs and wonders, and a parade of Simula tive miracles" [Theodoret, in Dan. vii. 26]. Ir the tract on Antichrist attributed to St. Augua tine there is also language of a somewhat sinulai kind : " But let us now see what is the begin ning of Antichrist. He wiU be bom in th< usual way, like other men, and not, as some say, of a virgin alone. . . . But at the very mo ment when he begins to be conceived, the devL will enter at the same time into his mother's womb, and of the power of the devil will his sub- stance be compacted, quickened, and nourished and the power of the devil wUl ever be with him, . . . Thus shall the devU descend on the mother of Antichrist, and fiU her entirely, sur- round her entirely, hold her entirely, and possess her entirely within and without ; that by the co- operation of the devU she may conceive through a man, and that the thing which shaU be born may be altogether sinful, altogether damned." Some confirmation of this opinion that Anti christ wiU be Satan incarnate is given by the fact that the course of opposition to Christianitj has been that of a continuous development from coarse and broad forms of antagonism, such as heathen persecutions and absolute impostures, tc those of a more subtle kind. It would thus seem that the great enemy was slowly acquiring a mor« perfect knowledge of the Christian system ; and aa the incarnation of God is the very foundatior Antidoron Antinomianism oi that system, so the knowledge of that truth at last acquired by Satan may he the great climax of knowledge respecting Christ and His work, out of which he will develop an imitation "coming with aU deceivahleness" among men. If this be a true opinion, then the great crowning feature of the last assault on Christianity will he the setting up the person, kingdom, and worship of Satan incarnate in the human form of Anti- christ, as a substitute for the Person, kingdom, and worship, of our Lord Jesus Christ. As the "mystery of Godliness" is the manifestation of God in the flesh, so a dreadful simulation of it will be the " mystery of iniquity." The "abomination of desolation" may then be truly said to " stand in the holy place" when " the son of perdition, that wicked One, who opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called God or that is worshipped," does, in his final pride, " sit in the temple of God" by proclaiming himself as the object of Divine worship, and " declaring himself that he is God." The seduction of mankind to this new system of faith and worship wiU, of course, be the great " falling away," or apostasy, predicted by our Lord and St. Paul. The subject of this article is dealt with by every commentator on the books of Daniel and the Eevelation. There is also much useful infor- mation in Greswell on the Parables, i. 370-396. But the most exhaustive work is Malvenda de Antichristo, a folio in eleven books, published at Eome in 1604. ANTIDOEOK A Greek hturgical word for the remains of the unconsecrated bread which had been blessed in the Office of the Prothesis. Its name is derived from the original purpose of its institution, that of distribution to the non- communicants "instead of the gift" of the Eu- charistic bread itself. Its origin is referred by Balsamon to the Council of Antioch, by the La- tins to Pope Pius I. [Neale's Introd. Hist, of Eastern Oh. 525.] There is no doubt a close association between the modem "pain beni" or "TofErande" of the French, the "blessed bread" of the old English Church, the Eulogiae of the ancient Latins, the Antidoron of the Greeks, and the primitive love feasts. [Agapji;.] ANTILEGOMENA. The ancient ecclesiastical term for disputed books claiming to be part of the Holy Scriptures. [Canon.] ANTINOMIANISM means, literally, opposed to law, or as the word is generally understood, to the moral law of God. We first read in ecclesi- astical history of the Antinomianism of various Gnostic sects, not only held as a pure theory, but in its development of gross licentiousness. The principal Gnostic teachers maintained that there was a radical difference amongst men : some, created evil, were incapable of salvation ; and others who were of celestial or divine origin would finally be saved, however licentious their lives.^ There are allusions to Gnosticism in the New Testament ' St. Irenseus (lib. i. c. 24) gives an account of the gross immorality of the followers of Simon Magus, from whom all heresies were derived (ex qno universse hcereses sub- Btiterunt), and of Carpoorates and the Cainitee. — its strange and monstrous creed and gross inmi( ralities— by St. Paul [1 Tim. vi. 20, 21 ; Col. i 18, 19; 1 Tim. iv. 1-5] and St. John [1 Epis ii. 18-22, iii. 7-9]. Cerinthus, a Gnostic teaohe: was contemporary with the latter Apostle [Ceeii THiANs], and St. John speaks of the Nicolaitan« [Eev. ii. 6, 15], a profligate sect,%vhich probabl originated from one of the seven deacons, Nicolai a proselyte of Antioch [Acts vi. 5]. But we should wholly mistake the theory c Antinomianism did we suppose that it merel flowed from man's corrupt nature, or was an 63 cuse for the gratification of his evil desires. Ant nomianism, or such opinions as generally or necei sarUy lead to it, alleges in its support the teachiii of Holy Scripture, and we cannot doubt from th allusions to "faith" by Gnostic teachers, ths they attempted in some degree to justify thei licentiousness from the supposed meaning c St. Paul's teaching. At the period of the Eeformation, Antinc mianism, generally free from the immoralities c Gnosticism, reappeared on an alleged scripture foundation imder the name of justification b faith only, or Solifidianism. The teaching of S' Paul on justification by faith "without the deed of the law" was so interpreted by Luther an others as to exclude justification by works, c to contradict the teaching of St. James, that w are justified by works and not by faith onl [Justification]. Bishop BulP has shewn that Si James probably wrote his epistle for the purpos of correcting the erroneous impression which pn vaUed of the meaning of St. Paul's teaching.* That Luther held the heresy of Solifidianism i unquestionable, as will elsewhere be proved [Just: fication]. One of his disciples, John Agricoli openly taught Antinomianism at Wittenberg [a.i 15381, and though his teaching was disclaimec and (we are told) refuted by Luther,^ it was lu 2 S. Iren. de hoe.r. lib. i. c. 26, § 3. ^ On Justification, dissert, ii. c. iv. * Dr Burton says : "James {i.e. St. James the Apostli Bishop of Jerusalem) must have witnessed the effect ( this false philosophy (Gnostic errors) in the neighbourin countrylof Samaria, where Simon Magus, as I have statec met with great success. That impostor perverted tt doctrines of the Gospel, and probably quoted St. Paul i saying that good works were of no importance. I hai conjectured that Simon was at Eome about the time < St. Paul addressing his epistle to the Christians of thf city. He may himself have seen that epistle, and ma have spread a false account of it upon his return short! after to Samaria. The Bishop of Jerusalem would fei himself called upon to repress an evil which came s near ; and we may thus arrive at a probable cause, i well as an approximation to a date of the catholic Epist of James. It was perhaps written between the year 5i when St. Paul wrote to the Romans, and the year 6! when James himself was put to death." [Lectures c Ecclesiastical History, ix. 1844.] ' Sleidan [History of the Reformation, book xii.] giv( the following account, from which it appears that Luth( only refuted, or attempted to refute, some of the reasoi on which Agricola founded his Antinomianism. Luthi did not, and was unable to shew that, admitting his ou theory, obedience to the moral law was not by fair infe ence virtually set a.side as necessary for salvation : " Th year 1538, the sect of the Antinomiaus began. The opinion is, that repentance ought not to be urged from consideration of the breach of the Decalogue, and the dispute against those who maintained that men are nc Antinomianism Antioch, School of questionably a legitimate result of his own system or theory. The erroneous belief of tbe Anabaptists, ■wbicli during the Peasant "War^ was accompanied with gross profligacy, we may say was logically derived from Lutheranism, since, if faith only justifies, infants, who cannot believe, are not the fit subjects of baptism. Again, the Calvinistic doctrine of imputed EiGHTBOUSNBSS may be justly charged with Antinomianism, since a believer clothed in the robe of Christ's righteousness is represented as being in a state of absolute perfection, and thus his individual merits or demerits cannot alter his state in the sight of God. The Anti- nomia,nism which has been the result of Calvin- istic teaching in modem times (during last cen- tury) is strikingly set forth by Fletcher in his Checks to Antinomianism [2d Check, 3d Letter]. The teaching of Holy Scripture on the subject will be seen in the passages quoted below." The Church, following its guidance, has ever represented as of primary and indispensable importance the duty of obedience to God's commandments, which is the only satisfactory proof of love to Him ; and has condemned such theories as are above noticed, not merely as presumptuously intruding into those "secret things" which belong to God only [see Deut. xxix. 29], but as likely to set aside our bounden duties and obligations as Chris- tians : assuring us that " in keeping God's com- mandments we please Him both in will and deed." ^ ANTIOCH, SCHOOL OF. The "Eoyal city" [1 Mace. iii. 37] of Antioch, partly insulated on the outflow of the Orontes, and with its harbour of Seleucia, was built by Seleucus Nicator [b.c. 300], and colonized by Jews, who were placed on the same municipal and political level with the Greek population [Jos. Ant. III. i. c, Ap. ii. 4]. It was one main gate of the East, through which India and Persia poured their wealth into Europe. The Romans, who "where they con- quered dwelt" [Seneca ad Helv. § 6], freely resorted to Antioch, so that the social habits of the Antiochean reflected the civilization, and, as to have the Gospel preached to them till their minds are alarmed and worked into compunction hy the doctrine of the law. But they assert, on the contrary, that let a man's life he never so scandalous and debauched, yet if he does but believe the promises of the Gospel he shall be justiiied. Johannes Islebius Agricola was their lead- ing man, but this heresy was soon confuted at large by Luther, where he sheweth that the law was not given that we might be justified by it, but to discover the nature and malignity of sin, and to terrify the conscience ; and therefore it is to be pressed in the first place, after- wards the Gospel is to be explained, which represents the Son of God as a mediator and propitiation for the whole world." He then says that Agricola, being better in- structed afterwards, came over to Luther's opinion, and made a public confession of his error. [Bohwn's traits- lotion, p. 244, 1689.] ^ There were two risings of the Anabaptists, under Munzer andStorck [1521-25] and under John of Leydeu [1534-5]. ' Deut. V. 29, vi. 24, 25, x. 12, 13, xxx. 9, 10 ; Psa. Ixxxi. 11-16, cxii. 1-4 ; Isaiah i. 16-20, xxxii. 17, Iviii. 6-11 ; Eccles. xii. 13 ; Micah vi. 8 ; Matt. vii. 16-27, XXV. 31-45 ; John xiv. 15, 21, 23, 24, xv. 2, 8, 10 ; Eom. ii. 6-10 ; Gal. vi. 7, 8 ; Ephes. ii. 10 ; 1 John ii. 3-6, 17, 29, iiL 4, 6-10, v. 3, 18 ; 1 Peter i. 14, 15 ; 2 Peter i. 3-11 ; Eev. xxii. 12, 14, 15. ' Collect for First Sunday after Trinity. 31 Chrysostom says, the vices also of the foruax. " In Tiberim defluxit Orontes" was truo as regards the origin of Oriental superstitions in Eome, but the tidal action was reciprocal, and the Orontes received back a broad wave of popu- lation from the Tiber, with much also of its alluvium. The population in fact was, as Mr. Conybeare has stated, "a worthless rabble." Antioch, as the head of a despised group of pro- vincial towns, the Eoman capital of Syria, was itself a servile imitator of the great metropolis ; but it was Eome Hellenized, and Italo-Greek fashions prevailed, modified by the barbaric lux- ury of Eastern life. Antiochus Epiphanes, a great affecter of everything Eoman, built a temple of Jupiter CapitoUnus on the Silpian height, and introduced the Eoman costume, himself wearing the toga in the streets of Antioch ; and altogether he gave to the city a more European cast than otherwise it would have had. As at Alexandria so atvbitioch : the Macedonians established schools of Greek learning, but with this difference, that while the Platonic philosophy was chiefly repre- sented at Alexandria, the Peripatetic was the popular form at Antioch, the system of Aristotle being of more easy Oriental assimilation. Neo- Platonism had its Oriental analogies, received through PhUo and other Hellenistic sources ; but in whatever degree the Oriental mind has shewn any spontaneous proclivity towards Greek learn- ing, Aristotle has been the master followed. Thus Avicenna and Averroes initiated the Moors of Spain in the dialectics of Aristotle ; who became known to the schools of the Middle Ages at fourth hand through Latin translations of Arabic versions from original Syriac renderings of the Greek text. [Munk, Melanges dePh. Juive et Arabe, p. 314.] The schools of Antioch also resounded with discussions derived from the Lyceum ; and here, as at Eome, the Sophist jangled and quibbled, when the oratory of an early period had been for- gotten. The schools of Antioch were whoUy in the hands of the Sophists. Antioch was the place where the people of Christ first obtained the name of Christians ; but it was also the place where the spirit of scepticism developed the first germs of the heresy that has done more than any- thing else to scatter and harass the flock of Christ — the Arian heresy. Gnosticism, the pro- duct of Egypt, was scarcely within the Church. The arch-heretic Simon Magus had introduced it at Antioch [Justin M., Apol. i. 26] ; and his disciple Saturninus obtained a considerable fol- lowing there as a teacher of ascetic Gnosticism. The epistles also of Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, shew that he had been brought into close con- tact with one form or other of that many-headed pest. Origen, when his father suffered martyr- dom under Septimius Severus, and when his family property was confiscated, was admitted by a lady of family into her house ; and his faith was put to a severe trial by reason of her adopted son, named Paulus, being a Gnostic teacher of Antioch. Gnosticism, however, came ab extra, while Ariauism was purely endemic, and may bi; traced back in its rise to the sophistical dispubi- Antioch, School of tions of the Antiocliean schools ; though Arius, from his Alexandrian extraction, was called by Jerome " demonium meridianum " \adv. Ruf. n. 149]. Nothing could be more pernicious than the practice of making deep religious truth the subject of scholastic discussion; nothing more likely to give a sceptical bias to inconstant minds. Arianism in its first rise was at once referred back to Paul of Samosata, the heretical and judaizing Bishop of Antioch, who had elicited the first sparks of mis- chief that were destined to envelop the whole religious world in flames. [Alex. Ep. ad Constant. Theod. H. E., i. 4.] He exactly exemplifies the tendency of such schools as the Antiochean. The hopes of the Sophist lay in points of attack rather than of defence, in weakening and demolishing an enemy's position rather than in building up a sound rampart of doctrine for self-defence. Thus Paul endeavoured to undermine the CathoUc faith by a sophistical use of the term " substance;" and his attack so far met with success as to cast discredit for a time on the term oytiooiicrtos, which afterwards became the test of orthodoxy. The word in heretical language meant " one individu- ality ;" in Catholic acceptance " one nature." Paul at fiist gave way before the weight of Catho- lic tradition brought to bear upon bim in the first council of Antioch, a.d. 265 ; but he continued to propagate his error, and a brother Sophist, Melchion, was the means of detecting and pro- curing its condemnation. It was not without reason, therefore, that Epiphanius styled Aris- totle the Bishop of the Arians. The practical morality of Peripatetic doctrine, as expounded by Lucian the Martyr, commended it to men whose adhesion to the Axian cause would other- wise have caused our surprise. The schools stiU. kept the discussion alive ; until Arius fol- lowed with singular precision in the steps of Paul. Being well versed in dialectics, ovk afwipoi rrji SmXeKTiKrjs [Soer. i. 5], he attacked in syllogistic form Bishop Alexander's doctrine of the Eternal Filiation of the "Word as SabeUian, and from love of disputation flew to the opposite extreme ; " endeavouring to exhibit the Divine I^ature by Aristotelian syllogisms and mathematical data" [Epiphanius, Hoer.], he naturally got very wide of the truth. Syllogisms, however, are as pointless arrows for the many, whether as regards the pro- pagation of truth or of error. " Non in dialecticEi complacuit Deo salvum facere populum suum" [Ambros. de Fid. i 3] ; neither would Arian error have been so formidable if its teachers had con- fmed themselves to a dialectical method. But as Paul set forth his views in hymns for popular use, so Arius conveyed his blasphemies home to the people in verse. The subject need not be fol- lowed out here to a greater extent ; it is sufficient to have indicated the first impulse that Arianism received from the schools of Antioch. Tet if the dialectical school of Antioch was a hotbed of mischief, there was also a sound school of biblical exegesis, following a straightforward line of grammatical interpretation [Conybeare, Bamjpt. Led. iv.], rather than the allegorizing mysticism that gained such head at Alexandria. Antipopes Its method is best seen in the exegesis of Chry- sostom. Antioch in this respect stood second only to the Eome of the three first centuries. Theo- phUus, Bishop of Antioch, [a.d. 168], in his work ad Autolycum indicates the learned Platonic Christian ; he also wrote a Commentary on the Gospels [Jerom. de Vir. ill] ; and the valuable religious training that was organized at Antioch may be seen in the labours of such men as Sera- pion ; as Lucian the Martyr, led by generosity of feeling as a pupU rather than by theological con- viction to cast in his lot with Paul of Samosata, and who made a careful revision of the LXX. text, copies of which were known by his name as Aovxidvsia, " Constantinopolis usque ad Antio- chiam Luciani maityris exemplaria probat " [Hieron. adv. Buf. ii.] ; as the learned presbyter Dorotheus, made by Diocletian prefect of an estabHshment for manufacturing purple dye, his reward for Hebrew scholarship; as Meletius, with whom Chrysostom studied for a year with lifelong benefit, and afterwards as Bishop delivered his celebrated homilies, " De statuis," in the church of Antioch ; as Flavian, Diodorus of Tarsus, Cyril of Jerusalem, Theodore of Mopsuestia,and others. It is to be regretted that our knowledge of the orthodox teaching commxmicated at Ai- tioch is so slender, though perhaps something may yet be had from the Mtrian Syriac MSS. of the British Museum collection. A good understanding was maintained between the schools of Antioch and of Alexandria, until the heterodox tendencies of the latter in the Nes- torian and Monophysite periods caused a perma- nent estrangement. Gieseler has judiciously en- larged the area of the Antiochean schools, so as to embrace the whole of Syria, under the title of the Syrian historico-exegetical school, and adds to the above names Eusebius of Emesa, ApoUina- ris of Laodicea, and Ephraem of Edessa. [Her- zog. Newman's Arians, Ch. Antioch. ISTeander, ii. p. 659, 1847. Gieseler, K. Geseh., sec. 63.] ANTIPHOK This name has been given, time out of mind, to the short sentence (mostly taken from Holy Scripture), which is sung before and after a psahn or canticle, as a " key-note " to its application. The etymological sense of the word in this case is not that of an alternate chant, but of a verse " ex opposito respondens " to the psalm or canticle. An ancient Antiphonarium for the year is attributed to St. Gregory the Great, and is printed by PameHus in the first volume of his Liturgicon. The facsimile of a MS. copy that belonged to the Monastery of St. Gall, with the original musical notation, has also been printed recently at Paris. [Grancolas, Comm. inBrev. Eom.] The^ English word Anthem is derived from the Greek 'AvTicjxava, the plural of Antiphon, through the Anglo-Saxon Ante/n. [See Annotated Book of Common Prayer, p. Ixii.J ANTIPOPES. Pretenders to the bishopric of Rome. It is almost impossible to make a perfect list of them, because we cannot now, in many cases, decide which of the two claimants was canonically elected. Joseph Gautier gives us a chronological index Antipope of tliom, wifch brief notices of each, case ; ^ and as his view may he taken to he that held hy writers of the Roman Church as to the true succession, his list is fully tabulated below, so as to pre- sent the series in a compendious form. Michael Geddes, chancellor of Sarum, has written a history of the schisms thus caused, which he numbers at twenty-four.^ He does not always pretend to decide between the rivals, and he omits a few named by Antitype Gautier. The latter gives thenumberof thirty-eight, but two of his cases embrace each a pair of invalid elections, and the whole number of antipopes may therefore be reckoned at forty. Bergier,^ without giving any names, says there have been twenty- eight. There are two classes of antipopes, dis- tinguished below as (a) those elected during the lifetime of a pope canonicaUy in possession, and (6) those whose own election was in itself invalid. 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 84 35 36 37 38 0£ 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 18 18 18 20 19 19 21 21 21 22 23 23 23 24 c. 251 c. 356 366 418 498 530 537 687 687 757 767 824 855 897 963 974 c. 996 c. 1013 1044 1058 1061 1080 1100 1100 1102 1118 1130 1138 1159 1164 1170 1180 c. 1328 1378 1394 1425 1426 1438 Antipope. Novatianus (a). Felix II. (a). Ursinus (a). Bulalius (J). Laurentius (a). Dioscoriis ; Bp. of Nocera (a). Vigilius (a). John (J). Peter (i). Pascal (J). Theodore (6). Theophylaot (6). Constantine (J). Zinzinus (6). Aaastasms III. ; Card. (a). Serghis III. (5). Leo VIII. (a). Boniface VII. (5). John XVI. ; Bp. of Placentia (a). Gregory (a), Sylvester III. ; John, Bp. of Sabinum (a). Benedict X. ; John, Bp. of Velitrsa (ft). Honorius II. ; Cadolaus, Bp. of Parma (a). Clement III. ; Guibert, Bp. of Eavenna (a). Albert (a). Theodoric (a). Sylvester III. ; Maginulfus (a). Gregory VIII. ; Bourdinus, Abp. of Braga (a), Anacletus II. ; Peter Leoni, Card. (a). Victor IV. ; Gregory, Card. (a). Victor IV. (or V.) ; Octavianiis {a). Pa.scal ; Guido, Card. (a). Callixtus III. ; Abbot of Struna (a). Innocent III. , Lando (a). Nicolas V. ; Peter Corbarius {a). Clement VII. ;. Robert, Card. (a). Benedict XIII. ; Peter de Lima, Card. (a). Clement VIII. ; jEgidius, Can. of Barcelona (a) Benedict XIV. (a), Felix ; Amadens, Duke of Savoy (a). Although schismatic, esteemed a [martyr. Sylverins died 538, and Vigilius [was then canonicaUy elected. Held the See one year before [Stephen's election. Died in possession. Included also in list of Popes. In succession to 21. In succession to 22. In succession to 23. In succession to 27. In succession to 29. In succession to 30. In succession to 31. In succession to 34. Insuc.to35. MadeBp. of Majorca. In opposition to 86. Made Bp. of Sabinum. POPK. Cornelius. Liberius. Damasus. Boniface I. Symmachus. Boniface II. Sylverius. Conon. Conon, Sergius I. Sergius I. Paul I. Stephen III. Eugenius II. Benedict III. John IX. John XII. Benedict VII. Gregory V. Benedict VIII. Benedict IX. Nicolas II. Alexander II. Gregory VII. Pascal II. Pascal II. Pascal II. Gelasius II. Innocent II. Innocent II. Alexander III. Alexander III. Alexander III. Alexander III. John XXII. Urban VI. Boniface IX. Martin V. Martin V. Eugenius IV. This table shews how enduring were some of the schisms occasioned by disputed elections. Very often the dispute was the occasion of much bloodshed. The uncertaiaty is well seen by the fact of Boniface VII. being placed by Gautier in both lists. [Some are noticed by Gibbon. See, more particularly, for the 3rd, iii. 255 (ed. Smith, 1854) ; for the 7th, v. 144 ; for the 22nd, vii. 128 ; and for the 34th (where is an account of the great schism in the West), viii. 251. Numerous references are given to his authorities.] AJSTTITEINITAEIANISM. [Unitaeianism. Arianism.] ANTITYPE. The word Antitype means either the converse of Type, as substance is the correla- tive of shadow ; and the reader will find various examples of the antitypal fulfilment of prophetic type under this word itself; or it means simply ' Printed in Migne's Tlwologim Oursxis. Paris, 1841. ^ MisrAl. Tracts, vol. iii. tract 4. Lond. 1706. 33 I the copy or similitude of anything : "die von einem Gemalde gcnommene copie" [Schl.], in which sense it occurs twice in the New Testament [Heb. ix. 24'' and 1 Pet. ui. 21]. In the same way the sacred utensils of the tabernacle were the antitypal copies of the things shewn to Moses : "See thou make aU ihings according to the pattern shewed to thee in the mount " [Heb. viii. 5], (Kara tov TVTrov). Now this pattern is scarcely applicable to the outward form of the various parts and vessels of the tabernacle, neither can we imagine that their counterparts should have an existence in heaven, there the type, here the antitype in temporal similitude, anymore than we can sup- pose that the likeness of God in which man was created was the outward Kkeness of form, and not the spiritual similitude of purity and holiness ' Dictionnaire de TMologie, i. 135. Paris, 1863, ^ Where Chrysostom says of the word — Tiirov Ix^i fiovoif oO Trjv l^x^v. Antitype Apology and unison with tlie Divine will. Tlic scheme of man's salvation having been decreed from all eternity, we may helieve that the divine /3sa; of Ihis scheme were revealed to the Lawgiver of Israel, and a du-ect connection established by his inspired mediation between the holy things of the tabernacle and the verities of which they were gross earthly shadows. The sacrifices of the law also were standing memorials of the sacrifice to be made once for all, prophecies, eloquent though mute, of the Blessed Lamb of God that " taketh away the sin of the world." Antitypes they were in one sense of the word, as being earthly images of the scheme foreordained from the beginning of the world ; but types of ' Christ, the substance of that scheme. Himself the only Antitype of all that they foreshadowed. And in the end we may expect that every part and portion of our earthly worship will be found to be the reflex image of heavenly verities, broken it may be and distorted, as the face of heaven is reflected in broken beams of light from the face of the lake ; still there we may believe them to be, the truth and its forecast, part and counter- part, type and antitype, the beauty of holiness on earth perfected in the glories of the heavenly Jerusalem, of which God is the Sun and the Lamb is the Light thereof for ever. One peculiar use of the word Antitype may be noticed as occurring in Greek ecclesiastical writings, and having reference to the Holy Eucharist in the earliest times. Irenseus, in a fragment, after speaking of the Eucharistic offering of bread and wine as a thanlc-offering for the fruits of the earth, says " the Holy Spirit is then invoked, that He will vouchsafe that the bread may be the body ap-d the cup the blood of Christ, that they who receive these a7ititypes may obtain remission of sjns arid everlasting life" [ii 504, Cambr. Ed.]. Not widely distant in time, the writer of the A2')0s- talical Constitutions uses the word in the same way, in speakirig of the first institution of the Lord's Supper [v. 14], " He having administered the antitypal mysteries of His precious body and blood went forth;" and again, " Olfer also the antitypal acceptable Eucharist of the royal body of Christ " [vi. 30] ; and elsewhere, " We give thanks, Father, for the precious blood of Jesus Christ that was shed for us, and for the precious body, whose antitypes we offer." The Liturgy also that bears the name of Basil M. : " We, offering the antitypjes of the holy body and blood of Christ, beseech Thee that Thy Holy Spirit may descend upon us and upon these gifts." The word therefore is "medipe significa- tionis," and is used of the sacred elements both before and after consecration.. The interpreta- tion is probably correct which makes it synony- mous with hiru'Tra, i. e. " Eadem cum Corpore et Sanguine Christi etsi tecte et relate" [Leo Allat. de Com. JEccl. Oca. et Or. III. xv. 29]. John Damascene declares, " If some have termed the bread and wine antitypes of the body and blood of Christ, they mean the elements in their unconsecrated state, not after consecration" [Fid, Ortlind. iv. 14] ; which is the more noteworthy 34 since all later Greek commentators have followed his lead. But this does not invalidate tht genuineness of the Irenasan fragment, which speaks of the elements as yet unconsecrated. 'A#0PI2M0'S. A term used in the Primitive Church for the lesser form of excommunication, and also for the Suspension of the clergy. As regarded the laity, such a form of separation oi suspension excluded them from the Holy Eucharist, but still permitted them to be present in church during those portions of the service when cate- chumens were allowed to be present. In the case of the clergy, suspension did not involve excom- munication. The TravTcA.'^s di^optcryuos was the greater excommunication or Anathema. APHTHAETODOCETJi;. A sect of heretics which arose in the middle of the sixth century at Alexandria. Their distinctive tenet was that the body of our Lord Jesjis Christ was incorruptible, immortal, and impassible, through its union with the Divine Nature. It was one of those subtle forms of misbelief which, seeming to honour oni Lord with high attributes, did, in reality, strike at the very root of Christianity. 'AnOAEAYME'N02. Ordination without title, as distinguished from the ordinatio loacdis, which fixes the diocese or parish within whose bounds the ordinary ministrations of a bishop or priest are to be restricted. The 6th Canon of the Council of Chalcedon [a.d. 451] contains the word, and condemns the practice. This canon even decrees " that such an ordination is to be held void, and cannot have any effect anywhere, to the reproach of him who ordains." [Jueisdic- TiON. Mission.] APOLLINAEIANISM. The founder of this heresy was Apollinaris or Apollinarius, son of an Alexandrian rhetorician of the same name. In his earlier life Apollinarius was a friend of St. Athanasius, and about a.d. 362 he was consecrated to the see of Laodioea. Apollinarianism was founded on the Platonic trichotomy of aSfja, ii-i>X'?) *'^d vovs. It denied to the human nature of Christ the possession of the vovs or rational soul, and supposed that the Divine Word, or Adyos, supplied its place, subduing and counter- acting the evil tendencies of the irvxrj, or animal soul. During the lifetime of St. Athanasius this heresy was kept within bounds, but on his death ApoUinarius proclaimed it more boldly, and his followers adopted in addition the tenets of the Sabellians and the Patripassians, and also main- tained a notion that the body of Christ was brought down from heaven, where it had a long pre-existence. The heresy was condemned by CouncUs at Eome [a.d. 374], Antioch [a.d. 378], and by the General Council of Constantinople [a.d. 381], yet Apollinarius remained Bishop of Laodicea till his death in a.d. 392. [See Diet, of Sects and Heresies.] APOLOGY. When the knowledge of Chris- tianity had passed the limits to which it was at first confined, there arose from time to time a need for such an explanation and defence of its tenets as could command the attention of those with whom it had now come into contact. Calumnies Apology Apostasy. respecting the faith, the morality, and the loyalty of the Christians were circulated among the hea- then, and enemies were not wanting to carry these reports to the ears of those on whose will the lives of the Christians depended. Hence arose the early Christian Apologies. The first of these, that of QuADRATUS, was presented at Athens to Hadrian [a.d. 126]. Quadratus appeals to the many persons who had been healed by the Sa- viour, and to those of them especially who had lived oven in the writer's own day, as witnesses for the truth of Christianity. At the same tune the Apology of Aristides was presented to Hadrian. Eusebius says that ui his time this work was in the possession of very many Christians. [Euseb. iv. 3.] The first Apology of the philosopher- Christian, Justin Martyr, was addressed [a.d. 138 or 139] to Antoninus Pius, to the senate, and to the whole Roman people. The preface to this Apology states it to be " on behalf of those who of aU nations are now unjustly hated and as- jjersed." The answer Justin obtained was an epistle from Antoninus Pius to the Assembly of Asia, in which it was desired that the Christians should not be molested unless they made attempts against the goverimient, and that if any person were arraigned on the sole ground of Christianity, the accuser should be held guilty, the accused set free. Justin's second Apology [a.d. 161-166] was addressed to Marcus Aurehus.i In addition to a defence of the faith it contained a severe attack upon the Cynic philosopher Crescens, whom he charges with impugning the doctrines of Chris- tianity without understanding them, and with ■writing merely to gain popular applause, even at the expense of honesty and truth. The Cynic revenged himself by instigating the death of Jus- tin, who suffered martyrdom by order of Marcus Aurelius [a.d. 161-168]. Justia was also the author of a dialogue with Trypho the Jew — a work which Eusebius highly eulogizes as evincing the philosophical zeal vrith which Justin had ap- plied himself to the discovery of Christian truth. [Euseb. iv. 18.] To Marcus Aurelius Apologies were also presented by Melito, Bishop of Sardis, and Apollinaris, Bishop of Hierapolis. The for- mer declares that the treatment which the Chris- tians, who were loyal subjects of the Emperor, had received was such as ought not to be shewn even towards barbarous enemies. The period of the Antonuies was more fruitful than any other in Apologetic writings. In the same period was written the Apology of Miltiades, "a work against the philosophers of the age in favour of the philosophy which he embraced;" of Theo- PHILUS, the sixth bishop of Antioch, addressed in three books to Autolyciis [a.d. 160-170], and con- taining the elements of the faith ; and the Aoyog ttjoos "EXAiyras of Tatian, a disciple of Justin, but after his master's death an apostate from the Church. The celebrated dialogue called the Octavius, writ- ten by Marcus Minucids Eelix, a Eoman lawyer, belongs, according to some authorities, to this ' So according to Mosheim and Semiscli ; Recording to Valerius and Alexander it was wi-itten, like the first, niider Antoninus Pius. 3u period, and is therefore the earliest Latin Apology which has come down to us. On the testimony of Jerome, however, others have assigned a later date [a.d. 220-230] to the Octavius. It is written in the style of Cicero, and contains a clear account of the great questions at issue between Chris- tianity and heathenism. The dateof the Aiacrvp;uds T(ov e^o) 'l>tAocrd<^a)v of Hermias cannot be fixed with accuracy ; some writers have even placed it so late as the fifth century. It abounds in ridi- cule of the philosophers of the day, and carica- tures the subjects which engrossed their attention. The Apology of Tertullian was written in Latin [a.d. 194], and afterwards translated into Greek. While defending the Church, and deprecating the severity shewn towards Cliristians, TertuUian at- tacked the ancient gods, and wrote with bitter scorn and contempt of the actions attributed to them by their worshippers. Origen composed at the age of sixty [a.d. 246] a reply in eight books to the work of Celsus against Christianity. About a.d. 303, Arnobius, a teacher of rhetoric at Sicca, in Africa, vn?ote (while yet a catechumen) a do- fence of Christianity, in seven books, as a proof of the reality of his conversion. The objects of the Apologists are: [1.] To shew the reasonableness of their faith, and the emptiness of the objections brought against it. [2.] To prove the folly of the popular beliefs, and the unworthiness of the hea- then deities, a task which the heathen philoso- phers had themselves rendered easy. The view of Euhemerus that the deities were dead men is in fact quoted and appealed to by Minucius Eelix \Oct. i. 21]. [3.] To refute the false accusations of Atheism, immorality, and sedition which were perseveringly made against the Christians. The arguments of the Apologists are drawn from the prophecies of the Old Testament, the miracles of the Saviour, the rapid growth of Christianity, the constancy of the Christians in their cruel suffer- ings, their strict and self-denying hves, their peaceable obedience to the laws, and from the absurdities of the popular superstition, which they hold up to unsparing ridicule. APOSTASY. This term, originally signifying desertion from and revolt against the commander to whom a soldier owed loyalty and obedience, has come to mean, in respect to Christianity, desertion from the faith of Christ, and revolt against it. The influences which have chiefly led persons into apostasy have been persecution, worldly interest, and speculative unbelief. [1.] It was the peculiar temptation to which Christians were subjected under the persecuting emperors and their subordinates, renunciation of Christ being the one condition on which a person accused of being a Christian could escape martyr- dom. The gentlest test of such a renunciation was that of offering a few grains of incense to a heathen deity ; the most coarse form of it that of a verbal blasphemy against the Lord. [2.] In all times there have been apostates who have forsaken Christianity for some other religion on account of their interest. Such cases not un- frequently occur in modern days when Christians have become Mahometans for the fake of a good Apostle position in llio service of a Maliomotau sovei'cign. [3.] Many heiesies are conslrucUve apostasy, but the teim is more properly applicable to sucli wUful renunciation of aU belief in Christ as that of the Emperor Julian — always sumamed the Apostate — or of infidels like Voltaire and others during the French EevolutJon. Eespeoting the 'ATrocrTao-i'a of the last days [2 Thess. ii. 3 ; 1 Tim. iv. 1] see Antichrist. APOSTLE. The primary idea of an 'Attoo-- Toko% is that of a person having a mission to do ■ certain things as the representative of the autho- rity by 'which he is sent. Hence he goes forth as " one sent," not in his dwr name. In this sense the term is once used respecting the Lord Pimself, Who is called " The Apostle and High Priest of our profession . . . faithful to Him that appointed [tcJ ironpavrt] Him" [Heb. iii. 1], the expression being thus used with reference to the mediatorial and miiiisterial mission of Christ. The name was first given to twelve of our Lord's followers, whom He so designated when He sent them forth with power to work miracles, and authority to proclaim the coming of His spu'itual kingdom ; and so to prepare the way for His own visitation of particular towns or districts of Palestine. But it was doubtless given by Him in an inclusive sense by anticipa- tion, and thus we must look for the entire mean- ing of the title in the specialities by which the office was subsequently distinguished when in full operation, rather than in those characteristics which marked its earlier phase. It will thus be found that each Apostle had authority and power to exercise all the functions of the ordinary Christian ministry [Bishop ; Pkiest], that he received the " gift of tongues," and the " gift of miracles," and that he was referred to as the supreme visible head of the Church in regard to that particular district of it in >vhich he was working. Thus each Apostle became to Chris- tians, ivithiu the limits of his own sphere of work (however these limits may have been de- fined), what Moses, in spiritual matters, was to the Jews. He was the ultimate visible point of association between them and the invisible Head of the Church, the deputy of the Great Apostle, the one Supreme Bishop of souls. The office of Apostle was a temporary one, and instituted mth special reference to the vast work of establishing the Church of Christ. The direct knowledge which all who were called to it had of our Lord, the evidence wliich had been given to them of His resurrection, the special traujing and teaching which they received from Him, the fulness of the gift of the Holy Ghost bestowed upon them, and the comprehensive character of their ministerial capacity, were the special qualifications which fitted them for this unprecedented labour. By means of these gifts they were able to set the Church on a permanent and substantially unalterable footing ; so that the ultimate appeal in all matters of faith and practice is still to them, to their testimony, and to their rule of discipline. Out of the office of Apostle was developed 36 Apostle every inferior oflice of the Christian ministry, as that of Apostle itself was developed out of the ministerial office of Christ. When the manage- ment of the Church at Jerusalem became too much for them they ordained Deacons; when they dispersed to their work elsewhere, they ordained Elders in all the churches which they founded ; and, at a still later period, when their personal labours were coming to an end, they ordained substitutes and successors under the name of Bishops. Thus the ministerial offices of the Church, which were concentrated in Christ — the great "Apostle and High Priest" [Heb. iii. 1] — in combination with His special media- torial office, were so concentrated in the Apostles in combination with their special Apostolic office ; and when separated off from the latter in the peKons of their first successors, became at once and rmalterably established as a fixed form of the Christian ministry. The original number of Apostles ordained by our Lord was twelve. There seems to have been some um-evealed reason for the choice of this particular number, and it appears that it was in some way associated vidth the number of the twelve tribes [Matt. xix. 28]. Thus associated, there are many types of the Apostolate to be found in the Old Testament : such, e.g., as the twelve " princes of Israel" [Numb, i 44, xvii 2] ; the twelve explorers of the promised land [Numb, xiii. 3] ; the twelve men who passed over Jordan before the Ark of the Covenant, and placed twelve stones taken from the midst of Jordan as a memorial [Josh. iv. 8] ; and the twelve judges by whom the government of Moses and Joshua was carried on to the time of the monarchy. In the New Testament similar typical references are observed in the twelve baskets full of fragments [Matt. xiv. 20] ; the twelve fruits borne by the Tree of Life [Rev. xxii. 2] ; the twelve gates of the New Jerusalem [Rev. xxi 12, '21], and the twelve foundations of its wall [Rev. xxi. 14, 19]. A list of the twelve Apostles is given in four places of the New Testament, by three of the Evangelists, one of whom was himself an Apostle, and there are points of identity and variation between these four lists which wOl make it use- fid to give them in a tabular form, as follows : — 1- MATTgBWX. 2. Mark hi. 16. Luke vi. 14. Acts i. 13, 2S, Peter. Peter. Peter. Peter. 2. Andrew. James. Andrew. James. 3. James. John. James. Jolin. 4. John. Andj'ew. John. Andrew. h. Philip. Philip. Philip. Phffip. 6. Bartliolo- Bartholo- Bartholo- Thomas. mew. mew. mew. ••7. Thomas. Matthew. Matthew. Bartholo- \ mew. 8. Matthew. Thomas. Tlioraas. Matthew. 9. James, sou James, son James, son James, son of Alpheus. of Alpheus. of Alpheus. of Alpheus. 10. Lebheus Thaddeus. Simon Ze- Simon Ze- Thaddeus, lotes. lotes. 11. Simon tlie Simon the Judas, bro- Judas, bro- Canaanite. Canaanite. ther of James. ther of James. 12. Judas Is- Judas Is- Judas Is- [Matthias.] cariot. c^ipt. cariot. Apostle In tliese lists it will be observed that St. Peter is always named first, St. Philip fifth, St. James tlie Less ninth, and Judas Iscariot last. As regards the other Apostles, no two of the lists exactly agree in the order of naming them, not even the two which were both written by St. Luke. It is, however, noticeable that St. Andrew, St. James the Great, and St. John are never named after St. Philip; St. Bartholomew, St. Thomas, and St. Matthew are never named before St. Philip, or after St. James the Less ; while St. Jude and St. Simon Zelotes always occupy the two places before Judas Iscariot. It seems improbable that this uniformity should be pur-Jy accidental ; but it is difficult to assign any good reason for it. That St. Peter should always be named first and Judas Iscariot last, is nevertheless a fact of much significance, the one ha-\-ing evidently been placed last on account of his sin, the other first as being in honour, if not in authority, the chief of the Apostles. The number of twelve Apostles appears to have been maintained till the civilized world had received the message which the Apostolate had to carry to it. St. Matthias made up the number after the death of Judas Iscariot, St. Paul pro- bably took the place of St. James the Great, who was slaiu by Herod, and it may be that St. Barnabas was actually an Apostle, elevated into the place of one of the original twelve after his death. But there is no good historical reason for alleging that others than those who belonged to the current twelve were properly called Apostles. In Eev. xxi. 14, when the organization of the Church had been existing for nearly two genera- tions, "the twelve Apostles of the Lamb" are stiU spoken of as if the mystic number had never been exceeded. But that others called themselves apostles is evident : for St. Paul speaks of " false apostles . . . transforming themselves into " tlie apostles of Christ," as " Satan himself is trans- formed into an angel of light" [2 Cor. xi. 1 3] ; and St. John also distinctly mentions some who ill the Church of Ephesus " say they are apostles and are not," and whom the Church itself had "tried" and "found liars." Although, therefore, there is some trace of the title "apostle" being used loosely by a few early writers, there is no evidence that it can be properly given to any but those who were actually of the number before the ofiice expired with the death of St. John. There is no complete record existing of the several fields of labour undertaken by the Apos- tles ; but there are indications that it was their custom to keep to those parts of the world to which they had been originally appointed, and not to interfere with "another man's line" [2 Cor. X. 13-16]. There are also traditions of their work in parts of the world not associated with it in the Acts of the Apostles, or any of the Epistles. Taking the evidence of the New Testament, and that of these traditions, the substantial result is indicated in the following table :- — ■ 37 Apostolical Succession Probable Fields oi' Apostolic LAbouhs. A'posl'Us. All of them . . St. Peter . . . St. Jude . . . St. Bartholomew St. Jude . . . St. Bartholomew St. Thomas . St. Andrew . St. Simon Ze- lotes [assisted by St. Mark] St. Matthew . St. John . . St. Paul . . St. Pciul ■{ Palestine and Syria. Mesopotamia [Turkey in Asia]. Persia. ludi.a. Thrace [Turkey in Europe]. Scythia [Russia]. North Africa [Egypt and Algeria]. Ethiopia [Central Africa]. Asia Minor [Turkey in Asia]. Macedonia [Tui'key in Europe]. Arabia. Greece. Italy. Spain. Gaul. Britain. There is no reliable tradition respecting the labours of the remaining Apostles, and there arc few of the twelve of whom we really know much more than the names. It was the general belief of the early ages of Christianity that all of them passed from this world by martyrdom except St. John. APOSTLE. The book of the Epistles used in the celebration of the Holy Eucharist is known by this name in the Eastern Church. It is not uidikely that the name was applied generally to the Apostolic Epistles by the early Church, as the narrative of our- Lord's words and work, though contained in four separate books written by foUr separate authors, was called the Gospel. APOSTLES' CEEED. [Creeds.] APOSTOLIC CANONS. [Canons.] APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTIONS. [Constj- TUTIONS.] APOSTOLIC EATHEES. [Fathers.] APOSTOLICAL SUCCESSION is the trans- mission, through the episcopate, of the power and authority committed by our Lord to His Apostles for the guidance and government of the Church. The doctrine of the ApostoUcal Succession is neces- sarily implied in the teaching of Holy Scripture. Thus our Lord says to His Apostles : " As my Father hath sent Me even so send I yom" [John XX. 21]. The Church being a society chosen out of the world, and having its own peculiar laws, duties, and privileges, a governing authority must always be indispensable, not only at its commence- ment, but equally so during its continuance. Its permanence could not otherwise be secured. Our Lord, moreover, thus gave His commission to the Apostles : " Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature ; and lo I am with 1J0U alway, even unto the end of the world [Matt, xxviii. 18-20] — a promise which could not have been fulfilled unless He were also with their suc- cessors or representatives : with you, that is, with those who represent you or succeed in your place. The Apostles being mortal, and a literal fulfilment of the promise impossible, we cannot understand our Lord's promise in any other sense. Apostolical Succession But the need of Apostolical Succession may be proved from another consideration. No one can have a right to preach the Gospel, or administer the sacraments to 'which are annexed the promises of grace and pardon of sia, without a Divine commission. The Church is called God's kingdom upon earth, and its constituted order is always spoken of as regulated by Himself. Thus St. Paul clearly intimates, the need of a Divine call to the ministerial office: "How can they preach," he says, "except they be sent" [Eom. x. 15]. But we only know two ways by which a Divine commission can he given, either through apos- tolic or episcopal succession, or by miracle, i.e. God designating by a supernatural sign those whom He appoints to the ministerial office. As He has not been pleased to adopt the latter mode, which could hardly have been ex- pected in the ordinary goverimient of His Church, we must necessarily admit the doctrine of an episcopal succession as the only means for the perpetuation of the ministerial office. The need of a Divine commission is virtually acknowledged even by those who, uncalled, take upon themselves the office of the priesthood. They dare not, in opposition to the clear teaching of Scripture, and even from the obvious necessity of the case, say that their authority or commission to minister in Christ's stead, as the Apostle says, originates from themselves ; they assert that they are called of God, but that the Divine call is a secret one, manifest only to their own heart and conscience. But this alleged mode of conveying the minis- terial commission would obviously leave the Chiuch exposed to the craft or evO. designs of wicked or seH-deceived men. It may also be remarked, judging from analogy in earthly matters, that if God send a messenger or ambassador to communicate His will to the world [2 Cor. v. 20] his credentials wiH be clear and manifest, not only to himself, but especially to those to whom lie is sent, since otherwise they would have no safeguard against the pretensions of false teachers. The ApostolicSuccession was not only appointed, however, for the conveyance of the ministerial office throughbishopSjthesuccessorsof the Apostles, but also for the transmission from the Apostles of Catholic doctrine and tradition. This convey- ance of truth through the episcopate is clearly intimated in Holy Scripture. Thus St. Paul says to Timothy [2 Tim. i. 13, 14], "Hold fast the form [hroTvirwaiv, sketch or outline] of sound words which thou hast heard from me : that good thing which was committed unto thee, keep by the Holy Ghost which dweUeth in us : " " the things which thou hast heard of me among many witnesses, the same commit thou to faithful men who shall be able to teach others also "' [2 ' Explicat lioo loco quod paulo superius et priori Epistola vocavit depositwm ; id est, doctrinam Chris- tiauam a se traditam et concreditam Timotheo, atque ab eo aliis porro commeudandam. Doctrinam inquit qnam per muUos testes, vel, ut alii vertunt, inter multos testes, id est, in presentia mtiltorum, qui testes esse possunt, me docente audivisti, tu fac, doceudo tradas et commendes aliis hominibus pari iide depositum hoc tractaturis. Voluit Apostolus coram multis Timotljcnm iustituere ; 38 Apostolical Succession Tim. ii. 2]. This " good deposit" committed to Timothy, or the essential doctrines of the faith, the Apostle says, a few verses afterwards, had been perverted or denied by Hymenaeus and PhUetus, who said that the resurrection was past already. It is called by St. John "the doctrine of Christ" [2 John 9, 10], and by St. Jude "the faith once delivered to the saints" [ver. 3]. It was probably a short summary of faith such as we have in the Apostles' Creed. On referring to the teaching of the Patters w€ shall further see the importance of the transmis- sion of truth from an apostolic original. The argument of TertuUian in his Prcescription against Heretics is mainly founded on the fact that what is first must be true as being apostoHc, and what is of later origin must be false as being afterwards invented, and that apostolic doctrine is conveyed through the episcopate, a fact whicli is proved and guaranteed by the unanimity of belief in different churches. Thus TertulHan argues, that what the Apostles preached " must be proved in no other way than by those same churches which the Apostles themselves founded : themselves, I say, by preaching to them as well viva voce (as men say) as afterwards by epistles. If these things be so, it becometh forthwith manifest, that all doctrine which agreeth with these apostolic churches, the wombs and originals of the faith, must be accounted true, as without doubt containing that which the churches have received from the Apostles, the Apostles from Christ, Christ from God ; and that all other doctrine must at once be judged to be false which savourcth. of things contrary to the truth of the churches, and of the Apostles, and of Christ, and of God" [§ 21]. And afterwards, in answer to the objection of heretics, that different churches might have believed or understood differently the apostolic teaching, he says : " Is it probable that so many churches and so great should have gone astray into the same faith? Never is there one residt among many chances ; the error in the doctrine of the churches must needs have varied. But where one and the same thing is found among many, this is not an error, but the deposit. Let not any one, therefore, dare to say that those were in error who delivered it" [§ 28]. And afterwards [§ 32] he speaks of the episcopate being appointed for the transmission of apostolic seed or doctrine, challenging heretics " to unfold the roU of their bishops, so coming down in suc- cession from the beginning, that their first bishop had for his ordainer or predecessor some one of the Apostles or apostolic men, provided he were one that contmued steadfast with the Apostles." And afterwards he says that churches founded in later times are counted not the less apostolical than those which the Apostles founded, by reason of their agreeing in the same faith, and their consanguinity of doctrine. ut turn ad multos doctrinae fructus perveniret, turn vero ne, si Timotheum aliqui calumuiari vellent quod non traderet reetam doctrinam, testes ei non deessent ad pio- band'im se non aiiud docere quam quod a Paulo ao- ceperat. . K-tii Comment, in S. PauU Evist. in loc. Apostolical Succession Thus in the primitive Church an appeal was made to apostolic faith and tradition transmitted through the episcopate as a sufficient refutation of novel or heretical teaching/ and the unanimity of this heUef in different churches -was alleged in proof of its divine origin f while by shewing the time when and the person by whom a new doc- trine was introduced, its novelty and want of apostolic sanction was clearly evidenced.' Through Apostolical Succession in all ages has been preserved the " one faith," the " faith once deUvered unto the saints." "Whatever differences may now exist amongst the separated portions of the Catholic Church, the " charisma veritatis," as in the three Creeds and in essential doctrines of the faith, is preserved unchanged and incorrupt throughout the one Body of Christ. The doctrine of the Apostolical Succession has been held by the best and most learned writers of the Church of England, as Andrewes, Bramhall, Hammond, Hall, Taylor, and Wilson, and is the only foundation on which Episcopacy can rest as a divine institution. On rejecting it, the only alternative can be that Episcopacy has merely ecclesiastical sanction or authority ; and thus (if the exigencies of the Church should seem to re- quire it) is a form of government that may be changed or wholly set aside. The duty of obedience to a bishop, in that case, would not rest upon the apostolicity of his office, nor could he have any authority but such as is founded on the voluntary submission of those over whom he was placed. Hence we cannot be surprised that they who reject the rightful authority of the episcopate as founded on its Divine mstitution, and yet admit, as they must, that the bishop, for the due dis- charge of his office, ought to have some authority, notoriously lean to Erastianism, regarding the Church as an appendage to the State, and the bishop as a State officer, who is furnished by the secular Goverimient with aU needful authority and power. The supposed uncertainty involved in this doctrme forms the principal objection against it by modern writers ; the bishops ordaining others may not, it is supposed, have been themselves consecrated, and thus a succession of orders from the Apostles would not have been transmitted. A ' " Traditionem itaque Apostolomiii in toto mundo manifestatam in omni ecclesia adest perspicere omnibus qui vera velint videre ; et habemus annunierare eos qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt Episcopi in Ecclesiis et successores eoruni usque ad nos qui nihil tale docuerunt neque cognoverunt quale ab his deliratur " [S. Irenasi ad hceres. lib. iii. § 3]. " Quapropter eis qui sunt in Ecclesia pres- byteris obedire oportet, his qui successionem habent ab apostolis sicut ostendinius ; qui eum episcopatus succes- sione charisma veritatis certum secundum placitum Patris acceperunt" [Ibid. lib. iv. c. xxvi. § 2]. ^ Eusebii Eccles. Hisloria, lib. v. c. vi., where, in referring to the Church of Eome, the historian says that Eleutherius is now the twelfth from the Apostles in the episcopate, "in the same order and the same doctrine \liZaxfi\ in which the tradition of the Apostles in the Church and the preaching of the truth has come down to us. ' ^ Thus the heresy of Artemon on the divinity of our Lord, as Euscbius shews [JSccles. Histor. v. c. 28], was opposed to the unanimous belief of the Roman Church from the Apostolic age, 39 Apostolical Succession mere supposition, resting on no evidence, niiglit fairly be dismissed without notice, but a few words will shew that it was whoUy improbable and, humanly speakuig, impossible. In the words of a learned writer at the beginning of last century : " Scarce any synod met but in their acts, their method of proceeding, or their canons, they act as men that took the greatest care that none shoidd be admitted bishops, or to the holy orders but by bishops only; and that if any invaded the holy offices by any clancular or in- direct means they should be deposed. A great part of these canons were made for regulating ordinations, especially those of bishops, by pro- viding that none should be ordained, except in extraordinary cases, except by three bishops of the same province, with the express consent of the majority of the rest; that strange bishops should not be admitted to join with those of the province on such occasions, but those only who were neighbours and weU. known, and the validity of whose orders was not disputed. And they who have looked into Church history further, know how jealous both clergy and people were of the regularity of their bishops' ordination ; and how even schismatics and heretics were ready upon occasion to raise objections against those who came into their sees without the usual and established forms ; and that there were frequent provincial synods whose chief business it was to inquire into any omissions of that sort : so that one may safely pronounce it morally im- possible for any one to possess himself and con- tinue for any tract of time in a bishopric but he who came in by the canonical method." And again ; " Christ Jesus has taken more abundant care to ascertain the succession of pastors in His Church than ever was taken in relation to the Aaronical priesthood. This last descended by inheritance or traduction from father to son, and the right that any priest or Levite had to his office, and the validity of their ministrations depended upon the legitimacy of their birth ; and how could the sons of Aaron certainly know that they were his posterity, or how could they be able to demonstrate it to others 1 Certainly upon no principles but what are more dubious than those upon which we believe our bishops to be the successors of the Apostles in an uninter- rupted hne. For in this case the succession is transmitted from seniors to juniors, by the most public and solemn action, or rather process of actions, that is ever performed in a Christian Church ; an action done in the face of the sun, and attested by great numbers of the most authentic witnesses, as consecrations always were. And I suppose it cannot bear any dispute, but that it is now more easUy to be proved that the Archbishop of Canterbury was oanonicaUy or- dained, than that any one person now living is the son of him who is called his father; and that the same might be said of any archbishop or bishop that ever sat on that or any other Epis- copal see during the time of his being bishop : nor is it easy to see by what method Providence could have made the succession of pastors more Aquarii Archbishop clear and iiidubitaLle than by this which has actually been used."^ Having thus shewn that the very highest degree of certainty which the case admits of is involved in this doctrine, let us now see the inevitable consequences of rejecting it. "This point is beyond controversy; and I would re- quest my brethren of the clergy to look well to it : there is no middle course to take; we must either maintain an Apostolic succession in its full and exclusive meaning, or sanction Eobert Brown's plan of ordination by persons who have never been ordained themselves. If we deny the validity of such ordination, and hold that persons who have been ordained themselves can alone ordain others, the Apostolic succession follows of necessity. It is thus we trace back the authority of the Enghsh priesthood to the Apostles, and to Jesus Christ, who first ordained ministers of His Word. There is not a foot of ground to stand on between the Apostolical succession, and the Inde- pendent system. And it is for this reason the Independent triumphed when the Church of England feU; for his remaining opponents had nothing either in reason or Scripture which they could oppose to the progress of his opinions." 2 AQUAEII. [EucHAKisT.] AltCAEI DISCIPLINA. [Disciplina.] AECHBISHOP. Bishop Beveridge says the names of Metropohtan, Archbishop, Exarch, and Patriarch, came into use in ■ the Church, some at the Council of Nicasa or shortly before, and others at a time scarcely anterior to that of Chalcedon. \God. Can, de Metrop. c. v. vol. ii. p. 173.1 Isi- dore of Seville, in his Etymologies [ch. xii.], says Archbishop is a Greek appellation designating the chief of bishops, that is, a primate ; for he is the vicar of apostles, and presides over both metro- politans and bishops. The distinction between an archbishop and metropolitan has died out, and no difference except that which is nominal exists between them : but it has been questioned whe- ther, correctly speaking, an archbishop, such as those of liossano and Luciano, who have no suf- fragans, may be called metropolitan. The latter derives his name from the mother Church, not from a number of cities. St. Athanasius, who lived in the fourth century, first used the title of Archbishop, and under it mentioned Alexander his predecessor in the see of vUexandiia. At the Council of Chalcedon, [a.d. 451], the Greeks be- stowed the title upon Pope Leo V., having al- ready applied it to the bishops of the chief cities of the East. In the West it does not appear to have been adopted before the age of Charlemagne. The order of Bishops by the canon law is divided into four — 1. Patriarchs ; 2. Archbishops ; 3. iMetropoHtans ; and 4. Bishops : in spiritual power and pontifical dignity they are equals ; but in respect of the exercise of the ministry the ' Johnson's Clergyman^ Vade Mcaim, containing the Canonical Codes of the Primiiive Church. Prcef. Ixxxviii. - xcii. [1709]. ^ Barter's Tracts in Defence of the Christian Saibath, the Church, her Priesthood and her Sacraments, p. 152. Ed. 18.51. 40 archbishop is the superior of the bishop, from the extent, honour, and privileges attached to his office. So we must understand Thomdike when he says " an archbishop is a chief among bishops, not a person to govern divers churches and seats of bishoprics." [Prim. Episc. ch. iv. § 11.] In the form of his consecration (and before the Ee- formation in England, by his use of the distinc- tive pall) the archbishop differs from bishops, but within his archdiocese has no authority superior to their own. The Apostolical Canons require bishops to recognise their metropolitan as their superior, to obey him, to undertake no business of importance without his advice, just as he was bound in a similar manner to deliberate before- hand with the suffragans of his province before he took any step of moment. The Council of JSTicsea only regulated the rights of dignities already in existence. The archbishop confirms the election of bishops ; consecrates them or appoints some other prelate for that purpose ; he enforces the canons and synodal constitutions within his pro- vince, and convenes provincial councils, in which he sits as president and principal judge. He had the care of the whole province, and took measures so that his suffragans held a diocesan synod every year and appointed rural deans. He had the right of visitation within his province, and appeals could be made to him for the purpose of revers- ing the judgments of his suffragans. In the vacancy of a see he administered the diocese when a chapter failed to appoint administrators within eight days. The archbishop has the right of car- rying his cross throughout his province, unless in the presence of a papal legate or cardinal. The archbishop wore a purple mantle over his rochet, and gave the benediction with his hand raised and with the sign of the cross, but could exercise neither jurisdiction nor office without the consent of the diocesan, except in the consecration of churches, by the Council at Cealcythe, c. 1 1, in 81 6. In the East the Patriarch of Constantinople had 1031 metropolitans and 37 archbishops under him ; probably the latter had no suffragans. Primates, formerly called Catholic, and patriarchs are eminent above ordinary archbishops and me- tropolitans, and constituted by the Church with the assent of the State, such as the Primate of Germany (Nuremburg), of Spain (Toledo), of France (Lyons), of Belgium (Mechlin), of Eng- land (Canterbury and York), of Poland (Gnesen), of Denmark (Lunden), of Ireland (Armagh and DubHn), of Hungary (Gran), of Bohemia (Prague), of Scotland (St. Andrew's). A primate presides over the ecclesiastical capital in a country, and, properly, is the superior of many archbishops ; but the distinction has been drawn between the primate of a province and those primates with a divided primacy, such as those of Bouiges and Sens, who claimed to be Primates of France : in England the nice distinction has been drawn be- tween York as Primate of England, and Canter- bury as Prunate of AH England ; the latter title is implied at an early date [Bede, H. E. Ub. iv. c. 2], in the seventh century [WUkins' Cone. i. 35, 41 1, and York was constituted metropolitan Archdeacon Arianisni by Pope Gregory [Bede, //. E. lib. i. c. xxix]. [Patriarch, Visitation.] In tlie eighth cen- tury there was a partition of the province of Canterbury, Lichfield being constituted an arch- bishopric under Hygeherl Ibr about eleven years [see Johnson's Canons, vol. i. p. 287, Oxf. ed. note *], and until a.d. 1148, St. David's claimed to be an independent archbishopric. [Haddan and Stubbs' Councils, i. pp. 317, 348, 352, 355.] The Scotch had no metropolitans [Counc. at Ceal- cythe, A.D. 816, c. 5] until 1472 [Spotswood, p. 58, ed. 1677], the Bishop of St. Andrews hitherto having ranked as chief pontiff of Scotland \An{). Sae. ii. p. 235]. Appeals weto allowed from the bishop to the archbishop by the. Articles of Clai endon [a.d. 11 6 4], § viii. [Du MaDlane, du droit Canonigue, i. 193 ; Beyerhnck, Theatrum, iii. 97 ; Frances, de Cathedralilnis, cap. i. xxxiii.] AECHDEACOlSr. The primitive meaning of this title was " head" or " chief of the deacons," and St. Lawrence is said to have been chief of the seven deacons of Eome in the middle of the third century. The chief of the deacons minis- tered to the bishop during ,the celebration of the holy Eucharist, as ordinary deacons ministered to their respective priests ; and hence probably arose the intimate association between the bishop and the archdeacon, which led to the latter being called " oeulus JEjnscopi." In early ages the arch- deacon was always a deacon (as in the case of St. Athanasius), and the custom of his remaining in the lowest of the tliree holy orders continued to be observed in some instances as late as the twelfth century. But, as the bishop's deputy in many ecclesiastical transactions, the archdeacon became the superior officer of the archpriest [Rural Dean], and was ordained to the higher order in consequence, though stUl retaining the name of deacon. In modern times they act in many tilings as deputies of the bishop, have an ordinary jurisdiction over the clergy and the churches within their archdeaconries, and are ex officio examiners of candidates for holy orders. They also sit ex officio in Convocation. AECHIMANDEITE [apx^s and /xavSpa]. The superior of a Greek monastery, as it were the chief of the fold. In this sense it was sometimes given to aU ecclesiastical superiors, both amongst Latins and Oriental Christians ; and is synony- mous with abbot, as M. de Montalembert men- tions that a French priest thus addressed Aid- helm, the Abbot of Malmesbury.'' In its true acceptance the title was given to the abbot- general, the president of a number of abbots ['Hyov/iei/ot]. It w-as an oriental title, and occurs in the ^Tovels of Justinian and the decrees of the Councils of Ephesus and Constantinople. In Italy it appeared in 1094, when Eoger I., King of Sicily, founded an archimandrite as superior to all the Basihan abbots in his kingdom, and they yearly, on the feast of St. Saviour, August 6, made their profession of obedience ; at length a secular prelate was appointed by the King of Spain as archimandrite in commendam of St. Saviour's monastery at Messina ; by a brief, dated ' Cellani, Epist. ad Aldh. AldJiclmi Opera. ] 844, p. Z'il. 41 1635, he is now a bishop of the exempt diocese. His office was in the patronage of the crown ; ha wears rochet and cope in the papal chapel, and ranks after bishops : he is not bound to residence. In France and Germany the name was used gen- ericaUy for all bishops, and even by an arch- bishop. The Greek archimandrite is appointed by the patriarch, and can ordain readers. AEIANISM, so called as being derived from the teaching of Arius, a presbyter of Alexandria [a.d. 319], Socrates, the ecclesiastical historian, gives the following account of the beginning of the heresy : " Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, setting forth in the presence of his clergy the mystery of the Holy Trinity, was accused by Arius, one of his clergy, of Sabellianism, or deny- ing the distinction of the Persons of the God- head ; - but, in attempting to refute the bishop, he advanced an opposite error. If, said Arius, the Father begat the Son, He that was begotten had a beginning of existence ; and thus it is evident there was a time when the Son did not exist {ovk ijv o Ytds). It thus necessarily follows that He had His being from things which are not^ (e^ ovk 6vT(Dv ix^iv vrroa-Taaiv). Arius' opmions are thus summed up in his letter to Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia : — " But we say, and thinlc, and have taught, and do teach, that the Son is not unbe- gotten, nor a part in any way of the unbegotten ; nor (derives His substance) from any subjacent matter {k^ imoKeifiivov rtvos), but that by will and counsel, (i.e. of the Father), He has existed before time and ages, perfect God, only-begotten and unchangeable ; and that He existed not before He was begotten, or created, or purposed (opLady), or established (defieXioidrj). For He was not unbe- gotten. We are persecuted because we say that the Son had a beginning, and God was without beginning. On this account we are persecuted, and likewise because we say He is from things which are not (c^ ovk ovtoiv ia-riv). For this we say, since He is neither a part of God, nor of any subjacent matter " (moKeLfievov rtvoi).^ Arius and his followers were excommunicated 'by Alexander, who, in his letter to the bishops of the Catholic Church, gives an account of the opinions and theories of Arius, which, as he says, were novel and hitherto unknown, which them- selves boasted of as a proof of their own superior knowledge and discernment in the interpretation of Scripture. Their system, on their own shew- ing, was not that which, taught by Christ and His Apostles, had been handed down by succes- sive bishops from the earliest age. It was novel they admitted, and had originated from them- selves, which was sufficient to shew its human origin.* Bishop Alexander not only confirms and illustrates the account abeady given of the opin- ions of Arius and his followers, but further shews = i. c. 5. 2 Theodoret, JSccles. Hist, book i. o. 4. * Thus they boast themselves as wise inventors of dogmas [doy/xdrccv evperai), and that to them has been revealed what was hitherto unknown to any person under heaven {dvroU d.iroK€Kd\6ip6at ^6vol% Hir^p dv^evl tCiv inrd rtv ^\iov Mpv Tr4opia [Col. ii. 2 J 1 Thess. i. 5 ; Heb. vi. 11, x. 22], or rather out of the word as rendered in the A. V., a doctrine has been developed which substantially assigns to truly converted persons a perfect assur- ance of peace with God — ^that is, of present pardon and future salvation. This tenet prevails chiefly among the Methodists, and those sections of " the religious world" which take their colour from the teaching of Wesley. As in all other misbeliefs, there is a nucleus of truth in the doctrine of as- surance, though its gross exaggeration destroys Christian modesty, and leads to Antinominanism. Most persons who are really serving God faith- fully win have some degree of consciousness that they are in God's favour ; but when they have done aU they will say that they are " unprofitable servants," and that they dare not do more than hope through the mercies of God that they shall be saved. Such a hope, founded on a strong faith, may be scarcely distinguishable in some pious persons of strong feeling from what is called assurance, but the nearer it approaches to an in- tellectual or dogmatic form, the greater becomes the danger of its lapsing into Antinomianism. ATHANASIAN CREED. [Quicunqde Vult.] ATHEISM. The denial of the existence of God. "Adcos 6 [j,fj vo/jLi^av uvai Gedv [Clem. Strom. vii ch. i.]. In discussing this subject we shall in- vestigate — I. The name; II. The thing; III. Its causes ; IV. Its arguments ; V. The verdict of the Bible upon it; and VI. The books, tracts, &c., written in favour of and against it. I. Tlie name has been applied variously and widely: to Mezentius [Virg. ^i. 7] and the Cyclops [Hom. Od. 9] in Beyerlinck's Magnum Theatrum, &c. ; by the Athenians to Diagoras of Melos, and thence to all the Melians, whence Melius is applied in the sense of o^cos to Socrates [Aristoph. Nuhes 831 : see Suidas, s.u.] ; to An- axagoras, Aspasia, &c. ; to Euemerus of Messena [Laotantius, and Eusebius, Prmp. Evan. lib. 2] ; to Theodoras and Bion [v. Cic. de Nat. Dear. i. 1] ; to the Christians by the Pagans [Julian ap. Sozo- men, v. 15, cf. Athenag. Apolog. and Clem. Strom. 56 vii. 1 , who adds elsewhere, koX 6fio\oyov[iiev tSv toi- o'UTtai Qc(ov adeoi e'vai] ; to the Pagans by the Chris- tians [Clem. Protrept. p. 1 1 ; Beza ad. Ephes. ii. 1 2] ; to the heretics by the orthodox ; to Eunomius by St. Jerome \Ep. 38, ad Pammach. Bened.] ; to Arius by Athanasius, &c. ; to Anastasius the Em- peror by Zosimus and Paulus Diaconus; by Catho- lics to Protestants [Possevinus, jBiMioiA. viii. 1-10; Claudius deSaiuctes, Tract. Pecul.; Chiconius c. Gih mllum; Campanella, Atheism,us Triumpih.; Mer- senne, Comm. in Genes.] ; by the Jesuits to the Macchiavellians [see Voet, de Ath. p. 116, Lessius, deProv. Dedic. p. 1]; by Perkins to Turks, Jews, and Papists \Worhs, ii. 526] ; to Vorstthe Galvin- ist, to Socinians, to Arminians, by their respec- tive opponents [Voet, p. 120]; to the Mahome- tans \ib. p. 122]; by Calvin to the Pope and Cardinals \Inst. iv. 7, 27] ; to Erasmus by the Jesuits ; to Charron lay Mersenne ; to Aristotle by Tycho Brahe ; to Descartes, for rejecting Aris- totle; to Taurellus by the Heidelberg Divines [a.d. 1610]; to a usurer by Luther, [Voet, I. c. p. 121-7) ; to the mystical physicians, and the deniers of magic \ih. 125-9] ; to Vanini, Fludd, Montaigne, J. Bruno, Cardan, MacchiaveUi, Charpentier, Basson, Charron, Campanella, by Mersenne {L'impiete des Deistes, &c.] ; to the Socinians in Poland, Geneva, and elsewhere, by the same ; to the Sceptics, Epicureans, Cabba- lists, Hermetico-LuUistse, Hermetico-Paiacelsistse, &c. [Voet, p. 131]; to the Enthusiastse, Spir- ituales, David- Joristse, &c. [Voet, 118]; to Ean- ters [Somers, Tracts vi 24] ; to the followers of Rabelais [Voet, I. c] ; by the Spanish theologi- ans to the French, Venetians, &c., who favoured the house of Austria ; by the author of the Vin- dicioB GalliccB to the Spanish theologians [Voet, p. 116]; to the French Deists by Voet, H. Ste» phanus, and Mersenne [Voet, p. 117 ; Mersenne, Questions rares et curieuses Tlieologiques, 112-46, ] 630] ; to the Japanese, Chinese, Indians, Tartars, the ancient Prussians, the Chicimeci of New Spain and other American peoples, the Souldani of South Africa, the tribes of the middle of Africa, and other barbarians, &c. [Hofi&nann, Lex. Univ. s. v., Lessius, deProv., &c.] ; and lastly, by Mardchal to almost every eminent person' who has ever lived [JDict. des Athees, passim.]. II. The thing is the denial, by words, in theory, or in practice, of the existence of a spiritual cause of the universe, whether that cause be conceived as one or many ; and as a conse- quence of this, the supposition that visible Nature is the ultimate fact with which the hiunan mind has to deal. Historically we may distinguish two kinds of Atheism — Atheism as a prevailing senti- ment, which is the result of moral, political, and other causes, and Atheism as a philosophical theory, which is the conclusion of a reasoned statement from certain premises. Speaking rough ly, the Atheism previous to the middle of the eighteenth century was mainly of the former type ; that prevailing since that time of the latter. The first, as Bacon, writing at the end of the sixteenth century, said, " is rather on the lip than the heart of man," which is shewn by " nothing more than Atheism Atheism this, that Atheists will ever be talking of that their opinion, as if they fainted in it within themselves, and would be glad to be strengthened by the consent of others ; nay more, you shall have Atheists strive to get disciples, as it fareth with other sects ; and, which is most of all, you shall have of them that wUl suffer for Atheism and not recant ; whereas if they did truly think that there were no such thing as God, why should they trouble themselves V [Essays, xvi.] It was, in fact, a fashion of feeling, speaking, and, unfor- tunately too, of living — a state of anarchy in the breast of the individual which was the natural reflex of the anarchy — religious, moral, ecclesiasti- cal, political, intellectual — ^in society at large. The contemporary writers in defence of the Being of God (of whom, especially towards the latter end of the seventeenth century, there was a prodigious number) appear therefore to have made a mistake in meeting the Atheism of their time by the direct assaidt of counter-argument. Por, although Athe- ism pervaded society, it did not appear in books. UntU the year 1750, when the great French Encyclopedie was pubhshed, there is scarcely an Atheistic book or tract to be found [see Buckle's Civilization, i. cap. 14]. It became necessary, therefore, both to imagine the individual antago- nist, invent the arguments that he would be likely to use, and then refute them. Thus the shots went safely over the heads of the enemy ; no one was convinced ; and as the same man played both his own and his adversary's hand, there was no winner. The real and only "refutation" was that which history has slowly brought about in the settlement of society and of opinion, the amelioration of the general estate of man, and the consequent elevation of European morals. The Atheism of this period was; in short, not so much an argument to be rebutted as a disease to be cured. "We must not think," says Perkins, " that this wicked thought is onely in some noto- rious and hainous sinners, but it is the corrupt mind and imagination of every man that cometh of Adam naturally, not one excepted save Christ alone " [Man's Naturall Imagination, Works, ii. 525]. The natural man, as such, has no know- ledge of God j and in a period of protracted social disturbance, when the spiritual support of estab- lished opinions and institutions gives way, all but the noblest and strongest have a tendency to relapse more or less into a state of nature. It is of this kind of Atheism that Milton speaks — " Unless there be who think not God at all ; If any be, they walk obscure ; For of such doctrine never was there school But the heart of the fool, And no man therein doctor but himself." Sams. Agon. 295. III. The Games of Atheism in the seventeenth and first half of the eighteenth centuries, accord- ing to the more or less unanimous verdict of con- temporary writers, were : — [a] A widespread libertinism of life. The Atheist, says Bishop Fotherby, becomes " a bad servant unto all his vices, but more especially unto his ambition and his belly" [Atheomaa- 67 tix, book i. c. 19; and to the same effect Meric Casaubon, GlanvU, " Dorotheus Sicurus," Eeimmann, SpizeUus, Grapius, Meier, Eajcsanyi, Jenkin Thomasius, Bishop Dawes, Lessius, Mersenne, Voetius, and others], which Bacon thus explains : " They that deny a god destroy a man's nobility; for certainly man is of kin to the beast by his body" [loc. cit.]. It seems, however, to have been rather the cause of Atheism than its effect: for the Atheism of the later French school, of which the following passage may be taken as characteristic, seems to have been in great measure free from it : — " Des conpables plaisirs sectateurs insenses Des foUes passions esclaves abuses, Gardez-Tous de penser que ma muse novice Daigne vous ^largir la carritoe de la vice ; Je n'ecrie pas pour vous : ma morale k vos yeux mortels abrutis, paraltrait exaltee ; Pour votre ch&timent je vous laisse k. vos Dieux L'homme vertueiia; seul a le droit d'Ure AtJUe." Mwrichal. Connected with libertine Atheism was also the profane and sceptical witticism, which is in- cluded by writers of the time under the word " drollery" [cf. Glanvil's Whip for the Droll, Fidler to the Atheist], and which gave rise to the terms " Lucianicus," " Eablsesianus" (follower of Eabelais), as synonymes of Atheist [Voet] ; the pride, security, and luxury of life [Bacon, Dor. Sicurus]; the weakening of the family tie, and neglect of parents [Jenk. Thomasius], and unnar tural conduct [cf. Massinger's Maid of Honour, Act iii. sc. 3, where the king who refuses to ran- som his natural brother is said — "To break The adamant chains of nature and religion, To bind up atheism, as a defence To his dark counsels ? "] The term "Epicurean," which occurs in the general sense of a bad man, has several shades of meaning in connection with Atheism. In a squib against the proclamation of liberty of conscience by James II., the imaginary sign- ers call themselves "the Atheists or the sect of the Epicureans" [v. infr.], and go on to speak of " aU religion as a cheat." But the name seems originally to indicate, along with "Stoic," "Peripatetic," "Atomist," merely a student or adherent of the later schools of Greek Philosophy, thence an opponent of the Scholastic Aristotelianism, and not unfcequently of the religious belief which it had been used to defend [so Voet]. The licentious and pagan ideal of life which came in with the Revival of Letters, found a theory ready made for itself in the philosophy of Epicurus, and hence the term " Epicurean" became synonymous with a man of pleasure, who was prepared to defend his practice, and hence with the libertine Atheist: teAos ea-ri To{) fjirj voji,'i.