CORNELL 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME 
 OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT 
 FUND GIVEN IN 189I BY 
 
 HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE 
 
PJ 1064.S53C62"""™"'' "■''""' 
 „ Samuel Sharpe. 
 
 3 1924 026 852 180 
 

SAMUEL SHARPE 
 
 EGYPTOLOGIST AND TRANSLATOR OP 
 THE BIBLE 
 
 BY 
 
 P. W. CLAYDEN 
 
 LONDON 
 KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH & CO., i Paternoster Square 
 1883 > ; 
 
47«^T^ 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED BY WOODFALL AND KINDER, 
 
 MILFORD I:ANE, STRAND, W.C. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 , CHAPTER I. 
 Parentage 
 
 CHAPTER H. 
 Childhood and School-time 
 
 23 
 
 CHAPTER in. 
 Business and Family Life . • • 39 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 Egyptian Studies . . . . . 60 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 Social, Domestic, and Religious Relations ... 77 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 Historical and Political Weitings . . loi 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 The Five Brothers and their Elder Sister. 129 
 
 -CHAPTER VIII. 
 The Activities of Middle Age .... 153 
 
iv Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Intercourse with Samuel Rogers, Mrss Aikin, and Others 172 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 " Labour Physics Pain" . . 193 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 Retirement from Business and Use of Money and Leisure 216 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 Ten Years of Theological Progress . . . . 236 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 The Family Story draws to its End . 265 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 The Closing Years ... . . 285 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 LIST OF S. SHARPENS PRINCIPAL WORKS 
 
 INDEX 
 
 307 
 
 313 
 
 31S 
 
LIFE OF SAMUEL SHARPE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PARENTAGE. 
 
 In the year 1806 an overwhelming domestic 
 calamity occurred to a happy middle-class family, 
 living in what was then the West-end of London. 
 The father was a man of much refinement and 
 culture, the friend of Flaxman and Porson, of Opie, 
 Shee, and Stothard ; the mother, who was his second 
 wife, was the sister of Samuel Rogers the poet. The 
 children were young, excepting a daughter of the first 
 marriage, who was twenty-three. At the beginning of 
 the year they consisted of four boys and a girl, the 
 eldest of whom was only nine years old, and the 
 youngest two years. The father's business was that of 
 a brewer in King Street, Golden Square ; the family 
 lived at 10, Nottingham Place, Marylebone. In the 
 spring of this fatal year business difficulties pressed 
 heavily on the head of the family, and domestic 
 trouble came to complicate them. Fever, which was 
 the scourge and terror of households in the time of 
 our grandfathers, made its. appearance in the house. 
 The little girl, then five years old, and a boy of 
 three were successively attacked, and in the absence 
 
 B 
 
2 Parentage. [Ch. I. 
 
 of the elder half-sister from home the whole stress 
 of devoted and exclusive attendance upon them fell 
 on their mother. She would not spoil her step- 
 daughter's holiday by telling her of their illness, and 
 the anxiety proved too much for her. While they 
 were yet ill another boy was born, she herself took 
 the fever and died — probably by misadventure in the 
 wrong administration of medicine — when the child 
 was little more than a fortnight old. The loss of 
 his wife weighed heavily on the father's spirits, and 
 five months later, when his bankers, who were his 
 children's uncles, had been obliged to tell him that 
 he was ruined, he was found dead in his brewery, 
 leaving one younger daughter and five sons to the 
 care of their elder sister, who was the sole surviving 
 issue of the earlier marriage. 
 
 Of the family thus suddenly bereaved Samuel 
 Sharpe was the second son. He had been born in 
 the house in King Street, Golden Square, on the 
 8th of March, 1799. His elder brother, Sutton 
 Sharpe, was born in 1797 ; his sister Mary, who 
 came next to him, in 1801 ; his brother Henry 
 in 1802; William in 1804; and Daniel in 1806. 
 Their father, Sutton Sharpe, had married his 
 first wife, Catharine Purchas, in 1779; and the 
 surviving offspring of this marriage, Catharine 
 Sharpe, was born in 1782. He became a widower 
 in 1791 ; and in 1795 married Maria Rogers, a 
 younger sister of Samuel Rogers. This second 
 married life lasted but nine years and a half. 
 Gloomy as was its end, it had been singularly 
 happy. His young wife had speedily gained the 
 complete confidence and affection of her step- 
 
I79S-] Catharine Sharpe. 3 
 
 daughter, and not even business anxieties could cast 
 a shadow over the home which she brightened by 
 her sunny temper, and ornamented by her dignity 
 and grace. Her husband was given to fits of melan- 
 choly, which she charmed away. He was fond of 
 society, in which she was also fitted to shine. He 
 possessed cultivated literary and artistic tastes, to 
 which she admirably ministered, and which she fully 
 shared. He inherited ample means, which his gene- 
 rosity to his brother involved beyond rescue ; and 
 it was probably her fortune which kept him from 
 earlier ruin. In her efforts on behalf of her husband 
 and family her step-daughter Catharine gave her 
 constant support. Catharine was thirteen years old 
 at her father's second marriage, to which she had 
 looked forward with aversion. Writing nearly 
 thirty years later, Catharine speaks of her dislike to 
 the domestic change and the opposition it roused in 
 her girlish mind. The dislike and opposition were 
 soon charmed away. Catharine says of her step- 
 mother : — " She was mildness itself. She made 
 me her companion and friend. In spite of all 
 my determination to the contrary, I could not help 
 loving her ; though, in the quiet uniform life I then 
 led, I could not help regretting the more active and 
 amusing one I had quitted. We spent six months 
 at Hampstead, and then took a house in Nottingham 
 Place, where many happy years were spent, ending 
 only with that deep affliction which altered the 
 whole prospect of my future days." 
 
 The two women, thus brought together, were well 
 worthy of each other. They were the first and 
 second mothers of this family of children. The 
 
 B 2 
 
4 Autobiography. [Ch. i. 
 
 deep affliction which altered the whole prospect 
 of Catharine's future days was prevented by her 
 devotion and courage from marring the fortunes 
 of her half-brothers and sister. The training she 
 gave them, and to which she sacrificed her per- 
 sonal prospects and wishes, fitted them all to 
 play worthy and successful parts in life. Each of 
 the brothers attained in after years a considerable 
 measui'e of distinction and success ; and it v/as their 
 uniform testimony that they owed it, in very great 
 degree, to their elder half-sister — whom they ad- 
 dressed and spoke of familiarly as " sister " — who 
 had been left in charge of them at their father's 
 death, when she had herself just entered on her 
 twenty-fourth year. 
 
 In the case of a family thus left there might be 
 more than usual difficulty in tracing the origin of any 
 of the mental and moral characteristics by which they 
 were afterwards known. The subject of this memoir 
 has, however, left behind him a record, addressed to 
 his children and dictated to one of his daughters in 
 1854, which, though not an autobiography in the 
 strict sense of the term, is a full sketch of his family 
 and personal history. In continuing it fifteen years 
 later in his own handwriting, he warns his daughters 
 " not to be persuaded by anybody after my death 
 that these, or any other particulars about my life, 
 can be of public interest." This, however, is rather 
 a matter for the public to decide. The modesty of 
 the caution is a characteristic feature, which makes 
 it the more important that his life should be written. 
 It is a life which in its untiring industry, its unosten- 
 tatious benevolence, its devotion to truth, and its 
 
I795-] . Paternal Ancestry. 5 
 
 ardent love of learning, coupled as these noble 
 characteristics were with a singular and too unusual 
 absence of all desire for public recognition, or for 
 any other reward than his own satisfied sense of 
 duty, was one of the happiest examples of the 
 qualities which have made the middle class the 
 strength and sweetness of English society. His 
 own view was, that his mother's family had handed 
 down to her descendants "the larger half of our 
 traditional opinions and tastes " ; but it will be seen 
 that the contribution on the father's side was by no 
 means inferior to it. The following is his account of 
 his father : — 
 
 Sutton Sharpe, of No. 10, Nottingham Place, Maryle- 
 bone, was the son of Joseph Sharpe, of Bridge Street, 
 Blackfriars; and of Ann, his wife, daughter of William 
 Telford, of Isleworth. He was born on the 20th of 
 September, 1756. His father and the family before him 
 had carried on the trade of needle-makers in Blackfriars 
 for several generations. Joseph Sharpe, born in 1727-8, 
 was the son of Sutton Sharpe . and Ruth Stokes. This 
 Sutton Sharpe, born in 1699, was the son of Robert 
 Sharpe and Elizabeth Barnes. Robert Sharpe was bom in 
 1669. But this Sutton was apprenticed as needle-maker 
 in 1713, not to his father Robert, but to another Sutton, 
 probably his uncle.' This latter Sutton Sharpe we find 
 mentioned in Chamberlain's " Notitia '' for 1723, as one 
 of the Commissioners of the Lieutenancy for the City of 
 London at the beginning of George the First's reign. 
 
 But to return to my own father. In the year 1779 Sutton 
 Sharpe was married at Croydon to Catharine Purchas, by 
 whom he had one daughter, Catharine, born in 1782. His 
 wife died nine years afterwards. In September, 1795, he 
 was married a second time, to Maria, daughter of Thomas 
 
6 Sutton and Joseph Sharpe. [Ch. I. 
 
 Rogers, of Newington Green and of Freeman's Court, 
 Comhill, banker. Her brother Samuel gave her away. 
 My sister Catharine was then thirteen years old. They 
 took a house at lo, Nottingham Place, Marylebone, and 
 went into it as soon as it was ready to receive them. 
 
 Sutton Sharpe had been brought up to his father's trade 
 as a needle-maker. On his father's death he carried on 
 the business, first in partnership with his mother, and 
 afterwards alone ; when his mother retired to live at Croydon. 
 But the high price of food and wages in London was 
 driving all such manufactories to a distance. Needles 
 could not longer be made profitably in the centre of an 
 increasing capital, and he gave up the family trade and 
 became a brewer in King Street, Golden Square. This 
 business he carried on, though with very moderate success, 
 till the time of his death. 
 
 There seem to have been other reasons for this 
 change of trade. In the journal written by his 
 eldest daughter Catharine, and dated New Ormond 
 Street in the year 1823, to which reference has 
 already been made, she says under the date of 
 
 1793 :— 
 
 My father now gave up his business and joined his brother 
 in King Street, Golden Square, with the idea of attending to a 
 considerable sum which he had lent him to embark in that 
 concern, and to restrain, if possible, his expensive habits. I 
 went to school, but my father chiefly instructed me at home. 
 I adored my uncle, and was the constant companion of all his 
 pursuits, which were so various as to afford me constant im- 
 provement and delight. He was a great mechanic, and I 
 head-workman, or rather " scrub," keeping everything in order, 
 and arranging all the contents of his study and workshop. 
 He taught me to ride and drive, and initiated me early into all 
 the knowledge of the stable. He was a rough master, but he 
 taught me well, and banished everything like fear from my 
 mind, so that I early became a bold and experienced horse- 
 woman ; and many were the delightful excursions for which I 
 
1797-] Sutton Sharpe. y 
 
 was indebted to his kindness. He had a young family, but 
 they were all too little to be anything but playthings. 
 
 The uncle who had thus influenced her character, 
 and through her the group of children afterwards 
 left to her care; died, after a long illness, in 1797, 
 leaving a large family quite unprovided for. Her 
 father's property also suffered seriously. The widow 
 and children lived with their grandmother, Sutton 
 Sharpe's mother, at Croydon, till her death, in 1798. 
 
 Samuel Sharpe further says of his father : — 
 
 From his childhood he (Sutton Sharpe) had always been 
 fond of reading and of works of art. He drew very well 
 with chalk. While attending to business he entered him- 
 self as a pupil in the Royal Academy, and drew there from 
 the life — a privilege which was then open to all. There 
 he gained the friendship of Flaxman, Opie, Shee, and 
 Stothard, and continued intimate with them till his death. 
 He was also acquainted with HoUoway, the engraver, and 
 was one of those friends by whose advice Holloway under- 
 took his great work, the cartoons of Raphael. He was 
 acquainted with Bewick, so well known for his wood-cuts, 
 and that artist gave him a copy of his celebrated Chilling- 
 ham Bull, on a sheet of vellum. His own tastes led him 
 chiefly to draw from the antique statues and Greek vases. 
 He encouraged my mother and sister in the same con- 
 genial employments I hope the love of Art may 
 
 long continue hereditary in our family. My uncle's collec- 
 tion of pictures and antiquities is well known to everybody, 
 and after looking at them I have often been pleased to 
 remember a remark made to him by Mr. Boddington, 
 which used to be repeated to me by Mr. Maltby — " You 
 know, Rogers, we all owe these tastes to Sutton Sharpe." * 
 
 * Rogers himself made the same admission of indebted- 
 ness ; speaking to William Sharpe in 1842 he said, "William, 
 all I know of art I learned from your father." 
 
8 StUton Sharpes Friends. [Ch. I. 
 
 By his first marriage my father had become acquainted 
 with William Maltby, afterwards the Librarian of the 
 London Institution, and with Richard Sharp, the author 
 of " Letters and Essays," but better known as Conversa- 
 tion Sharp. By his second marriage he became the 
 brother-in-law of Samuel Rogers, the poet, and his love of 
 learning made him intimate with many other men of letters 
 besides the artists before mentioned, who were often at his 
 house at No. lo, Nottingham Place. Among these were 
 William Morgan, the mathematician, Coombe, the author 
 of " Dr. Syntax," Mrs. Opie, the artist's second wife, 
 and Matthew Raper, a Vice-President of the Antiquarian 
 Society, who dedicated to him a Greek Vocabulary, 
 and Home Tooke, the author of the " Diversions of 
 Purley," towards whose democratic principles he had a 
 strong leaning. Richard Porson, the eminent Greek 
 scholar, was often there, and gave him copies of his 
 first two plays of Euripides, the " Medea," and " Hecuba." 
 In the latter he wrote, in his beautiful writing, " Optimae 
 Spei Puero Sutton Sharpe. In Graecis Uteris profidenti 
 et profecturo Editor." At this time he had but slight 
 knowledge of the Greek language, and though Porson 
 called him " Puer," he was already forty-five years old. 
 He was well acquainted with Italian, which he thought not 
 studied so much as it deserved to be. 
 
 In politics my father was an earnest reformer, and my 
 earliest recollection of such matters is my wearing in my 
 cap when seven years old a blue cockade, Sir Francis 
 Burdett's colours at the Middlesex election. I remember 
 also my father taking me to the Croydon Assizes to show 
 me the Judge sitting on the Bench. As we were entering 
 the Town Hall the constable at the door stopped a man in 
 a working dress from entering, saying that there was not 
 room for him; whereupon my father turned away, much 
 to my disappointment, and would not enter at that time 
 to mark his disapproval of the different treatment that was 
 
i7i8.] Former Sutton Sharpes. 9 
 
 shown to a good and a, bad coat by a man in authority. 
 My father wore powder and his hair tied in a queue; but his 
 brother Joseph had followed the example of Charles James 
 Fox, and marked his politics by cutting off his tail and 
 wearing a black head of hair. 
 
 It will be seen from this account of their father 
 and his family that the band of brothers must have 
 inherited from him a good many of the intellectual 
 characteristics which distinguished them all. Sutton 
 Sharpe and his younger brother Joseph were both 
 men who took a lively interest in public affairs, and 
 lived and moved in the full current and movement of 
 their time. 
 
 The name of Sutton seems to have been heredi- 
 tary in the Sharpe family, though there is nothing to 
 show whence it was derived. There have probably 
 been Sutton Sharpes ever since the Commonwealth, 
 and the name is now borne, in the branch of the 
 family with which we have to do, by Henry's 
 youngest son. Robert Sharpe, the great-grand- 
 father of the Sutton who was the father of Samuel, 
 was born in London three years after the Great 
 Fire, and died in 17 18. His son Sutton, his second 
 son and fifth child, was apprenticed in the last year 
 of Queen Anne's reign to an older Sutton Sharpe — 
 probably Robert's brother — who was then a person 
 of much consideration in the City of London. The 
 Sutton thus apprenticed was married in 1726, and 
 seems to have been as strongly resolved that his own 
 name should be perpetuated as Gibbon's parents 
 were that there should be an Edward Gibbon. 
 He called his second son Sutton ; and after the 
 child's death, in babyhood, called the third, who was 
 
TO Flaxmatis Sketches. [Ch. I. 
 
 born later, by the same name. This child died, and 
 a fourth was born and christened Sutton. The 
 fourth died in babyhood, and a fifth was called 
 Sutton and died. The sixth and last boy was given 
 the same name and survived. But it was the eldest 
 brother Joseph, who had been born eleven years 
 before, who perpetuated the name in the family. 
 He called his eldest son by the name that five of 
 his own younger brothers had borne, and this Sutton 
 was Samuel's father. He was brought up to his 
 father's business, but he inherited literary and artistic 
 tastes, which his sons afterwards found to be more 
 consistent than he could make them with busi- 
 ness success. An exquisitely finished pencil portrait 
 of him by his friend Flaxman — now in the possession 
 of Mrs. William Sharpe — shows him to have had a 
 broad forehead, full cheeks, and square chin, with a 
 well-chiselled nose, a mouth that bespoke refinement 
 rather than determination, and eyes with an expres- 
 sion of thoughtful melancholy. It is a noble face, 
 and immediately strikes every one who sees it as 
 the portrait of a person of distinction. There is a 
 full length sketch in red chalk of his first wife by 
 Sutton Sharpe himself, which shows Flaxman's influ- 
 ence on his taste, and indicates the possession by her 
 of much of that decision and energy which distin- 
 guished her daughter Catharine. Perhaps the most 
 graceful of all the sketches which Flaxman did for 
 his friend was one in which the attitude of the 
 "Portrait of the Author" in Southey's "Doctor" 
 was anticipated. Miss Sarah Rogers and her 
 younger sister Maria, Sutton Sharpe's second wife, 
 were sitting together, with Miss Rogers's hand in 
 
i8o2.] Sutton Sharpe in Paris. 1 1 
 
 those of Mrs. Sharpe, when something passing in 
 the street caused them both to turn their heads 
 away, Miss Rogers starting forward in an attitude 
 of curiosity. Struck with the graceful group thus 
 made, Flaxman cried out to them not to move, and 
 sketched them on the spot — the backs of both heads 
 turned to him. The sketch recalls his illustrations 
 of the " Iliad " and " Odyssey," A characteristic 
 portrait of Catharine Sharpe, bearing the date of 
 1802, is another of the relics of Flaxman's friend- 
 ship. That was the year when Sutton Sharpe had 
 met the sculptor and his wife in Paris. Peace had 
 been proclaimed, and there was a great rush of 
 English artists and people of taste to that city to 
 see the statues and pictures — the spoils of Europe— 
 in the Louvre. Sutton Sharpe found friends every- 
 where in the city, where he lodged with Samuel 
 Boddington, partner in business of " Conversation " 
 Sharp. His letters to his wife, who had been taken 
 to Paris by Mr. and Mrs. Towgood on their wedding- 
 tour ten years before, are full of pleasant accounts 
 of his intercourse with Benjamin West, with Fuseli, 
 who was then at the height of his fame, with Far- 
 rington, who was Fuseli's companion in this journey, 
 with Mr. and Mrs. Opie, and with other eminent 
 persons ; among them Helen Maria WiUiams, the 
 translator of Humboldt. Twenty years later Samuel 
 Sharpe called upon Miss Williams in Paris to carry 
 a volume from Mr. Rogers. She spoke to him of 
 his father's visit, and said that when she received 
 his card she thought it was the very agreeable 
 Mr. Sharpe who had been introduced to her by 
 Mr. Boddington in 1802. 
 
12 Maternal Ancestry. [Ch. I. 
 
 On the mother's side there was, perhaps, a more 
 distinct transmission of moral qualities. We have 
 already seen that Samuel Sharpe considered that 
 the larger half of their traditional opinions and 
 tastes came from the strongly Nonconformist strain 
 derived from what may properly be regarded as a 
 Puritan ancestry. He traces his mother's family in 
 what he considered to be " the line through which 
 our opinions have chiefly come down to us." This 
 line leads up through the grandmother, Mary Rad- 
 ford, daughter of Daniel Radford and his wife Mary 
 Harris (granddaughter of Dr. Coxe), to Eleanor 
 Henry, who had married Samuel Radford of Chester, 
 and of whom Daniel Radford was the eldest son. 
 Eleanor Henry, who died in 1696, was the sister of 
 the Reverend Matthew Henry, the Commentator on 
 the Bible, and was third daughter and fifth child of 
 the Reverend Philip Henry, one of the most eminent 
 of the clergy who were ejected on the English Black 
 Bartholomew in 1662. Samuel says of this branch 
 of the family tree : — 
 
 The Reverend Philip Henry, incumbent of Worthen- 
 bury, in the county of Flint, was the son of a page in the 
 service of Charles I. He was born in the palace of 
 Whitehall ; he had been the playfellow of the Prince of 
 Wales and the Duke of York ; and his principles of 
 loyalty were strengthened by seeing the King beheaded 
 on the scaffold. But his pious and serious mother brought 
 him up as a hearer and admirer of the Presbyterian 
 Divines, who during the Protectorate filled the parish 
 churches and cathedrals. From Westminster School he 
 went to Oxford, and in due time was appointed to the 
 living of Worthenbury, and ordained a clergyman of the 
 Church of England, by Presbyterian ordination. On the 
 
1662-97.] Philip and Matthew Henry. 13 
 
 return of Charles II., when Episcopacy was again estab- 
 lished, and the Book of Common Prayer ordered to be 
 read in the churches, Philip Henry was one of the two 
 thousand clergymen who, for conscience sake, gave up 
 their incomes and left their homes. When the day of 
 trial came they left those spheres of usefulness which had 
 hitherto been their pride and pleasure, and withdrew into 
 obscurity, and many of them into painful want, rather than 
 comply with those requirements of the Act of Uniformity 
 which they felt hurtful to their consciences. The struggles of 
 mind that they then endured, and the legal persecutions 
 they suffered from that time till the landing of William III., 
 taught them the use and the worth of private judgment in 
 religion, and strengthened their dislike of creeds. These 
 feelings and opinions were, of course, religiously taught to 
 their children, and even now mark the characters of their 
 descendants in the seventh and eighth generations. 
 
 Philip Henry's only son was the Reverend Matthew 
 Henry, an eminent Dissenting Minister, first of Chester, 
 and afterwards of Hackney ; and author of an Exposition 
 of the Bible, which is still highly valued for its devo- 
 tional earnestness. He was one of the original trustees of 
 Dr. Williams's Public Library.* Philip Henry had also 
 four daughters, of whom Eleanor, the third, was born in 1667, 
 and married Samuel Radford of Chester in 1688-9. She 
 inherited the serious, religious disposition of her father, as 
 appears from the short memoir of her written by her 
 brother Matthew, and she died in 1697, aged thirty. 
 
 Samuel and Eleanor Radford left one son and three 
 daughters, who, on the death of their father and mother, 
 were brought up by their uncle Matthew. Daniel Rad- 
 ford, the son, removed to London, and became a ware- 
 houseman in Cheapside, and a director of the Union 
 Insurance Office in Cornhill. He married Mary, the 
 daughter of Samuel Harris of Newington Green, and there 
 
 * Now in Grafton Street, Gower Street. 
 
14 Maternal Ancestry. [Ch. I. 
 
 he and his wife lived, in the house nearest to London on 
 the west side of the Green. Their only child, Mary, was 
 born in the year 1735 ; and in the year 1738, her mother, 
 Mary, died. Daniel Radford continued to live at Newington 
 Green with his little daughter, and invited into the house, 
 as her companion, Mary Mitchell, a daughter of his sister 
 Mary. In the year 1760 Mary Radford married Thomas 
 Rogers, my grandfather. They lived with her father and her 
 cousin on the Green ; and when Daniel Radford died Mary 
 Mitchell continued to live with Thomas and Mary Rogers, 
 and when they died she continued to live with their 
 children. 
 
 The little village of Newington Green had not been 
 unknown in the annals of Presbyterian Dissent. Here 
 several of the ejected ministers took up their abode, and 
 some of them maintained themselves by teaching; and their 
 schools turned out some scores of Nonconformist ministers, 
 as well as many other good scholars. Among others, 
 Charles Morton, who had been rector of Blissland, in Corn- 
 wall, kept a school here, till he removed for safety and 
 liberty to New England. Under him the celebrated Daniel 
 Defoe, the author of '■ Robinson Crusoe," was educated for 
 the ministry, though he never entered on that office. " I 
 was first," he said, " set apart for, and then set apart from 
 the honour of that sacred employ." In this retired spot 
 the silenced Nonconformists sometimes met together for 
 public worship. In 1708 the little society ventured to 
 build a meeting-house on the north side of the Green, and 
 of this congregation Samuel Harris was a member. 
 Daniel Radford was afterwards treasurer to the congregation 
 till the year 1767. 
 
 The opinions of the congregation underwent several ' 
 changes, which were common to the whole of the English 
 Presbyterians. They proclaimed the right of private judg- 
 ment, and rejected the use of creeds. The purpose for 
 which the meeting-house was built, as declared in the 
 
1758-6;.] The Rogers Family. 15 
 
 Trust Deed, was simply for the use of Protestant Dissenters, 
 and the worship of Almighty God. Hence the English 
 Presbyterians, being free to change, became unorthodox 
 more quickly than they owned it, or perhaps were aware 
 of it. They never held the Athanasian opinions, and were 
 early charged with being Socinians. 
 
 It was, however, not quite so early that the congregation 
 at Newington Green became unorthodox ; but in the year 
 1758, while Daniel Radford was treasurer, they chose 
 as their minister Mr. Richard Price, afterwards better 
 known as Dr. Price, who had already declared his Arian 
 opinions. 
 
 Into this Dissenting community Thomas Rogers, as we 
 have seen, married in 1760. He took up his abode with 
 his young wife in her father's house — the house before 
 mentioned. Here they had four sons and three daughters 
 born to them, besides those who died in infancy. Daniel 
 Radford died in 1767, and left by will one hundred 
 pounds towards increasing the minister's salary in the 
 meeting-house on the Green. 
 
 Thomas Rogers was the only son of Thomas Rogers, of 
 the Hill, near Stourbridge, who was a glass manufacturer in 
 that neighbourhood, and of Martha, a daughter of Richard 
 Knight, of Downton. He was thus a cousin of Richard 
 Payne Knight, the antiquary, who left his collection to the 
 British Museum, and of Thomas Andrew Knight, who wrote 
 on Horticulture. At the same time I may as well mention 
 that his wife Mary Radford was descended through her 
 mother from Dr. Coxe, Physician to Queen Mary, and they 
 were thus related to his grandson, William Coxe, the author 
 of "Russian Discoveries."* 
 
 Thomas Rogers the younger, now of Newington Green, 
 was at first in partnership with his father-in-law, as a ware- 
 
 * Better known as the author of the " History of the House 
 of Austria." He was Archdeacon of Wilts and Rector of 
 Bemerton. 
 
1 6 Thomas Rogers s Politics. [Ch. I. 
 
 houseman in Cheapside, but in the year 1760 he established 
 a banking-house in London, under the firm of Welch, 
 Rogers and Olding. It was situated at first in Cornhill, 
 but afterwards at the bottom of Freeman's Court. These 
 houses are now pulled down, but they both stood in the 
 area in front of the Exchange Buildings. At Newington 
 Green Thomas Rogers and his wife lived in rather strict 
 attention to their religious duties. They attended at the little 
 chapel where the Reverend Dr. Towers preached on Sun- 
 day morning and Dr. Price in the afternoon. They met 
 regularly for family worship, when Mr. Rogers .read the 
 Bible and prayers to his children ; and it was when Samuel 
 was about eleven years old that one night after closing the 
 Bible he explained to them that Boston, in America, was in 
 rebellion because the English Parliament had attempted, to 
 tax them without their consent, and solemnly exhorted them 
 always to wish success to the Americans because they had 
 justice on their side. 
 
 As was natural for a Dissenter, Thomas Rogers was 
 always a staunch Whig in politics. He voted for Mr. 
 Byng, father or son, at every Middlesex election, except 
 when displeased with the Coalition Ministry. In 1780 he 
 was elected member of Parliament for Coventry, but his 
 return was petitioned against, and as his politics were well 
 known as unfavourable to the Ministry his election was 
 declared void by a vote of the whole House. When the 
 Dissenters established a college at Hackney, where their 
 sons could receive a liberal education without being re- 
 quired, as at Oxford and Cambridge, to subscribe to any 
 articles of religion, Thomas Rogers was one of its most 
 zealous supporters, and was chosen chairman of the Com- 
 mittee of Management. He was one of the trustees of 
 Dr. Williams's Library. In 1792 he became a member of 
 the Society of the Friends of the People, associated for the 
 purpose of obtaining a Parliamentary Reform, and he 
 signed the memorable declaration on that subject in com- 
 pany with the great names of C. Grey, J. Mackintosh, 
 
I776-93-] kS". Roger's on his Father. 17 
 
 P. Francis, W. H. Lambton, G. Tierney, S. Whitbread, 
 R. B. Sheridan, T. Erskine, W. Smith, and others. This 
 was the year which ended in the imprisonment and trial of 
 Louis XVI., when friends of liberty were branded by Pitt 
 and Burke as friends of anarchy; the year after Dr. 
 Priestley's house at Birmingham had been burnt down by 
 the mob. 
 
 In the year 1776 Thomas Rogers lost his wife, and the 
 care of his house and children then fell to her cousin, 
 Mary Mitchell. He himself died in the year 1793, and 
 the following lines were written by his son Samuel on the 
 occasion of his last illness : — 
 
 There in that bed so closely curtained round. 
 
 Worn to a shade and wan with slow decay, 
 A father sleeps ! Oh, hushed be every sound ! 
 
 Soft may we breathe the midnight hours away ! 
 He stirs — yet still he sleeps. May heavenly dreams 
 
 Long o'er his smooth and settled pillow rise. 
 Nor fly, till morning thro' the shutter streams, 
 
 And on the hearth the glimmering rushlight dies.* 
 
 Customs are so far changed that it may be interesting to 
 mention that according to the fashion of the day Thomas 
 Rogers wore a three-cornered cocked hat. His hair was 
 dressed with powder and tied behind in a queue. His 
 coat on dress occasions was of a light colour. The cuffs 
 were very inconveniently large, and on one occasion he 
 carried off a guinea unawares from the banking-house, and 
 found it in his cuff when he reached home. There were 
 no stage-coaches at Newington Green, so he usually went 
 to town in his own carriage. Umbrellas for rainy weather 
 were almost unknown, but the house at Newington Green 
 possessed one, which was made of oiled cloth, and stood in 
 the hall, and was held by the man-servant with two hands 
 over the heads of the ladies as they stepped from the door 
 to the carriage. 
 
 * Poems, p. 187. "Written in a Sick Chamber, 1793." 
 
 C 
 
1 8 Charles Lamb on D. Rogers. [Ch. I. 
 
 Of my uncles, Daniel, the eldest, was sent to Cambridge. 
 He was of delightful guileless simplicity, without a thought 
 that was hidden from you, and was liked by all his acquaint- 
 ance. His father meant him for the Bar, and had great 
 hopes of his being a distinguished man. But he did not 
 like the law ; he preferred classics. He married his cousin, 
 Martha Bowles, and went to live in the country — much to 
 his father's disappointment. He dwelt first at Lincoln, 
 where he was intimate with Dr. Paley ; but he afterwards 
 removed to Wassal Grove, near Hagley, where he had a 
 farm. There I visited him and spent my time most 
 delightfully, sometimes rambling in Hagley Park with his 
 daughters, sometimes walking over the farm with him, and 
 then returning to his study, where he would pull down 
 book after book to follow a reference or trace a thought 
 with an enthusiasm and richness of memory that was most 
 encouraging to anybody fond of knowledge. He had at 
 that time been studying Persian. He was a magistrate for 
 Worcestershire, and died in 1829. He is highly spoken of 
 by Sir Edgerton Brydges in his Autobiography, and Charles 
 Lamb, who had met him occasionally at the houses of his 
 brothers, Henry and Samuel, wrote the following sonnet 
 upon his death : — 
 
 Rogers, of all the men that I have known 
 
 But slightly, who have died, your brother's loss 
 
 Touched me most sensibly ; There came across 
 
 My mind an image of the cordial tone 
 
 Of your fraternal meetings, where a guest 
 
 I more than once have sate ; and grieve to think. 
 
 That of that threefold cord one precious link 
 
 By Death's rude hand is severed from the rest. 
 
 Of our old Gentry he appeared a stem ; 
 
 A magistrate who, while the evil-doer 
 
 He kept in terror, could respect the poor, 
 
 And not for every trifle harass them — 
 
 As some divine and laic, too oft do. 
 
 This man's a private loss and public too. 
 
1776-93J Thomas and Samuel Rogers. ig 
 
 Thomas and Samuel, the two next sons, were brought 
 up for business. After leaving Mr. Pickburn's school at 
 Hackney they read for some time under Mr. Burgh, who 
 had written " On the Dignity of Human Nature." They 
 were then taken as clerks, and afterwards as partners, into 
 their father's banking-house in Freeman's Court. Thomas 
 died within a year or two of that event, in his father's life- 
 time, and his brother's feelings towards him are described 
 in some beautiful lines in the " Pleasures of Memory '' — 
 
 Oh thou ! with whom my heart was wont t6 share 
 From Reason's dawn each pleasure and each care. 
 With whom, alas ! I fondly hoped to know 
 The humble walks of happiness below ; 
 If thy blest nature now unites above, 
 An angel's pity with a brother's love. 
 Still o'er my life preserve thy mild control. 
 Correct my views, and elevate my soul ; 
 Grant me thy peace and purity of mind. 
 Devout yet cheerful, active yet resigned ; 
 Grant me like thee whose art knew no disguise 
 Whose blameless wishes never aimed to rise. 
 To meet the changes Time and Chance present 
 With modest dignity and calm content. 
 When thy last breath ere Nature sank to rest. 
 Thy meek submission to thy God expressed ; 
 When thy last look ere thought and feeling fled, 
 A mingled gleam of hope and triumph shed : 
 What to thy soul its glad assurance gave, 
 Its hope in death, its triumph o'er the grave ? 
 The sweet Remembrance of unblemished youth. 
 The still inspiring voice of Innocence and Truth ! 
 — " Pleasures of Memory." Second Part, pp. 43, 44. 
 
 Samuel, the poet, had wished to be sent to the Man- 
 chester Presbyterian College, but while his father lived he 
 was kept in strict attention to the banking business. This 
 was of course broken in upon by occasional journeys, 
 besides the annual visit to The Hill, near Stourbridge. 
 He spent one winter in Devonshire, as he had been 
 
 C 2 
 
20 Henry Rogers and his Friends. [Ch. I. 
 
 threatened with an attack upon the lungs. He made a 
 journey to Paris before the outbreak of the French Revolu- 
 tion ; and he paid a visit to Edinburgh, where he made the 
 acquaintance of Dr. Robertson and Mr. Adam Smith, and 
 where he met Mrs. Piozzi, to whom his poems had before 
 introduced him. On the death of his father, in 1793, he 
 was more at liberty to follow his own tastes. 
 
 He inherited an ample property and a prosperous 
 business, and into this he soon introduced his younger 
 brother Henry to manage it for him. He had already 
 published his " Ode to Superstition " and " Pleasures of 
 Memory," and 'his society was eagerly courted by persons of 
 rank and talent. He first took chambers at Paper Build- 
 ings, in the Temple, but afterwards he built a house for 
 himself in St. James's Place, which he gradually enriched 
 with his valuable collection of pictures, vases, and other 
 works of art. His literary friends had been Dr. Price, 
 Dr. Priestley, Mrs. Barbauld, Mr. Home Tooke, but now 
 Charles James Fox, Grattan, and Erskine became his 
 frequent guests, and for fifty years his house has been one 
 of the chief centres of attraction with men of letters and 
 men of taste. 
 
 Henry Rogers, my youngest uncle, was educated under 
 Priestley and Belsham at the New College, Hackney, of 
 which his father was one of the principal founders. As 
 soon as he was of age he joined the banking house in Free- 
 man's Court He was the patron of all his nephews 
 
 and nieces, to whom they at all times looked for help and 
 advice. To me and my brothers and sisters he was like a 
 second father, and though he was the youngest of our 
 uncles, his constant wish to be of use to us, and to have us 
 near him, made us all look up to him as the head of the 
 family. In 1824 he retired out of business, and thereby 
 made room for my admission into the firm. 
 
 Martha, my eldest aunt, married Mr. John Towgood, 
 who was also a Dissenter, a grandson of the Reverend 
 Micaiah Towgood. He was a member of the firm of 
 
1785-1811.] Samuel Rogers. 21 
 
 Langston, Towgood and Company, and in 181 1, being the 
 only survivor that wished to continue in business, he united 
 his bank to that of his brothers-in-law, under the firm of 
 Rogers, Towgood and Company. 
 
 Maria, my mother, was, I have always heard, the 
 favourite of the family, from her goodness of heart and 
 winning manners. She was sent with one or both of her 
 sisters to a boarding-school at Stoke Newington, kept by 
 Mrs. Crisp. And it was on meeting his sister with a troop 
 of the girls of this school in their walks that Samuel 
 Rogers wrote the following lines. He never thought them 
 good enough to print among his poems, but they are 
 interesting as being among the hasty works of a writer who 
 for the most part finished everything with great care. 
 
 To A Party of Young Ladies who were Sitting on 
 A Bench in Queen Elizabeth's Walk at Eight 
 o'clock last Thursday Night. 
 
 Evening had flushed the clear blue sky. 
 The birds had sung themselves to sleep. 
 
 When I presumed, I don't know why, 
 In old Queen Bess's walk to peep. 
 
 And there was she ; Her belles and beaux 
 In ruffs and high- crowned hats were there ! 
 
 But soon, as you may well suppose. 
 The vision melted into air. 
 
 When hark ! Soft voices, thro' the shade, 
 
 Announced a little fairy train. 
 And once, methought, sweet music played, 
 
 I wished to see, but wished in vain. 
 
 For something whispered in my ear, 
 . " Away, away ! At this still hour. 
 Queen Mab, with all her court is here. 
 And he who looks will feel her power." 
 
2 2 Mrs. Sharpes Death. [Ch. I. 
 
 I shut my eyelids at the sound, 
 And found, what every youth will find. 
 
 That he who treads on sacred ground 
 Is sure to leave his wits behind. 
 
 Saturday, May \i,th, 1785. 
 
 My mother died in April, 1806, leaving six children, of 
 whom the youngest was only a fortnight old, and my 
 father died in September of the same year. The following 
 lines, from my uncle's poem of " Human Life," mention my 
 mother's death: — ■ 
 
 Such grief was ours — it seems but yesterday — 
 When in tliy prime, wishing so much to stay, 
 'Twas thine, Maria, thine without a sigh. 
 At midnight in a Sister's arms to die ! 
 Oh thou wert lovely — lovely was thy frame. 
 And pure thy spirit as from Heaven it came ! 
 And, when recalled to join the blest above 
 Thou diedst a victim to exceeding love. 
 Nursing the young to health. In happier hours. 
 When idle Fancy wove luxuriant flowers, 
 Once in thy mirth thou bad'st me write on thee ; 
 And now I write — what thou shalt never see.* 
 
 * " Human Life," p. 82. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 CHILDHOOD AND SCHOOL-TIME. 
 
 The elder half-sister, to whose care the orphan 
 , family were left, and of whose training by her father 
 and uncle an account has already been given, was 
 happily possessed of great vigour and decision. She 
 was only nine years old when her own mother died, 
 and now at the age of twenty-three she found herself 
 called to discharge a mother's duties towards her 
 father's second family. Her own grief for the loss 
 of her second mother ("the first sorrow I had 
 known," she says, " for I was too young to feel the 
 loss of my own mother,") was too great to allow her 
 to do much to alleviate her father's sorrow. " The 
 only consolation that presented itself," she continues, 
 " was the promise of' becoming a mother to her chil- 
 dren, and so far as in me lay to repay the debt of 
 gratitude I owed her." The five summer months 
 during which Sutton Sharpe survived his wife were 
 the gloomiest period in the family history. He 
 refused to be comforted, and his daughter looked 
 back in after years with much needless self-reproach 
 upon her failure " to afford him the consolation he 
 required." His death was accelerated by pecuniary 
 difficulties, and he was found to have left his family 
 in such a position that it was needful to give up the 
 
24 The Orphan Family. [Ch. ll. 
 
 home in Nottingham Place. There was for a time 
 the prospect that the children would be scattered. 
 His whole property had been involved in the brew- 
 house into which he had been drawn by his brother, 
 and the business had not succeeded. He died with- 
 out a will, and it became the duty of his daughter 
 Catharine to administer the estate, which she did 
 with the assistance of Mr. John Towgood, who had 
 married Martha Rogers, and of Mr. Henry Rogers, 
 the unmarried youngest brother. When the business 
 was wound up it was found that there would not be 
 enough to pay the business debts, so that the furni- 
 ture and library in Nottingham Place had to be sold. 
 After this sacrifice, which she felt most bitterly, 
 though she made out the catalogue of the library 
 with her own hands, nothing remained to the family 
 from the wreck of their father's property ; but 
 their mother's small fortune had been settled on 
 them, and they consequently had enough to live on. 
 Looking back on this period of anxiety and diffi- 
 culty seventeen years afterwards, Catharine writes in 
 her journal the following graphic account of her inward 
 struggles and outward difficulties. A more interest- 
 ing picture of a strong and earnest mind, girding 
 itself up to a great and self-sacrificing task, has 
 rarely been given : — 
 
 We spent some time at Walthamstow, where the Towgoods 
 then Uved, who most kindly gave us room till our future plans 
 could be finally settled. From the moment I regained suffi- 
 cient composure for reflection I felt there was only one course 
 to pursue, to secure either my own self-approbation or the 
 welfare of those who then alone occupied my thoughts. This 
 was to take the whole superintendence of their education upon 
 myself. If they were separated amongst their various rela- 
 
I Sod] Catharine Sharpens Self-Devohon. 25 
 
 tions their individual advantages might perhaps be greater 
 than my limited means could procure, but the great bond of 
 family union would be broken, the early affection which most 
 strongly unites the members of a large family would have no 
 existence in a divided state, selfish feelings and gratifications 
 would take the place of those which should connect them 
 through life and teach them to labour for the good of others. 
 These were the motives which, at the time, influenced me in 
 the decision. It depends on them to declare whether such 
 decision was a right one. For myself I can only say I have 
 been perfectly satisfied with the result; and placed again in 
 the same circumstances I should most assuredly act the same 
 part. ' I 
 
 We took a house in Paradise Row, Stoke Newington, as 
 being there in the midst of our most intimate friends. Here 
 I had leisure to examine my own mind, and many thoughts 
 it cost me. I must not only educate these children, but I 
 must educate myself if I would hereafter become their guide 
 and counsellor. I must render myself worthy of being con- 
 sulted. These and many such thoughts occupied my mind, 
 and many are the nights I have nearly passed in pacing the 
 apartment, for, till the duties of the day were past, I never 
 suffered their encroachment, as thfey rendered me incapable 
 of exertion. Perhaps the greatest difficulty I had to contend 
 with was the want of some friend whose thoughts and feelings 
 were in unison with mine, and on whose judgment I might rely. 
 That friend was separated from me by many thousand miles.* 
 Her letters tended more to strengthen my good resolutions 
 than all my other friends. 
 
 Such was the spirit in which this courageous 
 woman accepted the responsibiHty which the early 
 death of her father and stepmother imposed upon 
 her. EngHsh family histories are happily full of 
 such unnoticed and unintrusive devotion to family 
 interests and domestic duties. Catharine Sharpe's 
 life from this time forward was one of uncomplain- 
 
 * This was Mrs. Ashburner, formerly Miss Morgan, who 
 had removed with her husband and young family to India. 
 
26 Catharine Sharpes Self-Devotion. [Ch. II. 
 
 ing self-sacrifice. She gave up everything for these 
 children. She put aside her prospects in life and 
 devoted her youth, her talents and her accomplish- 
 ments, to the task of educating them and keeping 
 them together. She was forty-one years old when 
 the journal was written, and the greater part of her 
 noble task was done. For seventeen years she had 
 been doing the part of mother and father to her 
 father's children, and had been rewarded by the 
 complete success of her efforts to keep a home for 
 them and to preserve in them the sense of family 
 life. Her marked individuality had impressed itself 
 on the household. Every one of them regarded her 
 with the deepest gratitude and affection ; and each 
 was ready to give her training the credit of much of 
 the success they afterwards attained. 
 
 The next entry in her journal is under the date 
 of 1807 : — 
 
 Sam and Sutton went to Mr. Cogan's school, the four others 
 remained with me. The next fourteen years were passed in 
 our house in Paradise Row, certainly the most active and 
 laborious years of my life. 
 
 In 1809 : — 
 
 This year Mary and Henry accompanied me to Wassal, 
 and there my mind experienced the first real enjoyment after 
 a period of intense suffering. This visit, besides tlie gratifica- 
 tion it afforded me, was of inestimable advantage. Under Mr. 
 Rogers's kind instruction I improved materially my knowledge 
 of Latin, and was enabled thereby to keep the boys in my 
 hands much longer than I otherwise should have done. Years 
 now passed on in one uniform routine. My days were employed 
 in the education of the children, my evenings in my own im- 
 provement. I recollect no particular event that needs record. 
 Miss Andrews assisted me with the children. 
 
i8o6-io.] Samuel Sharps s Boyhood. 27 
 
 Samuel writes respecting this period of his life : — 
 
 On the death of my father we six younger children fell 
 to the care of our elder sister, Catharine, who most dis- 
 interestedly took charge of our education. She was be- 
 friended in her task by my unmarried uncles and aunt, 
 Samuel Rogers, Sarah Rogers, and Henry Rogers, but 
 more particularly by my uncle Henry. Sutton and I were 
 sent on a visit to my uncle Daniel Rogers, to be out of 
 the way, while my sister, leaving Nottingham Place, moved 
 into a smaller house, and with my uncle's family at Wassal 
 Grove, near Hagley, we spent six months most happily, 
 too young to understand the loss that had befallen us. On 
 our return we found my sister in lodgings in Church 
 Street, Stoke Newington, from which she shortly removed 
 to a house in Paradise Row, in the same village. This 
 was within a short walk of my uncle Henry and aunt 
 Sarah, who with Mrs. Mitchell were living at No. 10, 
 Highbury Terrace'. From Stoke Newington Sutton and I 
 were sent to Mr. Cogan's school at Higham Hill, Waltham- 
 stow. 
 
 I was eight years and three months old when sent to 
 school at Midsummer, 1807. There I stayed seven years 
 and a half, returning home to Stoke Newington three 
 times a year for the holidays. At school I made fair pro- 
 gress in Latin and Greek. I learned a little French and 
 Mathematics, and during the play hours I read many of 
 the best English histories and other standard works, which 
 were always within our reach in the school library. During 
 the holidays I learnt drawing and Italian from my sister. 
 
 This spending his play hours in reading was 
 characteristic of Samuel Sharpe's boyhood. He 
 differed from his brothers by a somewhat unnatural 
 gravity. Though he was the second and Sutton the 
 
28 His School and Schoolmaster. [Ch. ii. 
 
 elder, Catharine writes quite instinctively, " Sam and 
 Sutton." He became her chief counsellor as he 
 grew up. He was fonder of books than of amuse- 
 ments. As a young man he went into society much 
 less than his brothers, and in his riper years it was 
 with difficulty that he could be torn away from his 
 library, his manuscripts, and his favourite studies, 
 even for a summer holiday. In this characteristic he 
 resembled his old teacher Mr. Cogan, who for thirty- 
 six years was never absent from his school duties a 
 single day in pursuit of pleasure. Mr. Cogan's 
 reputation as a schoolmaster was universal in the 
 first quarter of the present century. The house at 
 Higham Hill, Walthamstow, was always full, and an 
 unusual number of his pupils gained distinction or 
 success in after life. Dr. Parr, in a letter to Arch- 
 bishop Magee, speaks of him as " an accurate Greek 
 scholar, and a diligent and discriminating reader of 
 the best critical works which have been lately 
 published at Berlin, Leyden, Gottingen, Leipsic and 
 Paris, and at home by Porson, Blomfield, Gaisford 
 and Elmsley." He was said to have read more 
 Greek than any living man. His method was to 
 ground his pupils in the grammar of the classical 
 languages, and he probably estimated their ability 
 and measured his esteem for them by their success 
 in Latin and Greek composition. Speaking to the 
 late Rev. J. J. Tayler of Mr. Disraeli (afterwards 
 Lord Beaconsfield), who had been one of his pupils, 
 he once said : — " I don't like him. I never could get 
 him to understand the subjunctive." Mr. Cogan 
 died in 1855, at the age of ninety-three. His father, 
 who was a medical practitioner at Rothwell, in 
 
i8i4] He goes to Business. 29 
 
 Northamptonshire, had been born in the year 1698, 
 so that these two lives of father and son covered 
 nearly a hundred and fifty seven years of English 
 history, including the whole reigns of Anne, the 
 four Georges, and William the Fourth, and linking 
 together those of William the Third and Queen 
 Victoria. 
 
 The schooling-time was short ; for in accord- 
 ance with the usual custom in those days, Samuel 
 Sharpe was taken from his lessons and sent to 
 business when he was approaching sixteen. He 
 writes in 1854: — 
 
 When wanting two months of being sixteen years old, at 
 Christmas, 1814, I left school just as I was beginning to 
 feel my lessons a pleasure, and therefore without rejoicing, 
 though without regret; and I was taken by my uncles 
 into their banking-house as a clerk. At the desk in 
 Clement's Lane, Lombard Street, I have remained for forty 
 years, with various . feelings and various fortunes. I have 
 grown up, I have married, seen my children born and 
 friends die around me, changed my dwelling, but always in 
 business hours remained at 29, Clement's Lane, Lombard 
 Street. While a clerk at Clement's Lane I walked back- 
 wards and forwards from Paradise Row, and I continued 
 my school studies both before breakfast in the morning and 
 on my return home in the evening. My reading at this 
 time was as much the eifect of quiet habit as from a love 
 of knowledge. I enjoyed the pleasure of feeling my pro- 
 gress, but I sat at my books because I had neither pocket- 
 money nor high spirits to lead me into more foolish amuse- 
 ments. 
 
 It was at this time, when I was about sixteen years old, 
 that my uncle Henry gave me a ticket of admission to the 
 London Institution, then in the Old Jewry, now in Moor- 
 
30 Literary Friends. [Ch. li. 
 
 fields. Here I used occasionally to spend an hour or two 
 between business and going ^ home, and great was the 
 advantage I received from beirig able to use the books of 
 reference there placed by Mr. Person and Mr. Maltby, and 
 to choose for myself out of 30,000 volumes. Many years 
 afterwards I bought a share in the Institution, and I have 
 been a reader there for forty years. It was not till about 
 the year 1837 that I first visited the reading-room in the 
 British Museum. 
 
 Stoke Newington at that time was a very advantageous 
 place of residence for us. Mrs. Barbauld often drank tea 
 with my sister, and as often I went to her house to fetch 
 my sister home after an evening spent there. At Dr. 
 Aikin's house I was more intimate, as he had for a short 
 time a grandson living with him, who was my fellow- 
 student, or rather teacher, in botany and chemistry. There 
 I was at liberty to go on a Sunday evening as an uninvited 
 guest, and listen to the literary conversation of Dr. Aikin 
 and Miss Aikin and their friends. Mr. Maltby, the 
 Librarian of the London Institution, spent one summer 
 in lodgings within two doors of us. We were frequent 
 visitors at Mr. Morgan's at Stamford Hill, who kindly gave 
 me advice on Mathematics, and once most good-naturedly 
 lit the furnace for me in his laboratory on a Good 
 Friday, because that was the only day on which I had a 
 holiday, and I went to see him decompose potash into its 
 metal base. At my uncle Henry's in Highbury Terrace 
 we were always welcome, and there, as I got old enough 
 to know the value of good society, I sometimes found 
 Stothard and Westall, and Sir Thomas Lawrence, and 
 Ottley, and Charles Lamb, and Thomas Moore, and 
 " Russian " Tooke and Mr. Tuffin, with other friends who 
 were even better in conversation though less known. 
 Once or twice a year we visited my uncle Sam in St. 
 James's Place, where we felt ourselves less intimate, but 
 
1815-26] Life at Stoke Newington. 31 
 
 had the advantage of seeing his dhoice collection of 
 pictures, and where I occasionally met Campbell, Wiffen, 
 Foscolo, Turner, Luttrell, Jekyl and other men of letters, 
 besides those whom we saw at Highbury. 
 
 Amongst the inhabitants of Stoke Newington was an 
 intelligent old lady, Mrs. Decastro, a Portuguese Jewess, 
 who' used to say that her father and ndother were the last 
 persons who were burned alive for being Jews. She was 
 then about seventy years old, and they were burned when 
 she was two years old, in the Island of Goa, the Portuguese 
 colony in the East Indies. The Portuguese law against the 
 Jews was enforced in the colonies long after it had been 
 allowed to fall into disuse at home. 
 
 It was in this quiet period of nine ■ years, filled 
 with diligent attention to business during banking 
 hours, and with improving and delightful study in 
 the morning and evening, that the foundations of his 
 success both as a scholar and a man of business were 
 laid. His punctuality and exactitude struck every- 
 body who knew him. It was said that he never left 
 home a minute too early or too late, and a story 
 lingered in Stoke Newington that the keeper of the 
 turnpike gate at the end of Paradise Row set his 
 clock for several years by the young clerk as he 
 passed through the gate on his way to the city. He 
 was extremely cautious in business, and conscientious 
 in every relation he sustained. His father's misfor- 
 tunes, which had deeply impressed him as he 
 gradually heard from friends of their serious extent 
 and consequences, produced in him an almost 
 extreme objection to any approach to extravagance. 
 The father had been too fond of society — the son 
 despised it too much. His sister complained that he 
 
32 Sutton Sharpe the Younger. [Ch. li. 
 
 would never dress in the evening, and that he wore 
 at her parties in New Ormond Street the clothes in 
 which he had come from business. He disliked mere 
 visiting all his life, but always sought the society of 
 men whose character or attainments made them 
 worth knowing. In such society he was always 
 welcome. His- lively interest in all literary and 
 scientific subjects, his wide and diligent reading, and 
 his inherited love of art, opened the doors of artists 
 and scientific men and men of letters, which re- 
 mained closed to many better dressed but less in- 
 telligent persons. 
 
 While Samuel was thus going backwards and 
 forwards between Clement's Lane and Stoke New- 
 ington, gaining the confidence of his relatives in 
 the banking-house and becoming a mainstay of his 
 motherly half sister at home, the other members of the 
 family were also pushing into life. His elder brother 
 Sutton, who had been regarded as one of the most 
 promising boys in Mr. Cogan's school, was articled 
 in 1815 to the eminent firm of Messrs. Graham, 
 Kinderley and Domville, of Lincoln's Inn. He had 
 been a diligent student at school, where he had 
 gained an extensive acquaintance with English 
 literature, to which he had added, in his holidays, 
 a good knowledge of chemistry. During the five 
 years in which he was articled he showed the same 
 diligence in the study of law. Mr. Kelly, afterwards 
 Sir Fitzroy Kelly, was a clerk in the same office and 
 taught Sutton Sharpe, who was one year his junior, the 
 Italian language. Sutton was a good French scholar 
 and translated for an English publisher " De Pradt on 
 the Colonies." On the expiration of his clerkship he 
 
i8i2-23.j Mary and Henry Sharpe. 33 
 
 determined not to practise as a solicitor, but to go to 
 the Bar. For this purpose he entered himself in the 
 Middle Temple and took chambers in King's Bench 
 Walk. He became the pupil, first of Mr. Richmond, 
 the conveyancer, and afterwards of Mr. Spence, who 
 was in large practice as an equity draughtsman. He 
 was called to the Bar on the 21st June, 1822. The 
 sister, Mary, who was two years younger than 
 Samuel, was in feeble health, and had never left 
 home. She received her education from Miss An- 
 drews, the governess, and her sister Catharine. The 
 cultivated tastes of her brothers filled their home 
 with a literary atmosphere ; and Mary's delicate 
 health made it quieter perhaps and more restful, but 
 none the less happy. Henry, too, was far from 
 strong, and for this reason was never sent to Mr. 
 Cogan's school, as his elder brothers had been, but 
 was taught first by his sister and the governess, and 
 in 1812, at the age of ten, went to the day school 
 kept by Mr. Bransby at Stoke Newington. But he 
 was as diligent as all the rest ; and laid the founda- 
 tion of a solid education in a school time of five 
 years. While at school he formed a warm friendship 
 with William Drusina, a schoolfellow from Hamburg, 
 and acquired from him the elements of German. 
 On leaving Mr. Bransby's in 1817, Henry went on a 
 visit to his friend's mother in Hamburg. It was a 
 long voyage in those days ; and he was three weeks 
 at sea. His sister had a plan for sending him to 
 school in Hamburg, and he was eventually placed in 
 the family of Mr. and Mrs. Knoop, who had a son of 
 his own age. Here he stayed five years, during which 
 he made himself as familiar with German as with his 
 
 D 
 
34 Henry and Willtam Sharpe. [Ch. ii. 
 
 native language, besides acquiring French, Spanish 
 and Portuguese. Mrs. Knoop became a second 
 mother to him and spoke of him as her English son. 
 Henry himself became so much attached to Ham- 
 burg that he seriously thought of settling there ; and 
 went into a merchant's office. In his few visits to 
 England he looked back to Hamburg as his real 
 home ; and to the end of his life retained many of 
 his friendships there and paid the city a holiday visit 
 every three or four years. His sister, however, 
 succeeded in persuading him not' to settle abroad, 
 and he returned to England in the same year in 
 which his brother Sutton was called to the Bar. He 
 went into the office of Mr. Van Zeller, a Portuguese 
 merchant, and lived with his brothers and sisters in 
 New Ormond Street. 
 
 The two younger brothers, William who had been 
 born in 1804, and Daniel who was born in 1806, 
 seem to have been kept under home teaching till the 
 year 18 16. Their sister writes in her diary in that 
 year: "William and Dan went to Mr. Bransby's 
 school ; Henry went to Hamburg ; Miss Andrews left 
 us." William was afterwards sent to a boarding- 
 school at Cheam. It was his sister's desire that he 
 should be an architect. He seemed born to be an 
 artist, and very early showed a correctness of eye and 
 hand, and a power of calculation and arrangement, 
 which together seemed to justify his sister's choice. 
 His own desire was in harmony with her wish; but 
 it was not to be gratified. His artistic talent was 
 only to be the pleasant recreation of a hardworking 
 life, and his power of calculation and arrangement 
 was to be used in giving invaluable advice and aid 
 
1 8 12-22.] William and Daniel Sharpe. 35 
 
 to those who asked it from him. As Sutton had 
 resolved to take the higher branch of the legal pro- 
 fession, William, at sixteen years of age, was put in 
 his place in Sir William Domville's office, where he 
 remained till he was twenty-one. 
 
 Daniel, the youngest, was naturally the last at 
 school. He had two years at Mr. Bransby's, and then, 
 at twelve, was sent to Mr. Cogan's, where Benjamin 
 Disraeli was one of his schoolfellows, and where, like 
 his two elder brothers, he got thoroughly grounded 
 in the classics. He left Mr. Cogan's at sixteen and 
 returned to the new home, to which the family had 
 removed in the year before, in New Ormond Street. 
 
 It was while Daniel was still at school, but after 
 the other four were all settled at business, that the 
 removal from Paradise Row had been resolved on. 
 Their sister's plan had been to keep them together as 
 much as possible, to make them appreciate the com- 
 fort of home,*and to preserve in them the sense of 
 family life. For this purpose the country — for in 
 those days Stoke Newington was so regarded — had 
 suited them admirably in their boyhood ; but it 
 suited them no longer. Catharine herself gives a full 
 account of her reasons for making the change : 
 
 The period was now approaching that seemed to require a 
 change in our way of hfe. Hitherto a residence in the country 
 had been most desirable for the family. Sutton being in cham- 
 bers, Sam was the only one settled, and he could return of an 
 evening to tea. But now William was to be articled in the same 
 office as his brother, their hours would not allow of his return- 
 ing at night to Newington. The last fourteen years had passed 
 iri their education as children ; they were now to take their 
 stations in the world as men. The most ardent wish of my 
 heart had ever been, when this period did arrive, to be enabled 
 
 D 2 
 
36 Life in New Ormond Street. [Ch. 1 1. 
 
 still to keep the family together, and afford these young men a 
 home such as they would prefer, from inclination, to any more 
 independent way of life. But should I have the power of making 
 it so ? All rested on myself (for I could with pride assert that 
 they were, every one of them, such as any parent might glory 
 in), and however right I might be in theory I might fail in 
 practice. We took a house in New Ormond Street. In the 
 autumn Henry returned to us from Hamburg, finally to settle 
 in this country. 
 