(iiv diovs to fiir) ^oPeurdai. It was against this tendency to shelter liber- tine Atheism under the name of Epicurus, that Gassendi wrote his great work in three folio volumes [a.d. 1649], to shew first, that Epicurus was not an Atheist, and secondly, not an evE- liver. The book was thus written, not so much Atheism Atheism in the interests of Atheism, as of Deism; but, by promoting Deism, it indirectly promoted Atheism, and, by rendering the pursuit of pleasure respect- able, it indirectly fostered its licentious indulgence. For the inference is easy from the Deist's denial that God has any care for man to the Atheist's denial that man need have any care for God, or for the moral hfe, — " Je n'ai pas plus besoin de Dieu c[ue lui de moi." Thus, as before, the root of Atheistic sentiment is tho want of a proper conception of the dignity and spiritual aim of human life. [J] Enthusiasm, i.e. the religion of excited emotion, is an opposite but co-ordinate effect of a disordered state of society and opinion with libertinism, and, like it, closely connected with Atheism. Voet does not scruple to speak of the " Enthusiastse," " Spirituales," " Phantastico- Contemplativi, et Sublimantes" of his time as Atheists or tending to Atheism. And for this Henry More gives as a reason that this " temper disposes a man to listen to the magisterial dic- tates of an OTerbearing fancy rather than to the calm and cautious insinuations of free reason." By this he apparently means that in his feelings man is purely passive and " overborn," whereas in his reason he is "free," i.e. active [Affec- tions]. The Enthusiast's behef in God de- pends upon physical causes, and " by change of diet, feculent old age, or some present damps of melancholy," may disappear. The Enthusiast thus pkys into the hands of the Atheist, even if he do not himself ultimately become one ; and while, on the one hand, the pretence of the latter to wit and natural reason makes the former secure that reason is no guide to God, the latter, on the other hand, concludes rehgion to be merely fancy and "a troublesome fit of over- curious melancholy." \Coininents on GlanviVs Whip for the Droll, &c. p. 27, foU. ; see also More's Enilmsiasmus Triumpliatus.'] [c] The state of Theology and the religious world is another cause of Atheism insisted on by the seventeenth century writers. Thus Eeim- mann complains of clerical scandals ; Casaubon of the use of fallacies in support of religious truth {e.g. Achilles and the tortoise) ; " Doro- theus Sicurus" of the disuse of reasons and learning in religious controversy, and of the quarrels about ceremonies ; Voet of the " new method of the Jesuits Arnald and Verron, who, by throwing discredit upon the validity of the natural reason in Divine things, aid the growth of scepticism, so that " non ab hereticis . . . sed a Papistis arma Atheis certatim suppeditari" [De Ath. p. 119 ; De Ratione Humana in reh. fidei]. With this we may compare the dictum of the Pfere Mersenne, the friend of Descartes, that none of the proofs of the Being of God are satisfactory to the reason [Letter to Florianus Crusius]. On the other hand, Voet admits with the Eomanist theologians that the spirit of private judgment, and the change from one sect to another, was productive of Atheism [De Atheismo ; cf. Cornelius a Lapide, ad Ep. Jvd. 1 1, 58 ad 2 Tim. iii. 9 : " Lutheranismum et Calvinis- mum . . . in Atheismumabire;" Glanvil,^ Whip, &c., p. 22, and More in his Notes; so also Dor. Sicurus speaks of the factions and divisions of religion, the fierce disputes, wars, and devasta- tions of the Eeformation period, the difficulty of choosing the true reUgion, and weariness and dissatisfaction of chan^g]. Voet further men- tions the reaction against the excessive cere- monial of the Mediaeval Church as leading to the abandonment of all outward expression of the religious life, and generally of the " prsesen- tium et antiquorum fastidium," as alike leading many to Atheism. To which SpizeKus adds general religious confusion, simulation, and (the result of all) what he calls " GaUio-ism," the ne- glect of and aversion from theological questions. [cf] The secularization of politics and growth of the utilitarian view of rehgion as an instru- ment of police in the hands of the magistrate. It is this notion, as calculated to throw discredit upon all kinds of religion, and therefore as tending not only to antichristian, but to anti- theistic habits of thought, against which the defensive writers are contending when they con demn the " PoUtici" ( = the followers of Macchia- veUi and Hobbes), who are neutral, " ad cujusque religionis susceptionem . . . modo aiunt, modo ne- gant." [So Lessius and Voet, the last of whom re marks pertinently, " Omnis rehgio nuUa rehgio."] [e] The decline of helief in Magic was closely connected with the growth of Atheistic senti- ment [Glanvil, A Whip, &c.]. It is curious that, whilst the belief in occult science tended in the mystical physicists (Cardan, Vanini, &c.) to a kind of semi-Atheism by deifying matter, its decay, due partly to the revolution against the ecclesiastical miracles of the Middle Ages, but mainly to the growth of experimental science and the explanation of many phenomena hitherto deemed supernatural, should promote Atheism by leading to a suspicion that the whole region of the supernatural was capable of being ex- plained away. The fact is, that Magic was regarded as a kind of outwork of rehgion, which it was necessary to defend, lest the citadel should be attacked. " One reason why God permits sorcery," says Meric Casaubon, " certainly is that men, generally so inclinable to Atheism, might certainly know, if not wilfully blind, that there is something besides flesh and blood, and what may be seen with the bodily eyes, i.e. ordinary nature, to be thought upon." " It is certainly a point of excellent use to convince increduhty," and " hence it is that they that deny or will not believe any supernatural operations by witches and magicians are generally observed to be Atheists, or well affected that way," or, at least, "it cannot be denied but that the opinion is very apt to promote Atheism, and therefore earnestly promoted and countenanced by them that are Atheists." For we may reason, he adds, with Origen, that a man who beheves magic wiU probably beheve miracles, by a kind of k fortiori argume^jt from the power of the devU to that of God. [Credulity and Incredulity, &c., p. 91, Atheism Atheism and the Sequel, p. 171.] Similarly, Mersenne writes in defence at once of theology and alchymy, and Voet enumerates the existence of the " novi Saducsei," who refer magical operations and apparitions to natural causes, amongst the causes of Atheism. [». Glanvil, Sadducismus Triumphatus.l [/] The growth of Experimental Science and of Mathematics, though not in itself adverse to rehgious belief, operated for some time prejudi- cially to religion, and is set down hy many as a cause of Atheism. To take the last first : the study of mathematical methods led men to try to apply them to all things in heaven and earth. They appeared to form a standard of certainty, which might serve to divide the true from the false in common helief Hence the attempt and failure to prove the existence of God by mathe- matical methods threw a haze of suspicion over the doctrine. Accordingly, we find Casaubon complaining that divinity should be tried by mathematics, and made subservient to them, and Mersenne giving up the Theistic argument as hopeless. It seems to have occurred to nobody that possibly mathematical demonstration, and not the Theistic argument, was at fault, and that the latter might really have an equal without having a similar kind of certainty. It was a misfortune that the rise of experi- mental science should have been connected with a revival of the old Atomism of Leucippus and Democritus, and its moral accompaniment. Epi- cureanism : dOeiav dTOfwvs Koi d<^iXdvith regard to this second object he was disposed to try two methods of action. On the one hand he held himself bound, as the faithful son and protector of the Church, to root out heresy ; on the other he was firmly possessed with the belief that compro- niise and agreenient were possible. He was in- clined to try persuasion, therefore, though at the same time he was resolved to use force if neces- sary. Accordingly, he urged the Pope (Clement VII.) " to convoke a general and free council for the Scriptural determination of all controversies," and promised to enforce its decisions with the sword. It was a request which the more moderate Eeformers had repeatedly made, but the Pope v.as thoroughly opposed to it. He was persuaded GS that the new movement could only be repressed by force of arms, and he therefore called upon the Emperor to act as became the son and protector of the Church. At length they agreed to a com- promise. The Emperor was to try ail that he could do in the way of persuasion, and if that did not succeed he was to resort to force. The Em- peror, therefore, called together the States of the Empire, to meet at Augsburg on the 8th of April, 1530, stating in the proclamation that he desired " to allay divisions ; to leave all past errors to the judgment of our Saviour, and, further, to give a charitable hearing to every man's opinions, thoughts, and notions ; to weigh them caiefuHy; to bring men to Christian truth; and to dispose of everything that has not been rightly explained on both sides." It was now for the Eeformers to decide in what way their " opinions, thoughts, and notions " should be represented, and on the suggestion of Pontanus (or Brtick), senior Chancellor of Saxony, it was agreed to present an apology for their reli- gion. Por this purpose they took as their basis the seventeen articles drawn up at Schwabach in the autumn of the previous year. These articles were, in the main, identical with another set of articles on doctrinal points compiled at tho con- ference held at Marburg between the Lutherans and the Zwinglians. They had been rejected by the Swiss Eeformers, and by UMc and Strasburg, because of their distinct assertion of Lutheran doctrine on the Holy Eucharist. To the articles on doctrine framed from these sources by Melanch- thon, other articles were added relating to matters of practice. A draft of his revision was submitted to the Elector and to Luther, and was again re- vised by himself at Augsburg, with the aid of Pontanus and others ; and on the 31st of May copies of the Confession in Latin were put into the hands of all the Lutheran princes present at the Diet. On the 25 th of June a German and a Latin copy were presented to the Emperor, and, after some dispute as to which should be used, the for- mer was read aloud by Chancellor Beyer in the chapter-room of the episcopal palace. II. Its contents. The Confession consisted of two parts, the first relating to matters of doctrine, in twenty-one articles, the second dealing with practical abuses, in seven articles. It begins with an address to the Emperor, declaring the earnest wish of the compilers for the restoration of unity by mutual agreement, and appealing to a general and free council in case their present efforts should be unsuccessful. Then foUow the articles in the subjoined order : — Pabt I. Doctrinal Articles. 1. De Deo [Francke]. De unitate Essentise [Ccelestine]. 2. De peccato seu vitio originis. 3. De Incarnatione Verbi. 4. De justifiicatione hominnm. 5. De ministerio Evangelii [Coelestme]. De ministerio ecclesiastico [Francka], 6. De bonis operibus [Ccelestine]. De nova obfdicntia [FrsmcktJ. Augsburg Confession 7. De Ecclesia. 8. De Sacrainentonun administratione. 9. De Baptisino. 10. De Coena Domini. 11. De Confessione. 12. De Poenitentia. 13. De Tisu Sacramentorum. 14. De ordine Ecclesiastico. 15. De ritibus Ecclesise. 16. De rebus civilibus. 17. De judicio Dei [Coelestine]. De Christi reditu ad judicium [Francke]. 18. De libero arbitrio. 19. De caus^ peccati. 20. De iide et bonis operibus. 21. De Gultu sanctorum. Pakt II. " Artieiiliin guiJms recensentur aiustcs mutati." 1. De utraque Specie. 2. De conJHgio Sacerdotum. 3. De Missl. 4. De Confessione. 5. De Discrimine cibonim et traditionibus. 6. De votis monaclionim, 7. De potestate Ecclesiastic^. The Confession ends with a few brief sentences stating that there were other abuses which might liave been discussed, such as indulgences, pilgrim- ages, wrongful excommunication, &c., but that the compilers have selected the principal ones to avoid prolixity. They state oiily what is abso- lutely necessary, that they may not be thought to be introducing anything contrary to Holy Scrip- ture or the Catholic Church. It was Melanchthon's wish that the Confession should be signed only by ecclesiastics, but this was overruled, and the following signatures were attached : — ^those of the Elector John of Saxony; George, Margrave of Brandenburg; Francis and Ernest, Diikes of Luneburg ; Philip, Landgrave of Hesse; Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt; the Senate and Magistrates of Ifuremberg; the Se- nate of Eeutlingen. III. Its reception. The moderation of its tone and the manifest desire for unity expressed in it, won sympathy from the more moderate of the opposite side, including the Prince Archbishop of Cologne, and the Bishop of Augsburg. The rest, however, were more violent, and urged the Emperor to reject it altogether, and at once to put in force the Edict of Worms. After some discussion, it was agreed to authorize the Eoman Catholic Divines to write a Confutation. Ac- cordingly Eck, Wimpina, Cochlaeus, Faber, and others were intrusted with this work. Their first draft was presented on the 13th of July, and rejected as too violent. Their amended copy was presented and read in fuU Diet on the 3rd of August. In this document some of the articles of the Confession were approved, others were condemned, a few were in part approved and in part condemned. Under the first head comes those relating to the doctrines of the Holy Trinity and the Incarnation, the necessity of Baptism, and the effioaey of the Sacrament.^ (exception being taken to the fact that the number — seven — was not mentioned), tho mission of the clergy, the authority of the magistrates, the last judgment and tho rivsurrocti'iii. With 69 Augsburg Confession regard to the Holy Eucharist, tho Lutherans were required to admit that communion in both kinds was not essential. Under the second head comes the article on justification, with its formula " sola fides," together with those on the invoca- tion of saints, the denial of the cup to the laity, the celibacy of the clergy, monastic vows, and the sacrifice of the mass. The articles "De Peccato seu vitio originis," "De Confessione," and "De Poenitentia" were in part accepted ; though, as regards the former, objection was taken to the term "concupiscence," and the latter was considered to underrate or to deny the necessity of satisfaction. The Emperor now admonished the reforming party to return to the Church, threatening them at the same time with severe measures in case of their refusal. But the resistance of the Elector of Saxony, and the prospect of a Turkish war induced him to try further projects of compro- mise. After two fruitless schemes had been tried, a conference took place on the I6th of August between seven representatives of each side : — On tue Luthbean. On the Catholic Side. "Princtss. John Fred. Prince Elec- The Bp. of Augsburg. toral of Saxony. The Margrave of Bran- The Duke of Saxony. denburg. Boctars of Canon Law. Pontanus. Bernard of Hagen. Heller. Tehe. Tlimlogmna. Melanohthon. Eok. Schnepf. Wimpina. Breutz. Cochlaeus. This number was afterwards reduced to six, viz. : Eck, Melanchthon, and the four lawyers ; and the consultations continued until the 24th of August. Each article of the Confession was taken separately, and on the doctrinal matters a still closer approximation was attained. On fifteen out of the twenty-one articles, they came to an entire agreement; on three others (JSTos. 12, 20, 21), to partial agreement, and the re- maining three were held to be matters on which mutual concession might be rightly made. On the practical questions, they came to an agree- ment with regard to three, viz. those relating to confession, abstinence from meats and other observances, and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, but on the rest they entirely disagreed. It was on points of practice, not on points of doctrine, that the final rupture took place. Campoggi, the Papal legate, would not hear of any concession, and succeeded in inducing the States to decree that, until the council was held, no married priests should be appointed to benefices, confes- sion should be enforced as absolutely necessary, the canon of the mass should not be omitted, private masses should not be put a stop to, and communion in one kind should be held to be as valid as in both." This decree the reformers entirely rejected. A few less important inter- views, with a view to reconciliation, were held during the last few days of August, but led w Augsburg Confession no lesult, and tlie Emperor then triod to deal ■with the matter himself. Having had previous communication with, the Pope, he could now promise a Council for the settlement of points of difference, if the reformers would meanwhile submit to the Church, and restore everything as far as possible to its original state, but the re- formers would accept no such condition. He then urged a renewal of conferences, and offered to preside at them himself, and to use his per- sonal influence to find means of preserving unity, but the terms in which his offer was made only fixed the reformers the more in their determina- tion to concede nothing. He was now personally inclined to use force, but in this he could not obtain the support of the States, for political reasons. A project of a " Eecess " was therefore submitted, in which a threat of war was held out as the final measure, but time was allowed until the 5th of May for the reformers to explain themselves on the disputed points. But the publishing of books on matters of faith was prohibited, and other conditions were insisted iipon, while it was further asserted that the Confession had been confuted from Holy Scrip- ture. The reformers, therefore, refused to accept the Eecess, and took the opportunity to present the Apologtj for the Confession, -written by Melanchthon. At length the negotiations were finally broken off, and the contending parties separated. On the 1 9th of ISTovember the Eecess was pubHshed, and fresh measures were con- certed on both sides. rV. Its guisequent influence. The Augsburg Confession, besides being the first public form of belief presented by the Lutheran section of the Eeformation, was in reality the foundation of their separate system. On the one hand, it put into definite shape their objections to the current doctrines and practice of the Church; on the . other, it marked them off from the more violent of the reformers. It became the basis of all sub- sequent Confessions. The Schmalkaldic league was formed [a.d. 1531] among those who had sub- scribed and supported the Augsburg Confession. By the peace of Nuremberg [July 23, 1532], it was agreed that the state of things then existing should continue among those of the reformers who recognised the Confession, till disputed points could be settled by a General Council. In 1537, it was the basis of the Schmalkaldic articles, drawn np when Paul III. proposed to hold a council at Mantua. Later still, in 1552, it formed the main part of the two reformed confessions presented at the CouncU of Trent, the "Confessio Saxonica" and the "Confessio Virtembergensis." Twelve years earlier [a.d. 1540], Melanchthon had published another edition of the Confession knoAvn as the " Confessio Variata." It was the original Confession, with several minor alterations and one inportant one, modifying the Lutheran doctrine on the Holy Eucharist, with the view of a recon- ciliation with the Swiss reformers. This gave rise to a series of the bitterest contentions between those Lutherans who supported the original Con- fession and those who agreed with Melanchthon. In cour.-^e of time discussion arose on other doc- 70 Authenticity triiial points, and the two schools became more and more divergent, until, at lengtli, in 1577, the "Formula of Concord" was issued at Bergen. In this and in the " Book of Concord " [1580], the "Confessio Augustana invariata," with the " Apologia Confeasionis," is made the distinctive standard of doctrine for the Lutheran communi- ties, and the Swiss school is condemned along with the Anabaptists and other violent reforming sects. The Confession has continued to be re- garded as the distinctive symbolical formula oi the Lutheran Church. In addition to its influence abroad, it also exercised a strong influence on the composition of the Xin. Articles which are supposed to have been adopted as a basis of nnion by the Con- ference of English and German divines, which met by request of Henry VIII. in 1 5 38. Through these and the Wiirtemberg Confession they be- came the source of several of the Thirty-nine Articles. [Francke, Lil. Syinl. Eccl. Luth. Ccelestinus, Hist. Gonf. Aug. Waddington, Hist, of the Reform. Eanlce, Hist. Ref. in Germ. Hardmck, Reformation. Hist, of the Articles. Pusey, Real Pi '6S671 CB AUGUSTIXIANISM. The theological sys- tem of St. Augustine, the great doctor of the Western Church ; the word being usually applied to his peculiar views on the doctrines of Predes- tination and Grace. [See Calvinism.] AUEICULAE CONFESSION. The subject of Confession will be found fully dealt with under that word. It is sufiicient here to say that the word "Auricular," when first applied to Con- fession, bore the meaning which we now express by "Audible" or "Oral." Thus, Shakespeare makes one person say to another, who is to over- hear the conference of two persons, "If your honour judge it meet, I will place you where you shall hear us confer of this, and by an auricular assurance have your satisfaction" [Lear, I. ii.]. In this sense, it is also found in the " Institution of a Christian Man " [a.d. 1537], where in ex- pounding the doctrine of penance, it is said, "And therefore, to attain this certain faith, the second part of penance is necessary, that is to say, Confession to a priest, if it may be had . . . Item-, That the people may in no wise contemn this Auricular Confession, which is made unto the ministers of the church" [p. 98, Oxford ed., 1825]. The term is also used in the second part of the Homily on Eepentance. It is well to remember this simple meaning of the phrase, as an invidious sense has been given to it in more recent times, which it did not for- merly bear. [Confession.] AUTHENTICITY. By the "authenticity" of a document is meant that it is the production of its professed author ; by its " genuineness," that its received text is incorrupt. For example : the first Epistle of St. John is the "authentic" composition of that Apostle; the passage in it relating to the "Three heavenly witnesses" [1 John T. 7, 8], owing to the imperfect support of evidence, cannot be accepted as a " genuine" text. Much confusion has arisen from iuiorrectly do- Attthority of the Church Avtocephal fining tliese two tornia. Archbishop Troiioh writes as follows : — " A distinction drawn "by Bishop "Watson between 'genuine' and 'authentic' has heen often quoted : ' A genuine book is that which was written by the person whose name it bears as the author of it. An authentic book is that which relates matters of fact as they really happened.' Of 'authentic' he has certainly not seized the true force, neither do the uses of it by good writers bear him out. The true opposite to avdcvriKOi in Greek is dSccnroTos, and 'authentic' is properly having an author ; and thus, coming with authority, authoritative. . . . Thus an 'authentic' document is, in its first meaning, a document written by the proper hand of him from whom it professes to proceed." Dr. Chal- mers^ adopts the erroneous distinction of Bishop Watson. The words of TertuUian are well known, "Percurre ecclesias Apostolicas . . . apud quas ipsse autlienticcB literse eorum recitantur,'" — the writer referring rhetorically to the (supposed) continued existence of the actual autographs of the sacred writers. So St. Jerome, referring to the autographs of Origen's Hexapla, uses the expression " ex ipsis authenticis."* AUTHOEITY OF THE CHUECH. The Authority of the Church descends from her heavenly Head and from the throne of God, " As My Father hath sent Me, even so send I you" [John XX. 21], were the words of our Lord ; and, as all power and authority were given to Him by the Father as His birthright," so He consecrated His Apostles by breathing upon them and saying, " Eeceive ye the Holy Ghost ; whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them; and whosesoever sins ye retain, they are retained" [John XX. 22, 23]. It was no evanescent authority, destined to disappear with the Apostles when their course was finished, but it was to endure as long as the Church on earth lasted. "Lo! I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world" [Matt, xxviii. 20]. "He promised not only to the Apostles that he would be with them, but absolutely to all His disciples ; for the Apostles were not to live to the consummation of all things ; to us, therefore, and to those who shaU come after us, the promise hath been made" [Theophyl. in Matt, xxvui. 20]. [Hiebaeohy, Apostles, Apostolical Succession, Episcopacy.] The true living Authority of the Church, there- fore, is vested in the Bishoj^s ; " Scire debes Episcopum in Ecclesia esse, et Ecclesiam in Episcopo" [Cypr. Ep. Ixvi. ad. Florent.] ; hence Chrysostom considers the words, " TeU it unto the Church" [Matt, xviii. 17], to be the same thing as, " TeU it to the nilers of the Church," for it belongs to them to take cognizance of all that affects the peace of the Church and of its mem- bers ; ruling " in meek and gentle ways, directly influential on the mind and conscience, vraya of rational persuasion, exhortation, admonition, re- proof; they must l3e 'gentle to all men, apt to ^ A Select Glossary, 3rd Ed. p. 15. " Evidences of Cliristianity, b. ii. ch. 2. ' De Pr(esiyriptione, c. 36 . * Comm. in Ep. ad Tihim, c. iii. 9. ' ?5aKfc, TourtffTi iyivvTite. Chi vs. in John T. 22. 71 teach, patient ; in meokncas luatracting those that oppose themselves,' convincing, rebuking, exhorting, with all long-suffering and doctrine, that they may finish their course with joy" [Barrow, Serm. xxvi ; 2 Tim. iL 24, iv. _ 2. Taylor, Diict. Dub. III. iv. 4]. In practice, " that which belongs directly and immediately to the Episcopal oiSce, is the government of the cilergy, as to manners and function, the visitation of the diocese, the detection of vice, the support of churches and ecclesiastical mansions, the car-e of aU things that concern the public worship of Almighty God, and the like ; together with the right of inflicting spiritual censures, as the proper means of attaining those spiritual ends" [Gibson, Codex, Introd. xxiv. Consecration of Bishops]: Each bishop is responsible for the godly discipline of his diocese ; his engagement, on consecrationj being " to maintain and set forth quietness and peace among all men ; and such as be unquiet, disobedient, and criminous within his diocese, correct and punish according to such authority as he hath by God's word, and as to him shaU be committed by the ordinance of this realm." His authority, therefore, is based upon the Word of God, and his power to enforce discipline " in foro exteriori " is statutable and derived from the State. Further, the bishops, as the sole depositories of judicial authority iu the Church, delegate the power of acting in their behalf to their officiaLSi The bishop, if he so please, may discharge in his own person the office of ecclesiastical judge ; but custom, having the force of law, prescribes the appointment of a chancellor, who unites in one person the two offices of official principal and vicar general, with cognizance in both capacities of all causes ecclesiastical ; the latter having the additional power of enforcing penal awards. The two offices, however, have been -so long united, that it might be difficult now to define their exact jurisdictional duties. To the vicar general, as distinguished from the official, pertains the discharge of episcopal duties, in the absence, c during the incapacity of the bishop ; but if such services are not needed, the appointment is not obligatory. In the same way, the jurisdiction assigned to archdeacons, with the power of hold- ing visitations, and the privileges of capitular bodies, descend to them derivatively from the diocesan, however they may seem to be held at the present day in independent privilege ; each and all of these being separate offsets of episcopal authority. The duties of aU ecclesiastical judges have been greatly modified and limited by the Church Discipline Acts, which have transferred many of their functions to the commissioners appointed pro re nata by the bishop. [Jueisdiotion, Council, Convocation, Eotal Supebmact, Sy- nod. Hooker, Eccl. Pol. vii. ; Barrow, Unity of Church ; Sermons on Obedience to Spiritual Guides and Government ; Binghamj Antiq. h. ii.] AUTOCEPHALI. [1.] Those metropoUtans who were independent of patriarchal authority, and claimed final jurisdiction within their own provinces, subject only to an appeal to a Genera/ Ave Maria Asynie Council. [2.] The title was also given to snch bishops as were exempt from the jurisdiction of the metropolitans within whose provinces their dioceses were locally situated, and only in obe- dience to the patriarch. The Church of England was autooephalous up to the time of the foundation of the Archbishopric of Canterbury, and has been perfectly so during the last 330 years. During the Middle Ages its independence was encroached upon by_ the usui-pations of the Popes, which were submitted to by the sovereigns, clergy, and people as an escape from greater evils, but were often protested against as the exercise of an unlawful jiirisdiction. AVE MtUJIA. a devotional form of words composed of the salutations offered to the Blessed Virgin Mary by the angel Gabriel, and by her cousin Elizabeth [Luke i. 28, 42]. The Eoman Church has added to these words a short prayer, " Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now, and at the hour of our death. Amen." The first appearance of the " HaU Mary " as a devotional formula is in the Sacramentary of St. Gregory [a.d. 590], where it occurs as an Offertory Antiphon for the fourth Sunday in Advent. In this early form the words of the angel only are used ; and it does not seem to have been used in any other way than as an antiphon for the following six centuries. It first appears in association with the Lord's Prayer and the Creed in a constitution of Odo, Bishop of Paris, a.d. 1195: "Exhortentur populum semper presbyteri ad dicendam orationem Dominicam, et Credo in Deum, et Salutationem Angelicam Beatse Marise Virgiuis." After that date it appears in several canons of local synods, as of one at Exeter, held in the year 1287. Many councils and bishops had previously ordered the constant recitation of the Creed and the Lord's Prayer, but until the end of the twelfth century not one such order can be found which includes the Ave Maria. Nor is it to be found in the rules of monasteries before that time. The addition of St. Elizabeth's salutation to that of the angel was made by direction of Pope Urban IV. [a.d. 1261]. The addition, "Holy Mary," &c., does not appear in any form of the "Hail Mary" before the sixteenth century; but it began to be used about a.d. 1508, the Franciscans appending the last words, " And at the hour of our death," at a still later date. It was placed in the Eoman Breviary in. its present form by order of Pope Pius V. in the latter half of the sixteenth century. The "Hail Mary" was never used in the modern Eoman form by the Church of England, although additions began to be made to its Scrip- tural words by private persons a few years before the Eeformation period began. In the Mirror of our Ladij, printed in 1530, it is given both in Latin and English, the words of the latter being, " Hayle, Mary, fuU of grace, the Lorde is wyth the, Blyssed be thou in all women, and above all women : and blessed be Jesu, the fruyte of thy wombe. Amou." At a much earlier date, per- haps in the fourteenth century, the form is given in rude verse by Myrk in his Instructions for Parish Priests, where he directs them to teach their parishioners the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the " HaU Mary," as follows : — " Hayl be thow Mary fuUe of grace ; God ys wyth the in euery place ; I-blessed be thow of alle wymmen, And the fruji; of thy wombe, Ihesus. Amen." From this it is e\ident that the precatory addi- tion was unknown to mediaeval England; and the evidence already given is also confirmed by that of the Primers. Its gradual introduction elsewhere is illustrated by what the commentator on the Hours, who wrote the Mirror of our Lady, adds in his remarks upon it. " Some say at the beginning of this salutation, ' Ave benigne Jesu,' and some say after Maria ' Mater Dei,' with other additions at the end also. And such things may be said when folks say their Aves of theii own devotion, but in the service of the Church I trow it must be seiver " [safer], " and most medefuU " [acceptable] " to obey to the common use of saying as the Church hath set without all such additions." In the Institution of a Christian Man, an authoritative statement of Anglican doctrine, set forth by Church and State in 1537, there is an Exposition of the Ave Maria, headed by it in the words, " Hail, Mary, fuU of grace, the Lord is with thee. Blessed art thou among women ; and blessed is the fruit of thy womb." At the end of the Exposition, which is entirely occupied ■\\dth setting forth the blessing of the Incarnation, is the following paragraph respecting the true devotional use of this formula : " We think it convenient, that all bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach the people committed unto their spiritual charge, that this Ave Maria is not properly a prayer, as the Paternoster is. Eor a prayer properly hath words of petition, supplica- tion, request, and suit ; but this Ave Maria hath no such. Ifevertheless the Church hath used to adjoin it to the end of the Paternoster, as an hymn, laud, and praise, partly of our Lord and Saviour Jesu Christ for our redemption, and partly of the Blessed Virgin for her humble consent given and expressed to the angel at this saluta- tion. Lauds, praises, and thanks be in this Ave Maria principally given and yielded to our Lord, as to the author of our said redemption : but herewith also the Virgin lacketh not her lauds, praise, and thanks for her excellent and singular virtue, and chiefly for that she humbly consented, according to the saying of the holy matron St. Elizabeth, when she said unto this Virgin, Blessed art thou that diddest give trust and credence to the angel's words ; for all things that have been spoken to thee shall be performed." [Annuncia- tion. Mariolatet. Grancolas' Comment, in Brev. Rum^ AZYME [afij/ios]. A designation of the un- leavened bread used in the Holy Eucharist. Priests celebrating with unleavened bread have also been called Azymites. An exhaustive disser- tation " on the Controversy concerning Azymes " Avill be found in the Litroduction to JTeale's History of the Holy Eastern Church, -^^^ 1051-76. [EUCHAEIST.J B BAAL, the Hebrew term for Lord, represents the Jupiter, or, as Gesenius says, tlie Hercules of the Siiemitic idolatrous trihes, the Canaanites, Phoenicians, Carthaginians; and is the Bel of I'ahylon, where it was also the name of the planet Jupiter. Baal, as a symbol originally of the sun, was worshipped as the source of light and heat, and as the dispenser of the earth's produce. The devastating eifocts of nature in storms and earthquakes and volcanic throes, were also referred to Baal as the god of Nature, Energy being the idea symbolized, whether beneficent or, as was most generally the case in ancient demonolatry, maHgnant. Baal was the male principle of the plastic power of nature, Ashera the feminine, the Ashtaroth of Scrip- ture [Judg. iL 13]. The tribes of Israel found the worship of Baal established in Canaan ; Samuel exterminated it for a time [1 Sam. vii. 4] ; but it still lurked amid the hills and groves of Judaga, until it was re-established by the kings of Israel, Jeroboam and Ahab, who formed of it an hybrid reHgion in conjunction with the worship of Jehovah [Hos. ii. 1 6]. Baal having been the original deity of this district, his worship and specific name varied into several and distinct Baalim [Judg. ii. 11, &c.] among the diiferent tribes of Canaan. " Baalim and Ashtaroth : those male, These feminine. " Thus Moloch is identified with Baal by Jere- miah [xxxii. 35]. Baal-Berith (of the covenant), Zci)s"OpKtos, indicates a compromise made with idolatry by the people at Sichem on Gideon's death. Baalzebub, the Zei;s 'Airofivios, was wor- shipped at Ekron by the Phihstines [2 Kings i. 2], as controlling that plague of hot climates, the legions of flies that swarm and sting, murder- ing . sleep and spoiling food ; and making it necessary, in the Christian Church, that a deacon should stand on either side of the altar with a piTToSiov, or fan of peacock's feathers, to keep the chalice clear. [Const. Apod. viii. 12.] The name in the New Testament in many MSS. stands as Beelzebul, " Dominus stercorarius," according to the usual Jewish way of expressing contempt by a change of letter ; so Shechem be- came '2vX°'P, i-e. a lie, in allusion to the false worship of Gorizim. Beelzebub [Matt. xii. 24] is called Prince of the Devils, a title given in Talmudio writings to Asmodeus [Buxtorf, Lex. Talm. s. voc. Asham], the same demon being 73 10 9,8' known by either name. [Abaddon.] Baal- Peor of the Moabites [Num. xxv. 5; Hos. ix. took its name from Mount Peer [Num. xxiii. He was the Priapus of Palestine [Jerom. in llos. iv. 14], whose foul rites were the source of the Eleusinian mysteries and Phallic impurities of Greece. Jerome also identifies this idol with Chemosh [Isa. xv. 2; Creuzer, Symbolih, ii. 976]. Eabbinioal etymology refers the name to the abominations that it symbolized rather than to the hill locahty. \Talm. SanJied., f. 60 ; Targ. Jon., Num. xxv. 1,] The word stands in combination with various names in the ancient topography of Palestine, marking the principal sites of Baal worship ; such as Baal-Tamor, Baal-Bek, Baal-Gad, Baal- Am on, Baal-Zephon, which last however re- presented the evil principle, Typhon, an object of worship along the flats of the Nile [Creuzer, Symb. i. 317 ; Movers' Phonizier, vol. i. ; Winer, Real W. B. ; Bryant's Mythology ; Selden, de Diis Syrig]. BANNS. A word in common usage with the ancient Franks and Lombards, signifying a fine, a publication, an announcement or proclajnation, a convocation, or the place of justice. It is usually both in France and England restricted to the public notification of marriage about to be solemnized. The custom has been traced to the former country in the twelfth century, and the word banna, as used by the Bishop of Beau- vais, is repeated by Pope Innocent III. a.d. 1213; and the order of the CouncU of Lateran, a.d. 1215, was no doubt urged on by the canonical restrictions of affinity, made about that period, which necessitated great precaution on the part of parish priests. In some cases it would seem that the banns were published after marriage in France, for what purpose is not clear. BeyerUnck derives the word from "band, " a rope, or " bahn," a trodden way, or diro rov Travro's, and adds, that in Germany it means the bond of ex- communication. It seems, however, that "bannire" meant to summon a military contingent to the royal bann or barmer, the standard and sign of meeting ; hence the word denoted the proclamar tion, as in the Italian and Spanish " bando," and then public denunciation by ecclesiastical autho- rity, thus passing into the English meaning, ban, a curse or excommunication. In A.D. 1200 banns in England were required to be published three times before marriage ; these were defined, a.d. 1322, to be three distinct Baptism Sundays or festivals. Lyndwood suggests that the tlu'oo first week-days after Easter or Pente- cost would be sufficient. The Church of England requires their publication after the Nicene Creed, but if there is no morning service, then after the second Lesson during Evening Prayer. BAPTISM. The sacrament which our Lord instituted for admission into His Church, which was typified and predicted under the Old Dis- pensation. Thus, when the Holy Spirit moved upon the waters [Gen. i. 2] there was a my.-j- terious figure of the new creation by water and the Holy Ghost.' The Deluge typified baptism,^ a sinful world being destroyed, and Noah and his family saved from destruction in the Ark. The passage of the Israelites through the Red Sea was another type of a death unto sin and a new birth, in the destruction of Pharaoh and his host, and the redemption of God's chosen people.' Also the various ceremonial washings of the Old Law [Exod. xix. 14 ; Lev. xv. xvi. 4], and the rite of circumcision, as we learn from St. Paul [Col. ii. 11-13], prefigured the one ablution from sin. The prophets also predict the sacrament of Holy Baptism [Isa. lii. 15 ;* Ezek. xxxvi. 25-27 ; Zech. xiii. 1]. Before Christian baptism is spoken of in the New Testament, we have an account of the bap- tism of John preceding our Lord's ministry. The Baptist intimates that there Was an essential difference between his own baptism and that of Christ. John bapt'^ed with water unto repentance, but Christ should baptize with the Holy Ghost and with fire [Matt iii. 11]. Thus the one baptism was figurative, signifying by the purifying properties of water the need of repentance, and of a renewal of heart and life ; the other was the appointed means for communi- cating the gift of the Holy Ghost and its regene- rating influences : the one a baptism by water, which can only cleanse outwardly ; the other a baptism by the Holy Ghost, which, like fire," burns up the corruptions of a sin-defiled nature, and thoroughly cleanses the inner man. Very great also was the difference in another point of view. In John's baptism the sin-stricken multi- tudes were warned, from motives most awful and impressive, of the duty of repentance, and many, there can be no doubt, were thus brought to true repentance for sin; whilst in Christ's baptism the gift of the Holy Spirit was imparted to those ' S. August. Do DivcrsU Qncest. lib. ii. sec. 5. ^ Ibid, contra Faustinum M. lib. xii. c. 17, &c. Otlier UlustratioES of this type are given by TertuUian, De Baplismo, sec. 8, and St. Ambrose, De Mysteriis, c. iii. ^ Mare rabrum significat baptismum. S. August, w Joann. Evang. Trad. 45, c. x. ; TertuUian, De Baptismo, sec. 9 ; S. Ambros. De Sacramentis, lib. i. c. vi. St. Ambrose mentions other types, the cleansing of Naaman in Jordan, the axe which Elisha caused to swim, and the waters of Marah made sweet by wood, adding, " ergo si in figura tantum valuerunt baptismata, quanto amplius valet baptismus in veritate. " ^ St. Justin [Apol. i.] quotes Isa. i. 16-20, as typical of the sacrament of the new birth. St. Cyprian says [B'pist. 63, sec. 5] that as often as water alone is mentioned in Scripture baptism is alluded to, as is intimated in Isa. xliii. 18-21. ° See the remarks of Maldonatus on John's baptism. Comment, in loco. Baptism who had already repented of sin, and cleansed them from its guilt and pollution. Thus John's baptism, though preliminary and inferior to that of Christ, was a preparation for it — the preaching of repentance for the gift of regeneration by water and the Holy Ghost. We are ignorant of the mode of John's administration of baptism, and only know that it must have differed essentially from Christian baptism, since some baptized by him, it is said, knew not whether there be any Holy Ghost [Acts xix. 3]. In illustrating Holy Baptism, our remarks wUl be given under two heads, theologically defined as the Matter and the Porm of baptism : the Mat- . ter, water ; and the Eorm, " in the name of the Pather, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." The Matter of the Sacrament is usually divided into materia remota (water), and materia proxima (ablution). The materia remota, or water, is absolutely necessary for the valid administration of the sacrament. This is clearly stated, as well in the passages here referred to [John iii. 5,; Acts viii. 36; Eph. v. 26; Heb. x. 22] as in those previously quoted from the Old Testa- ment, which predict regeneration through the cleansing of water. The teaching of the Fathers is equally explicit. " Tolle aquam," says St. Augustine, " et non est baptismus "° — without water there is no baptism. Water is indispen- sable, as the matter of baptism ; and the sacrament, if administered in any other liquid, as wine or milk, would be invalid.' Some oft the early heretics denied that water was essential. Thus TertuUian [De Baptismo, sec. 1] speaks of the Cainites, who rejected baptism probably on ac- count of the supposed impurity of matter. St. Augustine says that the ManichEeans for the same reasons reject baptism by water [Z)e Hceresihiis, 46], and also the Seleucians and Her- mians, who, he says, " baptismimi in aqua non accipiunt" [De Hceresihus, 59]. A similar charge has been made against the Albigenses or Cathari, a Manichsean sect of the Middle Ages.^ We now come to the materia proxima of bap- tism, or ablution. The word baptism signifies generally washing, and is used m this sense in Holy Scripture. Thus it means dipping or bath- ing [Naaman, 2 Kings v. 14, and Judith xii. 7, ^ Tract. XV. in Joannis Evangel. ' St. Thomas Aquinas says : In quacumque aqna quo- modocumque trausmutata, dumniodo non solvatur species aquje, potest fieri "baptismus." A summary of the ex- planation which Aquinas gives of quomodocumque trans- mutata may be added in the words of a recent editor [Summa Theologica cum notis, 1867]: — "Hinc docet S. Doctor baptismum fore validum in aqua maris, in lixivio, in aquis balneorum sulphureorum, in aqua decoctionis oarnium, sed notandnm est talem aquam non est promis- cue assumendam, nisi in casu necessitatis" [Summa, ter- tia pars, quffist. 56, art. 4]. '* "The common opinions of all the Cathari are these — namely, that the Devil made the world and all things in it ; also that all the sacraments of the Church — namely, the sacrament of baptism of material water, and the other sacraments, are not profitable to salvation, and that they are not the trae sacraments of Christ and His Church, but delusive and diabolical, and of the Churcji of the malig- nants" [Maitland's Albigenses and Waldcnscs. p. 418. 1332]. Baptism IvXX.], the waslimg of cups and dishes [Mark viL 3, 4; Heb. ix. 10], and also signifies overwhelm- ing sorrows and sufferings [Isa. xxi. 4, LXX. ; Luke xii. 50 ; Matt. xx. 22J. Prom all which illustrations we may gather the meaning of a thorough cleansing, as by immersion or washing, and not hy mere affusion or sprinkling a few drops of water. The bathing of Naaman and Judith was by immersion : cups and dishes were not cleansed by a few drops of water, but by a thorough washing ; and the comparison of our Lord's sufferings to baptism is intended to shew how thorough and overwhelming, as it were, was their nature. Hence, as might be supposed, the primitive mode of baptizing was by immersion, as we learn from the clear testimony of Holy Scripture and of the Fathers. Thus John bap- tized in Ms\<3n, near Salim [John iii. 23], because " there was much water there," and Christ after baptism " ascended up out of the water." We cannot doubt in these cases there was immersion, for it is shewn from the Baptist's reasons for baptizing at ^non, and Christ's "ascending" from the waters of Jordan. St. Paul's language, however, is even more explicit : he speaks of our being buried with Christ in baptism [Eom. vi. 4; Col. ii. 12], and with the same illustration in view that Christians die with Christ, and are raised with Him [Eom. vi. 11 ; Col. ii. 20, iii. 3], are immersed in the baptismal water, and rise from it as our Lord from His burial in the tomb. That immersion was the ordinary mode of baptizing in the primitive Church is unques- tionable. TertuUian says, " ter mergitamur," i we are thrice immersed, and St. Ambrose speaks of immersion in the name of each Divine person.^ St. Cyril of Jerusalem,' and St. Basil * also, men- tion the same usage. Immersion in the name of each Divine person was, indeed, the ordinary mode of baptizing [Trine Baptism] during as long as twelve centuries.' The innovation of affusion, or pouring water on the baptized, after- wards began in the Latin Church, and has be- come the general Western usage. In the Eastern Church baptism has always been by immersion, and as a modern, well-informed writer says, the Eastern Church has never ceased to protest against the innovation in the mode of baptizing of the Latin Church.' But another mode of baptizing was certainly permitted, and was occasionally in use from an early period, called Clinic Baptism, or baptism administered in time of sickness, which was by affusion, or pouring water upon the baptized; and not only in time of sickness, but on other occa- sions where a sufficient quantity of water could not be procured, baptism by affusion was per- mitted. This baptism disqualified a person for ' De Corona Milit. 0. 3. ^ Lib. ii. de Sacramentis, c. vi. ^ Lect. XX. seo. 4. ■* De Sancto Spiritu, c. 27, sec. 66. ' St. Tliomas Aquinas, who died in the thirteenth century [1274], speaks of the " communior usus " of im- mersion [Summa, tertia pars, quiest. 66, art. 7]. 8 Catholic Orthodoxy and Soman Catholicism. By Mouravieff, late Procurator of the Holy Governing Synod of Russia. [See Neale's Voices of the Church-, p. 56.] 75 Baptism holy orders, not from any doubt of its validity, but for reasons stated in the Council of Neo- C£Esarea.' In baptizing, as is implied in the scriptural use of the term to which we have referred, the water should be so applied as to constitute, in the proper sense of the word, an ablution, to sig- nify and to convey the inward cleansing of the soul.' It is, however, the teaching of mediaeval canonists, as may be seen in Lyndwood,' that a drop of water touching the baptized will suffice as an outward sign for conveying the inward grace of the sacrament ; and there can be no doubt that, from the time of St. Cyprian, the belief has generally prevailed in the Western Church, that the quantity of water used in bap- tizing does not affect the vaUdity of the sacra- ment." Admitting this, a practical theologian must protest against the usage of baptizing by aspersion, or sprinkling a few drops of water; an usage which, in cases of haste or carelessness, has often caused grave doubts respecting the validity of administration. Primitive Ceremonias. Baptism was pubhcly solemnized in the primitive Church only on great festivals, as Easter, Whitsuntide, and the Epi- phany. The sacrament was administered with many ceremonies, varjong in some degree in an earlier and later age, and 'in the Eastern and Western Church; and there can be no doubt that the disuse in the English Church of cere- monies which so strikingly symbolized man's fallen and corrupt state by nature, and the exalted privileges of his regeneration and adop- tion into the family of God, has been a not unimportant cause in modern times of prevailing irreverence and unbelief. The candidate for baptism, being unclothed," and looking towards the West (symbolically the region of darkness), first renounced Satan and all his pomps and angels ; '^ the font or baptismal ' " If an}' man has been baptized in sickness, he must not be promoted to be a presbyter, for his faith was not of his own free choice, but of necessity" [Can. xii., Ham- mond's transl. ]. . * Devoti says, ' ' Abluendum est autem prassertim caput ac tanta est effundenda aquae copia, quanta opus est ut baptizandus vere ablutus dici possit. \Jnstitut. Canon. De Baptismo.'] ' Sufficit quod modica stilla aquae projecta a baptizante tangat baptizaudum. Et concordat ibi Eoslien qui hoc putat satis consonum esse juri et sequitati, licet tutius sit quod totus mergatur in aqua. [Immcrsio, lib. iii. tit. xxr.] '" There are various opinions in the Eastern Church re- specting the validity of Latin baptisms by affusion or aspersion. Their validity, a modern writer says, though admitted in Eussia, is denied elsewhere in the ' ' orthodox " communion [Palmer's Dissertations on the Orthodox or Eastern-Catholic Communion, p. 107, 1853]. " The adult heathen was under catechetical instruction and preparation for baptism for three [Apost. Constit. viii. c. 32] or two years [Condi. Elib. c. 42], though the length of time must in some degree have depended on his fitness. Catechumens were divided into two classes — " audientes," those just placed under instruction, and " competentes, " those prepared for baptism. A new name, not a heathen but a Christian one, as that of one of the Apostles, was given to the infant by his sponsor [Infant Baptism], or probably selected by the adult himself. ^^ TertuUian, de Corona, c. iii. ; S. Cyril, Icct. xii. Baptism water was tlien oonsGcrated,i tlie candidate made ills profession of faitli,^ and was signed with the cross on the forehead and breast ;' then followed exorcism and exsufflation* to cast out the evil spirit which dwelt in him, heing by nature born in sin ; the priest then touched his nose and ears Avith spittle, saying, Ephphatha, be opened,^ and gave his benediction by imposition of hands,n afterwards anointing the catechumen on the breast and shoulders.' Salt ^ was given to him as the symbol of a holy life, to which he was now being called and pledged.' After these ceremonies followed trine immersion in the font," pointing out, as St. Cyril says, the three days' burial of Clirist. The neophyte was then clothed in white, as an emblem of his new birth," and tasted the food of new-born children, milk and honey ;'^ a lighted taper was also given to him as a token of his enlightenment by the Holy Ghost. ^^ The sym- bolic use of salt is illustrated in Lev. ii. 13, Matt. V. 13, Mark ix. 49. We have mentioned anointing before baptism ; there was also an unction after baptism with consecrated chrism and imposition of hands. ^■' This was called a-cftpayl's, or the seal of the Holy Ghost, and was the completion of baptism. This sealing with the Holy Ghost was afterwards separated by the Western Chm-ch from baptism, and called confir- mation ; in the Eastern Church, in early times as at present, confirmation immediately follows bap- tism, a child being confirmed by the priest who baptizes, with chrism consecrated by the bishop. In the Western Church confirmation by the bishop followed in the case of infants as soon as possible after baptism. [Confirmation.] The Form of the Sacrament. In considering the form of baptism, a preliminary point of some importance requires our attention, viz. the time at which our Lord instituted this sacrament. He gave commission to His apostles to baptize imme- diately before His ascension, but the sacrament, as is generally thought, was previously instituted. Thus our Lord is represented as baptizing soon after His conversation with Nicodemus [John iii. 26], in which He expressly intimated the grace ^ Tertull. de Bap. c. iv. ; St. Cyril, Lect. iii. ; Apost. Constit. vii. sec. 43. ' Ibid, de Coron. c. iii. ; St. Cyi'il, Lect. 2, c. iv. ' St. Basil, de Spiritu S. c. xxvii. ; St. Augustine, de Catech. rudibics, c. xx. ^ St. Augustine, lib. ii. de Gratia el Peccat. c. 40 ; Ibid de Nuptiis et Concupis. lib. i. c. 20. ^ St. Ambrose, lib. i. de Sacramentis. * St. Augustine, lib. ii. de Peccat. mer. et rem. a. 26. ' Such was the usage of the Latin Church [see Martene, de Antiquis ritihus, lib. i. c. 1, sec. 13] — according to the Eastern custom the whole body was anointed ; St. Cyril, Lect. XX. see. 3. ^ Ooncil. Garthag. iii. c. v. ^ The "exorcism," " exsulflations," touching with spittle and salt of the catechumens, were usages peculiar to the early Western Church, and are not mentioned by the Greek Fathers, or in the Euchologies [see Drouven, de re Sacramentaria, torn, i, lib. ii. p. 220, 1756J. " St. Cyril, Lect. xx. " St. Ambrose, de Myst. vii. ^^ Tertull. cont. Marc, lib i. xir. ^^ St. Ambrose, de Bap. Virg. c, v. '* Xplcreis 8i irpCyrov IXaid a,yi.C>, lireiTa ^airriffeis SSan, Kal re^evTahv ff^paylaeii nvpif \Oonstit. Apostol, lib. vii, 221. 70 Baptism to be conferred in the sacrament, and its necessity for salvation. And though the Evangelist says [iv. 2], that om Lord baptized not, but His dis- ciples, yet these words must not be too strictly or literally interpreted, as if our Lord did not on any occasion baptize, but can only be fairly considered as meaning that He did not usually baptize, but His disciples. The baptism mentioned was at least virtually that of our Lord, as done by His sanction and command. At what time He insti- tuted this sacrament is unknown, but most pro- bably immediately after His own baptism'^ in the river Jordan [iii. 22]. But a more important inquiry remains. Was our Lord's baptism before the effusion of the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost properly Christian baptism, communicating the gift of the Holy Ghost, or was it merely identical with the baptism of John. We read in the 25th verse [John iii.] there was a dispute between the disciples of Christ and of the Baptist about clean- sing or purifying, or as the words are generally interpreted, on the relative efficacy of the two baptisms, a dispute which could not have arisen had they been kno'svn to be identical. Moreover, our Lord would not have instituted a temporary baptism identical with that of John, and which shortly aftenvards was to be set aside by His own more perfect institution. It is a more probable belief, therefore, that Christ's baptism from the beginning was a baptism with the Holy Ghost. This, the Baptist seems to imply, was always, or necessarily the characteristic of Christ's baptism as distinguished from his own ; the one by water, the other by the Holy Ghost. We read in John vii. 39, that the Holy Ghost was not yet given before Jesus was glorified, but this refers only to the public and visible entrance upon His office on the day of Pentecost, and to the wide diffusion and power of His holy influences afterwards bestowed. So great was the difference before and after this day that in a certain sense the Holy Ghost was then first given. But obviously such words must not be too strictly interpreted [see Gen. vi. 3 ; Isa. Ixiii. 10 ; Psa. U. 11 ; Neh. ix. 20; Lukexi 13.] It has been thought that the Apostles, of whose baptism no record is given in Scripture, were baptized by our Lord ; others have supposed that some of them were baptized, who afterwards baptized their Apostolic brethren. Our Lord would scarcely have addressed the Apostles, as we are told in John xiii. 10, had they been un- baptized, "he that is washed, needeth not to wash except his feet; and ye are clean, but not aU." We may now go on to consider the actual " Three reasons may be given why our Lord submitted to be baptized by John : [1.] To set His followers an ex- ample of obedience— ' ' Thus, " He says, "it becometh us to fulfil all righteousness." John, by Divine command, announced the baptism of repentance ; our Lord, though without sin, humbly submitted to it, and thus acknow- ledged its obligation and authority. [2.] He hereby sanctioned the ministry of the Baptist, upon which HLs own depended. [3.] And also sanctified water— hencefor- ward to be the means for convejdng the blessings of His redempti'yn and to be the myatical washing away of sin." Baptism Baptism Form of JBaptism. It was instituted by our Lord ■when he commanded the Apostles to baptize in the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost^ and as being so instituted must be essential to a due administration of the sacra- ment. The fast difficulty as regards the Form in Holy Scripture is from the account given in Acts [viii. 16, X. 48], that some were baptized "in the Kame of the Lord " or " of the Lord Jesus." But it must be borne in mind that when we read of converts baptized in the Name of the Lord or of the Lord Jesus it is not necessarily to be assumed that the names of the other Divine Persons were omitted : converts might be spoken of as baptized into the Name of the Lord Jesus, since it was into the religion which He instituted {His religion we may say, the disciples being called Christians), that the convert was baptized. We have no proof, nor is it probable, that during the Apostolic age any other form than that instituted by our Lord was ever used by the Apostles ; neither is it likely that they would have altered a form which their Master had so recently instituted. Some of the Fathers have asserted (taking the passages referred to in their literal meaning) that the Apostles were permitted, by a special dispensation, to baptize in the Name of Jesus only, that His Name, as in that early age was especially needful, might be honoured and magnified.^ This supposition takes for granted, that the Apostles did baptize in our Lord's Name only, which, as we have said, is not merely im- probable and unsupported by tradition or the testimony of the early Fathers, but the reasons for the supposed innovation are unsatisfactory, since the Name of Jesus would not have been especially magnified by its use only in the baptis- mal form, but rather in and through its union with the other Divine Persons. The Church has always considered the form indispensable, and that its alteration renders Baptism null and void. Thus in the forty-fast Apostolical Canon : " If any bishop or presbyter, contrary to the ordinance of the Lord, does not baptize into the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, but into three unoriginated (Fathers), three Sons, and three Paracletes, let him be de- posed." St. Irenseus says' that one of the sects ^ In the Eastern Church the form is thus worded, " The servant (or handmaiden) of God is "baptized in the name of the Father," &c. This form is generally allowed to he ei^nally valid with that in use in the Western Church. ^ Tims St. Ambrose [De Spiriiu Sanct. lib. i. o. 3] argues thaf baptism in Christ's Name only, where the true faith was held, was virtually the same as baptism in the Name of the three Divine Persons (q^ui unum dixerit, Ti'initatem signiiicavit), the Divine Nature being whole in each Person. But even should we admit this theory, also held by St. Basil \_Be Spiritu Sanct. c. 12] and St. Hilary [Be Synod cont. Arian, n. 85], such baptisms were limited to the Apostles, and unquestionably in subse- quent ages they would have been set aside as invalid. The matter in dispute may be stated in a few words. The Apostles seem to have baptized in our Lord's Name only, and St. Ambrose, by ingenious and plausible arguments, has attempted to vindicate them. But if the alleged fact is no fact, the naage of the Apostles stands in no need of vindication. ' Adv. Ecer. lib. i. c. 21. 17 of the Gnostics baptized " into the Name of the unknown Father of all, into truth the mother of all, and into Jesus who came down " (from heaven). The Paulianists, so called from Paul, bishop of Samosata, who was excommunicated by the CounoU of Antioch [a.d. 269] for denying the Divinity of our Lord, were ordered to be re- baptized by the Council of Nice [c. 1 9]. Also in the second Council of Aries [a.d. 451] it is said that the Photinians, or Paulianists, must be baptized.^ In the Council of LaodicEiea [a.d. 320], those who return to the Church from the Phrygian heresy, or the Montanists, were to be rebaptized [c. 8]. In the seventh canon of the General Council of Constantinople [a.d. 381], after mentioning many heretics whose baptism, being in accordance with the form, is allowed — the Council adds : " But the Eunomians, who baptize with one immersion [and also altered the form "], and the Montanists, called Phrygians, and the SabeUians, we receive as heathens." The form had been changed, and hence their baptism was set aside as invalid. The ordinary rule of the Church is given in the first Council of Aries [a.d. 314], that if any one had been baptized in an heretical or schismatic communion in the Name of the Father, &c., he was to be received by imposition of hands, but if not, he was to be baptized [can. viii.]. The Minister of the Sacrament. The minister of baptism is in the fast instance the bishop. Christ gave the commission to baptize to His Apostles, and the same right must primarily belong to bishops, their successors. Priests baptize by permission of the bishop, and not from any inherent rights or power of their order; in cases of necessity deacons, and laymen, and women are permitted to baptize [Lay Baptism]. St. Ignatius says, " It is not lawful without the bishop to baptize."* "The right of giving it (baptism) hath the chief priest, which is the bishop, then the presbyters and deacons, but not without the authority of the bishop."'' St. Am- brose says that priests baptize, " but the begin- ning of their ministry (exordium ministerii) is from the bishop."^ "Neither priest nor deacon," in St. Jerome's words, "has a right to bap- tize without command of the bishop." » "The bishop, after God, is your father ; for he, tfaough water and the Spirit, hath regenerated you unto adoption."" The necessity of Baptism for Salvation. Our Lord's words [John iii. 5] declare that except any one be born again of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God: through baptism only are we admitted into the Church, Christ's kingdom upon earth, and by it only * ' ' Secundum statuta Patrum baptizari oportet, " o. xvi. ^ Bingham, Antiq. xiii. 5. " Ad. Smyrn. sec. 8. ' Tertullian, de Baptismo, sec. 17. ^ Lib. iii. de Sacramentis, a. 1. ' EoolesisE salus in summi Sacerdotis dignitate pendet, cui si non exsors queedam et ab omnibus eminens detur potestas tot in Ecclcsiis efficientur schismata quot sacer- dotes. Inde venit ut sine chrismate et episcopi jussione, neque presbyter neque diacouus jus habeant baptisandi. Quod irequenter si tame'n necessitas cogat scimus etiam licere laicia. Dial, ad Ludfer, sec. 9. '" Annst. Constit. lib. ii. c. 26. Ba-htisni Baptism 5o we tocomo possessed of the mesiimable bless- ings of redemption and salvation [Acts ii. 38, xxii. 16 j EpL V. 26; Tit. iii. 5; 1 Pet. iii. 21]. In the early Church, some sects of Gnostics denied the necessity of Baptism, thinking pro- bably that the faith even of the unbaptized was sufficient for salvation.' Theodoret mentions a sect who rejected baptism, the Ascodrutce or Ascodnipitse, thinking that Divine mysteries cannot be represented by earthly and visible signs ; that redemption is spiritual or intellectual, and not to be conveyed through outward rites ^ — a form of unbelief which has prevailed in all ages, though especially characteristic of modem religionism. " Oh wretched unbelief," says Ter- tullian, " which denies to God His own proper qualities, simplicity and power. What, then, is it not wonderful that death should bo washed away by a mere bath ? Yes, but if because it is wonderful it be therefore not believed, it ought on that accoimt the rather to bo believed."^ The necessity of baptism for the salvation both of adults and infants was very strictly held in the Primitive Chm-ch. An exception, how- ever, was made ia the case of martyrs : the baptism of blood, or dying for the Name of Christ without the opportunity of water baptism, sufficed for salvation. AJso in the case of those who, prepared by penitence and faith for the gift of regeneration, were unavoidably deprived of the outward sign : they were already baptized with the Holy Ghost, which, like fire, had burnt up sin, and purified and sanctified them. Hence theologians speak of three baptisms — of water, of fire, and of blood.* The Grace of the Saaravient. But the neces- sity of baptism will be further illustrated, and we shall see why so much importance should be given to right matter and form, by inquiring into the spiritual grace of the sacrament as set forth in Holy Scripture and by the Fathers. Our Lord, in His conversation with Nicodemus, calls baptism a new birth [John iii. 3], and St. Paul mentions in detail its spiritual blessings [1 Cor. vL 11] : "You were washed," or rather "washed yourselves {aTTeXova-aa-dt); have been sanctified, have been justified;" cleansed from aU sin, original and actual ; sanctified by the infused gifts of the Holy Spirit; and thus having been made holy, have been justified. In another passage St. Paul calls bap- tism "the washing of regeneration and of the renewal of the Holy Spirit," and says that herein "being justified by His grace, we are made heirs according to the hope of eternal life" [Tit. iii. 5-7. See also Acts ii. 38, xxii. 16 ; 1 Cor. xii. 13; Gal. iii. 27; Eph. v. 25-27; Heb. vi. 4, X. 32]. Thus by baptism are we cleansed from ein, adopted into God's family, being made His children by spiritual birth, so that His first-begot- ten Son is not ashamed to call us brethren [Heb. ^ S. Irensei, lib. i. c. ult. Tertullian, de Baptis. c. I. ^ Theodoret says they do not baptize : X&rpuaiv yap KoKoOin TT)v Tuv 6\uv iwlyvaaiv. Hceret. Fab. Compeiid. m . i. c. 10. ^ De Baptismo, sec. 1. * Thus St. Thomas Aqninas : ' ' Tria haptismata fiuminis flaminis et sanguinis." Samwa, III, qu. livl. 11. 78 ii. 1 1]. We are sanctified, justified, and enlight- ened by the vivifying power of the Holy Ghost.^ But if we consider the teaching of the Fathers we shall find in their extant -writings uniform testimony in illustration of the true nature of baptismal grace. Our quotations wUl be limited to writers usually considered as belonging to the first two centuries, including a few which pro- bably belong to a later date. St. Clement of liome says, " Keep the flesh chaste and the soul undefiled, that ye may have eternal Iife."« We read in the Apostolical Constitutions :'' " Baptism is given into the death of Jesus, oil for the Holy Spirit, the sign of the cross for the Cross ; the chrism (jivpov) is a confirmation of the confession." In the Recognitions of St. Clement baptism is said to have been instituted that the Jews, on the cessation of sacrifice, might be absolved from all their sins,* and afterwards : " I shewed them (the Jews) that they coidd by no means be saved unless, through the grace of the Holy Spirit, they hastened to be washed in the baptism of the trine invocation."' And in the catholic Epistle of St. Barnabas : " We go down into the water full of sins and pollutions, but come up again bearing fruit."^" In the Testament oftJie Tivelve Patriarchs ^ The above principally, though not exclusively, keeps in view the spiritual grace of baptism in the ease of infants. In reference to adults there is necessarily some difficulty and difference of opinion. Faith and repentance are the conditions of baptism — and, we may ask, would an impenitent adidt be regenerated, thus being baptized without the requisite conditions. Was Simon Magus regenerated by baptism ? The answer may be given, with certain qualifications, in the affirmative. He received the gift of the Holy Ghost, which remained like seed in a barren ground and could only be a cause of condem- nation, until, by repentance, his heart was improved and thus the seed began to fructify. Hence St. Peter told Simon to repent if the thought of his heart might be for- given him, but repentance would have been impossible if he had not had the gift or influence of the Holy Spirit. If an adult receiving baptism in impenitence be not in a certain sense regenerated, he would necessarily be ex- cluded from salvation : he cannot be rebaptized, and it is only through Baptism that the gift of regeneration can ordinarily be conveyed. St. CyrU [Introductory Led. sec. 2] says that Simon Magus was "baptized but not enlightened," was incapable of receiving enlightening and sanctifying grace, but this does not pi-ove that he liad not the gift in the sense before explained. And St. Augustine : "Through baptism the Church brought forth Simon Magus, . . . yet because love was wanting lie was born in vain" \JDe Baptismo, lib. i. c. 10. See also In Evang. Joannis, tract. 6]. In the case of infants there can be no doubt that grace is always sacramentally given in baptizing; they cannot put any bar or hindi-ance to the infusion of grace, like an adult, by impenitence, nor was original sin ever regarded as per se excluding from the grace of regeneration. St. Augustine always either states or assumes, that all baptized children are regenerate [De Baptismo, lib. iv. c. 24, 25 ; De Proedesti- natione Sanct. sec. 29], a truth probably first denied by Oah-in. [See InstUut. lib. iv. c. 15, sec. 10.] ^ 2 Epist. sec. 8. In baptism we are sealed with the Holy Spirit, and an outward and inward mark is set on us as God's children which cannot afterwards be wholly effaced or lost — called in Greek rjiJ.ovcnv\. But Michael, the archangel, when contending with the Devil . . . durst not bring against him a railing accusation" \ovk IroX/iijo-e KpuTiv lireveyKtiv j8Aacr<^/itos]. The force of Blood Blood which passage is, that if an archangel dared not to speak evil of the devil, how dare a man do so against angelic dignities, and thus blaspheme the majesty of God whose creatures and servants they are. Thus execrations, imprecations, and all kinds of " profane swearing" have the nature of blasphemy. The law of England is very strict in defining this sin as a public crime ; the Statute 9 & 10 Gulielm. III. c. 32, " an Act for the more effectual suppressing of Blasphemy and Profaneness," enacting penalties upon any who in "writing, printing, teaching, or advised speaking" shsdl deny one of the Persons in the Holy Trinity to be God, shall maintain there are more gods than One, deny the truth of the Christian religion, or the Divine authority of the Holy Scriptures. [Stephens' Ecc. Statutes, i. 667.] BLOOD. p.] Its sacred character. From the beginning to the end of the Holy Scriptures there are indications that a sacred character be- longs to blood, whether the blood of animals or of mankind. God speaks to Cain of Abel's blood crying to Him from the ground, and of the earth having opened to receive it [Gen. iv. 10, 11 J c£ Heb. sai. 24]. In giving a law to man- kind after the Deluge, there is a commandment against using the blood of animals for food, and one respecting murder and suicide, in which the blood of the person killed is that which God declares Himself to require at the hands of the slayer [Gen. ix. 4-6]. In the law given to the Jews, the law given to mankind at large was re- enacted, " "Whatsoever soul it be that eateth any manner of blood, even that soul shall be cut off from his people" [Lev. viL 26, 27]. " No soul of you shall eat blood ; ... he shall even pour out the blood thereof, and cover it with dust" [Lev. xviL 12, 13]. " Only be sure that thou eat not the blood : . . . thou shalt not eat it, thou shalt pour it upon the earth like water" [Deut. xii. 23, 24]. In much later times the force of this precept was stiU recognised as bind- ing, and its transgression a sin [1 Sam. xiv. 32, 33] against which God declares His anger [Ezek. xxxui. 25]. And even in the Christian Church, although the sacrifices of animals were discon- tinued, the precept respecting blood as an article of food was re-enacted, and made binding on Gentile Christians as well as on those who were of Jewish birth [Acts xv. 20, 29, xxi. 25]. That the pre- cept was observed after aU the earlier associations between Judaism and Christianity had passed away, is also shewn by the words of TertuUian, who refutes the charge made against the Christians of having human blood at their feasts, by declar- ing that they abstain even from the blood of ani- mals, and hold unlawful the eating of " sausages made with blood." [Tertul. Apdloget. ix.] [XL] Association of it with life. This sacred character of blood appears to arise from an es- sential physiological relation between it and life and the souL Thus in the Noachian precept respecting murder, the Divine expression is " Your blood of your lives," and respecting the flesh of animals, "the life thereof, which is the 89 blood thereof" [Gen. ix. 4, 5]. Ages after, words of a simUax import were emphatically spoken by God to the Jews, " For the life of the flesh is in the blood." "It is the life of all flesh; the blood of it is for the life thereof; ... for the life of all flesh is the blood thereof" [Lev. xvii. 11,14]. "The blood is the life, and thou mayest not eat the life with the flesh" [Deut. xii 23]. To which direct declarations of Divine Omniscience may be added the usus loquendi of Holy Scripture in respect to death, which is con- tinually associated with the shedding of blood, and the pouring out of blood, as if the typical ex- pression for the loss of life was the loss of blood : and also with the "pouring out of the soul," the " offering of the soul," and other similar ex- pressions (especially in the LXX.), as if there was an identity between the soul and the blood, which is the life. This is the more striking, as there is never any such association between blood and spirit. Although, therefore, it is not possible to assign a local habitat to animal hfe, we may reason- ably suppose that as it is generally associated with the whole body of the living person, so it is particularly associated with the blood. Per- haps we may venture to adopt the expression that, as the body ia the shrine of life, so the blood is its vehicle. [III.] The use of blood in sacrifiee. This subject is treated of under the article Atonement. It need only be repeated here that the Divine "Word is very distinct on this point, " For the life of the flesh is in the blood; and I have given it to you upon the altar, to make an atonement for your souls : for it is the blood that maketh an atonement for the soul" [Lev. xvii. 11]. [IV.] The Blood of our Lord. But beyond such considerations as belong to blood in its rela- tion to the Hfe of animals and the salvation of man, it must also be remembered that it is espe- cially associated with the redeeming and sancti- fying work of our Lord. a] For, in the first place, the shedding of the blood of Christ is the typical act which marks the offering up of His life as a propitiatory and redeeming sacrifice : " Whom God hath set forth to be a propitiation through faith in His blood " [Eom. ui. 25] ; " Having made peace by the blood of His cross, by Him to reconcile aU things to Himself" [Col. i. 20]; "In whom we have redemption through His blood " [Eph. i. 7 ; Col. i. 14] ; " The Church of God, which He hath purchased with His own blood " [Acts xx. 28]. Nor is this view of the propitiatory effect of Christ's blood shedding restricted to the act ; for that effect is clearly represented as continuous : " By His own blood He entered in once into the holy place, having obtained eternal redemption for us" pHeb. ix. 12] ; and there He is seen as one " clothed with a vesture dipped in blood " [Eev. xix. 13], and is continually praised in the memorial hymn of His passion : " Thou wast slain, and hast redeemed us to God by Thy blood " [Eev. V. 9]. 61 In the ae second place, the blood of Christ is Body, Mystical Body, Natural Scriptuially represented as having a present rela- tion, as a cleansing power, to the spiritual nature of mankind : " How much more shall the hlood of Christ . . . purge your conscience from dead works to serve the living God" [Heh. ix. 14]; " Elect, according to the sprinkling of the hlood of Jesus Christ" [1 Pet. L 2]; "The blood of •Jesus Christ cleanseth us from all sin " [1 John i. 7], even that hlood, which, like His holy Body is transfigured hy its union with Divine Personality, so that the rohes of the saints may he washed therein, and "made white" hy its all cleansing power [Eev. vii. 14]. c] And thirdly, the same hlood of our Lord is set forth as having a present relation of life- giving power to the spiritual nature of mankind in all those passages which refer to His body and hlood as the means of sacramental hfe : " This is My Blood," said our Lord, as well as " This is My Body" [Matt. xxvi. 28, &c.]. "The cup of blessing which we bless," said St. Paul, " is it not the communion of the Blood of Christ " [1 Cor. X. 16]. And our Lord, again, in His clear prophetic words, " Whoso eateth My Flesh, and dritieth My Blood, hath eternal life : . . . for My Flesh is meat indeed, and My Blood is drink indeed " [John vi. 54, 55]. BODY, MYSTICAL. The union between Christ and Christians is of so real a nature, that the Church is called by St. Paul the Body of Christ — "for His Body's sake, which is the Church" [CoL i. 24]; "The Church, which is His Body, the fulness of Him that filleth aU in aU" [Eph. i. 23]; "For the perfecting of the saints, for the work of the ministry, for the edi- fying of the Body of Christ" [Eph. iv. 12]; " Now ye are the Body of Christ, and members in particular " [1 Cor. xii. 27] ; " For we are members of His Body, of His Flesh, and of His bones " [Eph. v. 30]. The truth of the Apostle's words, " This is a great mystery," is so seH- evident, that it is customary in speaking of the Church as Christ's Body to call it His " Mystical Body," as being a state of union and co-existence between Christ and Christians, which is to be be- lieved rather than explained. Nevertheless, the truth revealed in Holy Scripture and involved in this expression is that the spiritual life of Chris- tians is the life of Christ. He is sacramentaUy commimicated to and united with them, so that the Church is " the fulness," i.e. the comple- ment " of Him that filleth all in aU " [Chrysos. in Eph. i. 24]. Hence the Church is not only a congeries of material bodies and immaterial souls, it is also such a congeries united into one mysti- cal Body by the extension to and penetration of aU by the living and Hfe-giving Christ. BODY, NATUEAL. The theological aspect of the human body, in its relation to sin and hnhness, will be found in another article [Asceti- cism]. It is only necessary here to consider the theological aspect of its original and of its exist- ing material condition. [I.] Its Creation. The only knowledge which we possess respecting the creation of the human tody is that which is derived from Holy Scrip- 90 ture. Scientific induction can carry the inquiry into its origin only as far as one or more proto- plasts, and beyond that point we are dependent on revelation, the testimony of which is substan- tially contained in Gen. i. 26, 27 ; ii. 7, 21-23 ; V. 1, 2. These several passages tell us that God created man " in the image of Grod ;" that He " formed man of the dust of the groimd," causing hiTTi to become a living soul by breathing into his nostrils the breath of Hfe; that He created human nature in two sexes ; and that the first woman was formed from the substance of the first man. From this account it is evident that the human body was not created out of nothing, but from a pre-existing substance. This is also re-stated in the subsequent words of God, " tiU thou return unto the ground ; for out of it wast thou taken : for dust thou art, and unto dust shalt thou re- turn" [Gen. ui. 19]. Some further evidence to the same purport is also found in the book of Job, "Remember, I beseech Thee, that Thou hast made me as the clay ; and wilt Thou bring me into dust again?" [Job x. 9] ; and also by the reference- of the prophet Jeremiah and St. Paul to the potter's work with clay when speaking of the creation of man by God [Jer. xviii. 