 Samuel gives his own account of this period of his 
 life :— 
 
 In 1821 I removed with my sister to No. 12, New Or- 
 mond Street. At that time Sutton was a barrister in the 
 Temple, Henry had returned home from a clerkship in 
 Hamburg, William was in an attorney's office, and Dan 
 was at school. Here I continued with the same quiet and 
 studious habits. Our removal into London took me a little 
 more into society, but not much. I became a Fellow of 
 the Geological Society by the introduction of Dr. Bostock, 
 and intimate with Joseph Woods, the architect and botan- 
 ist, and Bicheno the naturalist, who both lived in Furni- 
 val's Inn. With them I used sometimes to meet several 
 men of Science, such as Colby and Drummond, of the 
 Trigonometrical Survey, Horsfield, Bell, Yarrell, and other 
 members of the Linnaean Society. But certainly my most 
 valuable friend at this time was Joseph Janson. My ac- 
 quaintance began with him at Stoke Newington while my 
 cousin Sarah, afterwards my dear wife, was a governess in 
 his brother's family at Stamford Hill. He was a most 
 judicious, sensible man; a deep thinker, and clear in 
 conversation and a great reader. When I was nineteen 
 years old, he was eight-and-twenty ; and it certainly was 
 one of the events of my life when he invited me to join 
 him in a tour through the Netherlands and Holland to 
 some of the picturesque parts of the Rhine. The differ- 
 ence in our ages made the invitation most flattering, and 
 
I822.J The Family settled. 37 
 
 the journey most instructive, and he kindly accommodated 
 himself to what was necessary on my part, that we should 
 travel at. small expense. I have known many men of 
 greater learning, I have received from others greater ad- 
 vantages in the way of introduction to men of letters, but 
 I have never had any friend whose conversation was to me 
 so improving. Our journey occupied exactly four weeks. 
 During my clerkship in Clement's Lane I was allowed such 
 a holiday about once in three years. I spent the first most 
 agreeably with my uncle Dan at Wassal Grove, turning 
 over with him the books in his valuable library, and ram- 
 bling in Hagley Park with my cousins. This journey with 
 Joseph Janson was ray second holiday. My third was 
 again with Mr. Janson and his cousins, Mr. and Mrs. Bar- 
 ton, to Paris, where I had the pleasure of seeing Humboldt, 
 and passing an evening with Helen Maria Williams. My 
 fourth holiday I spent with my brother Dan in a ramble 
 through North Wales. 
 
 The year 1822 was memorable in the family his- 
 tory as that in which the youngest of the boys left 
 school and went into business. Catharine writes as 
 follows under the date 1822: "Dan joined Henry 
 in Mr. Van Zeller's office." She was now forty years 
 old. The best part of her life had been devoted to 
 this group of orphan children, and she now had 
 the satisfaction of seeing them all more or less 
 settled in life. After the line just quoted she writes 
 in her journal — it is the last entry but one in what 
 remains of her diary : 
 
 Thus they were all now established in their respective 
 branches, all present anxiety about them at an end ; and 
 here I feel my efforts cease. I have done all in my power 
 for their advantage, the rest must depend upon themselves. 
 
38 Catharine Sharpes Work done. [Ch. II. 
 
 They must now make their own way in the world. I .have 
 laboured to make them active, independent, industrious, 
 and I feel confident I have not laboured in vain, and that 
 if I live I shall see them upright and conscientious members 
 of society. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 BUSINESS AND FAMILY LIFE. 
 
 The removal of the family to New Ormond Street 
 was very soon followed by an important change in 
 the fortunes of the subject of this biography. We 
 have already seen how his admirable business 
 qualities gained the complete confidence of his 
 relatives in the banking-house, and how in the 
 beginning of 1824, when he had been nine years 
 serving as a clerk, he was admitted as a partner. 
 Catharine records it in a supplementary entry in her 
 diary, the last words the diary contains : — 
 
 This year (1824) was ushered in by a most joyful and un- 
 expected event. Sam was taken into the firm at Clement's 
 Lane. Mr. Henry Rogers, who, at my father's death promised 
 to be a father to the children and a brother to myself, has 
 invariably kept his word to us all. He now withdrew from the 
 concern, appointing Sam in his place. Independently of the 
 great advantage in a pecuniary point of view, his choice was 
 most gratifying, as proving his high confidence in Sam's 
 character, who, henceforward, is to assist the others in their 
 progress through life, now that he is himself established. 
 
 Samuel speaks of this improyement in his position 
 as giving him a moderate income, but making no 
 change in his habits of life. He continued to live 
 during the next three years and a half with his 
 
40 Mr. Edwin Field. [Ch. hi. 
 
 brothers and sisters in New Ormond Street. It was 
 a happy and prosperous household ; the brothers full 
 of intellectual eagerness and enthusiasm, the sisters, 
 in their very different modes, entering into all their 
 pursuits, and enjoying their lively talk. During 
 this residence in New Ormond Street many friend- 
 ships were formed. One of these was with Mr. 
 Edwin Wilkins Field, who was the same age as 
 William Sharpe. Mr. Field was the eldest son 
 of the Rev. William Field, Unitarian minister of 
 Warwick, the friend and biographer of Dr. Parr. 
 His grandfather, who was the founder of the London 
 Annuity Society, had married Anne, the great- 
 granddaughter of Henry Cromwell, son of the 
 Protector. Mr. Field was articled in 182 1 to Messrs. 
 Taylor and Roscoe, Solicitors, of King's Bench Walk, 
 Temple. William Sharpe had been articled in the 
 previous year ; and the two clerks, having many 
 feelings and opinions in common, became intimate 
 friends. In 1826 they began business together as 
 solicitors in Bread Street, Cheapside. Mr. Field 
 became engaged to his partner's sister, Mary Sharpe, 
 and they were married in 1830. Mary's health had 
 always been a source of anxiety to her family, and 
 it did not permanently improve after her marriage. 
 Soon after the birth of her only child, she died 
 suddenly, during a visit to Leamington, in the second 
 year of her married life. This was the first break in 
 the family since the double bereavement in 1806. 
 Writing in 1840 Samuel says :— " Last time I was at 
 Warwick it was to be present at the funeral of my 
 sister Mary, and this time I was pleased to see the 
 slab which her husband has put up to her memory in 
 
i8o6-22.] Mr. and Mrs. Kinder. 41 
 
 Mr. Field's chapel." Mary possessed much of the 
 brightness and sweetness which were the great charm 
 of her mother. Her son, who was named after the 
 family of his grandmother, is Mr. Rogers Field, the 
 eminent sanitary engineer. 
 
 The closest intimacy of the Sharpe family was, 
 with Mr. and Mrs. Kinder and their sons and 
 daughters. Mr. Kinder was a merchant, trading 
 with the United States, whom the Orders in Council 
 had nearly ruined, as they did so many others, and 
 who had removed to London. Mi-s. Kinder, his 
 second wife, was the daughter of Dr. Enfield, the 
 compiler of "Enfield's Speaker," and author of the 
 " History of Philosophy." Mr. Kinder and his eldest 
 daughter were living at Stoke Newington in 1806 ; 
 and Catharine Sharpe had removed thither from Not- 
 tingham Place in order to be near them. She had 
 taken the next house, and a communication was 
 opened between the two dwellings. The Kinders 
 had removed to Cheapside before the Sharpe family 
 came into New Ormond Street ; and this latter 
 change restored the former intimacy. One of 
 Samuel Sharpe's most cherished recollections in his 
 later years was that of spending an evening with Dr. 
 Channing, at their house in Cheapside, in 1822. Dr. 
 Channing was then but little known in England, 
 and he visited this country as an invalid in search of 
 health and quiet. The connection of the Kinders 
 with the United States brought many American 
 Unitarians to their home. Among the other friends 
 of those days were many men who became distin- 
 guished in later years — Charles Crompton, after- 
 wards Mr. Justice Crompton ; Charles Fellows, 
 
42 Other Friends. [Ch. hi. 
 
 who was knighted for his valuable researches in 
 Lycia ; James Carter, afterwards Sir James Carter, 
 who was for many years Chief Justice of St. John's ; 
 Mr. Thomas Field Gibson, one of the Commissioners 
 for the Exhibition of 1851 ; Mr. Henry Roscoe, son 
 and biographer of the eminent historian; Mr. Yate 
 Lee, and Mr. Reginald Parker (afterwards partner 
 of William Sharpe). With their uncle Samuel 
 Rogers there was intercourse both of business and 
 of family connection and friendship, and more 
 especially with his brother Henry Rogers, who was 
 justly regarded by the family as a second father, and 
 who had given Samuel Sharpe a junior partnership 
 in the bank. Mr. Henry Rogers is still remembered 
 by friends and neighbours at Highbury as the light 
 and charm of the circle he moved in. He was the 
 kind of man Emerson may have had in view, when 
 in his essay on Character he wrote, " I revere the 
 man who is riches ; so that I cannot think of him as 
 alone, or poor, or exiled, or unhappy, or a client, but 
 as perpetual patron, benefactor and beatified man." 
 Among the circle of friends at Highbury was the 
 family of Mr. James Bischoff. Mrs. Bischoff was the 
 sister of Mr. Stansfeld of Halifax, whose son, the 
 Right Honourable James Stansfeld, has long worthily 
 represented that town in Parliament. Mr. Bischoff's 
 third daughter married the Rev. Thomas Madge, the 
 eminent and revered successor of the Rev. Theophi- 
 lus Lindsey and the Rev. Thomas Belsham in the 
 pulpit of the Unitarian Chapel in Essex Street. Mrs. 
 Madge and her younger sister still live in the home 
 of their childhood in Highbury Terrace. Their 
 friendship with Mr. Henry Rogers and his nephews 
 
1820-24.] Sarah Sharpe. 43 
 
 and nieces, especially with their neighbours Samuel 
 and William Sharpe, continued unbroken to the end ; 
 and is now perpetuated in the present generation of 
 the Sharpe family. 
 
 The young men, thus brought together by busi- 
 ness relations and by personal and family friend- 
 ships, formed a very energetic and strenuous group. 
 There are glimpses in letters and journals of gay 
 evening parties, and of boating excursions on 
 the river. The Thames of sixty years ago differed 
 less from that of the days of Queen Elizabeth 
 than from the river which the present genera- 
 tion of Londoners see from the Embankment. Mr. 
 Edwin Field writes in his diary, about the year 
 1824 : "Swam from Waterloo to Blackfriars Bridge, 
 and could have gone twice as far with the greatest 
 ease." Some of the Sharpes kept a boat at the 
 bottom of Arundel Street, Strand, and it was no un- 
 common event for them to take their elder sister 
 and their friends for pleasant excursions on the 
 then undefiled stream. Samuel Sharpe was not 
 often with his brothers in these excursions. He 
 was more disposed to spend any leisure which 
 business and study left him in visits to Stamford 
 Hill. One of his principal friendships was 
 with Mr. Joseph Janson, brother of Mr. Halsey 
 Janson, of Stamford Hill, in whose house lived 
 his cousin, Sarah Sharpe. She was a daughter 
 of his father's younger brother, Joseph, the 
 King Street brewer, who had exerted so much 
 influence on the mind of Catharine Sharpe in her 
 girlhood, and whose early death in 1 797, at the age 
 of thirty-one, left a great gap in his niece's life. 
 
44 Marriage. Ch. hi. 
 
 Joseph Sharpe had a family of eight children, three 
 of whom died in childhood, and a fourth at the age 
 of twenty-one. Samuel Sharpe knew only four of 
 them: Sutton, who became a lieutenant in the navy, 
 and died in 1823 at the same age as his father, 
 thirty-one ; Joseph, who entered the service of the 
 East India Company and died in India, leaving one 
 son ; Charlotte, who lived unmarried, survived her 
 brothers and sisters by thirty years, and died at 
 Cherbourg in 1881, at the age of ninety; and 
 Sarah, who became his wife. His cousins and their 
 mother had lived with their grandmother Sharpe 
 at Croydon till her death. They had no elder 
 relative to take care of them when their mother 
 died, and when Sarah, who was the youngest, left 
 school, Catharine Sharpe placed her as governess in 
 the family of Mr. Halsey Janson of Stamford Hill. 
 She lived there twelve years, and during the latter 
 part of the time her cousin Samuel was a frequent 
 visitor at the house, from which, in 1827, he took 
 her away as his wife. She was three years older 
 than he, having been born in 1796. The engagement 
 had not been a long one. There are a couple of 
 letters from her written in February and September 
 1820, thanking him for presents, but plainly showing 
 that she was not then actually engaged to him. 
 
 On their marriage they took a house in Canonbury 
 Place, No. 4, where they lived the quiet domestic 
 life which both of them preferred, keeping very little 
 company. She was a cultivated woman, and made 
 her studious husband just the kind of home which 
 suited his inclinations and habits. Their attachment 
 to one another was very great, and they were not 
 
1827.] Early Married Life. 45 
 
 anxious for society. Samuel Sharpe had always 
 objected to his sister's open evenings in New 
 Ormond Street. He complained that only people 
 whom nobody wanted to see ever found time to go 
 to such parties. He had an intense dislike of the 
 show and emulation which are among the great evils 
 of modern society. He had determined from the 
 first to live very far within his means ; and this de- 
 termination met with the full sympathy of his wife. 
 He used to say that one of the most generous things 
 which can be done towards one's friends is to live 
 less expensively than they; that those who do anything 
 for show, will always find some one who must outdo 
 them, and that it is a benefit to such to leave to them 
 the satisfaction of their ambition, and to go one's own 
 way and live by one's own rule. All his life he had 
 the courage of these opinions. From the first setting 
 up of his household in Canonbury Place to the 
 remote day when he went to his own room in his 
 house in Highbury Place to lie down and die, there 
 was in his home nothing superfluous, nothing to 
 parade, or even to indicate wealth. It was the fit 
 home of a man of learning and taste, with traces 
 of his love of Egyptian lore. In this quiet life the 
 years flowed on, with very few important changes to 
 mark their progress. He himself, writing in 1854, 
 sums up in half a dozen sentences the domestic 
 events of four-and-twenty years : — 
 
 On our marriage we took a house in Canonbury Place, 
 No. 4, and lived quietly, with very little visiting. There 
 five of our children were born, beside one that died within 
 a few weeks of its birth. They were all for the most part 
 educated at home by their mother, and it is unnecessary for 
 
46 The Family in New Ormond St. [Ch. ill. 
 
 me to describe her good qualities to them, as they all 
 remember her and cherish her memory. In 1840 we 
 removed to a larger house, No. 32, Highbury Place. There 
 my youngest child was born; and there, in June, 1851, 
 my dear wife died. My six children have most dutifully 
 and affectionately done their best to lessen the blank of 
 widowhood to me ; and they make me yet more grateful to 
 their mother's memory, by letting me see what I owe to 
 her forming their minds so carefully. 
 
 It is, perhaps, right to follow to some extent the 
 example thus set, and to pass over with but brief 
 notice the purely domestic history of these years. 
 But the quietest and most uneventful life can only 
 be appreciated and understood when it is seen, like 
 a jewel, in its setting. A man's qualities are not the 
 result of his environment, any more than those of 
 the steel blade are due to the workman who shaped 
 it ; but his exhibition and expression of them are 
 moulded by the circumstances in which he is placed. 
 We have already seen what were the early influences 
 which determined much of Samuel Sharpe's conduct. 
 The family group in New Ormond Street were, from 
 the first, deeply interested in all the public events of 
 their time. The young men, all of whom, except 
 Daniel the youngest, were Liberals, had qualified 
 themselves as voters for the county of Middlesex and 
 for the City of London, that they might throw their 
 influence on the Liberal side. In the exciting politi- 
 cal struggles of those times it was the duty of every 
 Liberal to get and to use as much voting power as 
 the law allowed him. Samuel Sharpe acted on this 
 principle. He took up his freedom in the Haber- 
 dashers' Company for the sake of the City vote it 
 
1806-19.] The Era before Reform. 47 
 
 gave him. He also held a qualification as a free- 
 holder for Middlesex. The country was then 
 under the blight of a long Tory ascendancy. Mr. 
 Fox had died in the same month as Sutton 
 Sharpe, September 1806. In 1807 the Ministry 
 of All the Talents had been dissolved after a 
 short thirteen months of office, and a Tory reign 
 of twenty years' duration had set in. One of the 
 earliest recollections of these young men in their 
 boyhood was the assassination of Mr. Perceval, the 
 Prime' Minister, in the lobby of the House of Com- 
 mons, in 18 12. He was succeeded by Lord Liver- 
 pool, and during the fourteen years that followed, it 
 must have seemed to the people at large as though 
 Lord Liverpool at the Treasury, Lord Eldon in the 
 Chancellorship, Lord Castlereagh at the Foreign 
 Office, and Lord Sidmouth as Home Secretary, had 
 become the permanent rulers of England. They had 
 the credit of bringing the great war to a successful 
 close, and the nation's gratitude for Peace, together 
 with the reaction against the doctrines of the French 
 Revolution, enabled them to resist with success all 
 suggestions for Reform. The old King died and the 
 Regent came to the throne ; but Lord Liverpool's 
 reign was not broken. 
 
 The relations between the ruling classes and the 
 people of this country had been illustrated in 18 19 
 by the dispersion of the great meeting for Reform 
 in Manchester, by a combined charge of cavalry and 
 yeomanry, who rode down upon the unarmed multi- 
 tude, killing eleven, and wounding several hundreds. 
 They were further exhibited on the popular side by the 
 irresistible burst of applause which, three years later. 
 
48 The Struggle for Reform. [Ch. ill. 
 
 broke from the assembled crowd when the coffin of 
 Lord Londonderry was carried into the Abbey. The 
 fierce political hatred which such events reveal made 
 the Reform movement of those days a difficult and 
 dangerous task, compared with which all later 
 political agitation has been mere play. It was -sup- 
 pressed civil war. The Reformers of those days 
 risked their personal liberty in the effiDrt "to make 
 the bounds of freedom wider yet." If a man called 
 attention to an abuse, he was probably accused of 
 libel or sedition and sent to prison. If he tried to 
 do a little good to his neighbours, he was sure to 
 bring on himself suspicion and discomfort. The 
 Parliamentary leaders. Lord Grey and Lord John 
 Russell, had everything against them in the two 
 Houses of Parliament ; but they were supported by 
 the growing intelligence and enlightenment of the 
 times ; and commanded the personal allegiance of 
 the most vigorous minds of the younger generation. 
 They were the leaders of a great host ; the captains 
 of an army which grew in numbers and in zeal every 
 year. They could have done nothing without the 
 constant and hearty support of unnamed men, who 
 risked much and gained nothing — whom no history 
 records, no monuments celebrate, and no titles have 
 adorned. The struggle for liberty, enlightenment, 
 and social progress in England, as in the United 
 States, has been a soldier's battle. It has been the 
 case of Cromwell's Ironsides over again. All over 
 England, Wales and Scotland, there have been small 
 groups of religious people, with an Independent, or 
 Baptist, or Quaker meeting-house, a Unitarian or 
 Presbyterian chapel as their centre, on whom the 
 
1822-32.] The Struggle f 07' Reform. 49 
 
 burden of nearly every political and social conflict 
 has fallen. It was to such men the Whig leaders 
 looked for support ; it was from them that politicians 
 like Lord Russell, who did not sympathize with their 
 nonconformity, caught their enthusiasm for bettering 
 the world. These were the men who started Sunday- 
 schools and day-schools, .and woke up both Parlia- 
 ment and the Church to their duty to the great 
 masses of the people. They were fired by "the 
 enthusiasm of humanity," and the Whig leaders 
 found, as Mr. Gladstone has found, that to be at their 
 head is to lead an invincible host. 
 
 Like all men who had been Reformers before 
 Reform, Samuel Sharpe looked back with enthusi- 
 astic admiration to the heroic age of Liberalism. 
 He could compare the present with the past. He 
 had lived in the old intolerant era of the Georges, 
 and in the new Liberal England of the present reign. 
 He felt that he had had a share in the decisive 
 struggle by which the greatest bloodless revolution 
 in history had been brought about. To his latest 
 days he spoke with enthusiasm of Lord Grey's 
 leadership, of the devotion with which he had inspired 
 his followers, of the quiet persistency with which he 
 upheld the popular cause in adverse times, and of the 
 long delayed triumph which came at last. No veteran 
 fighting his battles over again and thrice slaying the 
 slain could dwell upon the past with deeper feeling. 
 His voice often trembled as he spoke. Not that his 
 Liberal sympathies were limited to the past. They 
 followed every Liberal movement of the time, and no 
 young pohtician welcomed with more gladness the 
 great national awakening which in the spring of 
 
 E 
 
50 The Great Victory. [Ch. hi. 
 
 1880 swept the Beaconsfield-Salisbury administration 
 into Milton's limbo and called Mr. Gladstone back to 
 power. He naturally felt that the controversies of 
 later years had less significance than the decisive 
 conflicts of his earlier days. Then everything 
 was at stake, and it may well have seemed to 
 those who took part in the struggle that almost 
 everything was won. It was in the first year of 
 his married life that the Test and Corporation 
 Acts were repealed ; and in the very next year 
 the Duke of Wellington was compelled to con- 
 cede Catholic Emancipation. Everything else fol- 
 lowed : the Reform Bill in 1832 ; the abolition of 
 slavery in the West Indies in 1834 ; the reform of 
 the Corporations in 1835 ; the Dissenters' Marriage. 
 Act in 1836. A period of fierce agitation, coming 
 very near at times to actual civil war, led to seven 
 years of continuous and beneficent change, which 
 realized much for which the best friends of liberty 
 had longed and worked, and which transformed the 
 English world. 
 
 In these struggles Samuel Sharpe took an active 
 though not prominent part. He had struck a blow 
 at the Test and Corporation Acts in a magazine 
 article which, under the title of " Who paid for the 
 London Mansion House .'' " had reminded the world 
 that the building was erected with money wrung from 
 Dissenters by fines. He wished that this ingenious 
 extortion should be remembered, and his statement 
 of its method was republished in 1872. It is to the 
 effect that the Mansion House was built in the years 
 from 1739 to 1753; and a fund of ;^ 18,000 which 
 had been accumulated by the fines of Dissenters was 
 
I739-53-] Dissenters and the Corporation. 51 
 
 voted by the Corporation towards its cost. These 
 fines had been levied under an Act of the Restora- 
 tion era, by which every person who accepted an 
 office under the Corporation without taking the Com- 
 munion according to the rites of the Established 
 Church was subject to a fine of ;£'soo. An earlier 
 Act requires every man who is elected as Sheriff to 
 pay a fine of ££po to the Corporation if he declines 
 to serve. In the reign of George the Second it 
 occurred to a shrewd lawyer that these two Acts 
 could be worked together to the great disadvantage 
 of Dissenters and the great advantage of the City 
 purse. Accordingly a Dissenter was elected Sheriff. 
 As he could not conscientiously take the Sacrament 
 he chose the alternative of declining to serve, and 
 paid his fine of ;^400. Another Dissenter was 
 immediately elected, and took the same course. The 
 election of Dissenters was repeated till forty-five had 
 paid the fine for refusal to serve. The Dissen- 
 ters were then roused to resistance, and the forty- 
 sixth refused either to serve or to pay. An action 
 was brought against him for the recovery of the fine, 
 but the Judge held that the Act which disqualified 
 a Dissenter relieved him of the duty. The City 
 appealed to the House of Lords, but the decision of 
 the Court below was upheld. The City, however, 
 refused to disgorge the money it had already illegally 
 wrung from the forty-five men it had fined ; and the 
 sum, ^18,000, was voted to the building fund of the 
 Mansion House, which, says Samuel Sharpe, " con- 
 sequently remains as a monument of the unjust 
 manner in which Dissenters were treated in the last 
 century." 
 
 E 2 
 
52 Nonconformist Disabilities. [Ch. III. 
 
 He suffered, as all Dissenters did before 1836, 
 from another of the evils which the Established 
 Church so long inflicted on the country. In the 
 early years of his married life the parochial registers 
 were the only legal evidence of birth, and the parish 
 church was the only place in which a marriage could 
 be legally solemnised. He and his brothers and 
 sisters had all been christened at Marylebone Church; 
 and his marriage to his cousin Sarah, which took 
 place from Mr. Janson's house at Stamford Hill 
 in 1827, had necessarily been performed by the parish 
 clergyman in the parish church. But he and his wife 
 had definitely taken the position of Nonconformists, 
 and he probably held in those days, the opinion 
 which he advocated all the rest of his life, that the 
 ceremony of baptism belonged only to the missionary 
 days of Christianity, and had no significance in 
 Christian countries. Apart from this objection, the 
 baptismal ceremony of the Church of England, which 
 is appropriate and beautiful to those who hold its 
 doctrines, involves an implied pledge to bring up the 
 children as members of that Church. To give this 
 pledge without the intention of keeping it was as 
 impossible as any other act of insincerity to Samuel 
 Sharpe and his wife. Their children, therefore, were 
 not baptized at church, and not registered by the 
 parish, as the parish officers registered baptisms only 
 and not births. The Dissenters, however, had set up 
 a registration of their own. In the older chapels of 
 the English Presbyterians, nearly all of which became 
 Unitarian in their theology, baptismal registers were 
 regularly kept ; for other Dissenters a complete and 
 organized registration of births was carried on at 
 
1827-36.] A Theological Nonconformist. 53 
 
 Dr. Williams's Library. A friend of the mother was 
 usually present at the birth of the child ; and her 
 signature was added to that of the parents in the 
 notice which was sent to the Library. In this way a 
 very complete system of registering births had been 
 established among Dissenters for generations before 
 the Registration Act of 1836. The births of Samuel 
 Sharpe's first four children were registered in this 
 mode. These non-parochial registers were formally 
 legalized and collected at Somerset House under the 
 new Act. So much easier in England is political 
 reform than that which touches ecclesiastical exclu- 
 siveness, that the passing of the Registration Act, 
 which for the first time put all citizens on an equality 
 in the legal recognition and official record of the 
 births of their children, was one of the latest results 
 of the Reform Act ; coming later than the abolition 
 of slavery and the reform of the Corporations. 
 
 It was in some degree on account of these relics 
 of the evil days of enforced ecclesiastical uniformity 
 that Samuel Sharpe was driven by a sense of public 
 duty to separate himself from the Established Church. 
 He tells us how he became not only a political Non- 
 conformist, but a theological Nonconformist too — 
 
 It was soon after removing to New Ormond Street that 
 I first subscribed to a Unitarian place of worship. Not 
 that I then particularly examined the subject to form my 
 opinions, but that I examined my feelings and made up 
 my mind that having a general disapproval of the creeds 
 and articles of the Church, it was right to profess that 
 disapproval. In taking this very important step, I was helped 
 to an impartial decision by the circumstance that I had 
 friends and relations belonging to both sects. My father's 
 
54 The Rev. W. J. Fox. [Ch. in. 
 
 family were not Dissenters, and my mother, though before 
 her marriage she had attended upon Dr. Price, Dr. Towers, 
 and others at Newington-green meeting-house, yet after her 
 marriage she always accompanied my father to Marylebone 
 Church. We children had all been baptized by the 
 parish clergyman, and as soon as we were old enough 
 always went to Church regularly. But after the death of 
 our father and mother, we were thrown very much among 
 our mother's relations, and therefore from the age of eight 
 I had been in the unusual position of being taught to go 
 to Church, and to adopt the Church opinions, while, with 
 the exception of my brothers and sisters, I was wholly 
 surrounded by Unitarians. When controversies arose at 
 school, I always took the orthodox side. I read books 
 upon the subject ; I afterwards read the Greek Testament 
 critically, and more particularly Griesbach's text, a copy of 
 which had been given me by Mr. Joseph Janson. I thus 
 gradually formed my opinions, and it was upon considera- 
 tion of the odium and legal disabilities that yet remained 
 attached to a denial of the Trinity, that I made up my mind 
 that it was a duty to bear my share of the burden. 
 
 The Unitarian Chapel to which he thus attached 
 himself was the new one which had then just been 
 erected in South Place, Finsbury, for the late Rev. 
 W. J. Fox. Mr. Fox had come to London in 1817 
 as the successor to the Rev. William Vidler, at the 
 old chapel in Parliament Court, Artillery Row. He 
 was a forcible and eloquent speaker, with an exquisite 
 voice, a perfect delivery, and that kindling power 
 which is the true mark of the orator and the preacher. 
 His sermons speedily attracted a great congregation, 
 which overflowed the small building in Parliament 
 Court, and rendered needful the erection of a more 
 capacious chapel. At South Place the congregation 
 
I8I7-37-] Mr. Fox's Preaching. 55 
 
 found room for expansion, and expanded accordingly. 
 Those who listened to Mr. Fox in those best days of 
 his ministry, never forgot its elevating influence on 
 their thoughts and lives. Those who remain still 
 speak with gratitude of the stimulus to thought, the 
 inward refreshment, the encouragement to every noble 
 deed and lofty hope, which his sermons communicated 
 to them week by week. When they had once felt 
 the charm they could not miss an opportunity- of 
 yielding to it again. They were drawn to the preacher 
 by the irresistible attraction of his eloquence and 
 insight. He taught them as one that had authority, 
 and not as the commonplace expounders of texts. He 
 spoke as one who could communicate to others what 
 he saw, and felt and handled of the word of life. 
 Perhaps no greater benefit can come to young people 
 of quick intelligence than to fall under the spell of 
 such a preacher. It changes, for them, the whole 
 aspect of the world. The influence may pass away, 
 but it may also endure, and when it endures it pro- 
 duces an elevated tone of thought and character 
 which keeps life pure and worthy. Mr. Fox's preach- 
 ing had such a lasting influence on many of the young 
 people who come within the scope of this biography. 
 Fifty years afterwards some of them still speak of it 
 with enthusiasm ; and look back on it as the most 
 marked and most valuable religious influence which 
 has ever been exerted on their lives. 
 
 It was, however, at a later period that Samuel 
 Sharpe's great services to the Unitarian church took 
 place. In these earlier days his main interest turned 
 in other directions. He and most of the young men 
 who formed his group of friends had attached them- 
 
56 Harp Alley School. [Ch. ill. 
 
 selves to Mr. Fox's congregation, and some of them 
 were in those days admirers of Mr. Fox rather than 
 members of the Unitarian body. They afterwards 
 became hberal supporters of Unitarian Christianity, 
 and lived lives which did honour to its principles ; 
 but the zeal which Samuel Sharpe exhibited in 
 after years for the Unitarian view of Christianity 
 was at this period of his life spread over many 
 social, political, and scientific pursuits. The 
 movement for the establishment of public ele- 
 mentary schools which had originated with Dr. 
 Bell, and took popular .shape under Mr. Joseph 
 Lancaster, — antagonists as these two men thought 
 themselves — commanded the warm interest and sup- 
 port of Samuel and some of his brothers. A Lan- 
 castrian school, afterwards called a British School, 
 was established in Harp Alley, Farringdon Street, 
 and in this school Samuel, Henry and Daniel Sharpe 
 taught classes for many years, on their way to the 
 City in the morning. In this school Mr. Edwin Field 
 formed a drawing class, and turned away once a week 
 from the busy work of a rising lawyer to teach poor 
 children the accomplishment in which he found 
 delightful recreation. Daniel Sharpe differed from 
 his brothers in the possession of a genius for natural 
 science. In 1827 he joined the Geological Society, 
 of which he afterwards became President. Samuel 
 was elected a Fellow of that society probably about 
 the same time. His interest, however, was in anti- 
 quarian and mathematical investigation rather than 
 geological inquiry, and hence we find him con- 
 tributing to the Philosophical Magazine in July, 
 1828, an article "On the Figure of the Cells of 
 
1827-31.] Articles in Philosophical Magazine. 57 
 
 the Honeycomb." In the August number in the 
 same year is an article, illustrated by a drawing, 
 " On the Vitrified Fort of Dunnochgoil, in the Isle 
 of Bute." In the same Magazine for August, 183 1, 
 is a paper " On the Theory of Differences," in 
 which four propositions are carefully worked out. 
 At the same time he was laying the foundation of 
 his Egyptian knowledge, and pursuing the studies 
 which, in much later years, enabled him to revise 
 the authorised English version of the Old and 
 New Testaments. 
 
 There would be nothing remarkable in all this in- 
 tellectual activity if it had characterised a life of studi- 
 ous leisure. But Samuel Sharpe, like his contemporary 
 Mr. Grote, was all the time an active member of 
 a banking firm. With wide differences of tem- 
 perament and opinion, there was a curious parallel- 
 ism between the two men. They had each gone to 
 business at sixteen, had both thrown themselves into 
 the agitation for political reform, and had each spent 
 the leisure which young men usually give to enjoy- 
 ment in study and self-improvement. But Samuel 
 Sharpe had less opportunity, though not less capacity, 
 for entering on public life. For many years he was 
 obliged to pay very close attention to business. He 
 had become a partner in 1824 ; and the terrible 
 monetary crisis in 1825, when business houses were 
 falling and banks stopping payment all over the 
 country, must have caused him the keenest anxiety. 
 In a very few years the chief responsibility for the 
 bank in Clement's Lane rested upon him ; and he 
 had a full sense of its magnitude. Happily he took 
 to business not only the characteristic caution which 
 
58 Domestic Life. [Ch. ill. 
 
 the times greatly needed, but the zest and activity 
 and thoroughness which belonged to him in all he 
 did. His time was thus divided between business 
 and home ; and the energy which even the manage- 
 ment of a bank did not exhaust was thrown into his 
 favourite studies. Yet, with all this work, no home 
 duty was neglected. He did not shut himself up 
 with his books and papers. He had no study, but 
 worked in the room in which his wife sat and his 
 children might come to play. On the days when he 
 was at home to dinner he carved with a child upon 
 his knee. The father's studies and writings were no 
 burden in the family. They did not turn home into 
 a workshop ; they were not allowed even to make it 
 any the less home. Much as he loved his books, 
 his hieroglyphics, his manuscripts and his proofs, 
 they did not alienate him from his family, who seemed 
 to share his studies and to love them almost as much 
 as he loved them himself. He was by no means 
 without that love of fame which Milton calls the last 
 infirmity of noble minds ; but he had been called to 
 a life of business work, and he made himself con- 
 tented in it. He was willing even to forego all 
 thought of public life and to satisfy an unquenchable 
 love of knowledge and an irrepressible mental activity 
 by the favourite studies which occupied his holidays 
 and filled his evening leisure. 
 
 Family life at this period was not without its anxie- 
 ties. The children were delicate, and his own strength 
 was sometimes overtaxed. Letters from his wife, 
 written during visits to the seaside, exhibit much 
 concern for his health. She urges him to go more 
 to his brother Henry's at Hampstead, or to run down 
 
1830-40.] Three Brothers. 59 
 
 to Margate by the steamer on Friday, and back on 
 Monday, to get a whiff of the sea breeze to revive 
 his spirits. In business he was cautious and anxious, 
 though few shadows of pecuniary care seem to have 
 fallen on his home. To such a man the enthusiasm with 
 which he took up his various intellectual pursuits made 
 them the best form of recreation. In the City, he was 
 the banker and man of business ; at home, he was the 
 poHtician, the philanthropist and the student. For 
 many years he and his brothers, Henry and Daniel, 
 dined together at their office in the City ; and the 
 hour was given to pleasant social intercourse. The 
 interval in business was a rest from business — 
 filled with political and literary and scientific talk. 
 The freshness, of mind thus kept was a marked 
 characteristic of all three. They all had that reserve 
 of energy which is the characteristic of successful 
 men. There was zest in everything — in teaching 
 poor children in Harp Alley school in the early 
 morning, in the routine of bank or counting-house 
 all day, in the politics or literature, or geological 
 science, or Egyptian antiquities, or philanthropic 
 efforts on behalf of the young working men of their 
 neighbourhood, which occupied the evening. To such 
 men alternation of activity was a kind of rest — change 
 of work was better than play. 
 
6o Egyptian Shcdies. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 EGYPTIAN STUDIES. 
 
 It was during these earlier years, while his young 
 family was growing up around him, and while he 
 was still in business, that Samuel Sharpe's chief works 
 on Egyptian History and Antiquities were published. 
 His interest in the subject is easily accounted for. 
 The study had, for all Europe in those days, the 
 charm of novelty ; it had for him the fascination of 
 a series of enigmas, of which every patient student 
 might hope to puzzle out the answers. This was the 
 kind of intellectual exercise in which Samuel Sharpe 
 delighted. His brother Daniel found similar interest 
 in careful attempts to interpret the Lycian Inscrip- 
 tions, and in similar study of the larger problem set 
 by Nature herself in the strata which geological 
 science was just beginning to read. In later years 
 Samuel Sharpe made a careful and ingenious attempt 
 to read the Sinaitic Inscriptions, and his fondness for 
 inquiries of this kind was so great, that if an adver- 
 tisement in cypher came under his notice, he would 
 sit down and work at it till he had found the key 
 and read it off. The hieroglyphics offered a similar 
 problem. For many ages they had presented an 
 insoluble enigma to the world. Various guesses at 
 their meaning had been made, but they were mere 
 
1802-29.] Dr. Youngs Discoveries. 61 
 
 guesses, and all were wrong. Even ChampolHon 
 was misled in his earlier investigations by the false 
 assumption which had made his predecessors stumble 
 on the threshold of their investigations, that the 
 hieroglyphic signs were ideographic ; that is to say, 
 that each figure or combination of figures stood for 
 an idea rather than for a sound. The discovery of 
 the Rosetta stone, with its threefold inscription, first 
 in hieroglyphics, then in the demotic or enchorial 
 character, and lastly, in Greek, seemed to ofier a clue 
 to the interpretation of the mysterious signs. But 
 even this clue could not be followed till the traditional 
 mode of regarding the hieroglyphics had been 
 abandoned. ChampolHon himself made nothing of 
 it till a Somersetshire Quaker, who had studied at 
 Edinburgh and Gottingen, and afterwards graduated 
 at Cambridge, brought to the question the habits 
 and methods of modern science. Dr. Thomas 
 Young, whose much ridiculed discovery of the inter- 
 ference of rays of light with each other, has been 
 admitted, since his death, to have established the 
 undulatory theory, applied himself to the problems 
 which the Rosetta stone presented, and found the 
 way to solve them. Here was an inscription the 
 meaning of which was known, but it was in unknown 
 characters and an unknown language. It might be 
 assumed that each character stood for the same 
 thing wherever it occurred, and the first task was to 
 fix the meaning of each sign or group of signs. Dr. 
 Young was able to do this. He distributed the 
 hieroglyphics of the inscription into sentences corre- 
 sponding with those in the Greek, and then distin- 
 guished many of the single signs. He found that 
 
62 Young and Champollion. [Ch. iv. 
 
 kings' names were written within an enclosing line 
 forming an oval, or ring; that names of private 
 persons were followed by the sitting figure of a man 
 or woman; and, that the hieroglyphic sighs were 
 used as sounds or letters to spell out the word or 
 name. He thus deciphered the name Ptolemy in 
 the Rosetta stone, and that of Berenice on another 
 monument. By this means five letters of the hiero- 
 glyphic alphabet were fixed. With the key thus 
 found, Champollion took up the task. Dr. Young 
 died in 1829 while he was at work on the Egyptian 
 Vocabulary ; but he left the clue he had successfully 
 grasped in the hands of many eager followers. 
 Champollion had the advantage of a bilingual 
 inscription found on an obelisk at Philae, and, 
 applying Young's discovery to it, he spelled out the 
 name of Cleopatra in the hieroglyphic characters. 
 Other names were slowly added, and at length a 
 whole alphabet was formed. As words other than 
 names were spelt out, it was soon seen that the 
 Egyptian language, though not the extinct Coptic 
 of the translation of the New Testament used by 
 the Egyptian Christians, was probably an earlier 
 form of the same dialect. Champollion threw sus- 
 picion on his own discoveries by inventing Coptic 
 words, or assuming that the words he read were those 
 of lost forms of the Coptic ; but the general results 
 of his method are now universally accepted by 
 Egyptian scholars. The revelation of the meaning of 
 the hieroglyphics of Egypt is one of the most strik- 
 ing triumphs which inductive science has ever won. 
 It belongs entirely to the present century, and Young 
 and Champollion divide its honours between them. 
 
1830-36.] Interest in Egyptian Antiquities. 63 
 
 They were both dead when Samuel Sharpe turned 
 his attention to the subject. But the effect of their 
 discoveries on the public mind was still fresh. They 
 had lifted the corner of a veil which had been closely 
 drawn for more than three thousand years. The 
 glimpses of Egypt in the Bible history, and in the 
 classical writers, had kept alive a general interest in 
 that mysterious land ; and the promise which seemed 
 now to be given, that its history was to be read and 
 its secrets brought to light, kindled the imaginations 
 of students. A new world seemed to be opening to 
 them. Every step in the progress of discovery gave 
 them new glimpses into the ever widening past — 
 fresh extensions of human history backwards into 
 the dawn of time. The great corridors • of the 
 Egyptian temples led men back beyond what they 
 had thought to be the beginnings of civilization, to 
 times not only before the Flood, but before the 
 period at which Archbishop Usher's accepted chro- 
 nology had fixed the Creation itself. It was sup- 
 posed by many that the learning of the Egyptians 
 was all inscribed upon their monuments, that it had 
 been lost when the key to the hieroglyphics was 
 hidden, and would be revealed to the generation 
 that should unlock them. Samuel Sharpe did not 
 share these exaggerated anticipations. He said, 
 with truth, that nothing more than praise of the dead, 
 or expressions of religious hope, or words of regret 
 and tendernessj is to be looked for in the inscriptions 
 found in tombs. In temples little else than re- 
 ligious maxims is to be expected, and on votive 
 monuments nothing is usually placed but fulsome 
 catalogues of a great man's deeds. The papyri on 
 
64 The "Early History of Egypt" [Ch. iv. 
 
 which, probably, the actual literature, the science, and 
 the philosophy of the ancient Egyptians were really 
 written, have perished. Such treatises were not 
 likely to be enclosed in the mummy-cases which 
 have preserved such of these relics as have come 
 down to our times. But though exaggerated expec- 
 tations have been disappointed, it is still true that 
 great results have been attained. The history of 
 Egypt has been spelled out ; and great and unex- 
 pected light has been thrown on the early history of 
 civilization, and on the origin of some theological 
 conceptions which have exerted great influence on 
 the world. 
 
 Dr. Young's account of his discoveries was the 
 starting point of Samuel Sharpe's investigations. 
 Mr. John Gardner Wilkinson, whose later work on the 
 "Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians" 
 gained for him the honour of Knighthood, had already 
 published his "Materia Hieroglyphica," dating his 
 preface from the Pyramids ; another book, with a 
 dedication dated from Thebes, and a " Topographical 
 Survey " of Thebes. When he had mastered these 
 and all the chief works on the subject, including 
 Champollion's, had studied Coptic, and had begun 
 to form a hieroglyphical vocabulary for himself, 
 Sharpe turned back to the rudiments of Egyptian 
 knowledge in the classical and Hebrew writings. As 
 the basis of a careful historical investigation, he com- 
 piled his first book, " The Early History of Egypt 
 from the Old Testament, Herodotus, Manetho, and 
 the Hieroglyphical Inscriptions." Before he ven- 
 tured to publish this volume, he naturally consulted 
 his uncle, Samuel Rogers. Rogers was full of encour- 
 
1834-6.] Wilkinson and Sharpe. 65 
 
 agement. To his nephew's modest under-estimate 
 of himself, he replied in the vein for which he was 
 celebrated : " Why ! surely you can do it if Wilkinson 
 can ; his only thought is where to buy his kid gloves ! " 
 Like many of Rogers's sayings, this expression hit 
 off the foible of an able and estimable man. Wilkin- 
 son's best friends would have recognized it with a 
 smile. Mr. Bonomi, writing some years later, made 
 similar fun of the same weakness. " We have got 
 Wilkinson down here with an immense variety of 
 waistcoats, some of them very distinguished . ones 
 too.'' Wilkinson, however, had done much to advance 
 knowledge. In writing his works he had an advan- 
 tage over Sharpe which Rogers overlooked. He had 
 spent twelve years in Egypt, and had himself brought 
 over and given to the nation many of the relics 
 which Sharpe had been studying in the British 
 Museum. It was, of course, quite possible that 
 though the work of discovery must be carried on 
 upon the spot, the task of careful comparison and 
 laborious induction could best be undertaken by a 
 quiet student, exercising his patient ingenuity upon 
 the material in the quiet of home. This was Samuel 
 Sharpe's contribution to the slowly accumulating 
 knowledge of the Egyptian antiquities. Patient labour 
 in transcription of the hieroglyphics, and ingenious 
 use of knowledge already gained in adding to it by 
 a process of induction, were his chief services to 
 this branch of learning. 
 
 The problem he set himself to work out is 
 thus stated in the Introduction to his Vocabulary : 
 — "Granted a sentence in which most of the 
 words are already known, required the meaning of 
 
 F 
 
66 Sharpens Independent Spirit. [Ch. iv. 
 
 others." He adds that the problem is not always 
 capable of being set in this form, and that when it is 
 so set, it admits only of a solution more or less 
 exact. His method was to reject all hypotheses, 
 and, following Dr. Young, to bring the common- 
 sense of a man of business, and the knowledge and 
 experience of a man of the world, to bear on a sub- 
 ject in which traditional methods had led to no 
 results. The inquiry entered on in this independent 
 spirit led him to independent conclusions. Both in 
 his Egyptological and his Biblical studies the results 
 he arrived at were in many points opposed to those 
 which had gained general acceptance. But in each 
 of these fields of investigation his great advantage 
 was that he was free from common prepossessions ; 
 that he had no foregone conclusions to support, and 
 that there was no temptation to him to " make his 
 judgment blind." He had the patience and the 
 unresting energy which could follow up a slight clue 
 as far as it would lead ; and would feel its way along 
 a blind path, making sure of every step before the 
 next was taken. This slow and sure method has 
 neither the interest nor the romance of the bold 
 exercise of the divining faculty, which leaps to con- 
 clusions without troubling to form the premises ; but 
 what it loses in attractiveness it gains in permanence 
 and value. 
 
 He speaks of these Egyptian studies as having 
 been his "amusement during many years," and 
 describes how he was led to them : — 
 
 While living at Canonbury I belonged to a book-club, 
 which met once a month to order books and circulate 
 
1S30-36.] His Early Egyptian Studies. 67 
 
 them among the members. We bought Dr. Young's 
 "Account of Discoveries in Hieroglyphical Literature," 
 and shortly afters^ards Wilkinson's " Materia Hieroglyphica," 
 which was then new, and with these books I was much 
 interested. I had been latterly working after the hours of 
 business at " Woodhouse's Astronomy " and making obser- 
 vations with one of Troughton's Circles, as well as reading 
 La Place's "M^canique Celeste." I was not displeased 
 with my progress in mathematics, and felt my labour fully 
 rewarded by being able to enter on the threshold of that 
 great mathematician's discoveries. But in the case of 
 Egyptian Hieroglyphics I soon found myself in a different 
 position. After studying Dr. Young's discoveries and 
 then Mr. Wilkinson's in his " Hieroglyphical Extracts," I 
 verified and corrected their alphabets and vocabularies by 
 the help of the inscriptions in the " Materia Hieroglyphica." 
 I procured the folio volume of plates of hieroglyphics, 
 published by Dr. Young for the Egyptian Society ; read 
 Champollion's " Prdcis du Systeme Hieroglyphique," and 
 Salt's "Essay on Hieroglyphics," and had the pleasure of 
 fancying that I knew as much as or more than my teachers, 
 and that I could push the knowledge of hieroglyphics 
 beyond the state in which the published writings of the 
 discoverers had left it. I studied the Coptic language in 
 the translation of the Bible by the help of Mr. Tattam's 
 "Lexicon ^gypticae Latinum," and began to form a 
 hieroglyphical alphabet and vocabulary for myself. 
 
 The study of the language seemed to assume a know- 
 ledge of the history of the country. I therefore turned 
 aside for a moment to see what historians had written on 
 the subject, and this was of sadly little use. They had all 
 followed Herodotus and Diodorus, and neglected Manetho 
 as useless. But the reading of the hieroglyphical names of 
 the kings had proved that Manetho's lists contained the 
 true skeleton of Theban and Egyptian history. Mr. Isaac 
 Cory had lately published in a very convenient form the 
 
 F 2 
 
68 The "Early History of Egypt." [Ch. IV. 
 
 fragments of Manetho, together with those of Eratosthenes 
 and other Eastern writers, and Mr. Wilkinson, at the end 
 of his "Thebes and Egypt," had given a more correct 
 list of the hieroglyphical names of the Egyptian kings 
 than he had before published in his " Materia Hiero- 
 glyphica." With the help of these works I wrote my 
 " Early History of Egypt from the Old Testament, Hero- 
 dotus, Manetho, and the Hieroglyphical Inscriptions," 
 which I published in 1836. This was my first attempt at 
 authorship, beyond one or two papers in the Philosophical 
 Magazine. The work was hastily and badly put to- 
 gether, without the least pretence of neatness of style. It 
 contained "the raw materials for a history, but they were 
 not put into shape. The only part of any worth was the 
 view of Egyptian chronology thrown into the form of a 
 table to explain which of Manetho's dynasties reigned in 
 succession, and which ruled over part only of the country 
 and reigned at the same time with others. In this table I 
 ventured to propose a much shorter view of Egyptian 
 chronology than had been adopted by any other inquirers, 
 and many years afterwards I applied the same mode of 
 reasoning to the Hebrew chronology in the Book of Judges, 
 which I thus made shorter than it is usually considered 
 to be. 
 
 The book which its author thus unfavourably 
 criticises is a thin quarto of 172 pages with half a 
 dozen plates. This style was adopted on the repre- 
 sentation of Mr. Moxon, the publisher, that a quarto 
 of large type and ample margin was the only shape 
 in which a scholar could put his work before the 
 public. It was the usual form of publication in 
 1836. The book is more comprehensive than its 
 title indicates. Its object, as expressed in the pre- 
 face, was " to collect out of the writings of the 
 ancients every particular relating to the History of 
 
1836.] The "Early History of Egypt" '69 
 
 Egypt before the conquest of that country by the 
 Persians.'' The extracts from each historian are 
 given separately, and their value is discussed, but no 
 attempt is made to weave them into a connected 
 narrative. These materials for history are followed 
 by a series of essays on the Egyptian Year, on the 
 Physical Character of the Egyptians, on their 
 Mythology ; on the Coptic, Ethiopic and Enchorial 
 Languages, on the Hieroglyphics and Hieratic 
 writing, and on the dates of the Trojan War and 
 the Jewish Exodus. The plates contain a chart of 
 the early history of Egypt on the plan of Dr. 
 Priestley's chart ; a Map of Egypt, a copy of the 
 Stone discovered at Abydos by Mr. W. J. Bankes, 
 containing the names of Kings ; a plate of the 
 names of the Kings of Thebes ; a collection of hiero- 
 glyphics, with explanations enabling the student to 
 read the preceding names ; and a copy of part 
 of the astronomical sculpture from the Memnonium, 
 with the enchorial alphabet and some enchorial 
 writing: This volume was part of the basis on 
 which his future History was built. Its chief value 
 to its author was in giving him an introduction to 
 Egyptian students ; who at once perceived that a 
 very fresh and original mind had come into the field 
 of Egyptian inquiry. With the pride of a young 
 writer, he naturally took an early copy to Rogers, 
 who had encouraged him to publish it. Rogers's 
 congratulation was — " Now you will have the 
 honour of lending money to poor authors." Sharpe's 
 account of its reception is in the somewhat depre- 
 ciatory spirit in which all his references to his own 
 works are written. " My book deserved, and gained, 
 
70 The "Egyptian Inscriptions." [Ch. IV. 
 
 but little notice. In Germany it was blamed by 
 Ideler in a Latin quarto ; but it introduced me to 
 Mr. Cullamore, Mr. Isaac Cory and Mr. Bonomi, and 
 to Dr. Lepsius on his first visit to England, and 
 before he had gained his after celebrity." 
 
 The publication of this volume led on to another 
 work. He had completed the review of the history 
 of Egypt in the classical writers and returned to 
 the study of the hieroglyphics. Mr. John Williams, 
 afterwards Secretary of the Astronomical Society, 
 with whom he had become acquainted, had made a 
 collection of the inscriptions in the British Museum. 
 These he borrowed in order to increase his vocabu- 
 larj', but found it needful to recopy them on a 
 reduced scale. After some inquiries he found, — 
 
 That it gave me no more trouble to lithograph and 
 publish a hundred copies for the use of other students 
 than to make one copy for my own use. Accordingly in 
 the Spring of 1837 I completed a volume of "Egyptian 
 Inscriptions from the British Museum and other Sources." 
 This contained sixty folio plates, rudely but carefully 
 drawn, and was the largest body of hieroglyphical writing 
 that had yet been published, as it contained more matter 
 than Dr. Young's handsomer work, the " Hieroglyphics " 
 of the Egyptian Society. 
 
 This large and laborious work indicated to other 
 students the serious and business-like spirit in which 
 their new ally had entered the field of Egyptian 
 study. It was again, however, the author himself 
 who got the chief benefit of his labour and outlay. 
 It enabled him to accumulate the material for his 
 next publication. While copying the inscriptions, 
 which he did with his own hand and with much 
 
1837.] The "Vocabulary of Hieroglyphics." "jt 
 
 trouble and great sacrifice of time, he was carefully 
 studying their contents and adding to his knowledge 
 of the hieroglyphics. Every new plate added 
 several fresh words to those he already knew, and 
 thus amply repaid his toil. He was consequently 
 enabled in the autumn of 1837 to publish his third 
 work, a thin quarto of the same size and appear- 
 ance as the first, entitled " Rudiments of a Vocabu- 
 lary of Egyptian Hieroglyphics." It contained a 
 thousand and fifty groups of characters, or words, 
 and an Introduction, with an Essay on the Grammar. 
 In the case of every word, one or more references 
 were given to published inscriptions as proofs of the 
 meaning assigned to it. His independence of 
 judgment had already led to divergence from other 
 authorities, of which he says : — 
 
 To show my opinion of the rashness with which con- 
 clusions had been formed by Champollion and some of 
 his followers, I placed in the title-page the following 
 quotation from Bacon's " Novum Organum " : — " There are, 
 or may be, two ways of seeking and finding truth ; the one, 
 from observation and particulars jumps to universal 
 axioms, and from the truth of these finds out the inter- 
 mediate axioms, and this is the way in use. The other, 
 from observation and particulars, raises axioms by a con- 
 tinued and gradual ascent till at last it arrives at universal 
 axioms, and this is the true way, but it has not yet been 
 tried." I distrusted Champollion's results too much even 
 to quote them, but I did not feel bold enough to write 
 against those from whom I differed. As for their pedantic 
 and misleading practice of writing in Coptic letters words 
 of their own creation, I simply remarked that all words 
 which I printed in the Coptic character might be found 
 in Mr. Tattam's " Lexicon." This practice of inventing 
 
72 The "Vocabulary of Hieroglyphics." \C¥i. iv. 
 
 Coptic words Dr. Lepsius afterwards gave up on my 
 persuasion. 
 
 This Vocabulary of Hieroglyphics, like his two 
 former books, was addressed to scholars and stu- 
 dents rather than to the public. There was nothing 
 popular in its form, style, subject or treatment. 
 It resulted in the further establishment of a 
 recognised position for its author among Egyptian 
 scholars. The influence he was able to exert on 
 Dr. Lepsius is an illustration of the recognition his 
 labours gained for him among the small group of 
 men who understood the matters with which he 
 dealt. It is usually among his own craft that an 
 artist or a man of letters first makes his reputation. 
 It is they who tell the outer world what he is and 
 at what value it must estimate his work. The world 
 is not always guided by the opinion of experts ; and 
 sometimes a man of genius is first recognised out- 
 side the profession he adorns. But as a rule a 
 reputation, like charity, begins, as it were, at home. 
 Mr. Sharpe's reputation among Egyptian scholars 
 was that of an independent student and thinker. 
 Many of his conclusions differed from those of other 
 students and writers. They respected his accuracy 
 and admired his courage and independence, but did 
 not follow him to his results. " I am a heretic in 
 everything," he used to say, " even among Unitarians." 
 But many of his boldest emendations in the transla- 
 tion of the New Testament have been practically 
 adopted in the Revised Version, and both in Hebrew 
 History and in the interpretation of the Egyptian, 
 monuments he now occupies a middle and probably 
 
1838.] The "Egypt under the Ptolomies." 73 
 
 safe position between extreme scepticism and un- 
 reasoning trust. 
 
 His next work, " Egypt under the Ptolemies," was 
 an immense advance in point of form and execution 
 upon the first three. It was published in the same 
 quarto shape, with large type and ample margin, 
 but instead of a series of essays, as the first quarto 
 had been, this was a continuous narrative. In an 
 Introduction he briefly sketches the early history in 
 an essay which practically epitomises the contents 
 of his first work, " The Early History of Egypt ; " 
 and then writes the History of Egypt from the 
 accession of Ptolemy Soter to the death of Cleo- 
 patra. He says : — 
 
 I had intended to stop when Egypt ceased to be 
 governed by native sovereigns, when it became a Greek 
 kingdom under Alexander's successors. But I found that 
 the ancient architecture and language and civilization by 
 no means stopped when the newer civilization was in- 
 troduced, and that by not carrying on my inquiries into 
 modern times I had overlooked much which threw light 
 upon antiquity. I therefore wrote the " History of Egypt 
 under the Ptolemies," making use in the first instance of 
 the references in Gillies' " History of Alexander's Succes- 
 sors," in the ancient Universal History, and in Brucker's 
 " History of Philosophy," adding thereto whatever an 
 industrious search enabled me to discover in the Greek 
 and Latin authors. By this time I had gained some 
 experience in writing and enlarged my views of authorship. 
 I wished to be an historian rather than an antiquary ; I 
 ventured upon moral reflections, and thought of wording 
 my sentences so that they might be hstened to with 
 pleasure when read aloud. I read every part of it as it 
 was written to my dear wife and children. This wholesome 
 
74 Reception of his Books. [Ch. iv. 
 
 practice I never afterwards omitted, and I always made 
 use of their good taste and judgment to warn me against 
 the use of hard words, as well as to tell me whether my 
 sentences could be readily understood, and whether they 
 conveyed the meaning that I wished them to bear. I 
 published my " Egypt under the Ptolemies " in the autumn 
 of 1838. 
 
 The sale of these Egyptian publications was by no 
 means encouraging. Though they were always spoken of 
 with respect when mentioned either by my friends or the 
 critics, yet they received very little notice. They taught 
 me, however, that I could write what was safe from blame 
 and ridicule even if it received no praise. I knew that 
 sooner or later they would get read by those engaged in 
 the same studies, if not by the pubKc, and in the meantine 
 I turned aside to another task. 
 
 This other task was the revision of the English 
 translation of the New Testament in accordance 
 with Griesbach's text. He appears to have turned 
 to this work, if not in the temporary discouragement 
 the above sentences indicate, at least in the resolve 
 to pause till those engaged in the same studies had 
 read his books. He had not long to wait for this 
 recognition, though it was not surprising that his 
 books were not widely read or that the sale was 
 small. The three volumes were addressed rather to 
 students than to the reading public ; moreover, they 
 were quartos, and the day of the quarto was already 
 gone. He had, however, become known more 
 widely than he imagined. The industry, the careful 
 regard for accuracy, and the complete independence 
 of thought he had exhibited, gradually gained the 
 respect of students, and through them of the out- 
 side world. There is a glimpse of him in the year 
 
1838.] Crabb Robinson's Criticism. 75 
 
 in which his " Egypt under the Ptolemies " was 
 published in Mr. Henry Crabb Robinson's Diary. 
 Crabb Robinson writes:* — "At Peter Martineau's 
 I had a very agreeable chat with Samuel Sharpe. 
 One must respect a banker who can devote himself 
 after banking hours to the study of Egyptian hiero- 
 glyphics, although he is capable of saying that 
 'every one of Bacon's Essays shows him to be a 
 knave.' Had he said that the Essays show him to 
 be merely a man of intellect, in which neither love, 
 admiration nor other passion is visible, I could not 
 have disputed his assertion." Crabb Robinson was 
 not an Egyptian student, and his expression of 
 respect for Sharpe's devotion to the subject shows 
 the impression he had already made on men of 
 general information and culture. The sweeping 
 criticism of Bacon was, as Crabb Robinson himself 
 found when he knew Samuel Sharpe better, a strong 
 expression of his extreme detestation of everything 
 which he thought to be even tinged with insincerity 
 or dishonesty. Crabb Robinson seems to have felt 
 that the fling at Sharpe was altogether undeserved, 
 for seventeen years later he added to this entry : — 
 " Remark, written in 1855. He is now one of the 
 friends in whose company I have the greatest 
 pleasure, though I still think him a man in whom 
 the critical faculty prevails too much. I once 
 expressed my opinion of him to himself in a way I 
 am pleased with : ' Sharpe,' I said, ' if every one in 
 the world were like you, nothing would be done ; if 
 no one were like you, nothing would be well done ! ' " 
 
 * " Diary, Reminiscences and Correspondence of Henry 
 Crabb Robinson," edited by Dr. Sadler, vol. iii. p. 146. 
 