6 ; Eom. ix. 20, 21]. "We must not, however, look on such a mode of creation from any anthropomorphic point of view. The continuous processes of natural action are ever transforming inorganic substances into plants ; but our Lord's wiU was enough in- stantaneously to transform the inorganic substance of water into the organic substance of wine. The first is an illustration of the intermediate process by which comminuted mineral matter is always being changed into bone, muscle, blood, &c. ; the second, of that Divine force by which intermediate processes are overleaped and superseded, and the simplest forms of matter changed into the most complex. In the creation of the human body, then, we are not to imagine the Creator as one standing before a mass of clay and moulding it into a man ; but with the eye of faith to regard Him as acting by His wUl upon the inert matter, so that it became at once an organized being, instead of by a long course of intermediate pro- cesses, and by assimilation. It is to be observed, as regards the creation of the first woman, that it was of a more intermedi- ate character than that of the first man. The substance of the woman's body was taken from the substance of the man's ; and whereas life was conveyed to the body of man by a direct commun- ication of it from God, it appears (from the ab- sence of anything to that effect in the narrative) not to have been so conveyed to the body of woman, but by a derivation of it from the life given to man. Thus " the woman " seems to have been "of the man" [1 Cor. xi. 12] as entirely as the child is "of" its parents: the material sub- stance and the life of the one organized living being coming from the material substance and life of another, instead of coming from the primal matter of the earth and the original Fountain of life. [II.] The Fall influenced the body of man as well as his soul. It was originally created with Body, Spiritual a capacity for immortality, which capacity was to become a possession and reality by its participa- tion of some food spoken of as the " tree of life," and of which traditions survived even outside of Eevelation, in the " ambrosia " and " nectar " of the Grecian mythology. It appears as if even the capacity for immortality was destroyed by the Fall ; but whether this were so or not, it is cer- tain that the means of immortality ceased to be within its reach, for man was no longer permitted to put forth his hand and take of the tree of life, and eat, and live for ever [Gen. iii. 22], but was driven out from its neighbourhood, and prevented from returning thither by supernatural hindrances [Gen. iii. 24]. There was probably a loss of corporeal beauty and vigour consequent upon the Fall. " Thou shalt die" was a sentence that extended itself over the whole course of each man's life, — " dying, thou shalt die." For death is the cbmax of a more or less prolonged disorganization of the body, and disease is death in its more or less interrupted or unimpeded stages of disorganization : "As soon as we were born we began to draw to our end " [Wisd. V. 13]. Nor does it seem probable that so momentous a change in the final capacity of the body should be imaccompanied by any proxi- mate change in beauty and vigour, even leaving out of the account that loss of the Image of God which may have involved the loss of a bodily perfection that was not again to be found until God Himself became Incarnate. A degeneration of the natural body seems there- fore to have been one inevitable result of the Fall of man, but no data exist by means of which we can form any estimate as to the extent to which such a degeneration took place. It is not unrea- sonable to suppose that the work of the Incarna- tion (which extends to the body so far, at least, as to give it capacities for holy living and for future resurrection) may have elevated our cor- poreal nature above the condition into which it was thus brought by the FaU, and in some measure have repaired the ensuing degeneration. But disease and death stiU maintain their hold over it, and perfection will be re-attained, not in the natural body which retains the capacity for dying, but in the spikitual body, to wMch the capacity for immortality will be restored. BODY, SPIEITUAL. In 1 Cor. xv. 44, St. Paul vraites respecting the external and organic part of our nature, that iii death " it is ■ sown a natural body," but that in the resurrec- tion, "it is raised a spiritual body:" and he emphasizes his words by adding, "There is a natural body" [o-m^ua -^xikov] " and there is a spiritual body" [crw/ia TrvevfjiaTiKov]. The lan- guage of the chapter in which these words occur is very precise and the argument close and exact, and there is no room for imagining either that the expression " spiritual body" is rhetorical, or that it contains any real contradiction of terms. Taking it in its literal sense the emphatic de- claration of the Apostle is an assertion that our nature will, in the resurrection, have something corresponding to its present external and oi^ganic 91 Breviary body, but of a much more attenuated and spirit ual substance. Angelic beings appear to have bodies of such a nature [Angels] : and the Body of our Lord appears to have undergone a change in its Eesurrection which made it the archetype of risen human bodies. [Ebsdbebotion.] It is evident that the organic nature of the human body is in a large degree adapted for a state of existence which there is every reason to think will not form part of future resurrection life. The functions connected with food, and with the reproduction of the species, are com- monly, and with good reason, supposed to be- long to this life only: and it is a reasonable coroUary that the organic systems framed for the operation of those functions will either [1] form no part of the nature which does not any longer require them, or [2] be in an undeveloped con- dition analogous to that of rudimentary Hmbs in the lower animals. On the other hand, the functions connected with thought and expression of thought may be expected to be highly de- veloped in a life, the intellectual sphere and capacities of which will be so much more ex- panded than those of the present life. And thus, without venturing further into speculation, it may not unreasonably be conjectured that the " spiritual body" will be a reproduction of such portions of our bodily nature as are associated with the operations of mind, as distingxushed from those which are associated with the opera- tions of matter. But the complete definition and distinction of these several portions is beyond the power of physiological science. BEEVIAEY. The late English form of the Latin name given in continental countries to the book containing the daily services of the Church. The ancient Latin equivalent in the Church of England was Poetiforium, which was translated by Portuis or Portess. The word Breviarium is of considerable antiquity, for it was in common use in the time of Micrologus, whose commentary on Divine Service was vraitten about a.d. 1180. It is supposed to have been formed from Breve Orarium, and it may have been introduced when St. Benedict condensed and shortened the daily offices for his rule, that is, in the sixth century [Grancolas, p. 5, ed. 1734]. The Breviary is a collection of the Psalms, Lessons, Prayers and Hymns which form " the Hours," that is the daily offices of Divine Service as distinct from the Liturgy. There is a much greater variety of Breviaries than of Missals in the Western Church, but they are reducible to four principal classes, viz., the Eoman, the Galilean, the Mozarabic, and the Anglican. There was fonnerly also a great variety of Monastic Breviaries, derived from that constructed for his order by St. Bene- dict. For detailed accounts of the various Breviaries the reader is referred to the volume on Liturgies, which forms part of this series. The fullest and most satisfactory historical work on the Breviary is the Commentarms Historicus in Romanum Breviarium of Grancolas, printed in French in the year 1728, and in this Latin trans- lation (probably bytheoriginal author)inA.D. 1734. Brief BRIEF. An official document issued by the Pope ; and generally ■with refeience to matters of temporary importance, rather than, as BiMs, for those of a permanent character. Briefs hegia ■with the name of the Pope by ■whom they are issued, e.g., "Pius Papa IX.," are signed by the Cardinal Secretary of State, and are dated from the Nativity. They axe ■written in modem characters, on fine parchment; and are sealed with the Pope's signet-ring called the " Seal of the Fisherman," from its design, ■which is that of St. Peter dra^wing his net to land. [Bull. Chirograph.] BEIEF, EOYAL. [Alms.] BUDDHISM. A system partly religious and plulosophical, but maiidy social and philanthrop- ical, ■which emerged from the bosom of Indian Brahmanism, according to Chinese authorities, about B.C. 1000, according to Indian about B.c. 600. [I.] Antecedents. In the fifteenth or sixteenth century B.C., the Brahmans, a branch of the -white Aryans, migrated from the north-^west into Hin- dustan, ■where they found a more numerous race of coloured and more barbarous aborigines. Amongst the immigrants the sacerdotal families, and the royal or noble class, ■were already distiuct from the people at large ; and the fixed position of inferiority in ■which the aborigines stood to the immigrants as a ■whole extended gradually ia its measure to the inferior class of the latter. The result ■was the most rigid system of caste ■which the ■world has ever kno-wn : the priests and nobles formiug a coalition to oppress the two inferior castes, ■with an inhumanity unparalleled in history. Intermarriage -was forbidden, and the perpetuity of the caste distinctions carefully inculcated. Parallel ■with the social inferiority of the two lower castes grew up a religious one. The polytheistic nature-worship of the Brahmans, in their original seats, gradually gave way, among the more educated classes, to an esceedii^ly ■vi^vid notion of one Infinite and Eternal Spirit, in com- parison -with whose perfections the individual life of man seemed mean and miserable. To be rid of personality, the form and condition of earthly existence, was thus the supreme object of desire. From the lower people, however, to whom life was (not merely theoretically) a scene of misery, this doctrine of a Supreme Spirit, in whom the individual might look to lose himself and find rest, was carefdly concealed : they stUl believed in the gods and demons, and in an endless series of states of existence through which the soul was continually migrating. [II.] Buddha! s reform mainly consisted 1, in a slight modification of the doctrine of absorp- tion ; 2, in the extension to all the people of that which had hitherto been the monopoly of the instructed j and 3, in a philanthiopical revolu- tion founded upon the principle of the equality of all men. a] His life falls into four periods. Bom of a royal family in the east of Hindustan, he lived for the first twenty-nine years in the luxury and magnificence of his father's court. At the end of that time he "awakened" (Buddha =" the a- 92 Buddhism wakened ") to the transitoriness and unreality of earthly existence, and went forth as a beggar to study in the schools of the Brahman priests. Dissatisfied ■with their doctrines, he -withdrew into the forests for seven years to meditate, at the end of which he began a lufe of preaching, mortification, and philanthropy, which continued fbi forty-eight years, until his death in b.c. 543. 6] The doctrine of Buddha is a development of the foUo-wing four principles : — 1, Every kind of existence is transitory and painful; 2, aU existence is the result of passion in some pre^vdous form of existence ; therefore 3, the extinction of passion is the one means to escape from existence and from the misery which is inseparable from it; hence 4, all obstacles to this extinction of existence must be eliminated. By existence is meant that separation from the general Being of the world which is involved in individual life and in the opposition of the subject which thinks, and the object which is thought about ; by extinction of existence is meant, not so much annihilation, as the becoming one ■with Nature, in which that form of consciousness which separates subject and object is done away. This extinction Buddha called " the blo^wing out of the lamp " {Nirvdna), which does not neces- sarily imply the annihilation of consciousness altogether, but only of a finite form of conscious- ness, which may be as the light of a lamp to the light of day. Of God he does not seem to have spoken, nor to have identified NirvSna ■with the Brahmanic absorption into the Divine essence. Of the gods of the people he says that they are, Kke men, subject to the law of Metempsychosis, or transmigration through an endless series of states of existence, and axe therefore unworthy to be worshipped, because they are unable to deliver. Hence it would be incorrect to call Buddha either a theist or an atheist : he simply describes a state of absolute repose as an escape from the popular Metempsychosis, which is susceptible either of a theistic or an atheistic interpretation, but which he did not himself refer in any way to the idea of God. This Nirvana may be attained by all. "As there is no difference between the body of a prince and that of a beggar, so there is none between their spirits. Every man alike is capable of coming to a knowledge of the trath, and to work out his own emancipation, if he but vyUl to do so." The means to this are the extinction of passion, the surrender of the dearest wishes, of property, of the bai-est necessities, even of life itself, for the sake of others. All hindrances to this end, which each would try to remove from his own way, he must try to remove from the path of others. Of these the principal are the laws, rites, and institutions of Brahmanism. Secondly, no Buddhist may do harm to another, by which his attainment of per- fection may be hindered. Kindness, compas&ion, gentleness, pity, love, toleration are to be shewn by Buddhists, not only to each other but to alL Thirdly, the planting of trees, diggmg of wells, Buddhism Bull the building of public places of shelter and rest, and the general amelioration of the life of the people, complete the simple code of ethics. c] His institutions. The practice of philan- thropy, however, wiU not by itself lead to Nir- v3,na : whilst the higher asceticism is unattainable by the majority of men. This led Buddha to divide his community into two orders, the laity, who practised the former, and who, although not escaping the fate of Metempsychosis, might hope to attain some higher state of existence, in which the practice of asceticism would be more possible; and the clergy, who applied themselves whoUy to working out their own emancipation, supported by alms and the contributions of the laity. The clerical order was open to aU, even to women who were strong enough to practise the necessary mortifications ; and from it any might recede who felt themselves too weak. The principal duties of the clergy were public preaching, open con- fession before the community, and the cenobitic life. In the course of time an ascending scale of degrees in perfection gave rise to an elaborate hierarchy culminating (in Thibet) in a kind of pope, the Grand Lama. [III.] The sjyread of Buddhism was remarkably rapid. The nucleus of the community, which was destined to supplant the Brahmanic system of caste, was composed of persons from the lowest of the people, "the weary and -heavy laden;" this was soon joined by some of the priests, glad to be relieved from the painful study of the Vedas, and by several members of the noble and royal caste, who seized the opportunity of reliev- ing themselves from the oppressive tutelage of the priests. The new doctrine seems to have spread first — a] In the riarth-west of Hindudan, where Brah- manism had never taken deep root. Crossing the border, it found favour with the descendants of Alexander and the Greek populations ; through them it passed on to Alexandria, where it exer- cised an important influence upon the growth of Neo-Platonic philosophy. It left its mark, too, on Manichseism and some of the Gnostic schools. 6] In Hindustan generally about the third cen- tury B.C. This is known from the stone-inscrip- tions of King Piyadasi, which are found in the east, north and middle of the country, and which contain the chief rules of Buddhist morals. It began to decline about the seventh century a.d., and was soon driven, with fire and sword, out of the country in the eighth. A remnant, however, is still found in the south-west. c] In Ceylon it took root very early ; and the Cingalese sacred books are some of the most reliable authorities for the early history of the move- ment. 6[\ In Inner Asia, China and Thibet, Buddhism spread in the second century e.g., where it at- tained its most perfect hierarchical development in the eighth and ninth a.d. From China it penetrated to Japan, from Ceylon (probably) into Burmah and Siam, Java and the Indian Archipelago, though at what date is un- certain. At present it forms the almost exclusive 93 religion of between one-fifth and one-fourth of the whole human race. [rV.] Collateral Effects. 1. As a kind of refor- mation, it reacted upon the old Brahmanic re- ligion, which soon purified itself of human sacri- fice and the more barbarous parts of its ceremonial; many obscenities of custom disappeared ; and the old Polytheism partly gave way before a modifica- tion of the doctrine of the One Infinite Being. The festival of Juggernaut, during which aU dis- tinction of caste ceases, and Buddhist symbols are used, marks the necessity which the Brahmans were under of retaining some relics of Buddhism, as they were of classing Buddha himself among the Avatars of their god Vishnu. 2. Bud(Uiism may be said to be the parent of Indian architec- ture, which, though based at first on Greek models, soon assumed a character of its own, as is seen in the enormous temples, especially the celebrated one on the west coast of India. Eever- ence for their founder, too, developed an historical sense and accuracy, which, e.g., in the Cingalese historians, compares very favourably with that of the Brahmans. 3. The effect of the new reli- gion upon the Mongols was that of turning into mild and peaceable people one of the most bloodthirsty races of Asia. [v.] Deterioration. The utter absence of any other object of worship, and the reverence for his work of emancipation, soon led to the worship of Buddha himself, and to the obscuration of his name by an overgrowth of miracles and legends. The same causes led to the veneration of his reHcs; and the erection of reliquary towers is supposed by some to have given the first idea of church towers to Christian art. [VI.] Points of contact teith Christianity. The absence of any theological element in Buddhism distinguishes it toto cwlo from Christianity. But there are many external points of similarity which a weU-prepared missionary might turn to account. Like Christianity, Buddhism stood in opposition to a law and ceremonial which had become a hard taskmaster ; like Christianity, too, it afforded a relief to the "weary and heavy laden," by call- ing away the mind to the spiritual world, and, on the other hand, by the doctrine of the brother- hood of all classes and nations of men. The philanthropy of the one is very like that of the other ; and the moral ideal, gentleness, meekness, long-suffering, compassion, love, is common to both. A Eoman Catholic missionary would also find analogies in the monastic orders, the celibacy and tonsure of the clergy, the use of rosaries, the veneration of reHcs, &c. It might also be possible for one well-versed in the Pauline method of evangelization [Acts xvii. 23] so to interpret both the doctrine of Nirvana and the cultus of Buddha as to be able to buUd them up gradually into the Christian faith. [Consult Weber's In- disahe Studien, Skizzen und Seifen; Max MuUer's Chips, &c., i. 9 and 10 ; St. HUaire, Le Bouddha.'] BULL. The highest kind of official and autho- ritative document which is issued by the Pope. The name is derived from the " Bulla," or leaden Burial of the Dead Burial of the Dead seal with which the document is authenticated. This is struck &om a double die, which is kept in great secrecy at the Camellaria, and is attached to the document by a cord of hemp (or of silk in more important cases) in the manner ia which seals were always attached in mediaeval times. Bulls are engrossed on strong rough parchment, and always begin with the fonnula " [Pius IX.] Episcopus, Servus Servorum Dei, ad futuram," or " ad perpetuam rei memoriam." They are signed by the functionaries of the Papal Chancery, and are dated from the Incarnation. [Chieogbaph. BuiaiAL OF THE DEAD. In aU nations, and from the earliest times, the burial of the dead has been attended with importance. On political as well as theological grounds this has been neces- sary. The interment of the body in the ground is the most ancient and most general, but not the universal practice. The cave of Machpelah is the first instance named of a special place for burial [Gen. xxiii. 4-9]. As this cave was purchased by Abraham for himself and his descendants, so it became a special direction with the dying pa- triarchs that they should be buried there. The solemn funeral of Jacob [Gen. 1.] was conducted after the Egyptian manner. The body of Joseph also was embalmed and put in a coffin. The spicery and bahn and myrrh carried by the Ish- maeUtes into Egypt was used for these embalm- ings. The place of burial was held sacred, and the graves of illustrious men or of dear friends were selected by the hving as the scene of their own burial [1 Kings xiii. 31]. The passages in the Old Testament which have been thought to shew that the Jews occasionally burned dead bodies appear to refer only to the burning of spices on the bodies [1 Sam. xxxi. 12 ; 2 Chron. xvi. 14, xxi. 19 ; Jer. xxxiv. 5]. Nor has the rite of burning the dead ever been practised among Christians. The attempted revival of the practice in France, towards the end of the last century, met with little favour. The care bestowed by the ancient Jews on funereal rites shews the belief in a future resurrection, and in the immortality of the sold. It was a pious work to buiy the dead, even of the enemy [Tob. i. 17 ; 2 "Kings ix. 34 ; Ezek. xxxix. 14, 15j. And an unseemly burial was regarded as a great disgrace [Jer. viii. 2 ; xxii. 19; Eccles. vi. 3; 2 Mace. v. 10]. Frequent reference occurs in Holy Scripture to the burial customs of the heathen axound [Deut. xiv. 1 ; Ps. cvi. 28; Lev. xix. 27, 28; Jer. xvL 6-8]. Hired women to mourn seem always to have at- tended Jewish funerals [Jer. is. 17, 18; Amos V. 16]. In the time of oui Saviour we find the use of spices continued [Matt. xxvL 12 ; John xix. 40] ; and from the instances of the widow's son at Nain, Lazarus, and our Lord Himself, we may gather that coffins were not used. The care and attention bestowed upon the dead by the early Christians did not escape the notice of their heathen persecutors. They attempted to aggra- vate the last hours of the martyrs by threatening them with dishonourable burial In many cases this was intended to prevent the honour paid to 94 their memory and the meetings aroimd their tombs. But Diocletian and Maximian tolerated the burial of martyrs.^ From the earliest times burial near martyrs was accounted honourable, and Christians had their cemeteries separate from the GentUes.* Some heretics, when in power, refused burial to the Catholics. At first the dead were buried anywhere. The Christians conformed to the Pagan laws regarding extramural interments.' Monuments were erected by the highway. Baronius names forty-three burial-places in the suburbs of Eome,* and gives a description of one discovered in his time [c. a.d. 1578]. In the fourth century, laws and rulers be- ing alike Christian, martyriawere erected over these burial-places. In general the extension of the boundaries of a city would by degrees include those Kot/iijTij/Dta which had been at first outside. Gradually interments were allowed inside a church. The first Council of Braga [a.d. 563], allows men to be buried in churchyards ; the first concession was to kings and emperors, who might be buried in the porch ; and laymen were expressly forbid- den to be buried in church at the Council of Tribur [a.d. 811]. This was permitted at the Council of Mentz [a.d. 813].° The earliest men- tion of consecration of cemeteries is by Gregory of Tours [a.d. c. 570]. As soon as persecutions ceased the Christians used hymns and psalmody at their funerals, and from Chrysostom we learn some that were so used." They were chosen to express joy and thanksgiving ; not sorrow, as of men without hope. Burials were always by day ; but lighted torches were used. Some ftmeral orations over eminent persons are stUl extant. Flowers also were strewn over the grave. Martyrs were buried in ecclesiastical vestments. There has never been any alteration in the custom of placing the body on its back, and with the feet to the east. We find very early evidence of a set body of men who made the proper conduct of funerals their special care [see also Acts v. 6, viii. 2]. The KOTrtorot, laborantes, fossarii, were orders who undertook the whole care of funerals, and, from the poor, required no payment. They worked for their living. Fees for burials were regarded at first as a kind of simony, but the custom of accepting them is of ancient date. Pope Gregory attempted to suppress the custom.' An epitaph given by Baronius [a.d. 618] has the amount paid for the sepulchre named : " sohdos vi. depositus." In the ninth century, some claimed 1 Bar. 302, xxx. ^ Cypr. Ep. 67 : quoted Bax. iii. 258, 4 Cyprian ac- cuses Martialis of having buried his sons among the Gentiles : — Quibus plane significatur, Christianos a Gen- tnibus sepulchra discreta habere solitoa, nefasque faisse se illis post obitum commiscere a quibus viventes abhor- ruissent. ' Laws of the Twelve Tables, Cio. de Legg. ii. 58 ; quoted by Bingham. * Bar. 226, ix. ' Nullus mortuus infra ecolesiam sepeliatur, nisi epis- copi, aut abbates, aut digni presbyteri, aut fideles laioi. ° Ps. xvi. xxiii. lix. Chrys. Horn,, i. ' Noveris nos illicitam antiquam consnetudinem a nostra eeclesia omnino vetuisse, nee cuiquam assensum prsebere ut loca humandi corporis pretio adipisci Greg. Burial of the Dead Burial of the Dead hereditary rights of interment in France, after the example of the Patriarchs. The Council of Meaux [a.d. 845] forbade it. Leo III. was the first to sanction it [c. a.d. 1230]. Some of OUT reformers wished to aholish the custom as a corruption. The solemn rites at burials have often been whoUy suspended at times of great epidemics. And not only so, but the bodies themselves have been interred immediately in any coiu venient place. It was so at Eome, a.d. 746. It was so in England, in the seventeenth century.^ Burial with solemnity was refused to catechimiens dying in voluntary neglect of Holy Baptism ; to suicides, " biathanati ;" to the excommunicated ; and to those executed for their crimes, who were regarded as contributing to their own deaths. A similar discipline in the Church of England forbids the rites of Christian burial to be used over " any that die unbaptized, or excommunicate, or have laid violent hands upon themselves." Burial Ofiices have always partaken of a two- fold character ; first, a solemn committal of the body iuto the keeping of God; and, secondly, prayer and praise, in which the deceased is recog- lused as still a member of Christ's Church. With the first have been associated many minor customs, such as the use of incense, fiowers, and holy water, the true object of which is that of symbohiing the quasi-conseeration of the dead bodies of Christians as sacred to God. With the second, all that array of psalm, hymn, and anthem, by which are expressed not only the sadness of the mourner, but the faith both of the living and the departed that the grave and gate of death lead to the peace of Paradise and the glory of a joyful resurrection. Hence Christian burials have the natiu'e of thanksgivings not less than that of sorrow; and the highest act of ^ At Eyam, in Derbyshire, where the plague was very severe, are still to be seen graves in the middle of a field far distant from the church. In the register of Peter- borough parish church we iind iuteiments in very unusual places, as "the fenwash," "the wood grounds," "the pest-house," a "close," an "orchard," and sometimes in "their yard." This was in 1666. The letter "P" is often placed against plague biuials in the registers. thanksgiving, the offering of the Holy Eucharist, is frequently used as part of the Office (if, indeed, the Burial Office is not essentially part of an Eucharistic one) in token of the relations which stiU exist between the departed and the living, the departed and Christ. Such offices were anciently used on other days as well as on the day of burial, the " month' s-mind " and the " year's-mind " representing memorial services ivhich were known even to the primitive Church. " Lay this body anywhere," said Monica to her son St. Augustine, "let not the care for that any way disquiet you ; this only I request, that, wherever you are, you vrill remember me at the altar of the Lord" [Aug. Oonf. ix. 11]. One of the superstitions of the Puritans was that of omitting ^1 rehgious services at the burial of the dead, and some Protestant sects still lay their dead silently in unconsecrated ground. " They would have no minister to bury their dead, but the corpse to be brought to the grave, and there put in by the clerk, or some other honest neighbour, and so back again without any more ado" [Cosin's Works, v. 168]. Such a superstitious disuse of prayer, praise, and thanks- giving, is well combated by Hooker, with whose words \Eee. Polit. V. 75, iv.] this article may conclude : " But whatsoever the Jew's custom was before the days of our Saviour Christ, hath it once at any time been heard of, that either Church or Christian man of sound belief did ever judge this a thing unmeet, indecent, unfit for Chris- tianity, tin these miserable days, wherein, under the colour of removing superstitious abuses, the most effectual means both to testify and to strengthen true religion are plucked at, and in some places pulled up by the very roots ? Take away this, which was ordained to shew at burials the peculiar hope of the Church of God con- cerning the dead, and in the manner of those dumb funerals, what one thing is there whereby the world may perceive we are Christian men ?" [Pbatbes fob the Dead. GresweU on the Burial Office, 2 vols, 1836. Blunt's AnTiotated Booh of Common Prayer.] 95 CABBALA. The Cabbala, or mystical theoso- phy of Judaism, means " that wbich has been re- ceived," the term being derived from " cabal," to receive. It is the correlative of "masora," tradition, from " masar," to deliver. The Masora was freely deKvered by tbe Eabbi to his pupils ; tbe Cab- bala was a " disciplina arcani," and the utmost re- serve was to be observed in communicating a knowledge of it. It was received therefore by a few only wbo were termed MekubbaHm. This reserve may account for the otherwise strange fact that the existence of the Cabbala was generally un- known to the learned tOl the Middle Ages. Yet the Tr. Chagiga of the TaJmud repeatedly notices some such system of apocryptic mys- ticism. A book " Jetsir^" is mentioned in either Talmud ; and a commentary on the existing work has come down to us from the tenth cen- tury. The Jetsira therefore, and in substance the Zohar, are probably intended where the Mishna lays it down that the history of Genesis may not be explained to two persons at once ; the " Chariot," i.e. the throne of Ezekiel's vision, not even to one, unless he be a man of approved wisdom, to whom a summary of the chapters may be imparted [Chagiga, § 1]. Allusion is here made to the two most ancient Cabbalistic works, Genesis, or the history of the physical creation, and the " Chariot," or metaphysics and mystical theology. The first is the book known as the Jetsira, the compilation of which is ascribed to Eabbi Akiba, [a.d. 120], and the second is the Book Zohar, of which Eabbi Simon ben Jochai, of the same period, is the reputed author; Zohar meaning " brightness" [Dan. xii. 3]. Of Akiba it is said [Chagiga, § 2J that of four doctors who entered Paradise, i.e. gained an intimate knowledge of the Cabbala, one died for his temerity, a second lost his reason, a third " committed ravages in the plan- tations," i.e. became a rationalist; while Akiba alone entered in peace and came forth in safety. It is said that Eabbi Hanina wrought miracles by means of the Book Jetsira, some form of which therefore existed in the reign of Trajan, when that Eabbi Uved. More ancient Cabbalistic works were known, to the compilers of the Talmud which have not come down to us, and whi jh were written in the time of Herod the Great. The Jetsira also mentions more ancient Cabbalistic authorities. Like the Mishna it is divided into six sections. Doubts have been raised with respect to the antiquity of the Zohar, the sequel of Jetsira, and 9C the principal work of Cabbalistic authority. It comprises the greater Zohar, which, as a mystical commentary on the book Genesis, has but little in reference to the text ; and the lesser Zohar, formed of the Sifra de Zeniutha, or Book of Mysteries; the Idra Eabba, or Great Assembly, in which Simon ben Jochai indoctrinates his ten dis- ciples ; and the Idra Sota, or Lesser Assembly, where the surviving seven are gathered around the death- bed of their instructor. There are also fifteen minor fragments, completing the number eighteen. The Zohar has been ascribed to Moses of Leon, a Spanish Jew of the thirteenth century. Yariety of style however, and the disjointed character of its contents, shew that it has been the growth of ages. The language generally indicates the ver- nacular dialect of Palestine of the two first cen- turies, with more or less of Syriac colouring in particular portions. It is not written in the Arabized dialect of rabbinical literature, neither is it tinged with the Aristotelian philosophy of Islam. Altogether, internal evidence leads to the conclusion that it was compiled in the Tanaite period ; probably, as already said, by Simon ben Jochai, A.D. 125, who embodied ancient Cabbala, which by subsequent interpolation have reached nearly two thousand pages octavo. Both the Jetsira and Zohar are alluded to by Maimonides [Moreh Nev., pr.]. The Cabbala was of foreign growth. The Baby- lonian exile determined the intellectual as well as the religious bearings of the Jewish people. Seed was then cast upon the waters that may yet bear its crop in emancipation from spiritual bondage. TTillel's mode of dealing with precepts that had been rendered impossible by lapse of time and change of circumstances is capable of indefinite extension. [See Hillel.] The Cabbala, as will be shown, supplied elements to Gnosticism in the second century ; and it is only fair to suppose that the unsettled condition of Judaism at that period caused many Jews to join the Gnostic party, who afterwards became Christians. The theosophy of the Cabbala, as a corrective of Tahnudism, served in the middle of the last century to bridge over the abyss that separates Judaism from Christianity; and some thousands of Jews passed over it as Zoharites to adopt the faith of Christ. The Cabbala contains many points of Trinitarian analogy, strange to the general spirit of Judaism, that may facilitate a yet more extensive transfer of allegiance at some Cabbala Cabbala future date, that shall truly be as " life from the dead" [Eom. xi. 15]. The origin of the Cabbala has been satisfac- torily traced back by Franck \La Cahbale, 353- 390] to Babylon. It is therefore antecedent to Tahnudism, with which however it has flowed on in parallel course ; many of the most eminent doctors of the Talmud having been adepts at the same time in Cabbalistic lore. But there are pouits of antagonism between the religious con- stitutions of the former and the theosophy of the latter system. The anthropomorphism of the Old Testament often becomes dowm'ight irreverence in the Talmud. The Cabbala attempts a corrective of such views. As Pythagoras, deriving his principles from Babylon [Beausobre, H. Manich. i. 31 ; Franck, La Gahhale, p. 356], guarded against material notions of the Divine Substance by veiling it under arithmetical abstractions ; so the Cabbalistic theology is based on a numerical system that can have nothing anthropomorphic about it. The units up to ten, and the twenty-two letters, each of which in Hebrew is a numerical sym- bol, form the thirty-two " marvellous tracts of wis- dom" on which the Cabbala is buUt. This number of twenty-two may be observed to be composed of the mystical elements, 3 -i- 7 + 12 ; i.e. the triad -i- (the triad -i- tetrad) -i- (the triad x tetrad). On the sum of thirty-two the Infinite " ha'th founded His Name," and by its virtue man has power to con- trol and arrest the course of nature. The ten Seph- iroth are as the fingers ; five correlatives of five, and bound together by the mean of unity. Thus the properties of numbers, always curious, have a Divine relation in this system ; words also whose letters sum equal products are mutual equiva- lents. Metatron, another name for the personified Wisdom of the Deity, and so called as being in 3losest union with the Supreme Throne [fiera Opovov, Franck, 60], is identified [Sanh. 38 b.] with the Divine Name Shadai ; the letters of, either word summing by Gem atria (geometriee) 314, which also numbers Euach K., the Holy Spirit. The words of the Law veil the iimer meaning. The mystical doctrine is the living body, of which the text is the outer garment. The letter N occur- ring six times in the first and in the last verse of the Old Testament, shews that the world's duration will be six thousand years. The first word, B'reshith, sums 913, and the same number is found in "B'thorah yatsar," "by the Law He formed;" therefore the Law existed before all, and by it aU things were created. The letters in the two first words of Genesis, B'reshith bara, sum 1116, therefore, since the same product is found in "B'rosh hashanah nibra" = "in the beginning of the year was created," the creation of the world dates from the autumnal equinox. A more remarkable exegesis of Gematria is the identifica- tion of " ShUoh " with the Messiah, since " Jabo Shiloh" [Gen. xlix. 10]^ and "Messiah" alike sum 358. The Absolute,' Ein Soph, is numeri- cally identical with, Atn, light, both summing 207. Again the letters had a mystical relation by the permutation termed Ath-Bash [b'^-DK], where- 97 by the first and last letters of the alphabet are interchanged, the second and penultimate, the thjjd and ante-penultimate, and so forth by regular progression tUl the middle terms are rciiched. The system is termed "Temura" or Permutation, and was doubtless invented as the means of carrying on secret correspondence in times of difficulty. The Targum makes use of it as an hermeneutical mean. Thus the name Sheshach [Jer. xxv. and li. 41] is rendered Babel, the second letter of the alphabet, Beth, replacing the penultimate Shin, and the two middle letters being interchanged according to rule. " The heart of them that rise up against me" [Leb Kami, Jer. li. 1] is resolved into " Chasdim," the Chalda^ans, the exiled prophet not caring to speak out plaualy. It is remarkable that Jerome re- ceived this latter interpretation from his rabbin- ical instructor [Oomm. in Jer.^, and liashi knew no other meaning for the words. It may be noted here that the Temura was adopted by the Gnostic Marcus, who identified the various portions of the human body in Aletheia with the elements of the alphabet. The head is a and w, the neck /3 and y, &c. [Iren. i. 134, Ed. Cambr.]. Many such points of analogy between the Cabbala and Gnosticism may be seen in the Cod. Nazar. [Ed. Norberg.] By another Temura the alphabet is divided into two halves, the first being commu table with the twelfth letter, the second with the thirteenth, and so on. Thus Tabeel [Isa. vii. 6] is identified with Eamla, king of Israel. " Notarikon " was another Cab- balistic device, whereby a mystical meaning was obtained from the initial letters of words, as by a notary's abbreviations. So a metempsychosis of souls being a tenet of the Cabbala, since Adam is formed of the initials of Adam, David, Messiah, therefore the soul of Adam was transfused into David, and was destined to be the soul of the Messiah. The first word of Genesis denotes the entire material universe, as giving the initials of " He created the Firmament, the Earth, the Heaven, the Sea, the Abyss." Christians have copied this industrious trifling, and have found in the same word the initials of " Ben, Euach, Ab, Sheloshah yechidah thamah," "Son, Spirit, Father; the three a perfect unity." Let it be observed, however, that the same mystical ex- pansion is noted in the Idra Sota [c. 8], where "Binah," or understanding, the second of the Sephiroth, is identified by its component letters with "i," the ni.asculine termination, "ah," femi- nine termination, and "Ben," i.e. "father, mother, and son." The spirit is always a feminine noun in Aramaic dialects. Hence it is the " prima foe- muaa" of Gnosticism. [See Note i. 223, Irenaeus, Cambr. ed.] The initials of the words [Deut. XXX. 12] " who shall go up for us to heaven," give the Cabbahstic response, "MUah," circumcision. The word Macoabee seems to be doubly Cabba- listic. It is formed by "Notarikon" from the initials of "Mi CamokaBelohim Jehovah," "Who is like unto thee, Lord, among the gods 1" By " Gematria" also it supplies a dynastic appellative for the Senate [2 Mace. i. 10, iv. 44, xi. 27] or Cabbala Elders [1 Mace. i. 26, xii. 6, v. 16, xiv. 9], the Sanhedrim or governing body after the Captivity, which was a revival of the Seventy Elders [Num. xi. 25; compare 2 Chron. xix. 8-11], with the addition of a "Prince" President and "Father of the House of Judicature," or V. President ; the representatives of Moses and Aaron [Tahn. Sotah, 24, a]. The numerical value of the letters oan exactly sums this constituent body of seventy- two members. [Sanhedrim.] These matters, however, only touch the surface of the Cabbala. The Septuagint translators oc- casionally betray a knowledge of the Cabbala. Thus they evade the declaration of the Hebrew text that the elders saw the Supreme Being [Exod. xxiv. 9. 10], by saying they saw the place [toitov, Mak6m] of His appearance. The " train" of His robe [Isa. vi. 1] is rendered "His glory." If Moses spoke with the Eternal " face to face," the LXX. adds that it was iv ci'Set [Numb. xii. 8]. The Lord of Hosts, as having too close a resemblance to the "Aprjs of Greek mythology, becomes the Lord God of spiritual powers, Sui/ayuewv. The most remarkable Messianic prophecy in the Book of Psalms is made square with Cabbalistic prin- ciple, where the generation of the Word is described as antecedent to that of the heavenly bodies, €k yacTT/DOS TTiio e(iia4>6pov iyivvrj(ja ere [Psa. CX. 3]. In speaking of the creation of man it is not said, according to the Hebrew original [Gen. i. 27], " male and female created he them," but aiTTov, " him ; " in accordance with the " arrhenothele " character of the ideal man of the Cabbala. So the Talmud, "when the Almighty created the first Adam, he made him androgynous." The formation of the world is not spoken of as an act of " creation," but as a manifestation to the senses, KaTaSei^is, the Cabbala being essentially pan- theistic and teaching the Spinozist doctrine that unity is the universe, and the universe unity, " Eins ist aUes ; und AUes ist oins." Matter is no second principle. Again, where the Hebrew text [Deut. xxxii. 8] says that Jehovah " set the bounds of the people according to the number of the children of Israel," the LXX. has " of the angels of God," and the variation is explained by the Cabbala, which makes seventy to be the number of the nations on earth, each stock having its tutelary angel, whUe the Lord HimseK is the guardian of Israel, as the Son of Sirach says [Ecclus. xvii. 17]. This book throughout is largely indebted to the Cabbala, and more particularly in its personification of the Divine Wisdom as the first evolved of the Sephir- oth, the Philonic Logos [xxiv. 3], personally present as Jehovah of old in the " cloudy pillar " [lb. 4] ; the intermediate WiU between the Supreme Being and the world of matter; the Supreme Being having evolved the Word, and the Word the visible creation. If inferences thus supplied may be followed, the starting-point of the Cabbala would seem to be somewhere ante- cedent to the LXX. translation, and to the time of the Son of Sirach. It had taken hold of the Jewish mind before the birth of our Lord. The Targum of Onlielos, in its avoidance of anthropo- 98 Cabbala morphic statement, by substituting the Word foi the impersonation of Jehovah ; in its mysticism ; and in its application of the Temura as a mean of exegesis, indicates Cabbalistic principle [Franck, 67]. The Jewish exorcists [Acts xix. 14], sons of Sceva, an high priest, practised in aU probability the occult arts of the Cabbala. PhUo exhibits full traces of Cabbalistic prin- ciple [Franck, Gabh. iii. 3]. The Gnosticism of the two first centuries is only a theosophical de- velopment of it Ysx the systems of Simon Magus [Hippol. Philosophum, vi. 18], Menander, Cerin- thus, in answer to whom St. John wrote his Gos- pel [Hieron. in Joh.'], Carpocrates, the Ophites [Hippol. Phil. V. 6, 7], and the Maroosians, the two latter being most evident plagiarisms from the Cabbala [Iren., lib. i.]. There are such strong points of resemblance between the Avesta and the Jewish Cabbala, as to confirm the opinion that the latter had its rise in Babylon during the Captivity; Zoroaster having been engaged in remodelling the Persian religion at Babylon dur- ing the last ten or twenty years of the exile [D'A. Duperron, Vie de Zoroastre, ii. 67]. And as the Zend resembles in its structure the Sanscrit, so the Zoroastrian notions themselves may be the reproductions of thought that grew up in the Punjab, or were imported thither from central Asia in the earliest days. [Z. Av., Spiegel; D'An- quetil Duperron; Kleuken ; Westergaard, Copen- hagen.] The Zoroastrian system supposed a first prin- ciple of " eternal duration " [Zeruane Akerene] or " boundless space " to have existed in neutral solitude, and to have contained within itseK the germ of antagonizing principles, light and dark- ness. Ormuzd and Ahriman, light and shade, good and evU, were first evolved. Ormuzd, seated on a throne of primal light, and, as some sects said, in human form,' put forth the creative Word, Hono ver, whereby the worlds were made, and which was to the emanative source as soul is to body [Zend Av. ii. 138, 415, Duperron]. This Word is the mediator between the Absolute and created substance, emanating from the Eternal, containing within itself the source and type of all perfections, with power to reproduce them in other beings. It is spirit and it is body — spirit as being the very soul of Ormuzd, and body as mani- festing to the senses the law and substance of the universe. Compare now the first creative impulse of the Cabbalistic theory. Here the first inscrutable Principle is the Ancient of Ancients, Mystery of Mysteries, the Indefinite, the Bythus of the Gnostic system, that can oidy be expressed by the interrogative " Ml," who 1 First, when the creative act was determined, Adam Cadmon came forth, the ideal form of man, created after the Divine image, the very substance of the ten attributes, or Sephiroth, from which the universe was evolved. As in the Persian system, he is all glorious with light ; his robe is of dazzling white- ness ; the pure rays for ever streaming from his head give light to 400,000 worlds, which he called into existence from his throne or " chariot" ' Hyde, de Vet. Eel. Pers. p. 298. Cabbala Cabbala (Mercaba = Si/3os). Every day 13,000 new wrorlds spriBg into existence as emanations from bis idteUigence. That the idea of Infinity con- necting him with the Ein Soph may be repre- sented in the Creator of the material world, he is termed the Tall of Aspect, in length equal to 3,700,000 worlds. Tims the Cahhala, in its desire to correct the anthropomorphism of Jewish thought, has only created a more gigantic form of it. As in the Persian system Ormuzd shared in every Divine attribute, and was the source of the material world, so in the Cabbala Adam Cad- mon embodied in himself aU. the Divine Sephiroth, numerations or attributes of the Supreme, and was the eternal source without which the worlds could never have been created. The Cabbala even says that many worlds had preceded our own, but as being antecedent to the A. Cadmon they could not subsist, and came to nothing. They were as the sparks that the smith strikes out from the hot iron — procosmic worlds, that could have no lasting subsistence, because the Ancient of Ancients had not yet clad HimseK in form. The Master "Workman was not yet at the anvil. This Adam Cadmon is the human imper- sonation of Aletheia in the Marcosian system of Gnosticism [Iren. ed. Cambr. i. 134]; also the Adamas of the Barbelonite [i6. 224], and of the Ophite [Hippol. Philos. v. 6-8, x. 9]. The creed both of the Cabbala and of its original is equally pantheistic. The Word is, in fact, the uni- verse. The cosmogony of the Cabbala is briefly as fol- lows : — The ten first numerals symbolize the ideal universe, and the wisdom of which it is the reflex image. " The Sephiroth are ten only," the Cab- bala says with marked precision, " and not nine; ten, and not eleven." The absolute is Zero, from whence unity is evolved as the creative spirit ; the binary number is summed by unity, and the idea of all things to be hereafter brought into being. Three is water, four, fire ; and the re- maining six symbolize form, as the six faces of the cube — east, west, north, and south, zenith and nadir. All, however, is in the abstract as yet, representing creation " in posse." The ten first numerals thus express the form and substance of things, flowing forth perpetually from the throne of the Most High, and giving concrete expression to the ideal forms of Divine wisdom. But the ef- fluxbecomesdespiritualized and gross in proportion to its distance from the first principle, till in matter it is as the sunken dregs of emanative substance. The results of creation are varied infinitely, as the words that express them are capable of infinite variation. The letters of the alphabet symbolize creation " in esse." The Absolute having willed, the act of creation became defined in ten attributes, or Sephiroth, numerations, affecting each other mutually, as rays of light, streaming through vari- ously coloured crystal, interpenetrate each other, or IS numerals may be made to enter into indefinite combinations. Collectively they represent the ideal form of the Deity, the Adam Cadmon as revealed to Ezekiel and Daniel in their prophetic nsions. Hence the various elements of the 99 Sephiroth are also compared with the parts of the human body, and were turned, as it was thought, to practical account in charming away local dis- eases and morbid affections. It may be added that whereas the notion of a Trinity in unity per- petually recurs in the Zohar, so here the human brain, consisting of two lobes with cerebellum, represents the Deity. These Sephiroth, each of which is identified with one of the ten Scripture names of the Deity, are arranged in the following order : — 3 2 5 6 4 8 b 7 10 They are the "decem nomina mystica" to which Jerome refers \Ep. cxxxvi. ad Marcell., and Qu. Hebr. in Gen.^ 1. Named the Crown, the equivalent of Ehieh, [I AM] ; also Arich Appayim, fiaKpoirpoa-wrro's, Infinity personified : from whence the rest are evolved, viz. — 2. Wisdom, Jah ; and 3. Under- standing, Jehovah. These three form the first Cabbalistic triad ; and represented the seat of intelligence, the head in the human anatomy. Also, viewing man as a triple compound of spirit, soul, and vital power, it is as the spirit of man. The next triad is formed by 4. Mercy, El, and its antithesis, 5. Justice, Elohim, bound to- gether in 6. Moral Beauty, Shaddai. This triad is as the upper body, and expresses the soul con- scious of right and wrong. The lower or physical triad is, 7. Eternity, Jehovah SabaSth, 8. Majesty, Elohe Saba6th, and 9. Basement, El Chat, co-ordinate with the lower man. The 10th. Sovereignty, Adonai, coUects all the above in one, and expresses the ideal realization of the works of creation, as the "fire infolding itself" [Ezek. i. 4] ; it represents also the vital energy of the soul of man. These ten Sephicoth form the emanative world [01am AtsUuth] ; but still two other worlds are interposed between the Absolute and the material creation ; the world of creation [B'riah] i.e. of spiritual essence, called also the Throne, "out of the midst of the fire" [Ezek. ibid.'] the Divine principle of which is named Sandalphon, a-vvd- SeXcjios, the mundane soul or demiurge of other systems ; the tliird world of natural powers and forces is under the superintendence of Metatron, and corresponds with the four living creatures of Ezekiel's vision. Either world is buUt up on the mystical decad, and through both of them the primal light shines with a broken beam in consequence of increased remoteness. The fourth, or material world, is represented by the wheels of Ezekiel's vision. It is the husk or shell of the world of spirits, the fuel of Divine light ; for the Creator and His creation are compared to a burning lamp divisible into three distinct parts ; the fuel or wick, the cone of darker light formed by imperfect combustion, and the tapering flame of white light of more ethereal character ; yet all Cabbala Cabbala these are combined in one. Like the preceding, it is the aggregate result of the ten Sephiroth, but the Divine light has almost become darkness ; "it smoulders as a coal in which there is no longer fire." As in the Platonic theory, every thing thai should ever exist stood eternally pre- sent in the Divine Intelligence in archetypal form; and the completely Gnostic notion is added that the lower world is made in likeness of the heavenly. All that exists in the upper world is reflected here below ; yet ideal form and mundane substance are one. As counterparts of things Divine, the mundane Sephiric elements are — • 1. Tohu, without form ; 2. Bohu, void ; 3. Darkness ; and 4-10 the seven portals of the senses — eyes, ears, nostrils and mouth ; the angel of death, Sammael, being the presiding genius. Hence it is seen that the Cabbala neither teaches, with ancient philosophy, that the world was formed of pre-existent matter, nor with the Mosaic account, that it was created out of nothing. "Ex nihilo nihil" was essentially the creed of the Cabbalist ; so Basilides declared that the non- existent world was created by the non-Existent [Hippolyt. Pldl. x. 14] ; for the Absolute and Infinite, abstracted ai^d apart from every attribute, is to human intelligence as "nil." It was a Gnostic notion also that the Deity was non- existent, jiiTjSe oXws ovTo, Ti. [Iren. i. 108, Camb.] The zero from whence the Sephiroth are evolved is the Deity. The universe is the efflux of the Deity, as effect is the outward manifestation of caus.e. It is the mantle in which He clothes Hiqiself ; the visible glory wherein He is revealed, the Sephiroth being interposed between the Mystery of Mysteries and the visible creation. But subject, mean, and object are substantially one. The Supreme and His creation are at once number, numerant, and numbered \Jetsira, i.] ; as Aristotle said, ravro vovs koX votjtov [Met. xii. 7], and the Neo-Platonics and Plotinus, ovk e^o) rov vov to. voijra. Spinoza reprodiiced the Cabbab'stic theory when he styled the Deity the " immanent Cause of the universe, indwelling, and one with the extended substance." [Wachter, Spinas . in Jud.] Before the evolution of the Sephiroth, "Ein Soph" was simply "Ein," nega- tion ; or, " Mi," whp t Hegel has adopted the notion, "Dieses reine Seyn ist nun die reine Abstraction, damit das Absolut-K"egativ, welches, gleichfalls unpiittelbar genommen, das Mchts ist." [Encyd. d. Se. Phil, sec. 86i, 87.] The interrogative "Mi?" by the act of creation, be- came Elohim, as it is written, " Who hath created these things" [Isa. xl. 26], the Hebrew equiva- lents foj tbe italicized words giving the letters of Elo Tiini . The Deity, therefore, is the negation of all that man can deem intelligible ; and out of this relatively negative substance the world was evolved, the theory of the Zohar being pure Pantheism. Consistently with this if denies that evolved substance can ever be annihilated. The breath we exhale still pxists ; man's words, and Ids very voice continue their resonance. Death is only a return to the Divine principle from whence the soul is an efflux. It is "Qod's kiss," 100 as it is beautifully said, whereby union is restored between the Supreme and His children. There are many points of analogy in the psychology of the Cabbala and of the Persian system, as shewn ia the ancient traditions of Pei-sia [D'AnquetU Duperron, Acad. d. Inscr. xxxvii. 646-8.] According to the Cabbala, man belonging to the higher world of intelligence, and at the same time to the lower world of sense, is a type of the universe, and was named Microcosmus. For as the universe is one with the Deity, beiag an outward expression of the Divine substance, so body and soul form the individual Microcosm. Man made in the image of God, is in this respect the reflex image of the Adam Cadmon. The Divine similitude consists in the triple nature of his spiritual being ; composed of the intellectual or dextral soul (Neshama) ; the soul morally sensible (Euach) ; and the soul of vital energy or sinistral principle (IN'ephesh), that never can inherit Paradise. They emanate from the triad of central Sephiroth 1, 6, and 10, of which they are the terrestrial co-ordinates. In these Sephiroth every human soul has had its pre-existence ; and in conjugate relation male and female, which rela- tion is severed for awhile on birth, but restored by marriage. Similarly Philo speaks of the prototypal man as formed Kar' ciKova, iSea rts, oure apprjv ovre OrjXv [tt. t. Kotr/ioTr.] a notion, however, that he may have derived from Plato's androgyne [Sympos.]. The idea that is so often represented in funereal sculpture was an essential part of Cabbalistic psychology, and the individu- ality of each man, called by more modern Cab- balists, Echidah, in bodily form, eternally pre- existent, was supposed to be united with the first foetal germ of humanity, and to impress upon it its deiinite form and character; which union was severed again under the hand of death. [Zoh. iii. 107.] The Brahminical notion of the penal character of life on earth was not unknown to the compiler of the Zohar, and the souls of men on being sent to animate human beings re- monstrate with the Source of all, and represent the condition of misery to which they are about to be consigned apart from heaven. The idea is reproduced from the Zend Avesta, where the Ferouer, or ideal types of all intelligent beings, raise the same complaint, and are assured that it is their mission to destroy the seed of Ahriman, and inherit an eternity of joy. These Ferouer represent not only individuals but nations, like the tutelary angels of the Cabbala. The metenso- matosis of souls, GUgula [Zohar, pt. ii. fol. 99], was a part of the Cabbalistic creed, and marks another point of contact vrith Gnosticism; the same way of accounting for the apparent ano- malies of Divine government having been adopted by Simon Magus [Iren. Cambr. Ed. i. p. 192] ; Carpocrates, [ib. 207, note 4], and the Ophites, [240]. Empedocles, Pythagoras, and Plato ob- tained the notion apparently from the same Eastern source. Pindar also says that the soul can only be admitted to the isles of the blessed after three several states of probation have been passed [07. ii. 123]. And the idea was not Cabbala Calvinism together rejected by tlie philosopliical spirit in imitive times [liieronym. ad Demetr. ; Origen, o.pyu>v, c. 7, adv. Gelmm, iii. ; Huet, Origeniana. ETBMPSYCHosia. Original Sin]. According to 8 Cabbala, -when each soul has had its allotted ial, the restoration of aU things ■will take place, id discord will be harmonized in the unity of .e Divine Substance. The purification of every ul will in due time be accomplished; even immael, the Satan of Scriptui'e, will regain his •st estate. He " will lose," as it is stated, the ■st syllable of his name " Samma," venom, and le second syllable common to all angelic names one will remain. The notion is Babylonian, ammael is the counterpart of Ahriman, the rinoe of Darkness. At the consummation of I things, Ahriman wiU accept the Avesta, and itablish its authority among the lost. On the lie side Ormuzd and the seven primary spirits, ad on the other Ahriman, with a like number of is emissaries, wUl do sacrifice to the Absolute eruane Akerene [Zend Av. iii. 415]. Man, efore the Fall, had a body composed " e principi mo," not of the vile earth of which we are )rmed. So the Gnostic Justin said that the Qgels of Elohim collected virgin earth for man's jrmation [Hippol. Philos. v. 26 ; Iren. i. 235, 1. Cantab.]. Adam, according to the Zohar, was able to none of our wants, and moved by none f our desires, and he was endued with a super- ngelic wisdom as with a robe of light, which he 3st on the Fall, and he was then clothed with the kin of brute, that is, he was invested with our iresent body of sense. Cabbalists of later days lave held that the souls of all mankind were lound up in the soul of Adam, and that our first larent's sin was the sin of the whole race. The irst man's disobedience brought death into the rorld, affecting the whole of nature as well as he race of man. The freedom of wOl in fallen lan is asserted; the pre-existence of souls and foreknowledge of their destiny not involving he shghtest tinge of predestination. The ethno- 3gy of the Cabbala is in substance that of the Lvesta. In this latter system the earth is divided nto seven districts, bounded by the waters poured arth from the beginning in seven rivers. The latives difi'er from each other generically, and a. various degrees exhibit the deformities that llustrate the chronicles of the Middle Ages. In he Cabbala we trace the same theory ; only these istricts instead of being collateral are concentric, nd are contained one within the other as the oats of a bulb. It expressly denies the unity of he race of man ; for how should Adam have ransferred himself to every region of the earth, as to people it with human beings? [See ieuchlin, Knorr CaUbala Denudata, Wachter ^pinosismus ill Judenthum, Amst. 1699; Basnage, 7. d.' Jul fs, Yol. iii.; Briicker, //. Cr. Ph. ii. ; 'ennemann, H. Ph. ; Kleuker, Emanationshhrf:, ligo,, 1786 ; Tholuck, de Ortu Cahhalm, 1837 ; ^ranck. La Kahbale, is of all the best ; Frey- tadt. Ph. Cahh., and papers in Fiirst's Orient. i. X. and xii. ; Herzog, Real Encydop. art. Zahhala.'] 101 CALENDAE. [1.] A table of the order of days in the year. [2.] A catalogue of saints af- fixed to the days on which they are commemo- rated. The earliest of these ecclesiastical calendars can be traced back to almost primitive times, one of A.D. 336 being printed in Bouchier's Commen- tary on the Paschal Cycle, and another of the Church of Carthage, a.d. 483, in the Analecta of MabiLLon. They are plainly derived from the DiPTTCHS [q. v.], on which the names of the martyrs were recorded : and subsequent additions, such as the columns of Golden Numbers and Sunday Letters, have been made for the con- venience of calculating ecclesiastical seasons. The Calendar of the English Church can be traced back to the eighth century, the time of the Venerable Bede [Martene, Vet. Script, vi. 635]. After receiving many additions (chiefly before the twelfth century), it was more or less tampered with by incompetent authorities between A.D. 1536 and a.d. 1561. At the last date it was brought into the condition in which it still exists, except that St. Alban, St. Enurchus, and the Venerable Bede were added to it in 1661, Blunt's Annot. Boole of Common Prayer [pp. 36, 61] gives a fuU comparison of the old and modern English, the Eoman, and the Eastern Calendars. CALL. [Vocation.] CALVINISM. A system so called from Calvin,^ the Genevan Reformer [1509-1564], who revived, with modifications, the doctrine on Pre- destination which originated with St. Augustine in the fifth century, and was afterwards, though never authoritatively sanctioned in the Western Church,'' 1 The best modern account of the Eeformer is given in Dyer's Life \ed. 1850]. The author avoids the indiscri- minate adulation and mere hero-worship of biographers of the Genevan school, and also the unfairness and virulence of Roman Catholic writers. ^ Shortly after the death of St. Augustine, St. Prosper and St. Hilary, the patrons of his novel theory on Pre- destination, appealed to Pope Celestine [a.d. 431], com. plaining that there were priests at Marseilles who pub- licly taught erroneous doctrines, which the bishops of Gaul had been remiss in visiting with due censure. The Pope, on being thus appealed to, merely confirmed the ecclesiastical decrees of his predecessors, and of the coun- cils which had been held against the Pelagian heresy, but refused to pronounce an opinion on other abstruse questions (obviously referring to Predestination) which had arisen during the controversy. He says, "Pro- fundiores vero difficilioresque partes incurrentium quses- tionum, quaslatius pertractaruntquihsereticisresisterunt, sicut non audemus contemnere, ita non necesse habemus astruere" [Epistola ad Oalliantm Episcopos, c. xiii.]. The novelty of St. Augustine's theory was proved from his unsuccessful attempts to reply to the objection "that it was contrary to the teaching of the Fathers and the belief of the Church." See his treatises De Prcedestinat. Sanctorum and De Dono Perseverantice [Opera, torn. x. Mign^J ; also the letters of St. Prosper and St. Hilary to St. Augustine on the same subject [Epistol. inter Augiis- tinias, ccxxv. ccxxvi.], and St. Prosper's Besponsioiies ad rapiiula calumniantium Gallorum [St. August, torn. x. Appendix]. St. Augustine virtually acknowledges that his theory was not of primitive origin, or the received and catholic teaching of the Church. Thus he admits that before the Pelagian controversy he had taught another and totally opposed doctrine, but that afterwards, by his researches, he had discovered in Scripture the true meaning of election, " Nondum diligcntius quaisivorimi; Calvinism Calvinism held to some extent at least, and especially by the SchooLnen, (as St. Thomas Aquinas, for instance), in the Middle Ages. The teaching of Calvin on Predestination may bo summed up iu what are called the Five Points, a name given to the peculiarities of his system. These are : — Election (and non-election or repro- bation) ; redemption ; the bondage of the will ; grace ; final perseverance. His teaching on these subjects will appear from a statement of his theory on Predestination. He maintained that God not only foresaw, but from eternity decreed the fall of Adam and the total corruption of his posterity by sin ;i all from birth inherit his fallen nature ■\vith its hereditary bond of sin and guilt, and are in a state of utter alienation from God ; freewill to Godward is totally lost ; man in Ins natural state can do nothing but sin, and that continually.' God is pleased, for wise reasons inscrutable to our- selves and independent of the foreseen merits of the objects of His mercy, to elect some from the fallen race to salvation. ^ They are made willing by His grace, which is irresistible or necessarily effectual, to obey the Gospel call, are regenerated by His Spii'it, and live in holiness and obedience to His will, and cannot finally fall from a state of grace. The rest of mankind God predestines to eternal destruction, not on account of foreseen sin, though it may aggravate their doom, but in fulfilment of His sovereign purpose or decree.* He leaves them in their fallen state without effectual grace, deprived of which they must necessarily perish, as examples of His hatred against sin and for the manifestation of His glory.^ nee adiluc inveneram qualis sit electlo gratice de qua dicit Apostolus, Rom. xi. 5" [De FrcBdestinatione Sanc- torum, c. iii. see. 7]. "St. Augustine's theory respecting original sin and grace never Ijecame the doctrine of the Church" [Moehler on Synibolwm, vol. ii. p. 6i, Robert- son'stransl.]. Dr. Dollinger also speaks of St. Augustine's views "on the necessity of sinning and the irresistible operations of Divine grace as not in perfect conformity with the tradition of the Church" \EccUs. Sistory, vol. ii. p. 44, Cox's transl.]. ^ Kec absurdum videri debet quod dico ; "Denm non modo primi hominis casum et in eo posterorum ruinam prsevidlsse, sed arbitrio quoque suo dispensasse" [Iiist. lib. ii. c. 1, sec. 9]. ^ Thus he says of infants, "Imo tota eonim natura quoddam est peecati semen, . . . haec perversitas nun- quam in nobis cessat sed novos assidue fructus parit " [Tast. lib. ii. c. 1, sec. 8]. ^ A statement of Calvin's teaching on election and reprobation is given in Instit. lib. ii. c. 3, sees. 10, 11, lib. iii. c. 21. Comment, in Rom. c. ix. 11-23. * "Si non possnmus rationem assignare cursuos niiseri- cordia dignetur, nisi quoniam ita illi placet ; neque etiam in aliis reprobandis aliud habebimus nisi ejus volun- tatem" [Iimt. lib. iii. c. 22, sec. 11]. "Quos ergo Deus prseterit, reprobat, neque alia de causa, nisi quod ab hsereditate quam filiis suis prEedestinat, illos vult ex- cludere" [Ibid. lib. iii. o. 23, sec. 1]. Calvin admits, in a certain sense, that the eternal condemnation of the reprobate may be assigned to sin ; but he truly adds, in accordance with his system, that their continuance in sin was really to be attributed to God's decree, by which effectual grace was withheld from them, which could only bring them to repentance and salvation. [See Inst. lib. iii. c. 24, sec. 14.] ^ He thus speaks of the reprobate : — " Quos ergo in vitas contumeliam et mortis exitium creavit ut ii'se suae organa forent et severitatis exempla; eos ut in finem suum pcrveniant, nunc audiendi verbi sui facultate 102 Calvin's theory thus asserts that man in Iiis unregenerate state is deprived of free will, and that God's grace bestowed upon the elect is irresistible, necessarily securing their salvation. His theory required him to add that Christ died for the elect only, since it was at least prirrui facie improbable that if God from eternity pre- destined the elect only to salvation, Christ should have shed His blood for all men. He ad- mits, indeed, that in a certain sense Christ may be said to have died for all men,* but the saving benefits of His death he supposed by God's decree were limited to the elect only. Such is the theory of Calvin — a revival, as before remarked, with certain modifications, of the Predestination theories of St. Augustine, whose works the Reformer frequently cites, and to whose authority he mainly appeals. In order to understand the Calvinistic theory, and to ascer- tain whether or in what degree it has primitive or patristic sanction, we must investigate this pre- vious teaching of St. Augustine. He undoubtedly taught the doctrines of elec- tion and reprobation revived by Calvin, though there was an important difference in their system. But St. Augustine did not teach that God had predestined or decreed the faU of Adam, and the consequent corruption and ruin of his posterity by sin, and thus he escapes the charge of making God the author of sin. The foundation of his system, like that of Calvin, rests on a theory of original sin — that all mankind became, on account of Adam's transgression, a mass of sin and perdition (massa perditionis), or, as he says, a condemned batch (conspersio damnata), and thus that all free will to good was extinct or annihilated.' To this " fallen mass," the posterity of Adam, the guUt and penalty of his transgression was con- veyed by generation, and inseparably and in- herently belonged ; and from this hereditary bond of guUt and condemnation none could be delivered but by the grace of Christ,' which priyat, nunc ejus praedicatione magis excaecat et obstupe- facit. . . . Ecce vocem ad eos dirigit sed ut magis obsnr- descant : lucem accendit sed ut reddantur caeciores ; doctrinam profert sed qua magis obstupescant ; remedium adhibet sed ne sanentur. . . . Neque hoc quoque contro- verti potest, quos Deus illuminatos non vult, illis doc- trinam suam ajnigmatibus involutam tradere, ne quid inde proficiant, nisi ut in majorem hebetudinem tradan- tur" [Imt. lib. iii. c. 24, sees. 12, 13]. '■Thus, iu his Commentary on 1 Tim. ii. 6: — "Pro omnibus inquam orare Spiritus prajcepit, quia unus noster Mediator omnes ad se admittat sicut morte sua omnes reconciliavit Patri." Elsewhere he allows the opinion of the Schoolmen that Christ died sufficiently for all men, but effectually for the elect onlj', though he denies that it is sanctioned or confirmed by the passage quoted in proof [1 John ii. 2] — " Sufhcienter pro toto mundo pas- sum esse Christum sed pro electis tantum efBcaciter. Vulgo haec solutio in scholis obtinuit. Ergo quamquam verum esse illnd dictum fateor : nego tamen prnesenti loco quadrare." _ ' See an account of St. Augustine's teaching on original sin by Wiggers ; Historical Presentation of Augiistinism and Pelagianism, p. 88, transl. by Emerson [1840]. * Quotquot enim ex hac stirpe gratia Dei liberantur, a damnatione utique liberantur qua jam tenentur obstricti; istos a reatu hereditario et proprio, illi us Agiil sanguis absolvit " [De Frccdcslinatione Sanctorum, sees. 10, 11]. St. Augustine, as Wiggers shews, denied the univcrs.aliry Calvinism Calvinism [race was given "by the new birth in holy Uap- ism — all the baptized being by the sacrament egenerated — placed in a state of grace and salva- ion. He further taught that God from eternity pre- lestined a certain number from man's fallen race -0 salvation — a number not to be increased or essened' — not from a foresight of faith and obe- lience, but merely according to His own good Dleasure and sovereign will,^ and that He predes- iined the rest of mankind to destruction as belong- ing to the fallen race of Adam (euntibus omnibus 3X uno in condemnationem), and if of adult age, in punishment also for their own sins.' God, as was said, according to his theory, gave to all the baptized (i.e. to the elect and non-elect) the gifts of regeneration, and some of the non-elect at least lived for a time in holiness and obedience to His will. But there was another gift which St. Augustine believed was absolutely necessary for salvation which was denied to the non-elect — the gift of perseverance (donum perseverantife). Deprived of this they would inevitably fall from baptismal grace, and perish in sin.^ Thus no one, according to this theory, and as St. Augus- tine also expressly taught, cculd assuredly know whether he belonged to the number of the pre- destinate. He might really for a time live in holiness and obedience to God's wUl, and after- 6f redemption : " God sent His Son into the world not to redeem the whole sinful race of man, but only the elect. By this Mediator God shewed that those whom He re- deems by His blood He makes from being evil to be eter- nally good" [De Correp. et Gfrat. sec. 11]. The following passage is peculiarly clear, and is taken from the first book On Adulter oibs Marriages [c. 15], a work written about the year a.d. 419, and notdirected against the Pelagi- ans : " Every one that has been redeemed by the blood of Christ is a man, though not every one that is a man has been redeemed by the blood of Christ." Hence the words in John x. 26, " Ye believe not, because ye are not of My sheep," according to Hom. xlviii. on John's Gospel, mean as much as this, "Ye believe not because ye are not bought for eternal life by My blood." "No one perishes of those for whom Christ died " [Epist. 169, c. 1]. Nay, according to his theory Augustine would have no mediator between God and the human race, but only a mediator between God and the elect : ' ' Christ re- deemed the sinners who were to be justified " (justifican- dos peccatores) {De Trmitate, lib. iv. c. 13 : Wiggers, pp. 254, 265]. 1 " Hsec de his loquor qui prsedestinati sunt in regiium Dei, quorum ita certus est numems, ut neo addatur illis quisquam, nee minuatur ex eis" [-De Correptione et Gra- iM, c. 13]. " " Cur autem istum potius quam ilium liberet — inscni- tabilia sunt judicia ejus et investigabiles vise ejus " [Kom. xi. 35]. [De Prcedestinatione Sanet. c. 8. See also de Civi- tate, lib. xiv. o. 26.] ^ De Correp. et Grat. c. xiii. et Tract, xlviii. in Joannis Evangel. : "nan estis ex ovibus meis" [c. x. 26]. " Quo- modo ergo istis dixit Tion estis est ovibus wim— quia vide- bat eos ad sempiternum interitum praedestinatos, non ad vitam setemam sui sanguinis pretio comparatos. ' Fater mens quod dedit mihi majus est omnibus' [ver. 29]. Quid poteist lupus, quid potest fur et latro ? Non perdunt nisi ad interitum prsedestinatos. " * Mirandum est quidem, multumque mirandum quod filiis suis quibusdam quo.s Deus regeneravit in Christo, quibus fidem spem, dilectionem dedit non dat persever- antiam ? [De Cor. et Grat. o. viii. sec. 18]. " Ex duobus autem piis, cur huic donetur perseverantia usque ad finera, et huic non donetur inscrutabiliora sunt judicia Dei" [De Bono Perseverantice, c. ix. \ 103 wards finally faU from grace — not being by God's decree predestined to salvation, and being thus de- prived of the gift of perseverance. Calvin differed from St. Augustine on this point. Pie thought that the elect, from the testimony of God's Spirit, and the fruits of His work, a life of holy obedience, might be assured of their .salvation ° — that is, that they might have a modified but not an absolute assurance, since he admitted that the signs of grace were often deceptive ; and he draws a character- istic picture of the horrors which beset the man who doubts of his election." Thus, the especial difference between Augus- tinism and Calvinism was, that according to the former system, God was not in any degree charge- able with the sin of Adam and of his posterity. The other important difference related to the grace of Holy Baptism, St. Augustine believing in the real bestowal of sacramental grace, or that all the baptized in and through baptism were regenerated. Calvin did not believe that grace in any real sense was bestowed on the non- elect. If given at all, it is represented as the shadow, rather than the substance of a Divine gift;'' or a deceptive, or illusive grace intended to render them inexcusable. Effectual grace lead- ing to salvation (he really recognised no other) was given only to the elect : hence he limits the grace of regeneration or adoption to the elect amongst the baptized, s When Calvin proposed his theory of election, he fully acknowledged its fearful and terrible nature," that God should have predestined the fall of Adam and its awful consequence of eternal death to the greater part of his posterity, who by God's decree were predestined to eternal per- dition. This doctrine is not only a very fearful one, but it is opposed to some portions of Holy Scripture, as, e.g., God's willing the salvation of all men (iroi/Tas SeA.it tro S-^vai) [I Tim. ii. 4], and to the doctrine of universal redemption, or what might fairly, or would usually at least, be inferred from this doctrine; and also to the fact that this condemnation of the wicked is never assigned to a Divine decree, but to their wilful refusal of the offers of grace and salvation (as in Acts xiii. 46). [Election.] Whatever may be said of the doctrine of election, or God's choosing a portion of man's lost race to salvation, the decree of reprobation must certainly seem ° In his Antidote to the Council of Trent, see Tracts, vol. iii. pp. 135, 136 [Calvin. Soc. transl.]. " Inst. lib. iii. c. 24, sec. 4. '' Dominus ut magis convictos et inexcusabiles reddat insinuat in eorum (reproborum) mentes quatenus sine adoptionis spiritu gustari potest ejus bonitas. . . . Eeprobi nunquam sensum gratiie nisi confusuni percipi- unt, ut umbram potius apprehendunt quam solidum coi'pus . . . nee vero nego quin hucusque eorum mentes in-adict Deus, ut ejus gratiam agnoscant; sed sensum illorum a pcculiari testimento quod reddit suis electis ita distinguit ut ad solidum efFeetum et fraitionem non perveniunt. [Inst. lib. iii. c. 2, sec. 11.] " Multi signum recipiunt qui tamen gratias non fiuut partiuipes ; quia signum omnibus est commune, hoc est bonis indifferenter et mails; Spiritus autem non nisi electis confertur, atque signum ut diximus sine Spiritu cstinefficax. [Com. in Ephes. v. 26.] • Horribile decretum fateor [Inst. lib. iii. c. 23, see. 7] Calvmisni Calvinism to an unbiassed, mind contrary to tlie meaning of many portions of Scripture, compelling us to understand tliem in a forced and unnatural sense; and it is also inconsistent with tlie character of our heavenly Father there revealed. This was clearly perceived when the Predes- tinarian theory was first introduced; the ohjec- tions against St. Augustine's theory were chiefly based on its contrariety to the doctrine of uni- versal redemption, and of God's "willing" the salvation of all men. After Calvin's revival of the Augustinian theory, similar objections were soon proposed, and some of his followers at- tempted so to preach election, as to deny the corresponding doctrine of non-election or repro- bation. This attempt was most strenuously op- posed by the Eeformer. " Many," he says, " so preach election as to deny that any is reprobated, but very ignorantly and childishly (nimis insoite et pueriliter), since election itself would not stand unless opposed to reprobation."^ The attempt to separate these dogmas, so em- phatically condemned by Calvin, has also been made in modem times, and may be said to char- acterize the form of Calvinism known as semi- Calvinism. Now that the doctrine of Calvinistio election may in a certain sense be held, without admitting a corresponding decree of reproba- tion, is unquestionable. A theory has been pro- posed, which is termed (from a well-known divine of the seventeenth century, with whom it originated) Baxteriam'sm, which may be thus stated. Some persons, Baxter supposed in ac- cordance with Calvin's theory, were elected by a Divine decree, without foresight of their character, to salvation ; but upon all others to whom the Gospel was preached, " common grace" (that is as distinguished from effectual or saving grace, given to the elect only), was bestowed, which they might so far improve as at last to attain salva- tion. Thus, in their case, salvation was con- ditional, depending on their faithful use of grace. But the objections against this theory are mani- fest: that if men can be saved by their own free wUl with the assistance of God's ordinary grace, there would have been no need whatever of a decree of election for the salvation of any one ; neither is it probable that God in the case of some persons would make the service of their own free will indispensable to salvation, and yet in the case of others supersede its need alto- gether by a decree of election.' Besides which is the fatal objection to this theory — the decree of Calvinistio election, is solely founded on the alleged fact, that man is by nature in a state of total corruption, destitute of free will, and thus cannot be saved, except by God's irresistible or necessarily effectual grace. Hence the Baxterian theory is impossible, and would manifestly be subversive of the Calvinistio system. It cannot, indeed, be held by any one who admits the first principles, the very foundation of Calvin's theory ' Inst. lib. iii. c. 23, sec. ]. ^ Tlius Calvin argues: " Fortuito alios adipisci, vel sna inclustria acqiiirere quod sola electio paucis confcrt, plus niiam insulse dicetur." Ubid.] 104 — his doctrine of original sin and the total cor- rupiion of human nature. Tiis theory is probably little known and has fe^v supporters at the present day. Moderate or semi-Calvinists now as much as possible avoid the subject of reprobation altogether, or speak of it as preterition, i.e. being passed by or not elected to salvation, bu.t as this means that the non-elect are left in their fallen state, in which, destitute of God's effectual grace, they must necessarily perish, the doctrine remains in the same state as before, with merely the change or softening of an ob- noxious word : election and non-election are con- nected as before, and are equally inseparable. Hence the objections against the latter doctrine, which some Calvinists openly admit to be unscrip- tural f while others, by keeping the doctrine as much as possible out of sight,* virtually shew that election itself, according to the Calvinistio theory, is untenable, or cannot consistently or scriptuially be maintained. An account may now be given of the history and progress of Calvinism. During the Ee- former's life, his opinions were widely diffused throughout Europe. Some of the English Ee- formers,' and Somerset the Protector, during the reign of Edward VI., corresponded with him." ' See Art. on Reprobation in Dr. Henderson's edition of Buck's Theological Dictionary [1833]. The writer says the word "reprobation" has been applied "to that decree or resolve which God is supposed to have taken from all eternity to punish sinners who shall die in impenitence, in which sense it is opposed to election. But the word is never used in this sense in Scripture, nor does the Scripture teach any such doctrine as that of a reprobatory decree, how clearly soever it refers us to this doctrine of election. " * Thus Scott in his reply to Bishop Tomline's Refuta- tion — " But we find nowhere in Scripture so particular an account given concerning the non-elect (as concerning the elect). God would do them no wrong, but would not exert omnipotent power in new creating them to holiness, but detei-mined to have them to walk in their own ways. It was a negative decree, a determination not effectually to interfere" [vol. ii. p. 159]. There is unquestionably, so far as we can perceive, no diiference between Calvin's positive and Scott's negative decree. The doctrine of reprobation, as held by the two writers, is really though not verbally identical. ^ The reader must not suppose from what is stated that the Reformers — those to whom this name is especially given in oyir Church (as Cranmer and Ridley)— adopted Calvin's views on Predestination, or that such views are reconcilable with the formularies of the English Church. The reformers mentioned held undoubtedly a view of Predestination, but, as will be shewn, it was not the Gal- yinistic tenet. It would be easy to prove from their writ- ings, and the explicit teaching of the Prayer-Book which they compiled, that they held the doctrine of baptismal regeneration — that all infants by baptism are engrafted into the Church and made God's children by adoption and gi-ace. Now this doctrtae was not only expressly rejected by Calvin, but is necessarily inconsistent with his system, since he believed that to the elect only amongst the baptized was given the grace of regeneration or adop- tion. "We cannot doubt, therefore, that Cranmer, Ridley, and probably others amongst the refoi-mers, held tha Augustinian view of predestination, which is fully re- concilable with the doctrine of baptismal grace. " See Letters of Calvin translated by Bonnef [1857]. The following are quoted from the second volume : — To Protector Somerset [1548], to Lady Anne Seymour [154'J], to Somerset [1550], to Edward VI. [1551], to Somerset [1551], two letters to Cranmer [1552], to Edward VI. Mid Cranmer [1553]. Calvinism Calvinism A.t tlie iDeginning of Quccu Elizatetli's reign, the returned exiles, most of whom had embraced his opinions, -were promoted to bishoprics and other ecclesiastical dignities, and Calyinistic teaching generally prevailed. A contemporary writer states that Calvin's Institutes were generally in the hands of the clergy, and might be considered their text-book of theology.i Towards the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign a reaction agaiiist Calvinistic doctrine took place, and sounder teach- ing on predestination and grace prevailed.'' The Calvinistic system was chiefly disseminated in Scotland by Knox [a.d. 1559-1571], the friend of Calvin ; and it soon became, as it is stiU, the estab- lished faith. " Calvinism," says a recent writer, "still more inimical to Eome than were the doctrines of Luther, had from Geneva, its centre and stronghold, spread itself in aU. directions in Western Europe. In the neighbouring provinces of Germany it had in a great degree supplanted Lutheranism, and it had even penetrated into Hungary and Poland; it was predominant in Scotland, and had leavened the doctrines of the English Church. In France it had divided the population into two hostile camps." ' But this rapid progress of Calvinism, as the same Avriter observes, was only temporary. After the Council of Trent and the moral reformation which ensued, the Church of Eome recovered a large portion of her lost ground. It would be absurd, e.g., to speak of France in modern times, as divided into " two hostile camps," Catholic and Calvinistic. The Calvinistic party have long ago dwindled into a feeble and totally insignificant minority. Nor would the remarks of this writer respecting Austria in any degree hold good at the present day. On account of the prevalence of Lutheran and Calvinistic opinion, he says, "not one thirtieth of the population remained faithful to the Roman Church : " as regards the present poptdation of Austria the Eoman Catholics exceed in number Protestants of aU denominations nearly in the proportion of ten and one.^ We have stated that predestinarian teaching ori- ginated with St. Augustine. For some unknown reason the controversy thence arising excited little attention in the East. The new theory had been indeed virtually, though not controversially, and in all its bearings, condemned by the teaching of the Greek Fathers, obviously irreconcilable with it.5 In the seventeenth century the doctrine of ' Atque is liter [Iiistitutio Cliristianw MeUgionis] in tanto apud nostros hodie in Anglia novi Evangelii satrapas pretio est, ut vix quemquam ecclesiasticsefunotioni pro- ficiant, qui non hunc librum habeat et studiose evolvat. Copi [soil. Harpsfield], Dialogi, p. 824. Antwerp, 1666. ^ Heylin's Quiiiquarticular History, part iii. c. 21, 22. 3 Dyer's History of Europe, vol. ii. p. 392 [1861]. * In 1851 there were in round numbers in the Austrian empire twenty -five and a half millions of Roman Catho- lics, and of Greeks in union with Rome three and a half millions ; the Protestants of all denominations being rathtr more than three millions [Chambers' Encyclopmdia, i. 569]. 