76 Mr. Sharpe and Mr. Grote. [Ch. iv. 
 
 As a parallelism has already been shown in one or 
 two matters between Mr. Sharpe and Mr. Grote, this 
 criticism of the former may be compared with an 
 entry made in Mr. Cobden's journal in 1837, respect- 
 ing the latter : — " He is a mild and philosophical 
 man," writes Cobden of Grote, "possessing the 
 highest order of moral and intellectual endowments, 
 but wanting something which, for need of a better 
 phrase, I shall call devil. He is too abstract in his 
 tone of reasoning, and does not aim to convince 
 others by any proof excepting that of ratiocination."* 
 This last expression exactly describes Samuel 
 Sharpe ; though he had a little of the something 
 which Cobden thought to be wanting in Grote. It 
 came out, however, in his vivacious conversation, in 
 such expressions as that which offended Crabb 
 Robinson, and did not sufficiently appear in his 
 earlier writings. 
 
 * Morley's " Life of Cobden," vol. i. p. 137. 
 
n 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 SOCIAL, DOMESTIC, AND RELIGIOUS RELATIONS. 
 
 It was fortunate for the progress of free Biblical 
 study in England that this pause in Samuel Sharpe's 
 Egyptian studies took place. He could not wait in 
 idleness till his writings were appreciated. " I was 
 born to work," he would say, as he sat down to some 
 new task ; and in work he found his recreation all 
 his life. There are surely but few men who would 
 have chosen such an undertaking as retranslating the 
 New Testament to fill up an interlude in the laborious 
 investigation of the Egyptian hieroglyphics. The 
 choice was characteristic of Samuel Sharpe. The 
 work seemed waiting to be done, and he came for- 
 ward to do it. In common with all Unitarians and 
 nearly all scholars, he lamented the obvious defects 
 both of the Authorized Version and of the Received 
 Text, of which it was a translation ; and it seemed 
 to him almost a matter of course, that as he now had 
 leisure he should make a better version himself. 
 The precedents were not encouraging. Mr. Bel- 
 sham's " Improved Version " had been received by 
 the ignorant as an attempt to re-write the New 
 Testament in an unorthodox sense, and scholars who 
 had more zeal for orthodoxy than care for truth or 
 charity, lent their sanction to this misrepresentation. 
 
78 Sharpens New Testament. [Ch. v. 
 
 Among Unitarians, however, it met with the respect 
 due to the work of a scholar. In a few passages it 
 was perhaps open to the charge that it was tinged 
 with Mr. Belsham's opinions: but the Authorized 
 Version, with equal or greater bias, gives the ortho- 
 doxy of king James and his translators the benefit 
 in every doubtful passage. 
 
 Griesbach's edition of the Greek text did much to 
 raise a desire among scholars for a better representa- 
 tion in the English language of what the Evange- 
 lists and Apostles really wrote ; and so widely was 
 this desire spread among Nonconformists, that a few 
 years after Mr. Sharpe's "New Testament Trans- 
 lated from Griesbach's Text " appeared, a volume 
 giving the Authorized Version with more than twenty 
 thousand emendations, was widely circulated among 
 orthodox ministers and Sunday school teachers. 
 The compilation had been made by Dr. Conquest, a 
 London physician, who had diligently and carefully 
 collected the improved readings of various scholars, 
 and who based on his want of knowledge of the 
 original texts a claim of impartiality. The book was 
 an omnium gatherum, with no claim to scholarly 
 accuracy ; but it did a useful work in removing much 
 ignorance. The popular wish for an amended version 
 to which Dr. Conquest appealed, and which he did 
 much to confirm, had not been manifested, and had 
 scarcely begun to be felt when Samuel Sharpe turned 
 to the translation of Griesbach's text. He therefore 
 had the honour of doing something towards creating 
 the interest to which his work appealed, and which, 
 nearly forty years later, was to ensure the very general 
 acceptance and the extensive use of the Revised 
 
1840.] Sharpens New Testament. 79 
 
 Version of 1881. He gives his reasons for under- 
 taking it — 
 
 I had long been an admirer of Griesbach's labours on 
 the New Testament, and I determined to publish a new- 
 version corrected according to his text. I was dissatisfied 
 with Wakefield's translation as too loose and free, and with 
 the Improved Version* as partial to the translator's 
 own opinions. Moreover, it was clear that the scholars of 
 Oxford and Cambridge, who were best qualified for the 
 task by their learning, never meant to undertake it. Ac- 
 cordingly, I spent my leisure of the year 1839 in com- 
 pleting a translation of the New Testament, and I published 
 it in the spring of 1840. I was not without some fears as 
 to how it would be received. I should have been chiefly 
 pained by the charge of rashness and presumption. I 
 should also have been very sorry to have been blamed for 
 any sectarian bias. But the translation escaped both of 
 these charges. It was reviewed both by the orthodox and 
 the unorthodox, who freely pointed out its faults, but cast 
 no blame on the translator for venturing on the task. One 
 of the orthodox reviewers said that as this volume was not 
 meant to be read in churches, I might as well have cor- 
 rected all the faults in the Authorized Version ; while one 
 of the unorthodox reviewers, judging from the first chapter 
 of the Epistle to the Hebrews, declared that its translator, 
 who was unknown to him, was not a Unitarian. 
 
 Shortly before I published my New Testament, Mr. 
 Edgar Taylor, my brother William's partner, died ; and I 
 then learned that he also had been busy upon the same 
 employment. He had finished more than three-quarters 
 
 * Mr. Belsharii's. It was published anonymously by a 
 " Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge and the Practice 
 of Virtue, by the distribution of Books." Its full title was, 
 " The New Testament in an Improved Version, upon the basis 
 of Archbishop Newcome's New Translation ; with a Corrected 
 Text and Notes Critical and Explanatory." 
 
8o Mr. E. Taylors Version. [Ch. v. 
 
 of his translation and had printed as far as he had written. 
 He had left a wish that his book should be finished by a 
 layman, and Dr. Hutton advised his widow to ask me to 
 complete it. But I declined the task, and gave as a reason 
 that I was publishing a translation of my own. She then 
 engaged the Rev. William Hincks to complete her late 
 husband's translation, and the two were published about 
 the same time. Mr. Taylor's translation was more approved 
 of by the Unitarian ministers than mine, and therefore at 
 the time by the Unitarians. The aim of the two was not 
 quite the same. Mine was meant to be more literal, to 
 show peculiarities and difficulties rather than to conceal 
 them, and to express what would be understood by the 
 early disciples rather than by modern readers. His was 
 less harsh in its change of words, though we both kept to 
 the Authorized Version as far as we thought the sense 
 allowed. These two translations quite threw into the back- 
 ground among Unitarian readers Mr. Belsham's " Improved 
 Version.'' 
 
 My translation of the New Testament was certainly a 
 rather hasty publication ; but I determined that the next 
 edition of it should be better. I compared it with Mr. 
 Taylor's. I re-examined all the texts criticised by the re- 
 viewers. I listened to the remarks of my friends among 
 the Unitarian Ministers, and I continued to turn over such 
 works on Biblical criticism as came in my way. My best 
 critic was certainly Mr. Thomas Glashan, a surgeon, who 
 then lived in the neighbourhood of Aberdeen. He was 
 wholly unknown to me, and wrote me a letter modestly 
 expressing his doubts about six texts, in which he thought 
 I was mistaken. I was really startled by the soundness 
 and accuracy of his judgment. He had mentioned the six 
 chief faults in the book ; faults certainly greater than any 
 that had been pointed out by the reviewers. In answer I 
 thanked him warmly for his advice, and begged that he 
 would favour me with any further remarks. I profited much 
 
1840.] ■ Further Egyptian Studies. 81 
 
 by a series of letters from him on Biblical .Criticism, which 
 extended over some years. 
 
 The work thus begun was never afterwards 
 dropped. The first edition of "The New Testa- 
 ment Translated from Griesbach's Text " was pub- 
 lished in the spring of 1840; but it was no sooner 
 issued than he began further revisions. This was 
 his custom with all his books ; they were read and 
 re-read, and at every reading corrections and addi- 
 tions were made. Each book was prepared for the 
 issue of a second edition whenever the publisher 
 asked for it. The result of the publication of the 
 New Testament was that henceforth he had two 
 studies instead of one. He returned to the study of 
 hieroglyphics as soon as this work was through the 
 press, but from this time forward Egypt occupied 
 only a share, and, after a while, a decreasing share 
 of his attention, which for some years was divided 
 between the antiquities of the Nile valley and 
 Biblical history and criticism. The world soon 
 knew him as the historian of Egypt ; in his old age 
 he thought of himself chiefly as the translator of the 
 Bible. He says : — 
 
 I returned to the hieroglyphical inscriptions, chiefly 
 with a view to the enlargement of my vocabulary. I be- 
 gan by tracing part of the sarcophagus of Oimenepthah I. 
 in Sir John Soane's Museum, which is one of the most 
 beautiful and valuable of the Egyptian monuments. I also 
 borrowed one or two sculptured objects from friends. 
 Some of these plates, when published, reached the hands 
 of Mr. A. C. Harris, a wealthy merchant of Alexandria, 
 who, generously and unasked, sent me over as a present a 
 tin box containing a large collection of paper casts from 
 
 G 
 
82 More Egyptian Inscriptions. [Ch. v. 
 
 tablets belonging to Signer D'Athanasi. With the help of 
 these I published, in December, 1840, a second volume of 
 Egyptian Inscriptions, containing sixty more lithographed 
 plates. Every plate, as I drew it on the transfer paper, 
 added a few more words to my vocabulary, which was now 
 growing to twice the size of my published volume. 
 
 The tracing of these hieroglyphical inscriptions 
 occupied him for seven months, and vs^as a laborious 
 though, on the whole, an agreeable task. He had 
 efficient help from his daughters, and especially 
 from his eldest daughter. Many of the plates are 
 hers and bear her name. He records in his diary on 
 the 17th of November, 1840, that he had on that day 
 finished the last plate, and says that he might miss 
 the vsrork if he had not the Vocabulary waiting for 
 him. " I am glad that it is done," he writes; " and 
 feel myself too old, and my time too valuable ever 
 again to begin a work of mere manual labour." He 
 was less than fifty-two years old when this entry was 
 made, and there were thirty years of hard work 
 before him. The volume was a most useful one, 
 and is still valuable to Egyptian students. He says 
 of it with truth : — 
 
 I can look back on it with some pride. The French and 
 Tuscan Governments have published large and beautiful 
 volumes of plates of Egyptian antiquities, Wilkinson and 
 Burton, the travellers, have also published plates of hiero- 
 glypics ; the Egyptian Society, under Dr. Young, published a 
 volume of hieroglyphics. All these have beauty and value far 
 above mine, but mine is by far the largest collection of hiero- 
 glyphical inscriptions ever yet published ; and as, in a trading 
 point of view, the money and labour are wholly wasted it is not 
 likely soon to be passed. 
 
 The trading point of view was not his, and he was 
 
1840.J Literary Work his Recreation. 83 
 
 as far as possible from thinking that the money and 
 labour were wasted. Such books could never be 
 produced for profit. They are for the few, and it is 
 fortunate for that few that men can be found to 
 expend money and labour upon them. They were 
 produced in this instance out of pure love of know- 
 ledge, and the satisfaction of promoting a cherished 
 and delightful study was its own abundant reward. 
 
 There is another entry about the same volume on 
 the 8th of December, 1840 : — 
 
 I to-day received from the printer the last number of my 
 Egyptian Inscriptions. I had pleasure in drawing them and 
 pleasure in finishing my task. I print 102 copies, give away 
 fifteen to my friends, the public libraries seize five, to which, 
 however, they are quite welcome, and the rest are for sale, but 
 I put my expectations too low to be much disappointed. My 
 publications are wholly an expense. But I have my satisfac- 
 tion in it. It is not more expensive than keeping a saddle- 
 horse. 
 
 This last remark indicates the relation which at 
 this period of his life his literary work bore to his 
 other activities. It was his recreation. What other 
 men would have spent on keeping a saddle-horse or 
 in costly journeys in the autumn holiday, or in other 
 forms of pleasure, he expended in the advancement 
 of learning. Farther on it will be seen how large a 
 part of his income in later years was devoted in a 
 different form, but in the same spirit, to this noble 
 purpose. 
 
 The Diary in which the above entries were made 
 begins at the end of September, 1840, and ends in 
 1848, with occasional entries thirty years later. It 
 gives many glimpses of his home, of his friends, of 
 
 G 2 
 
84 Si}'- Charles Fellows. [Ch. v. 
 
 various calls on his literary industry, and of the 
 feelings with which he regarded his work. Here are 
 glimpses of two well-known men. On October 7, 
 1 840, he writes : — 
 
 Charles Fellows called on me last week with his observations 
 in Asia Minor for fixing the latitude and longitude of several cities 
 which he has been the first person to visit. I have spent six or 
 eight hours already in reducing them, and at last have the pain 
 of telling him that they are not exact enough for the longitude. 
 He has been very successful and has brought home some 
 beautiful drawings and inscriptions. I strongly urged him to 
 publish in his journal a list of all his coins, stating in what 
 places they were found. Alfred Stothard [the son of the 
 painter] called on the same evening with his medal of Dr. Lee. 
 It is a good likeness and I bought it of him, out of regard for 
 himself and the doctor. 
 
 A few days later he says : — 
 
 I called on Charles Fellows, who is getting his journal ready 
 for the press. He is anxious to prove his Lycian inscriptions 
 and sculptures older than the conquest of that country by the 
 Greeks, B.C. 560. But the sculptures, though joined with 
 Lycian inscriptions and mythology, are of Greek art, not very 
 old, the Lycian characters are mostly borrowed from the 
 Greek, and this evidence from style of art is conclusive against 
 everything. His monuments must have been made about 
 B.C. 500. 
 
 The evidence is perhaps not quite conclusive, 
 since Greek civilization was gradually making its 
 way in Asia Minor, before the Macedonian conquest. 
 These Lycian Inscriptions, with others copied by the 
 Rev. E. T. Daniell, Mr. Edward Forbes, and Lieu- 
 tenant Spratt were afterwards the subject of careful 
 investigation by Daniel Sharpe, who communicated 
 the results of his acute inquiries to the Philological 
 Society in some very striking papers, which were 
 
1 840. J D, Sharpes Lycian Inscriptions. 85 
 
 published in its Proceedings. Mr. Fellows's " Journal 
 of a Second Tour in Asia Minor " was published, 
 "with an Appendix on the Ancient Lycian Language 
 by Mr. D. Sharpe." Two of the inscriptions were 
 bi-lingual, in Greek and Lycian, and the clue thus 
 given enabled him to determine the Lycian alphabet 
 and to read the inscriptions on the Lycian coins. In 
 an entry in his diary Samuel Sharpe expresses his 
 satisfaction that his brother Daniel was busying him- 
 self with these inscriptions, and adds, " I think it a 
 better subject than his Geology. A man should 
 understand something of the sciences as well as of 
 letters, but when he chooses one for his more par- 
 ticular path, I would recommend some branch of 
 literature. The study of antiquities, though not the 
 highest branch, embraces enough of language and 
 history to make it a pursuit highly liberalizing to 
 the mind." Geology was, nevertheless, the study in 
 which Daniel Sharpe afterwards gained distinction. 
 
 In his second visit to Lycia, Sir Charles Fellows 
 took out with him a young artist to act as draughts- 
 man. This was Mr. George Scharf, who was then 
 beginning to be known, and whose careful drawings 
 of sculptures and inscriptions added much to the 
 value of the volume on Lycia, which he further 
 adorned with his exquisite illustrations. Mr. Scharf 
 soon became known as an art critic and the illus- 
 trator of many valuable works. He was director of 
 the Gallery of Old Masters at the Manchester 
 Exhibition in 1857 ; and is now Curator of the 
 National Portrait Gallery at South Kensington. In 
 his early days Mr. Scharf was an occasional visitor 
 at Highbury Place. 
 
86 The Fields, of Learn. [Ch. v. 
 
 In this year, 1840, there is an account in the Diary 
 of the spending of the summer hohday. These 
 hoHdays were always short, usually three weeks late 
 in the summer, or in the early autumn. Before his 
 marriage he had visited Scotland, Wales, and the 
 Rhine, and had been twice to Paris, but after his 
 marriage he never again went abroad. The three 
 weeks' holiday in 1840 was spent at Leamington, 
 " in the neighbourhood," he says, " of our friends, 
 the Fields." The Fields were busy, for it was 
 September, and their autumn work had begun. The 
 Rev. William Field, of Learn, whose son, Edwin, 
 had married Mary Sharpe, was then preaching two 
 sermons every Sunday at Warwick, and another at 
 Kenilworth, where, out of pure zeal for doing good, 
 he was keeping the little spark of an old Liberal 
 congregation alive and glowing. He was seventy- 
 four, but his natural force was not much abated. We 
 get a glimpse of him in the Diary as giving an hour's 
 lesson in geography or history every morning to a 
 class in the girls' school, kept by his wife and two 
 daughters, superintending the preparation of one 
 son for matriculation in the University of London, 
 and helping another in his undergraduate studies. 
 The family of the Fields had from the old days at 
 Stoke Newington exerted a strong influence for good 
 upon the family of the Sharpes. Mrs. Field was 
 worthy of her husband. She was a woman of great 
 energy and capacity, and the fine characteristics of the 
 father and mother came out again in their children. 
 The great Hall of the Royal Courts of Justice con- 
 tains a marble statue, erected by subscription as a per- 
 manent memorial of their eldest son, the brother-in- 
 
1840.] Philip Henry's Descendants. 87 
 
 law of Samuel Sharpe. In presiding over the in- 
 fluential meeting of eminent lawyers and artists at 
 which this memorial was resolved upon, Lord 
 Selborne said that no man had more to do in 
 bringing the scheme for the erection of the new 
 Courts of Justice to a successful issue than Mr. Edwin 
 Field. " In everything that was done," said Lord 
 Selborne, " he was the most active and useful man 
 of all, perhaps, who were engaged in doing it." 
 
 Mr. Edwin Field was not at Learn when the 
 Sharpes were at Leamington during this holiday. 
 The Fields introduced them to the Misses Lawrence 
 — four ladies who had some time since retired from 
 the school to which Mrs. Field and her daughters 
 succeeded. Mrs. Tagart, wife of the Rev. Edward 
 Tagart, who had been one of their pupils, had just 
 copied out for Miss Lawrence the family tree of the 
 Rev. Philip Henry, of whose ancestral relation to the 
 Sharpes, through the Rogerses, an account has 
 already been given. Samuel Sharpe assisted Miss 
 Sara Lawrence in turning the genealogical tree into 
 a volume, tracing as far as possible all the descendants 
 of the ejected minister. Miss Lawrence carried out 
 the inquiry, with his help, with great patience and 
 minuteness, and after four years was able to issue a 
 volume, which is, perhaps, one of the most striking 
 records of family growth ever put together. It con- 
 tains two hundred and ten surnames, many of them 
 belonging to the most influential and respected of 
 middle-class families ; and curiously shows one mode 
 in which the moral influence of the ejected clergy has 
 spread itself through the healthiest portion of Eng- 
 lish society. Sharpe writes about his share in the 
 
88 A Family Holiday. [Ch. v. 
 
 work that he hoped he "should lead the persons 
 therein mentioned to aim after what is good. It 
 could hardly feed vanity to tell them they were 
 descended from a clergyman who was turned out of 
 his living ; but it might perhaps remind them of the 
 true dignity of moral independence." There is 
 nothing on which a family has more reason to con- 
 gratulate itself than on a Puritan ancestry. It is, 
 in almost equal degrees, a guarantee of physical 
 energy, of intellectual vigour and of moral health. 
 
 The Fields, as has been already said, got their 
 Puritan vigour through their descent from the Lord 
 Protector of the Commonwealth. Their grand- 
 mother was the great granddaughter of Henry 
 Cromwell, the son of the Protector, who died before 
 his illustrious father. The Miss Lawrences, like the 
 Sharpes, were descended from the Henrys. Mr. 
 Sharpe and his wife had great satisfaction in making 
 the acquaintance of this branch of the family. Of 
 his general doings during this Leamington holiday he 
 writes : — " My employments were taking short walks' 
 with my dear wife and children, and helping her with 
 the lessons. For myself I only drew two plates for 
 my Egyptian Inscriptions. We made no pilgrimage 
 to the birthplace of Shakespeare, nor went to Dr. 
 Parr's vicarage of Hatton, nor examined the battle 
 field of Edge Hill." His short periods of country 
 recreation were all of this character. They were 
 opportunities of spending all the day with his family, 
 father and mother entering into the amusements of 
 the children, and enjoying their play. They were 
 essentially family holidays. 
 
 The family at this time consisted of five children, 
 
1841.] Father and Children. 89 
 
 three daughters and two sons, Emily twelve, 
 Matilda ten, and Mary seven years old, Frederick 
 nearly six, and Albert not quite two years. There 
 are glimpses in the Diary of the home relations be- 
 tween this busy father and his children. He records 
 their birthdays as they come round, and tells of the 
 little presents they make to each other. When he 
 enters the sending to the printers of the last proof 
 of " Egypt under the Romans," he adds, " I date my 
 preface on Albert's birthday." On the 12th of 
 November, 1 840, he writes, " Frederick's birthday. 
 He is six years old, each of his sisters has a present 
 for him, Emily's was given him by letter from 
 Hastings. Mamma's was a wheelbarrow." Emily's 
 visit to Hastings to be with her Aunt Catharine is 
 duly recorded, with a wish that she may benefit " by 
 being in such good hands, and away from our con- 
 trol for a short time." There is a congratulatory 
 note on her return five weeks later. The next day 
 is her birthday. She is twelve years old, and her 
 father and mother have agreed " that punishments 
 ought now to cease, we should treat her as much as 
 possible as an equal, if there is disobedience she will 
 no doubt be brought round by kind words when the 
 time is a little gone by." A Sunday school had then 
 just been established by his influence and advice at 
 Newington Green, and in the next year the two 
 eldest girls, one under thirteen, the other under 
 eleven, were to attend as teachers. " My two girls," 
 he writes on the 26th September, 1841, "attended to 
 teach at the Sunday school. Emily never misses. 
 Matilda hardly goes without being urged. But I 
 have discovered what will make her more regular ; 
 
go Criticism on his New Testament. [Ch. v. 
 
 it is the pleasure of rewarding her pupils with a cake." 
 On his birthday, the 8th of March, he records the 
 little presents given him by the children, and the 
 pleasant incidents that acconapany the gifts. These 
 small domestic details are sufficient glimpses of the 
 interior of the home. They show that the man of 
 many pursuits was by no means withdrawn by his 
 studies from sympathy with his children. 
 
 On returning from the visit to Leamington he 
 found on his table the proof-sheet of the Christian 
 Teacher, which had been sent to him by Mr. Kinder, 
 containing a review — probably the first — of his New 
 Testament. " We are all so well pleased with our- 
 selves," he writes, " that at the first reading I was 
 troubled with the criticisms, but on an after-reading 
 I made up my mind that it was a favourable review, 
 and that I ought to be well pleased with its praises." 
 On a later day he says, " The late Mr. Edgar Taylor's 
 translation of Griesbach is now published under the 
 superintendence of the Rev. Mr. Hincks. I have no 
 wish to hear that mine is the best of the two, and 
 should, of course, be pained to have it thought the 
 worst ; but the critics will compare them, and we are 
 put in rivalry against our will." 
 
 The names of other friends who visited him, or 
 whom he visited at this period, appear in the Diary. 
 One of the entries illustrates the kind of work which 
 was being done at the Harp Alley School. 
 
 1840. October i6th. John Sinnot breakfasted with us this 
 morning. He came to take leave and to return my pocket- 
 sextant, which, however, I told him to keep while it was useful. 
 When I first knew him he was an orphan at the Harp Alley- 
 Charity School. He had already been to sea as a boy without 
 
1840.] Rogers's Tuesday Breakfasts. 91 
 
 wages, before the mast, and on coming into Portsmouth, the cap- 
 tain, who was pleased with him, gave him a shilling. It was the 
 first he had ever had, and on landing he bought a spelling- 
 book with it. His elder brother had told him he would never 
 get on without learning. After being a year or two at school, 
 my sister got him a clerk's place to keep a barrister's chambers> 
 but he would go to sea again. Whenever he was on shore for 
 a week, he took lessons in navigation. I first taught him to 
 take a lunar observation ; that was the height of his ambition 
 in the way of learning. He soon got made a mate, and could 
 always teach any captain he was under. And this poor orphan, 
 by his own good conduct, determined application, and right- 
 minded ambition is now, at the age of about six-and-twenty, 
 captain of a vessel trading between New Brunswick and Liver- 
 pool, of 700 tons burden. Next to himself, he is indebted to 
 my sister. [Catharine.] 
 
 Other entries record his visits to the house of his- 
 uncle, Samuel Rogers. Rogers was now in his 
 seventy-seventh year, and showed some signs of 
 failing memory. His Tuesday breakfast-parties were 
 still continued, though his house in St. James's Place 
 was no longer filled, as it had been in years gone by, 
 with all the chief men in art, literature, and politics. 
 The crowd had passed, but distinguished visitors 
 from all parts of the world still called to see 
 the great wit and man of taste, and chosen friends 
 gathered round his table. Sharpe's visits to his 
 uncle had been more frequent since he had become 
 known as a writer and a scholar, and for a long 
 time he was one of the company at the Tuesday 
 breakfasts. Rogers had fixed on Tuesday to suit 
 his nephew's convenience, and the nephew pleased 
 his uncle by quoting the Preacher against his literary 
 and social breakfasts — honouring them with mag- 
 nificent blame — " Woe to thee, O Land, when thy 
 
92 Rogers s Guests. [Ch. v. 
 
 princes eat in the morning." He met at these break- 
 fasts Hallam, Milman, Empson, then editor of the 
 Edinburgh Review, Luttrel — of whom Rogers said 
 that none of the talkers he met in London society- 
 could slide in a brilliant thing with such readiness 
 as he — R. Monckton Milnes, now Lord Houghton, 
 Kinglake, author of Eothen, Mrs. Austin, the trans- 
 lator of Ranke's " History of the Popes," and her 
 daughter, afterwards Lady Duff Gordon, Lord Glen- 
 elg, Crabb Robinson, Gleig, Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson, 
 Panizzi, and many others. Crabb Robinson was the 
 greatest talker of the group. When he was late, 
 Rogers would call merrily to his guests, " If you 
 have anything to say, say it now, for Crabb Robinson 
 is coming." In the conversation at these Tuesday 
 breakfasts, where, in addition to one or two mem- 
 bers of his family — often one or two of his young 
 nieces — there were about half-a-dozen well-selected 
 guests, there must have been ample material for 
 interesting recollections. At this period, and for 
 years to come, Rogers was still himself Moore, in 
 his Diary, wrote of him, during a visit to Lord Lans- 
 downe at Bowood in December, 1841 — "Rogers 
 stayed more than a week. Still fresh in all his facul- 
 ties, and improved wonderfully in the only point 
 where he was deficient — temper. He now gives the 
 natural sweetness of his disposition fair play." It is 
 this latter characteristic on which his nephew in his 
 few memoranda of his visits chiefly dv/ells. These 
 are the entries : — 
 
 November 8, 1840. I dined at my uncle Sam's. 
 Besides the family there was Mr. Maltby and Mr. Uwins, 
 the painter. The latter agreed with me in thinking that 
 
1840.] Recollections of Rogers. 93 
 
 A. Stothard had made the skull too small in his medal of 
 Dr. Lee. 
 
 November 29. I breakfasted in St. James's Place. 
 My uncle quoted a remark of Henderson's that " Akenside 
 stalked along like one of his own Alexandrines set on 
 end." He was a tall, stiff man. Also, somebody's remark 
 that " Memory is a great trust, and it is not everybody who 
 can be trusted with it." But I lost my morning. R. M. 
 Milnes was there. He is a poet, and has ability ; but it is 
 hidden in his wish to be a fine gentleman. He is young, 
 and may perhaps outgrow it. My uncle gave me, "in 
 solemn trust," as he said, a MS. in his own handwriting, a 
 form of family prayer which, when a young man, he used 
 to read every evening in his father's family. It was written 
 by Dr. Price. 
 
 December i. Dined at St. James's Place to look over 
 old papers and other family records. My uncle and aunt 
 were a good deal affected. On looking at the Births and 
 Deaths in his father's family Bible, he said that any merit 
 in his style arose from his reading the Bible and keeping 
 to its Saxon idiom. Speaking of children's marriages he 
 quoted Mrs. Barbauld, as saying that the world would be 
 better if the old meddled less in the affairs of the young. 
 He thought Macaulay unfair in his review of Bacon's 
 character for not giving the whole of Dryden's tribute to 
 his virtue as well as his greatness. Somebody had asked 
 him the week before for his autograph, and had very much 
 pleased him by the choice of the lines, which he wished 
 copied out. " The choice hit him between wind and 
 water." It was the note to " Italy " on Petrarch's Arqua 
 in praise of the habit of looking for beauties and over- 
 looking faults. He used to say that nobody could give 
 pain in an anonymous review without being the worse man 
 for having done it. Speaking of Wordsworth's poetry in 
 terms of but moderate praise, he said that, " at any rate, 
 Wordsworth never wrote to give pain nor against the cause 
 
94 Recollections of Rogers. [Ch. v. 
 
 of goodness," which he thought the greatest of all faults 
 in a -RTiter ; and he agreed with me that Sterne was a great 
 instance of how the greatest talents go unrewarded by- 
 fame if they offend against virtue. He said he never, when 
 he could help it, missed seeing the sunset, and regretted 
 that by being in bed we lost the sunrise. He often felt 
 inclined to stop the people in the streets to show them a 
 glorious sky. Looking at such wonders of Nature he 
 thought should be cultivated as a habit. 
 
 December 4. My uncle Sam called in Clement's Lane. 
 He quoted my father as saying that a man who was clever 
 at getting rich was generally good for little else, and men- 
 tioned Mr. Harman's saying to him, " I am sorry R. 
 Sharp [Conversation Sharp] died so rich." He had left 
 ^200,000 — " a very pretty capital," he remarked, " to begin 
 the next world with." On Boycott's saying he did not wish 
 to live long, my uncle replied that if every day he con- 
 trived to make somebody happier or better, he would not 
 wish to limit his days. 
 
 February 22, 1842. I breakfasted with my uncle Sam, 
 and we walked to look at Milton's house, No. 19, York 
 Street, Queen Square, Westminster. Jeremy Bentham, 
 whose garden backed upon it, had put up a stone against 
 the back to preserve the memory of it. He brought me 
 home in his carriage with a present of Matthew Henry's 
 Bible, which had been Daniel Radford's copy. 
 
 The aunt whom he speaks of meeting at his 
 uncle's house was Sarah Rogers, who was a little 
 younger than his uncle and a little older than his 
 mother. Like her brother, she gathered together at 
 her home in Hanover Terrace, Regent's Park, persons 
 who were eminent in art and literature. At this period 
 her nephew and his wife met at her dinner-parties; 
 among other eminent persons, Tom Moore, Turner, 
 
1840-44.] Other Friends. 95 
 
 the painter, Dr. Burgon, now Dean of Chichester, 
 Dr. Skey, and Mr. Gruner, then a well-known 
 engraver, who designed the decorations of the 
 Queen's palaces, was entrusted by the Queen with 
 Prince Albert's plans for the Mausoleum at Frogmore, 
 and was afterwards Director of the Museum at 
 Dresden. There are no records in the Diary of these 
 visits ; and it is unfortunate that those above quoted 
 are all that the Diary contains respecting his visits 
 to his uncle during the years from 1840 to 1844. 
 Others occur in later years, and will come in at their 
 appropriate place. 
 
 There are occasional references to other friends. 
 Mr, William Rayner Wood calls after passing his 
 Matriculation Examination at the new University 
 of London ; and Samuel Sharpe urges that a junior 
 school should be established in connection with 
 Manchester New College, which, at that time, there 
 was some intention of doing. Henry Crabb 
 Robinson comes to tea and talks of the ill-treatment 
 of Thomas Clarkson by the sons of Wilberforce. 
 Next morning Robinson takes his host to University 
 College, and gives him a copy of the Charter, 
 "which I must study," writes Mr. Sharpe, "now 
 that I am a proprietor." University College little 
 knew that the greatest benefactor to its school had 
 that morning been entertained, like Abraham's angels 
 in the legend, unawares. Another day a call on Dr. 
 Lee is recorded. It was a visit of thanks " for his 
 complimentary mention of me in his address to the 
 Numismatic Society." Dr. R^nouard was there — 
 a man of great learning, who " knows what every- 
 body has written about, and what is doing in each 
 
96 Political Opinions. [Ch. v. 
 
 subject, but his unceasing talk is unbearable." Dr. 
 Lee is very appropriately described as a man 
 "whose good nature is seen in everything he does, 
 though it is not always accompanied with judgment." 
 On the nth December, 1840, "spent the evening at 
 Mr. Warren's. Dr. Hutton was the only person 
 present who agreed with me in blaming the war 
 in Syria and China. Lord Palmerston's success 
 makes everybody overlook his faults. Mr. Madge 
 was very warlike." Sharpe had been opposed to this 
 war all through. A month earlier he had entered in 
 his Diary some warm praises of Louis Philippe for 
 his speech, telling the Chambers he was doing all he 
 could to preserve peace, and asking for their help in 
 his endeavours. "His single word, if he had been 
 guided by Thiers, would have deluged Europe with 
 blood, and stopped the march of civilization for half 
 a century." A paper for the Numismatic Society, on 
 the return of the Phoenix, or end of the cycle, on the 
 coins of Antoninus, is recorded as an effort " to keep 
 up my character as one of the contributors." A 
 fortnight later " a good paper on Charles the Second's 
 coins," is recorded, with the addition that " Dr. Lee 
 kindly lent Dan the Zendavesta for his Lycian 
 inquiries," and that " S. Stothard is engraving a medal 
 of Ackerman." But a month later the entry occurs, 
 " I wasted an evening at the Numismatic Society. 
 The antiquarians are such a small minority that 
 foreign subjects are introduced." 
 
 These entries by no means exhaust the record of 
 his activities. There were discussions at the Isling- 
 ton' Institution, in which he took part for the sake of 
 the younger men, and remembering how valuable such 
 
1840.] Theological Views. 97 
 
 meetings had been to him in earlier days. At one 
 of these meetings the mythology of the ancients was 
 under discussion, and he reminded the audience that 
 the old gods were made in different ways, sometimes 
 by the deification of conquerors and lawgivers, 
 sometimes by personifying attributes. He says of 
 this speech, that " the orthodoxy of some was rather 
 shocked, perhaps with reason, for the deifying of 
 Jesus and the personifying of God's Spirit are much 
 the same." In another entry he records, that " Hen- 
 nell, and some other followers of Strauss, who do 
 not believe in the miracles, have opened a chapel," 
 and expresses his satisfaction that " they keep the 
 name of Christians, for then they will cling to the 
 practical doctrines." He adds, " I quite agree with 
 Locke in thinking that the miracles are the difficulty 
 rather than the proof of Christianity. We all find 
 the proof in the Divine truth of the morality, which 
 we recognize by our own moral sense." Here is a 
 further glimpse of his religious views : — 
 
 October 20, 1840. — I met the "Theological party" of the 
 Unitarian Ministers, at the house of the Rev. Thomas Crom,- 
 well. The subject of discussion was " How far may our Lord 
 have been influenced by the mistaken opinions of his age." 
 All agreed that he was so in the case of the demoniacs, some 
 added, in attributing disease to sin, and some added, in the 
 belief in a devil. But these two cases may be rather in his 
 phraseology than in his opinions. Some added, in the prophe- 
 cies which he thought pointed to himself; but here he is not sO' 
 bold as the writers of the New Testament. I thought, in the 
 use of the ceremony of Baptism. It was an instructive evening; 
 Dr. Hutton, Mardon, Kenrick, and two or three others. 
 
 October 28. — Mr. Madge preached at Newington Green> 
 at the opening of the chapel after the repairs. " Unitarianism," 
 he remarked, "is the form of worship which Jesus himself 
 
 H 
 
98 open Trusts for Chapels. [Ch. v. 
 
 taught and practised." This the orthodox would almost 
 acknowledge, but would say that Trinitarianism is taught by 
 the writers of the New Testament ; which is itself the word of 
 God. We think Jesus a higher authority than the writers of 
 the New Testament ; they think not. Madge's sermon was 
 first rate. 
 
 November 25. — Mr. John Travers called and told me of the 
 Rev. Thomas Wood's resigning his pulpit at the Brixton 
 Unitarian Chapel. He had preached a sermon against the 
 miracles, or at least that they were rather difficulties in our 
 way than evidences of the truth of Christianity, which rests 
 on the evident truth of its precepts. This is what Locke said, 
 that its morality makes us believe the miracles, not the mira- 
 cles the morality. On this some of his congregation said 
 that he was not preaching Christianity as they approved, and 
 he resigned. But the majority have begged him to withdraw 
 his resignation. Our Presbyterian forefathers built their meet- 
 ing houses for the worship of God, without a creed ; I am sorry 
 to find their Unitarian descendants departing from that good 
 practice. Brixton Chapel is for Unitarianism in the sense of 
 Priestley and Belsham ; it is so declared in the title deeds. 
 So when the minister was called upon to defend himself, he 
 had to do so by quoting Priestley, not the New Testament. 
 
 The departure from the good old practice of the 
 Presbyterian forefathers, which he thus laments, did 
 not go far. Indeed, the whole position of their 
 Unitarian descendants differs from that which this 
 Brixton case indicated. The system of putting 
 doctrinal statements in trust deeds has been left to 
 the theological Mrs. Partingtons, who invented these 
 parchment barriers against the tide of theological 
 change ; and even the apparent test which is involved 
 in affixing to places of worship the doctrinal name 
 of Unitarian, is met with constant protest. In this 
 matter the change has been so great, that Samuel 
 Sharpe, who in 1840, was in advance of his contem- 
 
3-] The Name Unitarian. 
 
 99 
 
 poraries, was in 1880 sometimes spoken of as behind 
 them. It was they that had changed His strong' 
 common sense could not consent to regard the mere 
 statement of an obvious fact as a doctrinal limitation, 
 and he, therefore, insisted that Unitarian chapels 
 which, in the later years of his life received his 
 liberal contributions, should be called by their proper 
 name of Unitarian. He was by no means blind to 
 the objections which are urged against this course. 
 The great principle embodied in and represented by 
 the group of Free Churches of which the Unitarian 
 body consists, is that of leaving the institutions 
 themselves open to the possibility of theological 
 change. The individuals who compose them are 
 Unitarians, and are glad to confess their disciple- 
 ship to the only form of Christian belief which, 
 seems to them to be worth the attention of educated 
 men in this scientific age. Their objection to call 
 their places of worship by the name they are them- 
 selves proud to bear, is due to a noble desire to 
 leave their successors free, and not to pledge preacher 
 or congregation to any form of doctrine whatever. 
 Samuel Sharpe, however, spoke of the avoidance of 
 the ■ Unitarian name as an act of cowardice. He 
 contended that in a place where the worship is 
 Christian but not Trinitarian, it is only honest and 
 right to let all the world know the fact. The world 
 will never understand why places of Unitarian wor- 
 ship should not be called by the Unitarian name. 
 The great majority are so called ; and will continue 
 to be. Mr. Sharpe's definition of the words Unitarian 
 and Unitarianism was, that Unitarianism is the non- 
 Trinitarian form of Christianity, and that a Unitarian 
 
 H 2 
 
1 oo What is a Unitarian ? [Ch. v. 
 
 is, historically and actually, a Christian who rejects 
 the Trinity. He was warmly attached to the Chris- 
 tian name, and though to the end of his life he 
 retained his objection to Baptism and the Com- 
 munion Service, he was an earnest disciple of apos- 
 tolic Christianity; a careful student and zealous 
 defender of the Old and New Testament ; and held 
 in generous scorn the pretensions of those who, while 
 still calling themselves Unitarians, disavow the dis- 
 cipleship to Christ and Christianity which the word 
 implies. 
 
lOI 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL WRITINGS. 
 
 The pause in the Egyptian studies was not long. 
 The " New Testament translated from Griesbach's 
 Text" was published in the spring of 1840; the 
 second volume of the Egyptian Inscriptions at the 
 end of the same year, and early in 1842 the author 
 was again in the field with a " History of Egypt 
 under the Romans." During the whole of these 
 two years he had been gathering the materials for 
 this further contribution to Egyptian History. As 
 his search for references to more ancient historical 
 events in the authors who wrote during the reigns of 
 the Ptolemies, had led him to write the history of 
 Egypt under those sovereigns, so, in reading later 
 writers for facts about the Ptolemaic period he got 
 the materials for a history of Egypt after the 
 Roman Conquest. This work, he tells us, differs 
 from the other two. He speaks of it as " the history 
 of a province rather than of a kingdom ; the history 
 of opinions and controversies rather than of political 
 events." It brought him into direct contact with 
 the Alexandrian speculations, out of which such 
 dogmas as that of the Trinity arose. He had to 
 describe the rise and progress of Christianity, and 
 
I02 Corruptions of Christianity. [Ch.VI. 
 
 he could not avoid showing how the pure stream 
 which flowed from Judea over the waste places of 
 the Roman Empire was afterwards mingled with 
 the turbid flood of Greek and Egyptian controversy. 
 The service thus done to the new Reformation 
 which traditional Christianity is beginning to under- 
 go has hardly yet been appreciated at its full value. 
 It is not necessarily a refutation of a dogma to 
 show its speculative origin ; but the doctrine of the 
 Trinity, and the group of false: theories of which it 
 is the key, are not recommended for their reasonable- 
 ness, but are accepted by those who hold them from 
 some vague belief that they came from Jesus and 
 his apostles. To point out their real source in 
 Egyptian superstition is consequently to overthrow 
 them utterly. In this service to freedom and to 
 Christianity Samuel Sharpe has rendered impor- 
 tant help. He speaks of it modestly: — 
 
 I carefully pointed out the corruptions which were 
 introduced into Christianity from the old Egyptian super- 
 stitions, and I pointed out what I thought the errors in 
 orthodox opinions the more exactly to make it clear that 
 when I spoke with blame I meant to blame these corrup- 
 tions of Christianity and not Christianity itself. As I 
 aimed at imitating the laborious accuracy of Gibbon, I 
 was most careful to avoid his habit of attacking indirectly 
 what he did not choose to attack openly. 
 
 Gibbon had not learned to discriminate between 
 Christianity as it was taught at Jerusalem and 
 Christianity as it appears in the authoritative and 
 official presentations of it which clerical organiza- 
 tions continue to keep before the world. Mr 
 
1842.J History made Orthodox. 103 
 
 Sharpe had already made this discrimination. He 
 took nothing'from authority, but went to the original 
 sources and made inquiry for himself. Even the 
 Bible was to him, not an infallible oracle, but the 
 record in a religious literature of the noblest and 
 purest line of the unfolding revelation of God the 
 Father and Man the Son. The only creed which he 
 thought it before all things necessary to hold was 
 that of charity. 
 
 Any man who starts from the assumption that 
 any opinion is damnable, or any form of sound 
 words is to be accepted on pain of everlasting 
 punishment, is thereby disqualified for the study of 
 science or the investigation of history. He is not 
 free to follow whithersoever the facts may lead. The 
 flaming sword of theological terror stops the way 
 along which a fearless induction might carry him. 
 He will be tempted to " make his judgment blind " ; 
 to pass lightly over facts which are opposed to his 
 preconceived opinion ; and to exaggerate the impor- 
 tance of those which may be made to lend it 
 support. Forty years ago all historians and scientific 
 writers were expected to do this. Mr. Bohn's 
 popular edition of Gibbon was edited by "An 
 English Churchman," who replied to Gibbon himself 
 in orthodox notes inserted at the foot of his page. 
 The historian of Egypt has to travel over part of 
 the ground which Gibbon trod. If he is an honest 
 man his works may need similar annotation before 
 orthodox believers will consider them " safe." He 
 can scarcely avoid showing how much that passes 
 for Christianity is a survival of Egyptian supersti- 
 tions. The author of the " History of Egypt under 
 
I04 "Egypt under the Romans." [Ch.vi. 
 
 the Romans'' pointed out this clear connection, 
 which stares at the student of Egyptology from 
 every part of the field. With a deep reverence for 
 the Christianity of the Gospels he was the better 
 able to point out the first steps by which it had 
 begun its degeneration into the Christianity of the 
 Creeds. He could thus do what Gibbon was unable 
 to do ; he could distinguish between the faith of the 
 first century and that of the third and fourth, and 
 was preserved from Gibbon's mistake of confounding 
 the aberrations of the Church with the teachings of 
 its Master. 
 
 The " History of Egypt under the Romans " was 
 published in a more popular form than his previous 
 works. It was a thin octavo with the authorities 
 quoted in notes in the margin. After a short 
 historical introduction, it begins with the entry of 
 Augustus into Alexandria in the year 29 B.C., and 
 ends with the Arab conquest of Egypt and the 
 burning of the Library of Alexandria in 640 A.D. 
 The author's habit of carefully emending his 
 writings as soon as they were issued was curiously 
 exhibited to the readers of the first edition of this 
 work, by the printing at the end of the volume of 
 some pages of additions which the reader is to drop in 
 at their appropriate places in the first half of the work. 
 The whole of this work, amended and in great part 
 re-written, was afterwards incorporated in the 
 " History of Egypt." 
 
 In speaking in his autobiographical sketch of the 
 writing of this book he says : — 
 
 While writing this, my third history, I continued my 
 attention to style. I read aloud again and again parts of 
 
1842.] Formation of Style. 105 
 
 our best English writers to learn their methods of forming 
 their sentences. I wished that my writings, like theirs, 
 should be fitted for the ear, not only for the eye. But I 
 never ventured upon poetic flights, or figures of speech ; I 
 only hoped to correct the dry stiffness of my own style, 
 and to express my meaning in the manner most simple 
 and most easy to be understood. 
 
 This account of the careful formation of his 
 style is the more interesting because it shows his 
 own clear perception of its chief defects. It is as 
 transparent as a running stream, but it catches no 
 colour from the sky. The Edinburgh Review 
 expressed a wish that the gods had made him mote 
 poetical. This was probably the unrealized feeling 
 of his readers, and the absence of the poetic flights 
 and figures, on which he says he never ventured, un- 
 questionably limited the popularity of his writings. 
 But it is a defect which is intimately related to his 
 chief worth as a historian and a critic. Nothing is 
 more misleading in history than the glow which a 
 lively imagination sheds over the narrative. The 
 amusing story is one thing ; the trustworthy account 
 may be quite another. Everybody reads a brilliant 
 and imaginative historian, but nobody implicitly 
 trusts him. There may be as wonderful an atmo- 
 sphere in his picture of the past as in Turner's 
 landscapes, but the imaginative reproduction of 
 historical scenes and characters is necessarily 
 coloured by the glowing medium through which 
 they are seen. Absence of colour does not neces- 
 sarily make a narrative more accurate ; but the 
 deliberate choice of neutral tints takes away a temp- 
 tation to exceed the limits of actual knowledge. 
 
io6 How to Write History. [Ch.vi. 
 
 Sharpe's Egyptian Histories are plain, unvarnished 
 narratives of facts and inferences. They tell all 
 that was known at the time ; and no more. Like his 
 other writings, they take an independent and original 
 view of the subjects with which they deal. The 
 reader who looks for information feels that he is 
 in contact with a mind which never sees things in their 
 merely conventional aspects, but applies a shrewd 
 common sense to everything which comes before it. 
 Sharpe approaches the study of Egyptian antiquities 
 without any preconceived view ; without prepos- 
 sessions of any kind. He is consequently not afraid 
 to go whither the facts lead, and neither cuts short 
 his inferences nor stretches them on the rack to 
 make them fit some bed in which they must lie. If 
 he is wrong it is by error of judgment, not by the 
 warping influence of preconception or prejudice. 
 
 For two or three years after the publication of the 
 " History of Egypt under the Romans " the literary 
 activity of its author was scattered over various 
 fields. He was becoming known both as an Egyp- 
 tian scholar and a student of the Bible, and appeals 
 were made to him for literary help. He had the 
 honour of lending money to poor authors, in accord- 
 ance with his uncle's anticipation ; he had also the 
 satisfaction of writing, articles for many publications 
 which could not pay their writers. Aa a rule, volun- 
 tary service of this kind is inefficient service. The 
 literary workman is as well worthy of his hire as 
 any other labourer, and publications which cannot 
 afford to pay their contributors never succeed, and 
 rarely deserve success. Samuel Sharpe, however, 
 was one of the very few men who never needed and 
 
1842.] Unpaid Literary Work. 107 
 
 never took any remuneration for their writings. In 
 these days when statesmen are handsomely paid for 
 articles in the magazines, and work done by accom- 
 plished writers is often published over the signature 
 of men who merely lend it the sanction of their 
 well-known names — taking the fame and leaving 
 to the unknown writer the remuneration — unpaid 
 literary work is going out of fashion. The payment 
 is still sometimes spoken of as an honorarium, but 
 the expression is almost the only remaining relic of 
 the old feeling that a literary man must know no 
 other motive than the love of knowledge or of fame. 
 In this respect Sharpe belonged to the older school. 
 In the early days of his literary activity he had no 
 income that he did not earn — but he earned it in 
 business and never by his pen. Everything he 
 wrote represented a hearty interest in the subject, 
 and his interests covered a large field. They were 
 literary, social, political, and theological. 
 
 His family always knew of everything that had 
 employed his pen. " All that he was busy upon, all 
 that he had at heart," says his eldest daughter, 
 " came out in his conversation, which was very full 
 when he was not actually reading or writing. During 
 the first twenty-five years of my remembrance of 
 him his general talk was of politics, of which he 
 conversed earnestly and even hard. During the last 
 twenty-five years it was the politics of the Unitarian 
 body. Of conversation upon his own studies and 
 pursuits, that respecting science was almost befoire 
 my time ; in the earlier part of the period covered 
 by my recollections it was on Antiquities, later on it 
 was on Biblical subjects ; but these topics were 
 
io8 The "Inquirer" Newspaper. [Ch.vi. 
 
 intermingled with classics and literature according 
 to the tastes of the persons he was talking with." 
 
 In 1842 he was still in the period of predominant 
 interest in politics. In that year the Inquirer 
 newspaper was established with the object of giving 
 the Unitarians a weekly organ which should fitly 
 represent their scholarship, and express their Liberal 
 views on theological and political questions. Its 
 founder was Mr. Edward Hill, who engaged the 
 Rev. William Hincks as editor, with a sub-editor, a 
 writer on the money-market, and a dramatic critic. 
 Hearing of the proposed journal, Samuel Sharpe 
 wrote to Mr. Hincks, offering to send an occasional 
 article on City topics. Mr. Hincks gladly accepted 
 the proffered help, and a kind of double money 
 article appeared in the first number, the second 
 half of which was by Mr. Sharpe. As the money 
 articles which now occupy so important a place 
 in every daily paper owe their present form to 
 a suggestion made by him to the editor of 
 the Morning Chronicle, it is worth noting that this 
 was his first article of the kind, and almost his 
 last. It gives an interesting glimpse of the first 
 charge of the revived income-tax. The July divi- 
 dends had just been paid, and the warrants had been 
 issued with the new levy deducted. There had been 
 no such tax for a quarter of a century. Mr. Pitt's 
 war income-tax of 1799 had been repealed in 1816 
 and Sir Robert Peel restored it in 1842 as a tempo- 
 rary expedient to enable him to make a beginning 
 in his great readjustments of taxation. It was 
 sevenpence in the pound, but in the Inquirer article 
 it is noted that it was not taken off dividends under 
 
1842] The "Inquirer" Newspaper. 109 
 
 fifty shillings. The temporary expedient of 1842 
 has become a permanent instrument of direct taxa- 
 tion ; and "its unmitigated injustice," of which 
 Samuel Sharpe spoke in the third number of the 
 Inquirer, remains almost unchanged. It is still 
 levied to the same extent on earned and pre- 
 carious incomes as on those which are independent 
 of the labour of their recipients. 
 
 The Inquirer soon changed hands. Mr. Hill 
 became tired of the expense before it had reached 
 its fifth number, but Mr. Hincks did not wish it to 
 drop, and succeeded in inducing Mr. Richard Taylor 
 to buy it. Mr. Taylor changed its politics, making it, 
 as Samuel Sharpe says in a history of the paper which 
 he has written on a fly-leaf of the first volume, 
 "decidedly Radical." "On this," he writes, "I 
 ceased my contributions, writing nothing for Nos. 8, 
 9, 10, and II." But Mr. Taylor had not been pro- 
 prietor more than a fortnight when he found the 
 weekly loss more than he was willing to bear, with 
 only a distant prospect of profit. He determined to 
 give it up, and the editor thereupon appealed for 
 help in his own columns, announcing that the sale 
 had already reached 600 copies. The appeal was 
 responded to. A considerable number of subscrip- 
 tions flowed IHj which kept the paper going. Mr. 
 Taylor continued to be the proprietor, but as Mr. 
 Hincks had thus kept it from ruin its exclusive 
 direction was left to him, and as it once more repre- 
 sented his more moderate views Sharpe renewed his 
 connection with it, and wrote every week. After a 
 short time Mr. Hincks paid Mr. Taylor the seventy 
 pounds he was out of pocket by the concern, and put 
 
no The "Inquirer" Newspaper. [Ch. VI. 
 
 the printing into the hands' of Mr. Richard Kinder, 
 afterwards partner in the historical firm of Woodfall, 
 who undertook to print it for the receipts. Mr. 
 Hincks was proprietor, and found his remuneration 
 for his editorial labour in the subscriptions. This 
 arrangement was announced in the twenty-fifth 
 number. The sale was then under 750 copies, but 
 was increasing six or twelve each week. Mr. Hincks, 
 however, was obliged to continue begging for it, and 
 as it was felt to be valuable enough to deserve sup- 
 port, subscriptions were always forthcoming in suffi- 
 cient amount to enable him to continue it. In July, 
 1843, when the paper was a year old, the sale had 
 become about 9C0 a week. 
 
 The subsequent history of a paper which has 
 always represented the wide liberality and the love 
 of learning which are a characteristic of the Unitarian 
 denomination, may be here stated on the authority 
 of Mr. Sharpe's memorandum. Mr. Kinder became 
 proprietor of the paper when Mr. Hincks eventually 
 gave it up, and a subscription was raised to enable 
 him to engage Mr. Lalor as editor, while Mr. J. R. 
 Robinson undertook the sub-editing. Mr. Lalor was 
 an accomplished journalist. He had been for many 
 years editor of the Morning Chronicle in days when 
 that paper held the leading position in English 
 journalism. He had retired from this influential 
 post on account of ill-health, and even the renewed 
 work on this weekly newspaper proved too much for 
 him, though he received great assistance from Mr. 
 William Richmond, now in New Zealand, and many 
 others. On Mr. Lalor retiring from the editorship 
 Mr. Kinder was compelled for some time to carry 
 
1843-] Editors of the "Inquirer." in 
 
 on the paper without an editor, which he did with 
 the assistance of Mr. Edwin Field, Mr. Macnamara 
 (one of the Railway Commissioners), Mr. Samuel 
 Sharpe, Mr. (now Sir) Edmund Hornby, and others. 
 He then placed the editing in the hands of Mr. 
 Richard Hutton (now editor and proprietor of the 
 Spectator) and the late Mr. Sandford. When they 
 resigned the Rev. T. L. Marshall was engaged 
 as editor by Mr. Kinder, the paper being then 
 sufficiently established to pay the editor a salary. 
 In 1863 Mr. Kinder sold it to Mr. Marshall, 
 Mr. J. R. Robinson, and Mr. Whitfield, and Mr. 
 Robinson at once applied to it the business energy 
 and practical sagacity which have since given him 
 the foremost position among the managers of the 
 London daily papers. As manager of the Daily 
 News Mr. Robinson's admirable discrimination, his 
 large knowledge of men, and his thorough under- 
 standing of the events of the time, have given that 
 journal the leading position as an organ of foreign 
 and domestic intelligence. His connection with the 
 Inquirer led to the remodelling of the paper, to the 
 great increase of its usefulness as a weekly reflex 
 not only of the Unitarian body but of the whole 
 movement of theological opinion. In 1864 Mr. 
 Robinson parted with his share to Mr. Marshall, 
 and in 1876 Mr. Whitfield retired and Mr. Richard 
 Bartram became associated with Mr. Marshall both 
 in its proprietorship and management. 
 
 Though Samuel Sharpe was willing to give much 
 assistance to the Inquirer in its early days, a dis- 
 like of newspaper work caused him to discontinue 
 such writing for many years. His own account of 
 
112 " Inquirer " Articles. [Ch. vl 
 
 his feeling on the subject is that " though writing for 
 a periodical publication is always attractive, as what 
 you write is sure to be read, it is a bad employment. 
 The writer can hardly take pains or persuade himself 
 to do his best when he knows that what he is writing 
 will be read with carelessness, and never looked at 
 after the first week." This view of periodical writing 
 has often been taken, but there is another side to 
 the question. Anonymous journalism would be 
 almost impossible if it were true that the thought of 
 careless readers made writers careless. Extempo- 
 raneous writing is like extemporaneous speech. A 
 man instinctively does his best, with his subject 
 rather than his audience in mind. He writes best, 
 as he speaks best, when his mind is in a glow, and 
 quick pressure or rapid movement brings the glow 
 he needs. Many of Mr. Sharpe's own friends 
 thought that some of the best and liveliest things he 
 ever wrote were among the articles he threw off 
 week after week when in the latest years of his life 
 he contributed to the columns of a new denomina- 
 tional journal. 
 
 The articles he contributed to the Inquirer during 
 these two years recall many of the political contro- 
 versies and social difficulties of the times, and throw 
 an interesting light upon the political opinions of 
 the writer. The first article is on the Government 
 Grant for Education. The Whig Ministry had 
 begun the grant a few years before, and it amounted 
 to about ;^30,ooo a year. The Ministry of Sir 
 Robert Peel proposed to continue it, and to increase 
 it by a grant to Hullah's music classes. The Inquirer 
 article says : — 
 
i?42-] The Education Grant. 113 
 
 This is well as far as it goes, but it is not all that the friends 
 of education expect ; moreover, it is beginning at the wrong 
 end. The first thing should be to remove the present dis- 
 couragements to education. ... To begin at the beginning. 
 Why is not the tax taken off books ? or, rather, while Oxford 
 and Cambridge print their Greek and Latin classics for the rich 
 on untaxed paper, why is every spelling-book and reading-book 
 for the poor to pay the paper duty ? . . . . Why is not every 
 building employed for teaching relieved from Queen's taxes 
 and parish rates ? This could give rise to no possible abuse. 
 We do not mean only public colleges and Mechanics' Institutions ; 
 every private schoolmaster while earning his livelihood, every 
 village schoolmistress, is as much an instrument for educating 
 the nation as any University, and their books and schoolroonas 
 should be untaxed, — not for their sakes, but for the good of their 
 scholars. Every schoolroom in the kingdom should be free 
 from taxes ; every book, at least every school-book, should be 
 on untaxed paper — at any rate before money is given to singing 
 classes. Why, the very music books which HuUah's pupils 
 hold in their hands have paid a tax. Sir Robert Peel remarked 
 the other day that drawbacks were very objectionable. Then 
 why not take the paper duty off the books, and the taxes off the 
 buildings used for education, instead of giving a sum of money 
 for its support ? 
 
 The same number of the paper contains a short 
 article on the war in Afghanistan, speaking of 
 it as — 
 
 One of the most unwise and unjust wars that have been 
 lately undertaken. The Afghans are an independent tribe of 
 mountaineers, bravely defending themselves from a wanton 
 invasion ; and we are attacking those whom we ought to make 
 our allies, a hardy race of men who might become our best 
 bulwark on that side of our eastern possessions, and who would 
 guard those mountain passes which from their distance it 
 would be impossible for us to guard. 
 
 The repeal of the taxes on knowledge was a long 
 way off when the above words were written, and the 
 removal of rates on schoolhouses further still — but 
 
 I 
 
114 "^^^ ^- P^^l's Changes. [Ch. vi. 
 
 both have been done ; while in the latest Afghan 
 war, and in the protest against it, the writer lived to 
 see history repeat itself, both in the war and in 
 the disasters to which it led. Happily, he could also 
 rejoice in the spectacle of the more enlightened 
 conscience of the nation rising up against the 
 unscrupulous- Minister who had plunged into a 
 wicked aggression to round off a frontier. 
 
 He was, of course, a Free Trader in 1842 ; and 
 in an article on the approach of the Parliamentary 
 recess he expresses the hope that Sir Robert Peel, 
 as sooii as he had got rid of his corn-growing Par- 
 liament, would "relieve his own mind and his 
 suffering countrymen by an Order in Council 
 admitting the bonded corn." The article concludes 
 with the expression of a hope which was abundantly 
 justified a few years later. Its argument was that Sir 
 R. Peel had changed before, and might change again. 
 
 First on the Catholic question ; Sir Robert Peel repealed 
 the Catholic disabihties after having been for years the member 
 for Oxford University and the champion of Protestantism. 
 Secondly, at the beginning of this Session, after having allowed 
 his friends up to the last minute to promise that there should 
 be no change he came down upon them with an improvement 
 certainly in the Corn Laws, and with the admission of foreign 
 cattle. After these two instances of his readiness to prefer good 
 sense to the selfish prejudices of his party we are not without 
 hopes that when Parliament meets in February next Sir Robert 
 Peel may be for the third time greeted with the praises of the 
 Opposition as spUndide mendax. 
 
 A letter on " The Morality of the Ballot " shows 
 him to have been at this time, as he always remained, 
 an opponent of secret voting, on the old grounds 
 that an honest man never wants to do anything in 
 
1842.] Distress in the Country. 115 
 
 the dark, and that a vote being a trust, those on 
 whose behalf it is exercised have a right to see in 
 what way the trust is discharged. There was force 
 in this argument, so long as the suffrage was limited 
 to the ten-pound householders ; but now that the 
 franchise is exercised in boroughs, and is soon to be 
 exercised in counties, by every man who has a per- 
 manent habitation and the responsibilities which 
 accompany it, it is no longer possible to regard it in 
 that light. It is a right in the exercise of which 
 every man has a fair claim to such protection as 
 circumstances may render necessary and as the 
 community can give. So far as it is possible to 
 gather from the scanty indications given in the 
 Inquirer articles, it was almost solely on this ques- 
 tion of the Ballot that Mr. R. Taylor had made its 
 politics too Radical for his contributor at Highbury. 
 It is difficult for those who live in these days of 
 Free Trade and Liberal legislation to appreciate the 
 crisis through which the nation passed during Sir 
 Robert Peel's Conservative administration of 1841. 
 The papers of the day are full of accounts of distress 
 and disturbance in the manufacturing districts. 
 Parliament was prorogued in 1842 in the midst of 
 a discussion raised by Mr. Tom Buncombe, in the 
 course of which Mr. Hume said it was necessary to 
 place cannon in the middle of Manchester to keep 
 the public peace. Mr. Cobden entreated, the Govern- 
 ment not to send the Cheshire Yeomanry into that 
 city, but to rely on soldiers of the line, Mr. Ward 
 said that the destitution in Sheffield was so great 
 that the slightest spark would cause an explosion, 
 and Sir Robert Peel, admitting the severity of the 
 
 I 2 
 
ii6 Bread-Riots. [Ch.vi. 
 
 distress, charged the disturbances on persons who 
 studiously went about inflaming the public mind. 
 The Manchester Guardian of the same week — the 
 second week in August — was full of accounts of 
 serious rioting at Oldham, at Ashton, and at Man- 
 chester itself At Stalybridge a banner was carried 
 about with the inscription, " They that perish by the 
 sword are better off than they that perish with 
 hunger." At Rochdale the dragoons had to be sent 
 for. In Salford the Riot Act was read, and the 
 mayor called all the well-disposed inhabitants to 
 assist in the suppression of " the present riotous and 
 disgraceful proceedings." From .South Staffordshire 
 the news of the same week was even more alarming. 
 A letter from Stourbridge says : — " There is not 
 one pit at work. Throughout this whole division of 
 the county nothing is to be seen for miles but idle 
 works, groups of men, women and children begging, 
 and encamped in fields cooking whatever provision 
 they can procure." At Dudley the colliers were all 
 out, and having exhausted the charity of the town, 
 went about in large bodies levying contributions in 
 all the other places in the district. The Scotch 
 miners were all out on a strike, which was 
 described in the newspapers as " the most alarming 
 turn-out which has ever taken place in the mining 
 districts of Scotland." In Aberdeenshire a public 
 warning against agitators was sent out by the 
 sheriff and the municipal authorities announcing 
 their resolve to "repress incitements to popular 
 disturbance." 
 
 This is the story of a single week. For a few 
 weeks matters went from bad to worse : but a fine 
 
1842.] A Struggle Imminent. 117 
 
 autumn and a good harvest eventually brought some 
 relief. Then, as in later days, a complaint arose 
 that the tariffs of other countries are against our 
 trade. In a short City article in the Inquirer of the 
 22nd of October our author writes : — " The news 
 from Manchester is very discouraging. Prices of 
 manufactured goods have again fallen, and the 
 prospect for the coming winter is gloomy in the 
 extreme. The Leeds Mercury reminds us that 
 within these two years six European kingdoms and 
 the United States have published hostile tariffs, 
 raising the duties on our goods, and in some cases 
 prohibiting them. They are, unfortunately, copying 
 us in our exclusive system." A month later he 
 writes : — " It is easy to foresee that in the coming 
 Session of Parliament the great struggle will be to 
 lower the taxes on food. . . . We must hope 
 that the national distress, which has now reached 
 the agricultural districts, will at last open the land- 
 lords' eyes. Their rents are dependent on our 
 trading activity. Land in England, like land in 
 the back woods of America, would not be worth 
 five dollars an acre if it were not for its neighbour- 
 hood to a crowded manufacturing population ; and 
 yet our landlords have the folly to be jealous of 
 trade." 
 
 The landlords have now pretty fully learned the 
 lesson, and their jealousy of trade has almost passed 
 away. Even the farmers now refuse to be turned 
 from necessary reforms in rural administration, and 
 in the laws which regulate the land, by the paltry 
 bribe of a five-shilling duty on corn, which irrespon- 
 sible politicians like Mr. James Lowther pretend to 
 
ii8 The Corn-Law Difficulty. [Ch. vi. 
 
 offer them ; while the proposal to restore the duties 
 on manufactured articles has fallen into the hands of 
 Sir Edward Sullivan and Mr. Maclver, whose chief 
 disciples are the sugar-boiling operatives of Bristol 
 and the East-end of London. But in the beginning 
 of 1843 even the repeal of the Corn Laws was some 
 distance off, and only sanguine pohticians thought 
 such a revolution in our fiscal policy to be within 
 distant reach. Writing in the Inquirer on the 14th 
 of January Samuel Sharpe says : — 
 
 It is clear that the measures of the past Session have given 
 us poverty and an income-tax ; and the double inconvenience 
 may perhaps recall the House of Commons, if not too much 
 committed by party pledges, towards the dictates of good 
 sense. At any rate, the former proposals of Lord John Russell 
 to raise an income in that most agreeable of all ways, by allow- 
 ing the importation of foreign corn and sugar, will stand a 
 chance of being listened to more favourably. Indeed it is not 
 impossible that Sir Robert Peel may feel driven by the distress 
 of the nation to propose them as his own measures. These 
 two proposals to let in foreign corn and foreign sugar would 
 ease the sufferings of the poor, would increase ti-ade, and would 
 replenish the Exchequer ; but then they would widen the 
 breach between the Minister and the mortgaged landlords. 
 On mentioning the mortgaged landlords it is perhaps worth 
 while to say a few words on mortgages. They are in reality 
 at the bottom of the whole Corn-Law difficulty. If corn were 
 admitted at a low duty, and the nation was made more 
 prosperous by the change, the landlords would share in the 
 general advantage. Even if their rents in some cases should 
 fall, they would be more than compensated by the cheapness 
 of every article which they wished to purchase with those 
 rents. But consider the positions of the mortgaged landlord 
 and the mortgagee. To the mortgagee the fall in prices is all 
 gain ; he loses no part of that gain by a fall in rents. But the 
 landlord, if mortgaged, loses just what the mortgagee gains. 
 When the landlord's rents fall, he is only in part relieved by a 
 fall in the prices of the articles which he consumes. One of 
 
1842.] Growth and Fall of Rents. 119 
 
 his great payments remains the same, namely, the interest on 
 the mortgage. And unfortunately as a nation we are governed 
 by mortgaged' landlords. 
 
 Nobody in those days anticipated that the leaps 
 and bounds by which the national prosperity would 
 advance under complete Free Trade ^^ould cause the 
 most remarkable growth of rent which has ever 
 taken place in England ; or that a general fall in 
 rents would be only from this immensely increased 
 amount, and would be. delayed for five-and-thirty 
 years. A very large share of the increased wealth 
 which Free Trade and Liberal legislation have 
 brought, has gone, as what Mr. Mill calls " unearned 
 increment " in the value of their property, into the 
 pockets of the landlords. The fall in rents has 
 perhaps come at last, but it is not likely to go so 
 far as to reduce them to anything like what they 
 were in the last days of Protection. The difficulty, 
 clearly stated in the article quoted above, has, how- 
 ever, made itself felt much as the writer anticipated. 
 For mortgages, we must now read settlements. 
 The greater part of the land is overburdened with 
 heavy payments which the landlord is obliged to 
 make to various members of his father's family. 
 These have all been calculated on the exaggerated 
 rental which the soil has paid during the generation 
 since the Corn Laws were repealed. As the rent is 
 now finding its natural level, the whole fall comes 
 out of the margin which constitutes the real income 
 of the life-owner of the property. He may have 
 inherited twenty thousand a year from the rent of 
 farms. Of this he pays perhaps twelve thousand 
 under various settlements, so that his real income is 
 
120 Irish Discontent. [Ch. VI. 
 
 eight. A fall of twenty-five per cent, in the total 
 rental leaves him but fifteen thousand out of which 
 to pay the twelve ; and cuts his own margin down 
 to three. There are many landlords whose position 
 is even worse than this, while many more have 
 profited so greatly by the growth of towns, trans- 
 forming farms into market gardens, and agricultural 
 land into building sites, that they can easily aff"ord to 
 make great reductions in merely agricultural rents. 
 How the agricultural interest is to maintain itself, 
 under the very artificial conditions imposed on the 
 holding and cultivation of the soil, is one of the 
 unsolved problems of the immediate future. 
 
 It is now beginning to be seen that it is the land 
 question which is really at the bottom of Irish dis- 
 content. In the gloomy times from 1842 to 1847 
 this connection was not fully understood. A nearer 
 and more obvious injustice, in the shape of the Irish 
 Established Church, attracted more attention on both 
 sides of the Irish Sea. In the Inquirer articles Mr. 
 Sharpe showed much political sagacity, in comments 
 on the whole Irish question which forty years ago 
 were far in advance of the times. On May 27, 1843, 
 he writes : — 
 
 Three-quarters of the Irish are now demanding a repeal of 
 the Union with an earnestness and a threatening attitude 
 which must make their rulers listen to them. Whether or no 
 the repeal of the Union would heal the evils that the Irish 
 complain of, we English, perhaps, are not the most impartial 
 judges, but one thing is quite certain, that the cry for the 
 remedy proves the existence of the wound, and that if the 
 repeal of the Union is not the true remedy, it behoves the 
 Government to say what is. It is the duty of the House of 
 Commons to set on foot a searching inquiry into the causes 
 
1842.] A Lesson from History. 121 
 
 of the Irish discontent. In what points do we wrong them, 
 in what do we insult them ? 
 
 The answer he gives is that the Established 
 Church is one main cause of the irritation, and must 
 be removed. In another article, which is worth 
 quoting in full, the Egyptian scholar draws a curious 
 and suggestive parallel between this difficulty of his 
 own times and one which belonged to ancient history. 
 It is entitled " A Lesson from History." 
 
 Few cases can be more completely parallel than those of 
 Ireland and ancient Egypt when under the government of 
 Constantinople. The more educated Greeks of Alexandria 
 were the Orange party, and their Arian opinions were the 
 Protestantism of the country. They claimed ascendancy as 
 their birthright, and they insulted the " wild " Egyptians by 
 calling them " aliens in blood, aliens in language, and ahens 
 in religion." They supported their ascendancy by the help 
 of troops from Constantinople ; and by a law not unlike the 
 present Irish Arms Bill, they forcibly entered the dwelling of 
 every Egyptian every third year to search for arms. The 
 Bishop Athanasius was the O'Connell of Egypt, who, with a 
 political skill and judgment quite equal to that of the modern 
 Agitator, raised the Egyptians in " passive resistance." Then, 
 as, now, the soldiers were many of them of the religion of the 
 oppressed party, and none could be depended upon but the 
 two legions, into which, like our regiments of Guards, they 
 allowed none of these aliens to be admitted. To lessen this 
 difficulty, they set us the example of changing the militia of 
 the two halves of the kingdom ; they moved the E5;;yptian 
 troops into Thrace, and carried Thracians and Pannonians 
 into Egypt. Their courts of justice were made dependent, and 
 appeals were allowed, at a great expense, from Alexandria 
 to the higher prefect in Constantinople, as from Dublin to 
 the House of Lords. The Egyptians, in their agitation, 
 received addresses from their " sympathizers" of the same 
 religion in Rome, as the Irish from America. Theodosius I., 
 like the Whig Ministry, put an end to the political quarrel 
 at a stroke by putting the natives into offices of trust and 
 
122 An Historic Parallel. [Ch.VI 
 
 power ; but his successors soon lighted up the flames of dis- 
 content again by restoring the ascendancy to the minority in 
 the capital. In short, the Egyptians, like the native Irish, 
 were the less educated and the more superstitious in rehgion ; 
 and the Alexandrians, like the Protestants of Dublin, were the 
 more bigoted in politics. Let us hope that the parallel will 
 hold no further. From the constant turmoil of this state of 
 half rebellion, the wealth and prosperity of the country rapidly 
 lessened. The ascendancy party were lessened in numbers by 
 emigration from a country in which rents and taxes were no 
 longer paid. All the religious conversions were from the more 
 enhghtened to the less enlightened religion. The Egyptians 
 turned a longing eye towards their co-religionists, the Arabs, 
 as the Irish have sometimes done towards their Gallic 
 neighbours ; and by the Arabic invasion • the repeal of the 
 Union was at last brought about. Let us hope that it may 
 be avoided in Ireland by the use of a little common sense, by 
 means which are at once so obvious, and would be so certainly 
 successful. 
 
 This historic parallel still applies. The policy of 
 " putting the natives into offices of trust and power " 
 has never yet been carried far enough. An English 
 peer must still rule in Dublin Castle, and a repre- 
 sentative of some English, Scotch, or Welsh con- 
 stituency be chosen as his Chief Secretary. Irish 
 legal appointments go to Irish lawyers ; and the 
 poHtical appointments must go to Irish politicians. 
 
 The glimpses of the ecclesiastical politics of the 
 time in these Inquirer articles are full of interest. 
 There were signs of disruption in the Established 
 Churches both north and south of the Tweed. In 
 Scotland the disruption took place ; in England it 
 has been avoided. The Evangelicals thought the 
 Puseyites, as the Romanising party was then called, 
 ought to go out of the Church ; the Puseyites, and 
 most of the Dissenters, thought the Evangelicals 
 
i[843-J. The Crisis in the Church. 123 
 
 should secede. The crisis, as it then looked to an 
 intelligent and clear-sighted observer, who belonged 
 to neither party, is thus described in an article on 
 the 9th of May, 1843 :— 
 
 The Liberal Dissenters, like ourselves, who have no other 
 wish than that, in the war of opinions, truth should have fair 
 play, can look at the present divisions in the Church with 
 impartial eyes. As long as the Puseyites are in the minority, 
 much as we disapprove of their half-Popish opinions, we cannot 
 feel their existence an evil, though we should think their 
 attainment of power a most serious misfortune. We look 
 upon all endowed creeds and articles of religion as embank- 
 ments to stop the spread of knowledge, as a declaration on the 
 part of the subscribers that the world can never get any wiser, 
 as pillars of Hercules to fix the ne plus ultra beyond which 
 the human mind is not to advance in its search after truth. 
 But during the last century the clergy for the most part held 
 opinions much less erroneous than their creeds, and being only 
 bound by " the elastic bonds of an oath," were usually much 
 more liberal than the Articles. Hence the number of Evan- 
 gelical clergymen who have entered the Church. But now the 
 Puseyites are recalling the Church to the strict letter of the 
 Articles, and if they persist they seem likely to shake their own 
 foundations by the reductio ad absurdum. For example, we 
 suppose few Churchmen consider that the mere baptism, 
 or sprinkling by the priest, will avail without the help of 
 Christian conduct in after life. But the Puseyites, boldly 
 standing upon the Articles, declare that the point at issue 
 between themselves and their Evangelical brethren is that the 
 Evangelicals say that men are to be regenerated by faith, and 
 they, the Puseyites, that they are to be regenerated by baptism. 
 And the Bishop of London, in his charge, declares that the 
 Puseyites are right, that it is the doctrine of the Articles that 
 regeneration is by baptism. We may call this a reductio ad 
 absurdum; but not so the Evangelical clergy. They complain 
 that the Bishop is subjecting them to a heavy persecution. 
 He is as bad as the Itiquirer in reminding them of their 
 ordination vows in this and on some other points ; and in tell- 
 ing them in the House of Lords that those who do not believe 
 
124 I'he Oxford Movement. [Ch.VI. 
 
 the Articles should quit the Church. Again, it has been cus- 
 tomary for the Protestants to declare that the Bible is the sole 
 foundation for their religion. But the Puseyites, lilie the 
 Papists, profess that they are guided by the voice of the 
 Church, by tradition as declared by the ecclesiastical autho- 
 rities, and here, as before, they are fully borne out by the 
 twentieth Article, which declares that the Church has authority 
 in matters of faith. We think the cause of truth must gain by 
 this controversy, and as for the Bishop of London, we can cer- 
 tainly not blame him for reminding the clergy of the sacred 
 nature of an oath. 
 
 This is a fair account of the controversy as it 
 stood in 1843. Forty years have changed the posi- 
 tion of the original combatants, and brought new 
 parties on the scene. The Oxford Movement, the 
 story of which Mr. Mozley says has yet to be told, 
 had not developed its full results till long after 
 Newman, with splendid and admirable consistency, 
 sacrificed a position of unparalleled influence and 
 went his way to Rome. Why, at this period, the 
 movement should have taken Pusey's name has 
 never been clearly made out. Mr. Mozley, in his 
 interesting " Reminiscences," says with perfect truth, 
 that " if there ever could be any question as to the 
 master spirit of this movement, which now would be 
 a very speculative question indeed, it lies between 
 John Henry Newman and Richard Hurrell Froude."* 
 The lead fell into Pusey's hands when the true 
 leaders left the Church ; but his name was attached 
 to the movement while Hurrell Froude and New- 
 man were still its active spirits. He joined them 
 about 1833 or 1834, and, says Cardinal Newman 
 in his "Apologia," "he at once gave to us a 
 
 * " Reminiscences, chiefly of Oriel College and the Oxford 
 Movement," vol. i. p. 225. 
 
i843-] Puseyism and Ritualism. 125 
 
 position and a name. Without him we should have 
 had no chance, especially at the early date of 1834, 
 of making any serious resistance to the Liberal 
 aggression. But Dr. Pusey was a Professor and 
 Canon of Christ Church ; he had vast influence in 
 consequence of his deep religious seriousness, the 
 munificence of his charities, his Professorship, his 
 family connections, and his easy relations with 
 University authorities." As a University move- 
 ment Puseyism has passed away, and the religious 
 Liberalism against which it was a protest is once 
 more in the ascendant at Oxford. As a popular 
 movement it has become Ritualism ; at its very best, 
 a marriage of religious awakening to artistic revival ; 
 at its worst, " a thing of shreds and patches," a mix- 
 ture of man-millinery and music ; the attempt of 
 feeble clerical minds to magnify their office. To 
 Newman and Froude it was Romanism in reality ; 
 to the majority of ritualistic curates in these days, 
 it is — as Lord Beaconsfield called it — " the Mass in 
 masquerade." 
 
 The movement in Scotland was in a very different 
 direction to a far different result. It was High 
 Church in another sense. It had for its object the 
 liberation of spiritual organizations from the inter- 
 ference of secular authority. Its leader was a much 
 greater man than Dr. Pusey, or, indeed, than any of 
 the chiefs of the Oxford movement, excepting Car- 
 dinal Newman. Dr. Chalmers was a man of heroic 
 nature. He could not only make a great sacrifice 
 himself, but could inspire others to make it. He 
 had been brought to London to lecture at the 
 Hanover Square Rooms in favour of Church 
 
126 The Scottish Disruption. [Ch. vi. 
 
 Establishments. He held the principle of State 
 Churchism, even when he was compelled by dbedi- 
 ence to conscience to protest against its inevitable 
 results. The agitation of which he was the head 
 was at first misunderstood in England. The State 
 Church party looked on it as equivalent to rebel- 
 lion ; the Dissenters regarded it, as they now rightly 
 regard that of the English Church Union, as an 
 attempt to get the freedom and independence of 
 Nonconformity without forfeiting the advantages of 
 Establishment. This view was perfectly just as far 
 as it went, but it did not go far enough. It applied 
 an English standard to Scotch earnestness. When 
 social advantages are in one scale and spiritual 
 freedom in the other, it is not often on this side of 
 the Tweed that the spiritual side weighs down the 
 beam. It is not doing so in the case of the ex- 
 treme ritualists. Our Greens and Mackonochies 
 will travesty martyrdom, but will not take up the 
 burden of their freedom. The men whom Chalmers 
 led were more in earnest. If they could not have 
 within the Established Church the liberty they 
 believed they ought to claim, they valued it enough 
 to go outside the Church on its behalf Their act of 
 secession changed the whole aspect of their move- 
 ment in the eyes of the world. In an Inquirer 
 article on the 27th May, 1843, Mr. Sharpe ex- 
 presses the view then taken by English Liberals, and 
 shows his usual sagacity in anticipating results from 
 their action which Dr. Chalmers neither expected 
 nor desired, but which are following at the end of 
 forty years : — 
 Since the passing of the English Act of Uniformity in 
 
1843-] The Scottish Disruption. 127 
 
 Charles II.'s reign, when the founders of our Presbyterian 
 congregations earned their undying names by resigning their 
 livings for conscience-sake, our country has not witnessed so 
 grand a moral sight as is now passing in Scotland. Four 
 hundred beneficed clergymen have there resigned their livings 
 and quitted their parsonage-houses and churches, because after 
 long and anxious deliberation they have thought it wrong, under 
 present circumstances, to hold them .... Dr. Chalmers, on 
 taking the Chair as Moderator of the Free Assembly of the 
 Church of Scotland, declared their attachment to an Establish- 
 ment, and that they were no friends of the voluntary system. 
 Be this, however, as it may, we here have more than one-third 
 of the Established Church of Scotland throwing up its share 
 of the emoluments for the sake of freedom of action-; they 
 have become Dissenters, and as such they will act and feel for 
 the future. They will be found a strong addition to the friends 
 of civil and religious liberty, though they are in part driven to 
 take this solemn step by the defeat of their claims of spiritual 
 power. Their successors will not have the same love for Estab- 
 lishments which Dr. Chalmers no doubt truly feels. They, of 
 course, now feel that their secession will make no change in 
 their religious opinions ; so thought our Presbyterian fore- 
 fathers in leaving the Church of England .... In conclusion, 
 while Dr. Chalmers and his followers were receiving the 
 emoluments of the State, and struggling for a freedom and a 
 power wholly inconsistent with such emoluments, we thought 
 them in the wrong ; but now that they have made their choice 
 — and such a noble choice — they have at once put themselves 
 right ; we no longer criticise their conscience or its scruples, 
 but grant them our full respect for having obeyed its 
 dictates. 
 
 These extracts sufficiently exhibit the views of 
 their writer on the political, social, and ecclesiastical 
 questions of his time. He made many other con- 
 tributions to the Inquirer on theological subjects, 
 and on questions of scholarship, as well as reviews 
 of books. The various topics thus treated exhibited 
 the wide range over] which his knowledge and 
 
128 The "Christian Reformer." [Ch. VI. 
 
 his intellectual sympathy extended. Other work of 
 the same years may be summed up in his own 
 words : — 
 
 Another periodical publication which I sometimes wrote 
 for was the Rev. Mr. Aspland's Christian Reformer, a 
 monthly Unitarian magazine. To this I used to send 
 papers on Biblical Criticism. These were signed with my 
 name. They were usually explanatory of single texts. 
 But I was never satisfied with writing for periodical publi- 
 cations ; and, after a time, I changed my plan. Instead 
 of writing upon texts, I began a series of papers on the 
 several books of the Bible ; and though I sent many of 
 them to Mr. Aspland to be published in his magazine, I 
 always wrote them with the full intention of collecting them 
 together and publishing them in a volume by themselves. 
 
 These notes attracted much attention at the time 
 among the readers of Mr. Aspland's magazine. The 
 signature of S. S. became a familiar and very wel- 
 come one, and so remained for many years in that 
 and other Unitarian publications ; though some of his 
 friends were reminded by it of the letters which the 
 fanatic Huntingdon, S. S., or Sinner Saved, appended 
 to his name and inscribed on the panel of his 
 carriage door. The intention of collecting and 
 publishing these criticisms was carried out in 1854 
 by the publication of a volume entitled " Historic 
 Notes on the Old and New Testament," of which a 
 second edition was issued in 1858. 
 
129 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE FIVE BROTHERS AND THEIR ELDER SISTER. 
 
 The five young men who had set out in life during 
 the second and third decades of the century were 
 all well-established at the beginning of the fifth. 
 There are but few family histories in which five 
 brothers attain so high a level of prosperity ; and 
 there are still fewer in which all retain so much in- 
 terest in public matters and keep up with such suc- 
 cess and distinction their intellectual pursuits. The 
 references to his brothers in Samuel Sharpe's Diary 
 are not numerous, and there is a melancholy con 
 trast in two which are only separated from each 
 other by an interval of less than fifteen months. 
 He writes on the 14th of December, 1841, "My 
 brother Sutton, since the opening of the two new 
 Vice- Chancellors' Courts, is quite one of the leaders 
 of the Chancery Bar. Lord Lyndhurst has very 
 honourably begged him to join in the Commission 
 to propose the necessary reforms in Chancery. 
 Sutton's abilities are unquestionably great, and he 
 now has the reward of twenty years' industry. All 
 my brothers are nearly equally prosperous." 
 The reward of twenty years' industry was never to 
 
 K 
 
130 Sutton Sharpe the Younger. [Ch.vii. 
 
 be fully reaped. On the 21st of February, 1843, 
 his brother writes : — " I left Sutton's chambers last 
 night doubtful whether I should find him alive in 
 the morning. He had for several weeks been slowly 
 but steadily recovering from a partial paralysis, 
 when a second stroke came on, which Dr. Bright 
 says he cannot survive. He feels no pain, but 
 medicine can do no more. During these weeks we 
 have been always with him, and yesterday he thanked 
 me for my visit ; to-day he is unconscious of it. 
 His faculties and his feelings are gone, his mind 
 destroyed, perhaps by the over-exercise of its own 
 powers in his profession. He had been twenty 
 months Q.C." He died at midnight on the 22nd 
 of February, 1843, at his chambers in New Square, 
 in the 46th year of his age, and was buried in the 
 Cloisters of Lincoln's Inn, of which he was one of 
 the benchers. His funeral was attended by his 
 brothers, some near relatives, and a small group of 
 professional friends, among whom were the Master 
 of the Rolls (Lord Langdale), Vice-Chancellor 
 Knight Bruce and Vice-Chancellor Wigram. They 
 lamented not only the brilliant companion and 
 friend, but the early close of a career which was full 
 of the highest promise. 
 
 Sutton Sharpe had been called to the bar in 
 June, 1822.* He devoted himself to Equity practice, 
 and at once began to attend the Chancery Court of 
 the County Palatine of Lancaster, of which Sir 
 Giffin Wilson was then Vice-Chancellor. Business 
 rapidly crowded upon him, and in the course of a 
 few years he attained a leading rank among Counsel 
 * Chap. II. page 33. 
 
1 843-] His Professional Fame. 131 
 
 behind the Bar. He first gained distinction in the 
 celebrated case of the British Iron Company (Small 
 versus Attwood), in which he was one of the counsel 
 for the Company. The Legal Observer, in its 
 Memoir of him, says that " To the manner in which 
 he distinguished himself in this suit his rapid rise, 
 is, in a measure, to be attributed." His pleadings are 
 described as " models in their legal acuteness, in 
 their most logical arrangement, and in their lucid 
 phraseology.'' As in other professions so at the bar, 
 the foundation of a great reputation is first laid 
 among the members of the profession itself Sutton 
 Sharpe had established his professional fame. He 
 was regarded as the most promising man of his day, 
 and the very highest honours of the profession were 
 already thought to be within his reach. He had given 
 evidence before a Committee of the Lords as to the 
 new judges in Chancery; and before a Committee 
 of the Commons on the removal of the Law Courts 
 from Westminster Hall. The appointment referred 
 to in his brother's Diary arose out of the Act by which 
 the Lord Chancellor was empowered to make im- 
 provements in his Court. It was a high proof of the 
 professional confidence felt in Sutton Sharpe that he 
 was at once named by Lord Lyndhurst as a member 
 of the small Commission appointed to prepare the 
 new rules and regulations, his colleagues being the 
 Master of the Rolls, Vice-Chancellor Wigram, and 
 Mr. Pemberton Leigh. He was made a Queen's 
 Counsel by Lord Cottenham, in 1841, and attached 
 himself to the Court of Vice-Chancellor Wigram. 
 Here he at once took the lead, and retained it till 
 he was attacked with what proved to be his fatal 
 
 K 2 
 
132 Sutton Sharpe the Younger. [Ch.vii. 
 
 illness at the close of the Michaelmas Term in 
 1842. 
 
 He had always been known as a Liberal, and 
 as a prominent advocate of law reform. He had 
 been invited to enter political life, but had made an 
 early resolution, to which he steadfastly adhered, to 
 refuse all overtures from constituencies till he had 
 obtained a distinct lead at the Bar. This coveted 
 position he had reached, and had already begun 
 to consider where he should plant his feet on the 
 first step in the political ladder by which the highest 
 peaks are scaled. He had the personal qualities, and 
 as a nephew of Mr. Rogers he had many of the 
 social advantages, which come strongly to the aid of 
 a legitimate ambition. The Morning Chronicle in 
 an obituary notice said of him, that " No man was 
 a more general favourite in society," and that " such 
 was the amenity of his manners that even in the 
 times when politics ran highest in the country, as 
 during the period of the Reform Bill, we do not 
 believe his stout assertion of his principles ever lost 
 him a friend." The Examiner, in those days the 
 leading weekly journal, not only spoke of him as 
 " one of the most valuable men of our time," but 
 added : — " His career was one of uninterrupted 
 success, and the most brilliant professional prospects 
 were before him, but prosperity never in the slightest 
 degree spoiled him ; and he never forgot an old 
 friend nor failed to return a hundred-fold an old 
 kindness." This is high praise ; but other testi- 
 monies confirm it. The Law Magazine, in an article 
 on " Recent Reforms in Chancery," made the follow- 
 ing tribute to his personal and professional worth : — 
 
I843-] An Estimate of his Work. 133 
 
 We here close our observations on the labours of the 
 Chancery Commission [the Master of the Rolls, V.-C. Wigram, 
 Mr. Pembetton Leigh and Mr. Sutton Sharpe]. There is 
 however another subject to which if we did not advert we 
 should not be doing justice to the feelings of many of our 
 readers, certainly not to our own : we mean the death of Mr. 
 Sutton Sharpe, one of the members of the Commission. 
 When a lawyer has made his way into the lead of one of the 
 branches of the Court of Chancery, he has become a person 
 of some public importance. The transaction of the business 
 of the Court is very much affected by the nature of his abilities ; 
 and if he is a person of high feeling and masculine character, 
 his influence is of great avail in regulating the tone and 
 temper of the Court. Such was the position of Mr. Sutton 
 Sharpe at the time of his death. He was the undisputed 
 leader of V.-C. Wigram's Court. His knowledge of his pro- 
 fession in pleading, practice, and principle was very extensive. 
 He had acquired a power of making his statements with 
 clearness and simplicity, and of conducting his arguments with 
 ingenuity and precision. Besides these merits he was a man 
 in whom a long course of uninterrupted success produced 
 neither vanity nor affectation. He never made a parade of 
 his learning, nor endeavoured to crush an adversary by the 
 superior weight of his abilities. Above all he had an integrity 
 and uprightness of mind which made him clear and straight- 
 forward in the transaction of business, and utterly averse to 
 any step, however advantageous at the moment, which was in 
 the slightest degree tinctured with unfairness. In consulta- 
 tion he was always ready to discuss, with lawyers far inferior 
 to himself, every branch of his case ; in Court he had a manner 
 so mild and a tone so free from offence as to command the 
 goodwill of every one that heard him. His strong understand- 
 ing and ready judgment guided him to the proper course 
 under all circumstances, and enabled him to give the most 
 useful advice to other men, whatever might be the difficulties 
 under which he was consulted. 
 
 But it was not merely as a good English lawyer that Mr. 
 Sharpe was fitted to take a lead in his profession. He 
 had a competent knowledge of foreign law as well as an 
 extensive acquaintance with foreign advocates. There is no 
 doubt that if his life had been spared he would have turned 
 
134 Sutton Sharpe the Younger. [Ch.vii. 
 
 this knowledge of jurisprudence to public benefit. Indeed it 
 is hard to conjecture the fuU extent of the loss which the 
 public have sustained ; for no one can have observed his 
 progress during the last two years of his life without per- 
 ceiving that he always rose with the occasion, and that the 
 higher his position, the greater the responsibility resting upon 
 him, the more difficult the task to be performed, — the greater 
 was his display of ability. It is clear that his career closed 
 before the powers of his mind were fully developed. His 
 private friends will deplore the loss of one to whom they 
 were affectionately attached ; we shall recollect his laborious 
 and successful career, his intellectual and moral qualities, and 
 grieve over the death of an eminent advocate who exercised 
 an influence for honorable and useful ends, and was capable of 
 filling with great public advantage the highest posts of his 
 profession. 
 
 An appreciative notice also appeared in the 
 'Journal des D^bats, expressive of the profound 
 regret felt among the literary men and lawyers of 
 the French capital at his lOss. It was his custom 
 to spend two months of every vacation in Paris, 
 and he used to say that he had more friends in 
 that city than in London. His knowledge of 
 French History and Literature was probably as 
 extensive as that of any man of his time ; and he 
 left behind him a library containing all the best 
 books in the French language. His collection of 
 works on English History and English Law was 
 equally complete ; and the Taxing Masters in Chan- 
 cery subscribed to purchase his Law Library for the 
 use of their office. He had preserved copies of all 
 his opinions, as well as a careful digest of Equity 
 cases, which, being well-bound and indexed, have been 
 found useful by many of his successors though they 
 have never been published. The immense activity 
 
1 843-] His Illness and Death. 135 
 
 which all these various interests entailed needed a 
 constitution of iron. In those days men had not 
 learned the scientific treatment of themselves which 
 is now generally adopted. A long cessation of work 
 at the beginning of 1842 would probably have 
 saved Sutton Sharpe's life. He was out of health 
 before the vacation, and during his usual holiday in 
 Paris suffered from a severe attack of diarrhoea, 
 which greatly lowered his strength. But he returned 
 to work for the Michaelmas term, and with difficulty 
 got through it. He then took only a week's rest ; 
 and in the sittings in chambers after term he 
 became worse. Still the warning was not under- 
 stood. He went to Brighton for Christmas, but 
 came back to work as soon as the short holidays 
 were over, and was speedily laid aside by an attack 
 of paralysis. He rallied from this stroke, but a 
 second followed from which he could not recover. 
 
 No life has hitherto been written of this brilliant 
 member of a clever family. His memory is cherished 
 among the best traditions of the profession which he 
 adorned ; but so many have fallen, as he did, on the 
 very threshold of the great career which it offers to 
 a chosen few, that the world does little more than 
 cast a passing glance on the ruined expectations 
 and blighted hopes which so premature a death 
 involves. Had Sutton Sharpe, like some of his con- 
 temporaries, lived through the forty-one years which 
 passed between the giving of his evidence in favour 
 of the removal of the Courts of Law from West- 
 minster, and the opening of the new Courts in the 
 Strand, he must have had a large part in the great 
 and beneficent reforms which that removal sym- 
 
136 Sutton Sharpe the Younger. [Ch.vii. 
 
 bolises. His friends in the profession expected great 
 things from him. It is by their estimate of his 
 powers, and their sense of the loss his early removal 
 inflicted on the profession and the country, that his 
 intellectual rank must now be fixed. A few years 
 more and all the world would have recognized him. 
 But the few years were not given him. Yet no com- 
 plaint escaped from him in his illness. He must have 
 felt that he had learned, in Milton's words, " to scorn 
 delights and live laborious days," and that " the 
 fair guerdon " was denied to him. A few cordially 
 appreciative memorial articles in English and 
 French newspapers, expressions of admiration and 
 deep regret in the publications which repre- 
 sented the legal profession, a general sense all 
 through the members of the bar that a most 
 promising career had closed before its just expecta- 
 tions could be realised, are all that represents his 
 fame. The Legal Observer summed up the services 
 expected from him by saying, " As a man qualified 
 to do great, bold, and wide things in Law Reform, 
 and yet things safe because bold and wide, we believe 
 there are few men now living in this land, by a long 
 interval, to compare with him. His mind was in 
 itself admirably constituted for such a task, and his 
 early position in a solicitor's ofiice had given him, as 
 we believe, a most essential and very peculiar advan- 
 tage. In this point of view we mourn over his death 
 as a serious public loss ; a loss which, as far as we 
 can see, is not likely soon to be replaced." 
 
 The desire expressed in the obituary notices of 
 Sutton Sharpe that his Life should be written, and 
 that his Digest of Equity Cases, and selections from 
 
1 843-] An Unfinished Story. 137 
 
 the carefully preserved copies of his Opinions, should 
 be published, was never realized. His life is an 
 unfinished story, which breaks suddenly ofif just at 
 the point at which it becomes most interesting to 
 ordinary readers. It had but little incident. It had 
 been spent in the diligent exercise of an arduous 
 profession ; it was little known except to the 
 members of that profession and a large group of 
 attached personal friends ; and it had not yet touched 
 that larger and noisier world of politics, in which 
 most lawyers complete their success and extend and 
 consolidate their fame. To his family the loss was 
 not only that of the eldest brother, but of its most 
 brilliant member. Mr. Rogers and Miss Rogers had 
 indulged the very highest expectations respecting 
 him. Their esteem for him, it may be said their 
 pride in him, was very great. They had followed 
 his professional career with a most affectionate and 
 constant interest. But it was on his sister, Catharine 
 Sharpe, that the loss fell the most heavily. She 
 was now past sixty. For tv/enty years she had been 
 rejoicing in the steady work and the growing 
 success of the five brothers to whom she had given 
 up her youth. They had all looked up to her, sought 
 her counsel, taken her advice, and enjoyed her hearty 
 sympathy in their domestic relationships, and now the 
 eldest had been struck down on the very threshold 
 of brilliant personal and professional success. 
 
 In a letter to Mrs. Samuel Sharpe written within 
 a fortnight of Sutton's death, Catharine Sharpe says 
 that she has once more gone to Brighton, and is be- 
 ginning to turn her thoughts to her own plans and 
 movements. " I shall be better able," she says, " to 
 
138 Catharine Sharpe. [Ch.vii. 
 
 decide upon any permanent place of residence and 
 mode of life after entirely detaching myself from 
 present circumstances, when I can bring fresh feel- 
 ings and ideas to bear upon the subject, and for that 
 purpose I should go abroad." She then makes an 
 earnest appeal to be allowed to take the eldest 
 daughter Emily away with her for the summer. 
 The request was granted after considerable hesita- 
 tion and some further correspondence, and on 
 August 25 th her father writes in his Diary : " Emily 
 has now been two months at Boulogne with my 
 sister ; and all the accounts of her and from her give 
 us full satisfaction." During this journey Catharine 
 Sharpe was herself seriously ill, and it was for- 
 tunate that her brother Henry with his wife 
 and four children were spending a long summer 
 holiday at Boulogne, and were able to attend to 
 her in their own lodgings. On leaving Boulogne 
 she joined a family of old and attached friends 
 who were then staying at St. Omer. These friends 
 were Mr. and Mrs. Mallet, and one of their two sons 
 and their two daughters. With her niece Emily and 
 Miss S. Mallet, she visited Bruges, Ghent, Antwerp 
 and some other cities, rejoining the Mallets at 
 Brussels. After remaining a few weeks in that city 
 she returned home with her niece. Two years later 
 she revisited Paris. 
 
 During this journey Miss Sharpe corresponded 
 regularly with her cousin and sister-in-law Mrs. 
 Samuel Sharpe, and some of her letters have been 
 preserved. They are written on the large old- 
 fashioned letter paper, in a clear small flowing hand, 
 and are admirably expressed. They are good 
 
I845-] Letter from Paris. 139 
 
 examples of English letter-writing in the days which 
 immediately preceded the establishment of Penny 
 Postage, and consequently before letter writing 
 became one of the lost arts. Two of them con- 
 tain glimpses of France under the Constitutional 
 Monarchy, and of private friends, which give them 
 permanent value. The first is from Paris in 1845. 
 
 Passage de la Madeleine, No. 4. 
 August 14th. 
 My dear Sarah, 
 I hope Emily received a little letter I wrote to her soon 
 after my arrival here, giving her some account of her young 
 friends. As it was inclosed in another I never feel the same 
 security of its arrival at its place of destination as if intrusted 
 to the post. This time I must address myself to you and tell 
 you how I am going on in this delightful city which seems to 
 have the peculiar faculty of invigorating people, to judge by 
 Miss Mallet and myself. We are both greatly improved in 
 health and strength since our arrival, and able to do a great 
 deal more without fatigue. We all go on most comfortably 
 together. I have changed my apartment much for the better, 
 having now a nice cheerful little room to the front with a view 
 of the Place, and the back front of the beautiful Madeleine, 
 built after the model of the Parthenon. Being on the entresol, 
 I have very little way to go into the street but a long way 
 upstairs as the Mallets are au quatri^me. I breakfast and have 
 my mornings to myself, when we dine and spend the evenings 
 together. They have nice airy rooms being so high and 
 having no houses opposite, however there seem symptoms of 
 building on the space in front which will shut out all view from 
 the house, which will be a sad detriment. Being anxious to 
 renew all my previous impressions of Paris, I have by degrees 
 been seeing all the objects of interest and curiosity, and Mr. 
 Charles Paravey has placed at my disposal his medal as 
 Conseiller d'Etat, at sight of which as if by magic every door 
 flies open. In short, nothing can exceed the kindness I have 
 received from them and all their friends here. I never was 
 made so much of in my life. Paris is wonderfully improved 
 
140 Catharine Sharpe. [Ch.vii. 
 
 since I was here last, half the city must have been pulled 
 down to make room for wide streets, foot pavements, splendid 
 shops, excelling ours in size, and this great improvement in 
 the city in light and cleanliness from gas and sewers, must act 
 upon the character of the inhabitants and give them higher 
 feelings of order and propriety. The cleanliness of Paris now 
 approaches to London, while it vastly exceeds it in magni- 
 ficence. They are laying down most beautiful stone pavement, 
 as smooth as wood, but have not yet arrived at the luxury of 
 sweeping a crossing, which one should think they soon must 
 do as people learn to walk more now they have a trottoir to 
 walk upon. 
 
 I do not think the Mallets have the least idea of leaving 
 Paris, but expect to spend the winter here. Gustavus is so 
 much improved in health and strength since they were here, 
 they do not wish to remove him from his present medical 
 treatment till they consider him quite cured. He is grown 
 tall and stout since Emily and I saw him. ... In the course 
 of the next month I hope to pay my Havre friends a visit, 
 and mean to take her [Miss S. Mallet] with me and hope to 
 get to some of those curious Norman towns, Caen, Bayeux, 
 &c. At Rouen we shall stop on our way. The railroad takes 
 us so far and then there is a steamer on to Havre. 
 
 A fortnight back Paris was very gay with the fetes of July, 
 and we took the opportunity of the Grandes Eaux playing at 
 Versailles in consequence, to visit that magnificent place now 
 dedicated "k toutes les Gloires de la France" — six miles of 
 bad pictures displaying all the events of the Great Nation 
 with the trifling omission of the French revolution, not the 
 slightest reference to which appears. You have Napoleon's 
 battles during the time, and then his entrance into Paris, and 
 his coronation. The water works certainly are magnificent, 
 but a tremendous storm at the time they were playing, was 
 rather more water over-head than was agreeable. We slept 
 there a couple of nights, so had time to see everything 
 quietly. 
 
 I shall be very glad of a little news from home again, last 
 time I had four letters by the same post which I should rather 
 had been more equally divided. However, one was from Lucy's 
 own pen with a very satisfactory report of herself. ... I wish 
 I could hear better accounts of Dan, who does not seem gain- 
 
i84s] Letters from Abroad. 141 
 
 ing ground. I hope this will find you all well at Highbury, if 
 Charlotte is with you give my love to her, she will quite enter 
 into my admiration of Paris. I have seen Charlotte Life 
 several times. I find her most respectably established here. 
 " Madame Life, Professeur de Langue et Littdrature Anglaise,'' 
 keeping a day school and giving lessons at three francs an 
 hour, her time fully occupied. I am to dine with her some day, 
 and she is to have the honour of cooking my dinner, in the 
 meantime, remembering my former tastes, she has sent me two 
 large plum pies k I'Anglais and was most delighted to see 
 me. 
 
 I have been often to the Louvre, where there is so much to 
 see, it is inexhaustible. Since I was here there are many new 
 galleries open ; the Spanish, the Egyptian and Etruscan, the 
 gallery of the most exquisite drawings of the Old Masters. I 
 find the only way is to take a bit at a time, and even then it is 
 a most fatiguing thing, the distance between them is so great 
 and they oblige you to come all the way back over their 
 slippery floors instead of letting you out at the other end. 
 
 I must now say farewell, my dear Sarah, give my kindest love 
 to Sam and the young ones and believe me 
 
 Your affectionate Sister, 
 C. Sharpe. 
 
 Charlotte Life, who is mentioned above, had been 
 a servant of Miss Sharpe's in earlier days. She was. 
 a person of great vivacity and intelligence, and had 
 been so much interested in the political and literary 
 talk of the brothers and sisters at the dinner table, 
 that she had sometimes forgotten to hand the dishes- 
 or remove the plates. Miss Sharpe's next letter was 
 written during the journey in Normandy of which, 
 the above letter speaks. 
 
 Caen, 
 
 October ist. 
 My dear Sarah, 
 I must write and thank both you and Emily for your 
 letters which were very welcome to me, as all news from 
 
142 Catharine Sharpe. [Ch.vii. 
 
 home always is, and this time it was particularly agreeable as 
 giving so favourable an account of Sam, who I trust is too 
 good a philosopher to be influenced by any of the minor 
 crosses and disappointments of life, and therefore if his usual 
 spirits are returned, quite depend upon their lasting. I must 
 also congratulate you all upon having got William and Lucy 
 for neighbours. I always had a presentiment that house would 
 be theirs, and before my return, I expect to find them quite 
 settled in it. When that will be, I cannot exactly say, but 
 certainly mean to find myself amongst you all again before 
 the year is out. . . . 
 
 It is now a month since Sophy and I left Paris ; during 
 which time we have seen a great deal, and enjoyed a 
 great deal of pleasure. She is a most delightful travelling 
 companion, her mind so alive to all that is striking, 
 beautiful and interesting. We stayed ten days at Havre 
 amongst all our kind friends who received us with open arms, 
 and by their unceasing attentions made our visit so happy the 
 only painful part was to leave them. We crossed over to 
 Trouville, a beautiful little bathing place where the Worsleys 
 were staying, and spent a few days there, little expecting to 
 see it again ; but we returned there again in our way here in 
 consequence of Mrs. Worsley being in great trouble, occasioned 
 by one of her maids hanging herself, and she alone with the 
 children. So we went over to her, and waited Mr. Worsley's 
 arrival, which little delay has set us back in our proceedings ; 
 for myself it matters not ; but Sophy is too important a person 
 at home to be long spared, and I promised to bring her back 
 in a month. 
 
 From Trouville we went back to Lisieux, a most exquisite 
 little town, beautifully situated, and picturesque beyond 
 description from its primitive and antiquated buildings. 
 Modem improvement has not yet begun its work there, 
 except with its Cathedral, which they are plaistering all 
 over; making every part of the exterior of mouldering 
 stone, grey and worn with the lapse of centuries, as white 
 and smooth as a stuccoed house ; filling up all the 
 delicate tracery, and finely marked capitals of the 15th 
 century, and making solid blocks of them. The irretrievable 
 mischief that renovation and restoration are now making in 
 all these beautiful churches is really beyond belief. Those 
 
1845-] Letter from Normandy. 143 
 
 may consider themselves happy who have seen them first. 
 To the next generation they will be lost. There "is quite a 
 mania for restoring churches at present ; go where you will it 
 is the same. These fine old towers everywhere covered with 
 scaffolding, and that generally foretells the destruction of all 
 the interest it possesses. From Lisieux we came on to Caen 
 where I am now writing. As a place it disappoints me, 
 though I hardly know what I expected. It is situated in a flat 
 uninteresting country which does not appear to advantage 
 after Lisieux, but is full of interesting objects of antiquity. 
 Its Norman churches were built by the Conqueror. The old 
 Castle with a splendid view of the town and the various 
 grotesque costumes of the Norman peasants are exceedingly 
 striking to travellers. We were fortunate in being here at 
 the time of the fair, where we saw to perfection the various 
 dresses of the peasants with caps not to be credited if not 
 seen. They are a remarkably fine handsome people and the 
 young women in their smart gay costume are quite worthy 
 of admiration. 
 
 One day we went over to Bayeux w^hich possesses 
 two great objects of interest — the famous Tapestry and a 
 Cathedral curious from containing so many different periods 
 of architecture. The crypt below is supposed to be the earliest 
 known Cathedral with columns quite perfect, and frescoes of 
 the Sth century, and from that period its various parts exhibit 
 specimens of all the later styles of architecture. We were 
 fortunate in finding a most intelligent man, an Italian brought 
 from Italy to restore the wood carvings and who explained the 
 whole to us con amore. He had been three years unemployed 
 after being sent for because he refused to paint the curious old 
 carved pulpit, but he has gained his point, and saved the 
 pulpit. From this place we go on to Evreux, and thence to 
 Rouen where we shall stay a few days, and in about another 
 week shall be back again in Paris ; having laid in an ample 
 store of fresh ideas, and new objects for thought, which is 
 always desirable as long as faculties are granted us to 
 improve, for every new idea is a new source of happiness 
 to us. 
 
 Anne Mallet is coming to spend the winter with Mrs. Vowler, 
 Sophy could not be spared from her duties at home, as she 
 entirely teaches Gustavus. I suppose Anne will set off as soon 
 
144 Catharine Sharpe, [Ch. vil. 
 
 as any opportunity offers, and if none, then she will wait for 
 me. I do not know how she will like the change from the 
 life of variety and amusement she is leading at Paris. . . . 
 Tell Emily, Sophy has been very busy sketching all the 
 beautiful churches we have seen. She sends her kind love 
 to you all. Pray give mine to Sam and the young ones and 
 believe me, dear Sarah, 
 
 Your affectionate Sister, 
 C. Sharpe. 
 
 I have had no news of Charlotte for a long time, is she 
 returned to France ? 
 
 The Charlotte Sharpe here spoken of was the elder 
 sister of Mrs. Samuel Sharpe. She was a person of 
 great originality and force of character. She even- 
 tually took up her abode in Cherbourg, where she 
 lived for forty-nine years, visiting England every few 
 years so long as she was able to travel, and dying in 
 1 88 1 at the great age of ninety. 
 
 On Catharine Sharpe's return from these con- 
 tinental journeys she settled for the short residue of 
 her life in the midst of her London friends. Their 
 estimate of her is well expressed in a letter from 
 Dr. Boot, an eminent American, to Mr. Sydney 
 Brooks, in introducing Mr. William Sharpe, in 1840. 
 Dr. Boott says : — " His sister is one of my wife's 
 most cherished friends — a lady of rare and striking 
 qualities of heart and mind — one who, in the noise- 
 less tenor of her way, has brought down the blessings 
 of Heaven on an Orphan Brotherhood, left early to 
 her sisterly protection, and she is now reaping the 
 fruits of a life of devoted charity in the happiness 
 and the love of her foster-children, and the respect 
 of a large and amiable circle of friends." In this 
 deserved affection and respect her days were passed. 
 
1 834-] Henry Sharpe. 145 
 
 Her interest in the families of her brothers and their 
 wives continued to the end. She died after a painful 
 illness in 1853, and her eldest surviving brother 
 proposed to describe her on her tombstone as, " The 
 daughter of Sutton Sharpe and almost mother of 
 his younger children.'' No epitaph could be more 
 appropriate to her and it has lately been inscribed 
 on her grave in Abney Park Cemetery. 
 
 At the time of these journeys she was feeling that 
 the work of her life was done. The domestic settle- 
 ment of each of her three married brothers had 
 given her great cause for satisfaction. They had 
 none of them married early. Samuel, as has 
 been seen, was twenty-eight, Henry had waited 
 till he was thirty-two, and William till he was 
 thirty-seven. Henry, who was the second to settle 
 in a home of his own, had lived with his sister and 
 brothers in New Ormond Street till his marriage. 
 He had gone into business with his brother Daniel 
 in 1829, and the firm of H. and D. Sharpe, established 
 first at Pinners Hall, Broad Street, then at Broad 
 Street Buildings and afterwards at 108 Fenchurch 
 Street, quickly became one of the leading houses 
 in the Portuguese trade. In 1834 he had married 
 Miss Eliza Kinder, second daughter of his sister's 
 intimate friends Mr. and Mrs. Kinder of Stoke 
 Newington and Cheapside.* The marriage gave 
 Miss Sharpe the liveliest satisfaction. It was the 
 closer union of two families who had now been, for 
 the space of nearly a generation, bound together in 
 a very close friendship. It was a happy marriage 
 in every respect. They settled in Broad Street 
 
 * Chap. III. p. 41. 
 
146 Henry and William Sharpe. [Ch.vii. 
 
 Buildings, where their first three children were born. 
 But the centrifugal tendency which has driven all 
 the merchants out of the city and into the suburbs, 
 had already begun, and Mr. and Mrs. Henry Sharpe 
 and their family removed to Hampstead in the 
 spring of 1841. Their pleasant home, in the most 
 beautiful of all the London suburbs, speedily became 
 a favourite resort of all the brothers. Samuel Sharpe 
 records the spending of the first Christmas with 
 them in their new home, on the eve of Sutton's fatal 
 illness. Of Mr. Henry Sharpe's public and philan- 
 thropic work at Hampstead, of his residence there 
 for more than thirty years, during which all his 
 leisure was devoted to the education and improve- 
 ment of the young working men of the town, of 
 the affectionate esteem in which he was held by all 
 classes, and especially by the poor, who all knew him 
 as a constant benefactor and friend, more must be 
 said in a later chapter. 
 
 The third and last of the brothers to settle in a 
 home of his own was William, the youngest but 
 one. He had been established in business as a 
 solicitor in 1826* and in 1835 he and his brother- 
 in-law Mr. Field had joined Mr. Edgar Taylor and 
 Mr. Turner at 41 Bedford Row. Mr. Taylor died 
 in 1839 and Mr. Turner soon afterwards, when the 
 firm became that of Messrs. Sharpe and Field, and 
 is now that of the well-known Parliamentary agents 
 and solicitors, Sharpe, Parkers, Pritchard and 
 Sharpe. William Sharpe had taken an active 
 part in the registration of voters in the City, and 
 after the great triumph in 1835 when four Liberals 
 
 * Chap. II. p. 34 and Chap. III. p. 40. 
 
1 841.] William Sharpe. 147 
 
 headed the poll, the assembled citizens cordially 
 recognized by their cheers his share in the work. 
 The business had flourished. Mr. Field had singular 
 force, courage and capacity, as well as a remarkable 
 power of attracting and influencing those with whom 
 he came in contact, while Mr. William Sharpe had 
 the quiet patience, the power of sympathy, the 
 willingness to deal with small details and to see to 
 matters of finance and routine, which are essential to 
 the success of such a business. Of the esteem in 
 which he was held by his clients, many pleasant 
 proofs might be given. At the time of his marriage 
 in 1 841 he was giving much time to the Anti-Corn 
 Law movement, working with Mr. C. Villiers who 
 was a personal friend. 
 
 During all these earlier years he lived with his 
 sister, and he speaks in one of his letters of "the 
 happy home where — through her ability, her intellec- 
 tual and kindly attractions," he had seen " so much 
 intellectual and sensible society drawn together, and 
 where every thing and every person had a tendency 
 to raise one or to make one desire to raise oneself" 
 His sister speaks of him in equally warm terms. In 
 a letter to Mrs. Samuel Sharpe after telling her of 
 " the delight it gives me that William has at length. 
 fixed upon a wife," and describing the lady of his 
 choice, Miss Lucy Reid, and her family in terms of 
 the warmest appreciation she adds, " I feel it will be 
 a great addition to my happiness to be connected 
 with them, though I know not how I am to part 
 with William who has been so much to me. But it 
 has long been the first wish of my heart to see him 
 happily married, and therefore when regret rises in 
 
 L 2 
 
148 Daniel Sharpe. [Ch.vii. 
 
 my mind, I think of that and am content." He had 
 left his sister's home before his marriage and taken a 
 house in Woburn Square. Hither he had brought 
 his wife and here their first three children were born. 
 They moved to i Highbury Terrace in 1845, close 
 to their elder brother and his family, who had gone 
 from Canonbury to 32 Highbury Place five years 
 before. 
 
 The youngest brother, Daniel, was never married. 
 His tastes were scientific, and though he was as dili- 
 gent as his elder brothers in his attention to business, 
 he found time for the very successful prosecution of 
 the study of Geology. As this chapter has opened 
 with an account of the eldest of these brothers, it 
 may be well to close it by carrying forward to its 
 completion the life of the youngest. There is a 
 melancholy parallelism between them. In the 
 address delivered at the anniversary meeting of the 
 Geological Society of London on the 20th of 
 February, 1857, Colonel J. E. Portlock said a few 
 words about the death of Dr. Buckland and then 
 added — 
 
 The great philosopher whose labours we have endeavoured 
 however feebly to notice lived to complete his task and enjoy 
 all the honours which were so justly his due ; but we must now 
 turn to another, who, taking up the subject of Geology at a 
 more advanced stage of its history, was apparently destined to 
 carry it much nearer towards ultimate perfection, when a fatal 
 accident removed him from amongst us, only a short time after 
 the unanimous vote of the Geological Society had placed him 
 at its head as President. The gloom which was thus suddenly 
 cast over us will never be forgotten, as every one had antici- 
 pated a most glorious scientific career for Daniel Sharpe. 
 