5 Cassian of Marseilles [a.d. _360-435], who introduced the Monastic system into the 'Vj'est, may be considered as embodying the theology of the Eastern Church in its bearing on Augustinian Predestination, being a disciple of St. Chrysostom, by whom he was ordained deacon. He shcw-s though uncontroversially, the reality of man's 105 the Eastern Church was fidly and authoritatively declared ; and the peculiar system of Calvin waj» expressly condemned as opposed to her belief from the earliest period. The following is a brief statement of the circumstances which led to this public confession. CyriLlus Lucaris, a native of Crete, having in his travels through Europe embraced Calvinistic opinions, whilst outwardly professing the orthodox creed of the Greek Church, was chosen the patriarch of Alexandria, and after- wards of Constantinople. He then published a confession of faith, or one was published under his name, in which Calvinistic opinions were distinctly avowed; and the teaching of the Eastern Church on other points was represented as being in accordance with the Lutheran standard. On this confession becoming known, two synods were held at Constantinople in which Cyril was anathematized, and it is even said that he denied upon oath that he was the writer of the heretodox creed. His opinions were more fully examined in the Council of Jerusalem, held a few years afterwards [a.d. 1672], in which he is accused of the grossest dissimulation and wickedness. He had publicly taught, it is said, the orthodox views of the Greek Church whilst patriarch of Alexandria and Constantinople (which the Council clearly shews by extracts from his sermons), and then in a secret and insidious manner published a confession of faith, in which doctrines wholly contrary were maintained. His confession is, as the Council states, signed by none but himself, and could have no claim to authenticity, not having been transcribed into the public records of the Church, which ought to have been the case with his own confession of faith as patriarch. If published synodioaUy, the signatures of the bishops and others present who sanctioned it would have been affixed. Any discussion respecting Cyrd's life, history, or his cruel end (he was strangled on an accusation of treason) does not come within our consideration. His spurious confession was most emphatically repudiated by the Council, which set forth in opposition the teaching of the Eastern Church on the controversy. The Coun- cil indignantly denies that light and darkness, or Christ and Belial, have any more concord than the " heresiarch Calvin" and the Eastern Church. They condemn the Calvinistic system as calum- niating God, who is the Father of aU, as opposed to the teaching of Scripture, that man has free will, and is to receive the reward of his actions ; as making God the author of sin ; and as being partial in His dealings, preferring one to another, though He tells us that He " wiUs all men to be saved." It is added that free wUl is the most assured dogma of the Catholic Church, and the opinion of Calvin is condemned, that man is saved by faith alone without works.^ free will, the resistibility of Divine grace (though his views on the necessity of preventing grace are sometimes erroneous), and the universality of God's love to His creatures — in other words, indirectly refutes the newly devised dogmas of St. Augustine. [See Ad Collatorem, c. xiii. 11-18, Opera, 1722.] ^ See Decreta iii. x. xiii. xiv. [Kimmel, Lihri Sym bolici Orientalis EccUsice, Jense, 1843]. Calvinism Calvinism Tlie Cauons and Decrees of the Coimcil of Trent may next te referred, to [a.d. 1545-1563] in their bearing on this subject. The doctrine of Predestination was not formally considered by the Council, though Calvinistic opinions on the subject, as in the canons on justification, are condemned. The only direct reference to Pre- destination is contained in one of these canons : " That no one so long as he is in this mortal life ought so far to presume, as regards the secret mystery of Divine Predestination, as to determ in e for certain that he is in the number of the pre- destinate, as if it -wore true that he who is justified either cannot sin any more, or if he do sin, that he ought to promise himself an assured repentance ; for, except by special revelation, it cannot be known whom God hath chosen unto Himself."! Tliis is merely a repetition of the statement of St. Augustine ; it undoubtedly im- plies that the predestinate cannot perish, but states nothing respecting the cause of Predestina- tion, the real point of dispute. There were two parties at the Council of Trent, the Dominicans, who held the doctrine of St. Thomas, or Augus- tinian predestination ; and others, as the Jesuits, an order recently formed by St. Ignatius Loyola [a.d. 1534], who believed that Divine grace was resistible, and that the cause of election was man's foreseen obedience and perseverance. Luther and Melanchthon at first held the doctrine of Predes- tination according to the rigorous theory of Calvin, but Melanchthon's views were soon modi- fied,^ and the doctrine of Predestination and grace, as finally developed, or held by the Lutheran body, was not deemed erroneous by the Council of Trent. Heylin says: "The Fathers there assembled foimd nothing in the Augsburg Con- fession, and other symbols of faith, worthy of blame."' The canons on justification, and the anathemas, were solely directed against the re- formed or Calvinistic teaching. At the close of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century, the controversy on Arminianism began, of which an account has been already given [Arminianism]. The Armi- iiians were condemned by the Council of Dort, which faithfully represents Calvin's teaching. Archbishop Whitgift attempted, in the reign of ' Sessio, Ti. c. xiii. ; see also c. xiii. on the "gift of per- severance." ' ' Let no one herein (the Council says) promise hijnself anything as certain with an ahsolute certainty, though all to place and repose a most firm hope in God's help. For God, unless men be themselves wanting to His grace, as He has begun the good work so will Be perfect it, working (in them) to will and to accomplish. Never- theless, let those who think themselves to stand, take heed lest they fall," &c. [Waterworth's transl.] ^ Comp. the original edition of Loci Theologici [a.d. 1521] with subsequent recensions of the same work. First, Melanchthon says, "Si ad prsedestinationem referas humanam voluntatem, nee in externis, neo in internis operibus ulla est libertas, sed eveniunt omnia juxta des- tiTiationem, divinam," Afterwards this opinion was con- siderably modiiied in editions published diu'ing the life- time of the author, and in his last recension was certainly rejected. See Augusti's reprint of the first edition of Loci Theologici [Leipsic, 1821], in which the alterations made in subsequent editions are given in an appendix, ' Qiiinquarticular RUtory, c 4. ^06 Queen Elizabeth and of her successor, to impose nine Articles on the Church of England as an au- thoritative exposition of the Seventeenth, called " Lambeth Articles," from the name of the archi- episcopal palace, but the attempt was frustrated.* We have alluded to the different opinions on Predestination held by the Pathers of the Council of Trent, which by the Council were left un- settled. A controversy was soon raised on the subject by Baius or Bajus, a professor of Louvain, who may be considered the precursor of Jan- senius. Eighteen propositions taken from his lectures and writings were condemned by the Sorbonne [a.d. 1560]; afterwards Pius V. issued a bull [a.d. 1567] censuring seventy-six dogmas of Baius, which the writer was compelled to retract. His opinions afterwards were mainly adopted by the Jansenists. The controversy with the latter originated in a work written by CorneUus Jan- senius, Bishop of Ypres, in the Netherlands, and published after his death, in 1640, under the title of Augustinus. In this work he proposes to state the doctrines of St. Augustine on the de- pravity of man, and the nature and influence of Divine grace ; the doctrines which, according to Jansenius, St. Augustine delivered and taught in the name of the Church. The work soon after its pubUcation was condemned by Pope Urban VIII. [a.d. 1642] ; and afterwards by a buU of Innocent X. [a.d. 1653.] Five propositions were extracted from Jansenius' work, which were condemned in these words. The iirst proposition was : " That there are some commands of God which righteous and good men are absolutely unable to obey, though disposed to do it, and that God does not give them so much grace that they are able to observe them ;" the bull says of this, " We declare it to be rash, impious, blas- phemous, worthy of anathema and heretical, and as such we condemn it." The second proposition was that " no man in this corrupt state of nature can resist Divine grace operating upon the soul." The third proposition, that "in order to a man's being praise or blameworthy before God, he need not be exempt from necessity, but only from coercion." Of these two propositions, the bull says, "We declare them heretical, and as such condemn them." Of the fourth proposition : " that the semi-Pelagians erred greatly by suppos- ing that the human will has the power both of ad- mitting and of rejecting the operation of internal preventing grace;" the buU declares that "it is false and heretical, and as such we condemn it." The fifth proposition : " That whoever ai3&rms that Jesus Christ made expiation by His sufferings and death for the sins of all mankind is a semi- Pelagian," is thus censured ; " We declare it im- pious, blasphemous, contumacious and derogating from Divine love, and heretical, and as such we condemn it." [Jansenists.] The several propositions condemned embody the main details of the Predestinarian theory, which is thus implicitly condemned by the papal buU, since it would be impossible to assent to the condemnation of the " five propositions," and still ' J%J. part iii. c. 21. Calvinistic Confessions Canon of Scripture to hold in their entirety either the Augustinian or the Calvinistic system. Speaking generally of Calvinism, in modern times, it must he said to have usually developed into Arianism, Socinianism, or kindred heresies, as we may see from the present state of Geneva, its hirthplace ;^ also from the prevalence of So- cinianism in the old Puritan Churches estahlished in the seventeenth century in America. In the disputes on Lady Hewley's' charity, vrhich oc- curred a few years ago, it was shewn that Preshy- terian ministers in England had generally per- verted the orthodox doctrines on the Holy Trinity, and taught Arianism or Socinianism. Calvinism at the present day is prohably in its purest doc- trinal state (that is, in nearest accordance with the teaching of its author) in the Presbyterian Establishment and the Free Church (so called) of Scotland. Their symbol of faith is still the As- sembly's Catechism, which is essentially the same as that of the Synod of Dort, and represents the genuine teaching of Calvin.^ _ CALVINISTIC CONFESSIONS. The ear- liest of these documents was the Confession of Basle, or the Helvetic Confession. It was first composed a.d. 1530, and re-constructed a.d. 1536, and A.D. L566. With the latter, Bullinger's name is epecially associated. The Tetrapolitan Confession was so named as being subscribed by the four cities of Strasburg, Constance, Mennin- gen, and Lindau, in 1531 ; and was probably composed by Bucer. The Gallican Confession was composed by Beza, and was presented to Charles IX. as that of the French Protestants, A.D. 1561. The Belgic Confession originated in the same year was approved by a Protestant Synod in 1579, and finally confirmed by the Synod of Dort, in 1619. The Scottish Con- fession was composed by the usurping " Assembly of Divines" at Westminster in 1647, and estab- lished in Scotland in 1690 by Act of Parliament. [Calvinism. Niemeyer's Collect. Confess.] CANDLEMAS. An ancient name for the feast of the Purification, February 2. It per- petuates the memory of a very ancient custom, that of walking in procession, carrying tapers and singing hymns. This was probably the first festival set apart in honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary, as it is referred to by St. Cyril of Alexandria, and is provided for by CoUoct, Epistle and Gospel in the Combs of St. Jerome, and the Sacramen- tary of St. Gregoiy. In the Eastern Church it is called the Hypapante of our Lord Jesus Christ, the meetivg of our Lord with Simeon and Anna ^ " Calvin died in 156i. The discipline of his Church can scarcely be said to have survived him. In the seventeenth century, Geneva was distinguished only by its open profession of infidelity, till at length the Trinity, the Atonement and the Incarnation of the Son of God were prohibited by authority as subjects of public in- struction." [Barter's Tracts, p. 252, 1851.] ^ There is probably a little difference on "Supralap- sarianism, " i. e. , whether God decreed the fall of Adam. Calvin, we have seen, asserted this dogma: it is only said in the Assembly's Catechism, c. vi., the sin of our first parents "God was pleased according to His wise and holy couii.sel to permit, having purposed to order it to His own glory." 107 in the Temple being the event kept in view. It is placed at forty days' distance from Christ- mas, that being the interval ordained by the Jewish law between the birth of the child and the purification of the mother. The ceremony from which the popular name of the day was derived is spoken of in the Homilies of Alcuin [a.d. 790], and of St. Bernard [a.d. 1153], but is probably much more ancient than either. CANON. A Greek term, Kaviiv, for any rule or law passed by a conciliar assembly, for the regulation of doctrine or discipline in the Church Catholic, or in a particular branch of it. The word is used in a cognate sense several times in the New Testament, and the Apostolic epistle in Acts XV. 23-29 is practically a Canon. It is used in the decree of the Council of Nicsea [16, 17, 19], and the historian Socrates [a.d. 439] distinctly speaks of it as a term commonly re- ceived in its present meaning, when he writes, " Then the bishops assembled in synod, having drawn up in writing some documents which are commonly called Canons, returned to their re- spective sees" [Socrat. Hist. i. 13]. The Canons passed at the General CouncUs form a body of law for the whole Church. Those of some other Councils and Synods are almost as generally re- ceived ; but the Canons passed by Provincial Synods are only binding on the particular pro- vince represented. [Convocation. Council. Synod.] CANON. [LiTUEGY.] CANON LAW. [Law.] CANON OF SCEIPTUEE. The Hebrew word njp, the Greek Kavtav, the Latin cannu, are of the same stock, and signify a measuring reed ; and hence, as used by Aristotle, a testing rule in Ethics. Among the Alexandrine grammarians, collections of the old Greek authors were called (cavdves, as being modols of excellence, classics. Thus the word was ready for the use to which it has been from a very early date applied by the Church, viz., to denote the rule of faith and practice; and the Divine code of faith and practice is what is meant by the " Canon of Scripture."^ The Canon of the Old Testament, which was the only sacred collection of books in the hands of the first Christians, had been closed long before the birth of Christ, and as such was received from the Jewish by the Christian Church. On the testimony of the Jews, therefore, the Canon of the Old Testament rests. Among the Jews, both of Palestine and of Egypt, there were to be found other writings which claimed to be the composition of the earlier Prophets. Such were the books of Wisdom (ascribed to Solomon) and of Baruch [cf. Jer. ^ In St. Irenipus we find the expressions, "funda- mentum et columna fidei nostrie" [Uwr. lii. 1] ; " regula veritatis" [iii. 11 ; iv. 35]. In '^lement of Alexandria, e6a,yye\iK^ Kumvi [Sirom. iii. ed. Sylb. p. 453]. In Eiise- bius, Kari rbv iKK\7iiTM! yJyecrOai kv ry iicKXricrig. ouoi i.Kav6vurTa /SijSXia, dWi /OoVtt TO. KavovLKo. Tfjs KaiVTJs K2i TraXoias Siad-^jK^jt [Can. 59, ap. Mansi, t. ii. p. 5741. Canon of Scripture Canon of Scripture xxxvi.] ; sucli piRces also as the story of Susannali [LXX. Dan. xiii.], the Epistle of Jeremiali [LXX. Barucli vi.], &c. To these latter -writings the Jews of Palestine ascribed no value, — not even to those among them "which were originally written in Hebrew (or Chaldee), such as Eoclesiasticus, Tobit, Judith, 1 Maccabees, but which have come to us only through a Greek translation, probably from the Jews of Egypt.' Although prized more highly by the Alexandrine Jews, there is no proof that they received these — the so-called Apocryphal books — into the Canon. Philo Judseus, who must have been well ac- quainted with them, never quotes them, although his references to the Canonical Books of the Old Testament are numerous [see mfra\. The first Christians were acquainted "with the Old Testament only (or for the most part) through the LXX. version, which, on the faith of the narrative as to its miracidous origin, was com- monly held to be inspired.^ It was soon per- ceived that the Word of God had been mingled ivith human additions in the collection which the so-called " Septuagint " version represented as the authentic composition of the writers of the Old Testament ;' and accordingly, from a very early period, efforts were made to ascertain with accuracy what were those " oracles of God" of which the Jews alone were tlie Divinely-appointed guardians and witnesses [Eom. iii. 2]. One of the first attempts to settle this matter seems to have been caused by a question proposed by a certain Onesimus to his brother Melito, Eishop of Sardis [a.d. 170]. The reply of MeHto, who had travelled to Palestine in order to obtain information, is preserved by Eusehius \H. E. iv. 26] ; and the result of his investigations proves that the Jewish Church received as Canonical Scripture those Books only which the Anglican Chru-ch [Art. vi.] regards as the components of the Old Testament. The Jewish Canon is, in like manner, given us by Origen.* The early notices of the Old Testament Canon are necessarily vague. Isaiah [xxxiv. 16] speaks of "the Book of the Lord;" Zechariah [vii. 12] refers to the Law and "the former prophets" as co-ordinate authorities ; Daniel [ix. 2] appeals to "the books," and among them to "Jeremiah the Prophet," in a manner which seems to mark the prophetic writings as abeady collected into a volume. Popular belief — and there is 1 See Prol. to Ecclus. Also St. Jerome, Prwff. in Toh. ; el ad I. Judith; Prolog. Galal. '' According to the statement of Aristeas, repeated by Josephus [Ant. xii. 2], and much exaggerated by later writers [e.g., PMlo Judsens, De Vita Mosis], this transla- tion was made in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, King of Egypt, at the instance of Demetrius Phalereus, by seventy-two learned Jews who were invited for the purpose from Palestine. Each, it was said, separately received the Books of Moses to render into Greek ; and each of the seventy-two translators produced a version in all respects identical with each of the other versions [see H. Hody, De Bibl. Text Originalihv.s]. To this, transla- tions of the other Books were from time to time added. ^ See e.g., the epistle addressed to Origen by Julius Africanus[A.D. 220], ap. Eouth, Eel. Saer. Yo\.i\. p. 226. * Comm. in Ps. i. This catalogue of the books of the Old Testament is repeated by Eusebius, if. E.Ti.25. 108 every reason to accept it as accurate — has assigned to Ezra and the " Great Synagogue," the office of making this collection, as part of their divinely appointed task of organizing the Jewish Church.'^ We read in 2 Mace. ii. 13, how K"ehemiah "founding a library (Jii^Xiod-qK-qv, i.e. a col- lection of books) gathered together the acts of the Kings, and the Prophets, and of David." The writer had just stated that Jeremiah had preserved the Law ; and here the remainder of the Canonical Books of the Old Testament are said to have been selected by Nehemiah from the different Jewish ■writings." Passing from the Old Testament itself to the scanty remains of Hebrew literature, the most ancient reference to the Old Testament col- lection of writings, as a whole, is to be found in the prologue to the book of Eoclesiasticus [circ. 130 B.C.], which makes mention of the division of the different Books into the Law, the Pro- phets, and the Psalms [see article on the Old Testament]. The works of Philo Judaeus [a.d. 41] and of Josephus also afford important testi- mony. Philo's references to the Books of Moses are numerous; and, in addition to the Penta- teuch, he expressly quotes Joshua, Samuel (" the Kings"), Job, the Psalms, Proverbs, Ezra, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Hosea, Zechariah.' But the famous passage in the treatise of Josephus against Apion [i. 6-8] supplies the earhest direct evidence as to the entire Hebrew Canon. Having elsewhere quoted and applied almost every Book of the Old Testament, Josephus here counts up twenty-two Books in all, according to the number of letters in the Hebrew alphabet. He specifies the jive Books of Moses ; thirteen of the " Prophets after Moses" — the prophetic history, as his view re- specting the Book of Esther led him to suppose, continuing to Artaxerxes (? Longimanus) — \i.e. 1. Joshua; 2. Judges and Euth ; 3. 2 Books of Samuel; 4. 2 Books of Kings; 5. 2 Books of Chronicles; 6. Ezra and Nehemiah; 7. Esther; 8. Isaiah; 9. Jeremiah and Lamentations; 10. Ezekiel; 11. Daniel; 12. the twelve minor Pro- phets;^ 13. Job]; and four "which contain hymns and directions for life" [i.e. Psalms, Pro- verbs, Ecclesiastes, Song of Solomon], — in all thirty-nine Books. The unvarying consent of the Jewish Church down to the present day upholds this conclusion. ^ See Havernick, Einleilung, i. 1, 39. " The Canon of the Samaritans contains only the five Books of Moses. ' See a paper by Professor Lightfoot in The Journal of Classical and Sacred Philology, March 1856, p. 119 ; Lee On Inspiration, app. F. p. 480. Philo [De Fit. Oon- templ.'[ refers also to the Old Testament as a whole, where he too seems to mention the threefold division of its Books — co/ioi'S, Kal \6yia BecrTnaehra Sid, TrpoiJ,(vo}v AoycDv [in Matt. iii. cf. De Princip. iii. 2] ; [5] that the Epistle of St. James is quoted argumentatively by St. Clement of Eome [1 ad Cor. c. 10] ; by St. Irenaeus, [Adv. Hair. iv. 16]; by Origen, [In Joann. t. six. 4] ; [6] the early evidence for the authenticity of St. Jude's epistle has been given above ; and ia it St. Jude himself [17, 18] supplies evidence for 2 St. Peter, whose words he thus quotes : " But, beloved, remember ye the words which were spoken before of the Apostles of our Lord Jesus Christ; how that they told you there should be mockers," &c., where 2 St. Peter iii. 3 is manifestly referred to : indeed the general resemblance of the two epistles is unquestionable. Origen (see [4]) quotes 2 St. Peter by name : " Et iterum Petrus dicet, consortes inquit, facti estis Divince natural" [2 Pet. i. 4] ; Horn. iv. in Levit. 0pp. t. ii. p. 200 ; so also in his Comm. in Joann. 0pp. t. iv. p. 135. In the Apology addressed [circ. A.D. 170] to the Emperor Marcus Antoninus by Mehto of Sardis, published in Syriac by Dr. Cuieton, 2 St. Peter iii. 10-12 is referred to. [7] One of the many references to the Apocalypse by St. IrenKus is noteworthy : — He records that some of his contemporaries, who had themselves seen John, " the Lord's disciple," were wont to state with reference to a disputed reading [viz. the "number of the beast," chap, xiii.] that the number 666 was the true reading, adding that they were supported by trustworthy and ancAent copies.^ The doubts as to the Canonical authority of the Apocalypse, which Eusebius has mentioned, are to be traced to the controversial zeal of Dionysius of Alexandria, who imagined that he could refute the MUlennarianism of Nopos of Arsinoe by denying that the Apostle John was the author, — his arguments being founded solely on internal evidence [Criticism]. A similar mo- tive, as we learn from a work on heresy by PhUastrius, Bishop of Brescia, led in the West to the doubts as to the Epistle to the Hebrews [Hair. 89]. By questioning the Pauline author- ship, it was supposed that the ITovatianists (as also the Montanists) would be more easUy silenced ' That the Pauline autliorsMp was maintained in the Eastern Churches, to which the Epistle to the Hebreios was addressed, is- proved hy the decree of the Synod of Antioch [a.d. 264], where Heb. xi. 26 is, with 1 and 2 Cor., ascribed to St. Paul. ^ Trafft To?s uwovdaloLS Kal &p;(aloLi dvriypd^oLS. Adv. Ucrr. V. 30. 110 Canons, Apostolical when deprived of the support of Heb. yi. 4, 5, claimed by them, for their tenet that sin .com- mitted after baptism could not be forgiven.' [See the article on the Canon in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible ; and Tischendorf's Tract on the date of the composition of the Gospels, entitled Wann wurden unsere Evangelien verfasst? Leipsic, 1865, translated also by the Tract Society.] CANONS, AMMONIAN or EUSEBIAK In the third century Ammonius of Alexandria proposed to construct a scheme which should ex- liibit at a glance the corresponding passages of the Gospels. Taking St. Matthew's Gospel as his standard, he arranged in parallel columns the sections which corresponded with the other three. The so-called Ammonian Sections, 1165 in number (viz. 355 for St. Matthew, 236 fijr St. Mark, 342 for St. Luke, 232 for St. John), are generally supposed to have been devised by Am- monius for the carrying out his system of Gospel- harmony. This opinion is questioned by Bishop Lloyd [Nov. Test. Oxon. 1827, Mon. p. vii.]. With the same object Eusebius devised his Ten Canons, among which the Ammonian Sec- tions are divided, and which he describes in his epistle ad Carpianum. The first Canon sets forth seventy-one places in which all the four Evangelists have a narrative, discourse, or saying in common. The second, third, and fourth Canons exhibit the places common to the Gospels taken three by three. The fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth Canons, the places common to the Gospels taken tioo by two. The tenth, the places pecidiar to each Evangelist. Be- neath each Ammonian Section, written in the margin of the MS., is set down in coloured ink the number of the Eusebian Canon to which it refers. On searching for that Ammonian Section in its table or Canon, the parallel place or places in the other Gospels will be found : e.g., at St. John XV. 20, we find, ^^® ; where PAO (139) is the Ammonian Section of St. John, and P (3) the number of the Eusebian Canon. Ee- ferring to the third Eusebian table, we read MT. ^ A. vr) IJ2. p\6 — i.e. the first clause of St. John XV. 20, has as its parallels the 90th (f) section of St. Matthew [x. 24], and the 58th (i^) of St. Luke [vi. 40]. [See A Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament, by E. H. Scri- vener, M.A., p. 53.] CANONS, APOSTOLICAL. These most ancient canons of the Church were evidently com- piled from various sources. Councils were held in the early ages, of which no acts have come down to us. The Paschal controversy, Judaizing ten- dencies, heretical baptism, lapse, and other ques- tions, gave frequent scope for synodal action. Tertulhan says that in Greece the Churches often assembled to take joiat action in matters of grave import [de Jejun. 1 3]. The same was the custom ' Tertullian writes (he held Barnabas to be the author) : "Monens itacjue discipulos omissis omnibus initiis, ad porfectionem magis tendere, neo rursus fundamenta poeni- tentiffi jaoere ab operibus mortuoram : impossibile est enim, inquit, eoe q^ui semcl illumiuati sunt," &c. \pt PudicUia., c 20.] Canons, Apostolical Canons, Apostolical u Cappadocia, as we learn from Firmilian's letter Cyprian \E-p. Ixxv. Ed. Ox. p. 219]; and in Lfrica [Cyp. ad Fort. Ep. Ivi. p. 116]. Tlie more mportant canons thus framed were collected to- 'ether at an early date, and the third century lad scarcely opened before canons termed " apos- rolical" were in existence. Scaliger, Hammond, junning, and Bishop Pearson [ V. Ign. i. 4] refer ;he Ap. Canons to this period, and B. Beveridge Jud. Can. Apost. Coteler. i. and Can. Prim. Eccl. Vindic.'] has conclusively proved the correctness 3f this view. This collection was known by various :iames, as the "Apostolical and Ecclesiastical Ca- aons," " Ancient Canons," " Apostolical Doctrines md Traditions." They first obtained their name, perhaps, not as claiming to have been drawn up by the Apostles, but as declaring the discipline of the Apostolical Church confronted with heresy, as p.ompiled by Apostolical men, the incumbents of Apostolical sees, and as announcing the synodal decisions of the Church built upon the Apostolic faith. Two collections of Apostolical Canons appear to have existed, both connected with the name of Clement of Eome. A shorter body of fifty canons was translated by Dionysius Exi- guus, for Stephen, Bishop of Salona, at the close of the fifth century, and placed by him at the head of a codex containing the canons of the two first general Councils, the Chalcedonian, Ancy- ran, Sardican, African Canons, and several others ; shewing that these canons were of received autho- rity, though Dionysius himself threw doubts upon their genuineness. A second collection was made half a century later by Johannes Scholasticus, before his advancement to the Patriarchate of Constantiaople [a.d. 565]. It was enlarged by thirty-five additional canons, compiled from local and provincial Councils, and from the Apostolical Constitutions, to which work it has ever since been annexed as an appendix. Johannes Scholas- ticus declared that these eighty-five canons were found in earlier Greek collections. The Greek copy of which Dionysius made use was of a dif- ferent family from the copy of Johannes Scholas- ticus. MSS. depart from the original text by slow degrees ; and material variations in the con- text as well as number of these canons as they first stand forth in antiquity, shew that they are the product of very primitive times. These canons bear the stamp of primitive anti- quity, and they contain nothing that is inconsis- tent with Church usages of the second century. They were at length superseded by the canons of General Councils, and fell into desuetude. The few expressions that these canons contain, referring their origin to the Apostles, may have been easily interpolated. The concluding paragraph [Can. Ixxxv.] which sets forth the canonical books of Scripture, is probably of the fourth century, and ascribes the entire work to the Apostles. The entire number of eighty-five canons has always been received as authoritative by the Eastern Church since their reception by the Trullan Council, A.D. 792. The Church of Eome treats all as apocryphal, even the first fifty canons [Ca- bassutius. Not. Cone, iy.] ; but they mostly bear 111 marks of primitive date, as Drey has shown [Drey, Neue UntersucTi]. Dionysius himself eliminated the Apostolical Canons from a subsequent collec- tion made after Pope Hormisdas had declared them to be apocryphal, "quos non admisit uni- versitas, ego quoque in hoc opere prastermisi" [BickeU, Gesch. d. Kir chenr edits, 75]. Yei they stiU retained some authority in the Western (Jhurch, and Humbert, legate of Leo IX., de- clared, A.D. 1054, that the Apostolical Canons "numcrantur inter apocrypha, exceptis capitulis quinquaginta." Gratian, moreover, gave them a place in the decretals, which obtained for them by degrees the force of law. The existence of some such code may be traced in the writings of early Fathers. Tertullian says, " AVe are forbidden to consort with heretics," and he probably had in his mind C. Ap. xlv. and Ixv., which in effect do forbid it. He speaks of synodal action in the Churches of Greece \_de Jejun. 13], and Canon xxxvii. enjoins every Church to hold semestral councils. Eimulian \Ep. ad Cypr. a.d. 233] declares that these meet- ings were a matter of necessity [sec. iii.], clearly im- plying some authoritative decree that bound the Church in the way of duty. The only ante-Ni cene decree on the subject is Ca. Ap. xxxvii. A letter, published first by Mafiei, a.d. 1738, in a Latin translation, and to be found in Eouth's Eel. Sacr. [iii. 381], contains a complaint of Hesy- chius and other Egyptian bishops, addressed to Meletius, a.d. 304, with respect to his ordination -of priests in a foreign diocese ; it was a practice " aliena a more divino et regula eoclesiastica," and Meletius, as they said, was well aware that it was a " law of their fathers and forefathers that no bishop should ordain in other dioceses." The oidy extant law to which reference could be made is the thirty-sixth Apostolical Canon. Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, in his epistle to Alexander, bishop of Constantinople, complains of the breach of ancient Church canon law, when Arius and Achillas, deprived of communion by him- self [Theod. H.E. i. 4], were admitted to communion by other bishops. As there is no other primitive canon in existence bearing upon this subject we cannot doubt but that he had in his mind Can. Ap. xii. xiii xvi xxxii The Council of Nice, without introducing much new matter, gave fuU synodal authority to such of these ancient canons as it adopted. [Beveridge, C. Prim. E. Jud. i. 4] ; compare Can. Nic. i. = A. xxi.-xxiii. ; N". ii. =-■ A. Ixxx. ; N. iii. = A. xviii. ; N. iv. = A. i. xxxiv. ; N. V. = A. xxxii. xxxvii. ; IS", viii. = A. xvii. XXXV. Ixii. ; N". xvi. = A. xv. ; 1^. xvii. = A. xhv.; N. xix. = A. xlvi. xlvii. Such terms as the " ecclesiastical canon," Can. Nic. ii. ; the " canon," v. XV. ; the "dogmata of the Catholic and Apos- tolical Church" viii., referring to similar canons in the Apostolical collection, must be held to bo a virtual citation of them. Still more satisfactory evidence of the high authority of these Canons is supplied by the Council of Antioch [a.d. 341]. There is a close parallel between the canons of this Council and certain of the Apostolical Canons. Drey indeed Canons, Apostolical pronounces for the higher antiquity of the for- mer \_N. Untersucli.^ 406] ; Eickell adopts the same view \Gesch. d. K. Rechts, p. 79]. Beve- ridge says, with equal decision, " At vero Antio- chenos ex Apostolicis non e contra traductos esse prohe constat ; " and the contemporary evidence that he adduces is very convincing. Hefele says that the CounoO. of Antioch may have copied from the Apostolical Canons, and that the poiat cannot he considered to have been settled by Drey. [Doch ist die MbgHchkeit nicht ausge- schlossen, dass lungekehrt das Antiochenische ConoU aus nnseren canonen geschbpft hatte, und ■vvir miissen darum diesen Punckt als noch nicht erledigt "betrachten. Goncilien Gescli. i. 772]. Throughout Hefele agrees with Beveridge, and considers that Synods of the fourth and fifth centuries that appealed to older Apostolical Canons had this collection in view. \Ihid.'\ The canons of the Council of Antioch, i.-xxv., form a close parallel with the Ap. C. vii.-xvi. xxviii.-xl. ; only, as being of later date, they are expressed with less simplicity, and they make clear expressions that spoke doubtfully in the older collection. The substitution of " Metro- politan," Can. Ant. ix., for " Chief Bishop," Can. Ap. xxxiv., is a very significant proof of the priority of the latter in point of time. "When this Council cites the "Ancient Canon," C. ix., and then sets down the exact words of Ap. C. xxxiv., it not only identifies this latter with the " Ancient Canon," but explains it by the synony- mous term in the Mcene code. When George of Cappadooia, with the help of the secular power, usurped the see of Alexandria [a.d. 356], he thereby violated Can. Ap. xxix. xxx., and set at nought the "ecclesiastical decrees" [Athanas.]. Eusebius, Bishop of Ceesarea, by refusing transla- tion to the more important see of Antioch, acted in accordance with the Can. Ap. xiv., which pro- liibits translation, and was complimented by the Emperor Constantine for his obedience to the " Apostolic and Ecclesiastical canon." Basil \_ad Ampliil. Can. iii.] says, that simple deposition, without excommunication, is sufficient punishment for certain clerical offences ; "for it is the old rule," i.e. as laid down in Can. Ap. xxv. Again, he says [?'&. Can. xii.], the " Canon" disqualifies for the ministry those who have been twice married, his precedent being Can. Ap. xvii. When Atha- nasius was driven from his see [a.d. 341], the Emperor placed in it Gregory, who, without having discharged any kind of ministerial office, was raised at once to the episcopate, and conse- crated at Antioch to the see of Alexandria. It was an infraction of the two Ap. Can. xxxv., Ixxx., and the proceeding was at once denounced by Julius, Bishop of Eome, as " uncanonical." A provincial council held at Constantinople [a.d. 394], in the matter of the disputed see of Bostra, declared that a bishop could only he deposed by his co-provincials, or by a synodical decree, " as the Apostolical canons have decided," i.e. Can, Ap. Ixxiv. At about the same time a council held at Carthage under Aurelius, declared that the " ancient form" should be maintained, and that 112 Canons, Apostolical tliree bishops should be required for episcopal consecration [Can. Ap. i.]. The Emperor Theodosius the Younger, in a law- passed against the ISTestorians [a.d. 435], speaks vrith severity of Irenseus, who, having been twice married, had been raised to the episcopate, " the Apostolical Canon" [xvii.] notwithstanding. The Council of Ephesus referred to these canons [c£ Can. Eph. viii. with C. Ap. xxxiv. xxxv.] The CouncU of Chalcedon also in framing Can. xxii. had in view C. Ap. xl. These Canons refer to the ordination of bishops, priests and deacons ; clerical obedience ; freedom from secular cares; simony, usury, nepotism; fasts and festivals ; a married clergy is recognised, and bishops are allowed to devise their property by will for the sake of wife and family; a second marriage is a disqualification for holy orders; a bishop may not be translated, a priest may not seek any other preferment, nor court the patron- age of the great ; a bishop may only be de- posed after three citations ; the Sacraments shall be rightly administered and duly honoured, neither may any offering be made on the altar but that of the Holy Eucharist, and corn and grapes in their season. The primitive form of baptism with triple immersion is given, which may not be repeated, and heretical baptism is pronounced invalid. The schisms and heresies of primitive times are indicated in various canons, as also the custom from whence these canons took their rise, viz., the celebration of half-yearly synods, after Easter and in October. Excommunication may only be reversed by the bishop who inflicted it; the clergy may not encroach upon the cure of others, nor read unauthorized writings in their public ministration. A list of the Canonical Scriptures is appended, wliich adds three books of Maccabees to the Old Testament, and Ecclesi- asticus is recommended for catechetical use. The Book of Eevelation is omitted in the iNew Testa- ment canon, which otherwise contains all our present books, with the addition of two Epistles of Clement and the eight books of Apostolical Constitutions. The words St' l/ioi) KX'^/ievTos are a probable interpolation, and the same may be said of ij/iwi/ in koX at npa^eis Tj/icSi/ tuv 'AttocttoA.mi'. The Constitutions, however, must be read with reserve, 8ta to. kv o-urats immiKa. This last canon is the latest in the collection, and may be referred to the middle of the fifth century, when the last thirty-five canons were probably added. The whole' number was then added to the Apostolical Constitutions, from whence also much of their subject-matter was derived. In this position they were found by Joh. Scholasticus a century later. Most of the Greek copies contain an injunction to the bishops to observe them, which concludes with a prayer, as found in Cotelerius \Patr. 4^j.]. The Em- peror Justinian mentions these canons as a code of laws " delivered by the Apostles to the Church, and always maintained and expounded by holy men." \_Nov. vi. Beveridge, Jiid. de G. Ap. Co- teler, Pair. Ap. i. ; Canones Prim. Eccl. Vindi- cata. Drey, N. UntersucU. Hefele, vol. i. Ap- Canonization Canonisation pendix. Cabassutius, Not. Ooncil. iv. Pearson, Vindie. Ignat. iv. Fr. BaUerini iu Leonis Op. ed. Quesnel, and Migne Patrolog.] CANONIZATION is the judgment pronounced by the Church on the state of a faithful person dying in the odour of sanctity, who in his life- time had displayed etrikiag proofs of virtue by miracles or other means. When a Christian died an altar was erected over his grave, at which the Eucharist was offered, and this was the earliest form of canonization; but bishops were very strict in requiring proofs of the truth of a martyr- dom. According to St. Augustine [Oollat. Brevie. iii. 11], the acts were sent to the metropolitan or primate, who, with the advice of the suffragans of his province, decided on their authenticity, which was indispensable when heresy also claimed its heroes [Euseb. Hist. JEecles. iv. 14, viiL 10] ; St. Jerome [Com. in Ps. cxv.] alludes to the necessity of exactness in such investigations. The word itself is derived from the custom of inserting the names of saints in the canon of the mass, before martyrologies were composed. In the Greek Chm-ch the names of bishops who had governed their dioceses well, and others of the faithful, were inscribed in the holy diptychs, and recited after the Irene [Dionys. de Eccles. Hier. ix. 24], and Bona \Ber. Liturg. 1. iL c. xii. n. 1], calls this a kind of beatification. No cultus is allowed by the Eoman Church to be offered to saints without the permission of the Pope, after a cere- monial beatification or canonization. The rules for this were prescribed by John XV., and Pope Celestine III. required the most searching inquiry to be made into the virtues and miracles of saiats ; whilst Gregory IX. declared in his bull "Ciim dicat " that virtues without miracles, or miracles without virtues, were insufficient to constitute grounds for canonization. Urban VIIL prohi- bited any cultus of saiats previous to beatification. Bellarmine states that St. Swibert, Bishop of Verden by Leo TIT, [see, however, Acta Sano- torum, March 1, i. 81], and St. Hugh, Bishop of Grenoble [d. 1132], by Innocent IL [Fonta- nini's Codex, p. 11], were the first persons canon- ized according to the mode and ceremonial now observed. The earliest direct application to a Pope for the canonization of a saint was made to Clement VIII. in the case of Eaymond de Penna- fort, who died in 1275. It appears from notices in the history of St. Martin of Tours [De Vita Martini, Sulpitius Se- verm, num. xi.], and the works of Optatus of Milevi [de Schism. Donat. lib. L c. 1 9], that honours were sometimes paid by individuals or towns to one not an accredited saint or martyr ; just as in the fourteenth century the term was " non vindi- catus," unrecognised. The cultus of confessors being a more recent designation than that of martyrs, and a condition more difficult of a proof beyond contest, and therefore more liable to illu- sion, was stiE more strictly guarded. The Coun- cil of Cologne, cited by Ivo of Chartres, forbade any public mark of veneration to new saints made by the popular voice until they had received the sanction of the diocesan ; and the decision of the 113 Church was supported by the emperors, as in the Capitulars of Charlemagne, a.d. 801. Festivals in honour of the saints were ordained by the bishops, relics were consigned to the veneration of the faithful, translation of their bodies was made or sanctioned, and at length the right, or rather sanction, of canonization for general observance after the diocesan had initiated the matter, was claimed by the Pope. The precise date cannot be ascertained previous to the tenth century ; but in the Council of Lateran, a.d. 993, John XV. inserted amongst the saints' names that of Udal- ric. Bishop of Augsburg, at the entreaty of Lui- tolph, one of his successors. Yet even after that date a long list of saints remains, of men univer- sally honoured, although their names were con- secrated only by individual prelates, with per- mission of the metropolitan and within the limits of a single diocese. Alexander III., about the year 1170, is believed to have first formally claimed the reservation of the rite to the Eoman See, and Pope Innocent III. confirmed this in a bull dated April 3, 1200, although it was not ac- knowledged irntU a much later date. The last canonization made without any intervention of the Pope was that of St. Gualtier of Pontoise by the Archbishop of Eouen, a.d. 1153. In early times canonization in a Council was required, as for Udalric, who died a.d. 973, by John XV. ; as by the French bishops of the province at the Council of Vienne, a.d. 993, when they invited the canonization of St. Stephen of Die by the hands of Gregory IX. ; in that of Lateran [Fon- tanini's Codex, p. 1], of St. Gerard of Toul, who died A.D. 994, by Leo IX. in the CouncU of Eome [Ibid. p. 5] ; and of St. Sturmius, Abbot of Frdda, who died a.d. 779, by Pope Innocent 11. in the second Council of Lateran [Ibid. p. 13]. A general consistory of aU bishops present at Eome is now convened, but the Pope alone pro- nounces canonization. The honours of canonUed saints are seven ; their names are inserted in the Calendar, and recited in litanies ; invocations are addressed to them ; churches and altars are dfrli- cated under their title; their festival, i.e. the aimiversary of their death, is observed; their pictures are decorated with a nimbus — the Italian aureole ; and their rehcs are exposed for venera- tion and carried in procession. When any person is proposed for canonization by a sovereign, a country, or an order, [1] the Pope entrusts the preliminary examination to a certain number of bishops, who make a report of the popular devotion towards the reputed saint, and of his life and miracles. This process, if favourable, is transmitted to a committee of cardinals and auditors of the Eota, and if they are agreed, an orator gives a biographical sketch, and recom- mends canonization. The Pope then prescribes prayer and fasting and alms-deeds, and convenes the consistory; [2] the episcopal order record their votes; [3] a procession of the Pope and clergy is followed by [4] an entreaty for canoni- zation ; [5] the litany is said, the Pope kneeling; [6] the second entreaty follows, the Pope being seated on his throne ; [7] the Pope and bishops, Canonization Casuistry turmitied, address themselves to private prayer ; [8] the last entreaty is made, the Pope declares the new saint; [9] the cardinal deacon recites the name in the Confiteor; [10] the Pope gives the benediction, and [11] celebrates mass. At the offertory [12] two large candles, two loaves, two small barrels of wine, three basket cages contain- ing a pair of turtle doves, doves, and singing birds, are offered. [13] The Pope pronounces a plenary absolution; and [14] a solemn procession with banners and chanting is made to a church pre- pared in honour of the new saint, where thanks- giving is made. The wax tapers, presented by two persons especially ittterested in the canoniza- tion, represent the hght of the virtuous actions of the saint, and are placed in a candlestick ; the bread, which is in one loaf gUt and in the other silvered, both ensigned with the papal arms, and carried by the gentlemen of a cardinal priest, re- presents that the saint's food was the imitation of his Master ; the barrels of wine, gUt and silvered, carried by gentlemen of a cardinal deacon, typify sanctifying grace ; the doves in their gilded cage represent sweetness ; the turtles are the symbol of fidelity, and the other birds of heavenly con- templation. Gregory XVI. added the ceremonial of benediction from the balcony of the Vatican; the use of carpets with armorial bearings and standards date from the canonization of St. Stanislaus, Bishop of Cracow, by Innocent IV., a.d. 1253. The Eegister of Archbishop Morton at Lambeth contains a most diifose account of the order of canonization observed at the close of the fifteenth century. A large traverse, or enclosed platform of wood (parous), was erected, with seats for cardinals and bishops, and a wooden altar, at which the Pope celebrated ; every bay of the church was to blaze with tapers, at least eighty of four pounds in weight having to be used. Cardinal commis- saries made the offerings : one presented two loaves, one covered with cloth of gold, the other with cloth of silver ; a second brought four barrels of wine, full, and covered with cloth of gold ; the third offered four tapers of ten pounds in weight; and the chief of the appUcants for the canonization brought a painted canister or cage containing white doves, one of which was to be loosed. Seven tapers were to burn on the altar, two on the credence, and seven were carried in procession. Finally, the Pope received a cup with one hundred ducats. Latimer called canonization " a judging of men before the Lord's judgment," and Sir Thomas More draws a nice distinction \pial. Works, p. 190]. "Those that be not canonized ye may for the more part both pray for them and pray to them, as ye may pray for and to them that be alive. But one that is canonized ye may pray to him to pray for you, but ye may not pray for him. Of the canonized ye may reckon you sure." Crakanthorpe has ably argued on the subject of iuvocation of saints, which naturally flows from formal canonization [Cap. 1. li. Ui. Def. Eccles. Anglic.^ [Giusto Pontanini, Archbishop of Ancyra, Codex Gonstitutionum quas summi pontijices 114 ediderunt in solemni Canonizatione, a.d. 993 ad 1729 (EomEe, 1729). Collectio BuUarum ei Constitutionum quas summi pontifiees ediderunt, etc. (Eomse, 1752). Emmanuel Azevedo, Opera P. Benedicti XIV., vols. i. to v. (Eomee, 1749). CasteUino, de Inquisitione miraculorum, etc. Andr^, Goursdu Droit Ganonique, 1844. Eocca, de Ganonizatione Sanctorum. Fleury, Hist. Ecdedastique, Hv. 59. xcv. 37. BeyerUnck, Theatrum, tom. ii. p. 68, iv. 125. Pascal, de la Liturgie, 227. Boissonnet, des Ceremonies, etc. 404. Wilkin s' Concilia, ui. 636. Coerem. Episc. c. i. s. vi. Ducange, Glossarium, iL 107. MaUlane, Diet, du Droit Ganonique.^ CANTICLE. A prose hymn taken from Holy Scripture chanted in Divine Service. In the Anglican rite the Canticles are sung after the first and second Lessons at Morning and Evening Prayer ; and their leading ritual principle is that of associating the praise of the personal "Word of God with the reading of the written "Word of God. CAPHAENAITISM. A term used to express the gross and material notion which was originally entertained by the people of Capernaum of our Lord's declaration respecting Sacramental feeding on His Body and Sacramental drinking of His Blood [John vi 52, 59]. CAPITULARS. Codified forms of the French Civil Law. Those of Charlemagne and St. Louis are best known ; and all that are extant are printed in the collection of Baluze. The term was applied in a limited sense to books of Diocesan Canons. [Law, Civil and Canon.] CAPITULUM. The "Httle chapter," one oi more verses of Holy Scripture said after the Psalms and before the Hymn in the several Hours of the Breviary. CAPUT JEJUNIL An ancient name for the first day of Lent. CAEDINAL. A title of honour in the time of St. Gregory given to all the clergy of the city of Eome. In later times the title went with the rectorship of the churches of Eome, and these are still associated with it. The canonical num- ber is now seventy, comprising six bishops, fifty priests, and fourteen deacons. They form the council of the Pope, and act as his vicars at the altar and elsewhere. CASUISTEY. The science of duty. The name is rudely formed from casus, as used in the expression Gasvs Consciemtim, through "Casuist," the person who studies and decides on such cases. Every one who acts "conscien- tiously " must be in some degree a casuist on his own account : and the degree in which he wiU be so will depend partly on the circumstances of his life, partly on the keenness or dulness of his conscience, and partly on his intellectual capacity to decide as to his duty in particular iostances. The laws of reason, the laws of society, the laws of the Church, and the principles (in the absence of direct laws) of the Gospel, are the chief autho- rities external to the intuition of conscience, by which the course of duty must be settled in such cases. For although in a simple life the Catechumen Catechumen duties of life are simple, and the intuitions of conscience need little help, yet in a complex life, such as that which falls to the lot of men whose occupations are many and varied, duty hecomes much less self-evident, and is to he ascertained in many cases only hy a careful detailed balancing of right and wrong. "Every one hath not digested, when it is a sin to take something for money lent, or when not ; when it is a fault to discover another's faults, or when not ; when the affections of the sord in desiring or procuring increase of means, or honour, be a sin of cove- tousness or ambition, and when notj when the appetites of the body in eating, drinking, sleeping, and the pleasure that comes with sleep, be sins of gluttony, drunkenness, sloth, lust, and when not, and 80 in many circnmstanees of actions " [Her- bert's Works, i. 128]. The science of duty, therefore, or " Casuistry," is the application of general laws respecting duty to particular cases. It is a science in which every well-trained Chris- tian must necessarily have more or less practical, though it may be informal, knowledge ; and of which much formal knowledge is required by those whose province it is to guard and guide the moral life of others. Casuistry has been very much neglected by English theologians, especially in modern times. This is probably to be attributed to the disuse of confession since the Great EebeUion, which has given rise to habits of self-reliance that have led EngUsh people (for good or evil) to determine the right and wrong of their particular duties without much reasoning upon them, and without much reference to any guidance beyond the intuitions of conscience. Among the works of old English Divines, " cases of conscience" are, however, very common ; and there are abundant indications that chose which got into print were a very small proportion of those in which the laity sought and obtained the advice of their clergy. Great dis- credit has, in fact, been brought upon Casuistry by the over-minuteness with which it is pursued in the works of the Jesuits ; and it cannot be denied that this over-minuteness has sometimes perverted Casuistry into an immoral tampering with the principles of right and wrong. [Jesuits.] But the old saying appUes in this case as in many others, the abuse of a thing does not prove that it is evil : and as Casuistry in some vague form is practised by every conscientious person, so formal Casuistry is more or less a necessity among every community of moral beings who are living in the midst of complex social and business re- lations. CATECHUMEN. The technical name in early ages for aU who were being prepared to receive holy baptism. It is directly from the Greek word, Karrj)(ovfji.evoi, the participle of KaTijx««> "to sound a thing in one's ears, im- press it upon one by word of mouth," and hence, in the passive, to be informed of a thing, to be instructed in the elements of religion. In the Apostolic age, baptism was administered whenever desired. But in process of time, as the Church increased, a Ions course of moral training 115 and dogmatic instruction was enjoined upon those who were preparing to receive the initiatory sacra- ment. To instruct these, catechists were appointed by the bishops, and special places set apart for their teaching. The candidates were admitted to be catechumens by a solemn form, with prayer, and the sign of the cross and the imposition of hands. Catechumens were divided into three classes. The first, called Audibntes, or hearers, were ad- mitted simply to hear instruction in the Church ; the second, or Gbnuflbotentes, were allowed to join in some of the prayers ; and the third, or CoMPBTENTES, being fuUy prepared for baptism, only waited for its administration, which was generally confined to the Vigils of Easter and Pentecost, and, in the East, the Feast of the Epiphany. The time of preparation for catechumens varied in different churches. The Apostolical Constitu- tions [viii. 32] prescribe three years, but provide for a shortening of the time, if needful, as regard must be had not to " the space of time, but to the fitness and manners of men." The Council of lUiberis [circ. a.d. 305-320] appoints two years as the season of instruction. If, howeve/, there was any danger of death, baptism was at once administered. It was a great principle with the early Church to conceal the higher doctrines or mysteries of the faith from all but the faithful, i.e. the bap- tized. This system was what is called the Dis- CIPLINA Arcani, and was most strictly practised. The object was not only to stir up in the minds of the catechumens a great desire to share in the full teaching and privileges of the faithful, but also to avoid exposing the sacred rites and doc- trines of the Church to the contempt of the heathen. Hence catechumens were only taught what was necessary to fit them for baptism. St. Cyril expressly says that if the catechumen inquire of the preacher's meaning, the catechist is not to in- form him, "for he is without" [Prcef. ad Oatech. Ilium, p. 13]. And at the end of this preface is subjoined the note: "These catechetical dis- courses may be read by those that are to be bap- tised, or the faithful already baptized. But to catechumens, or such as are no Christians, thou mayest not impart them ; for if thou dost, expect to give an account to God."^ In accordance with this system of discipline, the office for Holy Communion was divided into two main parts. The earlier part was called the "missa catechumenorum j" and at the close of the Gospel proclamation was made by the deacons, oiToi KaTr]-)(ov/ji,(voi TrpokXOtT^ (those that are catechumens depart). Then came the " missa fidelium," to which the baptized alone were ad- mitted. This division •was, maintained until the fifth century, when it gradually ceased in Chris- tian countries, as being no longer necessary. It does not appear that catechumens had often 1 To this custom also refers tlie frequent expression of St. Chrysostom, taanv o! fie/j.vrifi.^i'oi. ' See Canon xix. of the Council of Laodicea Cathari Celibacy special duties in connection with the Church services. But Socrates [v. 22] mentions that, in ' the Church of Alexandria, they were permitted to he readers and singers. Two of the canons of the Council of Mcsea have reference to catechumens. The second censures transgression of the rule of the Church, "in that men who had just come over to the faith from a Gentile life, and had heen but for a little time catechumens, have heen at once brought to the spiritual laver, and immediately after their baptism promoted to the episcopate or presby- terate." "It seems good that no such thing take place in future ; for the catechumen needs time and a longer probation after baptism. For the Apostolic Scripture plainly says — ' Not a neophyte, lest being puffed up he fall into con- demnation and the snare of the deTil.'" The fourteenth says : " Concerning the lapsed cate- chumens, it seems good to the great and holy synod that for three years they be hearers only, and afterwards pray with the catechumens." The Sarum Manual contained an " Ordo ad faciendum Catechumenum j" but this was for use prior to infant as weU as to adult baptism. The ceremony took place at the door of the church, and various rites were performed ; e.g. salt placed in the mouth, exorcism, signing vnth the cross, &c., the Lord's Prayer, Hail Mary and Creed concluding the service. The child's right hand was then taken by the priest, who introduced bim into the church as a complete catechumen. Then followed the " ritus baptizandi." It is easy to see the derivation of this from the more an- cient practice. [Cave's Primitive Christianity, part. i. c. 8 and 9 ; Annotated Book of Gommon Prayer.'l CATHAEI. This name was given to, or as- sumed by, several early sects of heretics, who claimed to be "Puritans" in comparison with the Church. But it is generally used vnth refer- ence to the followers of Novatus of Carthage, who seceded from the Church about a.d. 251. Epi- phanius says that these refused to communicate ^yith the lapsed, and denied the possibility of pardon for sin committed after baptism. St. Augustine also, in the 38th chapter of his book on Heresies, speaks of them as " the Cathari, who proudly and hatefully so designated them- selves, as if on account of their purity : they do not admit of second marriages, and refuse repen- tance, following one Novatus, a heretic, from whom also they are called Novatians." In mediaeval times the sects of the Albigenses and Vaudois were called Cathari, and the name has been reproduced in England under the form " Puritans." CATHOLIC. The original and proper mean- ing of this word is universal, or scattered through- out the world {ko-O' oAijs t^s y^s). On this ac- count certain of the epistles are called Catholic, or " general," as our version has it, because they are not addressed to any particular church or person. As applied to the Church, its original purpose was to distinguish the Christian Church, as designed to be co-extensive with humanity, 116 from the Jewish, which was confined for the most part to the descendants of Jacob. But it was also used to distinguish those Christians who maintained what had been universally taught from the beginning from those who added to or detracted from the faith. \lgaiA,., Ep. ad Smym. ; Pacian., Ep. i. ad Sempronian. ; Euseb. iv. 15.] We thus obtain the phrase Catholic doctrine, by which is meant the doctrine of the Church as unanimously taught in aU parts, as distinguished from additions or corruptions of a practical and personal origin. The test of Catholic doctrine, the maintenance of which distinguishes the CathoUc Church in any place from heretical or schisma- tical communions, has been described as that which has been taught always, everywhere, and by aU — the quod semper, quod uhique, et quod ab omnibus of Vincentius Lirinensis. Of this the main foundations are the Apostles' and Mcene Creeds, of which the former, vrith slight variations, has come down to us from the most ancient times as a confession of faith, and the latter was finally proclaimed, nearly in its present state, at the Council of Constantinople, A.D. 381. This creed was at the time said to be conclusive on all points relating to the Persons of the Holy Trinity, and all additions were forbidden. The words "from the Son," however, in the third part, have been subsequentiy introduced in the "West ; and although the explanation of them has been admitted to be orthodox, their presence in the creed has caused the schism now existing between the Catholic Churches of the East and "West. Roman theologians maintain that the Catholic Church is confined to the communion and obedience of the Pope : but this is denied by a large portion of the Christian world. Tliis controversy turns entirely upon the ques- tion of the necessity of obedience to the Papal Supremacy being, or not, a part of Catholic doctrine, which is denied by the whole of the Eastern Church, by aU churches in com- munion with the Church of England, and of course by all other classes of Christians. This, however, being in its substance a point of disci- pline only, though exalted into a doctrine by Eomanists, is not considered to destroy the Catholicity of the Eoman Church, or to make it wrong to communicate with her. Hence she is included, with all other churches, not heretical, in the term "Catholic Church" in the creeds, and in the same term in the " Prayer for all conditions of men" in the Book of Common Prayer of the Church of England. But it is a vsTong to other churches and to the truth to speak of her, as is popularly the case, as " the CathoUo Church" and of her clergy alone as " Catholic priests." CELIBACY OF THE CLERGY. It is cer- tain that marriage was allowed during the Apos- tolic age. Some of the Apostles, as St. Peter, were married [Matt. viii. 14] ; we read in the Acts of the Apostles, of Philip the deacon's seven daugh- ters [xxi. 8, 9], and that Aqmla preached the Gospel, accompanied with his wile Priscilla [xviii. 2]. St. Paul recognises the existence ol a Celibacy married clergy, by giving directions to Timothy and Titus respecting their wives and the duties of married life^ [1 Tim. iii. 1-13 ; Titus i. 6], Ac- cordingly it is not actually asserted by its advo- cates that the celibacy of the clergy is of divine institution, nor with the evidence of Scripture only before us would such an assertion be possi- ble ; but merely that it belongs to ecclesiastical usage or discipline, which may vaiy at different periods as the circumstances of the Church may require. Bellarmine'' and others, however, have made assertions which, if true, would virtually render celibacy of Divine institution, or at least as having Divine sanction. They say that a per- son married was bound after ordination, by Apos- tolic tradition, to live separate from his wife : this Bellarmine asserts is implied by the word eyKparrj, which St. Paul, in his Epistle to Titus [i. 8], uses of a bishop, and which is rendered in the English version " temperate, "s But there is no reason to think that this word is mistranslated in our version ; nor if rendered, which is ad- missible, " continent," would it necessarily, or even probably, imply the necessity of celibacy.* We have the clearest, most unexceptionable proof that during the first three centuries this sup- posed Apostolic tradition was wholly unknown —proof not only of a married clergy in the Church, but of their living together in the re- lation of marriage. Thus, St. Polycarp speaks, of Valens, a presbyter, and his wife. Euse- bius relates that the judge entreated Phileas, Bishop of Thmuis, and others married in the Thebaid, to have compassion on their wives and chndien, by renouncing the faith, and thus saving themselves from suffering and martyrdom. The case of Novatus, which St. Cyprian mentions, is too clear to leave any doubt of the truth of our statement, for he struck his wife during her preg- nancy, causing miscarriage. St. Gregory of Sfazi- anzus was bom during his father's episcopate, and other instances of a married clergy are given by Bingham." It may thus be asserted generally that during the first three centuries the marriage of the clergy was permitted ; that is, the clergy who were married before ordination were not, on being ad- ' St. John, also, in the Apocalypse, according to the best MSS., speaks of thewife of the angel, or bishop, of Thy- atira, whom he calls by the opprobrious name of Jezebel [ii. 20]. "Thou sufferest thy wife Jezebel," &c. TV ywaiKa troB is admitted into the text by Lachmann and Tischendorf. " Se Glerids, lib. i. o. 19. Bellarmine represents St. Jerome {Comment., in loc.) as sanctioning his interpreta- tion of iyKparij, but the statement is untrue. St. Jerome, in explaining the verse, does not refer to this word. He strongly indeed, though on other grounds, recommends clerical contiuence. ^ The meaning of the word is thus explained by St. Chrysostom — "'temperate:' he speaks not here of one who fasts, but of one who commands his passions, his tongue, his hands, his eyes ; for this is 'temperance,' to be drawn aside by no passion. " Gomment. on TUus, i. 8 (Oxf. transL). * Suicer gives instances from the Fathers of the use of the word in reference to. those living in marriage. The- saur. Ecdes. , in loc. ' Antigwities, bo )k iv. ch. v. sec. 6. 117 Celibacy mitted to the order of deacon, « priest, or bishop, required to live separate from their wives ; but there is no instance, in the primitive Church, of the marriage of a priest or bishop. The first change, so far as we know, which was made in the usage of the Church was at the Council of EUiberis in Spain [a.d. 305], continence being en- joined, after their ordination, on bishops, priests, a nd deacons' — a canon, as we shall presently see, set aside by the Council of Nice. In one of the canons of the Council of N"eoc8Bsarea [a.d. 314], we read : " If a presbyter marry, let him be removed from his order" [canon 1] ; and in one of the canons of Ancyra [a.d.315], "that if any when made deacons said it was needful for them to marry [see 1 Cor. vii. 8], and should afterwards marry, they may continue in the ministry because this was per- mitted by the bishop. But should any at ordi- nation be silent respecting this, thus undertaking to ' abide so,' i.e., in continence, and afterwards marry, let him be removed from the ministry," literally, " cease from the diaconate." After this followed the canons of the Council of Nice. A new law, as Socrates the ecclesiastical historian relates, was then proposed (vo/tov veaphv £is T^v EK/cAijcriav el(T(jieptiv) to compel the three orders of the ministry to live separate from their wives. This was opposed by Paphnutius, a bishop of one of the cities of Upper Thebes, an un- married man of unblemished chastity and a confessor : he strongly recommended that the old tradition should be kept up (/card rr/v 'EKKXrjcrlas apxaiav irapoSocrtv), i.e. that none should be allowed to marry after ordination, but that those previously married should not be required to separate from their wives. This alleged usage or tradition of the Church is confirmed by the Apostolical Canon [c. xxvi.], that of those ad- mitted to the clerical order unmarried, none but " readers or singers" should be allowed to marry : whilst by another canon the matrimonial union of the clergy with their wives is fully sanctioned : " If any bishop, presbyter, or deacon put away his wife under pretence of religion, let him be excommunicated, or if he persist, deposed" [c. v.]. And by the Council of Gangra in Paplilagonia [about A.D. 340], "If any man make a distinction (SiaKplvoiTo irapd) between a married presbyter and another, so as not to partake of his oblation, let him be anathema." Thus it is proved that the marriage of the clergy was allowed in the primitive Church, though with certain restrictions ; marriage must precede ordination : bigamy, or being twice mar- ried after baptism, also incapacitated from holy orders.8 Again, it cannot be doubted, from the testimony of Socrates, the historian, that many of s One of the Councils, we shall find, allows, under cer- tain conditions, marriage after deacon's orders. '' Placuit in totum prohibere episcopis presbyteris et diaconis, vel omnibus clericia positis in ministerio, o.bsti- nere se a conjugibus suis et non generare Alios ; quicum- que vero fecerit ab honore clericatus exterminetur, c. xxxiii. ' Apostolical Canons, c. xvii. ; EpipTmn. adv. Hcercs. amtr. Catliar. 39 al. 59 ; St. Ambrose, De Officiis, lib. i. c, 1. sec. 247 ; St. Augustine, De Bono Conjugali, c xviii. Celibacy Celibacy the married clergy lived in continence : no posi- tive law existed, but it was done voluntarily and by mutual consent. Thus he says ■} "I knew a custom when living in Thessalyj if a cleric in that country after taking orders should cohabit with his wife whom he had legally married before ordination, he would be degraded (o.troK'^pvKToi) : aU clergymen with wives, in the East, abstaining from each other's society, and also bishops, if they please — not doing this of necessity as by any law (ov /x)) 6.va.-^K-Q vofxov tovto ttolovvtoiv), for many of them (bishops) in the time of their epis- copate have had children by their lawful wives." This passage will enable us to explain statements which have been quoted from writers of the Eastern and "Western Churches, who appear to re- present clerical continence as being positively ob- ligatory by the ordinary law of the Church ; it would appear, from the accoimt of Socrates, that in the East it was the ordinary custom, but, as the same writer states, it was not universal, nor was it enjoined by any ecclesiastical law. St. Epiphanius asserts^ that, " unless any married man promises to abstain from the society of his wife, he cannot be admitted to the order of sub- deacon, deacon, priest, or bishop," adding, that this is especially the case " where there are strict ecclesiastical canons." He admits that some of the clergy had children, but this he says was not according to the canon (ov Trapa tov Kavova) but through negligence, or in parishes where a suffi- cient number of clergy could not be had. The testimony of St. Ambrose'* is the same, though he does not refer to any canon enjoining continence, but merely speaks of it as a well-known usage of the Church (cognoscitis). He admits, as St. Epi- phanius, that the clergy in "remote places" (plerisque abditioribus locis) had children, and says that they defended themselves by "ancient usage." It may be concluded from the passages quoted, and from previous statements, that clerical con- tinence was now (in the fourth century) becoming the usage of the Church, though not binding on the clergy hitherto by positive law. This is unquestionable. St. Epiphanius cannot mean by " ecclesiastical canons" what the word would ordinarily signify ; for if no such law existed in the Church, he can only refer to custom or usage, and probably such is his meaning. Continence, he says, is required, especially where there are strict ecclesiastical canons or law (fidXicrra ottov aKpifiih Kavoves ol kKKXi)opoviTi Travres ot Se^a^evot rbv koyov, dW 6 fiev, tKarov tvj(ov, 6 dKTrjfiocrvvrjv nXeiav (abso- lute poverty) /cat aKpav acrKrja-iv 6 6e I^^KovTa 6 KoivofBiaKui Ti^xov fJ-ovaxos Kal eVt TrpaKTiKos. Se TpiaKovra, 6 ydp.ov aefivov eXo/j.evo'S, Kal ras aperas w^ ly)((j)pli,cnrovSai(j)'s iJ,eTep')(6jji(vos. [Com- ment, in Matth. xiii.] Some of the practical advantages which arose from its adoption were the following, [a] The living in common supplied to the individual some degree of that support in " religion," wliich the ordinary man gets in society at large, [ft] It neccessitated the adoption of a moderate rule of life, which should suit a great number of differ- ently constituted persons, and the character of which would be determined rather by natural cir- cumstances than by individual caprice. " Non oportet," says St. Basil, " quemquam vel sui ipsius dominum esse." \_Ep. xxii. 0pp. Ed. Bened. iii. 99.] [c] It gave opportunity for active phil- anthropy, for agriculture, for manufacture, for art, or for study. In this way its influence was most valuable in the West, the climate of which demanded a more generous diet, while it rendered living in the open air impracticable, [d] The sub- stitution of the Cenobitic for the solitary hfe thus marks the extension of Monasticism to the edu- cated and wealthy classes, from the active and open air to the sedentary and indoor life. Hence the typical monastery of the West is the Bene diotme, the precursor of the modern academical college. [e] It was the Cenobitic form of Asce- ticism which rendered possible such institutions as the monastic colonies — Eulda, Eichstadt, St. GaU, Eritzlar — among the wandering tribes beyond the frontier of the Empire, and the pacification of the latter tlirough the introduction of manufac- tures and agriculture. [/] Lastly, it was as com- munities that the Ascetics acquired land; and, by themselves becoming feudal lords, were en- abled to compete on equal terms with the fierce Teutonic chivalry, and to befriend the poor. These developments involved a certain amount of evil and corruption, for which see Monasticism. Much of the Asceticism of the last three hun- dred years — e.g. the Societies of St. Vincent de Paul, St. Frangois de Sales, the Port-Eoyal — has been, on one side, of this utilitarian type. An exception may perhaps be found in the " pia collegia," which sprung up in Germany for purely religious exercises, under the influence of Laba- die, during the misery of the Thirty Years' War. [Schmid. Die GeseJiichte des Pietismiis.'\ For an account of the Moravian community at Hermhut, see Southey's Ldfe of Wesley, i. c. 5. [Asceticism.] CEEEMONY. Although the derivation of this word is utterly unkno-\vn, its primary mean- ing is clearly that of a corporeal act giving ex- pression to a spiritual act. So in prayer, for example, the spiritual act is compounded of emotion, thought, and language, and expression is given to these by the ceremony of kneeling, which is a bodily act. In some cases such cere- monies are not essential, as kneeling is not essen- Cerinthians Chrism tial for prayer ; but in other cases the spiritual act cannot ho accomplished, without the accom- paniment of the bodily act. Such cases are the administration of sacraments, the ceremony of pouring water on the person being essential to the validity of baptism, and the ceremony of consecration being essential to the validity of the Holy Eucharist. The word "ceremony" has also been ap- plied in a "wider sense, so as to signify Offices, i.e. devotional formularies, such as confirmation, the churching of women, extreme unction, &c. In this case the term seems to belong to the iper- fomiance of the office, as distinguished from the words and rules appointed for its performance, which are more properly called the Eitb. But there has been so much confusion in the use of the term in this latter sense, that the true under- standing of the word " ceremony " in any case can never be determined without reference to the context with which it is joined. In the title of the Prayer Book, the phrase " other rites and ceremonies of the Church " is evidently used of such offices as those referred to ; while in the introductory note " Of Ceremonies " it is used in both senses. CEEINTHIANS, so called from Cerinthus, a heretic of Asia Minor, who lived at the close of the first century, and was contemporary with the Apostle St. John.i His system may be described as a combination of Judaism and Gnosticism. He taught, according to St. Epiphanius,'' that cir- cumcision and the Jewish ceremonial law were stni binding on Christians, and St. Irenseus ' de- scribes him as one of the earliest teachers of Gnosticism, holding their peciihar opinions that the world was not created by the Supreme God, but by a subordinate angel, the Demiurge, by whom the law was given. Unlike the Docetre, he maintained that Jesus was a mere man, the son of Joseph and Mary, that the Divine Woed descended on Him at His baptism, and that after His apprehension by the Jews, the Logos departed from Him, the Man Jesus alone being crucified. He is said also to have held gross and sensual views on the Millennium.* The sect seems to have been of short continuance, and was soon merged in other Gnostic sects of the second century. [Diat. of Sects and Heresies.] CHEEUBIC HYMK [Tbesanctus.] CHAEACTEE. A theological term sigmfy- Jying a spiritual and ineffaceable mark made on the soul by God's co-operation with the outward sacramental work in baptism, confirmation, and holy orders. That such a character is impressed in these three cases was constantly maintained by mediaeval theologians; and the theory was definitely fixed as a part of Eoman theology by the Council of Trent [sess. vii. can. is.] : " If ^ Eusebius relates the well-known anecdote of St. John meeting Cerinthns in a bath, and instantly leaving it, saying, "Let ns flee lest the bath should fall while Cerintims, that enemy of the truth, is within. " {Eccles. Eislory, bk. iii. c. 38.] - Actvcrs. McBves., 8 vel 28. ' Ibid., lib. 1. c. 26. * Eusebius, Ecdes. EisL, bk. iii c. 28, bk. yii. c. 25. 120 any one shall affirm that in these sacraments, that is to say, in baptism, confirmation, and order, there is not impressed a character, or cer- tain spiritual and indelible signs upon the soul, on account of which these sacraments cannot be repeated. Let him be anathema." The language of Scripture gives great counte- nance to this idea of character, the "seal" of the Spirit [2 Cor. i. 22 ; Eph. i. 13, iv. 30] appearing to refer to a mark impressed upon the spiritual part of our being rather than to the mark of the cross or any such external sign. And whatever differences of opinion have arisen on this subject among theologians they are scarcely more than verbal, since all are agreed that in baptism, confirmation, and holy order God gives grace for Christian hfe, Christian stability, and for the supernatural work of the ministry. That in the bestowal of this grace a permanent character is iitj; ressed on the soul may very well be beheved ; ana no soimd theologian beHeves that it is possible to iterate the grace, even if the forms are iterated. CHILIASM. [Millennium.] CHIEOGEAPH. The least authoritative of the three kinds of official documents issued by the Pope. It has more of a personal than an official character, though stiU -uswering to those documents which, in England, are issued under the sign manual. [Brief. Bull.] CHOEEPISGOPL Eural, or country bishops [xwpa], as distinguished from those of cities. Although assistants, and subordinate to the bishops of the cities, or sees, the chorepiscopi must not be confused with Suffragan Bishops \c[. v.\ There has been much difference of opinion as to whether they were really in episcopal orders or not; but St. Athanasius speaks of them in such terms as seem to put this beyond doubt. [Athanas., Apolog. ii.]. All bishops who by any accident were without sees appear to have been employed as chorepiscopi, including those who came over to the Church from schism, as the Novatians and the Meletians \Goncil. Nic. can. viii, Ibid. Epist. Synodic]. The most pro- bable opinion is, therefore, that the chorepiscopi were a kind of missionary bishops sent among the " pagans," or country people, who remained heathen long after the cities had become Chris- tian. The power of the chorepiscopi varied in different churches, but there was an universal understanding that they had no jurisdiction in- . dependent of the bishop of the diocese. CHEISM. A compound of oil and balsam consecrated by a bishop, and used for anointing Avith the sign of the cross at confirmation. Its composition has varied at different periods, and in the Eastern Church as majiy as forty in- gredients are used ; but its characteristic quality is that of a perfumed ointment, as distinguished from the blessed oil which is used for most other unctions. In Eoman theology chrism is often held to be an essential part of confirmation, and it is certainly mentioned as early as the time of TertuUian [De Resmred. viii] ; but this opinion is not consistent with the undoubted fact that Christ Christians imposition of hands is the essential part of the rite. From the use of chrism ia confirmation the word passed into a name for the rite itself. [ANOiNTiNa. Confirmation.] CHEIST [niK'D Messiah, The Anoiated One]. This is the distiactive title, in Greek, of our Blessed Eedeemer. Our Lord was known ia prophecy hy this title, and was chiefly looked for under it at the time of His appearance, as indi- cated by such questions as, "Is not this the Christ ?" The earliest passages of Holy Scripture in which He is so alluded to, are 1 Sam. ii. 35, or (more directly) Ps. ii. 2. The title seems to have heen especially applied to Him as uniting in His own Person aU those offices among men which were anciently conferred by the ceremony of anointing. Thaee were the offices of Prophet, Priest, and King; to which Elisha, Aaron, David, and others are particularly mentioned as having been severally appointed by this rite. The idea conveyed by its use, on these and on other occa- sions, is that of consecration; and, in conjunc- tion therewith, the conferring, if need be, of suitable gifts. In this respect it bears a marked resemblance to the ceremony of laying on of hands, more frequently used in the Church, as that by which the ordinary ministerial gifts of the Holy Ghost are conferred. The use of chrism, or of oU, in some parts of the Church, as a sign of these gifts, confirms the general unity of idea expressed by these two ceremonies. The anointing under the Old Testament was performed with material ointment, compounded of the sweetest and richest spices of the East, as symbolical of the various and costly gifts of the Holy Ghost. But besides the outward sanction thus given to the office conferred by it, it was attended, more or less immediately, with spiritual gifts themselves ; as instanced in Saul, " to whom God gave another heart," and " he prophesied," and who was blamed for his cowardice in the Song of David "as though he had not been anointed with oil;" David himself, who very shortly manifested his power in his conflict with Goliath ; and Elisha, whose miracles at once at- tested the grace he had received. The anointing whereby Jesus of Nazareth was in like manner endowed for His high offices was in one respect equally outward, having been conferred directly from Heaven by a visible manifestation of the Presence of the Holy Ghost [John i. 32] : and of its effects St. Jolm Baptist said that " God giveth not the Spirit by measure unto Him." This appellation accordingly represents to us at once the prophetic, sacerdotal and royal charac- ter of our Lord, His consecration to these offices by the Father, and His endowment with the necessary gifts for their perfect discharge. It conveys the idea of authority and power, coupled with that of delegation and subordination. Being an outward mark, it establishes a claim to our submission, and so exalts the religion of Jesus Christ from the character of a mere following or philosophical sect to that of an obedience to the authoritv and supreme will of God. Derived. 121 from the two ideas of consecration and endow- ment involved in this anointing, are the warnings of Holy Scripture on the one hand against insub- mission and opposition, as in Psa. cv. 15, "Touch not mine Anointed," and in 2 Sam. i. 14, "How wast thou not afraid to put forth thine hand against the Lord's anointed ; " and on the other the encouragement given to accept the offices of the anoiated person and profit by them ; as in Isa. Ixi. 1, " The Lord hath anointed me . . . to proclaim liberty to the captives, and the open- ing of the prison to them that are bound." In these ways the title of " The Christ " becomes essentially characteristic of our Lord's offices and position in the worid, and most fit to be added to the Name of Jesus, whereby He is designated as the Saviour of sinners. And lastly, this title of The Anoiated oaUs special attention to our Lord in His aU-important character as the or- daiaed fountain of aU sacramental grace of every kind and order in the Church which is His Body Mystical. For it signifies that He has Himself received the greatest of aU sacraments, bestow- ed on Him with an outward and visible sign on the occasion of His Baptism, and thus constitut- ing Him the mediatorial vehicle of all grace, and the sacramental bond of union between every man and his God. It is agreeably to this title of our Lord that anointing was used in the Christian Church in and from very ancient times in the ministration of Confirmation (though not essential to it), as also in the consecration of kings, in the extreme unction of the dying, and in other cere- monies bearing on our union with "The Christ." [Anointing.] CHEISTIANS. A name first given to the disciples of Christ at Antioch [Acts xi. 26]. It seems most probable, from the peculiar form of the word, having a Greek root and a Latin termi- nation, that it was a designation of Pagan origin : and, that being generally called by it, Christian authors subsequently applied the title to them- selves. Thus as " Christianos ad leones" became the cry of the heathen in times of persecution, so " Christianus sum" was equally the mode of confession adopted by several among the mar- tyrs. The frequent repetition of this answer by Lucian is mentioned by Chrysostom [Horn, xlvi.] ; and it is spoken of by TertuHian as if one often on their lips [Tertul. Apdlog. ii.]