 He had joined the Geological Society in 1827, and 
 
1848-55.] His Geological Studies. 149 
 
 his first active work in the advancement of science 
 was the bringing up from Somersetshire in 1828 of a 
 slab of stone, at which he worked for some months, 
 revealing the skeleton of an Ichthyosaurus, a descrip- 
 tion of which he published. In 1835 he went to 
 Portugal on business, remaining there till 1838, and 
 •^in 1839 and 1840 he read papers to the Geological 
 Society on the geological structure of the neighbour- 
 hood of Lisbon. In an appendix on the great 
 earthquake of 1795 he pointed out the curious fact 
 that the shock operated on the tertiary strata only, 
 the line of quiescence being the boundary between 
 the secondary and tertiary rocks. He next made 
 an investigation into the geology of the south of 
 Westmoreland, which he described in a paper of 
 which Colonel Portlock speaks as bearing striking 
 testimony to the great ability of its author. In 
 1842 and 1843 he inquired into the age of the Bala 
 limestone, and in the next year made important 
 observations on the geology of North Wales. In 
 1848 he examined the district of Oporto, and dis- 
 covered slates which contain several most distinct 
 Silurian fossils. This was followed up two years 
 later by a paper completing his labours with respect 
 to Portugal. In 1854 he read a paper on the 
 Structure of Mont Blanc, and in 1855 made what his 
 successor in the Chair describes as " a bold attempt 
 to determine by the supposed marks left by the sea 
 on the sides of the Alps, the age of the last eleva- 
 tion of that mighty mountain chain." On the subject 
 of Cleavage "the two papers of Mr. Sharpe must 
 always be reckoned," says Colonel Portlock, " among 
 his most striking contributions to science." Of some 
 
150 Daniel Sharpe. [Ch. Vll. 
 
 of his other writings the description may best be 
 given in Colonel Portlock's own words : — • 
 
 Mr. Sharpe's palceontological papers are of considerable 
 interest and value. For a genus of Gasteropodous shells 
 abundant in Portugal he proposed (1849) the name of Tylo- 
 stoma considering it distinct from Clobichoncha, Natic'a, and 
 Phasianella. The genus Nerincea he enriched with six new- 
 species ; dividing it into four subgenera — Nerinaa 65 species, 
 Nerinella 10, Trochalia 6, Ptygmatis 12, besides eight species 
 which he thinks ought to be placed in other genera ; so that 
 this genus of fossil Gasteropods is alone supposed to exhibit at 
 least 93 species ; — one of the many examples of the extra- 
 ordinary multiplication of species in those early ages .... 
 Twelve species were found in Portugal, six of which had 
 previously been described as cretaceous species, so that Mr. 
 Sharpe concluded that the Nerinaa in Portugal or the South 
 of Europe are cretaceous fossils whilst in the North they are 
 oolitic. 
 
 Sir Charles Lyell having submitted to Mr. Sharpe for 
 examination the fossils he had collected in North America, the 
 result was a very able analytical paper (1848) on the MoUusca 
 of the collection, being so far an estimate of the labours of 
 
 the United States Geologists Ope remark of Mr. 
 
 Sharpe's requires especial notice, as being proof — and he gave 
 many — of that philosophic spirit which so strongly characterized 
 him. " It would be interesting," he says, " to trace out the first 
 appearance of each species in many countries, and to see 
 whether it is found in one at an earlier period than in another 
 country, and thus learn of what region it was originally native'' 
 — an inquiry which were it possible to trace out also the extent 
 of variation to which species may have been subject from 
 gradual alteration of place and circumstances, would assuredly 
 be one of the most interesting the geological naturalist could 
 follow out. 
 
 Every member of the Society is aware of the zeal and 
 industry with which Mr. Sharpe applied himself to the investi- 
 gation of fossils, whether collected by himself and to be used 
 in illustrating his own papers, or collected by others and merely 
 submitted to him for examination in aid of labours not his 
 own. In conjunction with Messrs. Bunbury, Salter and Ruper 
 
1848-55.] Lord Wrottesley on his Work. 151 
 
 Jones he described the fossils collected by Senor Carlos 
 Ribiero from the Carboniferous and Silurian rocks of Portugal. 
 .... Passing by some minor papers, one of which, however, 
 on the sand and gravels of Faringdon, is highly interesting, 
 and all of which have their peculiar value, I must pause for a 
 moment to record the labour and the scrupulous precision 
 with which Mr. Sharpe fulfilled the task which he had under- 
 taken for the Palaeontographical Society of describing the 
 MoUusca of the Chalk of England. Part 3 of this description 
 containing a portion of the Cephalopoda, has been published 
 since his lamented death, and has just been placed in my 
 hands. It contains the description of 25 Ammonites, 11 Tur- 
 rilites and 8 species of the curious body called Aptychus which 
 Mr. Sharpe endeavours with great ability to allocate to their 
 respective species of Ammonites. 
 
 Colonel Portlock then proceeds to discuss at great 
 length the paper on the structure of the Alps — and 
 concludes this portion of his address by saying " I 
 have thus endeavoured to do justice, though imper- 
 fectly, to the labours of Daniel Sharpe, and I will 
 only add that his quiet humour, his manly straight- 
 forward assertion of truth, and his well-known 
 liberality and benevolence endeared him to us as a 
 friend, whilst his shrewd discernment, his accurate 
 observation, and his extensive knowledge made us 
 admire him as a philosopher and geologist." 
 
 A similar testimony was borne by Lord Wrottesley, 
 who after enumerating to the members of the Royal 
 Society Daniel Sharpe's numerous contributions to 
 science concludes with these words — 
 
 Such is a brief outhne of some of the scientific labours of 
 Daniel Sharpe, a man whose mind alike powerful, active and 
 well cultivated urged him successfully to grasp and make his 
 own a wider range of subjects than many geologists dare to 
 attempt. Neither should it be forgotten that all the while he 
 
152 Daniel Sharpe. [Ch. VIL 
 
 was unceasingly engaged in mercantile pursuits, and it was 
 only during brief intervals of leisure, when more imperative 
 labours were over, that he accomplished what many would 
 consider sufficient work for their lives. And it is not in 
 Geology alone that he is known and appreciated ; philologists 
 and ethnologists equally esteemed him. With marvellous ver- 
 satility of talent he grappled with the ancient Lycian inscriptions, 
 brought home by Fellows, Forbes and Spratt, and revealed the 
 secrets of an unknown tongue written in an unknown character. 
 In debate he was clear, keen, severely critical and at times 
 sarcastic, occasionally alarming to an opponent unaccustomed 
 to his style ; but those who knew him best were well aware 
 that an unvarying fund of kindly good-humour lay beneath, 
 and that if he hit his adversary hard, no man more than him- 
 self rejoiced in a harder blow in return. His private life was 
 full of unostentatious benevolence. In conversation with his 
 familiars he was intelligent, lively, and quick in perception, and 
 his attached friends of the Geological Club, of which he lately 
 was President by virtue of his office as head of the Society, will 
 long mourn his loss, and miss the quaint humour and quiet 
 laugh that so often helped to animate their board. Mr. Sharpe 
 was a Fellow of the Linnasan, Zoological, and Geological 
 Societies. In 1853 he became Treasurer of the Geological 
 Society, and on the retirement of Mr. Hamilton was elected 
 its President in 1856. In 1850 he was elected a Fellow of the 
 Royal Society. On the 20th of last May, while riding near 
 Norwood, he was thrown from his horse, and sustained a 
 fracture of the skuU. In a few days he was so far recovered 
 as to be able to recognize the relations that were admitted to 
 his chamber, and his numerous friends rejoiced in the prospect 
 of speedy restoration, but a sudden relapse succeeded, and he 
 died on the 31st of May, sorrowed for by all who knew his 
 worth. 
 
^33 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE ACTIVITIES OF MIDDLE AGE. 
 
 The year 1844 was a critical one in the history of 
 the Unitarian body in England and Ireland. The 
 long story of the struggle for religious freedom con- 
 tains no more interesting or important chapter than 
 that which begins with the decision of the Hewley 
 case in 1842, and ends with the passing of the Dis- 
 senters' Chapels Bill in 1844. The Toleration Act 
 of 1689 was an incomplete measure. John Locke, 
 who had been working for it for some years, expressed 
 his dissatisfaction with it when it appeared, and im- 
 mediately wrote his First Letter on Toleration, pub- 
 lishing it anonymously in Latin.* The Act excluded 
 from its operation the two most ancient forms of the 
 Christian faith. The Roman Catholics on the one 
 hand and the Anti-Trinitarian Dissenters on the 
 other, were omitted from the contemptuous tolerance 
 flung to Protestant Nonconformists who were 
 willing to submit to a test of orthodoxy. The 
 eighth section, which required subscription to 
 the doctrines of the Church, would alone have 
 excluded those who have always made non-subscrip- 
 tion to articles and creeds a chief feature of their 
 
 * Lord King's Life of Locke, v. i, pp. 291, 327. 
 
154 The Dissenters' Chapels Bill. [Ch. viii. 
 
 organization and fellowship. But this was not 
 enough to satisfy the Trinitarian zeal of the time, 
 and the seventeenth section especially excluded 
 from the benefits of the Act all who in preaching 
 and writing denied the doctrine of the Trinity. A 
 further Act, passed in 1697, made the denial of the 
 Trinity blasphemy. Happily the administration of 
 the Toleration Act was much more liberal than the 
 Act itself ; and all through the eighteenth century 
 the ministers and congregations of the old English 
 Presbyterians were able to continue faithful to their 
 principle of non-subscription. They refused to make 
 a profession of Trinitarian belief a condition either 
 of membership of their Churches or of the occu- 
 pancy of their pulpits. But Trinitarianism has 
 always needed these paper bulwarks. It rests upon 
 them. It perishes without them. The waves of free 
 discussion speedily undermine its sandy basis. Most 
 of the congregations which have been left open to 
 theological change have undergone change. They 
 have become first Arian and then Unitarian, and 
 the progress has been so gradual and so natural 
 that it has taken place, as the Kingdom of Heaven 
 is to come, "without observation." The fathers 
 were orthodox in a moderate sense, the sons, 
 sitting in the old pews and keeping up the old 
 congregational institutions, became Arian, and the 
 grandsons, still occupying their fathers' places, be- 
 came Unitarian. 
 
 Notwithstanding this natural and, in the absence of 
 limiting creeds, inevitable transition, Unitarian 
 opinions continued to be technically illegal all 
 through the eighteenth century. Unitarians had 
 
1845.] The Dissenters' Chapels Bill. 155 
 
 nevertheless gained such general respect for their 
 learning, their high character, and the eminent 
 literary, scientific and social position of many of 
 their ministers and laymen, that nobody thought of 
 enforcing the penal laws against their congregations, 
 though those laws had been occasionally enforced 
 against individuals. Mr. Emlyn, for example, had 
 been tried in Dublin in 1703, Whiston had been 
 deprived of his professorship at Cambridge in 
 1 7 10, and Mr. Evanson had been prosecuted for 
 heresy in 1773. Later in the century Dr. Priestley 
 had been persecuted in Birmingham, but it was 
 rather as a sympathiser with political freedom 
 abroad than as a heretic at home, and his chapel, 
 called the New Meeting, which was destroyed by 
 the Church and King mob in 1791, was rebuilt by 
 a Parliamentary grant of ;^2,ooo and a private sub- 
 scription of another ;^ 1,000 in 1802. In 1813 Mr. 
 William Smith, the eminent Unitarian who repre- 
 sented Norwich in the House of Commons, got an 
 Act passed repealing the Act of 1697 which made 
 Unitarianism blasphemy, and the eighth and seven- 
 teenth clauses of the Toleration Act. Unitarian 
 teaching was thus made legal and the benefits of the 
 Toleration Act were extended to Unitarian worship. 
 In 1817 a dispute arose respecting the occupancy of 
 the pulpit of a chapel at Wolverhampton. This 
 chapel had been Unitarian for many years. It had 
 schools which Unitarians had built, and the majority 
 of its Trustees and supporters were Unitarians. 
 But an orthodox minority contended that they had 
 a right to the chapel and its endowments, because, 
 at the time it was founded, the preaching of Unitarian 
 
156 The Hewley Case. [Ch. viil. 
 
 doctrines was illegal. Lord Eldon decided that this 
 contention was correct, and that all trusts for religious 
 purposes must, be regarded as being in favour of 
 religious opinions the preaching of which was lawful 
 at the time when the trust was made. It followed 
 from this decision that every building erected and 
 every endowment created before 18 13, even though, 
 like Essex Street Chapel, it had been expressly 
 built for Unitarian purposes, was to be held in law 
 to have been Trinitarian. The case was carried to a 
 higher court, and remained in abeyance till 1835, 
 when Lord Eldon's view was confirmed. It was 
 finally decided in Lord Eldon's sense after the 
 judgment of the House of Lords in the case of 
 Lady Hewley's charities in 1842. 
 
 The Hewley case was much the same in principle 
 as that of the Wolverhampton chapel. "In the 
 Lady Hewley case it was held by the Judges and 
 ruled by the Lords that without any inquiry into the 
 fact and even in direct contradiction of the known 
 fact, the law would assume that no endowment 
 could possibly have been intended in favour of a 
 form of worship which the law did not tolerate at 
 the time of the endowment, and that this original 
 defect was not cured by any subsequent legalisation 
 of the same form of worship."* It followed from 
 this authoritative exposition of the law, that the 
 clauses in the Toleration Act which were directed 
 against Anti-Trinitarian opinions had a kind of 
 posthumous effect. Their full force had only been 
 discovered after they were repealed. The legislature 
 
 * Introduction to " Parliamentary Debates on the Dissenters* 
 Chapels Bill." 
 
1 845-] Debates in Parliament. 157 
 
 had expressly intended to legalise the preaching and 
 worship of Unitarians, in passing, without a division, 
 Mr. William Smith's Act in 1813 ; but it was now 
 found that though their worship had been legalised, 
 their buildings and endowments might be taken away 
 from them. The Unitarians at once formed a Com- 
 mittee, and put their case before the Government. 
 The hardship of the position was recognized and 
 relief promised. A Bill was introduced by the 
 Lord Chancellor in the House of Lords and into 
 the House of Commons by the Attorney-General. 
 It had the cordial support of the leaders on both 
 sides in both Houses. All the Law Lords were in 
 its favour, and Lord Brougham, Lord Cottenham 
 and Lord Campbell spoke in the debates. The 
 only division taken in the Lords was on the third 
 reading which was carried by 44 against 9. 
 
 In the House of Commons the Bill was opposed 
 at every stage. The Congregational Union and the 
 Wesleyan Conference petitioned against it. An 
 anti-Unitarian agitation was got up. "There is a 
 cry against Unitarians through this country," said 
 Mr. R. L. Shiel in an eloquent speech in favour of 
 the Bill. " At one time you did not pursue a 
 Unitarian when you had a Papist for your game, 
 but now the sport is capital if a Socinian is to be 
 hunted down." The prospects of litigation for the 
 confiscation of the property of Unitarians to 
 orthodox purposes, proved too tempting for Divines, 
 and statesmen had to step in and teach them 
 morals. Mr. Shiel described it as "litigation in 
 which controversy and chicane are combined — in 
 which the mysteries of Calvinism are rendered 
 
158 The Dissenters' Chapels Bill. [Ch. vill. 
 
 darker by the mystifications of jurisprudence, and 
 in which the enthusiasm of orthodox solicitors is 
 associated with the rapacity of orthodox Divines." 
 Sir Robert Peel, then Prime Minister, told the House 
 of Commons that he and his colleagues entertained 
 so strong a belief of the justice of the principles on 
 which the Bill was founded, that they were prepared 
 to make every other consideration subordinate to 
 the fulfilment of the duty of supporting it. Lord 
 John Russell said, " I must say I was never 
 more convinced that a Bill was necessary for the 
 purpose of doing justice to a class of our fellow- 
 subjects." Mr. Gladstone wound up a long and 
 powerful speech by saying, " Our religious belief 
 should guide us in this as in other acts. But I 
 contend that the best use you can make of your 
 religious belief is to apply it to the decisive perfor- 
 mance of a great and important act — an act which 
 whether the consequences to arise from it may be 
 convenient or inconvenient (and I believe the balance 
 will be found to be greatly on the side of con- 
 venience, but that is the second question, not the 
 first, now before us) I hope I have in some measure 
 proved to be founded on the permanent principles 
 of truth and justice." Mr. Macaulay spoke in the 
 same sense, and the second reading of the Bill, 
 which had the cordial support of the late Lord 
 Harrowby, then Lord Sandon, was carried by 309 
 against 119. On the third reading the votes were 
 203 for, to 83 against. On its return to the Lords 
 as amended in the Commons there was another 
 great debate, but on the Lord Chancellor's motion 
 "that this Bill do now pass" the votes were 202 
 
1 845-] Success of the Measure. 159 
 
 against 41. By these great majorities did the two 
 Houses of Parliament withstand and rebuke an 
 agitation which originated in theological intolerance 
 and was sustained by a complete public ignorance 
 of the facts of the case. 
 
 In Samuel Sharpe's Diary he records in April 
 1844 the signing of a petition in favour of the Bill 
 " as fifth in descent of a race of attenders at public 
 worship" at Newington Green Chapel. They 
 were, — 
 
 1. Samuel Harris, an East India Merchant, who probably 
 was one of the Founders. 
 
 2. Daniel Radford who married his daughter Mary. He 
 left ^100 to it by will. 
 
 3. Thomas Rogers who married his (Daniel Radford's) 
 daughter Mary, in whose time the Copyhold was bought 
 and my uncle Samuel made first Trustee. 
 
 4. My mother,* who attended there till her marriage. 
 
 5. Myself, who joined the Congregation in about 1830. 
 
 6. My children, three of whom teach in the SHinday 
 School. 
 
 This petition, shewing, as it does, the direct des- 
 cent of existing worshippers in this Chapel from its 
 original founders, is an illustration of the hereditary 
 character of many of these Congregations. Scores 
 of such petitions were presented to both Houses of 
 Parliament in favour of the measure. Samuel Sharpe 
 puts on record his regret that though he took much 
 interest in the Bill, he was little able to help its pro- 
 moters, because of his forced attention to business. 
 
 * Chap. I, p. 15. She was daughter of the Thomas Rogers 
 named just before. 
 
l6o University Hall. [Ch. Vlll. 
 
 He found time however to promote petitions and 
 attend meetings, and in July 1844 we find him 
 moving a resolution at a congratulatory meeting of 
 the General Committee of the Presbyterian Union, 
 declaring the especial gratification they felt " to 
 witness the support given by several distinguished 
 members of the Episcopal bench to an application 
 of the principles of religious liberty, more imme- 
 diately in favour of men whose opinions they neces- 
 sarily view with peculiar disapprobation." The 
 Bishops who supported the measure were Maltby of 
 Durham, Stanley of Norwich, Musgrave of Hereford, 
 Thirlwall of St. Davids, and Pepys of Worcester. 
 
 The Unitarians justly regarded the passing of the 
 Bill as a new triumph of the principle of religious 
 freedom, and determined to celebrate it in a prac- 
 tical way. Mr. Sharpe could not agree with them 
 in the form they gave the memorial. Speaking of 
 the Bill he says : — 
 
 When it was passed my friends, the promoters, built 
 University Hall, Gordon Square, as a memorial. I 
 declined to join them because they made the educational 
 part of the scheme secondary to the board and lodging. 
 From the after results I was never sorry that I held aloof. 
 
 University Hall, Gordon Square, was intended to 
 be a place of residence for Unitarians and others who 
 were receiving their education at University College. 
 Some years later when Manchester New College 
 was removed to London, its library was established 
 and its classes were held in the building. The 
 passing of the University Tests Act, opening Oxford 
 and Cambridge to those who cannot conscientiously 
 sign the thirty-nine articles, rendered such a Hall 
 
1 844] The Syro-Egyptian Society. i6i 
 
 ■of Residence no longer needful. Most of those to 
 whom it might have been useful had the sectarian- 
 ism of the Universities been kept up, now go to the 
 old seats of learning. The building has therefore 
 been handed over to Manchester New College as a 
 place of residence for its students. 
 
 Samuel Sharpe's literary activity during these 
 years is best described in his own words : — 
 
 In 1844, I received a letter from Mr. Birch of the 
 British Museum, inviting me to join a new Syro-Egyptian 
 Society, to which I unwillingly though immediately gave 
 my consent. I had no great love for Societies, or faith in 
 their usefulness. I wished each student to rely more upon 
 his own energies. I thought that many even were rather 
 hindered than helped in their studies by them, and often 
 lost their self-reliance while waiting for the encouragement 
 and help of their fellows. I had long left oif attending 
 the meetings of the Geological Society of which I had 
 been a member above twenty years. I had also dropped 
 the meetings of the Numismatic Society, which I had 
 more lately joined, and which was more in agreement with 
 my present antiquarian pursuits. I had resolved to join 
 no more societies as they took me away from a happy 
 home and broke in upon my studies. I made, however, a 
 prophetic reserve in favour of an Egyptian Society which 
 I thought would one day or other be proposed by some- 
 body, and accordingly, when it was proposed I felt that my 
 own attention to Egyptian studies was too well known to 
 allow me to decline joining. I found that the society was 
 not altogether in good hands. The best men refused to 
 join it, and Mr. Birch himself withdrew from it. I have, 
 however, continued to attend its meetings and with not a 
 little profit. I met many Egyptian travellers there, and 
 heard what was being done by discoverers on the banks of 
 the Nile ; and I learned yet more by endeavouring from 
 
 M 
 
1 62 Mr. Bonomi. [Ch. viii. 
 
 time to time to explain to the Society my own views on 
 hieroglyphics and chronology. We began a series of 
 Egyptian inscriptions, but it did not go beyond six plates. 
 I preferred publishing such inscriptions at my own expense, 
 to being encumbered by the help of the Society and its 
 Secretary. We also printed two small volumes of Original 
 Papers, to each of which I was a contributor ; but I did 
 not feel proud of the volumes, and our poverty and dis- 
 cretion together checked further pubUcations. I was 
 enabled however by this Society to improve or to gain 
 the acquaintance of several valuable scholars and travellers, 
 more particularly of Dr. Lee and my excellent friend Mr. 
 Bonomi. 
 
 The friendship thus formed lasted till the end of 
 Mr. Bonomi's life. This Egyptian traveller, artist, 
 and sculptor was one of the gentlest and most 
 genial of men. He was a little older than Samuel 
 Sharpe, having been born in 1796 ; but his manner 
 and his looks were youthful, and his merry laugh, 
 his love of fun, his quaint stories from the Talmud, 
 his Italian proverbs, and his artistic knowledge and 
 enthusiasm, made the family regard him with more 
 than common affection. He had studied sculpture, 
 had taken a course of anatomy under Sir Charles 
 Bell, and had gained the silver medal of the Royal 
 Academy for perspective. He went to Rome to 
 study art in 1822, and from thence to Syria and 
 Egypt. In Egypt he spent fifteen years, and was 
 the first to point out tlie monument which according 
 to Herodotus was set up by Sesostris on the Syrian 
 coast to commemorate his victories. Much benefit 
 to both came from the intimate and prolonged 
 friendship of the travelled and untravelled Egyptian 
 scholars. Samuel Sharpe regarded his friend as an 
 
1 844-] Mr. Bonomi. 163 
 
 almost unique example of the union of uncommon 
 attainments with unusual modesty. His visits were 
 looked forward to with enthusiasm and looked back 
 upon with delight. Mr. Bonomi was equally welcomed 
 by young and old. He would go and stay in the 
 house, setting the young people to some artistic 
 work, such as making casts of hands, or giving them 
 lessons in perspective by a series of charming 
 drawings, and leaving the house rich with his own 
 masterly and rapidly executed pencil-sketches. At 
 other times he would plan with their father some 
 new paper on Egypt or Nineveh. He wrote on 
 " Nineveh and its Palaces " before Sir Henry Layard 
 went to the. mound at Nimroud, and in a Volume 
 of Photographs entitled "Egypt, Nubia and 
 Ethiopia" he sketched the wood engravings while 
 Samuel Sharpe ' wrote the Notes. The account of 
 the sarcophagus of Oimenepthah they published 
 together. 
 
 This close association in literary work grew up in 
 after years out of the friendship now begun. At 
 present other matters occupied the author of the 
 " History of Egypt." His Egyptian studies were con- 
 tinued through the whole of the years covered by 
 the last two Chapters ; but they did not at present 
 lead to any new work. The only publication of the 
 year 1844 was the second edition of his New Testa- 
 ment of which his own account is all that need be 
 given. 
 
 It was now four years since I had printed my transla- 
 tion of the New Testament, and as I had spared no pains 
 to find out its faults and correct them, I was impatient to 
 print again. I made no change in my plan, which was to 
 
 M 2 
 
164 The Bank Robbery. [Ch. Vlll. 
 
 keep to the Authorised Version and to aim at antiquarian 
 exactness rather than what might be more pleasing to an 
 idle ear. I sold off what was left of the first edition to a 
 dealer in remainders and printed the second edition in the 
 summer of 1844. To a careful writer a second edition is 
 a great comfort ; it enables him to correct his faults of 
 hastiness. I thought my translation was now worthy of 
 notice. I therefore printed a thousand copies and pub- 
 lished them at the cost price. 
 
 The autumn of 1 844 was however not favourable 
 to his attention either to public matters or to private 
 studies. The times were difficult for men of business, 
 and the banking firm of Rogers, Olding, Sharpe and 
 Boycott, had their own peculiar anxiety. One 
 Monday morning in November 1844, when the 
 acting partners went down to business at the 
 usual hour, they were confronted with what at 
 the first glance must have looked like a threat of 
 ruin. When the great iron safe, in which all the 
 valuables of the Bank were kept, was opened, it 
 was found to be empty. When it was closed on 
 Saturday night it had contained more than ;^40,ooo 
 in bank notes, over ^^ 1,000 in gold, and ;^s,ooo in 
 Bills of Exchange. The safe had been opened some 
 time in the course of Sunday with one of its own 
 keys, the whole of the money and bills taken out 
 and the iron door closed again. The iron safe was in 
 an inner office and was meant never to be left un- 
 guarded. One of the partners lived on the premises, 
 and one of the clerks was always supposed to be in 
 the bank, day and night. On Sunday the 24th of 
 November the day clerk asked permission to go out 
 for a few hours, and as one of his employers was on 
 
1844.] The Bank Robbery. 165 
 
 the premises the leave was given. It was thought 
 that, during his absence, the robbery was effected by- 
 some persons who had been helped and warned by a 
 dishonest servant. 
 
 The thieves were prevented from profiting by 
 their immense booty, by the admirable promptitude 
 with which the matter was followed up. It was a 
 race between the owners of the notes and the 
 robbers, which should be first in reaching foreign 
 banks. The thieves had the start ; but so promptly 
 were the numbers and dates of the stolen notes 
 communicated to home and continental bankers, 
 that the thieves were unable to make use of them. 
 Their promptitude was shown in the fact that a 
 single note, which in the haste had been omitted 
 from the list, was instantly cashed at the Bank of 
 England before the firm had discovered the omission. 
 Two months after the robbery the Bank of England 
 repaid to Messrs. Rogers & Co. the value of the 
 stolen paper, £ap,j\o, upon the usual guarantee of 
 indemnity in case the notes should ever be presented 
 for payment. In the end the actual loss was small, 
 but until the notes had been recovered and cancelled 
 at the Bank of England a constant source of anxiety 
 remained. A reward of ;£'3,ooo was first offered. 
 This failing, it was reduced to ;^2,500 ; and at the end 
 of about two years, just after notice had been given 
 that, on a day named, it would be further reduced 
 to ;£'2,ooo, the notes were got back and the ;£'2,Soo 
 was paid. 
 
 This anxious time was not without its alleviations. 
 Friends and neighbours at home and in the City 
 flocked in with offers of money. Samuel Sharpe 
 
1 66 The Bank Robbery. [Ch. vili. 
 
 was much touched with the kindness and confidence 
 thus manifested, but he declined the proferred help, 
 as only adding to the responsibility put on him by 
 the disaster. Mr. Rogers put down his carriage, 
 and the household at Highbury Place sent away a 
 servant and dropped all needless expenses. These 
 had been very few indeed, for Samuel Sharpe had 
 always brought up his family to consider that 
 habits of economy were as good as wealth. Friends 
 had often told him that he lived far too quietly 
 and inexpensively for a London banker. But he 
 had quite other thoughts on the subject and knew 
 his own circumstances best. He was carrying on a 
 good business, with the help of partners, for a rich 
 uncle. He had brought in no capital of his own and 
 only possessed what he was able to lay by from 
 year to year. No man in his senses could fail to 
 think of the time when the rich uncle would die, and 
 his capital be withdrawn from the business, to be 
 divided' between his nephews and nieces. For this 
 inevitable event the nephew had always prepared by 
 adding to his share of the capital, and each incom- 
 ing partner did the same. As it happened, Mr. 
 Rogers lived on to the unusual age of ninety-three, 
 so that long before his death the partners were well 
 prepared to go on by themselves. 
 
 There is no reference to this robbery in the Diary. 
 In his autobiographical sketch he merely says that 
 his studies were sadly interrupted, because for many 
 months the cares of the day were so severe as to 
 leave his mind very little at leisure in the evening. 
 But he was not idle. His literary work went 
 on, and 1845 brought a crisis of some interest in 
 
1846.] The " History of Egypt." 167 
 
 the history of his authorship. Of this period he 
 writes : — 
 
 I endeavoured to drive away less pleasant thoughts by- 
 attention to my three histories. The first I entirely re- 
 wrote. It had been an antiquarian inquiry ; I now cast it 
 into the same form as the second and third and added to 
 it the materials which seven years of study had enabled 
 me to collect. I paid still further attention to neatness 
 and correctness in writing, always reading my sentences 
 aloud to my wife and daughters to try how far they were 
 easy to be understood. I ventured more than I had done 
 before to add an opinion on the events as they occur, and 
 thereby to give a more moral and personal tone to the 
 whole. Such is the variety of subjects contained in a 
 volume of history that in writing about Egypt I was able 
 to give utterance to every opinion that I held in religion, 
 politics or literature, and as I read the whole of it aloud 
 to my children, I was agreeably kept in remembrance of 
 what ought to be a writer's aim, to make his readers better 
 as well as wiser. At this time of difficulty in business I 
 did not feel rich enough to indulge myself as before in 
 the expensive amusement of printing ; what I had hitherto 
 pubhshed had not brought me back one half of the outlay. 
 But fortunately Mr. M^xon, the publisher, began to think 
 well of my books, and he proposed that I should unite 
 the three into one complete History of Egypt, and he 
 offered to publish it on joint account. This offer I gladly 
 accepted. I needed no delay. While always adding to 
 my book and endeavouring to improve it, I had always 
 kept the Manuscript in a state ready for the printer. In 
 the beginning of 1846 I therefore published a second 
 edition of my three histories in one volume, under the 
 title of " The History of Egypt from the Earliest Times 
 till the conquest by the Arabs a. p. 640." 
 
 Though this work was a reproduction of three 
 
 ) 
 
i68 The "Edinburgh" on the History. [Ch. vill. 
 
 previous works and was therefore a second edition, 
 it was practically a new book. It was more popular 
 in form and treatment. It had been made more 
 readable in every respect, and it speedily attained 
 some success and distinction. It gained for its 
 author that general and popular recognition which, 
 had not been given to his earlier writings, or to the 
 same work in its previous shape. The former works 
 had been for students, this was for the public. They 
 had attracted the attention of Egyptian scholars ; 
 this received general notice. It did not take the 
 popular view of Egyptian chronology. It differed 
 as to the length of the earlier periods of the Egyp- 
 tian history from all the other authorities, from 
 Lepsius and Bunsen, from Wilkinson and Birch. It 
 took the strictly independent view which charac- 
 terised its author in all his works. It was favourably 
 noticed in the Edinburgh Review, then under the 
 able editorship of Mr. Empson. In those days the 
 great Quarterlies were the arbiters of the literary 
 fate of authors. Their notice was fame, their 
 approving nod was supposed to confer immortality. 
 The Edinburgh article was written by Mr. Donne 
 and gave Mr. Sharpe great satisfaction. It did not 
 deal with the disputed questions of Egyptian anti- 
 quity, but almost confined itself to the parts of his 
 history which deal with Alexandrian life and litera- 
 ture. It contained a cordial recognition of his 
 special merits as a historian, and of the established 
 position he had gained by the publication of the 
 "History of Egypt." There is a further sign of 
 the estimation in which Samuel Sharpe was now 
 held among literary men in an entry in Crabb 
 
1846.] Other Egyptian Writings. 169 
 
 Robinson's Diary dated on the day after Christmas 
 Day, 1846. 
 
 Yesterday passed very agreeably. My breakfast went off 
 very well, though the omelette which my niece advised me to 
 have was a failure. IhsAz.partie quarrSe. To meet Donald- 
 son, I had Sir Charles Fellows, the traveller, and Samuel 
 Sharpe the historian of Egypt. Fellows and I modestly 
 retreated and left the field to the two scholars. 
 
 The literary work of the next few years grew out 
 of the increased recognition of his large knowledge 
 of Egyptian history and his mode of dealing with 
 the questions suggested by the chronology and 
 antiquities. It may best be described in his own 
 words : 
 
 Among other travellers my Egyptian writings introduced 
 me to Mr. Bartlett who had then lately returned from 
 Jerusalem and Petra, and in the autumn of 1848 when he 
 printed his " Forty Days in the Desert " he accepted from 
 me a short chapter on " The Land of Goshen and the 
 Jews' March out of Egypt." I had before written on this 
 geographical subject in the Christian Reformer and then in 
 my History of Egypt. This paper therefore in Mr. Bart- 
 lett's book contained my views, as corrected a second 
 time, respecting the changes in the head of the Red Sea, 
 and on the place where the Israelites crossed. It gained 
 some attention, particularly in the Athenceum. where Pro- 
 fessor Airy under the signature of A.B.G. and Miss Fanny 
 Corbeaux wrote in its favour. In the following years I 
 gave to Mr. Bartlett for his "Nile Boat" a sketch of 
 Egyptian History, and for his " Overland Route " an 
 account of the Shipwreck of the Apostle Paul, and the 
 Historian Josephus, who, I argued, sailed from Cesaraea 
 to Italy in the same ship. For his " Jerusalem Revisited " 
 I gave him a paper on the Plan of the Temple at Jeru- 
 salem. 
 
1 70 Work with Mr. Bonomi. [Ch. viii. 
 
 While busy on the History of Ancient Egypt I also 
 compiled a map of the country. This I did by making 
 a tracing from the French survey identifying the ruins 
 which are marked therein, and then adding the other towns 
 and the Names from Ptolemy's Geography and the 
 Itinerary of Antoninus. This map I offered to Mr. Wyld 
 for publication, but he declined it saying there was no 
 sale for ancient maps. Mr. Bonomi, however, litho- 
 graphed it and pubHshed it on his own account and I 
 believe was tolerably successful in selling it. To lessen 
 the expense to him my daughters coloured the whole 
 edition. I had the pleasure of seeing two copies, stretched 
 and varnished hanging up in the private rooms of the 
 British Museum. That part of the map which embraces 
 the route of the Israelites from the Nile to the Red Sea 
 had before been copied by Mr. Hughes, the engraver for 
 Mr. Bartlett's " Forty Days in the Desert." Mr. Hughes 
 was a good Geographer and he thoroughly approved of 
 my plan for the Land of Goshen. He was much employed 
 in engraving maps for school atlases and religious publica- 
 tions, and for these he always copied it and soon made it 
 well-known. ' 
 
 Encouraged by the success of the map, Mr. Bonomi 
 then undertook to lithograph and publish the hieroglyphi- 
 cal names of the Egyptian Kings, which I had arranged 
 in the order of their succession. To this list I added the 
 map of Egypt, the plan of Thebes, the site of ancient 
 Memphis, the plan of ancient Alexandria, and a few 
 pages of letterpress. It was published in 1849 under the 
 title of "The Chronology and Geography of Ancient 
 Egypt." We afterwards added to it a page of alphabet by 
 which the King's names could be read. In this also my 
 daughters coloured the maps and Mr. Bonomi was success- 
 ful in selling copies enough to repay himself the cost of 
 the publication and for his own trouble as lithographer. 
 
 In the same year, 1849, Samuel Sharpe gave to 
 
1 849-] Greek Translation. 171 
 
 the Philological Society the Greek " Fragments of 
 Orations in Accusation and Defence of Demos- 
 thenes respecting the money of Harpalus," with a 
 translation. These fragments had been traced by 
 Mr. A. C. Harris of Alexandria from a papyrus in 
 his possession. They were afterwards reprinted by 
 Mr. Churchill Babington and yet later the remainder 
 of the fragments were published. 
 
172 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 INTERCOURSE WITH SAMUEL ROGERS, MISS AIKIN, 
 AND OTHERS. 
 
 Perhaps the most interesting records which a man 
 can leave behind him are those which detail his 
 intercourse with eminent persons whom he has 
 met. Nothing makes a biography so popular as 
 such gossip, but it presupposes Jn the subject of the 
 biography a gossiping spirit. A man who can sit 
 down at night and place on record the stories he has 
 heard, the repartees he has enjoyed, the conversa- 
 tions in which he has taken part, must possess an 
 overweening sense of his own importance, or a love 
 of work for which no other satisfaction is found, or a 
 fondness for dwelling on the past, for the indulgence 
 of which he is willing to undertake constant toil. 
 Such a man is likely to become a mere social Auto- 
 lycus, a snapper-up of unconsidered trifles of talk. 
 Society would become impossible if such note-takers 
 as the late Bishop Wilberforce were general, and their 
 note-books were given to the world. There is no 
 temptation to the biographer of Samuel Sharpe to 
 make indiscreet revelations. Though many distin- 
 guished scholars and travellers constantly found their 
 way to Highbury Place, and though at the houses of 
 
1 843-7-] Mr. Maltby. 173 
 
 Mr. and Miss Rogers, of his own brothers, and of 
 such friends as Crabb Robinson, he often met eminent 
 and interesting persons, he has not left much on 
 record concerning them. Some of the entries which 
 relate to Mr. Rogers's breakfast parties have already 
 been given. There are a few others in the Diary of 
 later years, some of which tell stories which are 
 already familiar to the public, but which are worth 
 reproducing. 
 
 Here are glimpses of a man whom the present 
 generation has almost forgotten, but who was well- 
 known in literary society during the last fifteen 
 years of the previous century and the first forty 
 years of this : — 
 
 August 25, 1843. — I called on Mr. Maltby at the London 
 Institution and walked for two hours with him. He has 
 lost the use of one eye, but is as cheerful and full of con- 
 versation as ever, quoting books of note and talking about 
 men of note. 
 
 1847. December 7. — After examining references in the 
 London Institution, I called on Mr. Maltby. He was so 
 blind that he had to ask who I was. He showed me a 
 letter from Sydney Smith thanking a friend for a pheasant. 
 "Barn-door fowls," he says, are "good enough for Dis- 
 senters, but for a real clergyman, a thirty-nine articled 
 clerk, the true thing is a pheasant." Mr. Maltby told me 
 of his being steward to the Revolution dinner in 1792, 
 when he restrained the rashness of the toasts. 
 
 Mr. Maltby had been for many years one of Samuel 
 Sharpe's fastest friends, to whom he had looked up 
 as a young man looks up to an elder. Mr. Maltby 
 had been the early friend and schoolfellow of Mr. 
 Rogers. Maltby and Rogers when young men had 
 
1 74 Mr. Maltby. [Ch. ix. 
 
 so great an admiration for Dr. Johnson that they 
 proposed calling on him. They went together to 
 the great man's door, and one of them had his 
 hand on the knocker when their courage failed 
 them and they turned away. Mr. Maltby had 
 retired from active duty in 1834, but continued to 
 live at the London Institution till his death, in his 
 ninetieth year, in 1854. His manner in his old age was 
 quiet and reserved, and in his visits to the house of 
 his friend he loved to sit in the arm-chair with his 
 eyes shaded from the light, and to be appealed to by 
 a younger generation. His reading had been very 
 extensive, and his recollection of what he had read 
 was singularly vivid and fresh. If a question arose as 
 to the actual terms of a quotation, or where it was 
 to be found, everybody said, "Ask Mr. Maltby." 
 He had succeeded Porson in 1809 as Librarian to 
 the London Institution, and Samuel Sharpe had seen 
 much of him there in the early days when he was 
 frequently a reader in its library. The friendship of 
 Mr. Maltby for the young student's relations led 
 to a friendship with the student himself, which lasted 
 till the close of Mr. Maltby's life. 
 
 The next entries record recollections of Samuel 
 Sharpe's visits to Rogers, and the first of them 
 contains one more illustration of the goodness of 
 heart of a man of whom Carlyle spoke with the 
 prejudice born of his own inability to appreciate 
 social qualities, and with the ignorance of mere 
 superficial observation : — 
 
 February 8, 1844. — My uncle Sam complained that Dr. 
 Howley, the Archbishop, had used him very unhand- 
 somely. The Archbishop had consulted him about filling 
 
1 844-] Rogers's Breakfasts. 175 
 
 up a vacancy in the Museum. My uncle had recom- 
 mended Gary, but had also mentioned Gary having 
 twice lost the use of his faculties through domestic afflic- 
 tion. The Archbishop weakly told this to Gary as his 
 reason for appointing Panizzi. On this Cafy quarrelled 
 with him ; but my uncle had the satisfaction of getting him 
 a pension of ;^2oo a year from Lord Melbourne, the week 
 before the Whigs went out of office (in 1841). Peel would 
 certainly have given it if not done before. This Melbourne 
 knew. 
 
 July 4. — I spoke to my uncle Sam of Gampbell's funeral 
 yesterday in Poet's Gorner, and of his not being there. 
 He said, " I did not attend your uncle Henry's nor your 
 brother Sutton's, and so, of course, I did not go to Gamp- 
 bell's. Besides, I did not want to be elbowed by Lords 
 who never did anything for him when alive. Remember, 
 Sam, you are my executor, I am to be buried in Hornsey 
 Churchyard. Let no consideration whatever induce you 
 to bury me in that place (Westminster Abbey). Those 
 men attended to honour themselves, not to honour Gamp- 
 bell, but to catch some reflected glory from him. I have 
 explained that sentiment in one of my notes when speak- 
 ing of Kings and Gardinals following Petrarch to the 
 grave.'' 
 
 October 20. — My uncle again spoke of the folly of bury- 
 ing Gampbell in Westminster Abbey, and praised Pope for 
 refusing to be buried there. He thought the sentiment of 
 seeing the poet's tomb in the Village Churchyard so much 
 more valuable than seeing it among a crowd of vain candi- 
 dates for fame in Poet's Gorner. 
 
 This idea seems to have possessed Mr. Rogers, 
 and he w^as determined to press it upon his nephew 
 and executor. Two years after the above entry in 
 the Diary is another in the same sense. In the next 
 year there is nothing till almost the close : — 
 
1 76 Rogers s Advice. [Ch. ix. 
 
 1847. December 7. — In the evening Mr. Crabb Robin- 
 son came. He had been reviewing " Happy Ignorance," 
 which he thought not to be by Archbishop Whateley. 
 We called together on Mr. Madge, who thought it was. 
 Mr. Madge thought the new "History of the Hebrew 
 Monarchy" was by Mr. Newman. He thought it dull. 
 " Happy Ignorance" concedes to the Unitarians all they 
 
 ask. Dr. of Manchester has just left ;^so,ooo to 
 
 University College. 
 
 December 12. — Breakfasted in St. James's Place. Mr. 
 Spedding thinks in an impartial life Bacon will stand much 
 better than in Macaulay's review. 
 
 My uncle spoke of the aristocracy with contempt, and 
 quoted his father's saying — " Never go near them, Sam.'' 
 He had not followed this advice, but acknowledged its 
 wisdom. 
 
 The nephew, however, acted on this principle, and 
 believed in its wisdom. No man was more anxious 
 for the society of men of learning and genius. 
 Travellers, writers, artists, antiquarians, biblical 
 students, men of science, politicians, preachers ; all 
 who had any personal characteristics which made 
 them worth knowing were always welcome at High- 
 bury Place. But for men whose only distinction 
 is a title, as for people whose social position is 
 decided, not by any qualities of their own, but solely 
 by the part of London in which they live, he had 
 the scorn which every self-respecting person feels. 
 Even for friends who drifted off westward to be in 
 the fashion he had but little toleration. Like all 
 men whose names become honourably known, he had 
 opportunities of meeting many well-known persons, 
 but he embraced only those which brought him 
 into pleasant intercourse with men who had some- 
 
1847-8.] Breakfasts with Rogers. 177 
 
 thing more than " but the guinea's stamp," as Bums 
 calls it, of rank or fortune. The next note in the 
 Diary illustrates this choice : — 
 
 1847. December 22. — Breakfasted at St. James's Place ; 
 Mr. Dyce, Mitford, Harness, Spedding, Gould, Dr. Hen- 
 derson. Harness was against Dr. Hampden, everybody 
 else seemed against the Bishops. Mr. Dyce was alarmed 
 at the news of some more going to be published from 
 Gray's note-books. He said his scholarship was much 
 over-rated. Nothing can equal the pleasure of these con- 
 versations. Dyce, Mitford (nephew of the historian), and 
 Spedding are simple, unaffected men, learned, full of 
 conversation and literature. Dyce and Mitford are very 
 little of clergymen. Harness more so. 
 
 Samuel Sharpe himself contributed much to 
 these conversations. 'Crabb Robinson records one 
 of these breakfasts about this time : — 
 
 Oct. 9, 1848. — I went out early and breakfasted with Rogers ; 
 a small and agreeable party, only Samuel Sharpe, Harness and 
 sister, and Lord Glenelg. Samuel Sharpe said but little, but 
 what he said was very good. The recent conviction of Smith 
 O'Brien was a matter of doubt, but most thought an execution 
 necessary, though Samuel Sharpe thought it would lead to 
 murders of landlords. 
 
 The following recollections of the same conversa- 
 tion by Mr. Sharpe and Mr. H. Crabb Robinson 
 show a conflict of evidence : — 
 
 28th. — S. R. quoted Home Tooke telling his brother, 
 " You rise by your gravity, and I sink by my levity." He 
 (or Sydney Smith) said in his illness his thoughts had been 
 wandering between the nine Articles and the thirty-nine 
 Muses, and he did not know which was which. 
 
 N 
 
178 Table Talk at Rogers's. [Ch. ix. 
 
 There is a similar record in Crabb Robinson's 
 Diary : — 
 
 Aug. 28, 1849. — Breakfasted with Rogers. A small, agree- 
 able party. Luttrell, Dyce, Samuel Sharpe, and Moxon, all in 
 good humour. To-day or about this time Rogers told us that 
 Sydney Smith said to his eldest brother, " Brother, you and I 
 are exceptions to the law of nature ; you have risen by your 
 gravity, I have sunk by my levity." 
 
 There is no doubt that Crabb Robinson is wrong 
 and Sharpe is right. Rogers tells the story himself 
 in his " Recollections " of Home Tooke. Crabb 
 Robinson's is the common version, but Thomas 
 Moore attributes the saying, on the authority of 
 Mr. Shiel, to an Irish Barrister, Keller, in address- 
 ing a judge. Keller was Moore's godfather. Mr. 
 William Sharpe, in a note to Rogers's " Recollec- 
 tions," points out that Rogers's record must have 
 been earlier in date than Moore's. 
 
 The following notes of conversations at the Tues- 
 day breakfasts are interesting, as supplementing 
 those in Mr. Dyce's volume of Rogers's " Table 
 Talk," and in a few cases giving a somewhat dif- 
 ferent version of a familiar story. 
 
 30th. — S. R. quoted Home Tooke saying that the 
 Reformation had rejected Purgatory and kept Hell. Mr. 
 Donaldson praised Miiller's books which he was trans- 
 lating. S. R. praised D'Aubign^'s "Reformation" as a 
 sober, well-written book. Donaldson, on the other hand, 
 did not like its Genevan religious views, and praised Ranke 
 as more impartial. 
 
 The following epigram on two persons now for- 
 gotten caused much amusement when it was written. 
 Miss Seward and William Hayley were contem- 
 
1847-8.] Mitford ; Lord Brougham. 179 
 
 porary poets, much admired at the close of the 
 last century and the first years of this. When 
 Rogers published his first poem he was much 
 gratified by Hayley's praise. Rogers remarked 
 about Hayley in later years that he was formerly 
 over-rated, but was latterly under-valued. 
 
 Miss Seward : Ode didactic, epic, sonnet, 
 Mr. Hayley, you're divine ; 
 
 Mr. Hayley : Madam, take my word upon it. 
 You, yourself, are all the Nine. 
 
 Mr. Jesse reminded my uncle of Theodore Hook and 
 
 dining with him some time ago. Hook, giving 
 
 an account of it, said Mr. Rogers had emptied his wine- 
 cellar into his bookseller. Mr. Rogers said he could give 
 
 's epitaph in two words — "Drunk or sober, 
 
 always a gentleman.'' 
 
 Mr. Luttrell mentioned an Irishman who, when reproached 
 for being a Pluralist, said, " If you don't take care you may 
 find me a DueUist." 
 
 Mr. Mitford said his uncle had been urged to write the 
 " History of Greece " by Gibbon whom he knew in the 
 Hampshire Militia. Mr. Donaldson gave us the new 
 inscription proposed at the dinner-table at Trinity College, 
 Cambridge, for the snuff-box, as suitable to the place and 
 the purpose, " Quicunque vult," the first words of the 
 Athanasian creed. 
 
 When Rothschild, returning thanks from the hustings 
 last autumn, said he was the choice of the people, a voice 
 cried out from the back of the hall, " So was Barabbas.'' 
 
 4th July. — Lord Brougham told S. R. that Macaulay 
 would fail in narrative (his History is coming out at Christ- 
 mas). Milman thought he might easily change his style to 
 that, but would be unable to cease to be an advocate — 
 " he has taken a fee and holds a brief from his convic- 
 tions." 
 
 N 2 
 
i8o Table Talk at Rogers's. [Ch. ix. 
 
 S. R., though a worshipper of Gray, disapproved alto- 
 gether of his fundamental rule, that the language of poetry 
 should be a little antiquated. The language of the heart 
 is the language of the nursery. Milman thought people 
 could remember more Hnes of Gray than of Pope, though 
 Pope's matter was more quotable. 
 
 "Duty" is spoiled into duties. A gentleman pays his 
 " devoirs " to a lady. A clergyman does the duties of his 
 church. A soldier is " on duty " in the solemn sense. 
 
 William Spencer took " Anacreon " Moore to Lady 
 Jersey's. She presently said, " Get the little man to give 
 us some of his noise." This was the way in which a 
 lady of title asked a man of letters to sing his own songs. 
 
 S. R. had known most of the good talkers of his day, 
 but no one so quick and clever as Mr. Luttrell, except, 
 perhaps, Home Tooke. Jekyll's conversation was rich in 
 humour, but Luttrell's and Tooke's were of a higher class. 
 
 Pope, "Moral Essays," iii., 203-218.* Roscoe curi- 
 ously mistakes the meaning of these lines, and blames 
 Pope for an attack upon a man who dispenses his wealth 
 in the service of his country. But surely the character is 
 
 * What slaughtered hecatombs, what floods of wine 
 Fill the capacious 'Squire and deep Divine ! 
 Yet no mean motive this profusion draws, 
 His oxen perish in his country's cause ; 
 'Tis George and Liberty that crowns the cup, 
 And Zeal for that great House which eats him up. 
 The woods recede around the naked seat, 
 The sylvans groan — no matter — for the Fleet : 
 Next goes his Wool — to clothe our valiant bands, 
 Last, for his Country's love, he sells his Lands. 
 To town he comes, completes the nation's hope, 
 And heads the bold Train-bands, and burns a Pope. 
 And shall not Britain now reward his toils, 
 Britain, that pays her Patriots with her spoils ? 
 In vain at Court the Bankrupt pleads his cause. 
 His thankless Country leaves him to her Laws. 
 
1848.] Home Tooke : Lord Campbell. 181 
 
 that of a pretended patriot, of Whig politics, who wastes 
 his property, sells his timber and then his lands, ruined by 
 electioneering expenses and county dinners. Then being re- 
 fused a pension by his country is left to the bankruptcy laws. 
 
 S. R., when visiting Winchester on a tour before he was 
 one-and-twenty, went to the college and took with him to 
 the inn Edward Maltby, a boy with whose family he was 
 intimate. This boy was afterwards Bishop of Durham, 
 and used to say that he never ate such excellent duck and 
 peas as on that evening. 
 
 1848. October 20. — Nobody was at my uncle's break- 
 fast to-day but Mr. Harness. He told us several interest- 
 ing anecdotes. 
 
 Home To.oke, when going to Paris, took a letter of 
 introduction to D'Alembert as one of the chief of their 
 men of letters. Before delivering it he thought it neces- 
 sary to get rather a handsome suit of clothes in the French 
 fashion. He was receivedpolitely. D'Alembert asked him if 
 he had seen the last new comedy, if he had visited Madame 
 
 , if he had seen certain sights, and so forth. Home 
 
 Tooke made his visit short, thinking he was treated coldly. 
 David Hume, who was present, followed him, and apolo- 
 gized for D'Alembert. " He seems to have mistaken your 
 character ; . he does not know that you are a man of letters ; 
 perhaps he was misled by your dress."* 
 
 When Campbell was writing his " Lives of the Chan- 
 cellors " Rogers gave him in writing Erskine's own account 
 of his being engaged in the Greenwich Hospital case. 
 But Campbell made no use of it, except to borrow one 
 point from it, and returned it saying that the family said it 
 was not true. 
 
 Campbell used to treat his father-in-law Scarlett with 
 marked rudeness when they were both at the Bar. Scarlett 
 could hardly retaliate or defend himself against the man on 
 whom depended the happiness of his daughter. 
 
 * See " Recollections by Samuel Rogers," pp. 147, 148. 
 
1 82 Rogers's Recollections. [Ch. ix. 
 
 S. R. was staying at Lord Bathurst's when news was 
 brought in the evening that the Princess Charlotte was 
 confined ; that the child was dead, but the Princess herself 
 was doing well. At four o'clock in the morning there was 
 a stir in the house. An express had arrived to tell Lord 
 Bathurst that the Princess was dead. He got up imme- 
 diately to carry the news to the Regent, her father. He 
 went to town and called up the Duke of York at St. 
 James's Palace, and took him with him. When they got 
 to the Regent's they roused Colonel Bloomfield, told him 
 their errand, and begged him to inform the Regent of his 
 daughter's death. He positively refused. " Tell it your- 
 selves," said he. " Let him know then that we want to 
 speak to him," said the Duke of York and Lord Bathurst. 
 This Bloomfield did, and they were shown up. The Duke 
 of York made Lord Bathurst go into the room first. They 
 found the Regent sitting up in bed, and told him they had 
 sad news for him. He said he had heard it, the child was 
 dead. They then let him understand that his daughter was 
 dead. He was, of course, much upset; but three hours 
 afterwards he was consulting with those about him as to the 
 ceremony of the funeral. 
 
 October 23. — Breakfasted with my uncle. A lady said 
 to Foote, " I am afraid you don't go to church, Mr. Foote." 
 " No, Madam, I do not," replied Foote ; , " not that I think 
 there is any harm in it ! " 
 
 Hoppner, looking round on the pictures and vases at 22, 
 St. James's Place, said, " What an enviable man this is, and 
 
 d him, he is not married." Hoppnefs domestic life 
 
 was not happy. 
 
 The dramatists, said S. R., are the best novelists. Monk 
 Lewis told me that he took his " Bravo of Venice,'' which 
 is so striking in its effects, from a German Drama. 
 
 As Lord Byron and S. R. were stepping across the street 
 from a house at which there had been an assembly to their 
 carriage a link-boy called out, " This way, my lord." He 
 
1848.] Byron; Lord John Russell. 183 
 
 perhaps knew neither. Rogers remarked to Byron, " Every- 
 body knows you." Byron answered bitterly, " It is because 
 I am deformed." His temper was soured by his lameness. 
 
 S. R. was in Italy with my aunt when Bonaparte 
 returned from Elba; They came home hastily through 
 Germany. They had been introduced to Murat. S. R. 
 went to Italy a second time after printing the first part 
 of " Italy." It was published in his absence without his 
 name. He then visited some spots described in the poem 
 which he had not visited before. The poem did not sell 
 well ; he was dissatisfied with it, and destroyed part of the 
 impression. 
 
 On the death of Lord Spencer, when Lord Althorp 
 removed to the Upper House, the Cabinet proposed to 
 Lord John Russell to become Chancellor of the Exchequer. 
 He answered that figures and finance had not been his 
 study, but if his colleagues thought it best he would under- 
 take it — he would undertake any post in which they thought 
 his services were needed or would be useful. Hobhouse, 
 meeting Sydney Smith in the street, mentioned these words 
 of Lord John. So when Sydney Smith had occasion to 
 attack Lord John in his letters to Archdeacon Sinclair, he 
 spoke of his presumption. " He would venture on any- 
 thing ; he would not shrink from cutting off a leg or taking 
 command of the Channel Fleet." 
 
 S. R. used to spend some weeks at Broadstairs every 
 autumn, and usually slept at Rochester on his way down. 
 He then stopped at Canterbury, and while there always 
 stepped into the Cathedral to hear the service chanted in 
 that venerable building. One year he was recognized as 
 he sat in the Cathedral by the clergyman in authority, who, 
 to show his respect to the Poet, sent a verger to him to 
 ask him which chant he would like to have performed. 
 This marked civility was repeated every year as he passed 
 through Canterbury. He was, of course, gratified by the 
 attention, but his pleasure in the music was sadly lessened. 
 
184 Rogers and his Friends. [Ch. ix. 
 
 He had been willing to fancy that the band of clergymen 
 were celebrating the service for their own devotion and for 
 the glory of God, but he found that their thoughts were 
 really engaged on amusing himself. 
 
 These short recollections of the conversation at 
 Rogers's Tuesday breakfasts may be supplemented 
 by two other entries which come in at a somewhat 
 later time. Speaking of his uncle in his auto- 
 biographical sketch he says : — 
 
 As his infirmities increased the circle of visitors lessened, 
 and after a time it was limited to those few whose good 
 sense and good feeling enabled them to make allowance 
 for an old man's deafness and occa.sional forgetfulness. 
 Mr. Mitford, the editor of Gray's works, in some doggrel 
 lines addressed to him when removing to Brighton for the 
 winter, thus describes the reduced list of Tuesday morning 
 visitors : — 
 
 Happy the man, and happy he alone. 
 Who passed the winter months at Brighthelmstone. 
 
 He who secure within can say, 
 I've 'scaped from all my London friends away. 
 From Robinson the loud and Dyce the gay. 
 And Henderson, who gives the best Tokay, 
 And Mitford, ever prosing about Gray, 
 And Sharpe, who rules o'er Egypt like a Dey. 
 Now my friends do your worst, for I have lived to-day.* 
 
 " The epithets are not all happy,'' said Mr. Dyce 
 
 * The lines are parodied from one of Dryden's Imitations 
 of Horace, the 29th Ode of the 3rd Book, which begins 
 Tyrrhena regum progenies. Rogers says that Fox was fond 
 of quoting Dryden's lines, which he preferred to the original 
 of Horace. 
 
1 8 54-] Dyce, Henderson, and C. Robinson. 185 
 
 when the hnes were read, and in his case at least 
 the word gay was used satirically. Like Crabb 
 Robinson, he was a great diner-out, but he was 
 a man of much refinement and culture, the trans- 
 lator of AthenjEus, and editor of Shakespeare. 
 His friends called him " Alexander the Great," as 
 he domineered over the lesser lights of criticism. 
 He was of a tall, handsome figure, but had a weary 
 and lethargic manner, and stood bending as though 
 to come down to the level of ordinary men. 
 For many years he wore an ugly brown wig, but 
 after an illness came forth with a magnificent 
 head of his own white hair, a most striking trans- 
 formation. Mr. Henderson had written a learned 
 book on Ancient Wines. To Crabb Robinson 
 the epithet loud was not quite appropriate. This 
 genial, popular, and ever welcome person was more 
 voluble than noisy, persistent rather than loud. 
 He was short and thick, with a fine intelligent 
 countenance and a bluff hearty manner, and 
 looked the picture of health and self-content. He 
 began to talk as soon as the door was opened, 
 would talk all the way upstairs, would keep on 
 without stopping through his whole visit and till 
 on his departure he was out of earshot in the street. 
 He was proud of his own conversational powers; but 
 his goodness of heart, his wide knowledge of the 
 world, his recollections of his friends Goethe and 
 Wordsworth, and his large reading, made him a 
 most welcome visitor, and an immense favourite with 
 all who knew him. 
 