. This Pagan derivation seems, however, to be disclaimed by Tertulhan, who writes, " But ' Christian,' so far as the meaning of the word is concerned, is de- rived from ' anointing.' Tea, and even when you wrongly pronounce it ' Chrestian' (for you do not even know correctly the name you hate) it comes from 'sweetness' and benignity.'" [Xpijcr- Tos]. Suetonius writes our Lord's name as " Chres- tus" [Claud. 25], and His followers were often called " Chrestianos." Among the imbelievuig Jews, the disciples were more usually spoken of as Nazarenes, Galileans, &c., the title of Christ, or Messiah, being held in reverence by them, but not the person of Jesus. Among themselves, they were spoken of rather as "the disciples," "the believers," "the saints," "they that caU on Christmas Christmas the Lord Jesus Christ," "the Church," "the Brethren," and the Kke. CHEISTMAS. The Church CathoUc, though it has always celebrated our Lord's Nativity as a principal festival, has not been uniform in its Dbservance. Clement of Alexandria styles the attempt to define the precise day of its occur- rence as idle [ircptepydTe/jov], and says that ■while some kept it on May 20th [Strom. L 408], others anticipated that day by a whole month. The Airaenians made a triple observance of the An- nunciation, the Nativity, and the Baptism of om- Lord (Epiphany) on January 5th [Coteler. Const. Ap. V. 13]. By far the larger section of the Eastern Church kept the Feast of the Nati- vity, concurrently ynSn the Feast of the Epiphany, on January 6th ; intending thereby to signify the twofold birth of Christ, as Man, and as Head of the Body the Church, by baptism in the river Jordan ; it being a tradition that our Lord received the baptism of John upon that day. The Church of Constantinople altered its practice at the close of the fourth century, as we learn from a remarkable Homily of Chrysostom, pre- sently to be noticed, and which indicates the true " rationale" for celebrating the Nativity on De- cember 25th. The Churches of the South, and those of Palestine, following Roman counsel, made a similar alteration a little later, i.e. just prior to the Ephesine Council [Act. Cone. Eph. iii. 31 ; and Coteler. loa cit.'], which is a satisfac- tory confizmation of the view put forth by Chiysostom. The final separation, therefore, of the two feasts of Christnias and Epiphany may be dated from the first quarter of the fifth century. The Armenian Church alone continued to celebrate the Nativity and Epiphany together on January 6th. [Leo Allat. de Dom. ei Hebd. Gi: 0. 32.] The Apostolical Constitutions, though a work of Eastern origin, in a passage quoted also by Anastasius, say, "Let the Festival of thg Nativity be observed by you on the 25th day of the ninth month" [v. 13] (reckoned fiom the vernal equinox), and "let all servants rest from work on that day" [viii. 33] ; the Feast of the Epiphany in both places being separately men- tioned. The churches of the Latiu communion had always followed this rule, celebratiag the Nativity on viii. Cal. Januar. or December 25th [Aug. Trin. iv. 5] ; and the Epiphany on the 6th of January. This agrees best with the time of Herod's death, which was shortly before Eas- ter [Joseph. Ardiq. xvii. 18], and after a lunar eclipse indicating A.U.C. 750 [Gieseler, K. Gescli. i. 20]. The institution of this festival is lost in anti- quity. Chrysostom says that it had been observed from of old [avw^ev], according to "Western prac- tice, from Thrace to the Straits of Gibraltar. He calls it the most venerable, and the mother of aU the rest. It was a day of solemn religious observance, plentiful traces of which exist in the homilies of antiquity; the celebration of the Eucharist invariably forming a part of it. " Approaching with faith," says Chysostom, "we behold Him as in the cattle crib ; for the Holy 122 " Table is as the manger, where reposes the Body of the Lord J not bound in swaddling clothes, but arrayed with the Holy Spirit. The initiated will understand." The Saviour in His whole work of mercy, in His birth and death, is set vividly before the eye of faith in holy mystery ; " Who by the operation of the Holy Ghost was made very Mam of the substance of the Virgin Mary His Mother." It was in the strictest sense of the word a holy day, on which under the Christian Emperors, the theatre and circus were closed [Cod. Theodos. xy. ; Tit. v. 1. 5, de Spec- taculis]. The Homily of Gregory Nazianzen claim- ing for the day a sacred and reverential observance is as applicable now as when it was first de- livered [Or. 38 in TheopTi. ; Bingham, Ant. xx. iv. sec. 5]. The rioting of the Saturnalia, imme- diately preceding the winter solstice, darkened the closing year of heathenism, and Hospinian [De Festis, p. Ill] imagines that it was with a view of putting down these excesses that the Feasts of the Nativity and of the Epiphany were fixed by the Church at this period of the year. But the true reason is assigned by Chrysostom in his Homily on the Nativity ; a day, as he states in the heading, "that was formerly uncertain, but has been made known of late years by some coming from the West." He clearly indicates as the belief of the Western Church, that the angelic message was conveyed to Zacharias, the father of the Baptist, in the Holy of Holies on the Great Day of the Atonement, Et's to. ayia tZv dyt'uv Iv- 8ov ovra tov Za)(a,ptav 6 ayyeAos JinjyyeAitraTO. [Chrysostom, Horn. Ixxii. ed. Savil. tom. v. p, 515, 1. 28.] And there is no improbability in the supposition. For although the law of Moses declared that the high priest alone should enter into the Holy of Holies, with the censer and the Blood of the Atonement, yet Maimonides, deeply versed in Jewish antiquities, and having access to the best sources of information, states that if the High Priest were disabled by sickness or disqualified by any temporary uncleaimess, ' an- other priest in his lieu' [Yoma. i. a] might ofii- ciate. [Maim, on Mishna. Tmna. ; Jost, Jvd. i. 162.] Josephus gives a contemporary instance in point; Joseph, a kinsman of Matthias, the high priest, having officiated as his deputy on the Day of Atonement in the reign of Herod the Great [Jos. Ant. xvii. 6, sec. 4]. To the same purport is the story related in the Jer. Talm. of a mother who saw two of her sons high, priests on the same day ; one having con- tracted legal defilement. [Lightf. ix. 35.] The very fact of this heavenly message having been made to Zacharias, rather than to any other son of Israel, must be held to be a conclusive proof of his sanctity. And if, as was the case, he was of priestly race, and exercising the ordi- nary duties of his ofiice at the period of the great day, nothing can be more likely than that he would be selected by the high priest to act as his deputy, in case of his own disqualification or inability. The ceremonial purification required for the ordinary functions of the priesthood would make it absolutely necessary, in case of Christology Christology ludden emergency, to look to tlie ordinary course )f the Temple for a " locum tenens." Possibly ibis provision of later Judaism may account for ihe ap)(6epe?s mentioned in the New Testament, [f now the birth of the Baptist were foretold Dy the angel on the 10th of Tisri, Septem- ber 23rd, which was the Day of Atonement, line months and a day would carry us on to Tune 24th, the feast of the nativity of John the Baptist. The nativity of the Baptist preceded that of our Lord by six months ; the Annuncia- tion to the Blessed Virgin, March 25th, having taken place "in the sixth month" from the angelic message to Zacharias ; nine months from vrHch day indicates December 25th, for the Nati- vity of our Lord. The birth of our Lord having taken place by night [Luke ii. 8], the festival has obtained the name of Weihnacht in Germany. In the medieval services, for the same reason, there was a mass for the vigil, and " galli cantu" as weU as for the day of the Nativity. There were also two cele- brations, the present Collect, Epistle, and Gospel having been appointed for the second or principal communion. The three festivals that stand in close communion with the Nativity are very appropriately that of the protomartyr St. Stephen j of the disciple whom Jesus loved, and who was to the Blessed Virgia as a son ; and of the Inno- cents, slaughtered at Bethlehem, the " coeetanei" of our Lord. [Epiphany. Bernard, Horn, de iv. Cord, sollenn. i 787. Bened. Bingham, Ard. XX. iv. sec. 1. Guericke, Lehr. B. d. Olir. Archdol. Freeman and Procter, on Liturgy. Blunt, Annot. Book of Com. Prayer. K. Lex. Weihnacht'] CHEISTOLOGY, that which we are taught of Christ in His Person and office, refers to the Messianic hopes of the Jew, and the distorted notions of heresy, as well as to Christian veri- ties. Even Mahomet had his Christology when he declared in the Koran that Jesus was con- ceived of the Holy Ghost [Sui. ui. 52 ; Harvey on iJie Creeds, 278]. The Jewish Christology had its patriarchal, its legal, and its prophetic phases. It can scarcely be doubted that the an- gelic revelation of the Person and office of the Messiah, both God and Man, that Milton has im- agined [P. L. xi. xii], was actually made in some form to Adam, and that these traditions of Para- dise never whoUy died out ia the chosen seed. That faith of Abraham which "was counted to him for righteousness " was faith in the Christ of the future; he saw His day, and was glad. And wherever in patriarchal times God is said to have spoken with His servants, the primitive Church has always connected the revelation with the ministry of the Logos [Bull, Def. F. N. I. i. The- OPHANY. Logos]. The Jevsdsh Church also before the day of Christ identified the operation of the Deity with that of the Word, " Mimra da J." It is scarcely a sufficient explanation to say that the Targumists would thereby soften down the an- thropomorphic utterances of the sacred text, for whether the Eternal Father or His Word spake unto the Fathers, the anthropomorphism remains 123 unaltered. God is Spirit, and His Word is Spirit, but the mediatorial notion was essential to the Jewish Christology, and theologically con- nected also with the Word. The Targumist may have been as little cognizant of the truth to which he gave expression as Caiaphas was, when he be- came an unconscious exponent of the deep pur- poses of God in Christ. The final cause of the sacrifices and ordinances of the Law was the atonement made by Christ. The rationale of those ordinances was laid deep in the siu of our first parents, and in whatever degree the hope of Christ was revealed to them at the Fall, in the same degree the hidden meaning of the sacrificial ordinances was made known to them. The ac- ceptance of Abel's sacrifice, and the rejection of Cain's, turned upon the veneration shewn in the one case, and the sullen contempt in the other for the revealed symbol of Christ's death. Christ was shadowed forth in the patriarchal sacrifices. The Egyptian bondage crushed for a time all better hope, and the people in part lost sight of their Messianic traditions, yet not the chief men of the tribes ; and when Moses rose up as a de- liverer, he came with the authority of I AM, the God of their fathers, and vdth a living faith in the ancestral traditions that he had received. Hugh Miller, in the spirit of Milton, supposes the work of creation to pass in review before Moses in a vision; but the sacred record may have been compiled by Moses from the tradi- tions of his race. He was not much further removed from the creation of man than a Jew of the present day is from the Babylonian captivity. And if the traditions of creation reached dovm to him, so also those of the Fall, and of the promised remedy ; and the typi- cal shadows of the law were projected by the light of a traditional faith. These were harmon- ized, and received consistency in the Sinaitie revelation; all things having been ordained by Moses according to the pattern shewn to him upon the Mount ; but the dim outline of their substance was already known to him by faith. As time wore on, the Messianic hope, though never entirely lost, became more vague, the suc- cessive schools of the prophets alone preserving anything of its true character. Under the con- trolling guidance of the Holy Spirit, prophecy from time to time revived the traditions that had existed from the beginning; and the spirit of the prophets being subject to the prophets, their burthen contained much of which they had a human knowledge, as well as much that was communicated by direct inspiration from above. In the same way the Apostles, possessing a human knowledge of the historical facts of the Gospel, and of the discourses of our Lord, before and after His decease, were guided into all deeper truth by the Holy Spirit. Thus the Christology of the Old Dispensation was always one and the same in substance. As primeval tradition became more faint, increased light was given to the chosen agents of revelation, though their utterances were as dark parables to the multitude. The Sun of Righteousness at length arose, and the doctrine Christology of the Person and office of Ckrist received its ultimate adjustment ia the system of Christian faith. The Apostles and Evangelists give the first principles of the Christology of the new dispen- sation, rudimentally as yet, hut -wholly inteUi- gihle, when they relate the miraculous circum- stances of the Nativity of Christ ; the teaching of Christ, as when He declared, hefore Ahraham was, " I AM ;" and various evangelical utterances, as when the disciple who lay ia the Lord's bosom declared of that Lord, that iu the begin- ning was the Word, and the "Word was with God, and the Word was God. A fuU faith in this Christology and in the eternal Godhead of Christ was confessed by St. Peter as the solid Eock of Faith on which the Church of every after age should be built up. The doctrinal principles thus committed to the Church have been fuUy sufficient, with the overruling action of the Holy Spirit, to lead it into all truth with respect to the Person and Office of Christ. Thus when the Ebionite lowered the Godhead of Christ to a mere divine afflatus, such as had inspired any prophet of old, the Church at once cast forth from her bosom the Jewish disparage- ment of the Divine Incarnation. When the real humanity of Christ was denied by the pagan Docetae, and a phantom existence was attributed to Him, as some mere pagan Theo- phany, the Church declared that Christ was very Man as well as very God ; for that " the Word was made Flesh." In the same way, it was no new doctrine, but that which had been received from the beginning, when the declara- tion of a Trinity in Unity became a necessary sequel to that of the Godhead of Christ. The Son was co-eternal with the Father, wholly One with Him, and the Spirit of Father and Son descended on the Church at Pentecost. Faith in the Holy Trinity is inseparable from a true Christology, and was embodied in the creed before the Gospels were written. Thus, from the first commencement of the Christian Church, the doctrine of Christ has stUl been one and the same, but human error has made it necessary at times that greater stress should be laid on some particular phase of it. The Eastern Church, from force of circumstances, has been the prin- cipal exponent of a true faith with respect to the Person of Christ, while the Western Church has spoken out more especially upon the doc- trine of His grace. Irenseus, a member of the Eastern Church, but Bishop of Lyons in the West, combines the characteristics of both churches. [L. Duncker, d. H. Irenaus, Ghristol.'] In the East the Arian controversy was not un- productive of good ; for it gave occasion for the Church to declare her faith in fullest detail. The true Godhead and Manhood of Christ hav- ing been established, the mode of union of the two natures in one Person was next misstated by heresy. At one while the Godhead and the Manhood were held to have been fused together ; as gold alloyed with silver produces electrum, BO a " tertium quid " is the result of the iater- 124 Christophori fusion of the two natures, and the Christ of the ApoUinarian was neither God nor Man, intro- ducing thereby a fourth Person into the Holy Trinity. [Athanas. de Incarn.] Others, to avoid this confusion of substance, fell into the opposite error of dividing the Person of Christ, and affirmed that the Godhead was only united with the Manhood of Christ at the Nativity ; so that the Human Nature existed apart from the Divine from the Annunciation, giving to Christ a two- fold personal subsistence. [Nestoeiauism.] With most of these heretics also it was a 'favourite notion that the Divine Nature in Christ occu- pied the place of a human soul, in which respect therefore His human Nature was de- fective ; as also that the Manhood, representing a transcendental humanity, the cross was no longer a symbol of ordinary mortal suffering. After a protracted struggle with every possible form of misconception, the faith handed down from the Apostles was at length universally recognised, and Christ was confessed to be God and Man, without confusion of substance or division of Person. It was the only possible condition under which He could be the universal Eedeemer; wholly one with the redeemed, yet wholly one with God, giving hope to Man that hereafter he shall be made wholly one with God in Him. The Western Church, on the other hand, sets forth Christ in His office as the Atonement for sin ; the restorer of Man to the original dignity of his nature, lost in Adam. The sinfulness of man, original and actual, that could only be expiated by such an atonement ; the thorough de- pravation of his nature, that needed to be so restored ; the antithesis of death merged in the glories of life eternal, were so many watchwords of the Western Church as it went on its way warring and travailing in the cause of truth. They are subjects with which Catholic teach- ing had been consistent from the beginning, but there was no occasion for their expression as ordi- nary tests of faith until Pelagius by his heresy called forth the need. [Pblagianism.] To Augus- tine more especially we owe the symmetrical adjustment of the doctrine of grace and of human sinfulness, that continued to be the standard of orthodox teaching in the churches of the West, until the schoolmen involved theology and philo- sophy alike in mist. Hence sin and its remedy, the degree of human depravation, and the sacra- mental union of man with Christ, were topics that divided the Western Churches at the Refor- mation. The consideration of these at some future period in a calmer spirit wUl be a prin- ciple of consoHdation ; when the Christology of one branch of the Church Catholic will be once more the faith of all. [Hengstenberg, Ghristol.; Dorner, Lehre v. d. Person Ghr. ; Duncker, Ghristol. d. H. Irenaus]. CHEISTOPHOEI. A term anciently ap- pUed to Christians, having reference to the spir- itual indwelling of Christ in the hearts of His people, and the constant presence of His grace with them. It is found in an epistle of PhBeas, Chronological Tables Jishop of Thmuis, to his flock, where he speaks f the martyrs as Xpioro^opot fidprvpis, the 'Christ-hearing" martyrs. [Euseb. Sec. Hist. iii. 10.] A similar term is mentioned as having )een used hy St. Ignatius, who called himself Cheophorus, as bearing about with him his God. TheophoroiJ CHEONOLOGICAL TABLES, for reference n the study of theology and ecclesiastical history. Chronological Tables Jirth of our Lord . Jerod the Great died B.C. . 4 . 2 A.D. Pax under Quirinius . 8 i.ugustiis died . . 14 Pontios Pilate, Procu- rator of Juctea . . 26 Crucifixion of our Lord . 30 Diaconate instituted . 32 Martyrdom of St. Ste- phen . . . .33 Pontius Pilate banished to Vienna . . .36 ludsea annexed to Syria 36 Conversion of St. Paul . 36 Tiberius succeeded by Caligula . . .37 3t. Paul in Arabia . . 37 Elerod Agrippa, King . 37 Herod Antipas banished 37 Eletum to Damascus . 38 Conversion of Cornelius . 38 3t. Paul in Syria and Cilioia . . 39, 40 Caligula succeeded by Claudius . . .41 Fudaea and Samaria given to Herod Agrip- pa I 41 jospel of St. Matthew . 42 [nvasion of Britaiu by AtiIus Plautius . . 43 Paul and Barnabas at Antiooh . . . 43 [fame of Christian first known . . . 44 Famine in Judaea . . 44 Tames, brother of John, martyred . . .44 Serod Agrippa L dies . 44 Cuspius Fadus, Procura- tor of Judaea . . 44 Cumanns, Procurator . 49 Council of Jerusalem . 60 Caractacus captured by the Bomans . . 50 Claudius expels the Jews from Bome . . . 52 it. Paul winters at Co- rinth .... 52 rirst Epistle to Thes- salonians written , 52 Second Epistle to Thes- salonians written . 53 Telix, Procurator of Ju- diea . . . .53 /laudius succeeded by Nero . . . .54 fero gives Galilee and Persea to Agrippa . 54 It. Paul at Bphesus. In \ these years visits ( 55 Crete, and leaves there ( 56 Titus . . . .1 and 2 Corinthians and Galatians written . 57 Ipistle to Bomans written 58 t. Paul at Csesarea . 69 'elix replaced by Festus 60 t. Paul arrives at Bome 61 'hUemon, Colossians, Ephesians, Philippians written there . . 62 ■ospel according to St. Luke written . . 62 alias put to death . G2 125 St. Paul in Macedonia and Asia Minor . . 63 writes Epistle to Hebrews ... 63 Burning of Bome . . 64 St. Paul possibly in Spain or in tbe West . 64-66 St. Peter visits Rome, and goes from thence into Egypt . . .66 Jewish war begins . . 66 Linus, Bishop of Bome . 66 St. Mark wrote his Gospel 66 1 Peter and Epistle of St. James written . . 66 1 Timothy written from Macedonia . . .67 Epistle to Titus written from Ephesus . . 67 James, Bishop of Jerusa- lem, martyred . . 67 Epistle of Jude written . 67 St. Paul imprisoned at Bome .... 68 2 Timothy written . 68 2 Peter written . . 68 St. Paul and St. Peter martyred . . .68 Nero died ; succeeded by Galba, Otho, Vitellius 68 Linus martyred; succeeded by Anenoletus . . 68 Vespasian made Emperor 69 Jerusalem taken . . 70 Ignatius, Bishop of An- tioch . . ■ . .70 St. John writes Gospel and Epistles . . 90 Anencletas succeeded by Clement . . .93 St. John at Patmos. Be- velation . . .94 Clement succeeded by Euarestus . . , 100 St. John died . . 100 Pliny's letter to Trajan . 104 Ignatius martyred . . 107 Euarestus succeeded by Alexander . . . 109 Trajan's letter to Pliny . Ill Alexander succeeded by Xystus . . .116 Aquila's Greek Version . 119 Hadrian at Jerusalem . 119 Apolog. of Quadratus and Aristides . . . 122 Xystus succeeded by Tel- esphonis . . . 129 Jerusalem rebuilt as .^Ua 136 Telesphorus succeededby Hyginus . . .138 Marcion at Bome . . 142 Hyginus sue. by Pius . 142 Justin Martyr, 1st Apo- logy . . . .148 Pius sue. by Anicetus . 156 Polycarp at Bome . . 158 " martyred ; Jus- tin martyred . . 167 Anicetus sue. by Soter . 168 Soter sue. by Eleutherus 173 Pothinus, Bishop of Lyons, martyred . 177 Irenaeus adv. Hser. . 180 Theodotion's Greek Ver- sion .... 184 A.D. Eleutherus sue. by Victor 189 Praxeas . . . 195 TertuUian (Jud. 7) men- tions British churches 198 Paschal controversy . 198 Victor sue. by Zephyriiius 201 Symmachus, Greek Ver. 202 Perpetua, Felicitas, Afr. M. . . . .202 Caledonian war, Fingal . 208 Emperor Severus died at York . . . .211 Cone. Carthag. under AgrippiQus . . 215 Zephyrmus succeeded by CaUistus . . .218 The Mishna completed . 219 CaUistus sue. by Urbanus 222 Urbanus sue. by Pontianus 230 Cone, of Iconium under Firmiliau . . .231 Origen's Hexapla begun 235 Pontianus sue. by Anteros 238 Anteros sue. by Fabian . 238 Beryllus, heretic . . 239 Cone. Carthag., Privatus condemned. . . 240 Maites bom . . . 240 Noetus. her. . . . 240 Goths first invade the Bo- man Provinces . . 250 Anthony institutes Mon- asticism . . . 251 Fabian sue. by Cornelius after vacancy of a year 251 Novatiau condemned . 251 Cornelius sue. by Lucius 252 Irruption of Goths . . 252 Lucius sue. by Stephen . 253 Controversy between Cy- prian and Stephen, de rebapt. hsr. . . 254 Council of Carthage . 256 Persecution (lapse) . 257 Stephen sue. by Xystus . 257 Dionysius, Bishop of Alexandria, writes agst. Sabellius . . .258 Xystus mart., and Cy- prian mart. . . 258 Sabellius . . .258 Dionysius, Bishop of Bome (after vacancy) . 269 Goths become formidable by sea . . .260 Cone, of Antioch against Paul of Samosata . 266 Cone, of Antioch, Paul deposed . . . 269 Dionysius sue. by Felix 269 Dacia resigned to Goths . 270 Zenobia, Queen of Pal- myra, descendant of Macedonian Kings . 272 Felix sue. by Eutyohi- anus .... 274 Manes died . . .277 Eutyohianus sue. by Caius 283 Dionysius, Bishop of Paris, mart. . . 286 Caius s. by Marcellinus . 296 Britain recovered by Con- stantius . . . 296 Neo-Platonists . . 303 Marcellinus died (va- cancy) . . . 304 Council of Cirta and Eli- beris (Elvira) . . 305 Constantius d. at York . 306 Marcellus, Bishop of Rome . . . .308 Marcellus succeeded by Eusebius . . . 310 Eusebius succeeded by Melchiades . . 310 Lncian M. at Antioch . 311 Bise of Donatism . .312 Constantine's vision of the Cross .... S12 Defeat of Maxentius and Maximian . . . 313 Christianity established . 313 Pachomius establishes Ccenobia in Egypt . 313 Melchiades succeeded by Silvester . . .314 Council of Aries, at which Bishops of York, Lon- don and Lincoln were present . . . 314 Final division of Eastern and Western Empire . 314 Donatist Schism . . 315 Battle of Hadrianople — Constantino solemaster 323 Adoption of Labarum . 324 Siege of Byzantium . 324 Council oi' Nice. First (Ecumenical, June 19th 326 Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria . . .326 Council of Cassarea, Euse- bian . . . .334 Dedication of Constanti- nople .... 334 Church of Abyssinia founded by Frumentius 334 Council of "ftrre, Euse. . 335 Silvester sue. by Marcus 336 Athanasius at Tyre . 335 Marcus sue. by Julius . 336 Arius died . . .336 Athanasius banished . 336 Constantine baptized . 337 Athanasius restored . 338 Constantine died . . 340 Eusebius Pamph. died . 340 Jerusalem Talmud com- pleted . . .340 Athanasius at Bome . 340 Council of Bome, Athana- sian . . . .341 Council of Antioch, Dedi- cation, Eusebian . 341 BevoltofCircumcelliones 346 Council of Sardica, Euse- bian . . . .347 Athanasius restored . 348 Julius sue. by Liberius . 362 Augustine b., and on the same day Pelagius . 352 CouncUof Aries, Eusebian 353 Council of Milan . . 365 Liberius, Bishop of Rome banished . . . 355 Athanasius banished . 365 Homoeau Creed of Sir- mium signed by Hosius 356 Athanasius seeks an a.sy- lum among the monks oftheThebaid . . 356 Semi-Arian Creed signed by Liberius (recalled) . 357 Council of Antioch, Ho- raoean Creed . . 358 Council of Ancyra, Semi- Arian . . . 358 Council of Seleucia, Semi- Arian Creed . , 359 Council of Ariminum, Homoean Creed (Britisli Bishops present) . . 359 Coimcil of Constantinople, Homceau Creed . . 360 Basil establishes Monasti- cism in Pontus . . 360 Council of Antioch, Ano- mcean Creed . . 361 Council of Alexandria . 362 Athanasius returns to Alexandria ; again ex- pelled. . . .362 returns upon death of Julian . . 363 CouncU of Lampsacus, Semi-Arian . . 365 Liberius sue. by Felix II. 366 Council of Tyana . . 367 Chronological Tables Chronological Tables PelixII. sue. liyDamasiis 367 CovmoU of Laodicaea . 370 Martin estaUishes Monas- tioism in Gaul . . 370 Athanasius died . . 373 CotmoiL OP Constanti- nople. Second (Ecu- menical, July 15tli . 381 Damasus sue. by Siricias 384 Jerome at Bethlehem . 384 First Decretal of Siricius 385 Conversion of Augustine 386 Cyril of Jerusalem, Catech. 387 Gregory Nazianzen died . 387 Ambrose inilicts penance on Theodosius, emperor 390 Augnstin, B. of Hippo . 395 Council of Carthage . 397 Siricius sue. by Anasta- sins . . . . 398 Ambrose died . . 398 Council of Carthage . 399 Council of Carthage . 400 Council of Toledo . . 400 RufBnus condemned . 400 Goths, Vandals, and Burgundians embrace Christianity as Arians 400 Council of Carthage . 401 Council of Chalcedon . 401 Anastasius sue. by Inno- centius . . . 402 Council of Milevi . . 403 Council of Carthage . 403 Plots and Scots combine against the Romans in North Britain . . 403 CoimcU of Antioch . 404 Chrysostom driven from Constantinople . . 404 Council of Turin . . 404 Council of Carthage . 404 Chrysostom died . . 407 Council of Carthage . 407 Vandals ovemm Gaul . 408 Rome besieged by Alaric 409 Attains emperor, Rome sacked . . . 409 Conference with Dona- tists at Carthage . 411 Council of Cirtha . . 412 Pelagian heresy . . 412 Council of Bracoara . 412 Cyril, Bishop of Alexan- dria . . . .412 Council of Diospolis . 415 Innocent succeeded by Zosimus . . . 417 Zosimus sue. by Boniface 418 Pharamond first Merovin- gian King of France . 420 Germanus of Auxerre and Lupus sent by Galilean Church into Britain to check Pelagian heresy 429 Boniface succeeded by Ccelestine . . .430 Augustine's works : — De Peccatorum mer. et rem. and De Sp. et Litera . . . 412 De Natura et Gratia . 415 DeTrinitate completed, andDeGestisPelagii 417 Ep. ad Sixtum . . 418 De Nuptiis et Concu- piscentia. . . 419 De Civitate Dei, com- pleted . . .426 De Gratia et Lib. Ar- bitrio . . .426 De Correptione et Gratia . . .427 De PraBdest. Sanctorum et de dono Persever- antisB . . , 428 Augustine died . . 430 COUNCtt op EPHESUS. Third CEcum. June 22nd 431 12f A.D. Paulinus, Bishop of Nola, died . . . .431 Patricius converts the Irish . . . .432 Celestinus succeeded by Sixtusin. . . 432 Vincent of Lerins . . 433 Prosper Aq. Mercator . 433 Nestorius died . . 435 Council of Antioch against Theodoreof Mopsuestia 436 Carthage taken by Van- dals . . . .439 Sixtus HI. succeeded by Leo . . . . 439 Armenia divided between the Romans and Per- sians .... 440 Council of Arausio I. . 441 Council of Vasa . . 442 Cyril, Bishop of Alex- andria, died . . 444 Vortigem invites over Saxons under Hengist against Picts and Scots 446 Britons colonize west of Gaul, thence called Brittany . . . 446 Eutychian heresy . . 446 Council of Constantinople 446 Sueves masters of Galli- cia, the Goths of the rest of Spain . . 447 False Council of Ephesus 449 Council of Constantinople 451 Gaul ravaged by the Huns . . .451 Council op Chalcedon. Fourth (Ecumenical . 451 Meeting between Leo I. andAttila . . . 452 Council ofAngers in Gaul 453 Prosper died . . . 453 Rome piUaged by Gen- serio .... 455 Council of Aries . . 455 Persecution . . . 455 Simeon StyHtes . . 455 Leo sue. by Hilarius . 461 Council of Aries . . 462 Hilarius sue. by Sim- plioius . . . 467 Mamertus, Bishop of Vienne, institutes Li- tanioal Rogations . 476 Simplicius succeeded by Felix III. . . .483 VigUius Tapsensis . . 484 Peter Fullo, Bishop of Antioch, died . . 488 Felix III. succeeded by Gelasius . . . 492 Gelasius s. by Anastasius II 496 Anastasius II. s. by Sym- machus . . . 498 Conversion of Clovis . 498 Babylonian Tahuud com- pleted . . .498 Pulgentius, B. of Ruspse 506 Clovis died . . .611 Symmachus sue. by Hor- misdas . . 614 Abyssinian conquests . 622 Hormisdaa succeeded by Johannes . . . 623 J'ohannes sue. by Felix IV 627 Angles settle in east part of Britain . . .627 Code of Justinian . . 628 Benedictine orderfounded 629 Jutes settle in the Isle of Wight . . . 630 Felix IV. sue. by Boniface 630 Boniface s. by Johannes II 631 Christian era instituted bj Dionysius Exiguas 532 A.D. Institutes of Justinian . 533 Abyssinians received into Roman alliance . . 533 Johannes II. s. byAga- petus .... 535 Africa reconquered by Belisarius . . . 535 Sacred vessels(taken from Rome to Carthage by Genseric) sent back to Jerusalem . . . 535 Agapetus succeeded by Silverius . . .636 Silverius succeeded by VigiUus . . . 540 Benedict and TotUa, kings of Goths . . .543 Council of Constanti- nople. Fifth (Ecu- menical . . . 663 Commencement of Schism between the East and West . . . .654 VigUius sue. by Pelagius 655 Pelagiussuc. by Johannes III 559 King Clothaire died . 661 Justinian died . . 665 British Saints Gildas, Bridget, Columba . 666 Johannes III. s. by Bene- dictus . . . 573 Gregory of Tours . . 573 Grermanus, Bishop of Paris, died . . 675 Benedict succeeded by Pelagius II. . . 577 Difa, first king of East Angles, died . . 677 Ercenwyn, first king of Essex, died . . 687 Visigoths of Spain con- verted . . .689 Council of Toledo III. Nicene Creed made part of service with "Pilio- que" . . . .589 Pelagius succeeded by Gregory L . . .590 Heptarchy . . .590 Mission of Augustine to Saxons in Britain . 596 Ordo Romanus reformed, canon of mass . . 599 Gregorian chants intro- duced into England by Augustine . . 599 Lombards converted . 599 Columban founds the monastery of Luxeuil . 600 British churches raised on ruins of heathen temples . . . 601 Mellitus first Bishop of London . . . 601 Gregory I. s. bySabini- anns . . . .604 Sabinianus s. by Boniface III. 606 Boniface III. s. by Boni- face IV. . . . 607 (The Papal succession here discontinued.) Augustine, Archb. of Canterbury died, s. by Laurence . . . 607 Jerusalem taken by the Persians, and the Holy Sepulchre burnt . 614 Ethelbert, king of Kent ^^ 616 Ghosroes conquers Egypt 616 Laurence, Aichb. of Can- terbury, s. by Mellitus 619 Hegira of Mahomet . 622 Mellitus s. by Justus . 624 Conversion of Edwin, king of Northumberland . 627 Mahomet dies . . 631 A.D. Mahomet s. by Abubeki and Omar . . . 631 Monothelite heresy . 633 Justus s. by Honorius 634 Damascus taken by the Moslems . . . 635 Jerusalem taken by Omar 636 Isidore of Seville d. . 636 Mahnesbury Monastery founded . . .638 St. Aidan founded See of Lindisfame (since of Durham) . . 638 Moslem rulespreads from Egypt to Euphrates, andoverwholeofPersia 639 Alexandria t-aken by Moslems, and Library used as bath fuel . 640 Melohite Patriarch in Egypt . . .641 Moors, by junction of Saracens and Berbers of Tripoli . . .641 Oswald, K. of Northum- berland, killed . . 642 Caliph Omar assassinated, succeeded by Othman 644 North Africa overrun by Moslems . . . 646 Peman Empire extingd. by death of Yezdegird after a dynasty of 425 years. Magian fire worship abolished ; Parsees retire to India 651 Honorius s. byDensdedit a W. Saxon . . .653 Oswy K. of Mid Angles baptized . . . 655 Oswy obtains accession of Mercia . . . 655 E. Saxon conquered by Oswy, of which London is capital . . . 655 Chad, Bp. of Northum- berland . . . 655 Caliph Othman assassinat. 655 All has Persia, Arabia, and the east; Moavia (Ommiad) has Syria, Egypt and west; the Persian dyna.sty de- scended from All . 660 Moavia sole Calif from Mediterranean shores to India . . .662 Moors invade Sicily . 662 Conference at Streneshal, i.e., " Beacon Point" (Whitby Abbey) on Paschal question , 664 Diocese of Winchester formed by King Oswy from Wessex . . 664 Council of Merida((3anons Resident.) . . .666 Deusdedit d. 665 ; s. by Theodore . . .668 Wilfrid consecrated Arch- bishop of York . 670 Queen Etheldred founded Ely monastery . . 672 Council of Hertford . 673 Glass first introduced in church windows by Bened. Biscop at Wear- mouth in Durham . 674 Ven. Bede b. at Jarrow, Durham . . . 674 Queen Etheldred d. . 679 Council op Constanti- nople. Sixth (Ecu- menical . . . 680 Council of Hatfield . 680 Wilfred (deposed) founds Selsey Abbey . . 680 St. Cuthbert, Bp. of Lin- disfame, d. . .687 Chronological Tables Chronological Tables leodore s. by Britwald jr Berthold, first native primate . . . 692 uncil in Trullo (Qui- nisext) . . .692 iimoU of Toledo XVII. and last . . .694 lurch in Spain raises persecution of Jews, and gives no other historical sign of life for 150 years . . 694 juncil of Beoonceld (of. A.D. 798) . . .694 juncil of Berkhamsted 697 lie of St. John's Church at Damascus refused to Caliph Walid. He builds a Mosque on ruins 705 •■iHridd. . . .709 oors pass from A&ica into Spain . . 712 oderic. King of Goths defeated. Gothic hing- dom had lasted 300 years . . . 713 :oors established at Cor- dova and Toledo . 713 ndalusia named from "Vandal" . . 713 [oors seize Gothic terri- tory north of Pyrenees 719 ing Ina refounds Glas- tonbury Abbey . . 722 la founds English Col- lege at Eome. Main- tains it by " Eome scot," the origin of Peter's Pence . . 727 erthold or Britwald s. byTatwin . . 731 iede's Hist, closes . 731 -bderrahman killed by Charles Martel at Poictiers . . .732 iede's letter to Egbert 734 lede d. ... 735 'atwin s. by Nothebn . 735 'ork made Archbishopric 735 harles Martel d. . . 741 forthelm s. by Cuthbert 741 'one. of twelve bishops at Cloveshoe (Cliffe at Hoo), Kent . . 747 .bdallah (Abassid) Caliph 749 ewish Sect of Karaites 750 jng Pepin crowned . 751 epin founder of Carlo- vingian dynasty . . 752 mmiad dynasty expires, butAbderrahmannolds Spain . . .753 ounc. Constant, against Images . . . 754 epin takes 22 cities from Astolf, King of Lom- bardy, and gives them to the Pope, now a temporal prince . . 755 . Almansor persecutes Church in Palestine . 756 uthbert s. by Bregwin 759 regwin s. by Jaenbeit 762 ouncilofCalauth(Chalk Hythe, Sax. Cealchith, modem, Chelsea) . 767 alse decretals presented to Pope by Ingelram, Bp. of Metz . . 785 ndowment by Constan- tine therein forged . 785 OUNCIL OF NiCiEA. Se- venth CBcumenical . 787 drian, to mortify Archb. of Canterbury sent Pallium to Bp. of Lich- field j^jai Archbishop . 787 ibri Carohni presented to Pope Adrian . . 790 1^7 A.D. Jaenbert s. by Athelard 791 Alcnin's letter to Charle- magne against Icono- latry . . . .792 Danes destroy Liudisfame 793 Council of Frankfort against images . . 794 Council in Mercia . 795 Council of Beoonceld (cf. A.D. 694) . . .798 Council of Pinchal, Dur- ham (Paschal qu.) . 798 Coimoil of Cliffe at Hoo (Medway) . . .800 Coronation of Charle- magne as Emperor . 800 Council at Aix-la-Cha- pelle . . . .803 Alcuind. . . .804 Athelard s. by Wulfred 804 Council of Aix-la-Cha- peUe . . . .809 Nicene Creed with "Filio- que" in Spanish and Gallican Liturgies ; not in Ordo Bomanus, but engraved on silver plates in Greek and Latin and suspended in St. Peter's Church, Eome . . .809 Manichaeans in Armenia 811 Council of Constantinople against images . . 815 Council of Calcuith . 816 Monastic reform in France 817 Sicily and Crete taken by the Moors . . 820 Council at Cliffe . , 822 Council at do. . . 824 Wulfred s. by Theogild . 829 Theogild s. by Ceohioth 829 Hepfarchy united under Egbert, first King of England . . .830 Paschasius Badbertus onEuch. . . .831 Viscount of Bigorremade king, to resist the Moors, origin of king- dom of Navarre . . 832 Caliph Almamoun, pa- tron of learning, died 833 Moors ravage banks of Ehone . . .842 Descent of Danes on French coast, Eouen and Nantes pillaged, and large sums extorted as ransom . . . 843 Saracens enter Italy as al- lies, and obtain much plunder from the mon- astery of Monte Cas- sino .... 844 Danes return uponEouen, take Paris on Easter- day, and retain a foot- ing in France . - 846 Danes pillage Hamburg and Friesland, . . 845 Moors crossing from Afri- ca plunderthe outskirts of Eome . . .847 Eome fortified, . . 848 Bourdeaux taken by Danes . . .848 Moors persecute Church at Cordova . . 848 Gotheschalk on Predesti- nation . . . 848 Ethelwulf, second King of England . . 848 Alfred, son of Ethelwulf, King of Wessex, bom 849 Danes repulsed on Eng- lish coast . . . 850 Danes ascend the Seine and Loire . . . 863 A.D. Church endowed by Eth- elwulf with tenth part of lands . . . 854 Christianity . introduced into Denmark . . 854 Ethelbald, third King of England . . . 865 Eabanus Maurus died . 856 Danes bum churches at Orleans and Paris . 856 Eatramnua on Holy Eu- charist . . . 859 Danes pass round Spain and ascend the Ehone 859 Ethelbert, fourth King of England . . .860 Ethelbert, fifth King of England . . .866 Danes ravage east coast of England, and take York . . .867 Gotheschalk died in pris- on . . . .868 Eatramnus on Proo. of HolySpmt . . 868 Council op Constanti- nople. Eighth (Ecu- menical . . . 869 Danes under Ungar and Hubba plunder and bum the conventual churches at Liudis- fame, Tynemouth, Whitby, Croyland, Ely . . . . 870 St. Edmund M. . . 870 St. Neot died in ComwaU, 870 Hincmar of Eheims . 870 Ceolnoth succeeded by .ffithelred . . .871 Peter of Sicily, Hist. Manich. . . .871 Eussians receive the Gos- pel . . . . 872 Alfred the Great, sixth King of England, . 872 England overrun by the Danes, King Alfred in concealment . . 878 Danes overrun Nether- lands . . . .881 Danes defeated by Alfred, allowed to colonize coast south and west of Humber, on condition of receiving baptism . 884 King Alfred codifies the laws of Offa, Ina, and Ethelbert . . .884 Italy ravaged by Moors 884 Danes winter at Amiens, and besiege Paris . 886 St. David . . .886 Oxford restored by Alfred 889 Photii Bibliotheca . 889 University of Paris . 889 .fflthebed succeeded by Phlegmond . . 890 Edward the Elder, seventh King of England . 900 Herv6, Archb. Eheims, convertsDanish settlers at Eouen, who may now be called Normans 910 Abbey of Clugni founded 910 Normandy and Brittany ceded to Eollo, bap- tized Eobert . . 912 Phlegmond succeeded by Adhelm . . .923 Adhehn succeeded by Wulfhelm . . .925 Athelstan, eighth king of England . . . 925 Moors possess Alpine passes, and levy tax upon pilgrims, . . 936 Edmund, ninth king of England . . .941 A.D Wulfhelm succeeded by Odo, son of a Pagan Dane . . .942 Odo's Constitutions . 944 Thurketil refounds Croy- land Abbey . . 945 Dunstan endows Glaston- bury, and founds five other abbeys . . 948 Edred, tenth King of Eng- land . . . .948 Seven new Sees created in England . . 948 Conversion of Bohemian Sclaves . . .948 Dunstan holds the Sees of London and Worcester in plurality . . 948 Edwy, eleventh king of England . . .955 Edgar, twelfth king of England . . .959 Odo succeeded by Dun- stan . . . 960 Conversion of Poles . 965 Dunstan inflicts seven years' penance on King Edgar . . .966 Dunstan, ■with Bishops Ethelwald and Oswald, a commission for re- form of clergy . . 969 Cairo, "The Victorious," built by Moez . . 971 Edward II., thirteenth king of England . 975 Ethebed II., fourteenth king of England . 979 Bath Abbey founded by Elphege, Bishop of Winchester . . 980 Hugh Capet, foimder of Capetian dynasty, con- secrated at Eheims . 987 Dunstan succeeded by Ethelgar . . .988 Ethelgar succeeded by Sirio . . . .989 Moors under Almansor oppress Spain for twelve years . . 993 Sirio succeeded by .filfrio 996 Hungarians receive the Gospel . . . 1002 .filfric succeeded by St. Elphege . . . 1006 Church reform . . 1006 Church of Holy Sepulchre at Jerasalem destroy- ed: Jewishpersecution in consequence . . 1009 Council of Enham for- bids polygamy, sale of slaves to infidels, sor- cery . . . 1009 Danes take Canterbury, and craelly kill St. El- phege, Apr. 10 . 1011 Sweyn, king of Den- mark, fifteenth king of England . . . 1013 Elphege succeeded by Leyfing . . . 1013 King Ethelred's restora- tion . . . 1015 Edward Ironsides, six- teenth king of Eng- land . . . 1016 Canute, seventeenth king of England . . 1017 Leyfing succeeded by iSgelnoth . . . 1020 Maniohseans burnt in Normandy . . 1022 Harold Harefoot, eigh- teenth king of Eng- land . . .1036 Egelnoth succeeded by Eadsige, . . .1037 Church Church A.D. Hardicantite, nineteenth king of England . 1039 Edward the Confessor, twentieth king of Eng- land . . . 1040 Ooimcil of Paris con- demns Berengarius and J. Scotus Erigena . 1050 Eadsige sue. by Eobert 1050 Robert outlawed, suc- ceeded by Stigand . 1052 Normans invade Papal States, and take Leo IX. prisoner . . 1053 Mich. Cerular. Patr. of Constantinople, ex- communicated July 16, Leo IX. having died April 19 . . . 1054 Ouchy of Apulia and Ca- labria ceded to Nor- mans in fee with Moor- ish part of Sicily. Ori- gin of kingdom of Naples . . . 1059 PUgrimage of seven thou- sand Germans to Jeru- salem, . . . 1064 ■Westminster Abbey con- secrated on Innocent's day . . . . 1065 Edward Confessor died January 4, naming William Duke of Nor- mandy as his heir . 1066 Harold, half brother of Edward, crowned . 1066 WiUiam crowned after battle of Hastings by Aldred, Archbishop of York . . . 1066 Stigand imprisoned as an intruder, succeeded by Lanfranc . . . 1070 CHURCH. ['EkkA^jo-io.] I. Etymology. A similarity of sound between the ■word " Clrarcli," as it appears in the Teutonic languages, and the word KvpuxKov, which was occasionally used in- stead of iKKkr^fria. [Conc. Ancyr. can. xiv. Laodic. xx^vdii. ; Euseb. ix. lO^J hy ecclesiastical writers, led to the opinion that the one word had been derived from the other [Walafrid Strabo, De reins Ecel. vii.]. It has also been supposed to have been derived from Kvpiov oXkos. Biit the first term is rare even ia Greek ■writers, and there are strong arguments against the proba- bility of its introduction iato other languages [Smith's Diet. Bible, iii. App.'\ ; while the second, though often found in the accusative case, toi/ oTkov Kvpiov, ia the LXX., does not appear to have been transferred to Christian writers. In the most primitive Imown languages of Britain, the corresponding word is plainlyallied ■with kKKX-qaria, the Welsh being Eglwys, the Cornish Eglos, and the Gaelic Eaglais. Of a similar derivation is the French Eglise. Although therefore the ecclesi- astical words "bishop," "priest," "deacon," are undoubtedly from the Greek, it is not clear that " Church" is so derived. A more probable deri- vation is from the Anglo-Saxon " circ," a name applied to the stone circles used for Druidical temples, and exactly corresponding to the "kirk" of old English. II. Usage of the loord Gliwrcli. The New Testament word for "Church" is uniformly eKKXrjcria, which is derived from eKKaXdv. The sense is that of a body formed into a separate as- sembly by being " called out" from the midst of a larger body; the analogous expression "the called" [kXtitoi, Eom. i. 6j vui. 28] being familiar in St. Paul's epistles. This idea of Christians as persons "called" out of darkness and sin "unto God's kingdom and glory" [1 Thess. ii. 12], is so very frequently used by St. Paul that it was pro- bably the sense in which iKKAijo-tawas adopted and applied by the early Christians. It must not be for- gotten, however, that the word is twice used by our Lord, once in the sense of a spiritual buUding [Matt. ^ This ia in the decree of Maximin. lu the previous chapter, however, he himself speaks of churches as of/cou! eKKkqatdv [Euseb. ix. 9], and the word most gene- rally used by him is "temples," but liis terms for them vary much, as if nmie wore vet quite fottled. 128 xvi. 18], and once in the sense of a religioiw community [Matt, xviii. 17]. These two in- stances, and a third in St. James [v. 14], are the only ones in which the word is used by any New Testament writer except St. Paul, St. Luke (his companion), and St. John. The idea of the sKKXrjcria as a building is not found anywhere else in the New Testament, except in our Lord's words before referred to, and (in a symbolical sense) in 1 Cor. xiv. 4, 12 : though some ■writers, as e.g. Mede, consider it to be so used (in opposi- tion to o'lKias) in 1 Cor. xi. 22. The primary idea of the Church is, therefore, in the New Testament, that of a separated com- munity composed of Christ's followers, and as such dissociated from the rest of the world. In the Gospels it is usually spoken of by St. Matthew as "the Kingdom of Heaven," and as " the Kingdom of God" by aU the Evangelists. It is observable however that in the latest Gospel, the designation " Kingdom of God" is only once used, and that St. John, the writer of that Gos- pel, uses the word " Church" freely in the Apo- calypse. In the fourth century the word had come to be generally used for the place of assembly for Di-nne Worship. Thus St. Augustine [a.d. 354- 430] ■writes : " Sicut ecclesia dicitur locus quo ecclesia congregatur Et hoc quotidianis loquendi usus obtinuit, ut ' in ecclesiam prodire,' aut ' ad ecclesiam confugere,' non dicatur nisi qui ad locum ipsum parietesque prodierit vel confugierit, quibus ecclesiee congregatio contine- tur." [QucBst. in Levit. iii. 57.] But even in Apostolic times a secondary sense of the word had sprung up, in which it was ap- plied to particular bodies of Christians, as well as to the whole body in general. Thus the Churches of God [1 Thess. ii. 14], and the Churches of the Gentiles [Eom. xvi. 4], are spoken of by St. Paul. In the same manner the Apostle particularizes national churches, as " the Church of God which is at Corinth," " the Church of the Thessalonians:" and at a later date, St. John addresses one of the seven epistles -with a specially revealed super- scription, "Untotheangel of the Ephesian Church" [t^s 'Ei^co-tVijs iKKXija-la^"^. From this usage of the word it is evident that it very soon acquired several meanings, even apart from its application to the place of assembly for Divine worship: and that local churches were recognised in Apostohc times, especially ■with reference to national and territorial divisions. Hence in the sub-Apos- tolic days it was customary to call each bishop and his flock a church ; and in the age after that, when stUl further progress in organization had been made, such bishops and their flocks as were comprised within the bounds of a Eoman province were collectively called so, each parti- cular episcopate being then called a parish. The idea of " National Chiu-ches," such as the Church of France, the Church of Spain, the Church of England, the Church of Ireland, &c., is strictly in accordance with the primitive idea of the ^ This reading ia not, however, in all the MSS, Church Circumincesaion Dkurch; while, on tlie other hand, nothing ionld be less so than to speak of the Church, of Rome, or the Eoman Church, as if it -were a jody extending into other countries than that to yhich the name " Eome" may he legitimately ixtended. III. Nature of the Ohurch. The primary idea )f tihe Church as a community of persons " called rat from " the whole body of mankind, leads on ;o the further notion of it as comprising the whole body of Christian people. But this comprehen- dve notion of the Church extends it to Chiistians jf all times and of all places ; and therefore, of aecessity, to Christians of aU preceding ages as well as to those of any specified moment. This jomprehensive idea of the Church is consequently subdivided into those of the Invisible Church and the Visible Church. 1. The Invisible Church is the name given to that vast body of Christians who have at any time, or in any place, departed out of this life in the faith, and fear, and love of God to live in the world unseen. In the words of St. Augusthie, " The Church is the people of God throughout all nations, all saints being joined and thereunto numbered who lived ia this world even before His coming, so beUeviag that He would come, even as we believe that He hath come." [Aug. de CatecMz. rud. ui.] This definition presup- poses, of course, that Christians who have left tins world in a state of unforgiven sin, are in some sense or other cast out of the Church ; but the condition of the departed is so veiled ia mystery that their exact relation to the Church of Christ between deathi and the final Judgment can by no means be defined. We can only carry our defini- tion to the extent of saying that the Invisible Church is made up of the faithful who are dead as far as this life is concerned, but who are alive as to the life of the world to come. 2. The Visible Church is the whole body of Christians at any time living in this world : that is to say, the whole body of those who have been baptized, and have not been authoritatively sepa- rated from the Church by excommunication. How far wilful heresy, schism, or immoral wickedness can of itself effect a person's separation from the Church, is a question too difficult to be entered upon in this place. But as theologians contem- plate only the holy dead when they speak of the Invisible Church, so they ordinarily speak of the Visible Church in a restricted sense which does not include heretical, schismatical, or iniquitous Christians ; meaning by that term, the " One Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church" of the Mcene Creed. This is called " coetus fidelium " by ancient writers, and the term is retained in the definition given by the Nineteenth Article of reli- gion, which is, " The Visible Church of Christ is a congregation of faithful men" [coetus fide- lium], " in the which the pure "Word of God is preached, and the sacraments be duly adminis- tered according to Christ's ordinance " [et sacra- menta quoad ea quae necessario exigantuj, juxta Christi institutum recte administrantur].^ Of » The definition of the Church usually adopted by 129 such a coetus fidelium the principal notes or marks by which it is to be distinguished are Unity, Holi- ness, Catholicity, and Apostolicity. But these distinctive characteristics, and also the spiritual phase of the Church as the Body of Christ, are treated of in separate articles. [Body, Mystical. Authority of Church. Discipline, Ecclesias- tical. DiooBSB. Notes of the Church. Com- munion OP Saints, &c.] CIECUMCELLIONS. Certain fanatical Don- atists of the fourth century who formed them- selves into armed bands, and roamed through the country on the pretence of redressing injuries. The name was revived in Germany in the thir- teenth century by some fanatics who professed to have armed in support of the excommunicated Emperor Frederic. [See Diet, of Sects and CIECUMCISION. The Octave of Christmas was called the Festival of the Circumcision as early as the sixth century, and for the obvious reason that the eighth day after the Nativity was the [day on which our Lord was circumcised. The coincidence of this day with the Kalends of January, on which the riotous and immoral festi- val of the Saturnalia was kept by the Eomans, always prevented it from being a prominent Chris- tian festival in the early centuries; and there were places and periods in which the heathen Satur- nalia so invaded the Christian festival that the observance of the latter was altogether forbid- den. In modem times it has been confused in a similar manner with the observance of New Year's Day. CIECUMINCESSION, called in Greek Tnpi- Xwpijcrts, is the name given to the indwelling in each other of the Three Divine Persons. This mutual indwelling is not only expressly stated in Scripture [John xiv. 9-11 ; xvii 11, 21, 22,^23, and often implied, as in John i. 1 ; Col. ii. 9, irSv to TrAijpw/ia], but necessarily follows from the Catho- lic doctrine of the Holy Trinity : for the Divine Nature being entire in each Person, though the Persons are distinct from each other, there must be that mutual indwelling which this word im- plies. St. Athanasius often alludes to the coin- herence of the Three Persons," which implies their equal and self-same Godhead, as manifestly incon- sistent with Arianism. Not that we are to sup- pose that the teaching of the Church is either identical with, or even implicitly sanctions, the heresy of SabeUius, who maintained that the dis- tinction between the Persons of the Godhead was only nominal, or, in other words, that there was only one Divine Person, bearing the name of the Father, the Son, or the Holy Ghost. On the contrary, as Bishop Bull shews, the doctrine of Roman theologians is that of Bellarmine, which is thus given in Liebermann's Institutions Thmlogicce, i. 257 _: "Ecolesia est ccetus hominum unius et ejusdem fidei Christiana professione, et eorundem Sacramentorum com- munione conjunctus, sub regjimine legitimorum pastorum ac prsecipue Bomani Pontifiois. " As to the last words see SupitEMAOT, Papal : the preceding part of the definition is entirely consistent with that of the English Church as given above. ^ Oratio tertia cont. Arianos, torn. ii. (Migne), 1857. Clergy the coinherence of the Divine Persons has no affinity with, and may he considered the safeguard against, the Sahellian heresy. He says : " In the Trinity the circumiacession is most proper and perfect, forasmuch as the Persons mutually contain Each Other, and all the Three have an immeasurable whereabouts (immensum ubi, as the Schoolmen express it), so that wheresoever one Person is, there the other two exist ; in other words. They are aU. everywhere. ... In the next place, I would remind the reader that this doc- triue of the circumincession of the Persons ia the Trinity is so far from introduciug SabeUianism, that it is of great use, as Petavius has also ob- served, for (establishing) the diversity of the Per- sons, and for confuting that heresy. Por, in order to that mutual existence (in each other) which is discerned in the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, it is absolutely necessary that there should be some distinction between those who are thus joined together — that is, that those that exist mutually in each other, should be dif- ferent in reality, and not in mode of conception only : ibr that which is simply one, is not said to exist in itself, or to interpenetrate itself. . . . Lastly, this is especially to be considered — that this circumincession of the Divine Persons is in- deed a very great mystery, which we ought rather rehgiously to adore than curiously to pry into. No similitude can be devised which shall be in every respect apt to illustrate it ; no lan- guage avails worthily to set it forth, seeing that it is an union which far transcends all other unions."'' [Petavius, de Trinitate,]ih. iv. c. 16.] CIVIL LAW. [Law, Ecclesiastical.] CLEEGY. The word clergy is derived from KXfjpos, a lot, and is thus explained by St. Jerome [Up. ad Nepot.J, " Propterea vocantur clerici, vel quia de sorte sunt Domini, vel quia ipse Dominus sors, id est, pars, clericorum est." Others have supposed that the custom of choosing persons by lot to discharge sacred offices is connected with the term which is used [Acts i. 26] in reference to the election of St. Matthias to the Apostolate by casting lots ; eSojKav KXyjpovs avrZv, KOI €Trecrev 6 KXrjpoi eirl WarOiav. The clergy were also called canonici, from Kaviov, the catalogue of each church, ol Iv t<^ Kavovt, UpariKoi, or rd^ts lepariKr], and rd^ts Toi! fS-qiw.TO'S, or the order of the sanctuary, a term used chiefly by Gregory Nazianzen. In the third century, the inferior orders were also called clerici, and the third Council of Carthage in its twenty-first Canon expressly grants the title to them. That the clergy, using the name in its older sense for the three orders of bishops, priests, and deacons, formed from the first a distinct order cannot be doubted. It has never indeed been denied that in the third century there was a dis- tinction between clergy and laity, clearly marked, and firmly established, though it is asserted that it was then new, and brought in by the increasing worldly ambition of the Church. In the first place, however, the tone of aU the passages of Scrip- ' Defence of the Nicene Creed, bk. iv. c. iv. sees. 13, 14. Oxf. transl. 130 Clergy ture in which the ministers of the Church are spoken of is one which conveys the idea, not of equality, but of godly authority. A passage in St. Peter's Epistles [1 Pet. v. 3], /«j8' cos KaTaKW/oieiJovTe9 tuv KXrjpoiv, has been cited to prove the equality of all Christians in the primi- tive Church, and the absence of any distinct order of ministers. In that passage the presbyters of the Church are bidden not to be lords over God's heritage or clergy, twv kX'^/xoi'. The word is there undoubtedly used for the whole body of Christian people, but the same word had been used before of the Jews, who in the same way are called God's inheritance or clergy [Deut. iv. 20 and ix. 29], and among whom, nevertheless, a distinct priesthood existed. The whole body of the Christian Church is in truth the kA^/3os or inheritance of God, when it is distinguished from unbelievers ; but when we speak of the members of the Church in their mutual relations one to another, there is an especial KXrjpos, just as from the whole of God's inheritance of Israel the tribe of Levi was chosen to minister at the altar. With this view the testimony of the ancient Church, in every age, agrees. St. Ignatius declares: "He who does anything without bishop, and presbyter, and deacon, is not pure in conscience " [Ad Trail. c. 7], and in the same epistle x'^P's tovtwv (liruTKOTTon, irpecrfivT^puiv, /cat SiaKovtoi') 'Ek/cA.ijo"mx ov KaXeh-ai. St. Clement of Eome, the "feUow- labourer " of St. Paul, parallels the three orders of the Church to the Jewish high priests, priests, and Levites, and the Stromata of Clemens Alex- andrinus contains these remarkable words, koX a.\ kvravBa koto Tqv eKKXtjcriav ■rrpoKoirat, iirio-KOTrtav, TTpea^vrepdiv, Smkovov, /it/iij/iara, oT/xai, t^s dyyeXiKrjs So^s. The same Father records of St. John that when he returned from Patmos, and settled at Ephesus, he set apart for the clergy such persons as the Holy Spirit signified to him. The testimony of Tertullian with respect to the episcopal office, as it existed in his day, is " ordo episcoporum, ad originem recensus, in Joannem stabit auctorem." Similar passages abound in the writings of the Fathers, but those here given sufficiently shew the opinion of the Church in the age immediately following that of the Apostles. The most an- cient division of the clergy is into the three orders of bishops, priests, and deacons. In the lifetime of the Apostles, themselves forming the Episco- pate of the Church, Theodoret says : " Formerly they called the same persons presbyters and bishops, while those who are now called bishops they named apostles. But shortly afterwards the name of apostles was appropriated to such as were apostles indeed, and then the name bishop was given to those who before were called apostles." The appointment of Timothy and Titus with authority over the presbyters of Ephe- sus and Crete is one of the first traces of the divinely-appointed provision made by the Apos- tles for the continuance of their own office ; and by St. John, the last survivor of the twelve, the new organization was made complete. The bishops of the Church are then, in the fullest Clergy sense, SiaSoxot tIov KTroaroXwv, the successors of ha Apostles. Other titles of honour given to ;hem 'were ap^ovre^ eKKXrjaiwv, governors of the Dhurches, Trjooeo-TtuTes or presidents, summi sacer- iotes, summi pontifices, papse, vicars of Christ, md angels of the Churches [cf. St. Aug. Ep. 162, ' Divina voce laudatur suh angeli nomine praepo- situs ecclesise]. The duties of a bishop included those of the preshyter, such as haptism, the cele- bration of the Holy Communion, and preaching, " the ministry of the Word and sacraments ;" and also the consecration of churches, confirma- tion, the reconciliation of penitents, offices which only in case of absolute necessity were performed by presbyters. But the distinguishing office of the bishop was the power of ordination, which he alone possessed. The fourth Council of Carthage directs " Presbyter cum ordinatur, epis- copo eum benedicente, et manum super caput ejus tenente, etiam omnes presbyteri, qui prsesen- tes sunt, manus su.as juxta manum episcopi super caput iUius teneant ;" that is, as in the Ordinal of the English Church, the presbyters were to place their hands upon the heads of the person to be ordained, but the bishop alone was to utter the words of consecration. St. Jerome, even when writing in favour of the privileges and sta- tus of presbyters, says [Ep. 85], " Quid enim facit, exeepia ordinatione episcopus, quod presby- ter non faciat." It was also the office of a bishop to grant letters of commendation to mem- bers of his flock when leaving home for other countries, to administer the revenues of the Church [Canon xxiv. of the Council of Anti- och], and to superintend the conduct of the inferior clergy in Ms diocese. This power, however, was not arbitrary, for the Councils of Carthage allow an appeal to any presbyter or deacon from his own bishop to a synod, or to the neighbouring bishops. The word presbyter, Hke the Latin senior, sig- nifies an elder, but it is a title of station and rank rather than of age, as the Saxon word alderman, before it was supplanted by the Danish jail or earl, denoted high dignity and power rather than seniority. Archbishop de Marca defines the office of presbyter : "Presbyterium est ordo qui manuum impositione confertesse ad conficienda et dispen- sanda sacramentse." Presbyters might also preach and grant absolution in the absence of the bishop, or if authorized by him; they sat in the place of honour with the bishop, forming his council or senate. St. Cyprian says of his presbyters that he was accustomed to deliberate with them on the merits of all candidates for ordination, and on the subject of discipline and reconciliation of penitents. The word deacon (StciKovos) is derived from Si'^KO), to go through or perform. Aiaxovos is sometimes used in the New Testament for any servant of God, just as SiaKovuv is used for the performance of a service, SiaKovia for the service or ministry itself, whether performed by a deacon, or as in Acts i. 25, by an apostle, and in 2 Tim. iv. 5, by a bishop. Deacons appear first in the Church at Jerusalem, and were appointed in 131 Clergy consequence of a compkint made by the Hellenic converts that their widows were neglected in the daily ministrations. Their duties are to assist the bishop and presbyters at the celebration of the Holy Communion, to baptize in the absence of a priest, to preach by authority from the bishop, to rebuke unseemly conduct in church, and particularly to minister to the wants of the sick and poor. The difference between the ordi- nation of a deacon and a priest is set forth by the fourth Council of Carthage [c. 4] : " Diaeonus cum ordinatur, solus episcopus, qui eum benedi- cit, manum super caput Ulius ponat ; quia non ad sacerdotium, sed ad ministerium consecratur." In the middle of the third century several new orders were introduced : [1] Sub-deacons, whose principal duty was to prepare the sacred vessels for the service of the altar; [2] Lectores, or readers, who read the Scriptures in the Church from the " tribunal ecclesise," or lectern; [3] Acolythes, who lighted the candles in the Chm'ch, provided wine for the Eucharist, and attended the bishop in his official duties ; [4] Exorcists, whose office is explained by a canon of the fourth Council of Carthage : " Exorcista cum ordinatur, accipiat de manu episcopi libeUum, in quo scripti sunt exor- cismi, dicente sibi Episcopo, Accipe et commenda memorise, et habeto potestatem imponendi manus super energumenum, sive baptizatum sive catc- chumenum;" [5] Ostiariiordoorkeeper8[irvAa)/Doi], who had the charge of the doors of the church, and enforced the observance of the distinctions between the faithful and catechumens, or persons under discipline, at the time of service. JBesides these five orders, there were also in the fourth century cantores, or psahnistee, who sang in the church; copiatse, or fossarii, whose office is de- scribed in a passage of St. Jerome: " The clerici, whose duty it was, wrap the corpse in linen, and according to custom prepare the tomb ;" and the parabolani who, imder the direction of the bishop, attended on the sick. In the earhest times, the clergy were supported by the weekly oblations at the altar, and by monthly offerings made to the common treasury of each church. These revenues were divided monthly. St. Cyprian speaks of a divisio men- smna, exclusion from which seems to have been equivalent to the modem suspension from a bene- fice. It was impossible in the ages of persecu- tion, and until the imperial decrees granted Hberty in this respect, for the Church to hold with safely property in houses or lands. Such, therefore, if given to the Church, were sold, especially in the West, which continued the practice later than the East. A law of Constantine, embodied in the Code of Justinian, decreed that even any person might, when dying, bequeath "bonorum quod optaverit" to the most holy Catholic Church. In consequence of the great abuses which arose in after times, Valentinian decreed that no ecclesias- tics should enter the houses of orphans or widows for the purpose of obtaining bequests from them. It was doubtless a law made in restraint of abuses, for St. Jerome says of it, " Neo de lege conqueror, sed doleo cur meruimus banc legem." I do not Clinic Ccena Domini complain of tlie law, but I grieve that we should have deserved it \Ep. 2 ad NepoUan]. Constan- tine also granted an annual payment to the clergy out of the revenues of the empire [Sozomen, Ub. v. c. 5], but this, after being entirely withdrawn by Julian, was only restored in part by the succeed- ing Christian emperors. It was probably the germ of the payment of tithes, which was made before the end of the fourth century. Many privileges were granted to the clergy by the Christian emperors. Justinian decreed that when the evidence of a bishop was required, " Judex mittat ad eos quosdam ex personis mini- strantium sibi," so that the bishop might not be obhged to appear in court. A law of Theodosius the Great forbade the examination of a preshyter or ecclesiastic of higher rank by torture. Valen- tinian decreed that in matters of faith or ecclesi- astical order the clergy should be judged by those of their own body [St. Ambrose, £ip. ad VdlenUn.'\ "Minora delicta" were also, according to De Marca, left to the cognizance of the bishop, when the clergy were guilty of them ; " atrocia crimina " alone being in their case judged by a secular court. The clergy were also exempted from the payment of the " census capitum," or per- sonal tribute, although in common with other sub- jects of the empire they paid, except in particular instances, the census agrorum for their own lands or those belonging to the Church. The power of the clergy reached its highest point iu the eleventh and tweKth centuries. Many causes contributed to this, such as the superiority which learning, almost exclusively possessed by them, gave to them over the laity ; and the fact that the spirit of rehgion, even when unable to repress immorality and crime, was yet powerful enough to invest the possessions of the Church with a peculiar sanctity, and therefore to make churches and religious houses safe refuges in which the oppressed and the weak might find protection. The influence of the clergy, as distinguished from power, was perhaps never higher than at the close of the sixteenth century. Eanke says of this period \nist. of the Popes, book vL Intr.] : " There has been no period in which theologians were more influential than at the close of the six- teenth century. They sat in the councils of kings, and discussed political affairs from the pulpit in the presence of the whole people, — they directed schools, controlled the efforts of learning, and governed the whole range of literature." [Bishops. Bbnbpioe. Cbubaot. Cure op Souls. Charac- TEB. Discipline. Episcopaot. Oedbrs. Priest. Apostolical Succession.] CLINIC [KAtviKo's]. This designation was applied in very early times to any person who was baptized in private on account of sickness or approaching death. St. Cyprian says that he was at a loss to know how the name came to be used, but concludes that it was a term borrowed from Hippocrates, or from Soranus (a Eoman physician of Trajan's time), and applied to per- sons so baptized as a kind of nickname. [Cyp. Ep. Ixix. al. Ixxxv. ad MagnumA 132 There were many in the early Chiiich who doubted the efi&cacy of clinical, or deathbed, baptism, because a person so baptized was only sprinkled and not dipped. St. Cyprian declares his opinion in the epistle just quoted, however, that it was effectual, though he vsdU not control or question the contrary opinion of any brother bishop. [Baptism.] The twelfth canon of the Council of Neocsesarea [a.d. 314] sanctions clinical baptism in time of necessity; and the forty-seventh canon of that of Laodicaea [a.d. 314-372] implies the same permission by en- joining that clinics shall learn the Creed if they recover from their sickness. But the same canon of Neoceesarea also forbad the ordination of any person who had received clinical baptism, and this was the common rule of the early Church, as shewn in the objections offered to Novatian on this account. Clinics were unfavourably looked upon as Christians, because they were often persons who had put off their baptism until the last, that they might live unrestricted lives, and yet hope for remission of their sins by that sacrament. Con- stantine is said to have been a clinic. CCENA DOMINI. The "last Supper" of our Blessed Lord, at which He celebrated the Passover, and instituted the Holy Eucharist. The fifth day in Holy "Week, popularly known as Maundy Thursday, has been ritually known by the name of " Coena Domini," or " Eeria quinta in Coena Domini," from very ancient times, St. Isidore [a.d. 570-636] referring to it in his treatise on Divine Sei-vice [de Offic. Eccl. i. 28], and the Council of Meaux [a.d. 845] ordering ia its forty - sixth canon, " Nemo sacrum chrisma, nisi in quinta feria majoris septimanae, id est, in Coena qua3 specialiter appeUatur Dominica, con- ficere praesumat." [Lord's Supper. Maundy Thursday. Lavipedium.] CGENA DOMINI. On this day the Pope used for some centuries to fulminate a special excommunication against heretics, which was hence called the Bull " in Ccbna Domini," the instrument beginning with those words. It is not known who began the formality of this annual excommunication, but Grancolas attri- butes it to Boniface VIII. or Clement V. about A.D. 1294-1315 \Gomm. Hist, in Brev. Rom. ii. 60] ; and the Bull, with variations and im- provements, has been published by not a few Popes. The most noticeable editions are of Urban V., a.d. 1364, who does not excommuni- cate heretics, but opposers of the See; of Julius II., A.D. 1511, who excommunicates all heretics, particularly " Gazaros, Patarenos, Pauperes de Lugduno, Arnaldistas, Speronistas, Passagenos, Viclefitas sen TJssitas, FratriceUos de opinione nuncupates ;" of Paul III., a.d. 1536, who states the custom of the annual excommunication to be an ancient one ; of Gregory XIII., a.d. 1582, who excommunicates "Hussitas, Uuichlephistas, Luteranos, Zuinlianos, Calvinistas, Ugonottos, Anabaptistas, Trinitarios, et a fide Christiana apostatas ;" and lastly of Urban VIII., a.d. 1627, which is the present BuU, " Pastoralis Ko- Collect Communicatio Idiomatum KiaDi."' This excomuiunicates the heretics last aamed, all who aid and ahet them, and all readers jf their books, appellants to a general council, pirates and corsairs and wreckers plundering the joods of Christians, falsifiers of buUs and papal fescripts, those who tax the clergy without the Pope's license, secular judges who summon scclesiastics to their courts contrary to the canon Law, aU htadorers of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, all usurpers of ecclesiastical jurisdiction or revenues, ill who hinder the execution of apostolical man- iates and rescripts. It is ordered that the BuU shall be published yearly, and that aU confessors md curates shall have it for use and study. The clauses which condemn those who protect beretics, and those who tax the clergy, bring most, if not all, of the Roman Catholic princes under the censures of the Church : the clauses condemning those who appeal to a general council implicates that, large section of the Church which holds a general council to be superior to the Pope. In short, the Bull brings the Eoman See into collision, theoretically, with the autho- rities of every state ; and overthrows the legiti- mate power of sovereigns. Accordingly, the states of Europe, with few exceptions, have de- clared against it. France most strongly perhaps, for in 1580, on an attempt by some French pre- lates to procure the reception and publication of the Bull, the Parliament of Paris ordered those who had received and published it to be sus- pended, and their temporalities to be confiscated. In 1773 Clement XTV. suspended the publi- cation of the Bull. But " this Bull, although the formality of its publication is now omitted, is nevertheless implicitly in vigour in all its exten- sion, and is likewise observed in all cases, where there is no impediment to the exertion of the Pope's authority. Therefore it must legally be looked upon as a public declaration to preserve his rights."B CGEJSrOBIT^. [Cbnobitbs.] COLLECT. A short prayer formed on definite principles of construction. The most probable interpretation of the name is that it indicates a prayer offered by the priest alone on behalf of the people; whose suffrages are thus collected into one voice, instead of being said alternately by priest and people as in Versicles and Litanies. \Microlog. ui. ; Durand, iii. 13 ; Bona, Rer. Liturg. ii. 5 ; Mirror of our Lady, fol. Ixxiii.] Collects are a form of prayer peculiar to the Western Church, but there are some points of likeness between them and the ExaposteUaria of the Eastern liturgies [Freeman's Prina. Div. Serv. i. 142], the latter being originally a kind of, pre- catory hymn invocating the grace of God, which is characteristic of the Collect. The only two prayers of the Church which are given in the New Testament have the form of Collects [Acts i. 24, iv. 24], and there is a vast number in the ^ " Pastoralis Eomani Pontiflois vigilantia et sollioi- tudo," &c. 2 Cardinal Erskine to Sir J. 0. Hippisley, in Eeport of Comm. of House of Commons on the Laws regarding till' t-c,qTilatiou of Eoman Catholic Subjects. 1816, p. 218. 133 ancient Sacramentaries, of which some date back to Apostolic times. The characteristic features of the CoUeot form of prayer are : [1] an invocation; [2] a reason on which the petition is to be founded; [3] the Petition itself, cen- trally placed, and always in few words ; [4] the benefit hoped for; [5] a memorial of Christ's mediation, or an ascription of praise, or both. [Blunt's Annotated Book of Common Prayer,'-^. 69. Bright's Ancient Collects.'] COLLYRIDIANS. A sect of heretics, con- sisting chiefly of women, which sprung up in the end of the fourth century. They seem to have revived some portions of heathen worship, pro- fanely adapting them to the worship of the Blessed Virgin- Mary as a goddess : and they also invented a pseudo-Christian female priesthood. Their distinctive name was derived from the collyria, or cakes, which they offered to the Blessed Virgin. COMES. An ancient Leotionary, or book of Epistles and Gospels, which has gone by the name of St. Jerome at least since the time of Amalarius [a.d. 820] and Micrologus [c. a.d. 1080]. It has been doubted whether it really is the work of St. Jerome, but chiefly because the system of Epistles and Gospels differs from that of the Eoman rite. Where it differs from the Eoman rite it agrees, however, with the ancient Anglican rite, and as there is no historical associa- tion known between the two, it seems as if the system must be one of great antiquity. MabUlon found the Comes mentioned in the Charta Cor- nutiana, a deed so early as a.d. 471, belonging to a church in France ; it is mentioned by Amalarius [iii. 40], and in Micrologus [xxv.] it is spoken of as " Liber Comitis sive Lectionarius, quern Sanctus Hieronymus compaginavit." It will be found under the name of St. Jerome in the Liiurgieon Eeolesice Latinoe of Pamelius, and also in the eleventh volume of St. Jerome's works. The singular points of agreement between the Conies and the Anglican system are set out at length in Blunt's Annotated Book of Common Prayer, p. 71. [Zaccar. de Latin, libris liturg. disquis.] COMMENDATIONS. [Pratbbs fob the Dead.] COMMENDATOEY LETTEES. [Liters FOBMATJI.I COMMUNICATIO IDIOMATUM. This theological term expresses a result of the Hypos- tatic Union. The Divine and the Human Na- ture being perfectly united in the Person of our Lord Jesus Christ, the properties of the one nature are to be predicated of the other nature. Thus our Lord speaks of Himself as being in Heaven in His human nature, " the Son of Man which is in Heaven" [John iii. 13], although that nature had not yet ascended there, because it was one with His Divine nature, which could not but be in Heaven. Thus, also, His Divine nature communicated its omnipotence to His human nature, so that the latter participated in the working of miracles, which were the result of Divine power. Thus, again, St. Paul speaks of the Jews aa crucifying "the Lord of glory" Communion of Saints [1 Cor. ii. 8], and bids the elders of Eptesus to " feed the Cliurch of God, which He hath pur- chased -with His own hlood" [Acts xx. 28]. For the same reason, the Blessed Virgin is called the Mother of God, hecause she tore the Human Nature which is inseparably united with the Divine. [Thbandeio Operation. Thbotokos.] COMMUNION, HOLY. [Eucharist.] COMMUNION OF SAINTS. The unity of the Invisible Church. [Chubch.] This con- cluding part of the ninth article of the Apostles' Creed does not appear in any form of it earlier than the fifth or sixth century. It is first met with in one of the creeds expounded by Eusebius Gallus, and is not found again untU the seventh century, when it occurs in a GaUican sacra- mentary \Godex B6biensis\, printed in the Mu- seum Italicum of MabiUon. [Heurtley, Harmo- nia Symh. p. 145.] Whether or not it belonged to more ancient forms, or whether it was inserted after the age of general councils (a very impro- bable supposition), cannot be determined. By many divines it has been taken as an explana- tion of the preceding words, " the Holy Catholic Church," but this view involves a tautology which is not at all consistent with the carefully castigated style of the creeds ; and the better in- terpretation is that which makes it mean the mystical union between all holy members of Christ's mystical body, living and departed. And although this article of the Creed is not found in the earliest forms of it, the doctrine of the aitiole is plainly enough set forth in Holy Scripture, " If we walk in the Ught, as He is in the light," says St. John, "we have fellowship one with another" [1 John i 7, Koivtavlav /ler' aXA'jjXiav] ; and that this, moreover, is not what we understand by Christian intercourse, but mys- tical union, is clearly shewn by his preceding use of the word, " and truly our fellowship is with the Father, and with His Son Jesus Christ" [1 John i. 3]. These words are expressive of the same truth that is set forth in our Lord's parable of the vine and its branches, with a further ex- tension of it in the direction of the words con- tained in His prayer, " that they all may be one ; as Thou, Father, art in Me, and I in Thee, that they also may be one in Us" [John xvii. 21]. But the oldest interpretations of this article which are extant, including that of the homily in which the ipsisdma verba of it are first found, referred it chiefly to communion with the saints departed. The obvious reason is, that only those who are at rest in Jesus in the unseen world are entitled to the term " saints" in its full and un- limited sense, for they only are beyond the risk of falling from holiness. For this, also, there is the most literal Scripture warrant, for in the Epistle to the Hebrews the writer developes the whole idea of the communion of saints in lan- guage which cannot be mistaken : " Ye are come unto Mount Sion, and unto the City of the Uving God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to an innumer- able company of angels, to the general assembly and church of the firstborn, which are ■written in Heaven, and to God the Judge of all, and to the 134 Conceptualism spirits of just men made perfect \koX irvevfMKTi SiKafwv TereXeuofj-evcov], and to Jesus the Media- tor of the new Covenant" [Heb. xii 22-24]. Some divines have considered that there is a direct reference to sacramental unity in the word " communion" as here used ; and this opinion is weU expressed in the old expository formularies of the Eeformation period : " And forasmuch as the most blessed Sacrament of the Altar . . . in- creaseth and worketh in them that worthily receive it the communion and conjunction in body and soul of them to Christ and Christ to them, with a mutual conjunction also in love and charity of each good man in Christ to other, therefore the said Sacrament may worthily be called the Communion of Saints" [Erud. Christ. Man, A.D. 1543]. On this article of the Creed is also based the idea of a great treasure of grace, holiness, and love, which is a source of spiritual wealth and strength to each individual Christian as member of one vast body, as a Kving branch of the True Vine, and as partaker of the " fatness of the OHve," in which he remains engrafted. [Body, Mystical.] COMPETENTES. The catechumens of the primitive Church whose preparation for baptism was completed. They were called also Electi ; and, in the Eastern Church, /Sairrtfo/tevot and <^a)Ttfo/ievoi. The designation of competentes was derived from the fact that their names were given to the bishop as petitioners for the sacra- ment of baptism ; the " qaidpetis ?" of the Latin office for baptism stiU representing the custom. St. Augustine also says of Cuima, the smith of Hippo : " Easter was now approaching, and he gave his name among the other competents" [Aug. De Our a pro Mori. xii]. And in another treatise : " When we were petitioning for the sacrament of that fount, and for this reason were called Competentes" [Aug. de fid. et Oper. vi]. The names of the candidates were registered in the " diptychs of the living," and were read out in the presence of the conOTegation COMPLINE. [Hours.] CONCEPTUALISM. The theory that « uni- versals" are conceptions, i.e. thoughts in the mind, as opposed to either of the conflicting views [a] that they were substances in the ex- ternal world, and [6] that they were merely names. I. The celebrated controversy about the nature of universab which perplexed the Middle Ages, divided University-towns into opposite camps, and in some instances led to sanguinary conflicts in the streets, may be traced back to a confusion of thought in the mind of Plato. [a] Three main questions may be said to have been opened by the philosophical critics of the age of Pericles. [1.] What is the basis of the distinction between the passing impression of the moment and knowledge ! [2] (a different form of the first) VvQiat is the basis of the distinction between what appears to be and what really is ? and, [3] What ground is there for the distinction between what I like to do and what I ought to do'! The comprehensive answer given to aU Conceptualism these problems by the sceptical school was, The impressions of any individual man at any given moment are the only standard by which know- ledge, reality, and right can be judged. In other words, there is no knowledge beyond the pass- ing impression; no reality behind the appear- ance; no rule of conduct except the desire of the moment. This last priuciple led naturally to the further question, whence, then, are the laws, which so far from being identical with the momentary desires, constantly restrain and con- travene them ? The sceptical answer to this was consistent ; They are restraiats imposed upon the people, by agreement of, and in. the interest of the rulers, i.e. with a view to secure the maxi- mum of gratification of their ovm desires. The moral obligation (" I ought") to obey the laws, is thus supplanted by the purely physical obligation to do so (" I must") ; as merely the expression of the collective seliishness of the rulers, the laws are entirely external to the indi- vidual citizen, who submits to them because, and just so long as, he cannot help doing so. [&] It was against this last conclusion that the Socratic method was intended to be an antidote. It may be briefly described as an attempt to awaken in men the consciousness that the laws they had been accustomed to obey, as ordinances arbitrarily imposed from without, are merely the register of moral distinctions which they bear in their own breasts, that they rest upon an autho- rity of which they themselves are the authors. This moral consciousness he " brings to the birth," by taking a number of cases, in which some term, such as "just," "beautiful," "good," &c. is ap- plied by common consent (rot TroAXa StKota), and by comparing them together, he tried to ascertain what characteristics are common to all the cases, and thus obtain a definite and distinct meaning (o/oos) of the words "justice," &c. which had been before instinctively and vaguely applied. This " definition" supplies also the " reason why" (Adyos) the name "just" is applied in any given instance; and, lastly, forms a standard or type («Sos) to which to refer actions and our judgments of them. In this way Socrates restores, under a slightly altered form, the distinction which the sceptical school had obliterated. There is one general and permanent type of justice, beauty, &c. (to SiKaiov, TO KaXov, &c.) which we all recognise implicitly whenever we apply the name to given instances (to ttoXXo, hUaia, KaXd, &c.) ; and the distinction between the two depends on the difference between the vague application of a term in common speech, and a clear conception of its meaning, and the reason for applying it. [c] The problem before Plato was slightly dififerent : viz. how to give an account of the distinction between the passing sensation and knowledge ; between the phenomenon and reality. As it appears in. the Cratylus, p. &86, D, E, it may be expanded thus : I look at an object, say a chair, and I have a certain picture painted upon the retina of my eye, which I call a sensation. I turn my head, the picture of the thair vanishes, and another takes its place ; my isr. Conceptualism head returns to its original position, the sensation of the chair reappears. I leave the room, the sensation vanishes ; I return, it reappears, and so on ad infinitum. - The result of tMs process is that I experience a series of recurring sensations resembling one another. But this series of recurring similar sensations or pictures is not, nor is the fact of their similarity or recurrence, what I mean when I speak of " this chair" as a real object in the world. What I mean is something which is one, definite, and permanent (outrtav lypvra, riva ^e/Saiov), which is there, when I do not see it as weU as when I do, and whether I am conscious of it in any way or not. A contrast thus arises between the re- current sensations of the chair, as manifold and transitory (to, iroXXa a'urdrjra), and the chair *fee?/ which I speak and think of (to vorjTov), as one and permanent ; the sensations as affections of me, and the chair itself as external to me in theworld; and, again, the sensations as mine alone, (eXKo/xiva av(o Kot Karo) tiJ) fifLerepto iJMVTdiTfxaTi), and the chair itself {Kad' avra . ifirep iTkvKe) as a common object to all. The difficulties arising out of this contrast, and of the distinction and correlation of its terms, were evaded by the sceptical school by the simple process of denying the latter term (the one per- manent reaUty), as they had denied the latter term of the ethical contrast between the passing desires and the moral law. This view led to a corollary affirming the conventional character of language and general names [Craiyl. 383 A], which imply the existence of real outward things, analo- gous to the corollary affirming the conventional character of laws and institutions, which imply the reality of moral distinctions. In answer to this, Plato might have proceeded in the steps of Socrates, by an induction of general names, to shew that, upon this hypothesis, it is impossible to account for the existence of names in language. That, irrespectively of the correctness and incor- rectness of their application, names are always the names, not of sensations but of things. And that naming implies that the thing so indicated is a permanent reality, external to consciousness, and a common object to aU men, having a defi- nite character (opos), being the standard or type (ciSos) by which our sensations axe to be judged, and supplying therefore the reason (Adyos) why upon their recurrence we fix them in a name. The reality (to ov) thus established, as the object, not of sensation, but of thought (voijtov), would have at once refnted the contemporary sceptic, have gone far to settle a question which has come down unsolved nearly to our own day, and have spared the world the fruitless controversy about the nature of " universals." The appeal to lan- guage, as a proof of the reality of an external world and of the possibility of knowledge, lay to Plato's hand, but he plays with it through- out the Cratylus, and finally rejects it. The application of the Socratic method to the dififerent spheres of ethics and the physical world thus leads to two different results. In the for- mer it established the reality and permanence of Conceptualism (nt,t. law or principle of justico, goodness, &c., to StKatov, TO KaAov, &c., as iiapUed in all applioa- tioiis of tlie name " just," &c. ; wMst in the latter it would estabHsli the reality and perman- ence of a single external object, as implied in the naming of eadli series of similar recurrent sensa- tions : the reality, e.g., of each of the chairs in my room, of each of wliich I have a series of oontiauaUy recurring sensations, similar to one another, but not necessarily similar to those of another series. In short, it would have proved the existence of a world of corpora individua, ex- ternal to consciousness, each of which is at once real and an object of thought or idea. The per- ception of this difference between the results of the same method in different spheres of inquiry seems to have led Plato to seek a higher unity in the physical world, which should match the " one justice," &c., in the ethical In other words, all "the chairs in the world, each of which is one, permanent, real, &c., as contrasted with my re- curring sensations of it, form together a series themselves. Is it not possible to find some single and permanent reality, which shall bear the same relation to the manifold chairs in the world, as each of the chairs bore to the manifold recurring sensations corresponding to it 1 This higher unity seemed to be presented by the artifice of classification, and the existence of class names [PhaedriLs, 265 D], whereby all the chairs in the world are summed up under the one idea and name of chair, all the trees under the one idea of tree, &o., obtained by the comparison of different objects having a general resemblance, by neglect- ing the points in which they differ, and forming a mental type composed of the attributes in which they agree. The ideas so attained were the result of the same interrogation of ordinary language which Plato rejected in the Gratylus. But they served to stand in the same relation to the series of chairs, trees, &c., as each chair or tree, &c., stood in to the series of sensations corresponding to each. The general type of chair or tree, too, represented by the series seemed to be permanent, whOst the individuals themselves of the series came into being and afterwards ceased to be; to be an object common to all, while the particular chairs in my room and trees in my garden are only objects to me and a few persons besides. The natural in- ference then was, that the idea in this sense, pos- sessing the other characteristics of the idea in the former sense, was also, like that, a reality in the world ; that, as the individual chair is a reality external to consciousness, as contrasted with the manifold sensations of it, so the abstract generality "chair" was in a proportionately higher sense a reality external to consciousness, as contrasted with the manifold individual chairs which it repre- sented. Again, it is to be observed that these ideas themselves, "chair," "tree," "table," &c., form a series, the differences between which also admit of being abstracted, leaving a residuum of attributes similar to one another, the complex of which forms an idea (e.gr. "wooden substance"), standing to the series in the same relation as " chair," " tree," 130 Conceptualism &c., stand to the individual chairs and trees, and as each of them stand to the recurring sensations of it. It is a higher unity, it is more an object to aU — for those who have neither seen a chair nor a tree may have seen something made of wood, and may have the idea of " wooden substance " when they have not that of " tree" or " chair;" — it is more permanent. Therefore, as before, it is more ' real than the subordinate ideas, as they are than individuals, and as these are than the sensations. This process {prvvaywyrj, oSos ai/w, a-vvo'\lri,'s, as it was oaUed by Plato, eirayiayrj by Aristotle) may be continued through successive series of ideas, each at once more abstract and more real than the preceding, untU a limit is reached in the idea of mere Being at once the most abstract, the abso- lutely real, and absolutely known. This, so far as it is possible to gather it from scattered hints in the Platonic writings, seems to have been the process by which the celebrated Theory of Ideas was generated in Plato's mind, a process which it is necessary to trace to its original source, before being able to understand how the controversy about Universals, which vexed the world for more than a thousand years, could have arisen. The idea, according to Plato, is at once a name, an idea in the mind, and — which is with him the prominent aspect — a reality outside the mind, as much more real than the things we see and handle, as these are thaii the manifold similar sensations which we have of each. And the reality of the ideas increases as they become more abstract and general. Two consequences follow from this view : [1.] That, as compared with the intense reality of the high- est ideas, and especially of the highest of aU, which, as Plato says, " is more than reality," the reality of the things we see and handle is so meagre, as scarcely to be a reality at all. Thus the world of form and colour, in which we live, becomes to Plato a brUliant phantasmagoria, " midway between what is and what is not real;" and the doctrine of the dualism or irreconcilable opposition of the worlds of thought and reality on the one hand, and of sight and sense on the other, is a natural consequence. The farther we recede from the latter the nearer we get to the former. [Dualism.] [2.] Conversely it foUows from this view that the supreme idea being absolutely real, and at the same time absolutely abstract, and the successive stages of the subordinate ideas being more or less real in proportion to their abstractness and their proximity to the highest, the scale of being may be described as a gradual degeneration in reality from the highest idea, down through the lowest species, to the individual things amidst which we live. [Emanation.] II. The introduction of this vast creation of the philosophical imagination (ij tSv eiSiov ua-aydoyfj) between the mind and the problem of outward reality, as originally stated, has left its mark upon the logical writings of Aristotle, where the pro- cess of abstraction from the concrete up to " Pure Being" is represented by "induction," the descent from Pure Being to the concrete individual by Conceptualism " syllogism." In his more fchoughtM writings, the Metaphysics and the De Animd, only isolated traces of the theory are to be fctmd ; and the con- crete indiTidual thing, of which we have a series of recTiirent similar sensations, remains at once the only reality, and the true idea or object of knowledge. But the logical writings of Aristotle, which alone were known to the early middle ages, served to pass on the Platonic ideal theory, or some modification of it, to the scholastic meta- physicians, amongst whom the different aspects of the " idea" become the all-absorbing questions of the day. [a] The word "universalia," as a translation of the Aristotelian to. Ka$' okov, was first used by Boethius (end of fifth centuiy), and expressed the extension of the idea to all the particular things summed under it. And it was the fol- lowing translation by Boethius of a passage in Porphyry's Introduction to the Aristotelian Cate- gories which may be said to form the thesis of the subsequent controversy about universals : "Mox de generibus et specibus Ulud quidem, sive subsistant, sive iu solis nudis intellectuahbus posita sint, sive subsistentia corporalia siut an incorporalia, et utrum separata a sensUibus an in sensihbus posita et circa hsec consistentia, dicere recusabo. Altissimum enim negotium est hujus- modi et majoris egens inquisitionis." The different interpretations here indicated existed within the Carlovingian schools of the ninth and tenth centuries, but without excit- ing general notice, and without the importance of their consequences being appreciated. The opinion of Boethius himself on the point is thus expressed : " Cogitantur verb universalia nihilque aliud species esse putanda est nisi cogitatio collecta ex individuorum dissimilium numero, suhstan- tiali similitudine ; genus ver6 cogitatio collecta ex specierum similitudine" [0pp. p. 56]. This view of the nature of universals is strictly what was called in the eleventh and tweKth centuries " Conceptualism :" but before the controversy began to rage, the view of Boethius was regarded as indistinguishable from Nominalism. Thus Eabanus Maurus (ninth century) recognises only two alternatives in the passage in Porphyry, (tractando de rebus vel voeibus,) and by tran- scribing the anti-realistic opinion of Boethius as best expressing his own view, practically ignores any distinction between the view of universals as notions, and the view of them as words [see Cousin, Ouvrages inSdits d!Ahelard, 4to, Paris, 1836. Introduction, p. Ixxvi-ix.]. The conceptualist view is also expressed without any distinction of it from ISTominalism in the anonymous glosses discovered by M. Cousin in the margin of the St. Germain MS. of Porphyry's Isagoge, &c., and belonging to the tenth century. " Genus est cogitatio collecta ex singularium similitudine specierum" [I. c. Ixxxv.]. [b] The two diverging theories thus latent in traditional Peripateticism were developed into a temporary opposition, by the extreme expression given to Nominalism by EosceUin in the eleventh century. With him universals are flatus vocw, 137 Conceptualism i.e. mere words ; by which, however, a strong antithesis is intended, not to Conceptualism, but to Eealism [Cousin, I. c. clxxx.]. The denial of any reality save that of the individual, and the thoroughgoing Tritheigm to which it led in its appUoation to Christian dogma, stimulated the realistic aspect of universals into a new life in the person of St. Anselm. ; whilst the condemna^ tion of EosceUin at the CouncU of Soisaons [a.d. 1092] contributed, along with St. Ansolm's De fide Trinitatis and de Incarnationa Verhi, to throw the weight of Catholic authority into the scale of Eealism. The doctrine was wrought into a scientific shape by William of Champeaux, and the genus or universal declared by him to be " rem eandem essentialiter totam simul" in all the individuals classed under it. Thus, e.g., "humanity" (the instance on which the battle was mainly fought) is a real thing, constituting the "essence" of every individual man, the same and entire in each. It was as an intermediate view between these two extremes that the old Conceptualism of Boethius and Eabanus Maurus was formulated anew by Abelard [a.b. 1079-1142], the disciple first of EosceUin and afterwards of WiUiam. His objection to EeaUsm is summed up in the foUowing paradox : If humanity is the entire substance at once of Plato and Socrates, when Socrates is at Athens and Plato at Eome, the entire substance of both is in two places at once. On the other hand the universal is not a nonen- tity, but a mental or logical reality, indicated by a name. WhUe excluding Eealism, Abelard thus does not exclude NominaUsm, but only the purely verbal and grammatical view of Nominalism, which appeared, perhaps, rather in the expres- sion than in the thought of EosceUin. On the contrary he holds the fundamental tenet of Nominalism, that nothing is real but the indivi- dual, and in the individual nothing but what is individual. [For the passages of Abflard against Nominalism and Eealism, see Cousin, I. c. clvii.- clxviii] His Conceptualism, like aU Concep- tuaUsm, is only " un nominalism qui s'ignore ou qui SB cache." On the other hand, no rational Nominalist would deny that the generaUty of a name is representative of the generaUty of the idea which it expresses. The ultimate identity of the two views is confirmed by the history of the school of Locke and the Scottish school. Both Hobbes and Locke begin with NominaUsm and rise to Conceptualism : whUe CondiUac and De Tracy faU back again into Nominalism. So Eeid rejects EeaUsm and Nominalism, and adopts Conceptualism : his foUower, Dugald Stewart, faUs back into Nominalism. The application of his theory to the doctrine of the Trinity landed Abelard in the same dUemma which EosceUin feU into. If there is no unity but that of the individual, there are either three gods or but one person : in the first case the Unity in Trinity, in the second, the Trinity in Unity, is a chimera. As EosceUin had chosen the former, so Abelard selected the latter alternative — a peculiar kind of SabeUianism. Concomitance Concomitance " Absit," says St. Bernard, " ut huic acquiescamus dicenti hoc esse Filitun ad Patrem, quod speciem ad genus, quod komiaem ad animal, quod sereum sigiUum ad £es, quod aliquam potentiam ad poten- tiam" [Opj9. torn. xi. p. 647]. And again, "Sicut eadem oratio est propositio, assumptio et conclusio, ita eadem essentia Patris, et Filii, et Spiritfis Sancti" [St. Bernard, 0pp. torn. i. p. 185, Ep. ad Ghddonem de Casiello]. This doctrine was condemned at a second Council at Soissons [a.d. 1121], and again twenty years later at Sens. But the success of Ab(ilard as a teacher and controTersialist in Paris [a.d. 1108-40] had been prodigious; indeed it was mainly owing to the conflict of the doctrine of Conceptualism with its two rivals, that the multipHoation of schools and the growth of an university at Paris is due [Cousin, I. e. co.]. Among the followers of Abflard may be men- tioned Peter Lombard, John of Salisbury, and Albertus Magnus ; the last of whom, however, gave a death-blow to the controversy by shewing that universals are at once "ante res" in the Divine mind, " in rebus " as their common nature, and " post res," as abstractions from things, in the human intellect; and thus shewing Eealism, Nominalism, and Conceptualism to be different aspects of the same truth. The connection of Conceptualism with political history may be found in the efforts made by the English clergy to induce William the Conqueror to take up the Church's cause against it ; in the presence of Louis VII. at the Council of Soissons; in the adherence to it of Arnold of Brescia, who was a pupil of Abflard ; and more generally in the rise of a spirit of independence which accom- panied the decline of Eealism, and which gave occasion to the Councils of Constance and Basle, at which the great Nominalists, Pierre d'Ailly and Grerson, were present. More widely stiU its influ- ence may be traced on the rise of GaUicanism and the Protestant Eeformation. Through Descartes \Principes, §§ 58-9] Con- ceptualism passes on into modern philosophy. [For an able defence of it, see Mansel's Prolego- mena Logica, passim.] CONCOMITANCE. A word used to express the doctrine, that when Christ's Body is present in the Holy Eucharist, there is also His Blood, and that when His Blood is present there is also His Body. The Godhead and Manhood of our Lord after His Eesurrection and Ascension being inseparable, it will follow that when either His Body or His Blood are present, there is Christ Himself both God and Man. The doctrine of concomitance has been supposed to be taught or implied in St. Paul's words : — " Whosoever shall eat this Bread, or drink this Cup of the Lord unworthily, shall be guilty of the Body and Blood of the Lord" [1 Cor. x. 27], which seems to mean that Christ may bo received unworthily under the species of Bread or Wine, and so to imply the validity of commimion in one kind, which is founded on the belief of concomi- tance, and is its practical realization. Admitting, however, that the reading or (^') in this passatje 13o is unquestionably genuine, and that we cannot with some commentators, render the word " and," as if of synonymous meaning — stOl it by no means follows that St. Paul intended to teach, or vir- tually recognised the doctrine of concomitance, as reasons may be given for his language totally unconnected with this doctrine.^ It cannot be proved that commimion in one kind which is founded on and implies concomitance was known to the writers of the New Testament or during the Apostolic age. The statements often quoted from the "Acts" of the Apostles meeting "to break bread," or " breaking bread from house to house," afford no proof whatever of communion under one kind. For the Apostles met together with the disciples to "break The Bread:" but in celebrating the Eucharist, bread and wine must have been consecrated together, as aU theologians admit; and even had the Sacrament been given to the faithful under the form of bread only, still bread and wine are necessary for consecra- tion, and must loth be consumed by the priest who celebrates. So that if meeting to "break bread " were to be taken according to] the mere letter, it would prove that bread only was used in celebration, or in other words, that the Apostles themselves did not validly celebrate or consecrate the Holy Eucharist. To "break bread" is a phrase commonly used by scriptural and ecclesiastical writers for celebrating the Eucharist, but it never for a moment implies the non-reception of the Sacramental Blood. We find the phrase, e.g., in the Apostolic Fathers, St. Ignatius sometimes speak- ing as if the faithful received under one kind only, though it is universally acknowledged that in the early ages the Sacrament was always publicly re- ceived under both kinds. Thus he says in his Epistle to the Ephesians, sec. 20, " breaking one bread which is the medicine of immortality;" also, to the Smyrnseans, sec. 7, that the Docetse "abstain from the Eucharist and prayer (or Oblation), be- cause they confess not that the Eucharist is the Flesh of our Saviour Jesus Christ," — making no allusion to the Cup or Sacramental Blood. In other epistles, St. Ignatius expresslymentions both. " I wish for God's Bread which is the Flesh of Jesus Christ, and the drink I long for is His Blood." ^ From these passages it is clear that 1 Dr. Wordsworth says in reference to this passage, "A, and some few Cursives and Fathers have koI ; bnt ^ is doubtless the true reading ; for it is necessary to receive loth elements with devotion and reverence. Further, ■^ {or) has a pecnliar significance here, because, as the context shews, St. Paul is censuring the Corinthians for two several sins, opposed respectively to the two elements of the Lord's Supper. The first sin is that oi eating meats offered to idols, and of gluttony generally and particularly at the meals before the Communion [ver. 21], a sin specially opposed to communion in the Emharistie Bread [see 1 Cor. x. 21] : the second sin, that of drinking the cup of Devils or false deities [1 Cor. X. 21], and of intemperance in the meals before the Com- munion [ver. 21], a sin specially opposed to participation ia the Sucharistic Cup. He therefore says, "whosoever by eating idolatrous meats and gluttony eats this £read unworthily, or by idolatrous drink and intemperance drinks this Oup imworthily, is guilty of the Body and Blood of the Lord." Commentary on St. Paul's Epistles. " Ad EomoTios, sec. 7. See also Ad Philadelph. sec. 4. Concomitance Condignity the phrase of " breaMng bread " was not intended to imply communion ia one kind, but was a well- known expression for receiving the Eucharist, as administered under both kiads. After the Apostolic age, we find what may be called a recognition of the doctrine of concomit- ance : or rather we find instances ia which the Eucharist was received under one species or ele- ment only. Thus we know from Tertullian ' and St. Cyprian " that the faithful took the sacrament home in the form of bread only, and communi- cated themselves, an usage which prevailed after persecution had ceased. Thus St. BasU says,' " the monks in deserts where there is no priest, keep the sacrament at home, and communicate themselves; and also, that Christians generally follow the same usage in Alexandria and Egypt. St. Cyprian mentions the instance of a child receiv- ing the sacrament under the species of wine, after partaking of meat offered to idols.'' And Eusebius tells us of Serapion, a deacon, who, when dying communicated under the species of bread only.' According, also, to the usage of the Eastern Church, a few drops of the sacramental Blood only are given to an infant after baptism. Admitting, then, the doctrine of concomitance,^ and that, in certain cases, it was recognised by the practice of the Early Church, yet such recognition was rare and exceptional, the ordinary law being that the faithful received the Eucharist under both kinds separately administered,' and this being the ordinary rule of the Church during 1200 years.^ The present usage of the Church of Eome, to withhold the cup from the laity, being merely a matter of discipline, it is to be regretted that the general wish for its restoration, expressed before and since the Council of Trent, has not been com- plied with, as a step would thiis have been taken towards the union of Christendom, which is not only in itself, as all must allow, desirable, but is ' Dt Orat. sec. 14. Ad Uxorem, lib. ii. o. 5. ' De Lapsis. ' Epist. 93. Ad Ccesariwm Pairiciam. * De Lapsis. ^ Eccl. Hist. lib. vi. c. 44. ' The present usage of tlie Eastern Church to give in a spoon the Euoharistic Bread and "Wine sopped together is contrary to primitive custom, the elements being always given separately to signify the breaking or wounditig of Christ's Body on the cross, and the effiision of His pre- cious Blood. This is clear from the Clementine and other liturgies, and from the account of Eucharistio celebration given by Cyril of Jerusalem [Led. xxiii. sec. 22], where the deacon follows the bishop or priest who celebrates, and who administers the Lord's Body, with the Sacra- mental Cup, of which each communicant partakes. Intinction, as the ordinary mode of public Communion, is as great an innovation upon primitive usages as com- munion in one kind. [Intinction. ] ' The Eastern Church, whilst protesting against com- munion in one kind as the ordinary rule of the Church, recognises the truth of the doctrine of concomitance, as by infant communion in one kind, to which we have just referred, so also in the Mass of the Pre-sanctified {Xeirovp- yta tSiv irporiyiaffnevCiiv), when throughout Lent (except on Saturdays and Sundays, on which being considered festi- vals consecration is permitted), the priest receives the sacrament reserved from the previous consecration on Sunday, in the foi-m of Bread only. Hence, the word pre- sanctified or consecrated. Leo Allat, de utriusque Eedesim coiisensione, appendix [1655]. 'Cardinal Bona says, "Certum quippe est omnes 139 in accordance with the command and dying prayer of our Lord. CONCOEDAT. I. A solemn act of composition, accommodation, agreement, and accord transacted between a Pope and a temporal sovereign. Such were those of Bologna [a.d. 1516] ; between Leo X. and Francis L, abolishing the right of the election of bishops by cathedral chapters; ofParis [a.d.1801]; between Pius VII. and Bonaparte ; and [a.d. 1817] between the same pontiff and Louis XVIII. with regard to the reconstruction of dioceses. By these formal agreements between the See of Eome and any foreign government, the ecclesiastical dis- cipline of the clergy, and the management of the Church and its benefices within the territory of the state are regulated ; in order to define the rights of the Pope and the country, and adjust the line between the ecclesiastical and secular power. They embrace the immunities of the clergy from taxation and the jurisdiction of the temporal courts, the right of sanctuary and the papal claim to benefices, provisions, first-fcuits, tenths, and revenues, in France, the state re- ceived [a.d. 1 801] the right of nomination to vacant sees, the clergy were subjected to the civil power, all immunities were abolished, and the control or approbation of the secular authority was required in numerous cases. In Austria and Germany, as be- tween Frederick III. and Mcolas V. [a.d. 1447] touching annates, and the Emperor and Gregory XIII. [a.d. 1576], similar arrangements have been made; Benedict XIV. [a.d. 1741] and Clement XIV. made a concordat with the king of Sardinia ; another Pop e with Charles, king of Naples ; and [a. d. 1818] with another of its kings, concluded certain agreements tending to the repression of the ancient privileges of the national churches and limiting the episcopal jurisdiction. Since the commence- ment of the eighteenth century, governments have made themselves more independent, and com- pelled the See of Eome to adopt a conciliatory and more enlightened policy than prevailed in earlier times. [Pragmatic Sanction.] II. Inter Beneficiatos, a transaction whereby one of two presentees to a benefice cedes institu- tion to the other, on condition of a fixed stipend out of the imcome. CONDIGNITY. There is no peculiar force in "condignum," as compared with the simple form " dignum." The compound term is as the simple. Thus, in Eom. viii. a^ux, ■KaQrjjj.aTO, is rendered in the Vulgate as " condigiue paissionos ;" and the passim clericos et laicos, viros et mulieres sub utraque specie sacra Hysteria antiq^uitus sumpsisse, cum solemni eorum celebration! aderant, et offerebant ao de oblatis participabant. Extra sacrificium vero, et extra Ecclesiam semper et ubique communio sub una specie in usu fuit. Primffi parti assertionis consentinnt omnes tarn catholici quam sectarii, neo cam negare potest qui vel levissima rerum ecclesiasticarum notitia imbutus sit. Semper enim et ubique ab Ecclesise primordiis ad saeculum XII. sub specie panis et vini communicarunt fideles, coepitque paulatim ejus sseculi initio usus Cclicis obsolescere, plerisque episcopis eum popnlo interdicentihus ob peri- oulum irreverentiffi, et effusionis, quod inevitabUe erat aucta fidelium multitudine, in qua deesse non poterant minus cauti et attenti ac parum religiosi." Eerwin Liturg. II. xviii. 1. Condignity earlier and later classical^ authors give to it no other meaning. As a term of scholastic theology, Meritum de condigno is the sequel of Meritum de congruo [which see] ; but like this latter term, meritum de condigno has no place in the nomenclature of Latia theology before the tiiD.e of Thomas Aquiaas. According to the schol- astic theory, meritum de congruo having worked its way to the gift of grace, vouchsafed not for its own merit but by God's free goodness, the reci- pient obtained justification by the infusion of grace, which is love ; from which point he is able to per- form works by aid of the Spirit that are pleasing and acceptable to God, and to obtain still increas- ing measures of grace by merit of condignity. The award of the antecedent merit of congruity is justification through the gift of grace ; the issue of the consequent merit of condignity is life everlasting. Between the two, there- fore, as the turning-point between night and day, lies justification. The Scotists taught that the sure promises of God, and not any merit of human work, lay at the foundation of all increase of grace " de condigno;" it was "ratione pacti," not " ratione operis." As in the parable of the talents, "to him that hath is given," and one grace is rewarded by another, and that by fur- ther increase, until the ten full talents are at- tained, and the faithful servant is made " ruler over ten cities" [Luke xix. 17]; so is it with the grace of condignity, "those that use the grace of God find it increasing in them," " not for their own inherent merit, but because it is of the nature of every good gift of God to fructify as " the fruit tree yielding fruit after his kind, whose seed is in itself." The untrue principle of meritum de congruo, as attributing too much to man's unaided will, is shewn imder the article Conseuitt; but as a sym- bol of doctrine, meritum de condigno differs from the teaching of our Church in sound rather than in substance. Its parallelism with a faulty term has brought discredit upon it, that is not alto- gether so well deserved. The Schoolmen, with the view of reducing the doctrines of grace to one harmonious system, have invented terms which are neither scriptural nor catholic, and this is one of them. But it expresses a scrip- tural idea ; for there is no truth clearer on the page of Scripture than that faithful work is said to have its reward ; on earth, in the approval of conscience, and hereafter in the glories of the eternal kingdom. Thus " things wrought " in a spirit of faith " bring a full reward" [2 John 8]. The persecuted for righteousness' sake shall have their reward hereafter before men and angels [Matt. vi. 6 ; 1 Cor. iii. 14]. Charity has its reward, even as the peacemakers shall be called both here and hereafter the children of God [Matt. V. 9, vi. 1, x. 42 ; Luke vi. 35]. The high privilege of serving God at the altar is no ordinary reward of the ministry [1 Cor. is. 17]. Moreover, one state of reward leads on to another in the manifold operations of God's gifts of grace. St. John begins his Gospel with the declaration, ' A. Gellius, III. vii. 1. » Bislop Browne on Art. xiii 140 Condignity that " of His fulness have we all received, and grace for grace ;" the graces of the present are superadded to the graces of the past. Our Lord repeatedly declared that " to him that hath shall be given" [Matt. xiii. 12, xxv. 29; Luke xix. 26], and that there might be no doubt of the meaning of "habenti dabitur," St. Mark shews [Mark iv. 28] that it is by growth and development, even as the grain of corn unfolds its principle of growth, " first the blade, then the ear, then the full corn in the ear." St. Paul speaks of the glory of the Lord as being com- municable to man through the Spirit, and de- clares that " we are changed into the same image from glory to glory" [2 Cor. iiL 18]. And St. Peter [2 Pet. i. 5] gives the practical inter- pretation of such terms when he bids us give aU diligence that we add to " faith vii-tue, and to virtue knowledge, and to knowledge patience, and to patience temperance, and to temperance godliness, and to godliness brotheriy-kindness, and to brotherly-kindness" the bond of every good grace, "charity." And in heaven, we are assured, there are many mansions, where the reward wiU be enjoyed that for the present is the object of hope. There may begradations, even"as one star differeth from an- other star in glory," but there can be no misgiving ; a knowledge of the perfect equity of the adjudi- cation wUl hold each blessed spirit in the bonds of harmony and love. " My reward is with Me " [Eev. xxii. 12] is the assurance of Him who is A and fl ; a reward for every faithful servant, whether prophet or saint, or those "that fear His name, both small and great" [Eev. xi. 18]. It is "the reward of the inheritance," [Rom. ii. 6, 7, 10], "the crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous Judge, shall give at that day to all who love His appearing" [2 Tim. iv. 8]. This steadily augmented condition of blessing, involving growth of grace here, and culminating in eternal glory hereafter, was expressed by the scholastic grace or "merit of condignity"; merit being used in the sense of "earning,"^ as in the parable the one talent earned ten ; rather than in the moral sense of " deserving." It is not for the worthiness of the recipient, but because there is mercy in God that giveth that His gifts thus fructify, and from first to last to (xod alone is the glory due, through the merits of the Eedeemer. "With later theologians, indeed, the word " merit" was made to involve the idea of " worth," and a very different application of the scholastic theory is then observable. Yet even so its original meaning could not be whoUy forgotten, and more especially when every thought of human pride was humbled in the fear of death. "Even you yourselves," says Archbishop Laud,* " in the point of condignity of merit, though you ^ As the dialectics of the schools descended from the Greek philosophy of preceding aj^es, so many of its terms may he interpreted better tlirough the Greek than through the Latin language ; ofia, an equivalent price, seems to have suggested the term "meritum." Compare also the mercantile signification of " mereor" in Facciolati. * Conference with Fisher the Jesuit, sect. 85, num. 1. Confession gf Faith Confession of Sins write it, and preacli it boisterously to the people, yet you are content to die renouncing tlie con- dignity of aU your own merits, and trust to Christ's."! The position and bearing of works done after the grace of Christ, form the subject of the article on Works, where the authoritative statements of the Church of England are considered. To that article the reader is referred. CONFESSION OF FAITH. A term origi- nally used only for the Creeds, but extended in the sixteenth century to elaborate coUections of " articles" containing long and minute exposi- tions of the distinctive doctrine professed by the Lutherans, Presbyterians, and Calvinists. [Atjqs- BURa Confession. Calvinistic Confessions.] CONFESSION OF SINS. It is the natural instinct of penitence to make a confession of guUt, so that as soon as a person is convinced of sin, and is truly sorry for it as sin [Contrition], and not merely as to its consequences [Attrition], the acknowledgment of it foUows as the next step on the path of an effective repentance. Such acknowledgment must, of course, be made to God, whether or not it is also made to any human person against whom the sin may have been committed ; for repentance looks to pardon, and pardon is received from God. The object of Confession being, however, not only the acknowledgment of sin, but submission to penitential disciphne, and the reception of an authorized sentence of reconciliation [Absolu- tion], it has been the habit of the Christian Church for penitents to make confession to God in the audience, and under the guidance, of the Christian ministry. This Christian custom may indeed be traced back to the earliest ages of mankind. The pardon of sin was associated from the first with acts of sacrifice, and (except in the most primitive age of mankind) acts of sacrifice pre- suppose the intervention of a ministerial officer. A "sin-offering" was always, therefore, an act of confession, and if offered for a particular sin was a confession of that sin, whether or not it was accompanied by a verbal acknowledgment of it. 1. Jeidsli confession. But verbal acknowledg- ments of sin were the common practice, at least under the Mosaic dispensation. For, as Hooker shews [JEecl. Polit. YI. iv. 4], the Jews held that no repentance could be complete without confes- sion, and three kinds were specified by their doctors. Thej^rs^ of these was the general con- fession made by each Jew for himself, and by the high priest on behalf of aU, on the great day of Atonement. The second was that voluntary confession which was made "at aU times and seasons, when men, bethinking themselves of their wicked conversation past, were resolved to 1 Even Bellannine lays down for proof the proposition "Propter incertitudinem propriEs justitiee, et_ periculuin inania glorise tutiasimum est fidnciam totam in sola Dei miserioordia et iiemgnitate reponere" [De Justif. V. vii. prop. 3]. If only the Church of Rome had allowed as a matter of true principle that which is here conceded on the score of expediency ! 141 change their course, the beginning of which alteration was still confession of sins." The third kind was the special confession of the particular sins for which God's pardon was to be sought. The words of the Law respecting this are — " When a man or woman shall commit any sin that men commit, to do a trespass against the Lord, and that person be guilty, then they shall confess their sin that they have done" [Numb. V. 6]. "And it shall be, when he shall be guilty in one of these things, that he shall confess that he hath sinned in that thing" [Lev. V. 5]. " For such kind of special sins they had also special sacrifices, wherein the manner was, that the offender should lay his hands on the sacrifice which he brought, and should there make confession to God, saying, ' Now, Lord, that I have offended, committed sin, and done wickedly in Thy sight, this or this being my fault, behold I repent me, and am utterly ashamed of my doings ; my purpose is never to return more to the same crime.'" And Hooker adds that no criminal was ever condemned to death, or severe punishment, but he was called upon to repent and confess his sins ; as Joshua exhorted Achan- "My son, give, I pray thee, glory to the Lord God of Israel, and make con- fession unto Him, and tell me now what thou hast done ; hide it not from me" [Josh. vii. 19]. The ministry of St. John the Baptist appears to have included a revival of this ancient habit of Jewish religion, for it is specially mentioned in connection with it that the people who came to liim " were all baptized of him in the river oi Jordan, confessing their sins" [Mark i. 5]. 2. Our LorcSs commission to the Apostles. When Christ solemnly transmitted to the Apostles His own mission, saying " As My Father hath sent Me, even so send I you," He accompanied the act of Ordination with the words, " Whose- soever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them ; and whosesoever sins ye retain they are retained" [Johnxx. 23]. Such words necessarily presuppose confession of sins to, or in the hearing of (which is the same thing) those who were to remit or retain them ; for there could be no per- sonal application of this power, unless with a personal knowledge that confession had been made ; and the power of remitting or retaining sins shews that an act of judicial discrimination was to be made by the person so remitting or retaining. In accordance with this view of the commission, we find penitents coming to the Apostles in numbers for the purpose of confes- sion; "Many that believed came, and confessed, and shewed their deeds" [Acts xrx. 18], and St, Peter's conduct towards Simon Magus is a con- spicuous instance of an Apostle " retaining" the sins of one not judged to be truly penitent for them [Acts viii. 18-24]. 3. Gonfession in the Sub-Apostolic Church. The 'E^o/ioAdyijcris, full confession, or open con- fession of sins of the early Church, was partly a public act [see Cyp. Ep. xvii. al. xi.], and is thus described by Hooker ; " First, the offender's in- timation of those crimes to some one presbyter, Confession of Sins Confession of Sins for wHch imposition of penance was sought: secondly, the undertaking of penance imposed by the bishop ; thirdly, after the same performed and ended, open confession to God in the hearing of the whole Church; whereupon ensued the prayers of the Church, then the bishop's imposi- tion of hands; and so the party's reconciliation or restitution to his former right in the Holy Sacrament" \_Ead. Polit. VI. iv. 13]. It wiU be here observed that private confession "to some one presbyter" was the first step in this course of discipline, and probably this was the act of confession qua, confession, the subsequent public 'E^o/ioAoyijo-is being certainly looked upon as a part, and the crowning part of the penance. The private confession did not, however, entitle a penitent to absolution, and to obtain this he had to accept, (with a shrinking heart, doubt- less, in the majority of cases,) the terrible or- deal of the 'E^o/[ioAoyijo-ts. K'or indeed, was it customary for absolution to be given to heinous sinners by any except the bishop him- self [Cyp. Ep. xvii. al. xi. ; Aug. Serm. cccli.]. This system of public confession was gradually discontinued soon after the cessation of per- secution. When peace came to the Church the inconvenience of requiring every penitent to make his sias as public as if they were printed in a modern newspaper was found to be very great, and in fact a living scandal in the Church. " Whereupon," says Hooker, " forasmuch as public confessions became dangerous, and pre- judicial to the safety of weU-minded men, and in divers respects advantageous to the enemies of God's Church, it seemed first unto some, and afterwards generally requisite, that voluntary penitents should surcease from open confession" \Ecd. Polit. VI. iv. 3]. In a.d. 441, St. Leo absolutely forbad the practice [Ep. cxxxvi.] de- claring that the sins which were made the sub- ject of such pubHcation were often not fit to be spoken of in so open a manner, and that the private confession was sufficient. Open penance was indeed retained in use for notorious sinners, and of course included some form of open confession ; but it was no longer superadded to private confes- sion as an essential part of penitential discipline.^ 4. The Medimval System of Confession. Dur- ing the early centuries of Christianity the disci- pline of the Church was so strict that confession was compulsory on those whose sins had caused them to be put out of communion, if they wished to be restored. But there was no such compul- sion upon others ; nor is it even proveable that it was used as a common practice by the " fideles," or communicants. It is true that, after the general discontinuance of pubUc penance, the system of private confession, as a step to the private discipline and penance which still preceded absolu- tion, became more definitely organized. But it was long before divines came to assert that confession was absolutely necessary for every one who would be in a state of grace. This principle, however, gained ground in the Church ; and at length, in 1 The ecclesiastical censures of our Episcopal Courts represent the ancient public discipline of the Church. 142 A.D. 1215, Pope Innocent III. promulgated the famous 21st Canon, " Omnis utrimque sexus," of the fourth Council of Lateran, which enjoins all the faithful who have arrived at years of dis- cretion to confess their sins once a year at least to their own parish priest. In after days local synods {e.g. Lambeth, a.d. 1378) reimposed this canon in a still stricter form, and enforced its observance under severe penalties : and for some time before the Eeformation period it had been very generally taught that confession was part of a sacrament which is necessary to salvation. 5. The principles of the modern Church of England respecting Confession. Although the canons of the mediaeval Church of England respect- ing confession were not actually repealed, their compulsory force may be said to have lapsed dur- ing the Eeformation period ; and (without any word indeed depreciating the value of confession) the Church of England habitually reverted to the earHer system of voluntary confession. The authoritative Anghcan statements and injunc- tions respecting it will be found in the third of the Ten Articles of A.D. 1536 ; in The Institution of a Christian Man, and its revised form TJie Erudition for any Christian Man ; in the " Ex- hortation to Communion," and the " Office for Visitation of the Sick," contained in the various editions of the Book of Common Prayer from A.D. 1549 to A.D. 1662, and in the 113th of the Canons of a.d. 1603.^ From these documents it will be found that the ancient system of " auri- cular," or private, confession is stiU. permitted, and in some cases encouraged ; and that, beyond the disuse of any words which would imply its absolute necessity to salvation, there is nothing that breaks into the ancient traditions of the Church upon the subject. The opinions of all those divines who have best expressed the theo- logy of the Church of England as distinguished from that of the Dissenters have also invariably run in the same direction from the time of Hooker to that of Keble. 6. The spiritual value of Confession. The primary theological aspect of confession is as a preparation of the soul necessary to the reception of God's pardon through the ministration of ab- solution. A full and true confession is the out- ward manifestation of contrition and repentance ; and in the covenant of God's mercy and grace the person making it is entitled to the outward manifestation of God's forgiveness : " If we con- fess our sins. He is faithful and just to forgive us our sins, and to cleanse us from aU unrighteous- ness" [1 John i. 9]. But there are also secondary aspects from which confession may be justly viewed as an important auxiliary to repentance and sanctification. a] The large majority of persons have but a very imperfect knowledge, beyond the lines of those greater sins which society calls crimes, as to what is and what is not very sinful. The sensi- tiveness of the Christianized conscience is dead- ened by contact with an artificial state of social ° See them all collected together in The Doctrine, n/the Church of England, pp. 132-135, ed. 1868. Confessor life and of business ; and there are multitudes of cases occurring in the course of every active per- son's life in which, if they honestly acknowledge their true state of mind, they must fairly say, " I really do not know for certain whether such and such a course has heen, or wDl be, right or wrong." Hence there is a need for the help of those who have made Christian morals their study with a view to the regulation of Christian life ; who have studied the characteristics of sin in their broad lines, and in their more intricate complications, as physicians study the diseases to which human nature is subject. J] It is by no means so easy as persons often suppose, for a sinner to know whether or not he is really penitent. An impulsive mind may bo very likely to make mistakes on this point, and to put down as true penitence a temporary regret, a few tears, a momentary disgust with sin, which might indeed be capable of development into re- pentance, but which, left to itself, is " as a morn- ing cloud, and as the early dew it goeth away " [Hos. vi 4]. But if such first impressions of compunction are brought under the guidance of a wise priest, they may probablj lead to that much deeper and more thorough sorrow which charac- terizes a real penitence, and is the sorrow not only of impulse, but " after a godly sort." c] A person who has a hearty desire to for- sake sin and to overcome temptation, may be in great ignorance as to the way and means of doing so. The highly educated mind, or the person trained in habits of thorough self-possession and self-govermnent, may see much absurdity in such ignorance ; but these are a mere fraction of the world at large, and the real fact is, that there is nothing in which the majority of persons so much need spiritual guidance as in respect to the actual way by which they may forsake sin, and the actual means by which they may get the better of their temptations. d\ There is, too, the familiar, but yet Divine sajring to be remembered, that " the heart is de- ceitful above all things, and desperately wicked : who can know it?" [Jer. xvii. 9]. A strong con- viction of this as regards their own hearts wiU often lead persons to desire the assistance of others in searching out their faults, and in bring- ing them before Him who has said, "I, the Lord, search the heart," and who sees with the Omniscient eye of judgment and condemnation sins which lie in hidden comers, where they are not visible to the eye of so partial a judge as every one is of his own self. [Contrition. Absolution. Discipline, Ecclesiastical. Mar- •shaU's Penitential Discipline; Oxford Trans, of Tertullian, note on 'E^o/ioXoyijo-is ; Carter on Confession ; Blunt's Sacraments and Sacramental CONFESSOR One who confesses Christ faithfully before men under circumstances which seem Hkely to bring death upon him for the con- fession, but who escapes with life notwithstanding. The term itself seems to originate in. our Lord's words, "Whosoever, therefore, shall confess Me before men, him will I confess also before My 143 Confirmation Father which is in heaven" [Matt. x. 32], and is used of our Lord Himself by St. Paul, when he writes, " Christ Jesus, who before Pontius Pilate witnessed [/uapT-upijo-avros] a good confession " [1 Tim. vi. 13]. The original meaning of the word was probably an inclusive one. Tertullian speaks of confessors as "martyrs elect," and Cyprian wrote an epistle "to the martyrs and confessors of Jesus Christ." As early as the time of Eusebius, it was evidently restricted to those who endured trials and sufferingSj which were short of death. Asolepiades, he says, was distin- guished among the Antiochean confessions \iv Tafs o/toAoytats], and afterwards became Bishop of Antioch. How large a class of such confessors existed in the early Church is indicated by Theo- doret's remark on the bishops who came to the Council of Nicsea : " Many bore about in the body the marks of the Lord Jesus. Paul, Bishop of Neoosesarea, had experienced the fury of Lici- nius, his hands powerless, the red-hot iron had destroyed the power of motion ; others had their right eyes dug out ; others were hamstrung at the knees, of whom was Paphnutius." Socrates and Eufinus mention others who had suffered in similar ways during the persecutions. In later days the term "confessor" was rather indis- criminately used ; but in the Eastern Church it stm retains its ancient meaning. COMLRMATION. A sacramental rite by which the spiritual life given in baptism is strengthened and perfected. The name by which this rite is commonly known throughout the Western Church appears to have come into use about the fourth century, when it is mentioned by St. Ambrose \de Myst. vii. 42]. In earlier times it was called " imposition of hands " [Aug. de Bapt. ii. 16], "chrism" [St. Leo, Serm. iv. de Nativit.], and the "seal" [Prudent. Fs7/ch. 360]. [I.] Confirmation in the New Testament. There is no verbal institution of this rite by our Lord ; but the descent of the Holy Spirit upon Him immediately after His Baptism [Matt. iii. 16] was a typical act ia which He was "anointed with the Holy Ghost and -with power " [Acts iv. 27, X. 38, c£ John vi. 27], and which associates His Person with the subsequent administration of the rite ; and the imposition of His hands on the children brought to Him [Matt. xix. 15] may be justly regarded as an exemplary, if not a man- datory act. But whether these are or are not to be regarded as constituting a precept for the Church to foUow, it is evident that the Apostles used the rite with a promptness and straight- forwardness which point to some Divine com- mand as to what they were doing. Among their earliest acts we read of St. Peter and St. John going down to Samaria to lay their hands on those who had been baptized by the deacon Philip [Acts viii. 14-17] ; and in the early miois- try of St. Paul we see Mm laying his hands upon the Ephesian disciples of St. John the Baptist, as soon as they had been baptized with the baptism of Christ [Acts. xix. 6]. In both these cases the gift bestowed was accompanied with extraordinary ConJirmaHon spiritual powers, but theadmiidstratioiLof it clearly had relation to tlie preceding baptism, and these powers were a special addition to the ordinary gift. In the subsequent portions of the New Testa- ment there are frequent references to the rite. Thus, in the Epistle to the Hebrews, it comes in immediately after baptism : " The dootriae of baptism and of the laying on of hands," as •rijs apx^s of Christian doctrine [Heb. vi. 2]. Elsewhere St. Paul writes to the Ephesians, that they had been " sealed with that Holy Spirit of promise, which is the earnest of our inheritance" [Eph. i. 13-14], after they had beheved iu Christ; he exhorts them not to grieve the Holy Spirit by which they had been " sealed unto the day of redemption" [Eph. It. 30] ; and ia similar terms writes to the Coriuthians of confirmation [o 8e ^tySatwv], and anointing in Christ, by God, who has sealed them [2 Cor. i. 21] ; and the "founda- tion" and "seal" of 2 Tim. ii. 19 appear to be references to the same rite and its results. Of a similar character are St. John's references to an anointiug which Christians had received [1 John ii. 20, 27], by which they had received spiritual illumination from Him of whom our Lord had said to the preceding generation, " He shall teach you all things " [John xiv. 26]. [II.] Confirmation in tJie Uarly Church. About a century or so after St. Paul had thus spoken of the "seal" after baptism, and St. John of the " unction " received by Christians, Tertullian [a.d. 150 — 220] wrote : " After this, having come out from the bath, we are anointed thoroughly with a blessed unction. . . . Next to this the hand is laid upon us, calling upon and inviting the Holy Spirit through the blessing " [Tertull. de Bapt. vii. viii.]. Shortly afterward, St. Cyprian writes : " Anointed also must he of necessity be who is baptized, that having received the chrism, that is, unction, he may be anointed of God, and have within him the grace of Christ " [Cyp. Up. Ixx. 3]. And speaking of the rite administered by St. Peter and St. John to the Samaritans, he identifies it with the rite of his own time, saying, "Which now also is done among us, those bap- tized in the Church being brought to the bishops of the Church ; and by our prayer and laying on of hands, they receive the Holy Ghost, and are perfected with the seal of the Lord " [Cyp. £'p. Ixxiii. 8]. St. Cyril of Jerusalem [a.d. 315-386] gives a stUl more full description of its ardminis- tration ; " After you had come up from the pool of the sacred streams, the miction was given, the emblem of that with which Christ was anointed. This holy ointmemt ... is symbolically ap- plied to thy forehead and thy other senses ; and while thy body is anointed with visible ointment, thy soul is sanctified by the Holy and Life-giving Spirit. And ye were first anointed on your fore- head, . . . then on your ears, . . . then on your nostrils, . . . then on your breast. When ye are counted worthy of this Holy Chrism, ye are called Christians, verifying also the name by your new birth " [Cyril, Gatech. Led. xix. xx. xxi.]. He also speaks of the imposition of hands : ■' In the days of Moses, the Spirit was given by 144 Congregation the lajdng on of hands, and Peter also gives the Spirit by the laying on of hands. And on thee also, who art about to be baptized, shall His grace come " \Ihid. xvL 26]. [III.] The Ceremony used. The earliest con- firmation offices belong to an age not very far re- moved from the time of the Father last quoted, being found in the Sacramentaries of Gelasius [a.d. 472] and St. Gregory [a.d. 590]. One of the Anglican rite, used in. the Church of York, be- longs to a little later age, about a.d. 700. In these formularies there is a substantial agreement with that of our modern Prayer Book, though the latter is much curtailed, and the use of chrism was not provided for in the English formulary. It will be observed from the preceding quotations that in the early Church confirmation was ad- ministered directly after public baptism ; and as public baptism was administered at distant inter- vals and in the presence of the bishop, it is pro- bable that he was always in those days the min- ister of confirmation. It was also administered with chrism, with imposition of hands, and with prayer. The Western Church continued the ancient customs ; but in the Eastern Church, the rite itself came to be administered by the baptiz- ing priest, the bishop being associated with it only by means of the previous benediction of the chrism used, which was and is specially reserved for him. At a later period, probably not until mediaeval times, the Western Church separated confirmation from baptism, so far as infants were concerned, not permitting it to be administered tOl the children had reached the age of seven years. The English Church has dropped the use of chrism, but has intensified the other portion of the rite, requiring the bishop to lay his hands on the head of each person confirmed, instead of spreading them out towards the whole number, as in the Eoman practice. [Imposition op Hands.] [ly.] The effect of Confirmation. Theolo- gians usually lay down that confirmation gives 1, Grace, and 2, Character. Of the latter nothing more need be said than will be found in the article Chaeacter. As to the grace given, two things may be noticed, [a] The rite has a certain similarity to that of ordination ; and as, in ordi- nation, the Holy Spirit gives grace for the work of ministerial life in its several degrees, so in con- firmation the same Holy Spirit gives grace for the ordinary Christian life. It is therefore an ordina tion to that Christian priesthood of which St. Peter speaks [1 Pet. ii. 9], a perfecting of the baptized Christian for his share in the celebration of the Holy Eucharist, and for all other work which a layman can do in the Church of Christ. [&] Confirmation is an establishing and strength- ening of the Christian in the grace of Holy Bap- tism ; a re-settlement of him in the Body of Christ ; the sending him forth armed to the war- fare for which he was destined at the first ; the enrolment of him as an adult servant of Christ, arrived at fuU competency for responsibility and full competency for grace. CONGEEGATIUN. The visible Church of Christ, '' coBWis fidelium : " the three terms being Congregationalists used as synonymous in the Nineteentli Article of Religion. The word is used twenty-two times in the Services and Euhrios of the hook of Common Prayer, and almost always in this sense ; as in the case of " the congregation of Christ's flock " in. the Baptismal Office, and "to minister ... in the congregation," in the Ordination of Priests. It is also sometimes used in the modern popular sense of a particular assembly, hut in such cases with a distinguishing qualification, as " this con- gregation liere present" or " this present congre- gation of Christ here assemhled." The Piwitan notion that "congregation" does not involve the same meaning as " church " is shewn to be quite groundless by the Latin form of the word, " coe- tus fidelium," which is a weU-known term in the works of Latin theologians. CONGEEGATIONALISTS. Amodernname assumed by the English Calvinistic sect formerly known as "Independents"; the name being founded on their leading principle of organization, that of autocephalous communities composed of single " congregations." [Dissenters. Did. of Sects and Heeesies.] CONG-EUITY. " Merit de congruo" is a schol- astic rather than a theological term, and was used by the Schoolmen to denote the first movement of the human mind, whether heathen or in a state of spiritual lapse, in the direction of Divine grace. A mere intellectual faith, as it was supposed, led a man to serious thoughts of God and Christ, of time and eternity, of heaven and heU, and to perform such works of a low order of obedience as were not beyond his unaided natural power ; human freewiU. and nothing better being his guide. It was the rude matter of faith, to which God by His grace shall afterwards give form. As in the natural world, it was argued, the "natural agent" supplies the matter on which the propagation of animal and vegetable life depends, to which the God of Nature gives form and plastic energy; so in the spiritual world, man supplies the first rude material of a low range of faith ; but God gives to it by grace the form of justification, and of spiritual life and operative virtue. It was wholly congruous to His perfections to vouchsafe this grace. The first weak beginning, therefore, was called " meri- tum de congruo" — -the word meritum meaning a workman's "earning" rather than "merit" in a moral point of view. [Condignity.] This notion is, of course, diametrically opposed to the Christian doctrine of preventing grace. As Pelagianism in the commencement of the fifth century, so this scholastic doctrine in the thir- teenth arose by force of reaction from Manichsean fatalism. The Schoolmen agree more nearly with writers, who first fused together the doctrine of the Church with the teaching of philosophy, such as Clemens Alexandrians and Origen. "When these fathers wrote, no question had arisen to perplex men's minds with respect to the antagonism of grace and freewill; and for that reason the writers of the four first centuries throw but little light upon it. The freedom of man's wUl was an intuitive fact ; if discussed at aU, it 145 Consanguinity was propounded as a question for philosophic rather than theological speculation. Doubtless man's nature was considered in this, as in the subsequent period, to have gone "quam longis- sime" from original righteousness ; yet it was not whoUy depraved, some glimmering of Divine light remained, as instanced in the more virtuous heathen. Man's soul had still come forth from God ; and as the " course of nature " meant not that nature can do anything "propriis viribus," but by the orderly operation of those laws which God from the iirst has bound upon it ; so the soul of man, though fallen, was stUl in some degree responsive to good, and even in his state of lapse he was not without his weak virtues, the stancHng proof of a Divine origin. Pelagianism easily rose from the exaggeration of such reasoning, when it became necessary to confront Manichaeism, the heir and successor of Gnosticism in the heresiologia of antiquity; and a lUie cause gave rise to this scholastic notion of merit de congruo, directly opposed as it is to the teaching of Augustine, the champion of the Catholic faith in the Pelagian period. " Quid habes quod non accepisti " [1 Cor. iv. 7] is his constantly recurring question to the assertor of man's unaided sufficiency. And that is exactly the point at issue between this notion of the schools and the teaching of the Church Catholic. On the one side it has been declared from the beginning that Divine grace "leads" man to repentance, and that " faith is the gift of God," "it is not of ourselves" [Eph. ii. 8]; on the other, the sufficiency of man's free-will to earn the help of grace was taught. "Preventing grace" under this systeni is a nullity, for free- will anticipates grace. " No man can come unto Me," said our Lord, " except the Father draw him," and from the first faint wish for spiritual good to the bestowal of man's regeneration in baptism, and from thence tUl death, the whole work of Christian life is of God's grace. , The case of the unregenerate, when this notion was first floated, was different from anything that we can now witness in this country. The dis- tance between the exalted graces of the Christian saint and the purbHnd wandering towards Christ's fold of the pagan, whether Teuton, Celt, or Goth, was so marked, that it may easily have been considered a difference of kind rather than of degree. So faint was the trace of good in the unconverted, that it scarce seemed to be even the twilight dawn of grace. So also in the case of those who lapsed from a state of grace, the hein- ousness of mortal sin after baptism was so great, and, in the opinion of many, it approximated so perceptibly to the sin against the Holy Ghost, which " never may be forgiven," that the condi- tion of the returning penitent in his first steps was hardly to be preferred to heathenism ; they were both without the operation of grade. CONSANGUINITY. This is relationship by blood, as distinguished from relationship by marriage, which is called Affinitt. Consan- guinity, vrithin certain degrees, has always been considered as an impediment to the marriage of Conscience Conscience the man and woman so related; and the union of such blood relations is iaoestuous. The law of the Church of England upon this subject will be found in the article on "Forbidden Degrees." It is enough here to say that it is founded on the Divine prohibitions contained in the book of Leviticus. [Degrees, Foebidden.] CONSCIENCE. VoUtion is a single act, though it proceeds from a complex choice; of many thoughts or possible courses of action we choose one. The guide of that choice is either, as in the ease of the undisciplined, a man's own pleasure ; the 4>povr]ixa cra/DKos that offers itself so readily as his first allective guide; or, as in the case of every well-balanced mind, conscience. The moral guide of choice determines the will, and that guide is conscience. As science means knowledge, so conscience etymologically means self-knowledge.^ In the moral being, conscience is the queen of every inward spring of action, will is her subject; and as all legislative function and delegated judicial authority emanates from the sovereign, so conscience is, objectively, the unwritten law of the heart, as founded on those eternal principles of right and equity and truth that are as rays from the throne of God ; and, subjectively, it passes judgment upon the thoughts of the heart and the actions of the body. If conscience be obeyed, it approves, and then is pure ; but if it be dishonoured and its voice disregarded, such disloyalty can only lay up materials for remorse. This fundamental element of man's moral being is proof to him of his religious relation to his Maker ; it declares the mysterious intercommuni- cation that subsists between the Spirit of God and the spirit of man ; and it iadicates the natural revelation of God's wUl made to man through the reason. Conscience is the representative of this inner revelation, which, proceeding forth from the creative Spirit of God, infuses itseK into the Hpirit of man, and as a plastic energy forms and moolds him, by conveying to him the cognizance of God's will and of man's duties in His sight. Thus conscience is our moral sense continually held in check by the Spirit of God ; it is the very soul of our loyalty to Him ; it is the " religio " of a true communion. This authoritative principle of the mind and soul of man is referable only to the original gift of moral and spiritual life as the soul of man. " In the likeness of God made He him ; " and as mental consciousness is our evidence of the exis- tence of thoughts, desires, feelings, and other states of the mind, so conscience is a standing testimony of the Divine genesis of the soul, as a direct afflatus from God. We may trace its truthful voice even among the heathen ; though so little has been known of its power and functions by the most intellectual races that they have had no word to express it; "religio" and 'Zvvea-is (New Testament SuvetSrycris) scarcely conveying a higher notion than " scruple " and " conscious- ness." So far as the operation of conscience, properly so called, was a matter of observation, it was most usually as the vengeance of a Nemesis * Whewell, Elem. of Mm: 2d ed. sec. 263. 146 tracking down evil. "Sua quemque fraus et suns terror maxime vexat ; suum quemque scelus agitat amentiaque afficit; sure malse cogitationes conscientiajque animi terrent. Hje sunt impiis assiduse domesticaeque Furiee." ^ " Prima et maxima peccantium est poena, peccasse; nee ullum scelus, Ucet iUud fortuna exornet muneribus suis, licet tueatur ac vindicet, impunitum est, quoniam soeleris in scelere supplicium est." ^ But a higher and better view is found in Plato,* as also in Cicero,^ and Epictetus acknowledges the e/i^xiros evvoM of aU that is good and excellent within. The revealed Word alone declares to us the source from whence this spark of heavenly light, tliis "scintilla conscientisE" ^ was derived. The voice of God spoke with Adam in paradise, and was heard and perfectly obeyed for a while, because his wiU was whoUy one with liis Maker's. Conscience and the practical cognizance of good were in his case one and the same thing ; and after the Fall conscience maintained its position as that communion with God that is intimate in proportion as the revelation of heaven is willingly obeyed. And, in this way, the Word is still " the light, that lighteth every man that cometh into the world ; " when that light is obeyed it is the light of man's countenance, bringing happiness and contentment, and all the brightness of inno- cent joys. "A good man is united to God, Kevrpov Kcvrecj) crwai^as, as a flame touches flame, and combines into splendour and glory ; so is the spirit of man united unto Christ by the Spirit of God."^ Conscience thus links together heaven and earth, and the purification of the conscience is the cleansing of the very heart-spring within. Conscience then in an absolute sense is the utterance of God's voice in the soul, in the heart, and reins, as Hebrew ethics would say ; and it is the direct revelation of truth, and purity, and justice made by the Spirit of God to the spirit of man. This phase of conscience is from its nature beyond our direct control or power of development. It is qua Divine, infallible, and in it is "no shadow of turning." It is the absolute rule of right. But in a relative sense conscience is our own moral consciousness under the eye of God, our own positive assimilation within the soul of those eternal principles of truth and good- ness which are necessary in order to bring our wOl into nearer unison with the wiU of God. In tliis phase conscience is capable of continual education and development by rules formed for its guidance in accordance with the rule supreme. As sight only exists in the perception of objects that are illuminated by the light of heaven, so conscience lives only as the inward perception of moral obli- gations, on which a clear light is thro-wn by the Spirit of God. And the cultiue of this faculty involves the adoption of rules of duty as guides of action.^ Conscience in this relative aspect is the vice- ^ Cicero, Or. pro. S. Rose. Avierin. sec. 24. 3 Seneca, £p. 97. ■■ Plato, de Leg. x. ' Cicero, ae Leg. x. 40 ; de Off. i. 10. * Jerome, in Ez. iv. '■ Bishop Jeremy Taylor, Sermon before U. SuU. jec. 6. « Whewell. Slem. of Mor. see. 262. Conscience Conscience gerent of God, and is invested with the authority of supreme law. In this sense it was termed hy early moralists Swrijpijo-ts, the "inner guard," keeping watch and ward oyer the hidden sources of the will.i Conscience also reacts on the individual, judg- ing, accusing, and pronouncing its verdict on the morality, or otherwise, of thoughts and concrete acts in word and deed, in which phase it acts in suhordiaation to the former, as the judicial func- tion is suhject to the legislative. In this subjec- tive sense it was termed SweiS'ijo-ts, or conscience ; and " conscience the judge must pronounce its decision according to conscience the law."^ In hoth of these phases, quA human, it is subject to disturbing forces, according as the moral and spiritual life of the individual has attained to a stronger or weaker degree of development. Thus in some individuals it may be keen, and quick, and direct, detecting intuitively the slight- est quivering of the index within, and pronounc- ing with exact tnith on the moral indications conveyed by it to the soul ; and it may be eagle- sighted in adjudicating upon the moral right or wrong of word or thought or deed, as they are presented to the mind in its inner consciousness. Or, it may be altogether deprived of the faculty of moral judgment from disuse and wilful closing of the eyes to the Ught, or from prejudice; in wMch cases it becomes whoUy inoperative for good, and incapable of discerning, much less of pronouncing judgment on, the rule of right. Hence conscience may be distinguished in various individuals into honest, i.e. incorrupt and incorruptible ; and deceptive ; steady and waver- ing, sound and morbid, enlightened and dark. In its objective phase, as a rule for action, it may be true or it may be distorted through ignorance or vice. Similarly, in its subjective or judicial relation it may justify and bring peace as the effect of goodness ; or it may condemn, and vindi- cate by inward pangs of remorse the warning of the written "Word, " There is no peace, saith my God, for the wicked." Finally, two rules are indispensable for the healthy action of conscience. I. "We should never undertake any action of moral import, much less embark on any course of action without first obtaining a distinct utterance from the conscience, in afiBrmation or derogation of the moral lawful- ness of such action. We must not allow our- selves to act on a mere probable opinion, or doubt with respect to the right or wrong of the action. " He that doubteth is damned if he eat " [Kom. xiv. 23]. The verdict of the inner man should be sharp and decisive if he would be loyal to the Supreme rule, and to the Author of that rule. Action determined under a condition of doubt has nothing to do with either conscience or rea- 1 Whewell has rendered the word as the " internal repository," sec. 263, which seems a scarcely adequate interpretation. The word was harbarized hy the schools into Synderesis, being attracted by its correlative 2wei57;o-is. Greg. Naz. Or. ii. uses the word as the " bond of union " between body and soul: the "living guard of union." 2 "WTiewell, sec. 267. 147 son ; nothing better than mere intellectual fancy is here the guide. It is only when the judgment and understanding are guided by conscience, on a deUberate purview of the matter before it, that action is safe ; even as in matters of religion, "everything that is not of faith is sin" [Eom. xiv. 23]. II. It is an absolute rule, and one for univer- sal observance, that we should never act contrary to the dictate of conscience ; even though it be warped by error or prejudice. The moral tone of every action depends on its close dependence with the inner rule ; and the morality of the agent maintains a relative proportion with respect for the decision of conscience, and an honest deter- mination in following it out to its legitimate con- clusion. To act contrary to conscience must always be ivrong, irrespectively of the abstract right or wrong of the action ; and whether that wrong be capable of correction or not. For moral culture is the abiding duty of man ; om- position to-day must not be taken as a fixed point, but as a state of transition to something better. The law of the mind must be brought gradually into closer conformity with the law of God, that is absolutely " holy and just and good ;" and " con- verting the soul " in proportion as it seeks to as- similate its teaching. " Conscience is never formed, but is always in the course of formation. " ^ There- fore, though for the present, we may err in follow- ing the guidance of a mistaken conscience, yet it is better to err for a while in this direction than to be disloyal to the inner rule, which would only weaken its check upon our actions, when con science becomes more completely informed by the supreme rule. To be unconscientious is always to be immoral. He therefore whose conscience is clouded by error that is not perceived, must abide by the consequences of such error ; but he sins not in the mere following of his conscience. But he whose conscience has a wrong direction, which with proper pains and regard for the truth might be adjusted, sins when he acts in accordance with its dictates. Saul was a persecutor of the Church from a conscientious beUef that he was doing God service, and he obtained mercy in that he did it "ignorantly in unbelief" [1 Tim. i 13]. Simon, the sorcerer, felt no uneasiness of conscience in offering money for the gift of the Holy Ghost ; but the sin of simony in its first origin was too gross even for self-deception ; and therefore he was in the " gaU of bitterness," so long as he per- sisted in the self-condemned error of his way. The words of a great and good man may serve to bring this article to a conclusion : "A man to be moral, must be careful to satisfy himself what the decision of his conscience is, and must be resolved to foUow the course thus prescribed, at any risk and at any sacrifice. Nothing can be right that he does not do with a dea?' conscience. Whatever danger or sorrow lies in that direction, whatever advantage or gratification of the desires and affec- tions in the other, he must not shrink or waver. Whatever may be gained by acting against his 3 "Whewell, sec. 267, Consecration Consent of Antiquity conscience, tke consistency and welfare of his wliole moral being is lost. His moral progress is utterly arrested. ... To be steadily, resolutely, and carefully conscientious, is a rule wMcli every one who aims at his moral progress must regard as paramount to all others." [WheweU, Mem. of Mor. sec. 275.] CONSECEATIOK Episcopal benediction of persons, places, or things, by which they are set apart for the sacred service of God. Thus the ordination of a bishop is called consecra- tion : and so also is the benedictory dedication of churches, cemeteries, and the instrumenta of Divine Service. Such benedictory dedica- tions are perpetual in theii effects, making the church or cemetery so consecrated perman- ently sacred, so that [1] it cannot be claimed as private property, [2] nor permanently alien- ated from sacred uses, [3] nor temporarily ap- propriated to any use dishonourable to God without profanation. But it must be added that the first two results have never been considered so absolute but that for righteous causes, and by proper ecclesiastical authority, consecrated places and instrumenta may be secularized with- out irreverence. There should however always be a rigid scrutiny of all alleged reasons for secularizing sacred places and things ; and only the highest Christian expediency can justify it. [Benediction. Mede on Churches. Harrington's Consecration of Churches.] CONSENT OF ANTIQUITY. The Consent of Antiquity may mean the agreement of Primi- tive Antiquity, which though not absolutely binding as Apostolical Consent would be, is still entitled to the reverential regard of every after age ; or it may mean the Consent of Eelative Antiquity, which is equally valuable where it may be held to reflect the judgment of the Primi- tive Church ; otherwise where it stands in sever- ance from primitive practice, it may be followed or not by particular churches, as conducive or not to edification. If monastic institutions were traceable, as their advocates maintain, to the words of our Lord, they would of course be bind- ing upon the whole of Christendom, and in every age ; but the proof is wanting, and as a growth of the third century their claim of catholicity breaks down. " Quod semper, quod ubique, quod ab omnibus" is the old rule that, properly understood, exactly expresses the authority due to the traditions of the past. "Quod semper" marks the necessity for decurrence from primitive times, and an uninterrupted observance; "quod ubique" implies the Catholic consent of the Church throughout the world ; " quod ab omni- bus" the assent of Christian men in the aggre- gate. Where opinions have obtained currency in primitive times, yet have never been sanctioned by the Church Catholic, such tenets may very possibly express no more than the private view of writers who have broached them. The belief in a millennium reign of Christ with His saints on eai'th, though expressed by four primitive writers, was not accepted by the Church Catho- lic ; and as lacking aU three notes of reception, 148 it is not endorsed to us by general Consent of Antiquity. The high Predestinarian theory of Augustine, received by the Church of Eome, and followed out to its hard logical consequences by Calvin, was unknown until developed by the Bishop of Hippo [de Freed, et Persev. i. sec. 3] ; as soon as he broached it, it was taxed with novelty [Epp. Prosp. et Hit. inter opp. S. Aug. Upp. 225, 226]. It cannot claim CathoHc con- sent, however wide may have been the area of its reception. Our three notes do not cover it. [AuGUSTiNiANiSM.] Neither can appeal be made to them as a sanction for customs and traditions that only date from the Middle Ages. " Quod semper" cannot be predicated of innovation. The practice of invocation of saiats, the rule of clerical celibacy and monastic vows, the Eoman doctrines of purgatory and transubstantiation, aU are without the category of things received under the Consent of Antiquity. But there are other matters of vital necessity that can claim the fuU authority of this triple rule. The Creeds of the Church may be traced back in their main substance to the Church of the Apostles' days, with a priority of time higher than that of the writings of the New Testament. [Cebbds.] The Canon of the New Testament Scriptures formed gradually by consent of the churches, so soon as the ink of each suc- cessive gospel or epistle was dry, was confirmed collectively by the Primitive Church, to the ex- clusion of the spurious writings that abounded from the first. It comes to us stamped with the authoritative judgment of apostolic men; and claims the gratitude of aU who in any sense pro- fess the faith of Christ. [Canon. Sceiptueb.] ' The use of liturgies built up on one definite plan, and preserving in parts a verbal agreement, shew the Consent of Antiquity in estabhshing that "use." [LiTUEGT.] The observance of the Lord's Day, a bond of unity between aU who worship Christ, whether within or without the Church Catholic, estabhshed by the Apostles, and confirmed by continuous practice, is a stand- ing memorial of the authoritative judgment of the Primitive Church. [Lord's Day.] So also the administration of the Chuich under bishops, priests and deacons may be traced as clearly in the Church of the Apostles as in our own. Consecration by the imposition of hands has maintained within the Church a permanent ministry in things sacred; and a perpetual stream of living witnesses to the truth and power of Christian doctrine. The substantive verity of the Holy and Undivided Trinity ; the union of the Godhead and Manhood in one Christ ; salva- tion through faith in the Atonement made once for all upon the cross ; were all embosomed deep in the faith of the Primitive Church, and shone as beacon lights so soon as controversy called them forth ; her jewels have ever been kept back from curious gaze and rougher handling, until their truth and genuineness have been called in question. The two Holy Sacraments, ordained of Christ, are administered in all essential particulars as they were committed to the Church in the be- Consistentes ginning. These, and other partictilai's that might be added, have come down to us commended by the judgment and Consent of Antiquity ; they have always been received by the Church in every age and clime, and each individual Church- man relies upon them as more or less immediately connected with his hope of salvation. That which is loosely called Catholic consent, if refer- ring to matters unknown in Primitive Antiquity can only reach down from the time of origina- tion. Such points have usually caused so much discussion and opposition as to shew that they can plead neither of our three marks of consent. Cardinal Bona has justly censured those who have reversed the process, and have imagined that customs and practices current in the Chujch of modern date must of necessity have come down from Primitive Antiquity [Bona, Rev. Liturg. I. xviii. 