 Mr. Rogers was very tender and gentle in his old 
 age. Wishing the children of his nephews " Good- 
 
1 86 Death of S. Rogers. [Ch. ix. 
 
 night " he would say to them, " Speak kindly of me 
 when I am gone." He was fond of repeating Mrs. 
 Barbauld's beautiful lines beginning "Life, we've 
 been long together," and especially their exquisite 
 ending. He used to speak of having repeated them 
 to Wordsworth, who had never heard them before. 
 Wordsworth was much struck with them. He 
 walked up and down the room repeating them to 
 himself, and then exclaimed, " I do not often envy 
 other people their good things, but I should like to 
 have written those lines."* When the news was 
 brought to Rogers of his sister's death he ex- 
 claimed, " What a great blessing, I wish I could 
 die too." He 'was then ninety-two, his sister 
 was a year or two younger. They were spending 
 the winter together in his house at Brighton, and 
 she died there in January 1855. They had both 
 been confined to their chairs by similar accidents — 
 the breaking of the thigh-bone in the hip-joint. In 
 December, 1855, the wish that he could die too was 
 grantedj and he passed quietly away in his ninety- 
 third year, leaving his nephews Samuel and William 
 Sharpe his executors, and committing to their charge 
 large numbers of journals and letters, very few of 
 which have yet seen the light of day. 
 
 * The lines are : — 
 
 Life, we've been long together, 
 Through pleasant and through cloudy weather ; 
 'Tis hard to part when friends are dear, 
 Perhaps 'twill cost a sigh, a tear ; 
 Then steal away, give little warning, 
 Choose thine own time ; 
 Say not " Good-night," but in some happier clime 
 Bid me " Good-morning." 
 
i8s5.] Dyce's "Rogers's Table Talk!' 187 
 
 Samuel Sharpe records his uncle's death in his 
 autobiographical sketch : — 
 
 In 1855 my uncle Samuel Rogers died, leaving his pro- 
 perty to be divided among his nephews and nieces, and 
 appointing my brother William and myself his executors. 
 His valuable collection of pictures and other works of art 
 was sold by auction. The sale attracted great attention 
 from his known good taste as a collector, and the pictures in 
 particular brought great prices. He left his copyrights to 
 me, which I looked upon less as a piece of property than as 
 a duty that I should take care that his poems were reprinted 
 as often as possible. His aim had been to obtain for them 
 a circulation, and he valued the illustrations in the first 
 place as a step to that end. They had sold so largely 
 during his lifetime — helped, no doubt, by his social position 
 and personal influence, that shortly after his death Moxon 
 and Co. sold off by auction what they had printed, and refused 
 to continue to print them ; and it was not till ten years 
 later the demand again revived for them. Very soon after 
 Mr. Rogers's death, indeed, sooner than was quite becom- 
 ing, Mr. Alexander Dyce published a volume of his con- 
 versation under the title of " Recollections of the Table- 
 talk of Samuel Rogers." It was not a judicious book, nor, 
 indeed, well-written. It by no means did justice to Mr. 
 Rogers's conversation. Moreover, it had many mistakes 
 about persons, and gave offence to many. Some of the 
 members of our family felt very sore at it, and went so far 
 as to tell Mr. Dyce so. '■■ But I well knew that in taking 
 notes of Mr. Rogers's conversation he was acting with Mr. 
 Rogers's full knowledge and approval, and, moreover, that 
 Mr. Dyce had a sincere regard and respect for him ; that 
 the book was well meant, and that its faults were wholly 
 unintentional. And amid the storm of blame that rose 
 against him I made him very happy by telling him so. 
 
 In 1859 my brother William published a volume of 
 
i88 Sharpes Life of Rogers. [Ch. ix. 
 
 Notes which Mr. Rogers had left behind him ready for the 
 printer.* Soon afterwards I published a biography of Mr. 
 Rogers, as a preface to the volume of his poems. It was 
 of a very few pages, relating to little beyond those par- 
 ticulars of his family and youth which could not be 
 generally known. I made use of all the biographical 
 passages in his poems, but gave no account of that part of 
 his life in which he was well known to the literary and 
 artistic public. Mr. Rogers had been dead four years, and 
 that short time had cooled all curiosity about him. My 
 memoir gained no notice, while four years before, Mr. 
 Dyce's recollections of him had been wholly sold on the 
 day of publication. 
 
 In his Diary about the same time Samuel Sharpe 
 writes : — 
 
 The following sentences may hereafter be added to ray 
 " Life of Samuel Rogers," at present it might give pain to 
 Dr. Beattie : — " In 1844 Campbell died, and was buried 
 in Westminster Abbey, when the Prime Minister and five 
 noblemen acted as pall-bearers. But Mr. Rogers did not 
 think this any honour to the poet, who had never asked 
 for notice from these men who now consented to appear 
 as his friends. Mr. Rogers did not follow among the 
 mourners, and gave particular directions that no such 
 doubtful honour sliould be asked for for himself. He 
 praised Pope's refusal to be buried there, and whenever the 
 subject was mentioned Mr. Rogers added, ' Remember, 
 Sam, I am not to be buried in Westminster Abbey.' " 
 
 It may not be inappropriate at this point to record 
 some notes of conversations vv^hich took place a few 
 
 * " Recollections," by Samuel Rogers. Longman & Co. It 
 contained Mr. Rogers's own recollections of Fox, Burke 
 Grattan, Porson, Home Tooke, Talleyrand, Erskine, Walter 
 Scott, Lord Grenville, and the Duke of Wellington. 
 
1855-64.] Visits to Lucy Aikin. 189 
 
 years later between Samuel Sharpe and Miss Lucy 
 Aikin. They were written down by his daughters, 
 and contain some points of literary and social 
 interest. Miss Aikin was in her old age. She had 
 vivid recollections of her earlier life, and looked back 
 with especial pleasure to her childhood. She said 
 one day to Samuel Sharpe : " From ten to seventeen 
 I lived in Broad Street Buildings, and there was 
 always a great deal going on in the house. I was 
 brought very forward and saw plenty of good 
 society. Then when other girls come out, as it is 
 called, I went in, for we removed to Stoke Newing- 
 ton. Oh ! wretched Stoke Newington. It nearly 
 broke my heart." She lived twenty-three years, 
 from the age of seventeen to that of forty, at 
 Stoke Newington ; from whence she removed to 
 Hampstead, where she spent the bright evening of 
 her days, and where she died in 1864 at the age 
 of eighty-three. At this latter period of her life it 
 ■was the custom of her friend Samuel Sharpe to go 
 over to her house rather frequently for evening tea. 
 She was full of recollections of people she had met, 
 and told the stories she had heard from her father Dr. 
 Aikin and her aunt Mrs. Barbauld with great zest and 
 vivacity. She remembered Godwin calling on her aunt 
 when she was a child. She left the room, but Mrs. .Bar- 
 bauld went after her, and told her Godwin was a re- 
 markable man, and that she ought to listen to his 
 talk. Many years later she met him at a party. He 
 was very much bowed down with age and trouble, 
 but she introduced herself to him and he recognized 
 her in a moment. She was very impatient of his 
 daughter, Mary Wolstonecraft Godwin, who, she 
 
I go Miss Aikin and Howard. [Ch. ix. 
 
 said, had gained the reputation of being a wit by 
 saying everything, proper and improper, that came 
 into her head. She had seen Charles James Fox. 
 " There was a great charm about him," she said. 
 " When he looked down he was only a large heavy 
 man with a fat face and projecting eyebrows, but 
 when he looked up and you met his dark eyes it was 
 like the opening of the heavens." 
 
 Another of Miss Aikin's stories was of John 
 Howard. When Howard was living at Church 
 Street, Stoke Newington, Dr. Price was chaplain 
 to Mr. Streatfield. Howard married the landlady 
 in whose house he lodged, and during the three 
 years she lived he stayed on at Stoke Newington. 
 It was at the house of Miss Aikin's grandfather, 
 Mr. Jennings, that he used to meet her father. Dr. 
 Aikin. Howard had been brought up in a strange 
 way, without the education that befitted his station. 
 When he wrote his work on Prisons he needed some 
 one to look over the proofs for him, and he found 
 the aid he wanted in a very intelligent printer at 
 Warrington, who used to print for the Academy, 
 and who printed Mrs. Barbauld's works. When 
 Howard set out upon that last journey abroad from 
 which he never came back, Dr. Aikin went to him 
 and took much trouble in arranging his papers and 
 helping him to start. "He was very kind to all chil- 
 dren," said Miss Aikin ; " when he was out on this 
 visit abroad he sent home a straw box of foreign 
 make as a present for me, which I have kept and 
 always look at, thinking of him." 
 
 She remarked of Rogers to his nephew, "You 
 say your uncle's conversation was not witty. It is 
 
1855-64.] 'Miss Aikin and Wedgwood. 191 
 
 well he does not hear you. He really was a wit. 
 But his brother Henry said the cleverest things, 
 and so easily and naturally. Your uncle Sam used 
 to say, ' Henry says better things than any of us, 
 and thinks nothing of them.'" She talked of 
 Scott. She enjoyed the Lay most because it was 
 new. Scott had read Ritson's " Ancient Ballads," 
 and the Lay was the result. " How much we admired 
 it when it came out," she exclaimed, " I wish any- 
 thing half so interesting would appear now." The 
 Lay was most admired because it came first. But 
 she thought " Marmion " the best ; the " Lady of the 
 Lake" was pretty, but not so good as the earlier 
 poems. 
 
 She told a characteristic anecdote of Wedgwood, 
 for whom she had the warmest admiration. It was 
 said with truth that he had spent a thousand. pounds 
 in experiments for the making of his vase, in 
 deciding whether the white figures were to be fas- 
 tened on or to be made by cutting away the white 
 substance down to the blue. In his earlier days he 
 had a white swelling on his knee. The doctors told 
 him that he must have the leg amputated or lie on 
 a sofa and rest it for a year or two. " I lie on a sofa 
 for one or two years," he exclaimed ; " impossible ! " 
 " The leg was taken off, and he stumped about for 
 the rest of his days — that was the man," said Miss 
 Aikin, with enthusiasm. She was fond of telling the 
 story of a new curate who once called on her some 
 time after he came into the parish. With charac- 
 teristic taste and tact the youth began to remon- 
 strate with Miss Aikin for her Unitarian opinions, 
 and excused himself by saying, " Consider, Madam, 
 
192 Miss Aikin on Dickens. [Ch. ix. 
 
 that I am responsible for your soul." She drew herself 
 up and answered, " Sir, you are the first person "who 
 ever told me that there was any one responsible for 
 my soul except myself." As she said this she sailed 
 across the room, rang the bell, and told the servant 
 to bring the gentleman's horse to the door at once. 
 She had the old-fashioned objection to Dickens's 
 novels, that he sought for virtue and refinement in 
 the kennel. But it does not seem to have occurred 
 to her that he has taught all the world to look 
 for both virtue and refinement in very humble life, 
 and to find it too. 
 
193 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 "LABOUR PHYSICS PAIN." 
 
 The anxiety which the great robbery at the bank- 
 ing house had caused to Samuel Sharpe had a 
 serious effect upon his health, and he allowed him- 
 self too little recreation to preserve full physical vigour. 
 In the autumn of 1845 he suffered from a weakening 
 attack to which he paid no proper attention and 
 which greatly reduced his strength. His fear, at 
 this time, was of paralysis, such as had carried off 
 his brother, Sutton, and such as he actually died of 
 in his old age seven-and-thirty years later. His 
 brother Henry took him to an eminent physician 
 who assured him that he was only suffering from 
 nervous depression and great general weakness. He 
 had been adopting his usual remedy of starvation, 
 the doctor recommended feeding up and prescribed 
 stimulants and tonics and a month's rest. But a few 
 days at Brighton with his old friend Mr. Janson 
 were all the holiday he could be induced to take. 
 Nothing seemed less likely, at this period, as at many 
 other times, than that he should outlive all his 
 brothers and be capable of hard work at eighty. 
 
 This want of vigorous health joined to, the absorb- 
 ing nature of his business anxieties in the gloomy 
 
 O 
 
194 Collecting Literary Materials. [Ch. x. 
 
 period which followed the repeal of the Corn Laws, 
 caused a cessation of literary production, though not 
 of studious activity, during the next few years. 
 The pause extended from the publication of the 
 second edition of the " History of Egypt " in 1846, to 
 the issue of the " Chronology and Geography of 
 Egypt " in 1849 and the translation of the "Fragments 
 of Hyperides " in the "Philosophical Transactions " in 
 that year ; and again from the date of these publica- 
 tions to the issue of his " Historic Notes on the Bible " 
 and the " Egyptian Guide Book to the Crystal Palace " 
 in 1854. The work of these years was that of pre- 
 paration for years to come. The Vocabulary of 
 Hieroglyphics was rewritten, and made twice as 
 large as the published volume, but it was not 
 published. Meanwhile work on the New Testament 
 was making progress. It was now four years since 
 the issue of the second edition ; and in the mean- 
 time a number of fresh emendations had gradually 
 accumulated. These were printed in 1849 on a fly- 
 leaf of four pages, entitled " Further Corrections," 
 and were intended to be stitched into the volume 
 at the end of the Preface. " This," he writes, " I may 
 almost call a third edition of my New Testament." 
 But the chief labour of these years was given to the 
 improvement of his " History of Egypt." He was 
 always collecting new materials for this purpose ; 
 •and in 1851 he printed a third edition, considerably 
 enlarged and improved. It was in two volumes 
 octavo and in bulk was about one quarter larger 
 than the second edition. A good deal of it had 
 been re-written, many new passages were added, and 
 it was in his opinion a much better book. He now 
 
1850.] S. Sharpe "On the Fall in Gold." 195 
 
 dedicated the work to his eldest sister, acknowledging, 
 as he was always glad to do, that he owed to her his 
 education and his love of learning. 
 
 There are records in the Diary about this time 
 which show that the sagacity which has been already 
 noted in the exercise of his judgment on some 
 political questions, was equally shrewd in its applica- 
 tion to monetary problems. In October 1850 he 
 wrote a paragraph in the Money Article of the 
 Morning Chronicle, calling attention to the imminent 
 danger of depreciation of the currency by the gold 
 which was then just beginning to pour in from the 
 newly-discovered Californian mines. " Nobody," he 
 says in his Diary, " has yet pointed it out." A day 
 or two later the Manchester Guardian threw ridicule 
 on the apprehension, but he followed up the subject 
 by two more articles in the same autumn. A few 
 years later the question became one of general in- 
 terest. In 1859, eight years after Samuel Sharpe 
 had anonymously called attention to the subject, 
 M. Michel Chevaher published his book "On the 
 Probable Fall in the Value of Gold," which was 
 translated into English by Mr. Cobden. The great 
 -increase in the use of gold more than counteracted 
 the effects of its augmented production ; but Mr. 
 Sharpe never changed his opinion as to the altered 
 value of the metal. He expected the depreciation 
 of the currency to show itself earlier than it did, and- 
 regarded its effect in making everything dear as 
 simply a matter of time. At present a reaction has 
 set in, and the appreciation of the currency has 
 lowered the price of commodities, just as the earlier 
 fall in the value of gold raised prices. But there 
 
 O 2 
 
ig6 Cockerell, Porson, Travers. [Ch. x. 
 
 were no signs of this change either in 1850 or 
 1859. 
 
 Other notes in the Diary are worth reproducing. 
 
 1848. Oct. 10. Dr. , who has just reviewed my 
 
 " Egypt " in the Dublin University Magazine, made so many 
 unsuccessful offers of marriage, that when at Trinity College 
 he used to be called the Solicitor-General. Once hearing 
 that a young lady and her mother had taken two places in 
 the coach to the north, he went and took the two other 
 places for himself, that he might introduce himself to 
 them. They changed their hour and the Doctor travelled 
 the journey alone. 
 
 Oct. 19. I met at Mr. James Yates's at Highgate Mr. 
 Roberts, the President of Liberia ; half a negro, who gave 
 an interesting account of that black colony. Quite a 
 gentleman, quiet in his manners, spoke slowly and very 
 good English. 
 
 1849, March 5. Walked into the City with Cockerell, the 
 Architect, who pointed out the spots in Fleet Street and 
 Ludgate Hill from which he thought St. Paul's was best 
 seen. Praised the view as the finest in any city in the 
 world. He should not be on speaking terms with anybody 
 who wished to pull down the houses to lay the church 
 more open. Wren built the spire in Ludgate Hill himself 
 as a foil. 
 
 Aug. 21. Dr. Price's uncle succeeded Dr. Watts as 
 chaplain in Lady Abney's family. He told Mr. Maltby 
 that Dr. Watts, before his death, changed his opinion 
 respecting the Trinity. He had probably become Arian. 
 
 Porson was not pleased with his reception in the Lon- 
 don Institution, although he was treated handsomely. He 
 said their conduct was mean beyond even mercantile 
 meanness. 
 
 Benjamin Travers, the eminent surgeon of Bruton 
 Street, took a very pretty place at Garston, near Watford, 
 
iSso-] Talk with Crabb Robinson. 197 
 
 and wrote a poem on the beauties of his new retirement. 
 Sydney Smith, on reading it wrote at the end — 
 
 Garston, thou art all a cheat, 
 Take me back to Bruton Street. 
 
 So Travers soon found it ; he parted with Garston House 
 and returned to his successful practice. 
 
 1850, September 3. I certainly felt mortified on read- 
 ing the articles on the Ptolemies in Dr. Smith's " Dictionary 
 of Classical Biography." They were all written by E. H. 
 Bunbury with the help of my " History of Egypt," and with- 
 out any acknowledgment, though he even borrowed the 
 volume from my brother Dan for the purpose. 
 
 There are a couple of glimpses of Samuel Sharpe 
 at this time in Crabb Robinson's Life. On the i8th 
 January, 1851, he enters in his Diary — 
 
 Yesterday, I had at breakfast Dr. Donaldson, Dr. Boott 
 [an American], Sharpe, the Egyptian, and Edwin Field. The 
 morning went off exceedingly well. 
 
 Nine months later, Crabb Robinson says in a letter 
 to his friend Paynter — 
 
 This fine weather is marvellous. Talking the other day to 
 Sam Sharpe, on the complaints of the landowners now, he 
 made me a wise answer. " We all have it in our turn. A 
 few years ago an Act of Parliament took away one-half of our 
 income by legalizing Joint-Stock Banks. There was no use 
 making a fuss about it. We submitted then, the squires must 
 submit now. In the end everybody is the better. Individuals 
 must suffer when the public gain." Sharpe is by no means 
 an optimist, and on the papal question he is a great deal 
 worse than you. 
 
 This common-sense mode of regarding inevitable 
 social changes was characteristic of him. The nine 
 months which intervened between these two refer- 
 
igS The Exhibition Year. [Ch. x. 
 
 ences to him by Crabb Robinson were, however, 
 not likely to have left much room for optimism. 
 There was the saddest possible contrast between 
 the public gaiety of those times and the private 
 sorrow which came with the bright summer days. 
 To the nation at large the year was one of the 
 greatest hope and promise. The first half of the 
 nineteenth century lay behind, with its wars, its 
 political agitations, its social calamities and its un- 
 rest. Trade had recovered from the panic of a few 
 years before, the nightmare of the Irish famine had 
 passed away, and the formidable movement of the 
 Irish Confederates under Mr. Smith O'Brien, which 
 had ended amid the laughter of the world in 
 Widow Cormack's cabbage garden at Ballingarry, 
 had been succeeded by a time of apparent content 
 and peace. The repeal of the Corn Laws had 
 brought plenty and prosperity at home, and after 
 the revolutionary outbreaks of 1848 and 1849, 
 Europe seemed settling down into lasting quiet and 
 peace. The first year of the second half of the 
 century found all England in a sanguine mood. 
 The Crystal Palace was rising in Hyde Park, and 
 the Great Exhibition it was to contain was to be 
 opened on the first of May as a festival of universal 
 brotherhood. As the year advanced the very 
 heavens seemed propitious to the hopes of men. A 
 cycle of fine seasons had begun, and bright summer 
 sunshine, with a good harvest following it, reconciled 
 the farmers to the loss of Protection. The nation 
 passed through a short period of social and political 
 optimism. Old experience laid aside its prophetic 
 strain, and all England agreed for a while to indulge 
 
i8si.] Death of Mrs. Sharpe. 199 
 
 the daydreams of high-spirited and generous youth. 
 There were not a few who really believed that the 
 federation of the nations was at hand, and that the 
 time had come when there should be war no more. 
 
 Samuel Sharpe was too little of an optimist at 
 any time to be led away by glowing expectations, 
 and he did not regard the opening of the Great 
 Exhibition as the beginning of a new era of peace 
 and goodwill. But interest in public affairs was 
 eclipsed during the summer by a great private 
 sorrow. In the last days of May his wife was taken 
 with an illness which seemed at first comparatively 
 slight. She made too little of it herself ; and it 
 became serious with alarming suddenness. In less 
 than a week it ended fatally. Her husband writes 
 in his Diary, probably some time after the event — 
 
 At a quarter past ten at night, Tuesday, June 3, 185 1, my 
 dear wife Sarah breathed her last. The three eldest children 
 were with me in constant attendance at the time. She had 
 been ill five days. They had been helpful nurses. I bid them 
 bear their grief without crying, for they had done their duty- 
 God's will be done. 
 
 This great and terrible loss weighed heavily on 
 his spirits. It was the first breach in the charmed 
 circle of home. It was the loss of A companionship 
 which had been his support and satisfaction through 
 more than thirty years. They had been married 
 nearly four and twenty years ; but they had known 
 one another from childhood, had sympathized with 
 each other in all the pursuits of early life, and their 
 attachment as cousins had gradually grown into the 
 deeper affection which led to their marriage and 
 made their married life content and happy. There 
 
200 Consolation in Study. [Ch. X. 
 
 had been complete agreement between them on all 
 matters of domestic management. The husband's 
 love of home, his desire to live far within their 
 means and his dislike of show, were all fully shared 
 by his wife. She had the warmest admiration for 
 his literary labours, and fully and heartily participated 
 in the pleasures and disappointments of the man of 
 letters. The loss of such a companion makes the 
 world desolate. Her husband had now to go into a 
 new life, to begin the world again, as it were, with- 
 out the tender help which had been the solace of 
 his earlier years. Happily there had grown up 
 meanwhile other home affections which, in time, 
 filled the empty place. There was complete sym- 
 pathy with him on the part of his children, whom 
 he had inspired with his own love of art and litera- 
 ture, and who had had, with their mother, some part 
 and lot in his literary labours. The cloud passed, 
 as all such clouds do, and meanwhile he found, as of 
 old, consolation and refreshment in his studies. 
 The work of the next two or three years is summed 
 up in the following short paragraphs of his auto- 
 biography : — 
 
 In 1852 I began a second series of Egyptian Inscriptions. 
 The former plates were lithographed by my own hands, 
 but now my daughters worked for me. We proceeded 
 with this new work slowly but steadily, as we were able to 
 obtain materials from Mr. Birch, Mr. Bonomi, the British 
 Museum and other sources, and we hope to carry it forward 
 till it shall contain a hundred and twenty plates, the number 
 of the former series. 
 
 Three years later the volume was pubhshed. It 
 
1851.] Work Resumed. 201 
 
 was the largest collection of hieroglyphics that had 
 ever been issued, and though the sale was small, it 
 was of much use to himself and to others. He puts 
 on record his opinion that the smallness of the sale 
 for such works ought to be no discouragement to 
 their production, " as it is only by such drawings 
 that the student can make any progress in his 
 knowledge of hieroglyphics." Simultaneously with 
 the leisurely progress of this work, he says — 
 
 I turned more in earnest to my papers on the several 
 books of the Old and New Testaments. Some of them 
 had been already published in the Christian Reformer, the 
 " History of Assyria " had been printed in Mr. Bonomi's 
 " Nineveh," the " History of Edom " I had read before the 
 Syro-Egyptian Society; and in 1852 and 1853 working 
 slowly and without much zeal I completed the whole. 
 During these two years also I delivered several lectures, 
 for which I had gained ample experience first at the 
 literary discussions at the Islington Institution, and after- 
 wards at the meetings of the Syro-Egyptian Society. The 
 Lectures on Egypt and the Bible at University Hall were 
 very well attended,- and helped to bring about other courses 
 of popular lectures in that building. My lectures on the 
 same subjects in the rooms of the Unitarian Association 
 were only to a small class. 
 
 The Lectures at the rooms of the Unitarian 
 Association were delivered in connection with the 
 London District Unitarian Society. This Society 
 had been formed in 1850 to spread Unitarian 
 Christianity in London. It aimed at doing this by 
 two methods, each of which had Samuel Sharpe's 
 hearty sympathy and support. One of the methods 
 was that of giving lectures on biblical and doctrinal 
 
202 5". Sharpe as a Lecturer. [Ch. x. 
 
 subjects in halls and school-rooms ; the other was 
 that of opening places of worship which, however 
 humble at first, might form the nucleus around 
 which self-supporting congregations would after- 
 wards grow. The courses of lectures came first, 
 and Samuel Sharpe was greatly interested in pro- 
 moting them. They were given in different parts 
 of London, and several of the existing congregations 
 owe their establishment or revival to this early 
 effort, which he justly regarded as one of the signs 
 of the awakening of religious earnestness and zeal 
 in the Liberal section of the Christian Church, 
 
 His own lectures were delivered from notes written 
 on a single sheet of paper. The notes consisted of 
 nothing more than the heads of the address, and a 
 glance at each in turn was all he needed. He was 
 so full of the subject, and had his information so 
 completely in hand, that lecturing in this mode pre- 
 sented .no difficulty to him. His style was entirely 
 conversational. He attempted nothing but the 
 impartation of knowledge. In speaking of the 
 lectures to his friends, he would point to his 
 diagrams and illustrations and say " These are my 
 eloquence." The illustrations and diagrams were 
 drawn by the members of his family, and together 
 with his clear explanations made the lectures very 
 interesting and instructive to all who cared for the 
 question in hand. As in his writings, so in his 
 Lectures, simplicity and clearness were all he aimed 
 at. His object was to give information, not to pro- 
 vide amusement ; to create interest in the subject, 
 not to call attention to. himself 
 
 A good deal of interest was excited at this time 
 
1852.] The Crystal Palace. 203 
 
 by the proposal to remove the Crystal Palace from 
 Hyde Park and to re-erect it, as a permanent pleasure 
 house of art on the slope of Sydenham Hill. Mr. 
 James Yates urged members of the Antiquarian and 
 Archaeological Societies to take shares in the under- 
 taking and to support him in the effort to give it an 
 educational character by reproductions of ancient 
 architecture and art. The idea was carried out in 
 the Fine Art Department, in the Assyrian, Egyp- 
 tian, Greek, Roman, Byzantine and Alhambra 
 Courts. Mr. Owen Jones was placed in charge of 
 the whole Fine Art Department, and Mr. Bonomi 
 was engaged under him in the modelling of the 
 Egyptian Court. The scale of the models was 
 necessarily small, but they gave an opportunity, for 
 the first time, of realizing some of the effects of 
 Egyptian art. Mr. Sharpe and his family were 
 frequent visitors to the works in progress on Syden- 
 ham Hill ; and some pleasant hours were spent 
 in watching the workers. "It was very pleasant," 
 says his eldest daughter, "to get in among the 
 scaffoldings and planks on Sydenham Hill in those 
 days, to thread your way in between the heavy 
 waggons full of iron-work and blocks of granite 
 and to see Mr. Owen Jones and Mr. Bonomi, with 
 their white holland pinafores on, working merrily 
 with trowel and brush upon the stucco columns, and 
 to hear them talking Italian all the while with the 
 foreign workmen who had been sent over to bring 
 and put up the casts." 
 
 Samuel Sharpe's share in this work was to put 
 dates to these copies of the Egyptian bas-reliefs 
 and monuments; and to write in the picture 
 
204 The "Egyptian Court!' [Ch. x. 
 
 writing of Hieroglyphics the long sentence that 
 runs as a frieze around the ceiling of the Court. 
 This sentence which reads from left to right and 
 occupies the whole length of the fagade, literally- 
 translated is as follows : — " In the seventeenth year 
 of the reign of Her Majesty, the ruler of the waves, 
 the royal daughter, Victoria, lady most gracious, 
 the chief architects, sculptors and painters erected 
 this palace and gardens, with a thousand columns, a 
 thousand decorations, a thousand statues of chiefs 
 and ladies, a thousand trees, a thousand flowers, a 
 thousand birds and beasts, a thousand fountains, 
 and a thousand vases. The architects, and painters 
 and sculptors built this palace as a book for the 
 instruction of the men and women of all countries, 
 regions and districts. May it be prosperous." 
 
 When the building was finished he was asked to 
 write the " Historical Sketch of the Egyptian 
 Buildings and Sculpture " in the Guide Book to the 
 Egyptian Court. The work was issued under the 
 title of " The Egyptian Court, described by Owen 
 Jones and Samuel Sharpe." Mr. Owen Jones's 
 half was accompanied by footnotes contributed by 
 Mr. Bonomi. The " Historical Sketch " is a short 
 summary of Egyptian history, in which each por- 
 tion of the Egyptian Court is described in its 
 relation to that history. Each figure and monu- 
 ment is thus fitted in to its historical place. He 
 speaks of the work as " an agreeable little task, as 
 enabling me to put before the public in cheap form 
 my views of Chronology." He refused to accept 
 any remuneration for it, in order that he " might 
 have the pleasure of contributing something to an 
 
1853-] Dr. Williams's Library 205 
 
 undertaking which proniises to improve the taste 
 of the nation in architecture and sculpture." 
 
 In the same year he was elected as one of the 
 Trustees of Dr. WilHams's Library. This old Non- 
 conformist foundation is now housed in a very 
 large and handsome building in Grafton Street 
 East, nearly opposite University College Hospital. 
 The Library, the support of which is one of the 
 smaller objects of the Trust, to which only about a 
 tenth of its yearly income can be devoted, is now in 
 excellent condition. Dr. Williams's own books, 
 which formed the nucleus of the Library, included a 
 great number of valuable historical works in various 
 languages, besides a very large collection of English 
 divinity. To these have been added year by year 
 important historical and theological books ; and 
 a large number of persons, students and others, 
 make use of them. In 1853, when Samuel Sharpe 
 became one of its Trustees, the Library was still 
 in its old building in Redcross Street, City, which 
 was soon afterwards required by the Metropolitan 
 Railway. It was removed from thence to a tem- 
 porary abode in Queen Square, Bloomsbury, and 
 eventually the freehold building in Grafton Street 
 was erected for it out of the proceeds of the sale 
 of the Redcross Street house. Writing of his elec- 
 tion as a Trustee, Samuel Sharpe says — 
 
 I accepted the office because I thought I could be useful 
 there. The Library had been sadly neglected, though the 
 estates, schools, and scholarships of the Trust had been 
 very carefully attended to. However, my co-trustees were 
 quite willing to allow and assist my reforms. I got closets 
 full of books entered in the catalogue, many volumes of 
 
2o6 Dr. Williams's Library. [Ch. X. 
 
 tracts bound, the Baxter and Wilson manuscripts bound, 
 and an appendix to the catalogue printed. In order to 
 make the Library more useful I circulated cards of admis- 
 sion, had the fire kept alight in the Reading Room during 
 the winter months, and a brass plate put upon the door. 
 By these means we brought more readers into the room 
 than the Librarian had ever before known. I also proposed 
 some alterations in the examinations for scholarships, in 
 order to make them more Biblical. I know of no institu- 
 tion to which my attention could be more usefully turned. 
 
 The reforming zeal thus brought into an old, and 
 at that time, so far as the Library was concerned, a 
 decaying institution, necessarily created some dis- 
 turbance. The Librarian, like the Last Minstrel, was 
 infirm and old, and the Trustees were unwilling to 
 hold him to the bond in which his duties were 
 defined. He admitted his neglect, and as it was 
 practically condoned, Mr. Sharpe in 1857 retired 
 from the Trusteeship. But his action was not 
 without large results. On the death of the old 
 Librarian, the Rev. Thomas Hunter was appointed, 
 and he has brought to the duties of his important 
 post a zeal and energy which have resulted in making 
 the Library more generally useful than it has ever 
 been at any period of its history. Mr. Hunter has 
 been very successful in making the Library known to 
 students and ministers of the so-called orthodox 
 Dissenters. Its removal to the capacious building 
 in Grafton Street has given further opportunity for 
 development, while Dr. Williams's Trustees have 
 been authorized to expend a somewhat larger por- 
 tion of their funds in the purchase of books and in 
 its general support. The Library has been further 
 
i8s4-] Ai the Turn of Life. 207 
 
 increased by handsome donations of books, the latest 
 of which is the large library of philosophical works 
 collected by the late Mr. George Henry Lewes, and 
 presented by his son, Mr. Charles Lewes. The new 
 era on which the Library has thus entered may fairly 
 be said to have been begun by the reforms intro- 
 duced by Mr. Sharpe, during the four years in which 
 he remained one of its Trustees. 
 
 The autobiographical sketch hitherto quoted 
 was written in the year 1854. It is dated in 
 September, and is addressed to his children. Its 
 opening and concluding paragraphs curiously illus- 
 trate his state of mind respecting his own work at 
 this period of his life. There is nothing unusual in 
 the feeling he expresses. At fifty-five most men 
 become conscious of some slackening in their physi- 
 cal energy. The bound and glow of youth are gone, 
 the restorative power of sleep becomes somewhat 
 less, the sense of an inexhaustible fund of energy 
 which characterizes a strong man's physical prime 
 has passed away, and he is very likely to misunder- 
 stand the change. The first sense of unaccustomed 
 weakness comes upon him with a chill, and from the 
 illusion that he is still young he passes to the illusion 
 that he is old, and that his natural strength is 
 abating. He soon finds that his intellectual power 
 is as great as ever, that it is only his physical 
 strength which has diminished, and he goes on his 
 way once more with only the slight consciousness 
 that whereas for half his life he bounded up the hill, 
 now he is quietly walking down. Samuel Sharpe 
 had just come to this dividing line, and nearly half 
 his busy and useful life of literary labour still lay 
 
2o8 He thinks his Work Done. [Ch. x. 
 
 before him, when he wrote the first and last para- 
 graphs of a sketch which he evidently regarded as a 
 final summary of his labours. It begins : — 
 
 I am now fifty-five years of age, and have lost much of 
 that power of working which I once enjoyed, and which 
 has been a great source of happiness to me through life. 
 I still look forward to having the pleasure from time to 
 time of correcting and reprinting some of my works, but 
 I can hope to do nothing now that requires much study. 
 
 The concluding. paragraph is in exactly the same 
 tone : — 
 
 While these pages are being written I am passing through 
 the press my " Historic Notes on the Books of the Old 
 and New Testaments." This has been lying by finished 
 for some time. It ought, indeed, to be all rewritten, not 
 for me to reconsider any opinions there expressed, which 
 were formed carefully and after full study, but that the 
 arguments might be stated more clearly, and the whole 
 made more readable. But my powers of working are so 
 far lessened that I doubted whether I should be able to 
 make it what it ought to be. I therefore print it as it is, 
 and hope that it may be useful. My wish for it, as for my 
 New Testament and History is, that it may root out 
 mistaken opinions about the Bible, without hurt to religion, 
 and that it may help to disarm scoffers by teaching those 
 •who value the Bible to throw overboard those mistaken 
 opinions about it which cannot be defended by sound 
 criticism. 
 
 This last sentence expressed the motive which 
 animated him in all his Biblical works. The feeling 
 grew upon him as years advanced, and towards the 
 end of his life his chief anxiety seemed to be to 
 save the Bible from the undue depreciation with 
 
i8s4-] How to Treat the Bible. 209 
 
 which it was threatened. To Unitarian ministers, 
 and to the ministers and students of other churches 
 with whom he came in contact, he was accustomed 
 to say that one of the great duties of the pulpit in 
 these times is to rescue the Bible from neglect. 
 Idolatry has produced iconoclasm, and after half a 
 dozen generations have worshipped the Bible, treated 
 it as an infallible oracle, spoken of it as the Word of 
 God, the present generation seems inclined to rush to 
 the opposite extreme, and to throw it away as an 
 idol that has been broken. These methods of treat- 
 ment rest on ignorance of its history, misreading of 
 its contents, and misconception of its claims. As 
 an ancient religious literature, as the record of the 
 noblest line of religious tradition and development, 
 as the purest and simplest expression of the religious 
 faculty, leading up to the perfect manifestation of 
 our religious nature in Jesus Christ, this collection 
 of writings will always have supreme interest and 
 importance. The Bible has had no more diligent 
 student than Samuel Sharpe, and his sense of its 
 infinite superiority to all other " Scriptures " was 
 always increasing. It alone, he was accustomed to 
 say, had brought into the world a new motive for 
 virtue in teaching men to act from the love of God, 
 and in appealing to that disinterestedness which is 
 the motive power of all enthusiasm, and of all that 
 is highest and best in man. Men are only to be 
 raised by lifting them out of themselves, and of this 
 lifting power the Bible is full. The great thing which 
 needs to be done for it in this generation is, there- 
 fore, he believed, to make it understood, to humanize 
 it, to show its relation to the circumstances amongst 
 
 P 
 
2IO Historic Notes on the Bible. [Ch. x. 
 
 which it was produced, and to teach a wise estimate 
 of its value and its claims. 
 
 This was the object of the " Historic Notes." 
 They exactly corresponded to their title. The book 
 was a small volume into which a large amount of 
 learning and shrewd criticism was condensed. It con- 
 tained the matured opinions of its author as to the 
 age of the several parts of the Bible, and it described 
 each book, nearly in the order in which it stands in 
 the Authorized Version. The book is of interest as 
 being a kind of first edition of a different work 
 which he himself valued much more than this earlier 
 production. The attempt to treat the books of the 
 Bible in a straightforward order gradually appeared 
 to him to be impossible and misleading. Years of 
 study convinced him that, to handle the Biblical 
 writings with any sort of chronological exactness, it 
 would be necessary not merely to divide the several 
 books with greater minuteness, but to invert the order 
 of many portions of chapters and even of verses, 
 and to intermingle one book with another ; in fact, 
 entirely to rearrange the whole, setting piece by piece 
 anew, in a skeleton or framework of history which he 
 must draw up. This idea he accordingly carried out 
 in the " History of the Hebrew Nation and Litera- 
 ture," which was written and published many years 
 later. This is the work referred to in the last para- 
 graph of the first autobiographical sketch, which has 
 just been quoted. It was the rewriting of the 
 " Historic Notes " " that the arguments might be 
 stated more clearly and the whole made more read- 
 able " which he there says ought to be done, but 
 which he doubts whether he shall ever have the 
 
i8s6.] Mr. Heywood's Motion. 211 
 
 strength to do. Nearly fifteen years after this 
 doubt was expressed he sat down, then within a few 
 days of seventy years old, to continue the account 
 of his life. He completed this second part of his 
 autobiography in H870, and in 1879 added to it 
 a short further sketch which will come in at its 
 appropriate place. It is only needful to note here 
 that it was not the least useful, industrious, or pro- 
 lific period of his whole life, which still lay before 
 him at the moment when, closing the first part of 
 his autobiography in 1854, he thought his work was 
 almost done. 
 
 The result of his Biblical studies was to produce 
 in his own mind, and in the minds of many others, a 
 strong wish for an authoritative revision of the 
 Authorized Version of the Old and New Testa- 
 ments. He gives his own account of the origin of 
 Mr. James Heywood's motion on this subject in the 
 House of Commons : — 
 
 In the beginning of 1855 I met Mr. James Heywood, 
 the member for Lancashire, at Edwin Field's, at Hamp- 
 stead. I had never been in his company before. After 
 talking to him about his motions for the reform of the 
 Universities, I added a wish that he would move in the 
 House for an Address to the Queen in favour of a new 
 translation of the Bible. He seemed not to have thought 
 of the subject before. 
 
 The motion was made, and Mr. Heywood's speech 
 in making it was duly reported, and the subject was 
 discussed in the daily papers. This was probably 
 the first time that subjects of Biblical study had 
 been thus introduced into the leading articles of the 
 morning journals. The silence upon such topics 
 
 P 2 
 
2 1 2 Petition for Revised Version. [Ch. x. 
 
 which was then broken has never been renewed. 
 From time to time the press has continued to treat 
 them down to the present day. Mr. Heywood's 
 motion awakened a permanent interest in the ques- 
 tion of Revision, and early in the next year Samuel 
 Sharpe drew up a petition in its favour from " the 
 congregation assembling for worship at the Meeting 
 House at Newington Green," which was signed by 
 Dr. Cromwell as Minister, by Samuel Sharpe as 
 Trustee, by Mr. Andrew Pritchard as Treasurer, and 
 by other persons. It was the first petition with this 
 prayer which was ever presented to Parliament. It 
 set forth : — 
 
 That your Petitioners have been again and again informed 
 by Divines and scholars upon whose judgment they can rely, 
 that the Authorized Version of the Holy Bible is not so free 
 from faults as the translation of such a book ought to be. That 
 from the improved knowledge of the ancient languages, and the 
 discovery of many better manuscripts of the Holy Bible, a 
 version might be made which should far more faithfully repre- 
 sent the original. 
 
 That your Petitioners are aware that many new translations 
 into English have been made of parts of the Bible, some by 
 members of the Church of England and some by Dissenters, 
 and some of these translations your Petitioners often read in 
 private. But your Petitioners, though Dissenters, hesitate to 
 make use of these unauthorized versions in their public wor- 
 ship, and are interested in endowed schools and charities in 
 which it would be illegal to use such unauthorized versions. 
 
 The petition was not the only contribution he 
 made to the discussion of this subject. A third 
 edition of his translation of the New Testament was 
 published in the same year, and a little volume of 
 " Critical Notes on the Authorized Version of the 
 New Testament," in which the texts, in which his 
 
i8s6.] Manchester New College. 213 
 
 translation differed from that of the Authorized 
 Version, were set forth with the reasons for the cor- 
 rections made. In the very able speech with which 
 Mr. Heywood introduced his motion for an Address 
 to the Queen for a revised version, he prominently 
 referred to this volume, and made good use of it. 
 Its author further printed a small tract for popular 
 circulation, giving reasons for the demand of a new 
 translation, and actively assisted in the promotion of 
 lectures on the subject. 
 
 The establishment of the Unitarian Home Mis- 
 sionary Board at Manchester in 1854 excited a good 
 , deal of controversy in the Unitarian body. It was, 
 in many respects, a new development of missionary 
 zeal. The old educational institution, at which 
 nearly all the leading ministers of the body had 
 been trained, had always been faithful to the funda- 
 mental principle of non-subscription to creeds and 
 of neutrality in theological controversy. It was 
 then, and it continues to be, the only theological 
 seminary in this country which leaves its students 
 and professors unpledged as to theological conclu- 
 sions. It is founded for "Free teaching and Free 
 learning in Theology," and it has been careful, before 
 all things, to preserve its freedom. It has kept up, 
 moreover, a very high standard of scholarship among 
 the ministers of the group of congregations which 
 accept its principle and yield it pecuniary sup- 
 port. Manchester New College, as it was called on 
 its establishment at Manchester in 1786, was the 
 direct successor of the Warrington Academy. It 
 had been removed to York in the earliest years of the 
 present century, but had returned to Manchester in 
 
214 Home Missionary Board. [Ch. x. 
 
 1840, and was finally brought to London in 1853. 
 The new Home Missionary Board differed from it 
 in being distinctively Unitarian, in aiming at pro- 
 ducing a less learned and more popular class of mis- 
 sionary ministers, and in giving facilities for men 
 of a somewhat different social grade to enter the 
 Unitarian ministry. Its opponents consequently 
 regarded it as a rival of the older institution, and 
 as likely to lower the status and change the character 
 of the body to which it belonged. The anticipated 
 evils have not followed. Room has been found for 
 both colleges, and ample work for each. Samuel 
 Sharpe speaks of it as established "for the education 
 of young men as preachers to the poor," and adds — 
 
 I did not at once join it, as it had the appearance of 
 being set up in rivalry to Manchester New College, then 
 removed to London. But I thoroughly approved of its 
 aim, that of carrying Unitarianism to the poor; and as 
 soon as all thoughts of rivalry had blown over, I became a 
 subscriber to it, and supported it heartily. By the estab- 
 lishment of that institution, and of the Unitarian Herald 
 newspaper, Dr. Beard has done more for the spread of 
 Unitarianism in England than perhaps any man living. 
 
 This hearty support of the Home Missionary 
 Board was continued to the end of his life, and he 
 felt great satisfaction in its increasing usefulness. 
 For Dr. Beard, its founder and Principal, he enter- 
 tained great admiration and esteem. The two men 
 had much in common. They had the same love of 
 Biblical study, the same marvellous capacity for hard 
 work, the same unresting energy, and the same zeal 
 for the Unitarian views which they held in common. 
 Dr. Beard was not only a hardworking student, but 
 
1856.] The Rev. Dr. Beard. 215 
 
 a man of great practical sagacity and knowledge of 
 affairs. He was one of those energetic men who 
 take the lead of others by never sparing themselves. 
 Deficient in imagination, and without much of that 
 poetic instinct, that power of spiritual insight, which 
 makes men's hearts burn within them as they listen, 
 and transforms the preacher into the prophet, he was 
 nevertheless a great leader and organizer and teacher, 
 and has left a very considerable mark on the history 
 of Liberal religious thought in the North of England. 
 The establishment of the Unitarian Herald was 
 carried out by the energetic co-operation of the 
 Rev. Brooke Herford and the Rev. John Wright. 
 
2l6 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 RETIREMENT FROM BUSINESS AND USE OF MONEY 
 AND LEISURE. 
 
 The life of Samuel Rogers, written as a preface to 
 his Works, had been published in 1859 ; and in the 
 same year a fourth edition of the " History of 
 Egypt " was issued, illustrated with woodcuts. The 
 publisher undertook this edition on his own account, 
 and produced two very handsome volumes. The 
 woodcuts had been prepared at Highbury, having 
 been drawn for the most part by the author's eldest 
 daughter. They were intended to be explanatory 
 and illustrative rather than merely ornamental ; they 
 added much to the value and interest of the work, 
 and have been reproduced in later editions. Mean- 
 while Dr. H. Jolowicz, of Konigsberg, had published 
 at Leipsic a German translation based upon the third 
 edition. The work was annotated by some German 
 scholars, who expressed opinions on the chronology 
 with which its author did not agree. But he 
 cordially admitted the few mistakes they pointed out, 
 and incorporated their corrections in the next edition 
 of the book, with an acknowledgment in the preface 
 that he had done so. The German edition was in 
 
i8s8.] "Alexandrian Chronology" 217 
 
 two volumes. Its translator, Dr. Jolowicz, was a 
 Jewish scholar, to whom Samuel Sharpe had been 
 introduced by Crabb Robinson. 
 
 Samuel Sharpe was circulating at this time a quarto 
 volume of forty-nine lithographed pages, with seven 
 of explanatory letterpress, entitled " Alexandrian 
 Chronology from the Building of the City till its 
 Conquest by the Arabs, A.D. 640." The compila- 
 tion is a work with which he says he had taken a 
 good deal of pains. It represents an immense 
 amount of patient labour and inquiry, setting as it 
 does, in parallel columns, the years before and after 
 Christ, and the years according to other methods of 
 reckoning, — the Olympiads, the era of Menophres, of 
 Nabonassar, the year of Rome, of Alexander's death, 
 of the Selucidae, afterwards of Augustus, of Antioch, 
 and of the new Sothic period. The tables were 
 lithographed by his eldest daughter. The volume 
 was published in 1857, rather for gratuitous distribu- 
 tion than for sale. It was given away to all who 
 valued it ; copies were sent to every college in the 
 Universities, as well as to Libraries in Paris, Berlin, 
 Copenhagen, Rome, Madrid, Turin, Gottingen and 
 other places abroad. Its author regarded it as 
 " having quite established the system of regnal years 
 in Egypt, both before and after the introduction of 
 the Julian leap year." 
 
 Another thin quarto was published in 1858, under 
 the title of " The Triple Mummy Case of Aroeri-ao, 
 an Egyptian Priest, in Dr. Lee's Museum at Hartwell 
 House, Buckinghamshire." It consists of twenty- 
 five pages of Letterpress by Samuel Sharpe, and 
 eight large plates drawn by Mr. Bonomi, and was 
 
2i8 The Spiritual Resurreciion. [Ch. xi. 
 
 published for the Syro-Egyptian Society of London. 
 The cases, with the mummy they held, had been sent 
 to England by Mr. Salt, the British Consul-General 
 in Egypt. They were bought by Mr. Pettigrew, who 
 afterwards sold them to Dr. Lee. The mummy, 
 which was wrapped as usual in linen bandages, was 
 unrolled by Mr. Pettigrew, before a large audience, 
 in the lecture room of the Royal Institution on the 
 30th of May, 1S36. One of the pictures on the outer 
 case represents the blue vault of heaveii, in the shape 
 of the goddess Neith bending over and touching the 
 ground with her arms. Under this vault is the 
 deceased priest, with the two bodies into which death 
 divides him. His earthly body is red, and is falling, 
 his heavenly or spiritual body is blue and stands 
 erect, raising its hands to heaven. This is a pictorial 
 representation of the idea expressed many centuries 
 later by St. Paul, " There is a natural body and there 
 is a spiritual body (i Cor. xv. 44). It contrasts 
 with the older representations in which the spirit 
 returns to the mummy in the form of a bird. That 
 was the more ancient Egyptian view and made the 
 resurrection of the body needful to future existence. 
 This picture belongs, therefore, to a more culti- 
 vated class, or a more enlightened time. " In the 
 opinion of this artist," writes Samuel Sharpe, " the 
 resurrection of the earthly body would seem un- 
 necessary." So early, therefore, had the deep spiritual 
 insight of the Egyptian priests superseded the mate- 
 rialistic doctrine still taught in the Apostles Creed. 
 In all the relics of the ancient world there is nothing 
 more beautiful than this pictured teaching of the 
 revelation which awaits us all, when the immortal 
 
i8s9.] Old Testament Revision. 219 
 
 rises from the death of the mortal, and finds the 
 heaven which broods over it no longer cold and 
 empty, but warmed and filled with the presence and 
 the life of the encompassing God. 
 
 While this beautiful volume was going through the 
 press, its author had turned his attention from this 
 remote antiquity to the questions of the day, and 
 published in the Bankers' Magazine an article on 
 Decimal Coinage, in which he took the view that 
 our present system is more convenient for retail 
 trade than the decimal system, and that the value of 
 the penny could not be changed without much in- 
 convenience and injustice to the humbler classes. 
 
 Meanwhile, the work of amending and correct- 
 ing his translation of the New Testament was never 
 arrested. He turned to it from time to time as 
 opportunity arose, and, indeed, from this time forth, 
 that and the Revision of the Old Testament may be 
 said to have been the chief interest and occupation 
 of his life. A fourth edition, lower in price, and of 
 2,000 copies was issued in 1859. He records with 
 satisfaction that his translation "was all this time 
 gaining some little notice, and this edition was very 
 much praised by the orthodox reviews." He adds 
 with equal satisfaction, " Bagster, the publisher of 
 Bibles, had called the third edition a soul-destroy- 
 ing book, but it was gaining approval for its im- 
 partiality." He had offered copies of it to the 
 authorities of the orthodox colleges at Cheshunt 
 and St. John's Wood, but the gift had been declined. 
 The fact is the better worth recording, because 
 fifteen or twenty years later the same book met 
 with ready acceptance from the same persons, 
 
220 Promoting Biblical Studies. [Ch. xi. 
 
 who seemed to have learned in the interval that 
 there is nothing irreverent or dangerous in the 
 attempt to present the writings of apostles and 
 evangelists in the English language, with as near an 
 approach to the original as impartial scholarship 
 can give. 
 
 Another effort to promote Biblical studies is re- 
 corded by himself. 
 
 I had for some years past been giving prizes to the students 
 at the Carmarthen College,* and the Home Missionary 
 Board at Manchester for knowledge of Biblical History, 
 Geography and Antiquities. To Carmarthen, at the request 
 of the Examiners, I every year sent a list of questions. 
 To the money prizes at the Home Missionary Board, I 
 usually added copies of my " History of Egypt." I had 
 offered prizes on the same subjects to the students of 
 Manchester New College, but after some correspondence 
 they were declined by the Secretary and Principal. They 
 asked me to change the subjects of my offered prizes, but 
 that I refused to do. I had always kept the students of 
 Manchester New College and the Home Missionary Board 
 suppHed with copies of my New Testament and I some- 
 times sent a stock to Carmarthen College. 
 
 In the next year he severed his connection with 
 the old chapel at Newington Green, which he had 
 regularly attended for eight-and-twenty years, and 
 joined the small body of Unitarians who were then 
 
 * Carmarthen College is an old Presbyterian foundation in 
 which Unitarian and Orthodox meet together on equal terms. 
 The Theological Professor is Orthodox, but its Principal, who 
 is also Professor of Hebrew, Greek, and the New Testament, 
 is Dr. Vance Smith, the learned and accomplished repre- 
 sentative of the Unitarians on the Revision Committee. 
 
i86o.] Gothic Architecture. 221 
 
 meeting in a hired room in Islington. The old chapel 
 in Carter Lane had been sold, and with the proceeds 
 the present Unity Church and schoolroom in Upper 
 Street, Islington, were being built. Samuel Sharpe 
 disliked Gothic for Unitarian Chapels. He once 
 met Gibson, the sculptor, at Mr. Bonomi's, when 
 the artist held forth in the most amusing though 
 in the most dogmatic fashion, giving nobody else 
 room to slip in a word. He talked of his coloured 
 statues, of his lady pupils, and among other things 
 of architecture. "The Gothic architecture," said 
 Gibson, " came from the barbarians and is fit for 
 the barbarians ; and of one thing I am quite certain, 
 if there is an architecture in heaven it will be the 
 Greek architecture." With Gibson's objection to 
 Gothic our author at least thoroughly sympathized. 
 He thought it to be inconsistent with the sim- 
 plicity of the Unitarian worship. He regularly 
 attended the Islington services, and had the greatest 
 respect for and sympathy with the minister, the 
 Rev. Henry lerson. But when the congregation 
 moved into their Gothic church, and the minister 
 put on his gown, and the prayers became liturgical, 
 he and his family went down to Stamford Street for 
 simpler worship. 
 
 The last few years had been a very trying period. 
 His second son, Albert, had long been in precarious 
 health. For some years consumptive symptoms 
 had been present, and latterly the disease had been 
 fully manifested, and he had spent each winter at 
 Hastings. Beyond attending a little at the office 
 of his uncle Henry in the City, Albert Sharpe had 
 never been strong enough to do much in the way of 
 
2 2 2 Retirement from Business. [Ch. xi. 
 
 business. Had he recovered he would have joined 
 his brother in the Bank, but he became gradually- 
 worse, and died at Christmas, 1857. Three years 
 and a half later his eldest brother Frederick, whose 
 health had never been robust, was carried off by a 
 sudden attack of the same disease. The loss of 
 both his sons at the early ages of nineteen and 
 twenty-six made an important change in their 
 father's life. He had retired from business before 
 Frederick's death, and himself records why the 
 resolution was come to and how it was carried out. 
 
 During these latter years I had been far from well, and 
 I felt the anxiety of business too much for me. As I be- 
 came more important in the firm my hours of attendance 
 had lessened, but my cares had increased. I was not 
 able, with comfort, to take any long holiday ; and in 1861, 
 at Lady-Day, I finally quitted the Banking House in 
 Clement's Lane, Lombard Street, at which I had attended 
 regularly for more than forty-fiive years. I left behind my 
 late partners, including my son Frederick and also Mr. 
 John Warren. But the consequence was very unfortunate. 
 My son died within the year ; Mr. John Warren shortly 
 retired to join another partnership ; and the survivors sold 
 the business to an insolvent Joint Stock Company called 
 the British Bank. This soon stopped payment, and so 
 came to an end a Banking House which had been a credit 
 to everybody connected with it for exactly one hundred 
 years. 
 
 Here there has to be recorded one of the most 
 striking resolutions to which any successful man of 
 business ever came. He had lived far within his 
 income, and had brought up all his children in the 
 habits of economy which he had chosen for himself. 
 
i86i.] A Noble Resolution. 223 
 
 He had often told them that they would thank him 
 more for their inexpensive tastes than for any 
 fortune he might leave them. They were, however, 
 amply provided for, the motive for saving was 
 removed, and there was no reason why the whole of 
 his yearly income should not be spent. But how 
 spent, was the question. Most men would have 
 resolved to spend it in a larger house, in more 
 company, in travel, perhaps in public life. They 
 would have allowed themselves more pleasures, more 
 indulgences, more personal and family enjoyment 
 of their ample means. But Samuel Sharpe did 
 nothing of this kind ; and the choice he made, which 
 cannot be better described than in his own simple 
 words, gives him at once a very high rank among 
 the benefactors of his time. Writing of it in 1879, 
 the year in which he reached fourscore, he says : — 
 
 I entered business, the youngest in the firm, with a very 
 small capital. I saw at once that by the death of partners 
 responsibility would always be growing upon me, and that 
 it was my duty to live economically and to prepare for it 
 by laying by money. When sixty years old my health 
 failed, and I went out of business. Elder relations had 
 left me money, and when I withdrew my capital and 
 
 invested it I found myself possessed of a-year, 
 
 with the habit of spending one-third of it, or less. My 
 children were dropping around me, and I did not wish to 
 change my quiet habits. I saw the folly and even the 
 wickedness of accumulating without a rational motive, and 
 I seriously turned over in my mind how to spend money 
 usefully. Besides ordinary charities, the three lines then 
 open to me were, to print and give away my books, which 
 were of a class very little saleable ; to help University 
 College which I saw was moving the education of the 
 
2 24 Liberal Gifts of Money. [Ch. xi. 
 
 nation ; and, thirdly, to help the unpopular cause of 
 Unitarianism.* 
 
 I began giving small sums freely to Unitarian appeals for 
 help to chapels, meaning to set an example which I hoped 
 might be followed, of giving ;^io or;^2o in place of the 
 former ;Q'^ ; and ;^ioo or ^^50 in place of the former 
 ^20. This example, I am glad to see, has often been 
 followed. 
 
 My translation of the Bible and " History of th,e Hebrew 
 Nation " cost nearly ;^2oo a-year to give every Dissenting 
 student for the ministry whose college would accept such 
 gifts. 
 
 In thus giving away money- my daughters nobly 
 encouraged me, and were quite content with our quiet 
 inexpensive way of living. 
 
 Those are the simple terms in which this munifi- 
 cent friend of unsectarian education and rational 
 religion records the benefactions of twenty years. 
 That he looked back with deep satisfaction on this 
 use of his money may be taken for granted. But he 
 made no boast of his charities. Very few of the 
 supporters of University College know how greatly 
 that institution is indebted to him. Many pleasing 
 acknowledgments of this indebtedness have, how- 
 ever, been made from time to time, and one of the 
 class rooms is called by his name. In addition to 
 his actual gifts, he assisted many boys to get their 
 education at University College School ; and the 
 private help he gave to many other persons and 
 families in procuring educational advantages for 
 them, which were far beyond their own means, ex- 
 
 * Up to the year 1879 he had given University College about 
 ;£i,ooo a-year ; ^20,000 in all. 
 
1 86 1.] Zeal for Unitarianism. 225 
 
 tended over a large area and reached a considerable 
 sum every year. 
 
 This great development of a liberality in gifts of 
 money which had always distinguished him, was 
 simultaneous with a considerable increase in his 
 service of Unitarian Christianity. In this, too, it is 
 best to describe his motive in his own words. 
 
 Being now at leisure, I gave more attention to the attempt 
 which was always being made by some of us to spread 
 Unitarian opinions ; to this indeed many of my literary 
 doings had been very much directed. I often attended 
 and spoke at the quarterly meetings of the London Dis- 
 trict Society, and occasionally lectured on Biblical subjects 
 such as the mistranslations in the authorized New Testa- 
 ment, and the age of the several parts of the Pentateuch. 
 I also wrote more in the Unitarian periodical papers, and 
 occasionally invited to my house the students of Manchester 
 New College. I felt that the spread of our unpopular 
 opinions was a great and good cause, and as I was in- 
 dependent of the world's frowns or smiles, I could not do 
 anything more useful than give my countenance to that 
 course of action. Since the Dissenters' Chapels Bill had 
 passed in 1844, the popular prejudices on the subject had 
 been very much lessened, and the path was more open for 
 the spread of theological truth. The chief hindrance now 
 was that such an attempt was not genteel. 
 
 Among the efforts thus undertaken was that of 
 establishing a Unitarian Chapel at Hastings. The 
 family had, unfortunately, much to do with that 
 pleasant watering place. Albert had spent several 
 winters there with some of his sisters for companions, 
 and soon after his death, his youngest sister, Eleanor, 
 showed symptoms of the same fatal disease. She, 
 
 Q 
 
226 Unitarianism at Hastings. [Ch. xi. 
 
 too, had to be sent to Hastings for the winter ; and 
 though she was usually accompanied by her eldest 
 sister, all the other members of the family, the father 
 among them, were frequent visitors. They were not 
 accustomed to neglect public worship, but highly 
 appreciated its value for instruction, consolation 
 and inward renewal* yet as earnest believers in 
 Unitarian Christianity they were unable to join with 
 profit in Trinitarian services. If Jesus Christ is not 
 God, he is not a proper object of worship. If the 
 doctrine of the Atonement is a superstitious dream of 
 the middle ages, teaching which is permeated with it 
 is more shocking than it is edifying ; and prayers 
 which assume it and are based upon it can have 
 no meaning to those who disbelieve and reject it. 
 Hence the necessity for special Unitarian services, and 
 hence the justification of the separate existence of 
 the Unitarian body. With this feeling. Miss Emily 
 Sharpe endeavoured to establish a Unitarian -congre- 
 gation at Hastings. A few resident Unitarians 
 assembled in a room and one of them read a service 
 to the rest. After a few years they engaged a 
 minister jointly with the old congregation at Battle ; 
 and in 1868 they were able to build a chapel, with the 
 help of subscriptions from others. The chapel is a 
 permanent memorial of the visits of the family from 
 Highbury Place to this warm and sheltered and 
 beautiful portion of the Sussex coast. 
 
 It is difficult to give any vivid impression of the 
 vast and varied activity by which Samuel Sharpe 
 filled up the void which the giving up of his work 
 in the City would otherwise have left. No man who 
 has spent five-and-forty years in active city work can 
 
1 862.] Old Testament Translation. 227 
 
 wisely leave it off, while his powers are still substan- 
 tially unimpaired, unless he has some resource in 
 public work or private study. Men who have no 
 such interests to occupy their minds and fill up their 
 leisure, are very likely to lose their faculties, to 
 break down in health, or to creep back in some way 
 or other to their old haunts and their accustomed 
 work. Samuel Sharpe had plenty of interests, and 
 he turned with new zest to them all. The first few 
 years after he retired from business were almost the 
 busiest, and in a literary sense they were the most 
 productive of his life. Perhaps it was in the varied 
 character of his pursuits that he found the secret of 
 that freshness of mind, which, in addition to the 
 promptitude and decision which business gives, he 
 brought with him out of his forty-five years of bank- 
 ing, and carried with him through his remaining 
 twenty years of studious leisure. One looks with 
 wonder at a man who, having in the intervals of 
 business not only mastered the hieroglyphics of 
 Egypt and written the history of that mysterious 
 land, but completed his knowledge of Greek and re- 
 translated the New Testament, could betake himself 
 at the age of sixty-three to the study of Hebrew and 
 the revision of the English version of the Old Testa- 
 ment. Yet this is how Mr, Sharpe became a Trans- 
 lator of the Bible. 
 
 His eldest daughter says of this change : — " None 
 but those who lived with him during his more than 
 twenty years of Egyptian study could understand 
 how naturally and insensibly these researches were 
 leading him to a close grammatical study of the 
 old Hebrew writings. The Jews of primitive times 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 Egypt and the Bible. [Ch. XI. 
 
 migrated out of Egypt under Moses, therefore it 
 was amongst the earhest laws of the Jews that traces 
 of Egyptian civilization and opinions must be sought 
 for. Again, the Jews during the whole time of their 
 monarchy were alternately trading with Egypt and 
 quarrelling with Egypt, therefore in the • Books of 
 Kings and of Chronicles, and through the Prophets, 
 here and there, might an historian of Egypt expect 
 to collect many scattered particulars. Further, the 
 Hebrew Scriptures were first translated into a Gentile 
 language in Egypt, the Apocryphal Books were 
 chiefly written in Egypt, and the Gnostic opinions 
 that were to overcloud Christianity almost as soon 
 as it appeared, were but a Jewish graft upon the 
 Egyptian superstitions. Therefore, whether the 
 student is busy upon the more ancient or upon the 
 later and Christian periods of Egyptian history, it is 
 to the pages of the Bible that he turns for explana- 
 tions and for additions to his meagre materials, and 
 in doing this he is met at every turn by the need of 
 an amended translation. Nor was it any use to wait 
 patiently for a New Translation. The theologian 
 and the man of poetical mind might best re-translate 
 the doctrinal parts and the grand poetry of the 
 Bible. But no one but the antiquarian could correct 
 the translation of those geographical and historical 
 chapters which he needed most in his work of com- 
 pilation. Therefore there was nothing for it but to 
 re-translate the Bible himself He hesitated and 
 delayed for several years, saying that it was too 
 great a task, but that he should certainly undertake 
 it as soon as he grew younger. But finding that this 
 did not come to pass, he began." 
 
i86i-4.] "Hebrew Scriptures Translated." 229 
 
 His own account of it is in the simple style, with- 
 out the least particle of self-consciousness or boasting, 
 in which his resolutions on the spending of his in- 
 come are recorded. Speaking of the years from 1861 
 to 1 864 he says : — 
 
 During these years I had rather neglected hieroglyphics, 
 and turned to the study of Hebrew. I had forty years 
 before learned the alphabet, and very little more than 
 enough to enable me to look for a word in the dictionary, 
 but now I turned to it in earnest, and began to translate 
 the Bible. I added to a copy of the Authorized Version 
 a large margin on which I made the corrections I pro- 
 posed. By the time I had got to the end, I, of course 
 found that many of the corrections were wrong and had to 
 be altered. When that was done and this copy thus 
 spoilt, I got a second copy with similar margins, and trans- 
 lated the whole a second time. When I reached the end, 
 this also had to be again corrected, but not so much but 
 that it was in a state to send it to the printer. Frojn this, 
 in 1865, I published- my "Hebrew Scriptures Translated." 
 It met with some success. My New Testament had been 
 dispersed over the land by sale or gifts to the number of 
 8,000 copies, and had thus prepared the way for the Old 
 Testament. It was, however, published at a price below 
 what it cost. The low price at which the Bible Society 
 sells the Authorized Version makes it necessary that another 
 version should not be charged much higher. Indeed, the 
 only chance of mending the world in theology is by address- 
 ing the arguments to those that are not rich. The wealthy 
 and well-educated are more shut up from such knowledge 
 by the bonds of fashion than the poor are by their 
 ignorance. 
 
 The statement that he had "rather neglected 
 hieroglyphics " must be taken quite in the qualified 
 
230 Egyptian Antiquities in Museum. [Ch. XI. 
 
 form in which it stands. He had published in 1861 
 another edition of his Hieroglyphical Vocabulary. 
 It was entitled " Hieroglyphics, being an attempt to 
 explain their Nature, Origin and Meaning." In 
 three or four important characters he differed from 
 most of the students of hieroglyphics, and though 
 they had the ear of the world, he desired to put his 
 own views on permanent record because he had 
 adopted them deliberately and after full inquiry, and 
 had full confidence in them. In the next year, 1862, 
 he published " Egyptian Antiquities in the British 
 Museum Described." In this work he mentioned all 
 the objects to which he thought he could put a date. 
 It contained numerous woodcuts drawn by Mr. 
 Bonomi upon the wood, and by his daughter Emily. 
 This volume was the more interesting because it 
 exhibited very clearly his differences from the 
 orthodox interpreters of the Egyptian monuments. 
 He says : — 
 
 I did not adopt either the names or the dates placed, 
 upon the objects by Mr. Birch, the keeper. This probably 
 checked its sale. At any rate it did not gain his counte- 
 nance. But my aim was to correct opinions which I thought 
 mistaken. I was as much a Dissenter in Egyptian studies, 
 as in Theology. 
 
 His dissent in Egyptian studies was, however, like 
 that in Theology, entirely based on differences of 
 interpretation. Just as he kept the Scriptures, but 
 read in them other meanings than those which the 
 Scribes and Pharisees of ecclesiastical tradition have 
 forced upon them, so he kept the sculptured scrip- 
 tures of Egypt, but disagreed with the accepted 
 
i862.] Controversy with Sir G. C. Lewis. 231 
 
 interpretation of them. Hence in 1862 he had 
 communicated to the Parthenon, a literary and 
 scientific journal edited by Mr. C. W. Goodwin, the 
 writer of the Essay on the Mosaic Cosmogony in the 
 Essays and Reviews, a series of letters combating the 
 views of Sir George Cornewall Lewis, who had pro- 
 claimed his entire scepticism as to the whole of the 
 supposed Egyptian history. Sir George Lewis went 
 so far as to say that there was no sufficient ground 
 for placing any of the buildings in the Nile valley 
 earlier than the building of Solomon's Temple, 
 1 01 2 B.C. In these letters, which are signed with his 
 initials, Samuel Sharpe gives up to what he calls 
 Sir George Lewis's "just ridicule," the chronology of 
 Lepsius and Bunsen, and speaks of " the wild views 
 of Bunsen's ' Egypt's Place in Universal History ; ' " 
 but at the same time declares that " Sir George 
 Lewis's scepticism would lead us further from the 
 truth than the fanciful theories which he aims to 
 overthrow." It may be worth while to quote from 
 the last of these letters a passage which while it 
 replies to Sir George Lewis on the one hand, indi- 
 cates on the other exactly in what his latest and 
 ripest views on Egyptian chronology differed from 
 those of " the long chronologists " who are still in 
 fashion. 
 
 Every great building and almost every part of a building 
 bears the sculptured name of the king who made it, and often 
 tells us his parentage and something of his pedigree. By the 
 help of these inscriptions we are able to put into a series the 
 names of above thirty Theban Kings. We are enabled to say 
 with the utmost certainty that above half that number reigned 
 in unbroken succession ; and that the Kings who built the 
 Pyramids lived yet earlier. 
 
232 Reply to Sir G. C. Lewis. [Ch. xi. 
 
 The reigns of these, the half of the Theban Kings, must 
 nave occupied more than four hundred years, and the reigns of 
 the whole at least six hundred years, and we are enabled to say 
 with equal certainty that they all reigned in succession before 
 King Shishank who fought against Rehoboam, the son of Solo- 
 mon. Shishank, after his conquest of Judea, and after he had 
 made himself master of Upper Egypt recorded that conquest 
 on the walls of the Theban temples, or the temples raised by 
 the Theban Kings already spoken of who had already passed 
 away. After the time of Shishank, who is mentioned by the 
 Hebrew writers, an interval of two-hundred-and-fifty years 
 brings us to the Kings Sevek or So and Tirhaka, who are 
 again mentioned in the Bible. And even if the Egyptian 
 records be distrusted, by which we fill up these years of civil 
 disturbance and struggles among the cities of the Delta for 
 the mastery of all Egypt, yet it is impossible that to those 
 years can be assigned the reigns of the great Theban Kings 
 or of the Kings who built the Pyramids. Even an examina- 
 tion of the monuments in our British Museum, where we have 
 records of most of the reigns, is almost enough to prove that 
 they reach back for a period of thirty reigns before the time 
 of Solomon. Our earliest monument? cannot be so modern as 
 the year B.C. i6op. The record on the rock near Beyrout 
 proves the march of the Egyptian army through that country 
 under Rameses II., which cannot have taken place after the 
 time of the Judges, as it would othenvise have been noticed by 
 the Hebrew writers. 
 
 These few considerations alone, if properly looked into, 
 absolutely prove that Thebes had risen and fallen from its 
 high estate before the time of Solomon. For this we need not 
 rely upon Manetho, nor upon any reading of hieroglyphics 
 beyond that most simple and certain portion — namely' the 
 reading of the Kings' names. We rely upon the Kings' names 
 and the monumental evidence alone. It is true that Bunsen 
 and Lepsius and other most respectable authorities, who may 
 be called the long chronologists, lengthen out the period of 
 history, thus proved by the monumental evidence, by about 
 fifteen hundred years. They insert a period of two hundred 
 years between the time of Solomon and the reigns of the great 
 Kings of Thebes. They insert a second period of five hun- 
 dred years in the middle of the reigns of the Theban Kings, 
 
12,62.'] Egyptian Mythology and Christianity. 233 
 
 when they suppose that Egypt was governed by the Phoenician 
 shepherds. They insert a third period of eight hundred years 
 between the reigns of the earliest Theban Kings and those 
 Kings of Memphis who built the Pyramids. For these three 
 long periods they have no monumental evidence. They rely 
 upon the figures and periods of time mentioned by Manetho. 
 This lengthened chronology I by no means undertake to defend 
 froni the remarks of Sir G. Lewis ; and in conclusion have 
 only to add that though I think he has undervalued the results 
 of the last half-century's Egyptian studies, yet he has done 
 good service to the cause of science by warning us against 
 taking guesses for certainties and early traditions for history. 
 
 The Egyptian lore was turned to the support of his 
 Theological Dissent in the way he thus describes : — 
 
 In my " History of Egypt " I had been necessarily led 
 to show the Egyptian origin of many of the corruptions of 
 Christianity. But the subject was rather lost in the two 
 large volumes, and in 1863 I published much of the 
 same matter in a smaller form, under the title of " Egyptian 
 Mythology and' Egyptian Christianity" with their 'influence 
 on the opinions of modern Christians. To this I added 
 the woodcuts which had been made for my other books. 
 In this, as in my History, I had the direct aim of under- 
 mining orthodoxy ; but I did it only by the statement of 
 facts. I never hinted disapproval, but, when necessary, 
 stated it openly. As this gave no direct offence, my views 
 were never opposed or answered ; the orthodox took the 
 wiser course of leaving them to neglect, which was too 
 much their fate. But as I chose to speak in favour of 
 what I thought the truth, I had no reason to complain. I 
 had only to be patient and to persevere. 
 
 Another publication, one of the most complete 
 and exquisitely finished in which he was engaged, 
 was undertaken, in conjunction with Mr. Bonomi, in 
 this same period of partial neglect of hieroglyphics. 
 
234 Belzoni and Mr. Bonomi. [Ch. xi. 
 
 Mr. Bonomi, who was then the Keeper of Sir John 
 Soane's Museum in Lincoln's Inn Fields, had been 
 occupied for more than a year in copying and litho- 
 graphing the hieroglyphics on the alabaster sarco- 
 phagus disentombed by Belzoni at the Biban el 
 Molook or Valley of Kings Tombs in 1815. 
 
 There are still men living who remember the 
 exhibition which Belzoni gave of his Egyptian 
 treasures, to the London public, during all that 
 winter. He had fitted up a room of the shape and 
 size of the rock tomb he had unburied in the hills 
 of Thebes, and after painting its inner walls in imita- 
 tion of the gorgeous interior of that sepulchre, he 
 placed the royal ornaments and relics he had brought 
 to England, in almost the actual position in which he 
 had discovered them. The exhibition was visited by 
 all the scholars and the curious of the nation. Sir 
 John Soane, the Architect, bought the sarcophagus 
 from Belzoni, and set it up in his house in Lincoln's 
 Inn Fields, where he left it after his death, together 
 with his statues, pictures, vases and library of archi- 
 tecture to the care of trustees who should keep it 
 open as a public museum. Mr. Bonomi had known 
 his countryman Belzoni in early years. He had. 
 seen this clever adventurer perform as an acrobat 
 before admiring audiences. Mr. Bonomi, like Belzoni, 
 had searched the Egyptian temples and tombs, when 
 he was living amongst them for ten years, employed 
 as an artist by Messrs. Burton and Salt. Therefore, 
 when late in life Mr. Bonomi came to be elected 
 curator of Sir John Soane's Museum, it was a con- 
 genial task to him to copy and to lithograph the 
 hieroglyphics upon this richly carved sarcophagus. 
 
1 866.] A Son of Rameses II. 235 
 
 and he did the work with the minutest care. The 
 pictures thus most carefully copied form a series of 
 nineteen folio plates. They were published under 
 the title of " the Alabaster Sarcophagus of Oimenep- 
 thah I., Kiiig of Egypt ; " and are accompanied by 
 five-and-forty pages of descriptive letter-press by 
 Samuel Sharpe. An appendix sets forth his reasons 
 for differing from the received Egyptian chronology. 
 Samuel Sharpe was conscious all this time that 
 the enthusiasm which, characterized all his work 
 was turning from its old Egyptian field to that of 
 Biblical translation and research. This was the 
 chief interest and absorbing occupation of his latter 
 years. Egypt and its antiquities were never 
 altogether neglected, but they became less and less, 
 and Palestine and the Hebrew history and" literature 
 became more. His Egyptian researches became 
 subservient to his Bible studies, and proved of im- 
 mense value in throwing light on Biblical problems. 
 There are no signs of the occupation of his busy pen 
 with anything Egyptian for the next half-dozen 
 years. In 1866, however, he showed his continued 
 interest in the subject by a very handsome and costly 
 present to the British Museum. This was an Egyp- 
 tian statue of a son of Rameses II., in hard grit- 
 stone, standing and very nearly perfect. " I had 
 had," he says, "ample opportunities of judging its 
 worth. The Trustees had refused to purchase it, 
 and I thought myself fortunate in being of use to 
 the national collection in a matter for which my 
 studies had qualified me." The statue cost him about 
 five hundred pounds, and he considered it well worth 
 the money. 
 
236 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 TEN YEARS OF THEOLOGICAL PROGRESS. 
 
 The ten years from i860 to 1870 were a period 
 of much excitement and very definite progress in 
 theological matters in England. A decade which 
 began with the agitation evoked by the mild heresies 
 of the " Essays and Reviews," and which ended with 
 the proposal of the Southern Convocation for a 
 revised translation of the Scriptures, was necessarily 
 one in which every friend of free inquiry in theology 
 had much to interest and encourage him. The 
 "Essays and Reviews" were published in i860. 
 There was nothing in the book with which every 
 Unitarian had not been long familiar. There was 
 little in -it which did not at once commend itself to 
 the common-sense and the natural religious feeling 
 of the great bulk of educated laymen in the 
 Established Church. A sense of astonishment rose 
 in the minds of the vast majority of those who read 
 the book at the anger and excitement it aroused in 
 clerical circles. The Essayists themselves were 
 probably the most surprised of all, and the prosecu- 
 tions and persecutions which followed did not find 
 some of them at all worthy to be leaders in the new 
 reformation which they dimly foreshadowed. 
 
i86o.] "Essays and Reviews." 237 
 
 It is needless to say that the" Essays and Reviews " 
 were read with complete sympathy by the heretical 
 scholar at Highbury. He gladly joined in the sub- 
 scription raised by Mr. Thomas Scott, of Ramsgate, 
 for the defence of the Rev. H. B. Wilson in the pro- 
 secution to which he was subjected. Similar help 
 was offered to Dr. Rowland Williams. Dr. Temple 
 needed no such aid. He seemed inclined at first to 
 take an active part in the liberal theological move- 
 ment of the time ; but he was made a Bishop in 
 1869, and has been careful ever since to let his 
 Churchmanship and orthodoxy appear. He was 
 thus lost to theological liberalism, drowned, as people 
 said, in the See of Exeter. Mr. C. W. Goodwin, 
 author of the Essay on " the Mosaic Cosmogony," 
 had become acquainted with Samuel Sharpe through 
 a common interest in Egyptian studies. As a lay- 
 man he had not the same reason for shyness towards 
 Unitarians which affects the clergy. He was a fre- 
 quent visitor at Highbury Place, and when Samuel 
 Sharpe and his brother-in-law Mr. Edwin Field 
 established a course of Biblical Lectures at Univer- 
 sity Hall, Mr. Goodwin consented to be one of the 
 Lecturers, together with Dr. Martineau, the Rev. J. J. 
 Tayler, Professor Marks, Samuel Sharpe himself, and 
 others. One day Mr. Goodwin went up to Highbury 
 to carry a piece of real news. It was rumoured that 
 a Bishop was coming out among the heretics ; and 
 it was thought that the publication of his book would 
 cause a greater commotion than even the " Essays 
 and Reviews." There was a little disappointment in 
 the public mind when it proved that the courageous 
 prelate was only a Colonial Bishop, though the agi- 
 
238 Bishop Colenso on the Pentateuch. [Ch. xil. 
 
 tation caused by the publication of the first part 
 of Bishop Colenso's work on the Pentateuch and the 
 Book of Joshua quite justified the anticipations 
 respecting it. This conscientious and courageous 
 book raised a still greater storm than the Essays, 
 and, unlike some of the Essayists, the high-minded 
 and enlightened Bishop refused to trim his sails 
 to the ecclesiastical weather. His faithfulness to 
 his convictions gained for him the respect of all 
 who can appreciate heroism, whether they agree with 
 his opinions or not. That respect, and the knowledge 
 that he has done much to advance the true knowledge 
 of the Jewish histories, have hitherto been Bishop 
 Colenso's only reward. He is one of the noble band 
 of men, some of whom are born as the salt of the 
 earth in every age, who are willing to suffer for what 
 they believe to be the truth. 
 
 Writing in 1869 of the Bishop and his work, 
 Samuel Sharpe, under the date of 1864, says : — 
 
 I became acquainted with Bishop Colenso first by meet- 
 ing him one evening in company, and then by spending 
 two days with him at Dr. Lee's house at Hartwell. I was 
 very much impressed with his frank honesty of purpose, 
 and was glad to be of use to him, or rather to the cause of 
 Biblical criticism, by lecturing sometimes on the Penta- 
 teuch and by writing against his opponents. A number of 
 Bishops had last year agreed, on the proposal of the 
 Speaker, to issue a Commentary on the Bible, which 
 should have their joint approval, and set at rest all doubts 
 that Dr. Colenso had raised. I have several times called 
 the attention of the public through the newspapers to this 
 promise, but even now, in 1869, it has not yet made its 
 appearance. The Bishops promised an impossibility ; 
 namely, that they would get scholars to write such 
 
1864.] Correspondence with Bishop Colenso. 239 
 
 opinions on the subject as the divines should declare 
 orthodox. 
 
 The Speaker, afterwards Lord Ossington, did not 
 live to see the work he had suggested carried very- 
 far. Samuel Sharpe, however, saw the greater 
 part of it published, and the fulfilment of his 
 anticipation in its uselessness and failure. In 
 Bishop Colenso's later visits to England he gladly 
 renewed the acquaintance pleasantly begun at Dr. 
 Lee's hospitable house at Hartwell. An occasional 
 correspondence took place between them, extending 
 over several years. The Bishop's letters, some of 
 which are of considerable length, contain very care- 
 ful and detailed arguments in support of some of his 
 own critical conclusions which his correspondent at 
 Highbury was unwilling to accept. Mr. Sharpe held, 
 contrary to the views of Graf, Kuenen, Reuss, 
 Kalisch, and the Bishop of Natal, that the cere- 
 monial laws in Leviticus and Numbers were in all 
 probability written in the century and a half before 
 the end of the reign of Hezekiah. Many of his 
 arguments in favour of this view were based on the 
 historical veracity of the two Books of Chronicles, 
 which Bishop Colenso regards as utterly untrust- 
 worthy, except where the Chronicler has copied from 
 the Books of Samuel and Kings, and in a few other 
 particulars. There are many other smaller points of 
 divergence, but these are the chief; and the Bishop's 
 letters deal with the various points with that minute 
 care which characterizes all his criticisms, and with 
 an earnest desire, as expressed in his own words, 
 "that we who labour in this field should come 
 to agreement as soon as possible and as far as 
 
240 The Hibbert Trust. [Ch. xil. 
 
 possible, and should avow our agreement, since union 
 gives strength in this domain also, and want of har- 
 mony between critics on minor points is used as a 
 specious argument by the ignorant and indifferent, to 
 depreciate all the results of modern criticism." 
 There is no reason to believe that this controversial 
 correspondence led to any considerable modification 
 of divergent views on either side. The letters, how- 
 ever, confirmed the friendly feelings of the two 
 students towards each other, and left behind a 
 strengthened and heightened estimate of the laborious 
 earnestness, the complete sincerity, and the admirable 
 courage and consistency of the enlightened Bishop. 
 
 Being asked by the Hibbert Trustees in 1863 to 
 examine their students in the Greek of the New 
 Testament, and the Bible generally, in place of his 
 friend Mr. James Yates, Samuel Sharpe accepted the 
 duty because, as he says, it enabled him " to press 
 these subjects, the latter in particular, upon the 
 students, and through them, on their tutors in Man- 
 chester New College." He was afterwards invited to 
 become a trustee of the Hibbert Fund, but declined 
 to do so in the belief that he could do more good as 
 an Examiner. It was unfortunate that he did not 
 join the Trust. Some years later he sympathized 
 strongly with many Unitarians who greatly regretted 
 the use made by the Trustees of the large funds 
 which had been entrusted to them for Anti-Trini- 
 tarian purposes. The examinations were undertaken 
 as serious work, and he continued them, with much 
 satisfaction, for eight years. 
 
 This year there is a glimpse of holiday occupa- 
 tions : — 
 
1863.] An Ancient British Town. 241 
 
 While spending a few weeks this summer at St. 
 Albans to be near Mr. Bonorai, I made what I thought 
 an interesting discovery of the limits of the British town 
 of the Cassii, which Julius Caesar fought against and took. 
 I sent an account of this to Notes and Queries, and two 
 years afterwards to the Archasological Society. 
 
 This paper was read to the Archaeological Society 
 by Mr. James Yates, F.R.S. It says : — 
 
 I was led to the inquiry by coming upon the " Beech 
 Bottom," a very remarkable ditch, about a mile long, which 
 may be compared to a deep railway cutting, with earth 
 thrown up on both sides, though chiefly southwards, or to- 
 wards the town of St. Albans. Its depth may vary from 
 twenty to thirty feet. Its banks are covered with woods. It 
 is so obviously an ancient military work that I was naturally 
 led to search for traces of its continuation, and the con- 
 clusion I came to was that the fortified area was about two 
 miles and a quarter long and a mile and three-quarters broad, 
 enclosing the town of St. Albans. Its breadth is measured 
 on the high road from London to Dunstable, and its length, 
 at right angles to that road by a line from the river, through 
 the Abbey Church, towards the town of Sandridge. Caesar, 
 in his " Commentaries on the Gallic War," describes the city 
 of Cassivelaunus as fortified by woods and marshes, and 
 then holding a large number of men and cattle that had 
 come there as a place of safety. And to explain what a 
 British town was to his Roman readers, who might expect to 
 hear of buildings or at least of dwellings of some kind, he 
 observes that when the Britons have fortified, with bank and 
 ditch, woods which were otherwise nearly impassable, so that 
 they might take refuge there from an incursion of their enemies, 
 they called the place a town. He adds that the town of 
 Cassivelaunus was in this manner excellently fortified, both 
 by nature and art ; and that when he took the plaice he 
 found there a large number of cattle. Csesar does not give a 
 name to the town, but it was probably called Verulam, the 
 name given by the Romans to their fortified camp in the 
 neighbourhood. The name of the tribe the Cassii, and that 
 
 R 
 
242 Roman London. [Ch.xii. 
 
 of their leader Cassivelaunus may yet be traced in Cassiobury, 
 the name of the hundred in which St. Albans stands. . . . 
 
 Except at the "Beech Bottom" already described, the 
 British ditch has been very much filled up and its space 
 reclaimed for the purposes of agriculture, and the yearly 
 ploughing has given it an appearance of a natural depression 
 in the ground. But here and there we find traces of art 
 sufficiently clear to enable us to follow the line of work on the 
 map. From the west end of " Beech Bottom," it meets the 
 river Ver, opposite to St. Michael's Church ; this is its north- 
 west limit. Its south-eastern side begins at Sopwell Mills, on 
 the same river, passing by Camp House. It then turns to 
 the north, crosses the Hatfield Road, and joins the northern 
 end of " Beech Bottom" at the Sandridge road. 
 
 He concludes that we have in the Beech. Bottom 
 the oldest work of the hand of man in these islands ; 
 the only one that can be shown to have been made 
 before Cffisar landed on our shores. 
 
 These antiquarian researches naturally had great 
 charm for the historian of Egypt. A few years before 
 this holiday discovery he had followed with much care 
 the attempt of his friend Mr. Arthur Taylor to fix 
 the site and limits of Roman London at its earliest 
 date. He arrived .with Mr. Taylor at the conclusion 
 that it was much smaller than it is usually described 
 to be, a narrow ellipse, according to the fashion of 
 a Roman camp. East and west it reached from 
 St. Dunstan's to Walbrook, while north and south it 
 was included in the space between Fenchurch Street 
 and Thames Street. 
 
 It was through his able and energetic brother-in- 
 law Mr. Edwin Field that Samuel Sharpe was led to 
 take a strong interest in the working of University 
 College. In the leisure of his later years he had be- 
 come able to devote some of his time to this valu- 
 
1 866.] Gifts to University College. 243 
 
 able institution. He began by planning with Mr. 
 Atkinson, the secretary, and with some of the pro- 
 fessors of the College, a few courses of evening 
 lectures open to the public at very moderate fees. 
 This experiment would, of course, need money to 
 carry it through, as the Lecturers could not expect 
 much remuneration from their pupils. A donation 
 towards this scheme was the first of Mr. Sharpe's 
 gifts to the College. These gifts resulted in his 
 election on the Council of the College in 1866. "I 
 gained their notice," he says, in recording the elec- 
 tion, "by a donation towards the establishment of 
 evening classes. I was put on the Committee of 
 , Management, and rarely absented myself from their 
 meetings, and I gave a second sum of money 
 towards enlarging the building. This had become 
 necessary from the increase of the number of 
 students ; and a portion of the south wing was soon 
 afterwards built." The second sum of money 
 thus modestly spoken of was a gift of ;^ 6,000. 
 The question of ways and means was under dis- 
 cussion, and there seemed to be no chance of carry- 
 ing out the necessary improvement, when Mr. Sharpe 
 quietly said, to the surprise of all his colleagues, 
 that he would give that amount. The new school 
 buildings were at once erected by means of this 
 splendid gift. At a later period he gave ^5,000 
 towards the extension of the college buildings. To 
 the Fund for retired Professors he contributed 
 ;^3,500; and one of the pleasures of his later years 
 was the carrying out of a proposal to catalogue the 
 library, which he did at a cost of ;^ 1,000. The 
 glazing of the cloisters was also done at his ex- 
 
 R 2 
 
244 The Chair of Philosophy. [Ch. xil. 
 
 pense ; and for some years he paid the fees at the 
 school of a considerable number of boys. 
 
 His election to the Council of University College 
 made him a witness of one of the most painful con- 
 troversies which have taken place in connection with 
 that institution. The retirement in June, 1866, of 
 Dr. Hoppus, an Independent minister, who had held 
 the chair of Mental Philosophy and Logic from the 
 foundation of the College, rendered necessary the 
 appointment, of a successor by the Council. The 
 Senate of Professors reported that the Rev. James 
 Martineau was the most eligible candidate. The 
 Council, however, rejected him by the casting-vote 
 of the chairman, Lord Belper ; and Mr. Croom 
 Robertson, whom the Senate, on a second reference 
 by the Council, had reported as exceedingly well 
 qualified next to Dr. Martineau, was appointed in 
 his stead. The whole story of the controversy and 
 its results is told by Mrs. De Morgan in her admir- 
 able and interesting life of her husband.* Dr. Mar- 
 tineau was rejected because he was an eminent 
 Unitarian, and Professor De Morgan resigned his 
 Professorship because the College had thus ignored 
 and contradicted its fundamental principle of abso- 
 lute neutrality in matters of theological belief. Pro- 
 fessor De Morgan, in his letter to the chairman of 
 the Council, resigning his Professorship, told the 
 whole story of this intrigue when he said that 
 in the rejection of Dr. Martineau there were two 
 cross currents. There was an objection to his 
 psychology as well as to his religion ; " the first," 
 
 * Memoir of Augustus De Morgan. By his wife Sophia 
 Elizabeth De Morgan : pages 336 to 361. 
 
i866.] Dr. Martineau' s Candidature. 245 
 
 said Mr. De Morgan, "is too far from atheism to 
 please the philosopher, the second too far removed 
 from orthodoxy to please the priest." It was the 
 philosopher who was most to blame. The Unita- 
 rians on the Council could easily have elected Dr. 
 Martineau, but some of them were forced into a 
 position of neutrality by the charge, which was 
 industriously spread abroad by those who were on 
 the side of Mr. Grote, that Mr. De Morgan and the 
 Unitarians were working to bring in their own candi- 
 date. Samuel Sharpe's brief account in his diary of 
 the voting on the occasion of Dr. Martineau's rejec- 
 tion is of historic interest : — 
 
 When the Senate of University College were considering 
 the merits of the candidates for the Professorship of 
 Mental Philosophy and Logic, they determined that no 
 one could be mentioned as at all equal to the Rev. James 
 Martineau. Dr. Hoppus, the retiring Professor, agreed 
 with this opinion. Professor Seeley, however, proposed to 
 add to the Senate's recommendation the proviso, " if his 
 being a Unitarian Minister is not thought a disqualifica- 
 tion." Professor De Morgan objected to this, and these 
 words were not added. He was simply recommended to 
 the Council as the fittest candidate. 
 
 At the meeting of the Council Mr. George Grote pro- 
 posed a resolution, that any minister of religion was 
 unsuitable for the Professorship ; but this was rejected as 
 ex post facto and unjust. 
 
 At the election, however, Mr. Martineau was rejected. 
 
 There voted for him : — 
 Sir F. Goldsmid, Jew. 
 Dr. Hodgson, Scotch Presbyterian. 
 W. Fowler, Quaker. 
 Myself, S. S., Unitarian. 
 
246 Dr. Martineaus Rejection. [Ch. xil. 
 
 Against him : — 
 
 Mr. George Grote, Broad Church. 
 
 Sir E. Ryan, Broad Church. 
 
 Mr. James, Q.C., Colenso's barrister, Broad Church. 
 
 Mr. Charles, Colenso's barrister, Broad Church. 
 
 Lord Belper, chairman, had been a Unitarian. 
 
 Did not vote : — 
 
 Mr. Busk, Unitarian. 
 Mr. R. Fowler, Quaker. 
 
 Absent : — 
 
 Mr. Edwin Field, Unitarian. 
 Mr. Edward Enfield, Unitarian. 
 Mr. H. Crabb Robinson, Unitarian. 
 
 On the morning after the election Samuel Sharpe 
 went to Hampstead to call on Dr. Martineau's col- 
 league, the Rev. John James Tayler. Dr. Martineau 
 had gone to Scotland for his usual summer holiday 
 among the hills and the heather, but Mr. Tayler had 
 remained behind to await the issue. So many 
 members of the Council were away from home, that 
 Samuel Sharpe found himself the only member 
 present at the election who could carry the details of 
 the transaction to Dr. Martineau's friends. He had, 
 of course, to tell Mr. Tayler not only of the vote, 
 but of the discussion which led up to it, and of the 
 strong view Mr. Grote took against Dr. Martineau^ 
 both because he was a Unitarian, and because he 
 was a minister. He told the story with so much 
 sympathy for Dr. Martineau — from whom he differed, 
 as he did also from Mr. Tayler, as to the use of 
 the word Unitarian, to describe their free, spiritual 
 theology, — that Mr. Tayler exclaimed with warmth, 
 "Almost thou persuadest me to be a Unitarian." 
 
isee.jMr. De Morgan and Dr. Martineau. 247 
 
 When the College re-opened in the autumn, Mr. 
 Sharpe went to hear the opening address of the new 
 Professor, Mr. Croom Robertson, to whom, of course, 
 he had no personal antagonism, or objection. He 
 had no sympathy with the school of Mr. Alexander 
 Bain, to which Mr. Croom Robertson was known to 
 belong, and decidedly leaned to Dr. Martineau's philo- 
 sophical views. But it was not this leaning which had 
 influenced him. His advocacy of the claims of the 
 most eminent member of the Unitarian body to this 
 important chair, was entirely due to his sense of the 
 immense superiority of Dr. Martineau's qualifications 
 over those of all other candidates. He had in view 
 only the interests of the College. Like Professor 
 De Morgan, he was anxious that it should remain 
 faithful to its fundamental principle of religious 
 neutrality ; he had also the further desire that the 
 ablest and most eminent men who could be got 
 should be encouraged to join its Professorate. Mr. 
 Grote, on the other hand, wished his own views to 
 be represented in the teaching of the chair. 
 
 Samuel Sharpe, and the three members of the 
 Council who voted with him, differed from Dr. 
 Martineau in very many respects. Though the 
 comprehensive name of Unitarian included both 
 the eminent Principal of Manchester New College 
 and the author of the History of Egypt, they were 
 far asunder in their mode of reaching kindred con- 
 clusions, and in the form in which they held them. 
 Samuel Sharpe may be spoken of as a Biblical 
 Unitarian. His intensely practical mind, and his 
 business training, joined with his great though 
 rational reverence for the Bible, made him long 
 
248 Philosophical Views. [Ch. XIL 
 
 for definite views expressed in Scripture language. 
 But no Unitarian could be prouder than he was of 
 Dr. Martineau's genius, nor more delighted with his 
 splendid vindication of the spiritual philosophy 
 against the materialism of Bain, and the apparent 
 materialism of Dr. Tyndall and other men of 
 science. He read Miss Cobbe's striking essay on 
 Intuitive Morals with full sympathy, and listened 
 with pleasure to the talk of his friend, Mr. R. W. 
 Mackay, in his enthusiastic exposition and defence of 
 the transcendental philosophy. He could not ascend 
 with Mackay into the higher heaven of Kantian 
 speculation ; but looked up at it with some wonder 
 from below. He admired Channing's writings 
 for the elevation of tone which pervades them, the 
 transcendental glow which shines through them, the 
 presence in every page of that kindling power of 
 disinterested love and faith, the absence of which 
 and the presence in its place of the utilitarian 
 philosophy made some of the older Unitarians so 
 clear and cold. 
 
 The study of the Hebrew Scriptures now began 
 more and more to absorb his time. It fell in with, 
 and was in some degree a continuation of, his Egyp- 
 tian studies. The two lines of inquiry greatly helped 
 each other. The ancient monuments threw light on 
 many obscure passages in the prophets and historians 
 of the Old Testament, and it is one characteristic 
 both of his translation and of his illustrative com- 
 ments that the Egyptologist comes in to the aid of 
 the Biblical critic. In 1866 he published a small 
 volume entitled "Texts from the Holy Bible explained 
 by the help of the Ancient Monuments." This was 
 
1 868.] Hebrew Studies. 249 
 
 a very striking and interesting contribution to a better 
 popular knowledge of what the writers meant. It 
 was illustrated with a large number of woodcuts, 
 chiefly drawn by Mr. Bonomi, with some assistance 
 from Miss Emily Sharpe. It is a little book of 
 permanent value and interest ; from the side-lights 
 it throws upon expressions which were familiar 
 enough when they were written, but which have 
 been made difficult to understand by the changed 
 conditions under which they have now to be read. 
 
 The repeated readings of the Hebrew Bible which 
 were rendered needful by his efforts as a translator 
 led to another work. To go through the Old Testa- 
 ment carefully, making use of the Concordance in 
 order to weigh the exact value of every word, usually 
 took about twelve months. He was thus occupied 
 through the whole of 1867 ; and in 1868 he published 
 a small volume of 72 pages on the Chronology of the 
 reigns of the Hebrew Kings and the texts that sup- 
 ported his arrangement. It contained also a chrono- 
 logy of Christ's Ministry, in which he fixes the date 
 and hour of the Crucifixion as Thursday, April the 
 14th, at noon, the day of the Preparation of the Pass- 
 over. In the next year he published " The History 
 of the Hebrew Nation and its Literature." He 
 described this work as being his former " Historic 
 Notes " treated in an inverse order ; by taking each 
 separate portion of the Hebrew Scriptures in the 
 order of its age and putting it into its place in 
 history, instead of attempting to explain the books 
 one by one as they stand in the Bible, as he does in 
 the " Historic Notes." He had read with some 
 admiration Mr. Francis Newman's " History of the 
 
250 The True Value of the Bible. [Ch. xii. 
 
 Hebrew Monarchy," and had in some degree made 
 that work the model of his own. In the Preface to 
 the first edition of this book his view of the Bible 
 is clearly expressed : — 
 
 The History of the Hebrew Nation must be carefully studied 
 if we would understand the Bible. The Hebrew writings are 
 the well-spring of our religious thoughts, they furnish the key 
 to the Christian Scriptures, and they are the Ark which during 
 so many centuries has held safe from the attacks of Paganism, 
 that great religious truth that the Almighty Creator of the 
 world is One, simple and undivided. But these writings have 
 come down to our time in a very confused condition ; that part 
 of the Bible called the Old Testament contains writings, some 
 of which must be dated in every one of the eleven centuries 
 before the Christian Era. Not only are they put together with 
 very little regard to date, but the writers in many instances did 
 not scruple to weave their new matter into the old fabric. 
 Writings which have been handed down in manuscript, at the 
 mercy of every scribe who made a new copy, were naturally 
 altered from time to time both by receiving additions and by 
 suffering curtailment, and again by having two pieces joined 
 into one or one piece cut in two. It is easy to show cases of 
 all these alterations. Thus the Book of the Law, of which the 
 earliest part may have belonged to David's or Solomon's reign, 
 received additions long after the fall of the monarchy. The 
 Books of Ezra and Nehemiah seem both to have been cur- 
 tailed of matter that they once contained. The Prophecies of 
 David cannot have been the work of fewer than six authors 
 living at as many different times ; nor can the short Book of 
 Zechariah be otherwise than made up of writings that belong 
 to three different centuries. The Psalms belong to every cen- 
 tury from David's reign to that of Antiochus Epiphanes. Such 
 being the confused state in which the Hebrew Scriptures have 
 reached us, no commentary on them can be so valuable as the 
 attempt to ascertain the date of each part. 
 
 The great value of the Hebrew books arises from the firm 
 belief of the writers in one God as the Creator and Governor of 
 the world, and from the readiness with which they acknowledge 
 His will as the cause of everything that befalls the nation. 
 
1869.] "History of the Hebrew Nation." 251 
 
 Their misfortunes are treated as God's punishment for their 
 sins ; their blessings as His reward for obedience to His laws. 
 So strong was their trust in God's guidance that they thought 
 not only conscience but reason also spoke His direct commands. 
 The prophet whose zeal in the cause of justice and religion 
 raised him to become a teacher of his countrymen, claimed to 
 have a message from Jehovah, and the priest who gave answer 
 to the questions that were brought before him, whether of moral 
 duty or of civil justice, spoke in the name of Jehovah. It is 
 this strong religious feeling which gives to the Hebrew books 
 their value. 
 
 This book went through several editions, growing 
 in size and completeness with each issue. The first 
 edition, in 1869, was a small volume of 232 pages ; 
 the fourth edition, issued by Messrs. Williams and 
 Norgate in 1882, is a handsome octavo of 455 pages. 
 This posthumous edition contains the many addi- 
 tions and corrections he had left behind ready for 
 the printer. The Hebrew Chronology is added to 
 this volume as an appendix ; and the book in the 
 form in which it is thus posthumously published 
 contains the ripe results of the Biblical studies of 
 its author's whole life. The publication of the first 
 edition occurred soon after his New Testament began 
 to attract general notice, and he remarks that his 
 venturing to translate the New Testament was at 
 first frowned upon, and that it was only after the 
 translation had been five-and-twenty years before the 
 public that it began to be looked upon with favour. 
 He anticipates the same fate for the " History of 
 the Hebrew Nation." 
 
 His New Testament got gradually into notice and 
 favour as public interest in the question of revision 
 increased. He found out by an accident that it had 
 
252 The New Testament Translated. [Ch. xil. 
 
 been published at too high a price, and thus the 
 result of what the publisher thought the failure of 
 the fourth edition was a very widely extended sale. 
 Under the date of 1862 he writes : — 
 
 In this year the publishers of my New Testament, 
 finding the sale of the fourth edition very unsatisfactory, 
 sold off a large remainder of 1,500 copies to the bookstalls 
 at a few pence a copy. This was no loss to them, and to 
 me it was in every way satisfactory. The purchasers 
 bound it, and sold it at a shilling a copy, and the sale 
 soon rose to one hundred and fifty per month. Then for 
 the first time I learned at what price the public wished 
 for the book. The publisher even had to buy back a 
 hundred copies for his own trade. Upon this I made 
 arrangements with another publisher, Mr. J. R. Smith, 
 that he should print a fifth edition of 5,000 copies, to be 
 sold at eighteenpence a copy. This he did at the end of 
 this year, and the sale continued at a hundred a month for 
 some little time. It then declined a little, making an 
 average during these years (1862 to 1869) of about six 
 hundred a year. This brought it into some notice. The 
 orthodox religious reviews pronounced it thoroughly im- 
 partial, and the best translation extant. One or two 
 Calvinistic papers alone found fault with it. Upon that 
 my Unitarian friends took courage and began to recom- 
 mend it. Its sale, however, remains confined to the more 
 humble ranks of society ; and it is quite clear that if I had 
 put notes, and thus made it a more expensive book, it 
 would not have gained the notice even of those who now 
 ask for the notes. 
 
 The sale of this translation of the New Testament, 
 and of the new version of the Old Testament, which 
 proceeded side by side with it, showed a growing 
 feeling in the public mind of dissatisfaction with 
 
1870.] Convocation and Revision. 253 
 
 the Authorized Version, and of desire to know 
 more accurately what prophets and historians and 
 psalmists under the older religion, and apostles and 
 evangelists of Christian times, had actually written. 
 The " Critical Notes on the Authorized Version," 
 of which a second edition was issued in 1866, con- 
 tributed to this result. This book, as has been 
 already said, consisted of a collection of passages in 
 which the Greek of the New Testament has been 
 incorrectly translated, each passage being gramati- 
 cally explained and carefully amended. The volume 
 could not be said to have done its work until King 
 James's translation should be set aside, and it was 
 kept in print. Samuel Sharpe also now printed 
 a four-page tract called '" Controversial Texts Cor- 
 rected," containing more than a dozen of what he 
 thought to be the most important mistakes in the 
 Authorized Version. This tract was several times 
 reprinted for distribution, and was found useful in 
 the controversy. It seemed like a happy sequel to 
 these efforts when, in May, 1870, the Southern Con- 
 vocation resolved that a revised translation of the 
 Scriptures should be undertaken, and two Companies 
 of Revisers were formed for the purpose. The Con- 
 vocation, in a spirit of liberality which deserves the 
 most cordial recognition, not only nominated a body 
 of its own members to undertake the work of 
 revision, but left them, in the words of the resolu- 
 tion, ■' at liberty to invite the co-operation of any 
 eminent for scholarship, to whatever nation or reli- 
 gious body they may belong." The resolution passed 
 in this liberal and comprehensive spirit was carried 
 out with equal impartiality. Samuel Sharpe was 
 
254 The Revision Undertaken. [Ch.xii. 
 
 one of four scholars of the Unitarian body to whom 
 a message was sent asking them to choose among 
 themselves, or to advise application to, some scholar 
 of their own opinions who might sit in the Company 
 of the New Testament revisers. He declined the 
 honour for himself. He felt that had he been young 
 enough to do the work required, he had an over- 
 whelming reason for keeping aloof, as he was still 
 busy in correcting and superintending the issue of 
 successive editions of his own translation. He could 
 not, moreover, be sanguine enough to hope that the 
 Revision thus undertaken would be complete enough 
 to satisfy him, or would not be injured by com- 
 promises between divergent views. He cordially 
 recommended Dr. Vance Smith as the Unitarian 
 member of the Revision Committee, and his appoint- 
 ment gave Mr. Sharpe, as it did all Unitarians, very 
 great satisfaction. 
 
 In recording the resolution passed by Convoca- 
 tion calling the Revision Companies into existence, 
 Samuel Sharpe notes that his own translation of the 
 New Testament had by this time " gained full notice 
 and unwilling approval ; " and he had reasons for 
 thinking that its wide circulation had some influ- 
 ence in moving the Southern Convocation to make 
 their remarkable proposal. One of the Bishops, in 
 urging Convocation to take up the work, had said, 
 " If you do not do it, the Dissenters will." One 
 Dissenter had, in fact, already done it. In 1869 he 
 had begun to stereotype a sixth edition, and each 
 successive issue contained fresh emendations, and 
 was brought up to the latest results of his studies 
 and investigations. About 9,500 copies of the first 
 
His Own Translation Complete. 255 
 
 five editions had been printed, and at the end of 
 1868 only a hundred copies still remained in the 
 hands of the publisher. His new edition in 1869 
 consisted of 1,000 copies, and it was followed by 
 1,500 more in 1870. This made 12,000. In 1874 
 the thirteenth thousand was printed, and in 1881 
 the fourteenth thousand. This was independent of 
 the edition, which was the eighth, contained in the 
 beautiful stereotyped Holy Bible published by 
 Messrs. Williams and Norgate at the close of 1880. 
 
 The " History of the Hebrew Nation " was also 
 • selling steadily at this time, and a translation into 
 German was issued by Dr. Jolowicz. The German 
 translator shortened the book, and made many 
 changes in it, which modified its views, and thus gave 
 its author much displeasure. A second edition of 
 "Texts from the Bible Explained " was also asked 
 for, and issued by Mr. Russell Smith with the usual 
 additions and emendations of the author. So far 
 as printing and publishing was concerned this was 
 the busiest period of his life. " In 1870," he says, 
 " I printed more than I had ever done before ; first 
 the ' Decree of Canopus,' 250 copies ; next the 1,500 
 more copies of the New Testament ; then a fifth 
 edition of the ' History of Egypt ' with the plates, 
 stereotyped ; and lastly, I began to print the second 
 edition of the ' Hebrew Scriptures Translated,' with 
 the corrections which I had prepared." This was 
 the work of part of the first and great part of 
 the second year of his eighth decade, for he was 
 seventy-one in March, 1870. 
 
 His eldest daughter draws the following picture 
 of his interests and activities during these years : — 
 
256 A Busy Old Age. [Ch.xii. 
 
 " Those were exciting days when the nation 
 was beginning to pay attention to matters that 
 had so long been the subject of my father's quiet 
 study. Through these years of lessening bodily 
 activity his friends could see only an increasing 
 activity and versatility of mind. So fertile was he 
 in new thoughts in these years that rarely would 
 a morning rise that he did not come out of his bed- 
 room to the eight o'clock breakfast piping hot with 
 some paragraph that must be inserted into one of 
 his books, some letter that must be written, some 
 article for the Unitarian papers that had been 
 planned in bed, some hard point of translation he 
 had been ruminating upon, and that he must at the 
 moment consult Lexicon and grammar upon — some- 
 thing, in short, of whatever nature it might be, that 
 he must absolutely settle his mind upon and put 
 down upon paper before he could sit down to the 
 table and put a mouthful into his mouth. And to 
 this as to his other meals, breakfast, dinner, or tea, 
 he usually came with a sheet of paper in his hand, 
 being the words he had been busied upon when 
 called to the meal, and these he would read aloud 
 to his family upon the spur of the moment. It was 
 in this way that without pre-arrangement the greater 
 part of his works were read aloud at home and 
 nearly all his bright sparkling articles on religious 
 politics, which in early days were printed in the 
 Inquirer, and in later years in the Christian Life 
 were read over, talked over, laughed over, and some- 
 times added to and re-written before they were sent 
 to the papers," 
 
 The translation of the " Decree of Canopus " was 
 
iSyo.] " The Decree of Canopus." 257 
 
 his next work. Three years before this time the 
 Germans had dug up in Egypt a tablet with a 
 bi-lingual inscription, Hieroglyphics and Greek. 
 It is a Decree issued by the priests of Egypt, in 
 the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes, B.C. 238, similar in 
 many respects to the Rosetta Stone in the British 
 Museum, but some forty years more ancient. 
 Samuel Sharpe no sooner got hold of the German 
 publication of this new tablet, than he perceived the 
 immense help it might give to the student of 
 Hieroglyphics. He therefore lithographed the plates 
 from the German work, and set himself to translate 
 the Decree into English ; and he printed it " with 
 an examination of the hieroglyphical characters." 
 In this work, which was published in 1869, he once 
 more showed his large differences from Dr. Lepsius 
 and other hieroglyphical scholars ; but was content 
 with simply owning the fact and not entering into 
 controversy about it. The enlarged knowledge of 
 hieroglyphical characters gained from the study of 
 the " Decree of Canopus " enabled him to translate 
 the Rosetta Stone more correctly than he had 
 hitherto done, and in 1871 he lithographed and pub- 
 lished the inscriptions on the Rosetta Stone in a 
 thin volume by itself, Hieroglyphics and Greek, 
 with a translation, an explanation of the hiero- 
 glyphics, and a list of kings' names. 
 
 The history of these two publications may illus- 
 trate the modest and simple-minded way in which 
 Samuel Sharpe through his whole life accustomed 
 himself to revise his old opinions and his old doings ; 
 amending them, setting right his mistakes, and 
 enlarging his views at every opportunity afforded 
 
258 Support of Unitarian Worship. [Ch.xii. 
 
 to him. It is not every author who can bring him- 
 self to do this. In his preface to the translation of 
 the Rosetta Stone he alludes to the expression of 
 a fellow-student — " But we do not want to go to 
 school again." He also speaks of some of the 
 earlier attempts to read the Hieroglyphics, as — 
 
 ingenious but unproved guesses, many of which may now 
 be brought to the test of the greater certainty which can 
 be gained from the " Decree of Canopus.'' This re-exami- 
 nation of received opinion, this going to school again, is, 
 however, a troublesome task, which some minds do not 
 readily submit to. Hence the cold reception of the 
 " Decree of Canopus," and the unfavoiirable opinion ex- 
 pressed of the Author's publication ■ in some Reviews. 
 One critic says: "We have got beyond all that" 
 Another calls the Author's publication "a mischievous 
 work," as unsettling the received and " orthodox " opinions. 
 A third thinks that what we learn from the " Decree of 
 Canopus," and its Greek translation, should be judged by 
 the results which ingenuity may have derived from the 
 untranslated inscriptions, and would thus try to decypher 
 the ignotum per ignotius. 
 
 During the whole of the period since he had left 
 business he had taken a lively interest in the affairs 
 of the Unitarian body, and had spent much time 
 and money in promoting the interests of Unitarian 
 Christianity. He had printed tracts, delivered 
 lectures, encouraged the building of chapels, and 
 promoted all the missionary eff"orts which a period 
 of religious revival called forth. He and his 
 family had joined the congregation of which the 
 Rev. Robert Spears was then the energetic 
 minister, in Stamford Street, Blackfriars Road. 
 
1870.] Dislike of Florid Services. 259 
 
 He did this, passing by Unity Church, Islington, 
 on his way, from preference for a plain service over 
 an ornate one, and for the old Presbyterian form over 
 a liturgy. Some years before this he had assisted 
 Mo Spears in the establishment of a new kind of 
 missionary agency in London called the London 
 Lay Preachers' Union. He thought that the diffi- 
 culty of supporting small congregations might be 
 met by educated laymen undertaking to conduct 
 religious services and to cultivate the habit of speak- 
 ing on religious subjects. 
 
 As to the surroundings of the service, he held 
 very distinct and strongly formed opinions. His 
 dislike of Gothic buildings as places for Protestant 
 worship has already been mentioned. He pre- 
 ferred four plain walls to "long-drawn aisles and 
 fretted vault," clear glass and ample illumination to 
 " storied windows richly dight, casting a dim, religious 
 light ; " and a minister in plain coat to any imitation 
 of gowned teacher or robed priest. He was anxious 
 that the forms and ceremonies of worship should not 
 be misleading to the worshipper. He was keenly 
 awake to the powerful sway which music and archi- 
 tecture exert over all our minds, and he believed 
 that he had seen in many examples around him, 
 in what direction a florid service draws individuals 
 and congregations. Hence, he was strongly op- 
 posed to every kind of ritualism, disliked liturgical 
 services and musical responses, and preferred the 
 Puritan hymn to the more ancient chant. But 
 even on these points he thought more of substance 
 than of form, and for the sake of preaching with 
 which he was in sympathy, consented to put up 
 
 S 2 
 
26o What is Needed in Sermons. [Ch.xii. 
 
 with a liturgical service and with musical responses 
 in the Free Christian Church, in Clarence Road, 
 Kentish Town, at which place he became a regular 
 attendant during the last years of his life. His 
 objection to ornate services — which in this case he 
 consented to waive, but did not in any way modify — 
 was based on the grounds that the love of beauty 
 is not religion, and that too much ministering to 
 the sense may keep us from feeling the spirit of 
 worship. For the same reasons he was strongly 
 opposed to the introduction into the pulpit of any- 
 thing that was not directly connected with practical 
 religion or with theological discussion. Philosophy, 
 criticism, science, politics, were everywhere in place to 
 him except in a sermon ; were always of interest and 
 importance, except in the hour set apart for prayer 
 and praise and thoughts of God. " I want religion, 
 and not science or speculation," he was accustomed 
 to say with respect to the services of Sunday. And 
 by religion he meant everything that relates us to 
 the Unseen, and that brings into operation the dis- 
 interested motives inspired by the Love of God. 
 As Christ is the Christian ideal, the object of Chris- 
 tian teaching should be to make the people feel 
 his life of spiritual motives to be the pattern of 
 their own. 
 
 With all this desire to promote the simplicity and 
 spirituality of religious services, he united a very 
 lively interest in the propagandism of Unitarian 
 views at home and abroad. There might often be 
 seen in his library or dining-room a great bill 
 announcing some course of Unitarian Lectures, the 
 expense of which had been paid by him. The 
 
1870.] What Chapels should be. 261 
 
 Transylvanian students at Manchester New College 
 were invited to his house, and the translation of his 
 Unitarian tracts into Italian and Welsh gave him as 
 much satisfaction as the translation of his Egypto- 
 logical works into German. A large placard contain- 
 ing an outline of Unitarian Christianity, printed in 
 Italian by Signor Bracciforti, for posting in the 
 streets of Florence, long had a place of honour on 
 his walls. Similar placards posted in London by 
 the Rev. Robert Spears had similar support and 
 approval. If an enterprising Unitarian minister 
 saw an opening for sowing a little seed of Liberal 
 thought in some town which was given over to 
 orthodoxy, he had only to write to Mr. Sharpe and 
 show a clear case, and the money for the enterprise 
 was pretty sure to be sent in the course of a post or 
 two. Every appeal for help to build or enlarge a 
 Unitarian chapel was usually submitted to him in the 
 first place. His help in such cases was liberal, but 
 by no means indiscriminate. No money of his went 
 for mere ornament and vanity, he exacted a pledge 
 that it should be for use alone. He had the plans 
 before him, and took the trouble to investigate them. 
 If the building was a Gothic one, he would make it 
 a condition of his help that the pulpit should be 
 placed in the middle and not on one side, and that 
 there should be no altar. If a congregation wished 
 to spend money in stained glass, or carvings, or 
 other ornament, they did not even ask for help from 
 Highbury. If, being Unitarians, they were too timid 
 to call themselves so, they rarely got much counte- 
 nance from Mr. Sharpe. He preferred, moreover, to 
 give large aid to small congregations, rather than to 
 
262 Sympathy with Joseph Arch. [Ch.xii. 
 
 assist those who could help themselves. The prin- 
 ciple which ran all through his life was that of 
 befriending the poor rather than cultivating the 
 society of the rich ; and it was carried consistently 
 into the munificent distribution of his money in the 
 help of Unitarian ministers and congregations. He 
 never made a gift without clearly ascertaining that 
 it would be well bestowed. 
 
 It was not always needful that direct application 
 should be made to him for help. He sometimes went 
 out of his way to give aid to movements which had 
 enlisted his sympathy. One example of this liberality 
 is worth notice, as indicating not only the breadth of 
 his sympathy with the poor, but his political and 
 social leanings. When the movement of the agri- 
 cultural labourers first began to attract attention in 
 1872, Mr. Arthur Clayden, who had become a member 
 of a Consultative Committee, formed to assist the 
 National Agricultural Labourers' Union, and who 
 afterwards wrote a history of the agitation under the 
 title of " The Revolt of the Field," made an appeal in 
 a letter to the Nonconformist for pecuniary help. In 
 a day or two he received a letter from Mr. Sharpe, to 
 whom he was personally a stranger, asking where he 
 could send some pecuniary gift. The result was that 
 Mr. Arch got a cheque for fifty pounds. This is only 
 one instance among many of quiet and unnoticed 
 help being given, not because he was personally 
 applied to, but from his own desire to help a suffering 
 person or a struggling cause. Many a poor minister 
 has been gladdened by such unsolicited gifts from 
 this generous friend. 
 