1]. The Consent of Antiquity where it can be certainly known, is a link connecting the Church of aU ages with Primi- tive Truth that nothing wiU ever be able to sever. CONSISTENTES [2wwTt{/xe./ot]. The fourth or highest order of penitents in the primitive Church. They were those persons whose penance was so far completed that they were permitted to stand among the communicants at the time when the Holy Eucharist was being celebrated. They were, however, distinguished from the latter by not being allowed to receive the sacra- ment. In the twelfth Canon of the Council of Nicsea, they are called "partakers of the prayers" [t5v evx<3v Ko I vtovijcrovcri] ; and in the thirteenth Canon it is directed that they shall receive the Eucharist if at the point of death, returning to the position of consistentes if they shall recover. After a year of discipline and probation (the fourth year of penance) the consistentes were admitted again to the full privileges of com- munion. [Flentes, &o.] CONSISTOET. The court of a bishop, in which the principle is that he is surrounded by representatives of the clergy of his diocese, who act as his council. The Pope's council of cardinals is so called. In modern times, how- ever, the consistory courts of bishops are held by deputy, the chancellor of the diocese, or a commissary acting for him, being the sole repre- sentative of bishop and clergy. CONSTITUTIONS, APOSTOLICAL. The Apostolical Constitutions, so far as their most ancient matter is concerned, cannot have been written later than the second century ; though Cotelerius declares his inability to name any probable date for them between the time of the Apostles and the middle of the fourth cen- tury, when we have the clear testimony of Epi- phanius. The more usual name for this work is Siara^ets or Starayot t. A. ; but it is termed also di&acTKaXia and SiSa^^ t. A. Eusebius \H. E. iii. 25] mentions the " doctrine of A." as spurious, though often read as canonical scrip- ture. Athanasius [Ep. Fest. and Synopsis S. Scr."] gives the same testimony. Epiphanius speaks with respect of the " Constitutions " fSta- 140 Constitutions, Apostolical rd^fis], and quotes passages from them. [Hcer. xlv. 5, Lsx. 10-12, Ixxv. 6, Ixxx. 7.] His ex- pressions justify the beHef that the "Doctrine" and the "Constitutions" of the Apostles are identical. ■ The Quinisext or Trullan Council of Constantinople [a.d. 692], whUe it declares the Apostolical Canons to be a work of authority, rejects the " Constitutions" as marred by heretical interpolations. Photius, a good and critical judge of such matters, records that the " Constitutions" were read in his time as a work of Clement, but says that their authority was lowered by interpo- lations, though these might be purged away by a sound criticism j by irreverence as regards the Book of Deuteronomy, though this too might be cleared ; and by a charge of Arianism that could only be refated, /Sta/ws, with difficulty. Against our present copies the two last objections do not lie. The ^Ethiopian Church alone received the Apostolical Constitutions without hesitation. DaOl^ has imagined that two editions of them existed ; one a full copy, the other an epitome of useful " legenda" such as we now possess. The character given to these "rudera" of Christian antiquities by Professor Blunt exactly expresses their value ; " with much alloy there is much of the most venerable antiquity in these remains" \Ecc. Hist. cent. ii.]. They contain treatises so primitive, as to have been known in aU pro- bability to St. Luke [i. 1] and St. Paul [2 Thess. ii. 2 ; Gal. i. 6]. They describe the Church of primitive times in its antagonism with heathen life, and in its over-depressed and, humanly speaking, mean condition, when as yet " not many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble, were called" [1 Cor. i. 26]. The length of these Constitutions, occupying, with a Latin translation, 220 foHo pages in the Collection of Cotelerius, precludes any attempt at close analysis. The disorderly way in which the following subjects are scattered up and down the eight books, shews that their origin was not si- multaneous. Book I. Ten chapters on moral and religious duties. II. Sixty-three chapters on episcopal duties, administrative and , judicial ; clerical, social, congregational and penitential duties ; oblations. III. Seventy chapters on cleri- cal functions ; against usurpation; on widows and alms ; baptism and the consecration of bishops. rV. Fourteen chapters on alms and offerings; relative and political duties. V. Twenty chapters on the duties of the persecuted martyrs ; on fasts and feasts, and on Messianic prophecy. VI. Twenty-nine chapters on schism, heresy, and Juda- izing error ; apostolical preaching ; spurious writ- ings ; re-baptism, clerical marriage. YII. Forty- nine chapters, chiefly on religious duties ; fast days; meats, idolothyta; baptism, catechumens, chrism; Holy Eucharist; the Lord's day; liturgica. The last twenty-seven chapters are of great im- portance. VIII. The ordinal and liturgy ; bene- diction of water and oil; offerings; canonical hours ; commemoration of dead. This book con- tains forty-seven chapters, and is the liturgical section of the Constitutions. Drey has arranged the eight books chronolo- Constihdions of Clarendon Constitutions of Clarendon gically into four classes : [I.] i. — vi., wldcli lie refers to the latter half of the second century, and believes to be the " doctrine " of Athanasius and Eusebius. [IL] vii. ; he says this book is by a different author, as shewn by its more concise style, and repetition of former matter ; he consi- ders it to have been an independent -work ; both of these sections are in an epistolary form. [III.] viii. 1 — 46. The term Siara^ts is here introduced for the first time, and the name was soon extended to the entire collection. He gives reasons for assigning classes [II.] and [III.] to the Mcene period. [IV.] viii. 47, is an appendix of the Apostolical Canons, and must be referred to the fifth century, but prior to the Council of Chalcedon, a.d. 451. [Canons, Apostolical.] Drey, however, refers the canons completed to a later date. The creed found in vii. 41, contains additions to the usual clauses of an anti-SabeUian cast in viii. 12. The Uturgical formulae of the latter portion of the same book may have been the originals from whence Basil at first hand, and from him Chrysostom, condensed their respective liturgies. Internal evidence points to a Syrian origin for the entire work. The names of the months are such as were in current use in Sjo-ia during the first ages of Christianity. The ofS.ce also assigned to the deacon of keeping flies from the cup of blessing agrees well with this supposi- tion [viii. 12]. The prayer for monks, aa-K-qrai, viii. 1 3, makes an earlier date than the beginning of the fourth century impossible. [Cotelerius, i. Lagarde, a.d. 1862; Drey, N. Untersuch.] CONSTITUTIONS OF CLAEENDON. The Constitutions of Clarendon were enacted in Janu- ary 1164, in the reign of Henry II. at Clarendon in Wiltshire. They owed their origin to the quarrel between Henry II. and Thomas k Becket, archbishop of Canterbury, or rather to the struggle in which Henry and h Becket were the represen- tatives of the spiritual and secular powers. Jea- lousy between the "courts Christian," as the spiri- tual courts were termed, and the lay tribunals had long existed, and the privileges which the former gave, not only to persons in holy orders, but to all who had been admitted to the tonsure, had aroused a spirit of bitter enmity between the sup- porters of the two systems. The privileges of the clergy not only entitled them to be tried in the spiritual courts alone, but even in those courts rendered them liable to no severer punishments than flagellation, fine, deprivation, and imprison- ment for any crime whatsoever. A dispute in which Philip de Brois, a canon of Bedford, was the aggressor, and Eitz Peter, one of the royal justiciaries, the injured party, having been tried in the spiritual court, and the sentence not being considered suf&ciently severe, the king summoned the bishops to Westminster, and required them to consent that if in future any clergyman were degraded by a spiritual court for a public crime, he should bo handed over to a lay tribunal for punishment. The bishops refused, and with one exception, gave an evasive answer to the next de- mand of the king, that they would promise to observe the "ancient customs" of the realm [a.e. 1.^)0 1163]. The brunt of Henry's anger fell on tho primate, who at last seemed to yield to the en- treaties of his Mends and the threats of the king, and promised to appear at a great council to be held at Clarendon in January 1164. At this council, a committee was appointed to inquire into the ancient customs of England, and the result of their investigation appeared in sixteen articles, which were presented tothe council, and which are known as the Constitutions of Claren- don. After considerable intimidation, the bishopr- consented to subscribe their names, but Becket soon repented of his compliance, sought absolu- tion from the Pope for the sin he believed himself to have committed in attending the council, and by his subsequent resistance deepened the quarrel, which ended in his iniquitous murder. The most important of the Constitutions of Clarendon are : — That the custody of every vacant archbishopric, bishopric, abbey, and priory of royal foundation ought to be given, and its reve- nues during the vacancy paid, to the king, and that the election of a new incumbent ought to be made in. consequence of the king's writ, by the chief clergy of the Church, assembled in the king's chapel, with the assent of the king, and with the advice of such prelates as the king may call to his assistance. That in almost every suit, civil or criminal, in which each or either party was a clergyman, the proceedings should commence before the king's justices, who should determine whether the cause ought to be tried in the secular or episcopal courts ; and that in the latter case a civil ofi&cei should be present to report the proceedings, and the defendant, if he were convicted in criminal action, should lose his benefit of clergy. That no tenant in chief of the king, no oflftcer of his household, or of his demesne, should be excommunicated, or his lands put under an inter- dict, until application had been made to the king, or in his absence to the grand justiciary. That no archbishop, bishop, or dignified clergy- man could lawfully go beyond the sea without the king's permission. That appeals should proceed regularly from the archdeacon to the bishop, and from the bishop to the archbishop. If the archbishop failed to do justice, the cause was to be carried before the king, that by his precept the suit might be ter- minated in the archbishop's court, so as not to proceed further without the king's consent. The remaining articles relate to advowsons, the tenure of land by clergymen, the ordination of the sons of viUeins, and other such matters [Matth. Paris, ad ami. 1164; Wilkins' Cone. i. 435]. Ten of the Constitutions of Clarendon were expressly condemned by the Pope (Alexander III.), and the framers were excommunicated by Becket, whose subsequent murder produced so strong a sympathy with this cause that the Con- stitutions were not enforced untU some years later, when they received important modifications at a council held at Northampton [a.d. 1176]. The chief modification was that no clergyman should be personally arraigned before a secular judge Consubstantiation Contrition for any crime or transgression, unless it were against the laws of the forest, or regarding a lay fee for which he owed service to a lay lord. CONSUBSTANTIATION. The term by which the Lutheran belief in the Eeal Presence is usually expressed, namely, that after consecration of the Eucharist, the substance of the Lord's Body and Blood co-exists in union with the substance of Bread and Wine, just as iron and fire are united in a bar of heated iron. The belief of the ancient Church that after consecration the species of Bread and Wine co- existed with the Sacramental Body and Blood, must not be considered as identical with the Lutheran tenet, which implies a material concep- tion of the heavenly mystery, as if in an earthly mode Bread and Wiae were mixed with the Lord's Body and Blood — an opinion opposed to Scripture and the teaching of the Church. The invention of this theory is attributed to Luther, and win be found in his letter to Henry VIII. He says, " The Body of Christ is (the Bread still existing) in the Sacrament, as fire is in iron, the substance of the iron existing, and God in man the human nature existing — ^the substances in each case being so united, that each retains its own operation and proper nature and yet they constitute one thing." ^ The teaching of Luther, however, on the Eucharist, as Dr. Pusey shows, was not uniform, and he often expresses his views in a less objectionable manner than in the extract given. Luther's illustration, and the mode of the sacramental Presence implied, has not been adopted by the Reformer's followers, nor is it found in the Lutheran confessions of faith. The Augsburg and other confessions given below " merely state the co-existence, after consecration, of Bread and Wine with the Body and Blood of Christ. CONTEMPLATION. [See Mysticism.] CONTEITION. Three steps are required to constitute a true repentance — contrition, inclusive of its first weak beginning as attrition [which see], confession, and satisfaction. Eepentance itself ip a permanent condition, the fruits of which are the necessary daily workings of spiritual life, so that a hfe of faith and a life of repentance are synonymous. It signifies " aU. that piety and obedience which 1 Quoted from Dr. Pusey, Chi the, Doctrine of the Beat Presence [1855], where a full account is given of Lutheran opinions on the Eucharist, p. 43, &c. ^ Augustana Oonfessio [1530]: "De Ccena Domini decent quod cum pane et vino vere exhibeantur, corpus et sanguis Chiisti vesceutihus in Ccena Domini. Hcec in alia Ediiione reperiuntur. De Ccena Domini decent C[uod corpus et sanguis Christi vere adsint et destribuantur vescentibus in Coena Domini et improbant secus docen- tes." Saxonica Oonfessio [1551] : "Docentur etiam homines, sacramenta esse actiones divinitus institutas, et extra usmu institutum, res ipsas non habere rationem sacramenti sed in usu institute in hac communione vere et suhstantialiter adesse Christum, et vere exhiberi sumen- tibus corpus et sanguinem Christi." Wirternbergica Oonfessio [1561]: "Cum de pane dicitur Hoc est corpus metwn., non est necesse ut substantia panis mutetur in substantiam corporis Christi ; sed ad veritatem sacramenti sufficit quod corpus Christi vere sit cum pane prsesens, atque adeo necessitas ipsa veritatis sacramenti exigere videtur, ut cum vera praesentia corporis Christi verus panis maneat." Oorpiis et Syntagma Oonfessionvm Fidei [1654]. 151 we pay to God in the days of our return, after we have begun to follow sober counsels. "^ Obedi- ence to the commandments of God, faithful walk- ing by the light of His love, and the " hope that maketh not ashamed," form the indispensable habit of repentance. But it is clear that such a state cannot be attained by any sudden transition from the corruption of sin, and in a moment of time. The gradations that lead from the dark- ness of night to noonday brightness are not more imperceptible than the gradual growth in grace that conducts the soul from its particular shade of sin and disobedience to an established state of justification. Beginning vnth alarm for the penal consequences of sin, the work of reconstruction must from thence proceed, " line upon hne, and precept upon precept," as the building advances towards completion. It is contrition that in a spirit of love and obedience estabhshes the sinner on the solid foundation of a true repentance, through faith in God and Christ. StiU, what- ever be the progress made, it is impossible to say when the faithful penitent is accepted to iinal pardon. " God keeps the secrets of His mercy in His sanctuary, and draws not the curtain till the day of death or judgment."* The first penitential steps have been described under the article Attrition. That servile state of fear may lead on to better things. God's grace, at first impeded by carnal ways of thinking and acting, has on the whole been gaining power over the soul ; fear and hatred .of sin have wrought the desire of pardon, and desire hope ; and as it is of the nature of hope to hang with ardent af- fection on the thought of its object, so hope in this case has lighted up in the soul a sense of God's goodness, and that love of God is shed abroad in the heart which leads to the purif jdng of every deep welling spring of thought. The wiU. is changed to desire and fear in accordance with the ^\'iU of Him who is the bestower of such grace ; " The chiefest thing in contrition is that alteration whereby the will which before was dehghted with sin doth now abhor and shun nothing more,"* and the reclaimed penitent exhibits in his life the sure truth, " this is the love of God, that we keep His commandments." Attrition, through this \mion with love and hope, passes into the more perfect grace of contri- tion. The attrite forsook sin from an intense fear of its consequences ; the contrite has exterminated it and mortified it by the love of God shed abroad in his soul ; he hates sin because it is hateful to God and contrary to right reason, and he watches and prays against its recurrence, with the sm-e hope of being heard, and of receiving grace "to help in time of need." Attrition and contrition in this way are as the converse and obverse sides of the same coin. The first has for its active principle dread of the tem- poral and external consequences of sin; its strength lies in the power of its hate. The second is full of love and hope, which have God's ' Bishop Taylor, Rep. c. x. 1. sec. 1. * Bishop Taylor, Rep. x. ii. sec. 5. ' Hooker, Ecd. Pol. vi. Conversion Convocations conunandments and promises as tkeir object, and benefits tbat are eitber present or contingent. Its boliest principle is a true ray of tbe lore of God. " Contrition loves God and bates sia ; it leaves tbis and adheres to Him ; abstains from evil and does good ; dies to sia and lives to rigbteousness^ and is a state of pardon and acceptable services." i We can stiLL only bope indeed as penitents of tbe porcb to be accepted to tbe inner mercies of God in His good time ; and tbe life of tbe believer is a lifelong repentance, leading on from tbe first fednt aspirations for good to tbe firm faith and love and hope of the dying saint. But the wiU of the contrite has received its proper adjustment once more, and harmonizes on the vrhole vpitb the will of God. His law has ceased to be a galling yoke upon the neck, causing reluctance in obedience and dread in its violation. The Gospel is styi a law indeed, but it has become through tbis altered will tbe perfect law of liberty. COISIYEESIOK [Conversio. 'ETrttrrpo.^^.] This word has acquired a factitious importance as regards the religious life from its use in a mystical sense by tbe Methodists, and by those of the Church of England whose religion took much of its colour from them. In Holy Scripture it is used in two senses : [1] first, of a change from false reUgion to true religion, as in "the con- version of the Gentiles " [Isa. Ix. 5 ; Acts xv. 3] ; and [2] secondly, of a change from the state of habitual sin to tbe state of habitual holiness ; that is, tbe conversion of those who profess the true religion but do not act under its influence [Psa. H. 13 ; Matt. xiii. 15]. Used in a strict sense, the word expresses no more than the prac- tical result of Contrition, but in the more modern and conventional sense it is made to in- clude nearly all that properly belongs to the term Sanotifioation. Some have gone to a fanatical length in the use of the word, making conversion identical with "new birth" or Eb&enbeation, irrespective of tbe true regeneration effected by holy baptism. CONVOCATIONS. The synods necessary for the good government of a church are two : one in which the bishop consults with bis brother bishops on all matters that concern the welfare of the church ; one in which the bishop consults with bis presbyters bow to carry out the determi- nations of the superior synod, and in subordina- tion to those determinations arranges all that relates to the due execution of the priest's oifice. The framework and status of a church may occa- sion other councils. The ft'amework of a church may be developed into a patriarchate ; the status of a church may be that it is a National Estab- lished Church; thus we obtain patriarchal and national councils. But these are not essential ; they differ not in principle but in extent from the simple provincial council of brother bishops. In England we have two provincial councils, held under archbishops, meeting separately, but communicating when common action is required; and forming, when in such communication, the 152 1 Bishop Taylor, Eep. x. iii. sec. 28. Synod of our National Church, the Church of England by representation. Again, presbyters are not of the essence of a provincial councU. They are admissible and generally are admitted ; but the numbers admitted and the privileges accorded them, are under tbe regulation of each church according to its own sense of expediency. In England the presbyters admitted are many, and are so chosen as to afford a systematic repre- sentation of the clergy. They have also great privileges. The object of tbis article wiU be to describe the form of our provincial councils, to shew how they acquire that form, and to give a summary of such acts as have materially influenced tbe course and history of tbe Church of England. Our provincial councils, then, are summoned in time of Parhament by canonical authority, in virtue of Crown writs directed to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York. By the 25 th Henry VIII. c. 19, it is expressly enacted that the convocation shall always be assembled by autho- rity of the King's vn'it ; and it was resolved by the judges upon tbis statute [8 Jac. 1], that a convocation cannot assemble by their own or the archbishop's convoking without the assent of the King, that is, by writ under the Great Seal of England. The writ issues from tbe Crown Office in Chancery; and it is now agreed that tbe convocations are of right to be assembled concurrently with Parliament [PhUlimore's Bum, II. 29], and may act and proceed as provincial councUs, when the Sovereign in his royal wisdom shall judge it expedient. The writ summoning the clergy concurrently with the peers and commoners has been issued from the time of Edward I. to the reign of the present Sovereign. [Pearce, Law relating to Convoc. c. iv.] The archbishops hav- ing received the Queen's writs issue their mandates summoning their bishops and clergy. They summon them to appear "before us." For the archbishops use the fixed and canonical method that they always used ; the King having a right to the assistance of the clergy, and a right to be obeyed by the archbishop in calling them together for that end, yet in the dispatch of business leaves them to proceed according to tbe known rules of a provincial synod ; that is, to be sum- moned before their metropolitan, and to the place he shall think fit to appoint. [Gibson, Synod. Angl. ed. 1854, p. 14.] In Canterbury the arch- bishop issues his mandate through the dean of the province, the Bishop of London; in York, where there is no dean of the province, direct to the suffragans. Tbe bishops, deans, and arch- deacons, are summoned to appear in person or by proxy ; the chapters by one proctor ; the clergy, in Canterbury by two proctors for each diocese, in York by two proctors for each arch- deaconry. EngUsb provincial councils, then, differ from the ordinaryform of such councUs in this systematic re- presentation of the clergy. To a provincial council bishops only are of necessity to be summoned. "Twice in tbe year let there be a synod of bishops to examine doctrines of religion, and to terminate Convocations Convocations all ecclesiastical controversies that may happen." [Apost. Gan. xxxvi. ed. Bruns.]. Before this synod an accused hishop is to he convened [76. Ixxiii.] ; without this the primate is not to act \Ih. xxxiii.]. Upon which Balsamon's comment is, " K'on posse autem primum quid- quam facere sine sententia episcoporum suorum ne dixeris intelligenda de omnibus quae ab illo facienda sunt, sed iis tantum quae sunt magni momenti." Zonaras interprets, "res magni momenti tales quales ad statum communem EcclesisB respiciunt, cujusmodi sunt dogmaticse questiones, super erratis communibus disposi- tiones, et ejusmodi." [Howel's Synopsis, p.' 6.] To this council also it was the general practice for a metropolitan to refer the appeal of a pres- byter or deacon against his bishop. [Bingham, ed. 1834, i. p. 160.] This council of bishops, however, admitted presbyters. Bingham cites the Alexandrian Council, A.D. 230, which deposed Origen ; the Eoman, a.d. 252, against Novatian ; that of Antioch, a.d. 264, against Paul of Samosata. At Elliberis, a.d. 305, there sat thirty-six pres- byters with the bishops. The presbyters some- times, perhaps generally, voted; and sometimes subscribed the decrees. But it does not appear that the rights of the presbyters were defined. It is left to each church to assign such rights to its presbyters as are expedient under the circum- stances of the church. It was then quite within the power of the Church of England to adopt a systematic representation of its presbyterate, and make the concurrence of her presbyters necessary for the passing a provincial act. These are doubtless large powers, although they fall short of those erroneously claimed by Atterbuiy and others, privileges beyond those of presbyters in primitive times, or of presbyters in other episcopal churches. In judging of these powers it must be remembered that they act as a safe- guard against an undue influence of the Crown through its possessing the appointment of bishops. The close connection of the English Church with the State has vested in the Crown the choice of bishops, and taken from the Church all power of resisting an ill appointment, unless the ministry of the church to save their consciences endure the penalties of a Praemunire. On the other hand the same connection of Church and State has given to presbyters a veto on the proceedings of the bishops so nominated. The benefit of this as a counterpoise was signally shewn by the defeat of the attempt of the bishops of the Eevo- lution period to tamper with the Prayer Book. "We have now to trace the origin of our form of synod. Our position is, that the form in which the clergy were necessarily convened for state purposes and for matters in which the tem- poralities of the Church were concerned, has been accepted and adopted by the Church as the form of her proper synod. Under the Normans the pubUc assembhes of the kingdom were the Concilium, Magnum Con- cilium, Commune Concilium, Curia, Baronagium. [Sec Parry's Parliaments and Ooimcils of Eng- 153 land, 1839, Introd. p. x.] The last two were courts of justice. The first was the king's ordi- nary council J the second, a larger assembly of persons of rank and property, convened on extra- ordinary occasions. The Commune Concilium was a still more numerous body collected to- gether for more general purposes. This larger assembly appears in the Great Charter by John, A.E. 17, A.D. 1215, where he promises to summon aU. archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls and greater barons personally, and all other tenants in chief under the crown by the sheriffs and bailiffs, to meet and to assess aids and scutages when neces- sary. In the forty-ninth year of Henry III., a.d. 1265, the sheriffs were directed to return two knights for each county, two citizens for each city, and two burgesses for every borough ; and from that epoch we may date the constitution of parliament. Under Edward I. the constitution of parliament settled into a form very nearly ap- proaching the present form. Meanwhile, under Henry II., the lay and ecclesiastical jurisdictions had been completely separated, and the clergy were become amenable to no other than ecclesi- astical jurisdiction. The king assumed a right to compel the attendance of the prelates in respect of their lay fees alone, and the clergy claimed the right to be taxed as such, only of their own gift, and in their separate and ditinct conventions. For this purpose it became necessary to bring the clergy together. The pure episcopal synod had no power of taxing the inferior clergy. The bishops might recommend a subsidy or benevo- lence, but they could not enforce its payment. Consequently there appear in our records a large number of conventions of the clergy, over and above the pure episcopal synods. In these the system of representation was gradually intro- duced, for the same end mainly which caiised its introduction into parUament, viz., taxation, and for dealing in other ways with the temporalities of the Church. Pure episcopal synods were held in the same period, but they could not do the work of conventions, while every convention might pass into a synod, there being no reason why the clergy who were summoned on account of their rights of property should not be of council with their bishops in purely ecclesiastical matters. Thus gradually the pure episcopal synods were disused, their business thrown into the conventions : and the conventions which were always regularly summoned by the arch- bishop, or the Pope's legate, completing their form, became our convocations, our proper pro- vincial councils. It would be far beyond our limits to attempt a complete survey of the conventions and councils of this transition period ; but we may give some leading instances. A.D. 1195. To a legatine council are sum- moned archdeacons, priors, rural deans, "personae ecclesiarum." Eepairs of churches from the endowments of the livings, and the farming of churches and tithes are treated of. [TTody, Hist, of Councils, part iii p. 80. Johnson, Canons, ii. 16? Convocations Convocations A.D. 1237. To a legatine council the priors installed liring letters of proxy from their chap- ters ; constitutions are made on the farming of churches. [Hody, ui. 95 ; Johnson, ii. 150.] A.D. 1240. The rectors of churches are sum- moned. For the legate had demanded of the bishops a benevolence of a fifth for the pope. The bishops reply, " Omnes tangit hoc negotium, onmes igitur sunt conveniendi:" and the legate convenes the rectors of Berkshire and some others, endeavouring to persuade them to a con- tribution. Their answer in the Burton Annals runs iu the name of aU the rectors of England, and it sufficiently appears, says Hody, that all the rectors of churches ia England were pre- sent in that councU. [Hody, iii. 101.] A.D. 1277. An archiepiscopal convention. Proctors of the clergy are summoned. The man- date refers to a " congregatio" lately held at Northampton, when sundry business was pro- posed, " in quorum executione licet vise de com- muni consUio excogitatse fuissent, et executores viarum . . . deputati, quia tamen . . . adhuc exitus est incertus," &c. This must be under- stood, we suppose, of a subsidy granted at Nor- thampton by prelates only, and the payment refused, on which account the clergy are sum- moned [Wake, Btate of the Church, app. xv.]. A.D. 1279. A council was held at Eeading of bishops only. They command that at their next assembly, "Verdant duo eleoti ad minus a clero episcopatuumsingulorum, qui auctoritatemhabeant una nobiscum tractare de his quse ecclesise com- muni utihtati expediant Anglicanae, etiamsi de conturbatione \sic Lyndwood] aliqua vel expensis oporteat fieri mentionem." [Lyndwood, Constitu- tiones Peccliam. p. 25.] Johnson [Canons, ii. p. 268] translates this last clause, " if a proposal should be made concerning a contribution or ex- pense," proposing to read " contributione." He adds, " It is asserted by some that this last para- graph is in none of the ancient copies." It is found, however, in a provincial of the fourteenth century \Ganibiidge Univ. Library, Dd. ix. 38]. This book belonged to Eeading Abbey, and must be held of good authority in this case, for the Abbey of Eeading would surely preserve accur- ate records of the Council of Eeading. And it reads " contributione," which Johnson saw to be necessary ; and in place of " etiamsi" has "et" with " si" written above it. It is easy to understand the omission in ordinary copies. This last constitu- tion was looked upon as not of general concern- ment. A.D. 1280. At a convention for grantuig a sub- sidy the clergy are present. A.D. 1281. Diocesan proctors do not appear, and there is no call for a subsidy [Hody, iii. 130]. A.D. 1282. Two proctors for each diocese ap- pear. After the convention of 1281, two pure epis- copal synods were held. In the interval between them, the bishops and prelates were summoned by the archbishop, in consequence of a royal wish, but the assembly being convened for a subsidy, and the proctors of the diocesan clergy not being Biunmoned, it was looked upon as irregular, and 154 nothing was done. In the mandate for the new assembly, the clergy are required to debate upon the business (of the subsidy) in their respective dioceses, and to appoint two of their body to go up to convocation to give in their resolutions. The pure episcopal synods did not at once cease. Such were held a.d. 1295 [Hody, iii. 147] ; a.d. 1310 [Wake, p. 260]. In 1313, W. Eeynolds, intending to summon a synod of his suEEragans, is prevented by a royal writ, enjoining him to sum- mon both bishops and clergy [Hody, iii. 170]. Again, while the inferior clergy are thus per- emptorily summoned when a subsidy is required, they are at other times invited to attend the epis- copal synod ; as A. D. 1312; " Denuntietis decanis et prioribus . . . eorumque capituHs quod si ad idem concilium venerint, et ad id petierint se admitti, juxta juris exigentiam admittentur" [Wake, app. xlvii]. In 1341, the archdeacons are invited, " si eis expediens videatur," and the clergy by proctors " si sua crediderint interesse " [Wake, app. Ixxxviii]. In 1342, "si eis utile videatur," "si sua prospexerint interesse" [Wake, app. Ixxxix]. This clearly marks the steps by which the pure episcopal synod was brought to the form of the convention. It must be remarked that in a.d. 1295, the praemunientes clause was inserted in the bishops parliamentary writs. This clause summoned the proctors of the clergy to parliament, and doubtless aided not a little to fix that representation of the clergy in conventions and synods which had before been begun. For the clergy, chosen in obedience to the prsemunientes clause, would naturally be the same as those chosen for the conventions and synods. There was also occasionally, during a few years, a provincial execution of the parliament writ [Wake, p. 260], which tended the same way. The attempt to bring the clergy into parliament made them more punctual in assembling in con- vocation. If they voted subsidies in convocation their attendance in parliament would be dispensed ■\vith. By such steps our convocations were formed. " The civil property of the clergy could not be disposed of but by their own consent, and the necessity of having tlus gave them a negative upon the bishops in subsidies, which was then the chief business of convocation : the canons and constitutions of the Church being for many ages after {i.e. after the first accounts of a convocation or convention) constantly made in synods, con- sisting only of the archbishop and his provincial bishops. But the affairs of the church, as they came to be transacted in convocation, fell under the rule and methods that had been established there upon civil accounts ; by which means the inferior clergy came into the same share in the ecclesiastical that they had enjoyed in the secular business ; and custom has given them a legal claim to several privileges of that kind unknown to the primitive presbyters, or even to the pres- byters of any other episcopal church at this day " [Gibson, Syn. Angl. p. 10. Compare If ot?. Univ. Hist, xxxiii. 18, quoted in Blackstone, regarding the diet of Sweden]. One advantage of these peculiar privileges of Convocations Convocations the clergy has 1)6611 noticed already, tlie safeguard, namely, against crown influence tkrougli the nomination of bishops. Another great advantage is that the synod so formed gathers into itself the results of the consultations of the clergy and bishops in their diocesan synods. The proctors are the representatives of synods, of consulting bodies, not as in the case of members of parliament of a mere aggregation of independent electors. In great matters "which require decision, the proctors may be, and ought to be, instructed by the synods which accredit them. On this point there is much misconception current. For example, a New Zealand prelate writes \Ool. Church Ghron. Feb. 1869, p. 41] : "The lay representatives (not delegates observe : for they, with their clerical brethren, claim, the freedom of members of the House of Commons to vote according to their own views, and not to be merely the mouthpieces of their constituents) were," &c. Now, on the one hand, the freedom of members of parliament is sadly abridged by the pledges which they are forced to make on the hustings, when they are the representatives of an unconsulting and often unreflecting body of constituents ; and, on the other hand, it is by no means fair to describe the man who has joined in consultation with his con- stituents, and is chosen to represent them because he is the best fitted to express their common opin- ion, as the mere mouthpiece of those constituents. He does not the less express his own views, be- cause he expresses at the same time the views of his synod. He takes far higher ground when he can allege, in addition to his own opinion, the deliberate sentence of a synod. In the present attempt to revive convocation, this matter has been unaccountably neglected : and here we have probably the great cause of the weakness of con- vocation. A pure episcopal synod has its advan- tages : a representation of the clergy has its ad- vantages. The present state of convocation loses both one and the other. The bishops cannot consult as they would if they had no lower house to deal with, and the lower house is not what it ought to be to them, an expression of the delibe- rate judgment of the body of the clergy. Until our diocesan sjmods are revived, the proctors cannot hold their proper place in convocation, and the action of that body wiU remain weak as it is now. Nor can the conferences which are coming into fashion take the place of the synods : for they are mere voluntary assemblies for discus- sion, useful in their way perhaps, but with no powers, rights, or privileges, under no necessity of proceeding to action, and with no legal con- nection with convocation. To return, then, to that which is the theory of convocation, and which it is hoped will soon be again its practice. The two convocations thus formed make by their connection the " sacred synod " of Canon cxxxix., the "true Church of England by representation." It meets concurrently with every parliament, but by the Act of Submission, based upon the promise of the clergy [25, Hen. VIIT. c. 19], it cannot "presume to attempt, 155 allege, clayme, or put in ure any constitucions or ordinaunce provynciall or synodaUes, or any other canons, nor shall enact, promulge, or execute any suche canons or ordinaunce provynciall . . . onles the same clergie may have the kynges most royal assent and license . . ." Short of making canons, however, the convocation may consult, petition, recommend. But the debates for these purposes may at any time be cut short by an in- junction to the archbishop to prorogue or dissolve. Archbishop Parker's form of holding convoca- tions and of choosing the prolocutor, which is stni followed (with the omission, it is feared, of the celebration of the Holy Eucharist), was printed by Kennett, and is prefixed to his History of the last Gonvoeation [1730]. It was reprinted with additional notes in Synodalia [London, 1853]. Each convocation consists of two houses, the lower house meeting under a prolocutor chosen by the clergy, and presented for approval to the President. In the province of York the dis- tinction between the two houses has not been observed, except on occasions of bond fide trans- action of business, whence it has been commonly but erroneously said that the Convocation of York consists but of one house [Trevor, The Two Convocations, 1852, p. 126]. The upper house is the true locus synodi, as is evident from a con- sideration of the nature of a provincial council ; and the prolocutor of the lower house is the referendary or reporter of all messages from the uj^er house, and moderates the debates of the lower in the stead of the archbishop [Gibson, Syn. A. p. 294]. The archbishops are presidents of the whole convocation, acting (except when a mandate from the crown is received) " cum con- sensu fratrum," having the right to require the clergy to consider any particular business through- out the convocation, to prescribe a time for the return of such business, to require it to be de- livered in writing, to order committees of the lower house, or a committee of the whole house, to require the attendance of the prolocutor or of the house, and within the limits allowed by the royal mandates to appoint the days of session, and to prorogue accordingly. But the archbishop, as a distinct element of the convocation, has also his pecuHar rights and powers ; he " has a veto on aU measures, a privilege which he retains for himself whenever another bishop presides for him ; he has the right of giving leave of absence of the members of the lower house, and of absolv- ing or punishing them for their absence in other cases ; of admitting or refusing proxies, and of determining controverted elections " [CardweU, Synodalia, preface, p. xix.] The rights of the lower house are reduced by Gibson [j. 112] to these four heads : To present their own and the Church's grievances to the president and bishops ; to offer to their lordships their petitions of any other kind ; to be with them as a part of the judicature upon persons convened and examined in convocation ; to dis- sent finally from any matter, so as to hinder its passing into a synodical act. These being az- knowledged privileges of the lower house, it fol- Convocations Convocations lows that so much of independent action and separate authority as is necessary for the due ex- ercise of these privileges must be conceded to the lower house ; otherwise the great principle of a synod must be held iirm — ^that the synod is one, a body of presbyters ia councQ with their bishops under the archbishop, who is the modera- tor of the whole convocation, not the speaker of the upper house ; that the lower house accord- iugly is subordinate to the upper, and not co- ordinate with it ; that the true strength of the lower house lies ia their conjunction with the bishops, not in iadependence of them. Eegarding the power of the archbishop, the opinions of Sir F. Thesiger, Sir W. P. Wood, and Dr. E. PhilU- more [London, 1853], should be carefully studied. Eegarding the concurrent action of the two convocations, the formal and most regular mode is that the resolutions of one council be trans- mitted to the other council and fully considered. In 1661 several clergymen were commissioned to sit and act as proctors of York, in the Convocation of Canterbury [Lathbury, Hist, of Convoc. pp. 286-7]. It remains now to name (we can scarcely do more) the business which our convocations have transacted since the Act of Submission. Our concern is with convocation as it stands at present, and it was the Act of Submission that changed its status. Prior to that act the archbishop of each province could assemble his provincial synod at his pleasure ; or when the convocation met at command of the king, he could dissolve it when the business of the crown was finished, or continue the synod for other purposes, at Ms pleasure. But by the Act of Submission four points are settled. First, that the convocation can only be assembled by the king's writ ; secondly, that when assembled it caimot proceed to make new canons without a royal license, which is a quite separate act from the permission to assemble ; thirdly, that having agreed upon canons, in conformity with the royal hcense, they cannot be published or take effect until confirmed by the sovereign ; fourthly, that even with the royal authority no canon can be enacted against the laws and customs of the land, or the king's prerogative [Lathbury, Hist of Gonvoc. p. 110]. The second point was stated even more strongly by the judges, 8 James I. [Coke's Reports, xii. p. 92], who say that the convocation cannot con- fer to constitute any canons without license. I. Convocations 1534-1559. Eegarding these. Fuller \_Gh. Hist. v. p. 188] remarks : " Upon serious examination it will appear that there was nothing done in the reformation of religion save what was asked by the clergy in their convoca- tion, or grounded on some act of theirs precedent to it, with the advice, counsel, and consent of the bishops and most eminent churchmen, con- firmed upon the postfact, and not otherwise by the civil sanction, according to the usage of the best and happiest times of Christianity." Dr. Hook, quoting this passage [Life of Granmer, n. 210], remarks, " Mr. Joyce, in his able and learned History of Sacred Synods, brings proof 156 for the confirmation of this assertion in every particular." Thus, A.D. 1534. Declaration that the Pope has no greater authority in England than any other foreign prelate. 1536. Fifty-nine Popular Errors complained of : and the Ten Articles of EeUgion carried [CoUier, iv. 359, ed. 1852]. 1539. The Sis Articles approved. 1542. First book of Homilies introduced and authorized, published in 1547. 1543. Necessary Doctrine and Erudition con- firmed. 1544. The Litany nearly in its present form authorized. 1547. Communion in both kinds. Eepeal of Prohibition of Marriage of Clergy voted for. Edward VI. 's First Service Book approved. 1550. Eevision of Liturgy considered. 1552. Cranmer's Forty-two Articles ratified. Edward VI.'s Catechism authorized by delegates of the Convocation. 1553. Only six of the Lower House own the Eeformation. " It was not difficult for the Goveriunent to pack both the parliament and the convocation " [Hook. lAfe of Granmer, ii. 321]. 1554. Convocation absolved by Pole. 1558. Various matters of discipline treated of preparatory to presentation to Cardinal Pole. 1559. "It would have been chimerical to have expected anything from that convocation which assembled with Elizabeth's first parlia- ment ; and therefore the work (of reviewing the Book of Common Prayer) was entrusted to a committee" [Lathbury, Hist, of Gonvoc. p. 158]. Such in brief was the action of convocation in the former part of our Eeformation. Other and less creditable determinations must be named. Convocation, which had before declared the nullity of Catherine's marriage to Henry, confirmed in 1536 the divorce of Anne Boleyn, and in 1539 resolved that the marriage of Ann of Cleves should be set aside. It is saying but little for the spirituaUty to remark [see Joyce, p. 403] that the praise or blame of these proceedings must be shared by the temporalty. Who ought to be foremost in defending the right ? In the case of Anne of Cleves there must be something yet untold. Her letter to her brother, given by Burnet, cannot be explained except on the sup- position that she wrote it under compulsion, or that there was something behind which she would not have dragged to light. As the matter came before convocation [see the detail in Joyce] we can only call their conduct a disgraceful compli- ance with the king's wickedness. Our sense of this neutralizes perhaps what otherwise might have been justly said of the former cases, that it is easy to conceive a righteous judge sincerely believing that the marriage with Catherine was null, and obliged to declare it so, however much Convocations Convocations he miglit feel for Catherine, and however well awaie he might be of the king's criminal passion for Anne Boleyn : and in the case of Anne Boleyu, that her confession to just and lawful impediments, coupled with the sentence of the archbishops' court, might be sufficient grounds for the convocations proceeding, so as to free them from the charge of conscious injustice. A most painful disclosure has been made of late as to Cranmer's part in these proceedings [see Chris- tian Remembrancer, April 1868, p. 243]. From such disgrace, at least, the convocation is free. Probably the truth is, that the minds of men had been so familiarized by the action of the Court of Rome to the thought of dispensations and divorces, that they were ready to determine rather according to their views of expediency and state policy than according to strict rules of right and wrong. The members of convocation had denied the Pope's supremacy, but they had been all trained in the maxims of Eome. Convocations from 1559 to 1662. This may be called the second part of the Eeformation period. From the renouncing the Pope's supre- macy to the settlement under Charles II. there was no rest. On the settlement under Charles II. we have rested during the last two hundred years. On the 20th December 1661, the Ee- formed Book of Common Prayer — the last version of the Use of Sarum and the other ancient uses of the English Church — was adopted and subscribed by the clergy of both houses of convocation, and of both provinces of the Church. A copy of the new Prayer Book, with the Great Seal attached, was delivered with a royal message to Parliament on the 25th of February 1662. The Bill of Uniformity having passed the Lords on the 9th of AprU, received the royal assent on the 19th of May, and thus became part of the law of the land [Hook. Lives of ArchUshops, new ser. i. p. 144]. In the transactions which issued in this settlement our provincial synods bore their part. The first parliament of Queen Elizabeth not only repealed the acts of Mary, and so restored matters to the state in which they stood at Edward's death, but also introduced certain altera- tions into the Prayer Book [see thenl in Keeling's Liturgice Britannicce]. It has been usually thought that this was done in an irregular manner, without the concurrence of convocation [see Joyce, S. Synods, p. 543] ; but Mr. Joyce has lately discovered a document which makes it probable that the alterations were framed by an episcopal synod [Civil Power in relation to the Cliurch, p. 135]. In any case matters soon returned to their constitutional course. The Eleven Articles of 1559-60 were intended as no more than a provisional test of orthodoxy, which in practice would be superseded when articles should be passed with fuU synodical and royal authority [Hardwicke, Hist, of Art. p. 120]. A.D. 1562. The Articles were revised and reduced to their present form and number; the Arch- bishop of York and his suffragans subscrib- 157 ing on behalf of their province. NoweU's Catechism was authorised. Nowell pub- lished also an abridgment, and a third or smaller catechism, which differs but slightly from the present catechism. It is probable that Overall abridged the questions and an- swers on the sacraments from this catechism [Lathbury, p. 168]. The recognition of the HomOies is involved in subscription to the Articles. 1571. The Articles are again confirmed and subscribed. Canons were drawn up and authorized by the upper house, but from some unexplained cause were not submitted to the lower house. These canons author- ized Foxe's Martyrology ; so that the neces- sity of the concurrence of the lower house has saved lis from the burden of Foxe's falsehoods. 1575. A book of articles of discipline was passed, several of which are embodied in our present canons. 1584. Other articles, as hi 1575. 1597. Constitutions were made in matters of discipline. 1604. The consideration of the canons was the commencement of the regidar synodical business. The canons were in all proba- bility collected and arranged by Bancroft from the Eoyal Injunctions, synodical acts, and articles of the reigns of Edward and Elizabeth. The canons were agreed upon with the king's license. The Prayer Book was revised and pub- lished in 1604, but it was not submitted to convocation. "The book so revised re- ceived full synodical sanction by the canons of 1603-4. As soon as their own synodical authority was established by both provinces, the alterations in the Prayer Book received the formal approbation of the whole English Church" [Joyce, p. 631]. 1605. Overall's Convocation book was sanc- tioned, but it was not confirmed by royal authority. 1640. A Pontifical was designed, but the de- sign failed. Seventeen canons were passed and confirmed by the king's letters patent. Eegarding these canons, see the note. Card- well, Synodalia, i. 380. CardweU states that the statute 13 Car. II. c. 12, leaves them to their own proper synodical authority, and merely provides that nothing contained in that statute shall give them the force of an act of parliament. 1661. Occasional services were made: the form of adult baptism, and forms for January 30th and May 29th. But the great business was the revision of the Prayer Book, by which it was brought into its present state, solemnly subscribed and passed : after which the amendments were considered in the privy council, and the book sent to the House of Lords, that the Act of Uniformity might refer to it. " Canons were not con- cluded, though the convocation had been Councils Councils authorized to treat of them ; and it appeal's that some powerful influence was used to pre- vent the two houses from proceeding with that important husiness." Lathbury,p. 296. Lath- hury refers to Keimet's Eegister, p. 630, and Barwlck's Life, p. 325, English translation. Upon the whole, Mr Joyce's words quoted before regarding the former period may he fairly applied to this period also. It should he remarked that of this most important convocation, we have the original register of the upper house, and minutes of the lower house. See Gibson's oatalog-ue of remaining acts and registers prefixed to Synodus Angli- cana. In 1664, by an arrangement between Hyde and Sheldon, the clergy waived their right of taxing themselves, — "the greatest alteration," Bishop Gibson said, " ever made in the constitution with- out an express law." The change has contri- buted greatly to the strength of other causes which led to the disuse of synods. Into the long and dreary controversy between the two houses immediately after the devolution it is not proposed to enter. The principles upon which a solution of the points in debate might with no great difficulty have been found have already been shewn. The action of th e lower house has also been referred to as shewing the benefit which may arise from the clergy having a veto on the proceedings of bishops appointed by the crown without reference to the Church. The proposals of the commissioners of 1689 for the revision of the Liturgy are weU-known. They were printed by order of the House of Commons in 1854. These proposals the lower house of convocation did not wait to receive. Their determination vas shewn by their amending the bishops' address to the crown, which ranked the Church of Eng- land with other Protestant bodies. Into what- ever errors (and certainly these were not a few) the lower house afterwards fell, there is no doubt that their firmness saved us from the proposals of the commissioners, which were pro- bably transcripts of the wishes of WUliam. The representation of Hoadly's errors was the last word of convocation, a not unfit word to close for a long period the services which that vener- able body had rendered to the truth. The recent revival of convocation is beyond the scope of this article. COirisrCILS. To the, middle, of the fifth century. More than twenty years had elapsed from the death of Christ before the first legisla- tive counoU was held at Jerusalem. ^ It was the pattern followed by all others. The peculiar dignity of Jerusalem determined here the presid- ing authority, and James, Bishop of Jerusalem, evidently occupied the chief position ; though St. Peter, through whose agency the first Gentile 1 Acts XV. Other apostolical assemblies had preceded, such as in Acts i. for filling up the apostolate, vi. for insti- tuting the office of deacon, and ix. for receiving St. Paul into the apostolic body ; but they had no legislative character, and issued no synodal letters, being purely of an administrative mature. 158 convert had been baptized, was naturally the first spokesman. At this council the rite of circum- cision was declared to be no longer binding upon Christians ; viewing the pagan class with which the Church had now to deal, the laws of purity were made more stringent, and the eating of blood was forbidden ; for though in appearance this was a matter of Jewish law, it was of uni- versal obligation, dating from the very cradle of the human race. In primitive times, each Church having its own independent action, councils were held with suf- ficient frequency ; their synodal acts had only a local authority ; though since matters of the deep- est moment were discussed in them, the decisions of each Church, so far as they agreed with Catho- lic consent, became the rule adopted by others. The so-called Apostolical Canons are known to have existed at a very early date,^ before the canons of particular councils were kept distinct ; and they have every appearance of being a col- lection of such canons as had been passed before the end of the third century by various indepen- dent churches.' The thirtieth of these Apostolical Canons orders that in every province two coun- cils shaU be held yearly ; one four weeks after Pentecost, the other on the 12th of October* i'YTrep/Sep^Talov a/3). Thus, the first Council summoned by Cyprian to meet the Novatian schism, assembled at Carthage after the bishops had celebrated Easter in their respective dioceses, A.D. 251. And again in the next year, Easter having fallen on the 11th of April, a council was held oil the 15th of May. The frequency of the councils held in the African Church indicates that some such Church rule as that cited was observed in the third century; and when the Council of Nice decreed that two councils shoidd be held every year [can. v.], it only enjoined observance of the ancient rule, the time being changed to the early year, before the commence- ment of Lent, while any optional time might be taken in the fall of the year. Tertullian, writing before the close of the second century, shews that councils were already held in Greece. " Councils are held in certain localities throughout Greece of all the churches, whereat matters of deeper moment are treated in common, and the presence of all Christendom" is celebrated with much veneration " [Adv. Psyoh. ^ Alexander of Alexandria appealed to them [a.d. 321], as shewing that bishops exoomnaunicate could not be re- ceived into commiuaion by other bishops : ti^ i^ts rhv 'Airo Socr. M. E. i. 11. ^ Wien Augustine came over to England seven British bishops [Bede, ii. 2] met Mm in council ; but'the qiuxtuor- dedman rule that was followed as regards Easter shews that the British Church was a daughter of the Eastern. Gregory ignoring the existence of any British bishop, ordered Augustiie to wait for the arrival of Galilean Bishops before he proceeded to consecrate new bishops, "in Anglorum Ecclesia, in qua adhuo tu solus Episco- pus inveniris" [Bede, i. 27, viii. resp.]. How then was it a church at all? ^ Constantinople was still Byzantium, an ordinary sea- port, though a town of much mercantile life. * Appeals lay from the See of Jerusalem to that of Caesarea. [Hieron. ad Pamm. and Lib. adv. err. Joh. Jm-us.; and Leo M., Ep. 62 ad Maxim. Antioch.] In other respects the precedent of James, Bishop of Jerusalem, Acts XV. , may he observed to have been followed from various historical Instances, e.g. at a Council held in Palestine about A. D. 196, Narcissus, Bishop of Jersualem, together with TheophUus, Bishop of Cajsarea, presided [Euseb. V. 23] ; and at the Council of Ephesus, Juvenal, Bishop of Jerusalem, claimed to have judicial cognizance, according to Apostolical tradition, over the Bishop of Antioch. ° Can. Apost. xxx. prescribes the fourth week after Pentecost for the first, which would fall after the Syrian harvest, and the 12th October {Hyperlsretai xii. ). ^Compare also Oan. Laodic. xix. See also Bingham, xviii. 1, and Cabassutius, Not. Cone. xx. 102 Synodal epistles are not of less importance than canons, and have much historical interest as indi- cating the circumstances that led to these marked points in ecclesiastical history, and stereotyped, as it were, the truth for subsequent ages. Such an epistle was now addressed by the council to the church of Alexandria, and to the other churches throughout Catholic Christendom. Throughout the century, until the second general council was held at Constantinople [a.d. 381], the restless ambition of the Arian party kept the Church in a continual state of turmoil. After that period the evU was finally ejected from the Church, and became their only principle of union to the barbarian hordes that overran the Eomish empire in its decline. Arian councils were held to upset, if possible, the work that had been done at Nice ; the great Athanasius, as the champion of orthodoxy, being the especial mark of Arian hatred. At the Council of Tyre [a.d. 335] he was accused of the blackest crimes, even of murder, and the hand of his victim was pro- duced ; but the murdered man presented himseK also before the council alive and well. Yet Athanasius was excommunicated and driven into exile, the Meletian party acting as accusers, the Arian as judge. The sentence was confirmed by a similar council, that "of the Dedication," at Antioch [a.d. 341]. For the next twelve years Arianism, supported by court influence, continued unchecked in its course of intrigue and violence [a.d. 347]. The Council of Sardica under Mount Hsemus interposed a temporary resistance, and reversed the sentence passed upon Athanasius. But he was again deposed by the Council of Milan [a.d. 355], and a price set upon his head. Five bishops voluntarily shared his banishment — Dionysius of Milan, Lucifer of Cagliari, Eusebius of Veroelles, Hilary of Poictiers, and Liberius of Eome. The answer of the latter is on record,^ when money was offered to bim for his journey by an officer of the court : " Ton have laid waste the churches throughout the world, and you offer me alms as a culprit, oTreXde, Trpwrov •yevou Xpuj-Tiavos." Si ita semper ! At the Council of Sirmium Liberius signed a semi-Aiian creed, and a condemnation of Athanasius, as Cabassutius says, " desiderio succumbens repetendse pristinsa Sedis" [ConcU. xxxiii.] ; and in effect it procured his recall from exile. The death of the semi-Aiian Constantius [a.d. 361] made a way to the throne for the Eclectic Julian. He summoned a council at Alexandria, a.d. 362, to investigate the charges against Atha- nasius; they were completely refuted, and the orthodox faith once more occupied its proper posi- tion. However, precedents as regards the recon- ciliation of offenders were followed, and the less culpable of the Arian party were allowed to retain their sees on signing the Mcene formulary; the more active and obnoxious were received back into the Church, but only as laymen. Somewhere about a.d. 370, may be placed the Council of Laodicea, in which sixty canons were passed, the last of which is of most importance »■ Theod. H. K ii 16. Councils Councils as giving the first synodal list of the hooks of Canonical Scripture. It omits the Apocryphal books, with the exception of Baruch, which is added to Jeremiah, and the Epistle of Jeremiah which follows Lamentations in LXX. The Apo- calypse also is ignored. The remaining canons principally refer to ritual and to clerical life. Athanasius closed a life of glorious struggle for the truth, at threescore years and ten, in a.d. 373, from which period the semi-Arian party passed into the Macedonian heresy which denied the Divinity of the Holy Ghost. This heresy, together with the scliismatical conduct of Maxi- mus the Cynic, and the necessity for reaffirming with authority the Catholic faith, caused the convocation of the Second General Council at Constantinople. The cause of schism was the appointment of Gregory of Nazianzum to the patriarchate of Constantinople. In bygone years he had been appointed to the See of Sasime, in the exarchate of Csesarea, but a dispute arising he preferred to resign rather than contest the appointment, and retiring to his father's See of Nazianzum there assisted him in his episcopal duties. A canon of the CouncU of Nice, follow- ing older prescription, interdicted the translation of bishops from one see to another; and when Gregory was appointed by acclamation to the See of Constantinople, Maximus, coveting .the appointment for himself, broke into the metro- politan church by night and caused himself to be enthroned as bishop, asserting that Gregory having been already consecrated to one see, and exercising episcopal duties in a second, was under a canonical disability, aud could not be raised to the See of Constantinople. Under this state of things a council was summoned by Theodosius, A.D. 381, and one hundred and fifty bishops with thirty-six of the Macedonian party, met for deliberation. Its first act was to pronounce for the validity of Gregory's appointment. The presiding bishop, Meletius of Antioch, having died at this stage of proceedings, before business could be resimied, the Egyptian bishops who had been duly summoned arrived, and taking offence because the Council had been opened in their absence, revived the objection of disqualifi- cation against Gregory. "With that self-denial that was so peculiarly characteristic of him, he again declined the contest, and resigned his ap- pointment, to which ISTectarius, tmknown to fame, was appointed. The council thus received its fourth president. Meletius had opened it ; on his death Gregory succeeded; then Timothy of Alexandria took the presidential seat; and finally Nectarius. It is impossible to say under which of them the creed and the canons were put forth, the subscriptions including that of Meletius who died, and of Timothy who came late. At the very outset the Macedonians, as semi- Arians, declared that they would sooner sym- bolize with, the Arians than subscribe to the Homoousion ; and leaving the council, wrote to the different churches to dissuade them from accepting the acts of the council, and became openly declared heretics. The alterations made 163 in the creed by the several added clauses may be seen under the article Creed. Seven canons were put forth by this council : in the first the Nioene faith is confirmed, and all heresy anathematized nominatim, the Eunomian or Anomsean affirming the Son to be of different and inferior substance from the Father ; the Arian as represented by Eudoxus; the semi- Arian or Macedonian, who denied the Divinity of the Holy Ghost ; the SabeUians, who explained the distinct personality of the Holy Trinity as mere temporary emanations; the MarceUians, who declared that the Son came forth in time and returned again into the substance of the Eather ; the Photinians or Humanitarians, and the Apol- Unarians, who denied the true humanity of our Lord by declaring that the Logos occupied the place of a human soul. The second canon, enforc- ing ancient custom, restrains bishops to the juris- diction of their own provinces and dioceses ;i the third canon assigns to the Patriarch of Constan- tinople the same prerogative of honour as to Eome. The fourth denies to Maximus aU epis- copal authority and function. The sixth lays down rules that late troubles had made so neces- sary with respect to accusations brought against bishops, and the court before which they should be heard. The last canon defines the course to be followed in receiving heretics into the church. Those whose baptism was recognised as valid were to be admitted by sacred unction ; ^ aU others by baptism as pagans, and after a sufficiently long course of penitential discipline. The acts of the council bearing date the Ides of July, were ren- dered complete by a synodal letter to the Emperor. Important councils were held at the commence- ment of the fifth century in consequence of the first rise of the Pelagian heresy. But it was scarcely originated by Pelagius. On his arrival in Eome from Eritain he learned his heresy from a Syrian named Euffinus. Theodore of Mopsuestia also was infected with the same error, and in fact it may be traced far back, to the teaching of Origen with respect to free-wiU. See Pela- GiANiSM, under which article will be found an account of the principal councils held in conse- quence of that heresy. JSTestorius was enthroned at Constantinople, A.D. 428, and at once broached the heresy that there was no hypostatic union between God and man in Christ ; that God was in Christ, but not by personal unity of the two natures in the one being of Christ; that the union of the two natures did not commence as the Catholic faith had always taught, with the creation of the first rudimental germ of humanity, but that Christ was born into the world, and then that the Divine Nature was superadded to the human. The term ^eotokos had been used more than a cen- tury previously by Alexander, Patriarch of Alex- ander, in his First Epistle on the Arian ques- ^ The word diocese liad a wider meaning than at pr& sent, emhracing several provinces. ^ Or by the imposition of episcopal hands, ■which was tantamount to chrism. [Amalari. Fortanat, de Ecd. Off. c. 27.] Councils lion to Alexander of Byzantium,] and it exactly expresses the union of two natures in one Christ, as taught from the beginning by the Church. Nestorius affirmed that the Blessed Virgin was av^pajTroTOKos or Xpto-roTOKOs, but not ©eoroKos. The point at issue, therefore, was very clear, and Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria, having expos- tulated with the heretical patriarch in vain, wrote to him his celebrated epistle, a.d. 430, containing an appendix of twelve anathe- mas that exhibit in the clearest point of view the difference between Nestorian error and ortho- dox doctrine. The Emperor Theodosius, urged by all parties, summoned a council for Pentecost, June 7th, in the foUowiug year, Ephesus being named as a place of most convenient access by sea and by land. It was also highly appropriate, since the Mother of our Lord, " Blessed among women " as the ^eoTOKos, had there closed her eyes in death. On the day apporated'' all had met there with the exception of John, Bishop of Antioch, and the Syrian clergy ; after a fortnight's delay it was determined to commence the business of the meeting, which was opened accordingly, June 22nd, in the Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary, the Gospel being placed on the central throne in token of the Saviour's presence. Nestorius not having presented himself, the council sent a citation, but found his house sur- rounded by the soldiers who had accompanied him. The letters written by Nestorius were therefore read by the votary, and the heretical doc- trine they contained was condemned uno ore. Sentence of deposition and excommunication was accordingly passed. Heresy, however, had here also the ear of the court, and the Count Candi- dianus entered a protest against the acts of the council as being invalid without the presence of the Syrian bishops; on the 27th of the month they at length arrived, and a deputation of bishops and clergy delegated by the council to wait upon the Bishop of Antioch and to report the proceedings, were driven away with blows. The legates from the See of Eome having arrived, a second session was held on the 10th of July, at which the former sentence of deposition and ex- communication was confirmed, and synodal let- ters were vreitten to the emperor and to the clergy of Constantinople.^ John, Bishop of Antioch, who had held a meeting of the Nestorian party and excommunicated Cyril, refused to obey the citation of the council ;" he and his party were 1 First termed Constantinople, A.n. 330, it being re- built by the emperor. Hitherto the Bishop of Byzantium had recognised the Bishop of Heraclea as his metropoli- tan. It has been seen that the third of the Constan- tinople Canons raised the See to an ecLuality of honour with Rome, 5i6t t6 laia-i a,i)TT)v vlav 'P<4/tJ)c. ^ St. Angu.stin, was summoned, but death had antici- pated the summons. 3 In this letter it is affirmed that the Blessed Virgin resided at Ephesus with St. John, and there ended her days. ■* Ex abuTidanti cautela. In all cases of excommuni- cation it should he understood that the Church univer- sally foUowea the precept, ' ' an heretic after a first and second admonition reject" fTit. iii. 10]. 16* Counsels of Perfection cut off from communion, and debarred from the exercise of aU episcopal function. The six canons passed by the council have reference only to the difference caused by the schismatical behaviour of the Syrian party. Maximian was consecrated to the vacant see of Constantinople, October 25th of the same year. Twenty years later [a.d. 451], complaint was made to Flavian, Bishop of Constantinople, while celebrating his provincial synod, that Eutyches, archimandrite of the monastery in that city, was teaching the opposite error' to JSTestorius ; viz., that the Godhead and the Manhood were not dis- tinct in the Person of Christ, but that a third nature neither wholly God nor wholly man was the effect of the union of the two substances. After the customary tactics, Eutyches first ob- tained a respite of delay, and used it to gain the support of the secular power. Backed by an armed force he appeared to his metropolitan's citation, but obstinately maintaining his error was deposed from the presbyterate, and deprived of his office as archimandrite. Eutyches now threw off all restraint, and set about collecting a party round him, by whose means the emperor Theodosius was prevailed upon to summon a council to meet at Ephesus. The council met [a.d. 449], but is known in history as 17 Xrjo-TiKrj criJvoSos, Latronum Synodus, its acts being alto- gether invalidated by the violent partizanship of Dioscorus, Patriarch of Alexandria, and the com- pulsory signature of them by the council in the presence of a military force [Gone. Clialc. art. i.]. Theodosius having died [a.d. 450], his successor Maroian summoned a general council, now ren- dered inevitable. Nicsea was appointed in the first instance, but Chalcedon was substituted as being more conveniently situated on the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus, immediately opposite to Constantinople. The council^ opened on October 8th [a.d. 451]. Dioscorus was excommunicated for his violent conduct and advocacy of the heretical Eutyches at Ephesus, the sentence remaining unaltered. The Nicene symbol was affirmed, and newer phases of heresy were condemned by a S3rnodal definition of its creed. Thirty canons were framed confirmatory of preceding canons, and regulating the lives of the clergy. The authority of the See of Constantinople over the Churches of Pontus and Asian Thrace was asserted, and a co-ordinate rank with the see of Eome was given to it [Hefele, Concilien Geseh.l. COUNSELS OF PEEFECTION. It is the command of our Lord Jesus Christ, " Be ye per- fect, even as your Father which is in heaven is perfect" [Matt. v. 48]. Every Christian, there- fore, is called to strive towards this standard. St. Paul, in accordance with this, declares to the Corinthians, while setting aside the mere wisdom of the world, that nevertheless " we speak wis- dom among them that are perfect " [1 Cor. ii. 6], spiritual, heavenly wisdom, suited to their position as " perfecti " [TEAElOl]. There can be no per- '' The clergy being seated within the chancel, the emperor and a full body of senators in the nave, iv T(f fiAfrtp TTpbi TWF KayK^XfiUV toO a/yiordTOV SvffiacTTjptov- Counsels of Perfection fection naturally iu fallen man, for the Fall was the loss of an inherent perfecting power of super- natural life, hut this power is restored in Holy Baptism. We are therein made partakers of the Divine nature, and the Divine nature is the summary of all possible perfections. Christian perfection is to be understood in various ways. 1. Immanent, or habitual perfection, which is communicated by the sacraments, being the sub- stantive perfection of Christian life. This is made complete at our con&mation. This is to be dis- tinguished from operative or active perfection, which consists in the exercise of great virtues. 2. Personal perfection is to be distinguished from perfection of state. The one consists in the exercise of virtues according to individual inspi- ration. The other is attained by exactness in ful- filliag the special duties of our calling. We must not, however, suppose that the one can really be without the other. Exactness in the duties of our calling is one of the highest tokens of per- sonal perfection in other acts, and other acts without this are little worth. 3. The perfection of the pilgrim state is not the same as the perfection of the heavenly home. The expression is a very beautiful one by which devotional writers have been used to designate our life of probation and our future life of accep- tance. This life is via. That life is patria. In this, our state of wandering or exile, absolute perfection cannot be attained. That belongs to those who have reached the home. It is a heresy to maintain, as the Pelagians, Beghards, Illumi- nati, and Quietists did in various ways, that spotless perfection is attainable in our present state; nevertheless there is such a perfection attainable in this life, that the soul may be united to God in unbroken love. 4. The perfection attainable in our present state is itself divided into the lower or essential, and the higher or accidental. The first is necessary to the Hfe of the soul ; any mortal sin by which the soul forfeits the love of God being a violation of this perfection. The higher perfection consists in the observance of those counsels by which the soul advances more and more in Divine love. 5. As the natural life has its various stages of progress, so also has the heavenly life : and con- sequently perfection is divided into the perfection of beginners, the perfection of the proficient, the perfection of the perfect. This last is that to which the name truly belongs. It is applied to the two former as leading on to this. This must be the aim of all Christians, who would walli worthy of their vocation, and fulfil our Lord's bidding, " Be ye perfect, even as your Father which is in heaven is perfect " [Matt. v. 48]. The foundation of aU true perfection must bo in the healthful performance of aU duties belong- ing to our station. Perfection, however, is some- thing beyond natural rectitude of conduct. It is the aspiring of the soul to God with the energy of supernatural love j and this wiU find its special mode of exercise according to the varying circum- stances of individuals. To the rich man our 165 Counsels of Perfection Lord said, " If thou wilt be perfect, go and sell that thou hast, and give to the poor, . . . and come and follow Me" [Matt. xix. 21]. Every possible human perfection was summed up in the life of our Lord Jesus Christ, who is at once the source of all perfection and the model of all perfection. Whatever may be the perfection which God may set before us, it is con- tained within those words, "Follow Me." As aU receive grace from Christ, so aU are called to show forth the likeness of Christ. The call to imitate Christ is universal. "Baptism doth repre- sent unto us our profession, which is to foUow the example of our Saviour Christ, and to be made like unto Him." But inasmuch as we can- not attain to aU His perfections, we are called each one to be hke Him in some special character of His life according to our several positions. His obedience to the Father's will is set before us all as our necessary example. Each loving heart among His people will be eager to choose some special feature of our Lord's life for particular imitation. Love is not satisfied with a merely necessary obedience. Love, even natural love, desires to spend and be spent for the object to which it is directed. Much more does superna- tural love demand some opportunity of self-sacri- fice, supernatural love which has been kindled by the love exhibited at Calvary. It is God has given us this natural faculty of love, and He being the Author both of nature and of grace, has quickened this faculty for supernatural exercises by the gift of His Holy Spirit; He gives us therefore the opportunity of exerting this fdoulty in spiritual matters as in natural. While He requires from us certain acts as acts of necessary obedience, He leaves us free to choose in various matters whether or no we will make certain acts of self-sacrifioe, and submit ourselves to certain forms of self-sacrifice under the simple impulse of love to Himself. The exercise of this love is the practice of true perfection. This perfection is regarded by theologians as threefold, being correlative to our threefold temptation as arising from the devU, the world, and the flesh, and connected with our mind, our body, and our estate. The lust of the flesh or sensuality, the lust of the eye or covetousness, and, finally, the pride of hfe, are the threefold root of sin. Chastity, poverty, and obedience, the dis- cipline of the body, the discipline of the estate, the discipline of the will, are the threefold cord of perfection. These are called the counsels of per- fection, because they train the soul for the per- fect following of our Lord Jesus Christ. Our Lord exhibited these three conditions in the most perfect manner. Without them, the outer life cannot be whoUy detached from the world. As the outer life cannot be whoUy detached with- out them, so they are also great means whereby the inner life may become detached. For, it is to be remembered, perfection does not consist in these three states as such, but they are " coun- selled" or recommended to us as lielps by the faithful use of which we may attain it. Chastity, when thus technically spoken of, in Counsels of Perfection eludes both, virginity and chaste widowliood. This is commended to us by oui Blessed Lord when He says, " There be eunuchs, which have made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven's sake" [Matt. xix. 12]. While our Lord's mystical life has sanctified matrimony, so that it represents the spiritual marriage or unity ■wliioh is between Christ and His Church, His life as a man upon earth was a virgin life, and therefore virginity is a special means of likeness to Him. It is also naturally greatly conducive to the pur- poses of religion. " He that is unmarried careth for the things that belong to the Lord, how he may please the Lord " [1 Cor. vii. 32]. Marriage of necessity entangles persons in. the things of the world, and gives them less opportunity of devoting themselves entirely to God's service. It is or- dained by Him that there shall be this means of filling His Church, and of bringing into it on earth those who will be the jewels of Christ's crovm in heaven ; but He has also ordained for those "who can receive it" the state of holy virginity, in which there may be no care but the care for His glory. Accordingly our Lord Jesus invites to the ceUbate hfe, saying, "Every one that hath forsaken . . . wife, or children, . . for My Name's sake, shall receive an hundred- fold, and shall inherit everlasting life" [Matt. xix. 29]. We find, moreover, a special promise in the Eevelation bestowed upon those who have not defiled themselves with women, for they are virgins. These, it is said, "are they which follow the Lamb whithersoever He goeth. These were redeemed from among men, being first-fruits unto God and to the Lamb. And in their mouth was found no guUe : for they are without fault before the throne of God" [Eev. xiv. 5, 6]. Povei-ty is the discipline by which the lust of the eye is especially corrected, the discipline of temptations arising from estate. The Son of God in coming into the world was free to choose what condition He pleased, whether of wealth or poverty. He chose poverty. In choosing poverty He sanctified it, commended it to our choice, made it a special means of grace when faithfully accepted. "When He was rich, yet for OUI sakes He became poor " [2 Cor. viii. 9]. He had not where to lay His head. When a certain man said unto Him, "Lord, I wiU. follow Thee whithersoever Thou goest," our Lord put before biin this condition of utter poverty as the condi- tion upon which alone such close discipleship could be attained [Luke ix. 57, 58]. Our Lord's poverty was, moreover, a voluntary poverty. He might at any time have surrounded Himself at will with all the afliuence of this world's luxury, even as He fed the thousands in the wilderness. But He never did exert His supernatural power for His ovra deliverance from any necessity. To have done so would have been a violation of that entire trust in the Divine Providence of the Father's will which was the law of His life. Sufferings of His that arose from poverty would have been no consolation to us, if whenever He felt so disposed He had removed the difficulty by miraculous agency. And as He lived a life of 166 Counsels of Pevfectton poverty, choosing it from His biith, and -svilliDgly abiding in its afflictions and manifold sufferings, so He commends it as a means of special union with Himself. The rich young man came to Him and said, "Good Master, what good thing shall I do that I may have eternal life ?" and when Jesus put before Mm the necessity of obedience, he re- plied that he had kept this from his youth. ' ' What lack I yet ? " " Jesus then said unto him. If thou wilt be perfect, go and sell that thou hast, and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven ; and come, follow me " [Matt. xix. 16-22]. Thus He invited him to a Ufe of volun- tary poverty. He set before him for his personal choice that blessing which is, so to speak, the foundation-stone of His Church : ' ' Blessed are the poor in spirit : for theirs is the kingdom of heaven" [Matt. v. 3]. He showed that this beati- tude was not to be explained away, as some would do, to signify a mere detachment from the world's glory, a metaphorical poverty. He in- tended that those who would win this blessing in its fulness shoidd feel along with Himself the pinch of poverty in its reality. St. Peter asks what he and the other Apostles should have since they had forsaken all in order to follow Him. Jesus teUs them of the glory of the kingdom which by the terms of His beatitude they were to share, and extends to others the reward which the Apostles had obtained, saying, in the words quoted with reference to chastity, "Every One that hath forsaken . . . lands for My Name's sake, shall receive an hundred-fold, and shall inherit everlasting life" [Matt. xix. 29]. Obedience is the third counsel of perfection. Its object is to perfect our inner nature by the mortification of the will and by destruction of that which is the tap-root of sin, namely, pride. In the same chapter in which our Lord sets be- fore us virginity and poverty as special means of attaining the hfe of the kingdom of heaven, He seems to invite us to obedience by setting before us the example of Httle children. Of such, said He, is the kingdom of heaven [Matt. xix. 14]. Thus this chapter appears to be intended to offer a complete view of the highest calls of the religious life. It might have been imagined that this virtue, however necessary for ourselves, would have been inconsistent with our Lord's character, or that herein we must have deviated from His example. But, on the contrary, so truly did He, the Son of God, become man that He exhibits in His own person the obedience which His words command. He was not only obedient to the general Providence of His Father, but as He condescended to become a child. He was subject, giving a child's obedience to His parents. His mother, and His foster-father. From the beginning of His Incarnation, He, the Wisdom of God, pos- sessed all knowledge. He did not therefore sub- mit to His parents out of the mere necessity of childhood or the prudence of conscious ignorance. He submitted to them, the All- Wise submitted to the fallible, as a high exercise of the virtue of humility, to exercise the surrender of the will by which the sacrifice of His whole Being was per- Creation Creation fectod. Thus He teaches men that no amount of intellectual power exempts from the blessedness of a surrendered will. He must often have heen conscious of the imperfection of the parental com- mands which He had to ohey, but this conscious- ness perfected the obedience with which He obeyed those commands. So it may sometimes happen that persons living under religious obedi- ence to a superior are aware that things which are enjoined are unwise, yet if they are not sinful that they are to be done. Such obedience, how- ever, never involves the doing of anything which the conscience perceives to be plainly wrong. It cannot do this, for our prior obedience to the law of God precludes any such violation of conscience. Obedience to an earthly superior covers all the ground which obedience to God's law leaves open, but it reaches no further. In like manner, obedi- ence to the laws of the Church is prior to obedi- ence to the command of any individual director. Nevertheless, in matters where our own will is left free to act, great blessedness, great wisdom, and great power, will be fotmd to result from submission. These three counsels, chastity, poverty, and obedience, constitute the basis of the religious life. They are called counsels of perfection be- cause our Blessed Lord commends them to us by word and example, although not enforcing them upon us by universal command, and they are in- struments of perfection to such as are really called by God to follow them out. [Vocation.] CREATION. The causation of the existence of aU things, animate or inanimate, which are not uncreated. In the creeds of the Church, the fact of creation is asserted as an attribute of God in the inclusive forms, " Maker of heaven and earth," and "Maker of heaven and earth, and of all things visible and invisible." The first appearance of this article is in the account of the creed given by Irenseus, who states it in the words of [Exod. xx. 11, and Acts iv. 24] Tov ■TrewoirjKora rbv ovpavov, kcu ttjv yrjv KoX Tcls OaXdcrcras Koi irovra Tot Iv aVTotl [Hcer. i. 2], which shews that the form used in the Mcene Creed had been substantially in use from the beginning. This expression of belief in God as the First Cause of all things was, indeed, made necessary by the errors that arose as soon as ever Christianity became the subject of philo- sophic thought. The fables of heathen poetry had long ceased to have any hold upon heathen philosophers, and yet they had no better substitute to offer than that matter was eternal, or that some element such as fire or water had given existence to aU things else. The Gnostics built up a theory of ./Eons, subordinate eternals, Demiurgi, or working gods, who created all things, while the Supreme Eternal remained at rest. In answer to these and aU other theories the Church declared, " We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth, and of aU things visible and invisible." Scripture evidence. The derivation of all things from a first cause may be reasoned out with some degree of certainty by natueaIj 167 THEOLOGY ; but, the fact of inspiration admitted we have the highest possible evidence on the .subject in the statements, direct and indirect, of Holy Scripture. Natural theology leads up to the conclusion that there must have been a First Cause, and that the First Cause must have been God ; Holy Scripture says there was a First Cause, God who has Himself vouchsafed to be the historian of His work. It is by no means so certain as is sometimes assumed that there would have beei. any reasoning out of the evidence at all, if there had not first been the direct evidence afforded by the statement of revelation. The first words of Genesis do indeed give the key to the whole subject of creation. " In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth . . . and God said, Let there be . . . and there was" [Gen. i 1, 3, 6, 9, 11, &c.]. For these two statements declare [1] that all created things were created by God, and [2] that they were created by the power of His wUl. Assuming that these two statements proceed from God, all other evidence will be of the nature of illustration rather than of proof : the exhaustive character of the Divine words carrying them beyond the region of rational controversy, and the circum- stance that they are spoken on a subject outside of the reach of history or experience making it impossible to give them any rational contra- diction. The corroborative statements contained in later parts of the Holy Bible are very numerous ; , but it is only necessary to quote a few of them for the purpose of this article. The lOith Psalm is thus a hymn of praise founded either on the statements contained in the Book of Genesis, or on information derived by inspiration from the same Divine source. It attributes the creation of Hght, water, angels, the earth, the vegetable world, birds, the sun and moon, quadrupeds, and, lastly, man, to God. " Lord, how manifold are Thy works : in wisdom hast Thou made them aU. . . . Thou sendest forth Thy Spirit, they are created : and Thou renewest the face of the earth." In a similar manner, but in a more con- densed form, the 148th Psalm enumerates the different existences, animate and inanimate, of the universe, and says respecting all, " Let them praise the Name of the Lord, for He commanded, and they were created," which is in exact agree- ment with the "Let there be . . . and there was" of Genesis. Going forward in historical order we find Isaiah writing, "Thus saith God the Lord, He that created the heavens, and stretched them out : He that spread forth the earth and that which cometh out of it ; He that giveth breath unto the people upon it, and spirit to them that walk therein" [Isa. xhi 5]. Jere- miah writes, "The gods that have not made the Leavens and the earth even they shall perish from the earth, and from under these heavens. He hath made the earth by His power. He hath established the world by His wisdom, and hath stretched out the heavens by His discretion" [Jer. x. 11, 12 ; li. 15]. " Thou," was the song of the Levites on the return from Babylon, "even Creationism Creationism Thou art Lord alone: Thou hast made heaven, the heaven of heavens, with all theK host, the earth, and all things that are therein, the seas and all that is therein, and thou preservest them all" [ISTeh. ix. 6]. And so the constant stream of testimony flows from the Old Testament, through the intermediate times [2 Mace. vii. 23], and through the enlightened Apostolic age [Eom. xi. 36 ; 2 Cor. viii. 6 ; Heb. xi. 3], right on to the triumphant song of Heaven revealed in the last pages of Holy Scripture, "Thou ait wortlajr^ Lord, to receive glory and honour and power ; for Thou hast created aU things, and for Thy pleasure they are and were created" [Rev. iv. 11]. This continuous consistency of statement by many writers, and in many ages, is, in itself, a proof that in its various forms, the one state- ment is a divinely revealed truth. The work of the Son of God in Creation is ex- pressly stated in the Nicene Creed, ia the words " By whom all things were made." It is stated with equal distinctness by St. Paul : " For by Him were all things created that are in heaven, and that are in earth, visible and invisible . . . all things were created by Him, and for Him" [Col. i 16]. " And to make aU men see what is the fellowship of the mystery which from the beginning of the world hath been hid in God, Who created all things by Jesus Christ" [Eph. iii. 9], and by St. Jokn, " All things were made by Him ; and without Him was not anything made that was made" [John i. 3]. In similar language the ancient Psalms had said, " By the Word of the Lord were the heavens made" [Ps. xxxiii. 6], and " Wbo by His excellent Wisdom made the heavens" [Ps. cxxxvi. 5]. This mys- tery cannot be much more than stated and that in such words as are given in Holy Scripture, especially in our Lord's words, "My Father worketh hitherto, and I work" [John v. 17]. It can only be explained further that the Word made all things, not as an instrument, not as a deputy, but as a co-worker, in one united will, with the Father, and as^co-equal with the Father in Almightiness. Many ancient and modern writers have endea- voured to set aside the idea of an immediate creation by God, and to substitute for it, e.g., creation by intermediate beings [Demidegb] ; the eternity (in some more or less modified theory) of matter ; or the development of all existent things out of some extremely attenuated matter by inherent force, or law of being. But no such theories attain any very wide acceptance, nor do they exhibit anything hke stability. All experi- ence shews that there is as yet no such thing as "finality" in the matter of scientific knowledge ; and amid the many theories respecting creation which human wisdom has originated, there is none which can compete for stability and general acceptance with that which Divine Wisdom, has set before us. [Natdrb. Emanation. Matter.] CEEATIONISM. There were controversies in the Church from an early period respeotixig the origin of the soul ; the Gnostics and Mani- 168 chaeans believed that the soul was an emanation from, and thus formed a portion of the Divine Nature or Substance — a view for manifest reasons rejected by the Chinch as making the Divine Essence liable to change or deterioration. ^ Another opinion which the Church condemned was that of Origen, who believed in the pre- existence of souls, or that God at the creation had formed all finite spirits or souls, which were infused into different bodies, as of angels, demons, stars (which he supposed were animated beings) or men, and that souls passed from one body to another in a higher or lower state, rising or falling according to their merits.^ This opinion was condenmed by one of the councils,^ and by St. Epiphanius,* St. Leo,^ and other Fathers. The false or heretical opinions mentioned being rejected, only two theories are possible respecting the origin of the soul : the one, that the soul created by God is infused into a child before birth, which is called Creationism j and the other theory, which is termed Teaduoianism, that the soul and body of a child are derived by propagation of his parents. We first find a reference to these theories in Tertullian, who advocated Traducianism. " He imagined," says Neander in his Antignosticus, "that the soul of the first man was the source of all other souls which were developed in the continuation of the race, and that the soul of the first man was propagated along with the body — the so-called propagatio animarum per tradueem — Traducianism. Thus he imagined that Adam's soul was at first uniform : it had not yet developed that multiplicity of properties which might be educed from the individualizing of all those germs of humanity which we-re existing in Adam.'' Not without reason could he recognise a deeper connection in the development of the human race, a deeper unity (which he explained by means of that Traducianism) in the expres- • sion of family peculiarities, in the propagation of qualities and propensities. Thus TertuUian opposed his Traducianism to an Atomistic, No- minalist theory of the development of mankind. In this manner also he explained the propaga- tion of a sinful tendency from the first man."' Tertullian, also, it may be remarked (which ' St. Augustine, Be Genesi ad literam, lib. ii. c. 2; De Hccresihus, vi. ^ Naturas enim omnes ratione prseditas, hoc est mentes a Deo ante mundi opifioium, proereatas, liberoque in- stractas arbitiio fuisse putavit ; qua recte vel male agendi faoultate diversis utentes modis, diversis inde vel gloria vel ignominiae ac poeufe gradus fiiisse consecutas; alias siquidem angelonim adeptas esse naturam qu£E leviorum esseut noxarum foutes : quos contra, liberi arbitrii munere in deterius faissent abiisae in crassiora corpora siderum puta vel dffimonum vel homiuum esse depressas; sic tamen ut quocunque sint loco, proficere possint in vir- tute, vel contra, relabi in vitia ; et vel regressus sui vel progressus ratione ad superiorem evehantur statum, vel ad inferiorem detrudantur. Huet, Origen. lib. ii. c. 2, sec. 6. ^ Constant, [a.d. 540]. ■* Hares. 64. ^ Epist. xxxv. o. xi. , ad Julianum. ^ "Apparet quanta iiiit qua unam animse naturam varie collocavit" [De Anvma, c. 20]. " TJniformis natura anims3 ab initio in Adam" \I1M. o. 21]. ' Neander, Antignosticus, p. 463. Bohn's transl. Creationism Creeds might seem to support his theory), thought that the soul was of a certain material form.^ Agaia, the origia of the soul became neces- sarily a subject of dispute during St. Augus- tine's controversy with Pelagius. St. Augustine believed that Adam's sin had passed to all his descendants by propagation, and the whole human race became "massa damnata" — morally and physically corrupt. This may seem to imply Traducianism, but St. Augustine did not think this inference necessary or inevitable ; he cannot, lie says, determine the truth of either one theory or the other. "As therefore," he says, "both soul and body are alike punished, unless what is bom is purified by regeneration, certainly either TiotTi (i.e. soul and body) are derived in their corrupt state from man (Traducianism) or the one is corrupted in the other, as if in a corrupt vessel where it is placed by the secret justice of the Divine law (Creationism). But which of these is true, I would rather learn than teach, lest I should presume to teach what I do not know."" Again, he says, " Blame my hesitation as to the origin of the soul, because I do not venture to teach or maintain what I do not know. Bring forward on this so dark a subject what you please, if only that sentiment remain firm and unshaken, that the death of aU is the fault of that one (Adam), and that in him aU have sinned."' After the time of St. Augustine, we find that orthodox writers generally, though not with- out exception,* held the theory of Creationism. Thus St. Jerome ' and St. Leo « expressly state that this doctrine is orthodox, or the belief of the CathoUc Church. In the Middle Ages, as Hagenbach shews, the great Catholic writers maintain and defend the doctrine of Creationism, as St. Ansehn, Hugo, St. Victor, Peter Lombard, and St. Thomas Aquinas. This doctrine may now be considered as the orthodox view on the origin ^ De Anima, c. 9. De Came Ghristi, c. 11. ^ 0. JuKanum, T. 15. ' Opus Imperf. iv. 104. The following passages were alleged in favour of Traducianism : — Gen. v. 3; Ps. li. 5; Eom. T. 12-19, comp. with 1-Cor. xv. 22; Eph. ii. 3; Heb. vii. 10 ; and of Creationism : — Ps. xxxiii. 15, "qui fingit singiLlatim oorda hominum;" Zech. xii. 1, "qui fingit spiritum homine in ipso;" and Eccl. xii. 7, "the Spirit to Godwlio gave it." The passages in favour of Creationism, as St. Augustine admits [Epist. ad Optatmn exo. sec. 17], are inconclusive, and may readily be answered by the Traduoianist : — God can truly be said accordiag to iAis tbeoiy, "to make "or "give" souls. We may quote as tbe best proof from Scripture of Crea- tionism, Eccl. xii. 7, and of Traducianism, Heb. vii. 10, though neither passage can be considered absolutely conclusive. * As e.g. St. Gregory of Nyssa, who maintains the Traducianist theory : see De Horn. Opificio, c. 29. •' After mioting Eccl. xii. 7, he adds, "Ex quo satis ridendi qui putant animas cum oorporibus seri, et non a Deo sed a corporum parentibus generari. Cum enim caro revertatur in terram, et spiritus redeat ad Deum qui dedit ilium, manifestum est Deum parentem ani- raanim esse, non homines" [(7omme»i. in Ecclesiast. in loc]. ^ Catholica fides . . . quae omnem hominem in cor- poris animseque substantia a conditore universitatis formari atque animari intra a matema viscera confitetnr. [Epist. ad Turribium, o. 9], 169 of the soul. The chief objection against Tradu- cianism is the material conception of the soul which it implies, as if it could be transmitted like the body by generation, since the inference would generally, or at least might plausibly be made, that if the soul be subject to the same laws and conditions as the body, it is also perishable like the body, only a part of a material organization. This iriference, though not reaUy inevitable, would generally be made, and the Traducianist theory, in some degree at least, seems to sanction it. .We cannot doubt, therefore, that the Church has, by a wise and unerring instinct, adopted the theory of Crea- tionism as being really in accordance with the true meaning of Scripture, and clearly setting forth the immaterial and divine origin of the soul. CEEEDS. The word " creed " represents the " credo " of the Latin churches. The creed was also termed " regula fidei," as the equivalent of the Eastern Kavibv t^s aXrjddas, the " standard" of faith, Kai/oiv being a " builder's square ;" but more generally 'Zv/jl^oXov, symbolum. This latter term meant either the " earnest-money " paid as security for the future fulfilment of a contract, whence crv/x^SoAaios Sj'ktj was an action to compel such fulfilment , or it meant also the " pass " of military life, and as such it soon acquired a per- manent significance. For the heresies that from the beginning troubled the infant Church rejected these compendious forms of faith, the possession of which was a " tessera " of church membership throughout the world,'^ whereby the faithful were Imown to each other in every church and cHme. As the creeds were the earliest development of the formal faith of the Church, so they are the first and most authentic form of her oral tradi- tion. They were learned and confessed by the candidates for baptism, and openly recited as the rule of faith, one and the same from one genera- tion to another. The creeds, subserving in this way the growth and edification of the Church, are anterior to the Gospels. There are traces of them in fact observable, in Scripture. The earliest Gospel, that of St. Matthew, did not appear before a.d. 42. The earliest Epistle, 1 Thessalo- nians, not before a.d. 52. But the use of the creeds commenced so soon as converts were to be baptized into the Isfame of Christ ; and their first growing germ was supplied by oui Lord Himself, when He bade His disciples "go into all nations and baptize in the Name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit." Thus the first converts of Samaria, believing the things preached concerning the kingdom of God and the name of Jesus Christ, were baptized, and in a few days their acceptance was sealed to them by receiving at the hands of the Apostles the Holy Ghost, according to the sure promise of the Lord. Their faith in God the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit was approved, and through that faith they were justified by the baptismal remission of sins. The necessary truths into which converts were baptized form a tolerably full account of symbolical doctrine, comprising belief in God the Father, God the ' T^v ivb irepdriDv (as irepdrav, Symi. Alex, Creeds Creeds Son, and God the Holy Ghost, faith in the his- torical facts of Christ's death, His Resurrection on the third day and Ascension ; faith in the Second Coming of Christ in glory, and in the meantime in the judicial power and authority of the Lord delegated to His Church in the doctrine of Eepentance and of the Forgiveness of sins [c£ Luke xxiv. 47]. All these are necessary par- ticulars connected with the preaching of the kingdom of God and faith in the Lord Jesus, aad instruction upon these points must from the iu'st have preceded baptism. Next we find early evidence of such a formula of faith as the creed in the various addresses of the Apostles recorded in the Acts, and in confor- mity with "the principles of the doctrine of Christ" delivered to them hy the Lord. Indeed, this is so generally the case that the Articles of the Creed may be tabulated from the instruction of our Lord and Divine utterances of His Ajjostles. BELIEF IN Articles OF THE Creed. God THE Father. God THE Son, God the Holt Ghost. Passion. Descent into Hell. Resur- KECl'ION. Ascen- sion. Second Advent. Repent- ance. Remis- sion OF Bras. Church. Matt, xxviii. 19 19 19 10 Mark xvi. 19 Mt.xxTiii 19,20 Luke xxIt. 49 49 49, Acts i. 4, 8 46 Acts ii. 24, 31 46 51, Acts i. 9 Acts i. 11 Luke xxiv. 47 47 49, Acts i. 8. John XX. . 17 17 22 9, 20, 28 17 xxi. 22 XX. 23 XX. 21, 23 St. Peter, , Acts ii. . 17 22, 33, 34 17, 33, 38 23 24, 31, 32 33 38 38 32 Actsiii.]. . 13 13,15 15 15 21 19-21 19,26 19 16 Acts iv. . . 24 12, 27, 30 10,27 10 Acts V. . . 30 31 32 30 30 31 31 31 32 Acts X. . . 34, 36 38 38 39 40,41 42 43 41,42 St. Stephen, Acts Tii. . 2, 32, 37,55 52,55 51 62 55,56 55,56 St. Paul, Acts xiii. 17,23 23, 33, 35 28 30, 33, 34,37 38 31 Epistle to Hebrews vl. 1 1-6 4 6 2 2 1,6 The first indication of a Eule of Faith contained in the Sacred Canon is in Heb. vi., where we have six distinct articles [see Tabular view] cited as first "principles of the doctrine of Christ" [Heb. V. 13], the milk of babes. Such "prin- ciples," as we believe, were collected together in a concise form for the use of catechist as well as oateohumen ; for it was no necessary part of the Apostolic ministry to baptize [1 Cor. i. 14, 17 ; cf. John iv. 2] : the first sacrament was usually administered by subordinates, and a formula of the leading principles of the Christian faith would be of much service to the teacher, that he might give to each doctrine its due weight ac- cording to the analogy of faith. St. Paul in all probability alludes on two occasions [1 Tim. vi. 20 j 2 Tim. i. 14], to such a form, when he charges Timothy to keep the "good deposit," t^v KaXy]v TrapaKaTaOrJKYjv, for it was something capable of being received, and held fast as a " form (inroTvirwa-ivy of sound words," and com- mitted " to faithful men, who should be able to teach others also " [2 Tim. ii. 2]. It is almost impossible to find any other meaning for the Apostle's words, if they do not refer to such a 170 ' iTroriiriixns, 1 Tim. i. 14. formulary as the creed; and other traces of similar allusion may be found. The use of the creeds, as has been stated already, was in the first place: [i.] cateohetical. The vital doctrines of Christianity were kept both before the teacher and the taught, and when the sacrament of baptism was administered, the candidate, at least in the "Western Chmch, re- peated it aloud, so that all the faithful who were present might hear that nothing was omitted and nothing was added to the venerated form. In the Church of Eome, says Euffinus, "an ancient custom prevails that those who are about to re- ceive the grace of baptism should recite the Creed publicly ; that is, so as to be heard by the con- gregation of the faithful ; and of a truth the ears of those who precede them in the faith tolerate no addition of whatever kind to the words:" ^ The creeds had also [ii.] a commendatory charac- ter ; they were the test of Church membersTiip whereby, in the first troubled years of the exist- ence of the Church, Christians proceeding from one part of the world to another were at once known and received into unreserved communion as brethren in one common Lord. For this reason ' Buffinus, de Symb., § 3 ; cf. also Iren. i. 3. Creeds Creeds tlse creeds never oociu? in an unbroken form in the first centuries. They were committed to memory by the faithful,!' but never to writing, that heresy might not learn to simulate the faith. Gnosticism in its most repulsive phases was per- petually confounded with Christianity by the heathen; every precaution, therefore, was adopted to keep wolves without the fold, and this Dis- ciPLiNA Aeoani caused the creeds as a sacred deposit to be reserved from vulgar gaze, and committed to memory alone as evidence of a true faith. Afterwards, when creeds were amplified to meet heretical errors as they came to light, they served [iii.] as a test of truth and error. AH that was within the symbolical terms was of the Church Catholic, aU that militated against their tenets was heresy. And lastly, the creeds ob- tained a [iv.] liturgical character when they were formally incorporated in the services of the Church ; but this, in the case of the Constantino- politan, or Mcene Creed, did not take place before a.d. -171, when Peter FuUo introduced it into the Litu.rgy of Antiooh. The Apostles' Creed has been a portion of the Anghcan "Order" from the beginning, but the date of its first liturgical use in the Western Church cannot be defined with similar exactness. A few observations with respect to the develop- ment of the Eastern creeds will not be superfluous. Such development was held to be permissible, each church having authority, by its own inde- pendent action, of defining its rule of faith, in conformity with the faith of the Church catholic ; just as it had power to moidd its own liturgy upon catholic principles. Even the Western church was not whoUy stiff and unbending ; the Church of Aquilegia having added the terms "invisible and impassible" to the confession of faith in God the Father, to meet the SabeUian and Patripassian heresies ; for these terms are not found in the Eoman or Apostles' Creed. A tabulated form is added r [A] of the Western form of creed, as being the more ancient and simple; [B] of the Eastern Creed, as more elastic and varied. CREEDS OF THE LATIN COMMUlSriON. I. — Roman OR Atostles' Creed. ^^ ^ Among the spurious writings of Augus- H-— -A-S Explained by Augustine. III.— Aquilbgian, as explained tine, iSerm. coxl. ccxU. c?e ^i/m6. 4, 5. De fide et Symbolo. by Rufeinus. I beliere in God, the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earth ; I believe in God, the Father Almighty, I believe in God the Father Almighty, invisible and impassible. and in Jesus Christ His only Son our Lord, and in Jesus Christ His only Son our Lord, and in Jesus Christ His only Son our Lord, Who was conceired hy the Holy Ghost, bom of the "Virgin Mary, Who was bom of the Virgin Mary by the Holy Ghost, Who was bom of the Virgin Mary by the Holy Ghost, suffered under Pontius Pilate, was cruci- fied, dead, and buried ; was crucified under Pontius Pilate, and was buried, was cracified imder Pontius Pilate, and was buried. He descended into hell. He descended into hell. the third day He rose again from the dead. the third day He rose again from the dead, the third day He rose again from the dead. Ho ascended into heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of God the Father Al- mighty, He ascended into heaven and sitteth at the right hand of the Father, He ascended into heaven and sitteth at the right hand of the Father, from thence He shall come to judge the quick and the dead. from thence He shall come to judge the quick and the dead. from thence He shall come to judge the quick and the dead. I believe in the Holy Ghost, I believe in the Holy Ghost, I believe in the Holy Ghost, the Holy Catholic Church, the com- munion of Saints, the forgiveness of sins, the resurrection of the flesh, and life ever- lastiog. the Holy Catholic Church, the for- giveness of sins, the resurrection of the flesh. the Holy Catholic Church, the for- giveness of ains, the resurrection of the flesh. 'This continued to be the practice for many years in Et ideo juvat iterare, qnod nunqnam conveuit obli- the Western Church, as we read in the ancient Gallican visci" — the Symbolum bemg the Apostles' Creed. Mabil- Liturgy, "Symbolum fratres carissimi, non in tabulis Ion, de lAturg. CtalKe. p. 340, Paris, 1729. scribitur, sed in corde receptum memoriter retinetar. 171 Creeds Creeds IV. -Adv. Prwx. 2. CREEDS OF THE LATIN COMMUNION. Tertullian. V — DePrmscr. 13. VI. — Da Virg. vd. i. We Relieve in one God, yet ... of the one God there is There is one God, and no other Creator of the world, who made all things of nothing by His Word ; first of all sent forth ; Belief in one God Almighty, Creator of the universe. the Son, His Word, Who proceeded forth from Him, by Whom all things were made, and without Him was nothing made. the Word, termed His Son, was by the Patriarchs variously seen, and in the Prophets heard. and in His Son Jesus Christ He was sent by the Father, and was bom of the Virgin, Man and God, Son of Man and Sou of God, and named Christ Jesus, He was sent down, and made flesh in the womb of the Virgin Mary, and that which was born of her was Jesus Christ; He proclaimed a new Law, and a new promise of the kingdom of heaven ; He wrought miracles. born of the Virgin Mary, He suffered, died, and was buried, ac- cording to the Scriptures, was crucified. who was crucified under Pontius Pilate, He was raised again by the Father, the third day He rose again, the third day He rose from the dead. and was received into heaven. He sitteth at the right hand of the Father ; and was received into heaven. He sit- tetli at the right hand of the Father ; and was received into heaven. He sit- teth at the right hand of the Father ; He shall come to judge the quick and the dead. He shall come to judge the quick and the dead, He sent from the Father, according to His promise, the Holy Ghost the Com- forter and Sanctifier of faith in those He sent the vicarious ener^ of the Holy Ghost, Who forms believers. who believe in the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. He shall come with glory to receive His saints to the fruition of eternal life and of His heavenly promises, and to doom the profane to everlasting fire, either class being quickened again with restoration of the flesh. in the resurrection of the flesh. Further articles of haptisnml faitk. Tertullian, de Bapt. ii. Remission of sins. The Church. Cyprian, Ep. Ixxv. ad Magn. Eemission of sins. Everlasting life, by the Holy Chm-ch. I. Jerusalem. CREEDS OF THE SYRIAN AND GREEK COMMUNIONS. II. CiESAREA. III. Nice. IV. Cyprtts. V. Constantinople. We believe in one God the Father Almighty, We believe in one God the Father Almighty, We believe in one God the Father Almighty, We believe in one God the Father Almighty, We believe in one God the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth, and of all things visible and invisible ; Maker of heaven and earth, and of all thmgs visible and invisible ; Maker of heaven and earth, and of all things visible and invisible ; Maker of heaven and earth, and of all things visible and invisible ; Maker of heaven and ' earth, and of all things ' visible and invisible ; and in one Lord Jesus Christ, and in one Lord Jesus Christ, and in one Lord Jesus Christ, and in one Lord Jesus Christ, and in one Lord Jesus Christ, tiie only begotten Son of God, begotten of the Father before all ages, very God, the Word of God, God of God, Light of Light, Life of Life, the only begotten Son, first bom of every creature, begotten of God the Father before all ages. the Son of God, the onlv begotten of the Father, of the sub- stance of the Father, God of God, Light of Light, very God of very God, begotten, not made,ofonesubstance with the Father, begotten of the Father before all ages, of the substance of His Fa- ther, Light of Light, very God of very God, begotten, not made, of one substance with the Father, the only begotten Son of God, begotten of the Father before all ages. Light of Light, very God of very God, begotten, not made, of one substance with the Father, 172 Creeds Creeds CREEDS OF THE SYRIAN AND GREEK COMMUNIONS— Coii^inucrf. by wlioni all things were made ; by whom all things were made ; by whom all things were made in heaven and earth ; by whom all things were made in heaven and earth ; by whom all things were made ; He was incarnate and made man, of the Vir- gin and the Holy Ghost, who, for our salva- tion, w.is incarnate, and had His conversa- tion among men. who, for us men, and forour salvation, came down, and was incar- nate, and was made man. who, for us men, and for our salvation, came down from heaven, and was in- cai-nato by the Holy Ghost, of the Virgin Mary, and was made man. who, for us men, and for our salvation, came do\vn from heaven, and was in- carnate by the Holy Ghost, of the Virgin Mary, and was made man. He was craoified and buried. He suffered He .suffered and was cnicified for us imder Pontius Pilate, He suffered, and was buried. and was crucified for us imder Pontius Pilate, He suffered, and was buried. the third day He rose and rose the third from the dead, day, and rose the third day. and the third day He rose again, according to the Scriptures, and the third day He rose again, according to the Scriptures, and ascended into heaven, and sat down at the right hand of God, and ascended to the Father, and ascended into heaven. and ascended into heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of the Father ; and ascended into heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of the Father ; and shall come in glory to judge the quick and the dead ; and shall come in glory to judge the quick and the dead ; He shall cometo judge the quick and the dead; and shall come in glory to judge the quick and the dead ; and shall come in glory to judge the quick and the dead ; of whose kingdom there shall be no end ; of whose kiugdom there shall be no end; of whose kingdom there shall be no end ; and in one Holy Ghost the Comforter, who spake by the pro- phets. We believe also in the Holy Ghost. Finis. and in the Holy Ghost. Finis, and in the Holy Ghost, the Lord and giver of life, who pro- ceedeth from the Father, who with the Father and the Son to- gether is worshipped and glorified, who spake by the prophets; and in the Holy Ghost, the Lord and giver of life, who pro- ceedeth from the Father, who with the Father and the Son to- gether is worshipped and glorified, who spakebytheprophets; In one baptism of re- pentance for the re- 1 mission of sins, and in one Holy Catholic Church; in the Resur- rection of the flesh, 1 and life everlasting. and in one Catholic Apostolic Church. We confess one Bap- tism for the Remis- sion of sins, and we look for the Resurrec- tion of the dead, and the life of the world to come. and in one Catholic Apostolic Church. We confess one Bap- tism for the Remis- sion of sins, and we look for the Resurrec- tion of the dead, and the life of the world to come. CREEDS OF THE SYRIAN AND GREEK COMMUNIONS. STiTrTiONs vii. 41. ^^^- Luoian M. Antiooh. VIII. Alexandrian. IX. Athanasius. 1 1 One unbegotten only true God, 1 Almighty Father of Christ, One God the Father Al- mighty, One God the Father Al- mighty, One God the Father Al- mighty, the Creator and Maker of all things, of whom are all things. Maker and Designer of the Universe, of whom are all things. Maker of all things visible and invisible. and in the Lord Jesus Christ His only begotten Son, and in one Lord Jesus Christ His Sou, God the only begotten, by whom are all things, and in God the Word, be- gotten of Him before all a«es, and in one only begotten Son, 173 Creeds Creeds CREEDS OF THE SYRIAN AND GREEK COMMUNIONS— CoreimifeA first-born of every creaturo, "who was begotten by the good pleasure of the Father before the worlds, begotten of the Father before the worlds, God of God, Whole of Wliole, Only One of the Only One, Perfect of Perfect, King of King, Lord of Lord, the Living Word, the Living Wisdom . . . • by Avhom all things' visible and invisible in heaven and earth were made. by whom aU things were made, both things in heaven and things on earth. who in these last days came down from heaven, and took upon Him ilesh, and was bom of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and led a holy life according to the laws of God His Father, who in the last days came down from above, and was bom of the Virgin, accord- ing to the Scriptures, and became Man, the Mediator between God and Man . . . who came down and was incarnate, who, having come down from the bosom of the Father, took upon Him our Manhood, Christ Jesus of the Immaculate Virgin Mary, and was crucUied under Pon- tius Pilate, and died for us, and having suifered. who suffered for us. He suffered in which Manhood having been crucified, and having died for us, He rose again from the dead the third day, i and rose again the third day, and rose again, He rose from the dead and ascended up into heaven, and sitteth at the right hand j of God, and ascended into heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of the Father, and ascended into heaven. and was received up into heaven, ' and He shall come again with glory in the end of the world to judge the quick and dead, and He shall come again with glory and power to judge the quick and dead ; and Cometh again to judge the quick and the dead ; in which (Manhood) he shaU Judge the quick and the dead ; whose kingdom shall have no end ; and in one Holy Ghost, the Comforter, who hath wrought in all Saints from the begin- ning, and was sent forth by the Father on the Apostles . . . and upon all of the and in the Holy Ghost, vouchsafed to believers for their comfort, and sancti- fication and perfection. and in the Holy Ghost, in lUce manner in the Holy Ghost. Finis. Holy Catholic Church, that believe in the Resun'ection of the ilesh, in the Remission of sins, in the kingdom of heaven, and in the life of the world to come. the Resurrection of the flesh, the life of the world to come, the kingdom of heaven, and in one Catholic Church of God, that is from end to end of the world. ! On comparing these columns it will Tdb seen at once that the primitive creeds ■wliioh have come down to us are referable to two distract families, hoth of which derive their origia from the baptismal formula enjoined by our Lord. There is the same substructure, in both cases, of faith in the Holy Trinity, and to a certain extent the same development, though this proceeds further in the case of the Eastern than of the Western creeds ; owing to the multiplied forms of heresy that the former section of the Church catholic had to meet. Thus, since nearly every foi-m of early error was based on the dualistic 174 principle of Oriental theosophy, the Eastern creed took care to express faith ia one God. If Do- cetism denied the reality of our Lord's true human nature, and affirmed that the ^on Christ descended upon the Lord Jesus at His baptism, and left Him at His crucifixion, dividing into two the person of Jesus Christ, the Eastern creed declared faith in " one Lord Jesus Christ." Simi- larly as regards other added clauses. Every Gnostic heresy denied that the Supreme God, Bythus, as they termed it, was creator of all things, and affirmed that the Demiurge, a remote emanation from Bythus, reduced the world into Criticism Criticism cosmic onler, and that the spirits of the invisible ■world came into being as successive emanations from their immediate antecedent cause. There- fore the Church was compelled to assert in the creed that God the Father was Creator of all things visible and invisible. And with respect to the filiation of the Son, there was no name of vener- ated use in the Church but what had been polluted by the harpy touch of heresy. Christ,- the Logos, the Only-begotten, were terms well known to heresy ; hence the more careful definitions of the Eastern Church asserted the true fiHation of the Son, as inheriting the perfect nature and every attribute of the Father, saving only paternity, even as the Father has the perfect nature and every attribute of the Son saving only sonship ; and the Second Person in the Godhead is de- clared to be God of God, Light of Light, very God of very God, in terms that varied in the different churches of the East. It was for this same reason that in Arian times the term Homo- ousion, or " of one substance," was formally em- bodied in the creed by the Council of Nice. By this council the process of symbohcal develop- ment was finally estopped by the Eastern Church: and the Mcene creed in the East, as the Eoman creed in the West, became the one form of faith for the catechumen, the teacher, and the divine. Hence when the churches of the West declared that the Holy Ghost proceeded from the Father and the Son, the churches of the East, though not denying the scriptural truth of the definition, refused to accept it as being an addition to " the faith," and the ultimate schism of East and West was accepted as a less evil than the alteration of a single word in the symbol that had been put forth by the holy 318 Fathers at Mce. The Nicene Creed, as preserved to us by Eusebius, breaks off with the words "and in the Holy Ghost," as being aU that was germane matter to the pending controversy ; but within a few years Epiphanius supplies to us the fuller form as the creed of the Church of Cyprus, which was repro- duced almost verbatim by the Council of Con- stantinople; and has ever since been the recognised creed of the Church Catholic, the Nicene Creed. The so-caUed Athanasian Creed, critically speaking, is scarcely of equal authority to its more venerable predecessors. Waterland has traced its origin to the early part of the fifth century, immediately anterior to the Ephesine Council in A.D. 431 ; and to the GalHcan Church. [Nicene Creed. Filioque. Quiounqde Vult. Pear- son, Barrow, Waterland, King, and Harvey on the Creeds.] CEITICISM. The so-caUed "higher criti- cism" of modern times is a department of a more extensive science. What the Germans style " Kritik " is, in general, the passing judgment on, or testing any object; and hence, the science which enables to pass such a judgment. Thus criticism is "philosophical," "historical," " philo- logical," " sesthetic," &c. Philological criticism is the testing written documents, particularly ancient documents, either for the purpose of re- moving from the text foreign interpolations, or of 175 establishing the claims of the reputed author. Strictly speaking the " higher criticism " (as dis- tinguished from the " lower," or criticism based merely on conjecture) is the inquiry as to the genuineness and authenticity of a document, rest- ing either on external or on internal grounds. Internal evidence, as opposed to external or his- torical, appeals to the contents, spirit, style, language of the writing itself ; and, as a matter of fact, the criticism which at the present day arrogates to itself the title of " higher," practically ignores the value of evidence which is merely external. On the other hand, it may confidently be affirmed that the only safe test of either genuineness or authenticity is external evidence. There are certain cases, no doubt, where internal evidence is seriously to be considered, e.g., in such writings as the Scriptures profess to be, the occur- rence of immoraUties or inconsistencies would seriously affect the conclusion that such or such a Book was the composition of a person inspired by the Spirit of God. But, apart from such charges (which are at times erroneously urged against portions of the Bible), internal evidence, if it stand alone, and a fortiori if opposed to external evidence, is almost totally valueless as an argument against the reception of any ancient work or passage in a work. Kg. in the weU-known text, 1 St. John v. 7, no one can maintain that the Apostle could not have expressed the thought that the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost eV ela-i, who knows what he has actually written in his Gospel [St. John x. 30] ; but, in the absence of all manuscript authority of any weight, nothing remains but to admit, without reserve, that the text of " the Three heavenly witnesses " is not a genuine text.^ But our modem critics rely upon a further principle. Criticism, writes M. E. E&an, can- not dream of accepting a miraculous narrative as it stands, " since the essence of criticism is the negation of the supernatural. . . . He who speaks of ' above nature,' or ' outside nature,' in the order of facts utters a contradiction."^ To give an example : The " higher criticism " has de- cided that the latter portion of Isaiah [chap, xl.- ' Mr. Grote's commentary on the application of the "higher criticism" to the writiags of Plato illustrates the wortUessness of this method. He examines the course pursued hy Schleiermacher and his followers in reasoning as to the authenticity of each dialogue from the evidence afforded by the style, the handling, the thoughts. A fixed residence and school at Athens had been founded by Plato, and transmitted to his successors : "It appears to me," writes Mr. Grote, "that the con- tinuance of this school . . . gives us an amount of assurance for the authenticity of the so-caUed Platonic compositions such as does not belong to the works of other eminent contemporary authors [Plato, vol. i. p. 136]. ... I have reviewed the doctrines of several re- cent critics who discard this canon [that of Thrasyllus] as unworthy of trust, and who set up for themselves a type of what Plato must have been, derived from a certain number of items in the canon, rejecting the remaining items as unconformable to their hypothetical type." It is surely hazardous, he adds, to limit the range of Plato's varieties "on the faith of a critical repugnance, not merely subjective and fallible, but withal entirely of modern growth" [im. p. 206]. = Mi(des d'Sist. Eeligieme, 5"" ed. p. 207. Criticism Cross Ixvi.] must be ascribed to an unknown prophet living towards the end of the Babylonian cap- t;ivity — a prophet whom Ewald styles " the great annamed," "der Grosse ungenannte." ^ The whole weight of this assertion rests on the principle declared by M. Eenan to be " the essence of criticism," viz., that to predict the future is im- possible ; a prophet's foresight, it is dogmatically laid down, being bounded, as that of other men, by the horizon of his own age. The other reasons assigned — e.g. that the manner, the usiis loquendi, the style, are not those of Isaiah — are confessedly subordinate. Thus, Ewald writes :^ " One cannot assign to Isaiah, as to other prophets, a special peculiarity and favourite colour of expression. ... As Ms subject demands every kind of diction, every change of expression is at his command. . . . His diction is cahn and stern, hortatory and menacing, sad and joyful, sportive and serious; but always returns, at the right time, to its origi- nal elevation and repose." As to the confidenoe to be placed in the "higher criticism" as a "scientific" method for attaining results on which we can rely, the treat- ment of the writings of St. John supphes a lucid illustration. "While the older critical school," writes Lilcke,' " upheld the Apostolic authenticity of the Gospel and Epistles of St. John, and thence inferred that the Apocalypse is not authentic, the more recent critical school of Dr. Baur, on the other hand, infers that the Gospel and Epistles are as certainly not the composition of John, as the Apocalypse is the only sufficiently attested, — the only authentic writing of that Apostle to be found in the New Testament." This conclusion has been lately reproduced in England : " If the Apostle John," writes Mr. Taylor, " be the author of the Apocalypse, he cannot have written the Gospel;" and were the evidence to be balanced as to which of the works " best corresponds with the character of their reputed author, we could hardly hesitate in replying — the Apocalypse."* [Ganon.] CEITICISM, COMPAEATIVE. The phrase "comparative criticism" has been employed by Dr. TregeUes to designate the process by which the comparative value may be determined, and the mutual relation traced, of the various authorities by the aid of which we seek to ascertain the origi- nal text of the New Testament. There are two leading systems according to which the study of " comparative criticism" is pursued at the present day. Dr. S. T. Tregelles [see his Account of the printed text of the New Testament] may be taken as the representative of the one system, and Mr. F. H. Scrivener [see his Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament] as the repre- Bentative of the other. According to Dr. Tregelles, the true reading of any passage in the New Testament is to be sought ' Die Prophettn de alien Bundes, b. ii. sec. 403. " Ibid. b. i. § 173. ' Einleit. indie Offenb. des lohannes, 2te. Anfl., Abth. ii. § 748, * An Attempt to ascertain the character of the Fcmrth Cfospel, London, 1867, pp. 14, 144. 176 exclusively in the most ancient documents, especi- ally in the earliest uncial codices : — " The mass of recent documents," he writes [i.e. those written in cursive characters from the tenth century dow).' wards], " possess no determining voice in a ques- tion as to what we should receive as genuine read- ings" [p. 138].« Mr. Scrivener, on the other hand, maintains "that the few most ancient records, whether MSS., Versions, or Fathers, do not so closely agree among themselves as to supersede all further investigation, and to render it needless so much as to examine the contents of later and more numerous authorities " [I. c. p. 404]. " Does any one," he asks, " suppose that the mass of our cursive documents are only corrupt copies, or copies of copies drawn from existing uncials ? . . . Let us frankly accept the sole alternative, that they are representatives of other old copies which have long since perished, respectable ancestors (as one has quaintly put the matter) ' who live only in their descendants.' . . . That the testimony of cursives ought to be scrutinized and suspected, and (when unconfirmed by other witnesses), as a rule, set wholly aside, may be conceded even by those who have laboured the most diligently to collate and vindicate them " [ib. p. 407]. CEOSS. In accordance with the main scope of the present work, the subject of " The Cross " will here be treated mainly in its connection with Christian theology and ritual. It would be im- possible, within the hmits of this article, to foUow up its various ramifications into the regions of Jewish, classical, and mediaeval history, of art, architecture, archasology, and other subjects with which it is more or less closely connected. Such readers, however, as desire further information of this kind, may find it in the books mentioned below, and in others of similar character. Writers on the cross have been accustomed to classify its varieties into simple and compound. The simple cross was merely a pole set up in the earth, or a naturally growing tree, and the victim was fastened to it with chains, cords, or nails. Sometimes it was a sharp-pointed stake, on which he was impaled. The compound cross was of three kinds, the Grux Deeussata, Crux Commissa, and Crux Immissa. The first was formed of two pieces of wood fastened in the centre in the form of the letter X, and is called the cross of St. Andrew, on account of the ancient tradition that this Apostle suflered martjrrdom on such a cross. The second, or Tau cross, is so called from its re- semblance to the Greek letter T, and it is possible ' Uncial MSS. are written in capital letters, formed separately, having no connection with each other, and, in the earlier specimens, without any space between the words — the marks of punctuation being few. The cur- sive, or running hand, comprises letters more easily and rapidly made, those in the same word being usually joined together, with a complete system of punctuation not widely removed from that of printed books. Uncial letters prevailed in the Greek MSS. of the New Testament from the fourth to the tenth century — as in the Alexan- drine MS. or A, the Vatican or B, &c. ' ' The earliest cur- sive Biblical MS. we can mention is Sylvestrs, So. 78, Paris 70, Wetstein's 14 of the Gospels, A.n. 964." [Scri- vener, I. c. p. 36.] Cross Cross that our Lsrd may have suffered on a cross of tills kind. But it has been much more generally helieved that the Holy Cross was the Grvx Im- missa, or Latin cross, as we usually see it repre- sented. The traditional "sign of the cross" points to this form, and St. Jerome, speakmg of it as made hy the Christians of his day, says it was like the ancient Hebrew final letter Tau, which was not like the Greek letter, but had the per- pendicular stroke going a little way above the other, thus "l". The cruelty of man devised other forms of the compound cross, which may be seen figured and described in Lipsius De Cruce, and other works, but we need only concern ourselves with that form on which our Lord is believed to have suffered. The Jews had been accustomed to hang malefactors on trees, and they may have derived this usage from the Egyptians [Gen. xl. 19], who practised it in common with other ancient nations. But there is no evidence that they hanged persons before death : they rather adopted this method of exposing their dead bodies in ter- rorem&TiA. for public execration, and every one who hanged on a tree was held " accursed of God " [Deut. xxi. 23]. Crucifixion proper was rather a Eoman than a Jewish punishment, and as such it was inflicted on our Lord by the authority of Pilate the Eoman governor. We know from the Gospels that Jesus was nailed to the Cross, but we do not know whether this was before or after the fixing of the Cross in the ground, whether with four nails or three, or whether, the Cross had a sup- pedaneum or support for the feet to rest on ; qnestions which have been discussed at great length by some writers. We know that the title or accusation was according to custom set up above the Sacred Head, and in the Greek Church this is often conventionally represented by a shorter additional cross-piece above the other, and the support for the feet by a cross-piece below made oblique as if moved in the agonies of death. The material of the Cross of Christ was fore- shadowed by the Tree of Life, by Noah's ark, by the wood which Isaac carried up Mount Moriah, by the pole on which the brazen serpent was hung, by the wooden spit to which the Paschal Lamb was fastened, by the lintel and the door-post : its form, by the hands of Moses stretched out, and perhaps by the crossed hands of dying Jacob. Indeed the real or supposed types of the Cross are almost innumerable. The ancient Fathers delighted to trace in the four principal dimensions of the Cross the " breadth and length and depth and height" of the love of Christ, as shewn pre-eminently in His painful and ignomini- ous death thereon. The Cross soon became surroimded with holy memories that, tended, though slowly, to dis- place its disgraceful associations : and where St. Paul says " God forbid that I should glory save in the Cross of our Lord Jesus Christ," he is probably expressing the same feeling as that which led the early Christians to sign themselves with the sign of the cross, a practice which Ter- tuUian [a.d. 200] speaks of as traditional in his 177 M time (frontem crucis signaculo terimus, De Cor. Mil. iii.). Lactantius [a.d. 306] speaks of the sign of the cross as putting demons to flight, and frustrating the magical devices of the pagans. The same holy sign has been used by the Church from the earliest times in sacraments, benedic- tions, private and public prayers, &c., in recogni- tion of the efficacy that all acts of devotion acquire through the Cross of Christ, and of that which the very sign itself may in like manner possess when used in faith. The gesture of sign- ing with the cross has from ancient times been made in three ways. 1. When the sign is made separately on the forehead, mouth, and breast, it is made with the thumb only, which mode is also used in signing anything by contact, or with chrism, as in sacraments and benedictions. 2. In the second method, the person first raises his hand to his forehead, then draws it down to the lower part of the breast, then to the left, and then to the right. Sometimes all the fingers, sometimes one, two, or three have been used in making the sign; according to the symbolical reasons uppermost in the minds of the faithful at various times. The Eastern Christians make the sign first towards the right and finish at the left side. 3. The third method is to make the sign in the air with the whole hand, or with three or two fingers, as in blessing the congregation. The right hand is always used, as more honourable than the left as weU as more convenient. Spiritual writers have enumerated many reasons why Christians should use this holy sign ; the chief of which are the following. It is a mark of dis- tinction between Christians and Jews or heathens; it incites us to the imitation of Christ crucified ; it kindles charity ; it cherishes faith and hope ; it is the sign of our redemption ; it excites our sorrow for Christ's sufferings and for our sins ; it is most terrible to evil spirits. The sign of the cross as a gesture has been dwelt on here immediately after the Cross of Calvary, because it is one of the most ancient modes of keeping alive in the hearts of the faithful the memory of the Passion. St. Jerome [a.d. 390] speaks of Christians frequently using it also in inscriptions, "Erequenti manus inscriptione sig- natur" \_In Ezek. ix.]. We should expect to find it in the early monumental inscriptions in the Catacombs, but although these abound in Jewish and Christian symbols, including the monogram of the name of Christ, it is doubtful whether the sign of the cross occurs during the first four centuries. It appears, however, on coins and in a mosaic at Eavenna of about the middle of the fifth century, and from about a century later is found on tombs, fonts, &c., pretty generally. The crucifix or cross bearing a figure of our Lord does not appear till considerably later, and in the earUest the figure is always robed, and sometimes crowned with a royal diadem instead of the crown of thorns. The Sacred Body has always been represented in both manners, as dead and as living. The earliest examples have a nail in each foot, later ones have the feet crossed, with a single nail transfixing both. The earliest existing Cross Ctildces crucifixes are supposed to te of the ninth century, but there may have heen earher ones than these. The cross came first, then the crucifix, then representations of the scene of the crucifixion; "each forming," as Lady Eastlake says, "a stage in the development of the same idea, and each overlapping the other in the attempt to anticipate the- next step." And if we inquire into the reasons for the absence of the cross and crucifix in early times we shall find it sufiiciently accounted for by the ignominy and horror that were asso- ciated with the idea of crucifixion, until the edict of Constantino prohibited the employment of the cross as an instrument of punishment. Even then it would require an interregnum of some generations to efface the traditional ideas that were connected with the "arbor infelix," and to bring it to be regarded not as an indication of ignominy but as the most glorious of trophies. When Christians came to regard the cross in this way, it was but natural that they should give it a place of honour in churches, and accord- ingly it was set up over the altar, either with or without the figure of Clirist upon it. It adorned the topmost points of the exterior, as it now does the domes of St. Peter's and of St. Paul's and the gables of Gothic churches. Sacred vessels and vestmeuts were marked with it, to shew that they belonged to Christ. Children were taught to make the sign at the beginning of their alphabet, which was accordingly called the "Criss-cross Eow." It was used at the beginning of all sacred inscrip- tions, and as the "signature" to the subscription of documents. Altar slabs were marked with five incised crosses, in memory of the five sacred wounds. The last resting places of the faithful were hallowed by the cross, to shew that through it they had overcome sin and death. Wayside crosses were erected in villages and public roads that all who passed by might think on Him who died for them. Crosses, in short, were multi- plied in every conceivable way in mediaeval times, partly for the above and other like pious reasons, partly, perhaps, for superstitious reasons, and partly because it was the fashion of the time. But there is no doubt that there is one great and deep theological principle under- lying the wonderful esteem in which the Cross has now long been held as a Christian emblem, and in which the sign of it appears to have been held from apostolic times ; namely, that the death of our Lord upon the Cross was the consumma- tion of that life of sacrifice by which He redeemed mankind. It Avas the most distiuotive feature in His human life that He should die as mortal man, and at the same time it was the passage to His Ecsurrection and to ours. Through His falling asleep on that painful bed of sorrows, He became the FirsWruits of them that slept, and His Cross became the Tree of Life in the midst of the Para- dise of God. This idea is strongly impressed on many symbolical uses of the cross in Christian lituaL Whether we look at the altar cross, the churchyard or wayside cross, the gravestone cross, the gable cross, or the cross in any embroi- dered work or surface decoration, we shall seldom 178 see the perfectly plain cross except in work, of debased character, or where there are no preten- sions to exact taste. The reason is partly to be found in the hard and angular form, harmonizing so ill with all around, but partly also in the sym- boUcal moaning of the decorated cross. The first thing was to adorn it with jewels, but as Chris- tian art developed the cross assumed various out- lines and combinations, which tended to banish its painful .associations, and to suggest only those of glory and triumph. So we see the arms termi- nating in the trefoil or fleur-de-lys, and the circle surrounding the intersection; while in many beau- tiful gravj-slab crosses the upper part and stem together have, like Aaron's rod, budded and borne blossoms. The same feeling is beautifully ex- pressed in the words of the well-known hymn for Passion-tide — • "Crux fidelis, inter omnes Arbor una nobilis ; KuUa sylva talem profert Fronde, flore, germine." The i'loa was sometimes elaborated so far, par- ticularly in illuminations, as to make the branches bear prophets and kings arising out of their foliage imd fruits inscribed with the names of virtue!.. Such representations are supposed to be based on St. Bonaventura's exposition of the second verse of the twenty-second chapter of the Eevelation [cir. a.d. 1300]. In these the figure of our Lord was introduced, but it is to be noted that wherever the dead or suffering Saviour is re- presented on a decorated cross there is a confu- sion of ideas. The plain cross is properly the cross of sufiering, and the flowering cross the cross of triumph — the sign of the Son of Man in glory. The vacant cross, like the empty tomb, speaks of Him as not here, but risen, and when adorned or combined with the circle, it speaks of Him as clothed with majesty and honour for ever and ever. [Lipsius, De Cruce; Gretser, De Cruce ; Beyer- hnck. Magnum Theairum, s. v. Cruce ; Pearson, On the Creed, art. iv. ; Lady Eastlake, History of our Lord; Dr. Eock, Uierwgia; Smith's JJict of the Bihle, articles, " Cross " and " Cruci- fixion," and works there cited or referred to. Those interested in village and churchyard crosses may find references to a great many in the Manual of English Ecclesiology, and in the works of Petrie, Blight, and Pooley, on Irish, Cornish, and Gloucestershire CrossesP\ CULDEES. This name was given to a reli- gious order established in various parts of Ireland, Scotland, and the adjacent islands; but chiefly in the island of lona. The name is very variously derived. According to Buchanan it is an abbrevi- ated form of " cultores Dei." Others have thought that the name arose from the cells in which they lived. Bishop Nicholson [Pref. to Irish Hist Lihrury] gives as the origin of the word, the Irish Culla, which denotes a cowl. Another derivation is given by O'Brien [Irish Dictionary'] from the Irish keile, a servant and De, God, a derivation supported by the fact, that in ancient MSS. the Culdees Cure of Souls word is writt(in Kcledei, not Culdei. In the life of St. Columba by Dr. Smith, the same derivation is given, and the word is said to be the Latiaized Gaelic of Oille De, servants of God. In the Sta- tistical Account of Scotland [ii. 4G1, 462] the name is referred to the Gaelic cuil or ceal, a cave, cell, corner, &c., those inhabiting such places be- ing called Cuildich, or in the Latinized form Culdei. According to Irish historians, the Culdees were established in Ireland a.d. 546, and some years later in Scotland, by St. Columba, who had, at the age of twenty-eight, founded the monastery of Dairmeagh, understood by some to be Armagh. There is no evidence to prove that the Culdees were established in Scotland before that period, though their doctrines and usages were known long before. St. Columba, having crossed over from Ireland and converted the Northern Picts, received from their king a grant of the island of lona, for the purpose of founding a monastery. In a.d. 563, he founded there a society which rapidly extended itseK to many places in the mainland, lona, the principal seat of the order, receiving from him the name of I-colm-kill, the Island of Colum of the Cells. lona was devastated by the Danes in A.D. 801, and about seventy years later the relics of St. Columba were removed for greater safety to Ireland. The Culdees did not constitute a mon- astic order so much as a body of seminary priests, who taught various branches of useful learning, and trained others for the priesthood. In each of their colleges there were twelve breth- ren presided over by an abbot, elected by and from among themselves. Bede says of them, " proprio labore manuum vivunt." They allowed the marriage of priests, and held it in honour. In after times, the principle of hereditary succession was allowed to prevail, as under the Jewish law, arid we learn from St. Bernard that at Armagh there was an hereditary succession of Culdees for fifteen generations [Vit. Mdlach. c. 7]. The Culdees did not acknowledge the authority of the See of Eome, and differed from it in several of their usages. Bede, writing of St. Aidan, who was one of them, says that he observed Easter after the manner of his own people. They op- posed auricular confession [St. Bernard Vit. Malach. c. 2], rejected the tonsure, and baptized infants without the consecrated chrism. So bitter was the mutual hostility, that Bishop Dagan, one of the Culdees, refused to eat or re- main in the same house with Lawrence, who suc- ceeded St. Augustine in the See of Canterbury ; and in a synod held at Streneshalch, now Whit- by, in A.D. 662, for the purpose of settling the Easter controversy, the Culdees, headed by Bishop Colman, answered to the claims of the successor of St. Peter, that the authority of St. John, by whose disciples their forefathers had been taught, was of equal weight with that of his fellow Apostle. Even after the Northumbrian priest Egbert had prevailed on the Culdees of lona in 716 to receive the tonsure, and to foUow the general custom of the Church as to the observa- 179 tion of Easter, the Council of Cealcliytli decreed that no Scottish priest should be allowed to min- ister in England. [Paschal Controvbest.] The principal seats of the Culdees were at Abernethy, St. Andrews, Brechin, Dunblane, Monimusk, Scone, Kirkcaldy, and Lochleven. In the twelfth century, many of these bodies were suppressed, the means employed being the promotion of their abbots to bishoprics, the intro- duction of canons regular, and the suppression of churches in favour of the newly erected abbeys, the consent of the Culdees being gained by the reservation of their rights during their own life- time. There continued, however, to be Culdees at lona until 1263, and at St. Andrews until 1297, when their prior, William Gumming, was sent to Eome to plead their cause before Boniface VIII. CURATE. A priest having Cube op Souls. The term has been extended in quite modern times to priests and deacons acting as deputies to rectors and vicars, but it belongs in strict pro- priety to the latter only, i.e. to priests who have received institution, the Anglican ceremony by which Mission is given. CUEE OF SOULS. The pastoral care of souls is vested primarily in the bishop of each diocese, and every priest intrusted with it acts as his deputy. Parish priests hold a cure "in foro interiori tantum," over the residents within their parish only ; archdeacons, being " sine pastoraU cura," have authority "in foro exteriori," being able to suspend, absolve, and excommuni- cate; but bishops having jurisdiction over the entire diocese, have cure " in interiori et exteriori foro simul." Gerson, the theologian of Paris [c. A.D. 1 408], held that aU clergy having cure of souls are the successors of the seventy disciples who were the assistants of the Apostles in preaching and ministration of sacraments, and are called apostles by Origen \in Up. ad Rom. c. xvi. lib. x. sec. xxi; tom. vii. p. 465, ed. Caillau; and St. Chrysostom, in 1 Cor. Horn, xxxviii. sec. 4, tom. x. p. 327, ed. Migne; compare Aquinas, p. iii. gu. 67, art. ii., ad ii; et Sec. Sec. qu. 188, art. 4]. He adds that their right of burying the dead, of administering discipline, and receiving tithes and other parish dues, constitute them in the second order of the hierarchy and minor prelates. The general opinion of the Church was that, as the seventy were appointed by our Lord Himself, and received a distinct commission, so " de jure divino " curates succeed to their jiuisdiction and authority received immediately from Christ (as bishops are the successors of apostolical authority) : and their position was regarded as analogous to that of the priests and Levites under the Law. Upon the first consideration was grounded the belief that they ought to be summoned to a general council. The episcopate is, in this view, the source and fulness of the priesthood, the fountain which, without diminution, supplies the lesser streams; just as the Holy Spirit put on the seventy elders a portion of the spirit of Moses, without any loss to the plenitude of the Mter ; curates hold a delegation of jurisdiction and authority from God, only in degree differing from Ctire of Souls tliat of Lisliops. Fulbert, Bisliop of Chartres [a.d. 1006], mentions as a custom of his own and neiglibouring churches, that the newly ordained priest received from the bishop a single host, which he consumed in portions day by day dur- ing forty days after his ordination, as a token that he had been entrusted by him as one of his vicars and coadjutors, with the instruction of the people committed to his charge [Ep. iii. p. 195, ed. Migue ; Patr. tom. cxli]. The parish clergy in early times formed the cathedral chapter, and in this sense we must understand the prohibitions given by the Coun- cils of Elvira [a.d. 305, c. xxxii. BaU, Summa Condi, tom. ii. 20] and Aries [a.d. 314, c. xix. ihid. p. 25] against such clergy acting without episcopal permission, or in cases of necessity administering reconciliation or holy communion. In the country the parish clergy had the latter right, but in cities only the privilege of prepar- ing the candidates for baptism at Easter and Whitsuntide. Anastasius and Platina attribute the division of parishes to Evaristus, but their view has been contested. The Third Council of Carthage [a.d. 397] permitted priests to reconcile penitents and consecrate virgins with the bishops' license, but not to make chrism [c. xxxii., xxxvi. BaU, Summa Concll. i. p. 99]. The power of excommunication was given to priests [St. Jerome, Epist. xiv. (al V. Bened. Edit.) ad Heliodorum, sec. viii., ed. Migne, tom. i. p. 352; St. Augustine, Ep. cviii. sec. xx., ed. CaUlau, tom. xxxix. p. 333], and also that of absolution and preaching. The Apostolical Canons permit priests to bap- tize [Can. xlis. 1; Bever. Cod. Canonum, Works, xi. p. 51, ed. 1848] with the bishop's permis- sion ; and the Council of Gangra [c. a.d. 324] condemned all assemblies of laymen with a priest who had not the episcopal license [Canon vi. ap. Bail, i. p. 99]. Examples are not wanting of bishops acting as parish priests [Cone. Nicmn. c. vui. ap. BaU, i. p. 167 ; comp. Cone. Cliale. Act. iv., can. xxviii. ; Ibid. p. 258]. The Apostolical Constitutions [1. iii. c. 26 ; ed. Ultzen, 1853, pp. 84, 170] permit baptism and confirmation to be administered by priests. See also St. Jerome, contra Lucif. c. is., ed. Migue, 180 Cure of Souls ii. p. 165 ; Second Council of Seville, a.d. 619, c. viii. [Summa Condi, i. p. 480], and Council of Verne [a.d. 755; c. viii.; lb. p. 636], for priests baptizing under restrictions. Until the sixth or seventh century, all priestly functions were reserved to the bishops when present, but owing to their negligence, or rather the impossibility of constantly visiting parish churches, the clergy of the latter began to cele- brate more independently ; and the lingering trace of the old discipline is seen in the Canon of the Council of Auxerre [a.d. 590], which for- bids a priest to celebrate at the same altar and on the same day as his bishop [Can. x. ap. Bail, ii. p. 230], but the bishop clearly could celebrate after the priest. The Council of Kiez [a.d. 439] allowed priests to give the benediction in the country, in the field, and private houses [Canon iv. ap. Bail, i. 140], but the Council of Agde [a.d. 505] forbids the priest to give the benedic- tion in church to the congregation or a penitent [Can. xliv. ap. Bail, ii. 176]. The First Council of Orange [a.d. 441], however, permitted priests in the absence of a bishop to administer chrism and benediction to a heretic reconciled at the point of death [Can. ii. ap. Bail, ii.], and the Fii'st Council of Orleans [a.d. 511] allowed him to celebrate, and in absence of the bishop even to give the blessing [Can. xxviii. ap. Bail, ii. 179]. The cure of souls is given to priests in the Church of England by the ceremony of institu- tion to a benefice : the " license to a curacy " not conferring it, and being given to deacons (who cannot receive cure of souls) as well as to priests. In this ceremony the priest kneels before the bishop, and holds the seal of the deed of institu- tion while the bishop reads the document " In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost," committing unto him " the cure and government of the souls of the par- ishioners of the said parish." It is usually per- formed in private, but occasionally in the presence of the priest's future parishioners [Thomassin, de Disdplina Ecdesiastica ; ed. Bourasse, s. v. CurS; Hooker, V. Ixxx. 2 ; Field, of the Church) bk. V. c. 28]. CYCLE. [Paschal Gontrovebst.] D DAMNATION [1] The judgment to be jronounced upon the wicked at the last day ; and 2J the punishment by which that judgment is to De followed. The use of the term in the New Testament (Kpla-i.^, Kpifia., words which are applied indiscriminately to the sentence and its execution) is nowhere accompanied by any dis- cription of the nature of the punishment to he inflicted,! and these details have to be supplied from such passages as Matt, xviii. 8, xxv. 41. The doctrine of the eternity of its duration is also a deduction from these expressions and from Mark ix. 44-, 46, 48.'' I. Tlie nature of the punishment of the wiclced. The expressions used in the New Testament to describe the punishment of the wicked were received by the early Fathers, with but few excep- tions, in a literal sense. Thus Clement of Alex- andria speaks of an actual fire,' Minucius Felix uses similar language,^ and Tertullian in a famous passage describes the physical sufferings of the wicked with terrible minuteness.' Even Origen, whose spiritualizing temper led him to construct a more lofty ideal of heaven than his contem- poraries," and who in some passages of his works appears to have formed the conception of a heU of mental torture,' yet displays on other occasions a tendency to the same materialistic views. But a figurative interpretation of these expressions gained grotmd in the succeeding centuries, and although in Basil the Great' and Chrysostom ^ allusions are stUl found to the torments of a material fire, yet the Gregories in the East,'" and Augustine" in the West, agree in describing the punishment of the wicked as a mental torture arising fcom the separation of the soul from God and its consciousness of its own guUt. After the references to the character of final punishment in •_Matt. xxiii. 33, Mark xii. 40, Luke xx. 47, Malt. xxiii. 14 : the parallel of these latter two is reiected by Alford. J J ' The phrase "eternal damnation" in Mark iii. 29 is a translation of afiapTrj/xdros atdvLov^ which Alford would prefer rendering peccati non delendi. ' Clem. Alex. Cohort, ad GmU. sec. 35, p. 47, irvp voxppovovv. * Minuc. Fel. 35— ignis sapiens. ^ Tent, de Spcct. sec. 30. " Orig. dePrinc. ii. 11. ' Orig. de Frme. ii. 10, 0pp. i, p. 102. ' Basil, Homil. in Ps. xxiii. » Chrys. 0pp. I. iv. 560, 661. " Greg. Naz. Orai.xvi. 9. " August, de Morib. Eocl. Oat. G. 11. 181 the works of John Scotus Erigcna ^ in the ninth, and] Thomas Aquinas ^^ in the thirteenth century, by both of whom it is represented as being of a spiritual nature, we find no further recurrence to the material view, nor indeed further speculation on this branch of the subject. The more impor- tant question of the duration of the sinner's sentence seems henceforth to have occupied the attention of those theologians who constructed any theory of the last things. The Church, as a whole, has never lent her authority to any special interpretation of the words of Scripture upon the point. II. Of the duration of the punishment of the wiclced. Save in the bold specidations of Origen upon this subject,''' we find amongst the early Fathers no trace of a belief in the final remission of punishments. There are indeed in some of their writings signs of the doctrine which was afterwards propounded by Arnobius, " that namely of the ultimate annihilation of the condemned. But with this exception, they are unanimous in asserting the sentence of condemnation to be irreversible." Nor does the opposite view seem to have gained any prevalence in tlic succeed- ing centuries, at least amongst the more eminent of the Fathers. Augustine argues that the pun- ishment is everlasting from Matt. xxv. 41, 46, and on the ground that the word aidivio^ must have the same meaning in reference to both life and punishment." Chrysostom, though a pupU. of Diodore of Tarsus, who held Origenist views, strenuously maintained the same doctrines as Augustine;'* and Gregory of Nazianzum, though he expresses hopes of a final remission, never ven- tured to propound it dogmatically.'' Gregory of Nyssa, however, speaks more plainly on the point.'" The Anabaptists in the sixteenth century, and " J. S. Erig. de Bir. Nat. v. 29. '' Thom. Aquin. Elucid. 80. '* Origen, de Princ. i. 6. '' Just. Mart. Dial: Tryph. c. 5. h t' S.v airh.'s /ral eTrai Kal /toXclfev, Sv ISovXerai, [jLVTjfiovevu, and simi- lar directions are given in the liturgy of St. Chry- sostom. Later, Alcuin [de Gelebratione Misses], says, " Post Ula verba, quibus dicitur in somno pacis, usus fuit antiquorum, siout etiam hodie Eomana agit ecclesia, ut statim recitarentur ea diptychis nomina defunctorum." The ancient diptychs were the groundwork of the Martyro- logies, and, when made general instead of local, the original form of the Christian calendar. DISCIPLINA AECANL The ancient name given in the Primitive Church to the practice .of "reserve" respectiag Christian mysteries. It is first actually referred to by TertuUian, who speaks of the silencewhich is keptconcemingmysteries; [Tertul. Apol. vn.] and blames heretics for speaking openly about them to those who were not yet Christians [Catechumen], and even to those who were not preparing to forsake heathenism for Christianity [Tertul. de Prescrip. Hcer. xli.]. But TertuUian does not mention this practice of re- serve as if it was at aU a novelty : and, indeed, he quotes Matt. vii. 6, " Give not that which is ' holy unto the dogs, neither cast ye your pearls before swine," as if it was commonly understood to be founded on these words of our Lord. No doubt there must have been need of some such practice of reserve from the moment when Chris- tianity began to be known as a new religion by the heathen : or curiosity and ignorance might have led to extreme irreverence, such as no Christian of early days could contemplate with- out horror. Nor would it be desirable at once to unfold the mysteries of the faith to heathen persons even when they were desirous of becom- ing Christians, as much and careful instruction was necessary before the doctrine of the Sacra- ments, or of the Holy Trinity, could be properly understood by those who had been brought up under systems of idolatry and fetichism. Thus the disciplina arcani became a systematic habit of the early Church. None were allowed, ordinarily, to witness the ceremonies of Baptism or of the Eucharist until they were themselves brought to the Baptistry to be made Christians, or to the Altar to become communicants : nor was it per- mitted for preachers to speak in unreserved lan- guage before mixed assemblies respecting Bap- tism, the Eucharist, Confirmation, or Ordination. One consequence of this systematic reserve was that the heathen, educated and uneducated, received very false impressions respecting the principles and practices of Christians; and it Discipline, Ecclesiastical Discipline, Ecclesiastical seems very probatle that persecutions often arose out of these mistakes, heathen rulers and others honestly believing (though content with too insufficient evidence) that the rites of Chris- tianity were contrary to the natural laws of morality. Christian writers defended themselves against these charges [Apologists], hut as they could not state the whole of their case, their apologies did not satisfy the heathen mind, and the accusations were repeated again and agaia. Thus the disciplina arcani, however necessary and right may have been its practice, was certainly a great provocative of those persecutions which Christians had to suifer from mistakes as to their principles. Another curious result of this early reserve has been poiated out by Archdeacon Freeman [Princ. Div. Serv. ii. 386]. It is that a "dislocation" has taken place in the Primitive Liturgies : the Lord's Prayer (which was specially subject to the practice of reserve) and some other portions of the rite be- ing removed from the earlier to the later portion of the Liturgy, so as to exclude them from the knowledge of the catechumens. The missionaries of the Church are still practi- ticaUy obliged to maintain the disciplina arcani when among the heathen : and in a country which is nominally Christian no reverent teacher would speak unreservedly of the highest mys- teries among a mob of blasphemers. But as a rule of the Church it has passed away, and be- longs now to the domain of reverent prudence. [Bingham's Antiq. X. v.]. DISCIPLINE, ECCLESIASTICAL. Eccle- siastical discipline is the execution of the spiri- tual laws of the Church. Por the Church it is the assertion of her character of holiness, and for those who are subjected to it, it is not only a punishment, but a means of repentance and re- storation. Discipline has ever been necessary to the true life of the Church, and will continue to be so as long as the Church is passing through the period of her earthly probation, and standing in continual need of sanctification and purification. It was so in the times of the Apostles, who ad- dressed frequent warnings and reproofs to their converts, as, for instance, to the Galatians, and to the seven Churches ; and who, in case of need, pronounced sentence, and inflicted punishment on offenders. We learn from the New Testament the mode of discipline in the Apostolic Church. It was of three kinds : [1] private reproof; [2] public admonition ; [3] excommunication, or separation from the body of the faithful. The earhest in- stances of discipline are the punishment of Ananias and Sapphira by St. Peter, and the sentence pro- nounced by St. Paul on the Corinthian offender. After the time of the Apostles, the primitive Church was distinguished by a strict discipline, maintained, however, down to the time of Con- stantine, by spiritual sanctions alone. The char- acter of converts was made the subject of a rigid inquiry before their admission to the privileges of the faithful, and the high morality of the whole Church was maintained by strict disciplinary regulations. All persons whom any great un- worthiness of life or beHef. such as adultery, 204 murder, or denial of Christ, rendered unfit for the fellowship of the Church, were immediately ex- communicated. The primitive discipline, how- ever, did not constitute a system of espionage, for only crimes which had been the cause of public scandal, or sins confessed by the offenders them- selves, were made the subjects of pubKc censure. Persons who had been excommimicated were allowed to attend only the worship of the cate- chumens. Before their restoration they were required to undergo the catechumenical probation ; and, in addition, certain penances were imposed on them, such as fasting, almsgiving, more frequent prayers, and abstinence from innocent pleasures. The precise forms of penance were not in the second century regulated by any universal rule, but varied according to the circumstances of dif- ferent places. The readmission of fallen members of the Church was a subject of sharp contention in the second and third centuries. Tertullian enume- rates as " peccata mortaHa " " Homicidium, idola- tria, fraus, negatio, blasphemia, utique et mcechia, et fornicatio, et si quis alia violatio tempU Dei." These sins he pronounces " irremissibilia : " " hor- um ultra exorator non erit Christus " \de Pudic. c. 19]. The views of TertuUian were embraced and extended by Novatian of Rome, in the middle of the third century. Novatian, after opposing his bishop, Cornelius, on the subject of the re- admission of the lapsed, as those who had denied Christ in times of persecution were called, was chosen bishop in opposition to Cornelius by those who shared his views. He refused to readmit the lapsed, or any persons guilty of deadly sin, to the communion of the Church, even in the hour of death, although he did not deny the possibility of their salvation. It was, however, the practice of the more moderate party, represented espe- cially by the Church of Eome, to restore all per- sons in the hour of death to the peace of the Church, if their penitence was judged to be sincere. In the latter part of the third century a fixed system of penance was established, which, how- ever, was not long maintained. Penance was divided into four stages : [1] 7rpocr/