 When he had just attained his seventieth year he 
 
1870.] The Unitarian Association. 263 
 
 was asked to become President of the British and 
 Foreign Unitarian Association. He says in his 
 autobiographical notes, that he accepted the office 
 very unwillingly; "but to have refused," he adds, 
 " would have looked like affected humility. I had 
 for many years given all such countenance and 
 encouragement as I could to missionary efforts for 
 the spread of Unitarianism ; and at this time the 
 tide seemed turning a little in our favour. At least 
 the sect had ceased to lessen, and since 1864 the 
 number of Unitarian ministers had increased." The 
 duties of this office occupied a good deal of his 
 attention between Whitsuntide 1869 and Whitsun- 
 tide 1870. The Rev. Robert Brook Aspland was 
 then Honorary Secretary of the Association, with 
 the Rev. Robert Spears as Assistant Secretary ; and 
 the head-quarters of the Association were in a small 
 narrow room over Mr. Whitfield's shop at 178, Strand. 
 It was a year of much excitement in ecclesiastical 
 politics. The Bill for the Disestablishment of the 
 Irish Church was before Parliament, and received the 
 cordial support of the Association and its President. 
 He approved of this tardy act of justice, however, 
 for somewhat different reasons from those which 
 moved some of his Unitarian friends ; as he was an 
 opponent of the principle of State Churches, was 
 alive to the immense injury they inflict on religion 
 and the obstacles they offer to the progress of opinion 
 in religious matters, and looked forward to the time 
 as not very far distant when, in England and Scot- 
 land as well as in Ireland, the last stone of the vener- 
 able edifice of religious inequality and theological 
 favouritism should be thrown down to the ground. 
 
264 Welcome to Chunder Sen. [Ch. xil. 
 
 The visit to England of the founder of the Brahmo 
 Somaj, the Baboo Keshub Chunder Sen, took place 
 before the year of his presidency of the Unitarian 
 Association closed. A meeting was held at the 
 Hanover Square rooms to welcome the Indian re- 
 former, over which as President of the Unitarian 
 Association it was his duty to preside. The variety 
 of religious bodies represented on the platform gave 
 him the liveliest satisfaction. Lord Lawrence, who 
 had returned from his successful administration of 
 the Indian Government little more than a year 
 before, Dean Stanley, Dr. Martineau, Dr. Mullens 
 the eminent Congregationalist, besides representa- 
 tives of the Wesleyans and the Baptists, united in 
 paying respect to the distinguished representative of 
 the cause of Indian reformation. Dr. Marks was also 
 present, and his admirable speech was greatly wel- 
 comed and praised. The assembly was something 
 more than a union of Christians among themselves ; 
 it was a union in which they shook hands with those 
 who, like the Jewish doctor on the one hand and the 
 Indian reformer on the other, are beyond the bounds 
 of Christianit}'. 
 
26t 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 THE FAMILY STORY DRAWS TO ITS END. 
 
 The family history which has been narrated in this 
 volume draws to its close as the eighth decade of the 
 century advances. It is not often that a biographer 
 has to look back over a complete domestic history, 
 and to tell the story of one whole generation 
 of a family from its beginning to its end. Very 
 rarely indeed does the story of the children of one 
 father stretch out, as this does, over a hundred years. 
 Catharine Sharpe, the eldest sister, was born on the 
 2nd May, 1782, and Samuel Sharpe, the last surviving 
 brother died on July 28th, 1881. The hundredth 
 year is thus touched, and a few more months would 
 have completed the century covered by the two lives 
 of this brother and sister. All the rest of the family 
 group fell by the way. There is nothing more 
 striking than to watch the movement of a family, as 
 in this biography, through its history of a hundred 
 years. The six younger children, who were left to 
 the care of their elder sister in the sixth year of the 
 first decade of the present century, entered on the 
 second and third decades as an unbroken group, and 
 thence onwards one fell off with every decennial 
 period, till only one was left to look over as it were 
 into the ninth decade, touch the hundredth year of 
 
266 Results of Early Training. [Ch. XIII. 
 
 the family life, and then follow all the rest along the 
 predestined and inevitable way. Mary Sharpe, then 
 Mrs. Edwin Field, died in 1S31 ; Sutton, the eldest 
 brother, was taken in 1843 ; the youngest, Daniel, 
 followed him in 1856, surviving the eldest sister, 
 Catharine,' by three years; in 1870, seven months 
 before the completion of the seventh decade William 
 Sharpe had died ; in the eighth decade, the death of 
 his last surviving brother Henry in 1873 had left 
 Samuel Sharpe alone. 
 
 The success of Catharine Sharpe's early effort to 
 preserve in the young group committed to her care 
 the sense of family life is another marked feature 
 in the story. The brothers never lost sight of one 
 another. There was no scattering except by death ; 
 and they were much to one another to the last. Her • 
 training, and the excellent social influences with 
 which their youth had been surrounded, had as their 
 result the uniform though varied success of all the 
 brothers. There were striking differences between 
 them ; but each left behind him a large circle of 
 attached and admiring friends, and each deserved 
 and received the recognition due to valuable public 
 service. 
 
 The last mention of William Sharpe in the pre- 
 ceding chapters v/as of his careful editing, as one of 
 the executors of his uncle Samuel Rogers, of the 
 interesting and valuable volume of Rogers's " Recol- 
 lections." He had been in practice as a solicitor from 
 1826 ; and during the forty-four years over which his 
 practice extended he made a very large number of 
 personal and professional friends. He was distin- 
 guished for the warm personal sympathy which he 
 
1826-70.] William Sharpe. 267 
 
 carried into professional relations. Many private 
 testimonies to this sympathy were given after his 
 death by men who said that his careful attention 
 to their affairs, his cautious advice, and his habit 
 of thoroughness, had saved them from ruin. His 
 patience in the mastering of minute and difficult 
 details brought him the complete confidence of more 
 than one generation of successful pleaders at the 
 bar. Many of them have said - that they always 
 felt safe when the case was in William Sharpe's 
 hands. He had given much attention to the Bank- 
 ruptcy laws, and on one occasion was consulted 
 by the Lord Chancellor as to a Bill which was next 
 day to be introduced into Parliament. He sat 
 over the Bill during a good part of the night, 
 and hurried off early the next morning to make 
 prompt report that the scheme was impracticable. 
 "You are quite right," said the Lord Chancellor 
 with a characteristic shrug and smile ; " the Bill 
 won't 'work, but it must pass, for we have promised 
 the places." The Bill was passed, and, as he 
 expected, it did not work. But the places had 
 been given, and when, very shortly afterwards, a 
 change was made, the placemen were compensated. 
 The very last legal papers that came into his hands 
 in 1 870 were from Lord Hatherley and Lord Cairns, 
 asking for further revision and review of some 
 matters connected with the Judicature Act, which he 
 had assisted in preparing. 
 
 This may be described as amateur work, under- 
 taken from purely public motives. A good deal of 
 such work comes into the hands of any successful 
 lawyer who has pubhc spirit enough to do it; and 
 
268 W. Sharpe as a Lawyer. [Ch. xili. 
 
 who commands the complete confidence of the pro- 
 fession. There is no higher testimony to a man than 
 this professional confidence and esteem. Lawyers 
 are the most severe critics of each other ; and where 
 they give trust and admiration to members of their 
 own profession, the public outside may be always 
 quite sure that it is fully deserved. In William 
 Sharpe's case there was no cultivation of the arts of 
 popularity. He did not desire to go into public life. 
 His chief literary work was the editing of the " Recol- 
 lections " of his uncle Rogers ; and the preface and 
 notes which he attached to this work give striking 
 evidence of the care and thoroughness with which he 
 did everything he undertook. This may be said to 
 have been his characteristic. His business life was 
 spent in the steady, careful, and successful practice 
 of his profession, in the service of his clients, and in 
 promotion of the interests of the profession itself As 
 a member of the Council of the Incorporated Law 
 Society, and at one time its President, he did the 
 whole body valuable and important service. In the 
 words of their resolution, passed after his death, 
 " He was always ready to deal promptly and judi- 
 ciously with matters connected with the profession, 
 and as the head of a large agency office, and possess- 
 ing great practical knowledge, combined with a high 
 sense of professional honour, his loss will long be 
 felt by his professional brethren." 
 
 His life at home had all been lived in the house to 
 which he had removed in 1844 ; where most of his 
 children had been born, and where he died. He had 
 a full share with all of his brothers and his two sisters 
 in the good taste and love of art which were heredi- 
 
I844-70-] His Home Life, and Death. 269 
 
 tary in the family. He, as well as his sister Mary, 
 inherited his father's artistic gift, and much of his 
 happy leisure was spent in its cultivation. There is 
 no more delightful form of recreation for a busy 
 man, and they are greatly to be envied who can turn 
 to it — whether in the form of pencil drawing, painting, 
 sculpture, or music — in the intervals of work. It 
 has already been said that his great natural talent as 
 a draughtsman had, in early days, suggested his 
 adoption of another profession from that which he 
 eventually followed, and it was perhaps fortunate 
 that this delightful gift, could, all his life, be used for 
 recreation. He was apt, in his conscientious anxiet}'' 
 to do the best for his clients, sometimes to carry 
 their cases home with him ; to their advantage doubt- 
 less, and to nobody's discomfort but his own. Like 
 his brothers Samuel and Henry, he was essentially a 
 domestic man, a lover of home, and beloved at home. 
 He died, after an illness of some months, on the 
 20th of May, 1870, in the sixty-sixth year of his 
 age. 
 
 There is yet another form of public service 
 which this glance back over a family history reveals. 
 Not one of these successful men lived to himself. 
 They were all disciples of the Gospel of Public 
 Duty. It has often been asked why so small a 
 body as the Unitarians should have had in it so 
 many eminent names, should hold so large a space 
 in the Nonconformist representation in Parliament, 
 and should be what Mr. Trevelyan calls " the most 
 over-represented sect in the Kingdom." Mr. Treve- 
 fy-an indirectly suggests an answer to the question in 
 
270 Religion of Public Spirit. [Ch. Xlll. 
 
 his Life of ]\Iacaulay, by saying that "men are not 
 Avilling to attend the religious worship of people who 
 believe less than themselves, or to vote at elections 
 for people who believe more than themselves."* 
 This is only a partial explanation. Another reason 
 is derived from the absence in the minds of most 
 Unitarians of any sense of the ecclesiastical and 
 pietistic distinction between secular and religious 
 duties. Their view of life and of their relation to the 
 world and its work differs from that of the eccle- 
 siastic on the one hand, or of the evangelical on the 
 other. They are not narrowed into Churchmen, nor 
 drilled into Dissenters. A Unitarian is a Man of the 
 World, and sees no trail of the serpent over it all. 
 He is not afraid to enjoy life ; and he thinks it his 
 duty to help others to enjoy it also. Ever>'thing 
 that makes the world a little brighter for other 
 people, brings out their intelligence, developes 
 their taste, sharpens their intellectual faculties, im- 
 proves their morals, and makes them honest men, 
 is, in his view, part of God's senice. The Unitarian 
 religion comes out in fact far less in what the popu- 
 lace regard zs being religious than in being public- 
 spirited. The public spirit rests on a basis of reli- 
 gious dutj', the love of God comes out in the love 
 and service of man. 
 
 All this was illustrated in the lives of these 
 brothers. Perhaps it was most exhibited in the one 
 who of them all came least before the public, and 
 lived his acti\'e, cultivated, and useful life quite out 
 of the public eye. Henry Sharpe continued in busi- 
 * " Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay," vi. p. 289. 
 
I84I-73-1 Henry Sharpe. 271 
 
 ness to the end of his life, and devoted a great 
 part of his leisure to the teaching and improve- 
 ment of the young shopmen, and many of the 
 working men of Hampstead. He had classes of 
 them at his house, where he read with them, 
 encouraged them to learn and superintended their 
 studies. For many years one or two of these 
 young men, who had no other leisure for such work, 
 went to his house before breakfast, and received 
 lessons from him in French or Latin. For years also 
 he went one morning in the week to teach Latin to 
 a few of the top boys in Harp Alley School. Their 
 exercises were constantly arriving by post, and were 
 carefully corrected and returned. Many pupils were 
 thus taught by means of correspondence. This love 
 of communicating knowledge was its own reward. 
 The young men thus taught looked up to him with 
 the liveliest admiration and gratitude, regarded him 
 as a friend and benefactor, asked his advice, consulted 
 him on all their affairs, and were always sure of wise 
 counsel and sympathetic action. They went their 
 several ways, to all parts of. the world, but never 
 forgot their generous friend at home. Letters came 
 from America and the colonies, expressive of their 
 gratitude, and he was always made to feel that in 
 their confidence and esteem, and even more in the 
 ■great advantages they had gained from his instruc- 
 tion, he had a rich reward for his self-denying efforts 
 on their behalf 
 
 He did this work not merely, out of a great love 
 for teaching and great capacity for it, but from a simple 
 desire to do good. He was a great reader of the 
 
272 Work at' H amp stead. [Ch. xill. 
 
 classics and of the best literature, and often read 
 aloud to his children in the evening. They could 
 not feel that they were neglected in the beneficent 
 efforts to instruct others, for he gave them continuous 
 help in their studies and was interested in directing 
 their reading. In conjunction with Mr. Evans and 
 the Rev. Richard King (then curate of the parish 
 church), he established in 1844 the Hampstead 
 Reading Rooms, which were for many years the only 
 institution of the kind in the town. He spent a 
 good deal of time at these rooms in evening classes, 
 and in the general management, which soon fell into 
 his hands. The first drinking fountain within the 
 Metropohtan district was set up at his expense in 
 1859, and he soon followed it by two more. The 
 first seats on Haverstock Hill and some of those 
 on Hampstead Heath were also placed where they 
 are, at his cost and on his design, and he was one 
 of the most active promoters of the movement 
 by which Hampstead Heath was saved from the 
 encroachments of the builders and dedicated to 
 the public use for ever. He shrank from any 
 public recognition of the great services he had 
 thus rendered the people of Hampstead, but after 
 his death a handsome memorial tablet, with a life- 
 sized medallion portrait, was erected by subscrip- 
 tion in the Parish Church. This was done by 
 his old pupils, some sixty of whom, at home and 
 in the colonies, joined in asking the sanction of his 
 family to this public expression of their gratitude. 
 The inscription sums up in simple and touching 
 words the story of his life :- - 
 
1873] Memorial in Hampstead Church. 273 
 HENRY SHARPE, 
 
 MERCHANT, 
 
 Born, August 2ist, 1802 ; Died, April 27TH, 1873. 
 
 THIS MONUMENT IS RAISED 
 
 BY THOSE WHO DERIVED BENEFIT IN THEIR YOUTH 
 
 FROM HIS DISINTERESTED EFFORTS FOR THEIR INSTRUCTION 
 
 AND IMPROVEMENT, AND WHO, THOUGH SCATTERED THROUGH THE 
 
 WORLD, GRATEFULLY UNITE TO PERPETUATE THE MEMORY 
 
 OF A LIFE DEVOTED TO THE GOOD OF OTHERS. 
 
 " Notie of US liveth to himself. " 
 
 The sole survivor of the orphan family of 1806 
 might now fairly regard himself as having reached 
 old age. The world had thought him an old 
 man for many years, for he was old in manner 
 and in appearance except for the vivacity of his 
 conversation and the fire of his bright grey eyes. 
 He had become bald, as some of his brothers did, 
 in comparatively early life ; and the fine dome of 
 his head was fringed with grey hair. He was 
 always taken for ten years older than his real 
 age, and as he had never thought it likely that he 
 should live to be old, he had none of that sudden 
 awakening to the fact that he was an old man which 
 some men describe as so disagreeable a revelation. 
 He had thought himself old at fifty-five, and so the 
 world had thought him ; and at seventy-five he 
 probably felt but little older, and was not then 
 taken to be older. Advancing years brought no 
 change in his habits, except a little more admission 
 of the necessity for rest. He was generally to be 
 
 T 
 
2 74 Samuel Sharpe at Home. [Ch. xiii. 
 
 found at work sitting at the table in his capacious 
 drawing-room with his back to the fire, and with his 
 translation of the Scriptures or any other work he 
 was busy upon, before him, and books of reference 
 within easy reach. He turned from his work as a 
 welcome visitor came in, looked up with a smile and 
 some words of greeting, and often plunged at once 
 into talk about some point in which he had been 
 engaged, or about the political news, or the com- 
 ments upon it in the morning paper (the Daily 
 News), or whatever subject he and his visitor had in 
 common. Everybody was struck by his eagerness, 
 which showed that the age was only in the outer 
 part of him and had not penetrated within. 
 
 In the summer he usually spent much time in the 
 garden behind his house. There was a favourite seat 
 on the south side, where he and his friends sat to 
 talk, and where many questions of poHtics, theology, 
 archaeology, and lighter subjects, were discussed. 
 Near the seat were two picturesque stumps of old 
 apple trees which had been cut to serve as stands 
 for a telescope. As the stumps grew shaky he 
 compared them to the Established Churches of 
 England and Ireland, and many a humorous specu- 
 lation was indulged in as to whether the old 
 stumps or the institutions after which they had been 
 named, would last the longest. By an odd coin- 
 cidence the stump named after the Irish Church 
 toppled over just at the time when the Irish Church 
 Act was passed and the Established Church of Ire- 
 land was removed. Many sage prophesyings were 
 made over the condition of the sister institution 
 in England ; but, alas ! the stump tumbled over too 
 
1870-80.] The Basis of his Character. 275 
 
 soon to suit history, and he did not Hve to see 
 that establishment of justice and equality between 
 all sects and all opinions in England which is 
 still somewhere in the future. The consolation of 
 those whose hopes in this matter are disappointed 
 is that the longer the realization is delayed, the 
 fuller, the more satisfactory and the more com- 
 plete will the removal of all symbols of religious 
 favouritism be. 
 
 There was much to give satisfaction to a veteran 
 in the ranks of political and rehgious reform in all 
 these declining years. If he looked with pain and 
 disapproval on some of the newer developments of 
 rationalistic teaching, he had, at the same time, the 
 satisfaction of seeing that there was a steady growth 
 of rational religious opinion in the orthodox 
 churches. He watched with the deepest interest, and 
 pointed out to his friends, all the signs of the decay 
 of the old orthodoxy and of the spread of a juster 
 estimate of the Bible, and of happier views of the 
 position and destiny of mankind. His long study of 
 the Bible and his profound admiration for its mojal 
 teaching produced in his mind a different feeling 
 towards it from that which characterises the ra- 
 tionalistic movement generally. He was as distinct 
 and definite in his principles of conduct as in any of 
 his intellectual opinions. His right and wrong he 
 would describe to be the right and wrong of the 
 Bible. In conversation he often pointed out how 
 the Bible rule of conduct differs from that of every 
 other ethical system, in that it allows of no waiting to 
 argue, but bids us submit our actions to the Divine 
 verdict as .spoken in conscience, leaving to the judg- 
 
 T 2 
 
276 The Morality of the Bible. [Ch. xili. 
 
 ment only the secondary task of finding the means 
 of carrying out the imperative command. He was 
 accustomed to say that many of the difficulties which 
 are made respecting the Bible arise out of forgetful- 
 nessof the Biblical test of a moral act, the approval 
 or condemnation of conscience. He believed that 
 those who spoke of the Hebrew Psalms as fierce and 
 revengeful, and found the early books of Judges and 
 Genesis to teach cruelty and immorality, were bring- 
 ing to these books a foreign scale of right and wrong 
 with which the Bible had nothing at all to do. He 
 used to say that though many vicious and wicked 
 actions are recorded in the Bible, it would be difficult 
 to point out one passage in which a writer recommends 
 or even sanctions the doing of anything that con- 
 science forbids, except, perhaps, in the single case of 
 the words of Elijah to Naaman the Syrian, where 
 the prophet seems to excuse and allow the going of 
 that officer with his master to bend in worship in the 
 temple of Rimmon. 
 
 In this simple rule for distinguishing between right 
 and wrong in conduct, he maintained that the Bible 
 stood alone and apart from the teaching of any other 
 system, ancient or modern. In this rule he believed, 
 by this rule he lived himself, and under it he brought 
 up his family. The habit of mind thus produced is 
 the key to many a silent and otherwise unexplained 
 withdrawal from committees of management, trustee- 
 ships, societies, and individuals with whom he had 
 attempted to work. It explains some of his political 
 views. He thought, not only that the current 
 morality of so-called Christian civilization is lower 
 than it ought to be, but that the reason why the 
 
1840-80.] 5". Sharpe's Resolute Consistency. 277 
 
 standard is so low is, that honourable men are too 
 often willing to do that which is expedient rather 
 than that which is just. He felt keenly pained when 
 his associates and friends of the Liberal school ap- 
 peared to him to be guided by what he called the 
 Pagan rule of conduct, instead of doing simply what 
 their sense of honour and justice told them to be 
 right. Hence he differed from his political and theo- 
 logical co-workers on many questions. He showed 
 his difference however with perfect good humour. 
 He used for example to say of his friend Dr. Lee, of 
 Hartwell, who belonged to the Peace Society, but 
 was not opposed to the Crimean War, " He is in 
 favour of universal brotherhood, after we have taken 
 Sebastopol." This stern consistency, as in the emi- 
 nent example of Mr. Bright with respect to that 
 warj sometimes alienates a man from his party, but 
 generally results, as in Mr. Bright's case, in the world 
 eventually coming round to his opinion. On many 
 points in which Samuel Sharpe was sometimes 
 thought crochetty, he proved to be right, both in the 
 internal politics (as we may call them) of the 
 Unitarian body, and in general politics. It was 
 always possible to learn from him what view of any 
 question would be taken by a mind which looked at 
 it from the solid ground of fixed and definite 
 political principle ; and one valued and influential 
 friend, who nevertheless frequently disagreed with 
 him, gave expression to the feeling produced by his 
 resolute consistency by saying in jest, that he came 
 to Highbury Place to set his watch. 
 
 During all this period the house at Highbury was 
 the centre of a very delightful society. It was the 
 
278 The Rev. George Skinner. [Ch. xill. 
 
 very place from which all narrow minded people on 
 the one hand, and the mere creatures of fashion on 
 the other hand, were sure to keep away. Mr. Henry 
 Crabb Robinson, and the Rev. Alexander Dyce have 
 already been spoken of as among the constant 
 visitors at Rogers's Tuesday breakfasts at St. 
 James's Place ; but they were also frequently at his 
 nephew's house at Highbury. The Rev. George 
 Skinner, of Cambridge, who had married a distant 
 cousin, was also an occasional visitor, bringing with 
 him the latest talk of the University. He was reader 
 at King's College, and his exquisite voice and im- 
 pressive manner, made his reading perfect. He was 
 a great classic, but he was also an immense reader 
 of English literature, and seemed to remember all 
 that he read. He described it to be his custom to 
 go every day to the University Library, where all 
 the new books published each week are to be found 
 together on a certain table, and to glance through 
 them all. He used to say, " I never read reviews, I 
 review for myself." No more pleasant visitor, nor 
 more genial talker, nor more courteous guest, ever 
 came to the well-known house at Highbury Place 
 than the Rev. George Skinner. 
 
 The Rev. Thomas Madge had been for many 
 years one of the nearest neighbours. For some time 
 he had lived next door, and the intercourse between 
 the well-known Unitarian writer and the foremost of 
 Unitarian preachers had been exceedingly intimate. 
 Mr. Madge had retired from the pulpit of Essex 
 Street Chapel in i860, after occupying it for thirty- 
 four years, as the worthy successor of Lindsey, 
 Disney, and Belsham. During those years the con- 
 
1870.] The Rev. Thomas Madge. 279 
 
 gregation was fully worthy of the chapel which was 
 regarded as the headquarters of the Unitarian body. 
 It included more persons of high social standing and 
 great intellectual distinction than any other Noncon- 
 formist congregation in London. Mr. Madge was 
 thirteen years older than Samuel Sharpe, and the 
 younger man had always looked up to the elder with 
 the respect due to his eminence as the chief pastor 
 of the Unitarian body in London, and its most 
 • popular preacher. For the ten years of his bright 
 and happy old age, after his retirement from public 
 work, Mr. Madge kept up his lively interest in all 
 matters of theology and politics, and was a remark- 
 able example of the possibility of keeping the 
 ravages of Time to the outer part. Cowley must 
 have had just such an old age in view when he wrote 
 in the sixth stanza of his ode to Hobbes — 
 
 Nor can the snow, which now cold age does shed 
 
 Upon thy reverend head, 
 Quench or allay the noble fires within ; 
 
 But all which thou hast been. 
 And all that youth can be, thou 'rt yet, 
 
 So fully still dost thou 
 Enjoy the manhood and the bloom of wit, 
 
 And all the natural heat, but not the fever too. 
 
 To things immortal Time can do no wrong. 
 
 And that which never is to die, for ever must be young. 
 
 Mr. Madge died on the 29th of August, 1 870, at the 
 age of eighty-three. In the previous year two 
 younger men had passed away, the Rev. John James 
 Tayler, Principal of Manchester New College, and 
 the Rev. Robert Brook Aspland, Secretary of the 
 British and Foreign Unitarian Association ; the first 
 
28o Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Robinson. [Ch. xili. 
 
 at the age of seventy-two, the second at the age of 
 sixty-five. It seemed to be a time of great losses to 
 Liberal Dissent, for Mr. Tayler, the scholar who 
 charmed everybody who knew him by his gentle 
 charity, was a striking example of that union of bold- 
 ness with reverence, and of new views with old faiths, 
 which is the great need of the time ; and Mr- 
 Aspland, the skilful reconciler of divergent tendencies, 
 whose organizing power had done his sect long and 
 valuable service, was in the fulness of his popularity 
 and usefulness. When Mr. Madge had followed them, 
 the old order seemed changing indeed, and giving 
 place to new. Samuel Sharpe's brother-in-law, Mr. 
 Edwin Field, died in the next year, 1871, and all 
 these losses made him feel like one who had outlived 
 many of his friends, though younger men came to 
 fill the places of the dead. 
 
 Among the visitors at Highbury at this and an 
 earlier time was Mr. N. E. S. A. Hamilton, of the 
 Manuscript Department in the British Museum, 
 " Alphabet " Hamilton as he reported himself to be 
 familiarly nicknamed by his friends. Mr. Hamilton 
 published a volume contending for the modern 
 character of many of the emendations of Shake- 
 speare made by Mr. Collier's " Old Corrector ; " and 
 giving fac-similes of what he regards as modern 
 pencil lines underneath the corrections which were 
 supposed to have been done by Shakespeare's own 
 hand, or by the hand of one of his contemporaries. 
 
 Another welcome visitor was Mr. J. R. Robinson, 
 Manager of the Daily News. His large literary 
 connection, and wide acquaintance with men and 
 things, made a talk with him especially valuable to 
 
1870.] Dr. Birch and Mr. G. Smith. 281 
 
 a man who, like Samuel Sharpe, kept up a very 
 lively interest in all the political, social, and literary 
 movements of his time, yet lived apart from the 
 actual hum and shock of men. Mr. Robinson en- 
 joyed the racy criticisms of his host on persons and 
 events, and Samuel Sharpe in his turn, was interested 
 by the merry and genial talk of an admirable Story- 
 teller. 
 
 Dr. Samuel Birch, of the Antiquities in the Museum, 
 was an occasional visitor, and Sharpe often met him at 
 the Museum. JDr. Birch never found that the wide dif- 
 ferences between his views and those of the Egyptian 
 scholar at Highbury made their intercourse less plea- 
 sant. He was always ready to enjoy a joke against 
 himself, and took the genial banter of his host with the 
 kindest good humour. His opponents said of him 
 that if a quaint pattern on the window-curtain were 
 presented to him as hieroglyphics, he would read them 
 straight off. He bore with perfect complacency Mr. 
 Sharpe's occasional criticims on the arrangements of 
 the Museum, and to the demand for more names, and 
 fuller information and explanations to be affixed to the 
 objects, for the sake of the unlearned, would gaily 
 reply, "Write to the papers.'' Mr. George Smith, of the 
 British Museum, came to talk of subjects he and the 
 author of the History of Egypt had in common, and 
 often surprised the translator of the Bible by his 
 intimate knowledge of the Jewish writings. His 
 modesty, it might almost be called timidity, was as 
 striking as the fulness of his information, while his 
 enthusiasm for antiquarian and critical research was 
 a point of warmest sympathy between him and the 
 veteran student whom he came to consult. His 
 
282 Mr. Mackay and Mr. Bonomi. [Ch. xill. 
 
 early death was nowhere more lamented than in the 
 household at Highbury. 
 
 Many other students and lovers of antiquity 
 naturally gravitated towards Highbury, such as 
 Mr. R. W. Mackay, author of "The Progress of 
 the Intellect," whose transparent simple minded- 
 ness gave uncommon charm to his conversation, and 
 who was equally at home in discussing Kant, in talk- 
 ing over the writings of the Apostle Paul, or in des- 
 canting on Plato ; Mr. Poynter, who desired to talk 
 over Egypt in preparation for his splendid pictures 
 of its antiquities ; Mr. Edward Falkener, who had 
 travelled in Greece, had brought home masterly 
 sketches, and published a book on Greek Antiquities, 
 illustrated with photographs, in dayswhen photographs 
 were more rare than they are now ; and, chief of all, 
 most welcome of all, Mr. Bonomi, of whom much has 
 been already said. On the last page but one of his 
 friend's diary, his death in March, 1878, is thus re- 
 corded : — 
 
 This month I lost my excellent friend Joseph Bonomi ; 
 with whom I had been acquainted above forty years, and 
 intimate the larger part of that time; a most cheerful, 
 amiable man, generous of his time and faculties, a most 
 careful observer in his own path of Egyptian Antiquities. 
 Few people ever brought more life and cheerfulness into 
 the house. 
 
 A good, deal of life and cheerfulness came also 
 with Mr. W. Watkiss Lloyd ; the genial and accom- 
 plished author of " The Age of Pericles " and other 
 learned works. His conversation, not only on the 
 topics which two scholars have in common, but on 
 
i86o-8o.] Mr. W. Watkiss Lloyd. 283 
 
 public affairs and on current literature, was full of 
 interest for the family at Highbury. Mr. Lloyd, in 
 a letter to the writer of this biography gives his 
 own very valuable and interesting account of this 
 intercourse. 
 
 When I first knew Mr. Sharpe, I regarded myself as a young 
 man cordially accepted as an acquaintance by one much older, 
 and though as years went on the relative difference of age be- 
 came less and less considerable, I continued to the last to regard 
 him with the same feelings which had made me habitually refer 
 to him at my own home as Father Sharpe. I was never so for- 
 tunate as to have more than one other friend — and he too now 
 has gone — with whom I sympathized so entirely on the leading 
 interests of our life, and with whom I was so anxious to keep 
 myself in sympathy. His learning, his unremitting industry, 
 his concentration of his energies on what he believed to be the 
 most useful employment of them, were worthy of all admiration. 
 But the very central principle of his life, and what was I believe 
 the secret of the charm of his society, and of the influence 
 that he exercised, was his veneration for truthfulness — for 
 sincerity. It was delightful to interchange thoughts with one 
 who was ready to listen to any opinion that was entertained 
 frankly, and to respond with entire explicitness and frankness 
 on his own part. Subjects which could not be comfortably 
 mooted elsewhere as to theology or politics, from experience 
 that after a second sentence delicate ground was approached, 
 and courtesy warned one off, could always be ventured upon in 
 his house. He had an innate repugnance to the compromises 
 and equivocations by which so many play fast and loose with 
 their consciences, and never was taken in by the sophistications 
 that help so many to slip comfortably into honours and prefer- 
 ments, by public professions inconsistent with their better 
 knowledge. After the painful task of keeping one's counten- 
 ance and holding one's tongue among people calling them- 
 selves educated and even liberal, but as politic in their expres- 
 sions and tolerance of expression as a college of augurs, an 
 evening at Highbury was like a breath of healthy air. An occa- 
 sional thought of what was Mr. Sharpe's standard of truthful- 
 ness might always have sufficed to brace a faltering moral tone. 
 
284 Mary Sharpes Death. [Ch. xiil. 
 
 The years thus filled with happy friendships and 
 charming intercourse with appreciativefriends, brought 
 their losses. He had survived his brothers and sisters, 
 and he was to survive all his own children but two. 
 For many years the family at Highbury had consisted 
 of the father and three daughters, but in 1877 his 
 daughter Mary, the youngest of the three, began to 
 show signs of the fatal disease which had carried off 
 her two brothers and a younger sister. She died in 
 1878, and her death cast a shadow over her father's 
 declining years. 
 
285 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE CLOSING YEARS. 
 
 It is inevitable that with the most active of men the 
 burden of increasing years should bring some relaxa- 
 tion of productive energy. But the story of an in- 
 dustrious life, which is the main substance of this 
 volume, has no long pause of rest or idleness before 
 its close. The river does not lose itself in dead 
 marshes before it joins the ocean, but in this case, at 
 least, pours itself clear and strong into the tideless 
 sea. There were eleven years between the Whitsun- 
 tide at which Samuel Sharpe gave up the chair of the 
 Unitarian Association to his successor, Mr. C. J. 
 Thomas, and that Whitsuntide in which the feeling 
 that his work was done proved at last to be prophetic. 
 The years as they came brought new interests and 
 new labours, and the old man who was advancing in 
 his eighth decade was as ready to meet them as he 
 had been thirty years before. He was as fresh and 
 clear and vigorous in mind, and almost as strong in 
 body as he had been in the earlier time. If there 
 was any change in him, it was that he grew busier as 
 he grew older. As an old man he was as much alive 
 to the things about him as he had been in his youth, 
 and was more ready to take up new work than he 
 had been in middle age. 
 
286 Notes to the Bible. [Ch. xiv. 
 
 His most constant occupation in these latter' years 
 was his translation of the Hebrew Scriptures. The 
 second edition of this translation was published in 
 1871 ; and a large portion of it was circulated gratui- 
 tously. He found that it was very acceptable to 
 professors and students in many Dissenting Colleges 
 in which Hebrew was carefully studied. Students of 
 Hebrew found it valuable as being more literal than 
 the authorized version, and their appreciation of it 
 encouraged him to further work in its improvement. 
 This improvement was always going on. Between 
 1 87 1 and 1876 the whole Hebrew Bible was carefully 
 and critically gone through a fourth time, and a third 
 edition was issued in that year. In this edition a 
 number of dates and proper names were introduced 
 between brackets, by way of explaining allusions in 
 the text. Taken altogether, they added only a couple 
 of pages to the bulk of the volume, but, sprinkled 
 about as they are, they do much to explain obscure 
 passages. " Such few words," he says with great 
 truth, "introduced into the text, but with a clear 
 mark to show that they are the editor's own, are often 
 better than a lengthy footnote." Meanwhile he had 
 published in 1874 a small and very useful volume, 
 entitled " Short Notes to accompany a Revised Trans- 
 lation of the Hebrew Scriptures." These Notes are in- 
 tended to elucidate the history, they are geographical 
 and antiquarian, and are explana,tory of difficulties 
 and contradictions. They are adapted, of course, to 
 his new translation, and in some places explain a 
 thought which is not to be found in the Authorized 
 Version. They constitute in fact a kind of translator's 
 commentary, making the meaning clearer that it can 
 
i87S-] The Smaitic Inscriptions. 287 
 
 be made without insertions in the text. They are 
 such notes as Rogers and Byron, and other writers of 
 those days, attached to their poems, in order that 
 their readers might clearly understand descriptions of 
 places and allusions to persons and events. It is 
 impossible to read any ancient writings with intelli- 
 gence and profit without such explanations ; and 
 probably no greater mischief has been done to the 
 Bible than its universal circulation without such eluci- 
 datory Notes. The unlearned reader cannot know 
 to whom or to what the ancient writer is alluding, 
 and it is surely the duty of the translator to inform 
 him. A passage which seems meaningless or mys- 
 terious, is brightened into the most perfect clearness, 
 by a single line which puts the modern reader in 
 possession of facts which were in the minds of writer 
 and readers at the time, and are consequently only 
 vaguely alluded to and not told at length. The 
 greatest service which can be done to the Bible is to 
 make it understood by those who read it now, as it 
 was understood by those who read the various books 
 when they were written. 
 
 Another occupation of these years was the patient 
 putting together of an historical puzzle, in the study 
 and attempted translation of the Sinaitic Inscriptions. 
 These mysterious sentences have given to the small 
 barren plain on the route from Egypt to Mount 
 Serbal the name of Wady Mocatteb, or Sculptured 
 Valley. The writings are cut in uncouth characters 
 on the face of the rocks or the sandstone boulders. 
 Various opinions have been formed as to the language 
 and the meaning of these inscriptions. Professor 
 Beer regards them as the work of Nabatsans, in- 
 
2 88 The Sinaitic Inscriptions. [Ch. XIV. 
 
 habitants of the district in the fourth century of our 
 era ; the Rev. Charles Forster in his " Sinai Photo- 
 graphed," supposes them to have been cut by the 
 IsraeHtes on their desert journey to the Land of 
 Promise, and that they celebrate the miraculous 
 cleaving of the Red Sea. The late unfortunate 
 Professor Palmer, on the other hand, thought they 
 had nothing to do with the children of Israel, but 
 were the work of traders and carriers, and were of 
 little worth. Quoting these conflicting opinions in 
 his preface, Samuel Sharpe points out that not one 
 of these writers has satisfied the conditions required. 
 " We cannot trust Professor Beer's transcripts with- 
 out the translations, nor Mr. Forster's translations 
 without transcripts. Professor Palmer's work has 
 neither transcripts nor translations. The decipherer 
 should produce first an alphabet or table of characters, 
 and then to some extent a language, and lastly 
 a probable meaning to each sentence." Samuel 
 Sharpe endeavours to produce this alphabet, which 
 he regards as Hebrew, and reads the inscriptions as 
 lamentations and prayers over the ruined and desolate 
 condition of Jerusalem. The title of the book is 
 " Hebrew Inscriptions, from the Valleys between 
 Egypt and Mount Sinai, in their original characters, 
 with translations and an Alphabet." The first part, 
 published in 1875, consists of the inscriptions copied 
 by Mr. G. F. Grey, and printed in 1832 ; the second 
 part, published in 1876, is chiefly devoted to the 
 inscriptions edited by Dr. Lepsius for the Prussian 
 Government in i860. 
 
 The next work, which had been going on at the 
 same time with these, was a volume, entitled " The 
 
1877-] Journeys and Epistles of Paul. 289 
 
 Journeys and Epistles of the Apostle Paul." It is a 
 little book of about a hundred pages, with a preface 
 in which the principle on which the author has pro- 
 ceeded is set forth and vindicated. It is in no sense 
 a commentary on the Epistles, but an attempt to 
 form a consistent sketch of the Apostle's life, out of 
 the scattered biographical details in the Epistles, 
 and to harmonize those details with the statements 
 in the Acts of the Apostles. The author believes that 
 the apparent contradictions which Baur and others 
 have pointed out may be almost wholly removed, 
 and a better understanding of the Epistles arrived 
 at, by correcting a few mistranslated passages, and 
 then placing the Epistles in a better order. He 
 regards Conybeare and Howson's " Life and Epistles 
 of St. Paul " as failing to remove the difficulties and 
 disagreements which keener critics have discovered. 
 Baur's " Paul," on the other hand, accepts the usual 
 arrangement and translation, and very successfully 
 points out how the writings hopelessly contradict 
 each other throughout. Baur's criticism of the 
 Epistles is, however, mainly based on the religious 
 and philosophical opinions expressed in them ; and 
 Sharpe thinks he would have stood on firmer ground 
 if he had relied more on their biographical contents, 
 in which they are very rich, and had considered the 
 Apostle's opinions after he had settled the order 
 of his writings. This is Sharpe's own method. 
 He takes the statements of Luke in the Acts of the 
 Apostles as a clue to the numerous biographical 
 notices scattered through Paul's Epistles. By fol- 
 lowing this clue the maze falls into order ; and we 
 are enabled, he thinks, to show the Life and Writings 
 
 u 
 
290 Hebrew Grammar. [Ch. xiv. 
 
 of the Apostle to the Gentiles as a complete and 
 harmonious whole, in which every part supports 
 the other parts. The biographical notices are so 
 numerous, and yet all fit together so satisfactorily, 
 that his arrangement, he says, proves itself to be 
 correct. In his view, and in the view of those who 
 are able to follow his ingenious arguments, no place 
 is left for doubt as to the genuineness of any of the 
 Epistles, nor of the trustworthiness of those parts of 
 the Acts which relate to Paul, nor as to the order in 
 which the Epistles are to be placed. 
 
 Another small but laborious work which arose out 
 of his translation of the Bible was a short Hebrew 
 Grammar without points. This was written in 1876, 
 and published in the next year by Messrs. Bagster. 
 He says of it : — 
 
 This led to my reading the Hebrew Bible a sixth time 
 with a special regard to all grammatical peculiarities, in 
 order to enlarge my grammar, and make it useful to more 
 advanced students. I felt strongly on the subject of the 
 Hebrew points, that they were useless to myself as a 
 translator, and troublesome to the learner ; and, moreover, 
 that they were misleading for the study of the Hebrew 
 mind, as standing between us and the original writers. 
 This sixth reading of the Hebrew naturally led to further 
 corrections in the margin of my third edition in preparation 
 for a fourth. 
 
 While this further emendation of the Translation 
 was proceeding, the Book of Isaiah was published as 
 a separate volume, with a chronological arrange- 
 ment and ample notes. His aim was to explain the 
 book historically, hence its several parts were 
 chronologically arranged in the order of the events 
 
1878.] Close of the Diary. 291 
 
 to which they relate, which, he says, is not the same 
 as the order in which they were written. Nearly all 
 the next year — 1878 — was given to other work. 
 The last records in his diary bear the date of March, 
 1878, and are exceedingly characteristic of him. 
 The first of these contains one of those confessions 
 of incapacity for further work which are found in his 
 diary in earlier years. The Bible and Hebrew 
 Grammar were ready for a new edition. The His- 
 tory of Egypt had been stereotyped, and the sixth 
 edition, which he justly regarded as the final shape 
 the book had taken after the emendations of more 
 than half a life-time, had been issued in 1876. So 
 he writes in 1878 : — 
 
 I thought it too late to enter upon any new work, or any 
 new line of hard study. I therefore turned, for the first 
 time in my life, to the reading of new publications as an 
 employment. As Lucy Aikin said, "I am reduced to 
 Mudie books." 
 
 I who was once as great as Csesar, 
 Am now reduced to Nebuchadnezzar. 
 
 I began with Lecky's History of England, a cold dispas- 
 sionate book, showing no enthusiasm for what is good, 
 scarcely touching the more noble characters of the time, 
 while busy with the meanness and selfishness of the states- 
 men. A sad contrast to Green's History of the English 
 People. 
 
 Yet there were, as we shall see, a couple of tasks 
 which may be regarded, not only as new work, but 
 one of them at least as a new line of hard study. 
 He had, indeed, two years before, taken to some 
 work which, if not new, was at any rate a reversion 
 
 U 2 
 
292 The "Christian Life" [Ch. xiv. 
 
 to labour which he had undertaken and dropped 
 as distasteful three-and- forty years before. He had 
 then assisted in the establishment of the hiquirer ; 
 he now did the same for the Christian Life. The 
 very last record in his Diary, dated March 1878, is 
 the expression of his resolution to keep up the work 
 of sending Mr. Spears about a column a week ; and 
 the statement of his opinion that "his paper is 
 doing good service in keeping alive Unitarian zeal, 
 and indeed religious warmth among Unitarians, as 
 opposed to the fashionable indifference which leads 
 to countenancing insincerity." 
 
 He undertook this writing entirely from sympathy 
 with, and respect for, the Rev. Robert Spears. Mr. 
 Spears came to London from the North, and to the 
 Unitarian ministry from the Methodist body, and 
 he brought with him northern energy and Methodist 
 zeal. As Assistant Secretary to the British and 
 Foreign Unitarian Association under the Rev. R. 
 Brook Aspland, and as Secretary after Mr. Aspland's 
 sudden death, Mr. Spears had shown an energy 
 and an organizing power which had quickened all 
 the pulses of the machine. After he resigned the 
 secretaryship he started a weekly paper called the 
 Christian Life, to be, as he regarded it, the organ of 
 those Unitarians who lay especial stress on their 
 Christian beliefs. Samuel Sharpe did not agree with 
 all the views advocated by Mr. Spears and his 
 friends ; but he had a hearty admiration for that 
 energetic, earnest, and devoted minister. The friend- 
 ship with Mr. Spears was one of the warmest 
 personal attachments he formed in his old age. He 
 believed that Mr. Spears had had a good deal to do 
 
1 879-] Two Presentations. 293 
 
 with the new warmth of religious feeling and the 
 fresh zeal for their opinions which Unitarians have 
 exhibited in recent years. Most of the articles con- 
 tributed by Samuel Sharpe to the Christian Life were 
 either against agnpsticism in Unitarian pulpits, or 
 against indiiTerence among the congregations, and 
 their prevailing motive was to urge the bringing out of 
 the positive and the Christian aspects of Unitarianism, 
 both in the teachings of its ministers and in the life 
 and conduct of its adherents. He contributed also 
 reviews. Biblical criticism, explanations of difficult 
 passages, and other matters of theological and 
 antiquarian interest. He continued writing these 
 articles till he could write no longer. 
 
 , In the month in which he entered his eightieth 
 year the boys of University College School gave 
 him a present in the shape of a volume contain- 
 ing the photographs of all the six hundred boys 
 then in the school, with their masters. It was a 
 very well designed recognition of his unparalleled 
 services to the school. 
 
 Another presentation which was made in the next 
 year was, if possible, even more gratifying, as it was 
 a recognition of the general appreciation in which 
 his character and work were held all over the country. 
 On his eightieth birthday, the 8th of March, 1879, 
 he received a call from two of his friends, the Rev. 
 Robert Spears and Mr. S. Seaward Tayler, and found 
 that they had come as the bearers of an address, 
 signed by two hundred and seventy-nine persons in 
 all parts of the country, congratulating him on the 
 completion of his eightieth year, and expressing their 
 admiration for his long and useful life, and thei 
 
294 -^^ Octogenarian at Work. [Ch. xiv. 
 
 high appreciation of his labours. In presenting it 
 Mr. Spears and Mr. Tayler informed him that only 
 a few days had been given to the preparation and 
 signing of the address, and that the number of signa- 
 tures might easily have been increased indefinitely. 
 The address, with the names of those who signed it, 
 is printed as an appendix to this volume. When the 
 presentation of the address was announced in the 
 papers he received a number of letters from persons 
 who had not had an opportunity of signing it, but 
 who desired to join in the expression of regard and 
 esteem. 
 
 His eightieth year brought no incapacity for work 
 and no indisposition to it. In 1879 he printed the 
 Book of Genesis, Chapters i. to xxxii. ; and xx. to 
 XXX. 10, in Hebrew without points. The Hebrew 
 text is printed after the style of modern books, in 
 paragraphs, with full modern punctuation, and with a 
 large letter at the beginning of every sentence and 
 of every proper name. The prefixes, moreover, are 
 cut off and stand as independent words. 
 
 Another little book of the same year, 1879, 
 which also arose directly out of the careful study of 
 the Bible, was, "An Inquiry into the Age of the 
 Moabite Stone." This celebrated relic of antiquity 
 is written in Phenician characters in the Hebrew 
 language, and many scholars, Dr. Ginsburg among 
 them, regard it as genuine. It purports to have been 
 written by Mesha, King of Moab, who lived in the 
 reigns of Omri, Ahab, and Jehora'm, Kings of 
 Northern Israel. Its date is therefore' fixed at about 
 850 B.C. Its language is almost that of the Bible, 
 and, "if the name of Jehovah," says Mr. Sharpe, 
 
1 879-] The Moabtte Stone. 295 
 
 " were substituted for that of Chemosh, it would read 
 like a chapter of the Book of Kings." This simi- 
 larity suggests imitation, and when he finds that it is 
 inconsistent in some of its statements with the his- 
 torical, facts stated in the Hebrew history, and that 
 some of its words have forms which only came into 
 use in later days, he concludes that the inscription is, 
 probably, the forgery of some prefect of Moab in the 
 third century of our era. His very interesting argu- 
 ment is summed up in the concluding sentences : — 
 
 We have thus found a time when our Inscription may per- 
 haps have been written. It was after Dibon had become the 
 capital of Moab ; after the causeway and bridge had been 
 made across the Amon valley ; and after the basaltic blocks 
 had been carried as far northward as Dibon ; and when the 
 sovereign who appointed the prefect of Moab was a Syrian. 
 Our aim has been to show that there was a time, many centu- 
 ries after the reign of Mesha, with which the characters, the 
 language, the subject matter of our Inscription, and even the 
 motives of the writer, would all agree ; and thus, to answer the 
 question very naturally asked by those who defend this Inscrip- 
 tion's genuineness, " If it was not written in Mesha's reign, 
 when, and for what purpose, could it have been written ? " The 
 date which we propose for it is about a.d. 260, when Odenathus 
 was ruler of Syria and the East, as the friend of Aurelian and 
 Gallienus ; and the purpose of it was, we suppose, to argue 
 that the province of Moab included the land of Reuben. 
 
 This was the work of his eightieth and eighty-first 
 years. In his eighty-second year we come to his last 
 separate publication — " The Epistle of Barnabas from 
 the Sinaitic Manuscript of the Bible, with a Transla- 
 tion by Samuel Sharpe." The epistle had claimed 
 his notice in the study of Paul's journeyings, " first 
 because the two apostles had at one time lived in 
 close friendship, and it in part explains why at a later 
 
296 The Bible Trmislation Complete. [Ch. xiv. 
 
 time Paul's feelings towards Barnabas were changed, 
 and, secondly, because it offers the earliest example 
 of the Gnosticism which was creeping into the Chris- 
 tian Churches, very much to the trouble of Paul." 
 He had found no English translation of it that he 
 thought satisfactory. Hence he translates it himself, 
 and discusses its character and claims in an introduc- 
 tion of seven-and-twenty pages. This introduction 
 is dated July 21, 1880 ; and the Preface, the nth of 
 September. He was then far advanced in his eighty- 
 second year. 
 
 He was still working at his Bible, and towards the 
 close of" 1880, he had the great satisfaction of seeing 
 it complete in one handsome, stereotyped volume — 
 "The Holy Bible, Translated by Samuel Sharpe. 
 Being a Revision of the Authorized English Version." 
 He had dated the Preface on his eighty-first birth- 
 day, the eighth of March, 1880. But the production 
 of such a volume occupied much time, and the title 
 page consequently bears the date of 1881. He 
 regarded the completed work with great satisfaction. 
 When he saw it, in his finished form, he exclaimed, 
 " Now my work is done." So he said to all his 
 friends as he showed them the volume. The same 
 date, 1881, is on the title page of the Revised 
 Version of the New Testament ; which was issued on 
 the 17th of May. He welcomed it with satisfaction, 
 rejoicing greatly that he had lived to see it. But he 
 did not live to criticise it in detail. 
 
 In the Preface to his Bible he gives some account 
 of his object in undertaking the work, and of the 
 chief features which distinguish his translation 
 from others. He says that he has not confined his 
 
i88o.] ' Improvements in Translation. 297 
 
 care to passages of theological importance, but has 
 desired to throw light on ancient manners and 
 customs, upon geography and upon antiquities. Of 
 the changes in the text he says, laying down a true 
 canon of revision, " he has seldom ventured upon 
 any great change of words, except where his own 
 judgment was supported by scholars who have gone 
 before him in Biblical studies." He has given a 
 more detailed account of his method of work in a 
 memorandum written in 1878. The method has, 
 however, been fully described already ; but it may 
 be well to reproduce a description of some of the 
 results at which he arrived. 
 
 The improvements in the Translation are most marked 
 in antiquarian matters, in manners and customs, in geo- 
 graphy, natural history, and also in political history, by 
 removing vague generalities, and allowing the writers to 
 point clearly to persons living in their own time. 
 
 The courts of the Temple are much explained, when 
 compared with the knowtj form of the ground, by showing 
 in 2 Chron. iv. 9, that the court of the priests was a raised 
 terrace. The form and situation of the altar are explained 
 by showing in Ezek. xliii. 13, that it had a trench round 
 it, of which traces yet remain in the rock under the mosque 
 of Omar. 
 
 Much light is thrown on some passages by merely 
 tabulating them, as the genealogies at the beginning of 
 I Chron., the stations where the Israelites rested in Numb, 
 xxxiii., and Solomon's officers in i Kings iv. 
 
 By keeping in use the Babylonian titles, Pasha or 
 captain, and Sagin or lieutenant, we are able to show from 
 Ezra ii. 6, that a Jew had been appointed to the office of 
 Pasha of Moab by Nebuchadnezzar ; and from Isaiah xli. 
 25, that the Jews, who accepted the office of Sagin under 
 
298 Bible Names and Natural History. [Ch. xiv. 
 
 the Babylonians, were hated by their countrymen, and 
 from Ezra and Nehemiah that they were not so hated 
 under the milder government of the Persians. By correct- 
 ing Dan. ix. 25, "while there is an anointed ruler shall 
 be seven weeks," we learn how long Zerubbabel was Pasha 
 of Judea. 
 
 By writing literally Sons of Adam and Sons of Men, 
 we show that some Hebrew writers called the Israelites 
 alone Sons of Adam, while the rest of mankind, as in the 
 Talmud, are Sons of Men. 
 
 The natural history of the Bible is made interesting by 
 the usual names of animals, such as the Crocodile, the 
 River-horse, the Buffalo, the Stork, the Ostrich, the Tsaltsal 
 Fly of Abyssinia, Isaiah xviii. i, the Parrot, not peacock, 
 I Kings X. 22, the Panther and the Horned Serpent, Isaiah 
 XXX. 6, where also the African lion is distinguished from 
 the lion of Asia, which was better known to the Israelites. 
 In plants we have the Ebony, i Kings x. 12, the Sweet 
 Cane and the Paper-reed, Isaiah xxxv. 7, and the Water 
 Lotus under which the river-horse hides himself, Job xl. 21. 
 In the mineral kingdom we have the Iron-stone, out of 
 which the mineral oil flows, Deut. xxxii. 13, and the Mixed 
 Metal or Alloy, not tin, Isaiah i. 25. 
 
 The parts of Ezra, Daniel, and Jeremiah, that are in 
 Chaldee are marked by stars in the margin. The Italics 
 mark quotations, as in the Book Nehemiah from Ezra. 
 
 Many passages are made clear by a name placed within 
 square brackets. Thus the Servant of Jehovah in Isaiah 
 Hi. 13, is said to be Zerubbabel ; he who is to leave a 
 meat offering and a drink offering behind him, in Joel ii. 
 14, is Tiglath Pilezer ; the Saviours hoped for in Obadiah 
 21 are the Persians; she who is to rejoice in Lam. iv. 21, 
 is Zion, as is she who is to shout aloud over the PhiHstines 
 in Ps. Ix. 8 ; the Anointed One in Ps. ii. 2 is Solomon, in 
 Hab. iii. 13 he is Josiah, in Ps. Ixxxix. 38 he is Jehoiachin, 
 in Ps. Ixxxv. 9 he is Zerubbabel, as also in Dan. ix. 25 • 
 but in Dan. ix. 26 he is king Aristobulus. The King in 
 
i88o.] Bible Geography. 299 
 
 Isaiah viii. 21 is Hoshea ; as time runs on, in Jerem. xiii. 
 18 he is Jehoiakim ; yet later, in Ezek. vii. 27 he is 
 Jehoiachin. The Prince in Ezek. vii. 27 is Zedekiah ; in 
 Ezek. xliv. 3 and xlv. 7 he is Zerubbabel. The Cruel 
 Lord in Isaiah xix. 4 is Antiochus Epiphanes ; and the 
 Saviour, in verse 20, who is to deliver the Egyptians by 
 merely rebuking him is the Roman Ambassador, Caius. 
 Popilius. Some of these passages are prophetical, and the 
 name here given may be doubtful; but most of the 
 passages are simply historical, and the addition of thfe name 
 is quite necessary to enable an ordinary reader to under- 
 stand who is being spoken of. 
 
 In geography the route of the Israelites out ai Egypt 
 and the identification of Hahiroth with the ruins of Heroo- 
 polis, of Rameses with the ruins of Heliopolis, are estab- 
 lished by the help of the Roman roads in the Itinerarium 
 Antonini, a work intermediate between our modem survey 
 of the country and the Book of Exodus. That mount 
 Sepher, written, in Gen. x. 30, the Shepher of Numb, xxxiii. 
 23, is mount Serbal, is proved by the writing yet remaining 
 on it, and by the map which shows how correctly the Arabs 
 are described as dwelUng between Mesha, near the south- 
 east corner of the Red Sea, and Serbal in Sinai. 
 
 Having in this way prepared my Translation of the 
 Hebrew Scriptures for a fourth edition, I then added to 
 the New Testament on the same plan a few words of com- 
 ment, here and there, placed within square brackets. These 
 are a few dates, references in the Epistles to the Acts, 
 showing an agreement between the two, where it had 
 been very unfairly, as I thought, denied by some German 
 critics; also the names of the Roman emperors in the 
 Revelation. In this way the Old and the New Testament 
 were made alike with a view to printing them together in 
 one volume. 
 
 The volume, as has been already stated, was issued 
 in the spring of 1881, completing, as he thought, the 
 
300 Correspondence on Revision. [Ch. XIV. 
 
 work of his life. There had already been ample 
 recognition of his labours. Not only had Biblical 
 students and scholars found their way to Highbury 
 from time to time, but he had considerable corre- 
 spondence on the Revision question. Some time 
 before the publication of the Revised Version of 
 the New Testament, he had printed a short note 
 calling the attention of the Members of the Revision 
 Committee to one or two points which he thought 
 to be important. This drew him into a very inte- 
 resting correspondence with two or three of the 
 Revisers who paid the venerable scholar the compli- 
 ment of giving their own views of the passages in 
 question. 
 
 The Bishop of Winchester writes a couple of letters 
 in November, 1879, stating in some detail the reasons 
 why he had strenuously resisted on the Old Testa- 
 ment Revision Committee the changing of the words 
 " The Lord " into "Jehovah." Mr. W. Aldis Wright 
 also expresses his individual opinion that the word 
 Jehovah is not the one to use, and his doubt whether 
 Jahveh would find favour. The Dean of Rochester 
 di.scusses the meaning of some Greek words in the 
 New Testament in which he differed from Mr. Sharpe ; 
 and expresses his dissent from his views with respect 
 to the " Epistle of Barnabas." The late Professor 
 E. H. Palmer writes (in December, 1876) to thank 
 him for his work on the Sinaitic Inscriptions, and to 
 say that he intends to publish all his inscriptions, as 
 an appendix to the Ordnance Survey Reports, when 
 he can find time, but that for the last year or two he 
 has been compelled to put it aside for other, and to 
 him, more interesting work. Of the long correspon- 
 
1879-81.] Other Correspondence. 301 
 
 dence with the Bishop of Natal some account has 
 already been given. There are many letters from- 
 Professor D. W. Marks, discussing with the most 
 careful minuteness of detail obscure points of Hebrew 
 scholarship. Dr. Marks disagreed with his corres- 
 pondent on the vexed question of the points. He 
 was nevertheless the valued friend to whom Samuel 
 Sharpe had applied many times during his years of 
 Hebrew study and translation for help in difficulties, 
 and who never failed him. His great knowledge 
 of the Talmud and of other Rabbinical writings 
 was always placed ungrudgingly at the service of the 
 diligent translator at Highbury. It is worthy of 
 remark that both the Bishop of Natal and Professor 
 Marks approve of many of his readings of the 
 Sinaitic Inscriptions, though the latter considers that 
 some of them are more ingenious than true, and is at 
 variance with Mr. Sharpe with respect to the date at 
 which the inscriptions were written. The Rev. H. R. 
 Reynolds, the learned Principal of Cheshunt College, 
 also discusses in letters in 1879, 1880, and 1881, some 
 points of scholarship, and expresses his sense of the 
 great ingenuity of many of the suggestions in the 
 "Journeys and Epistles of the Apostle Paul." He 
 admits that the view taken of the closing chapter of 
 the Romans (the separation from it of verses i — 20, 
 containing the greetings to friends, and the finding a 
 place for them elsewhere),* does remove many diffi- 
 
 * These verses are separated from the Epistle for the reason 
 that " When the Apostle reached Rome as a prisoner he found 
 no friends there. These intimate friends belonged not to Rome, 
 but to some place where he had already passed some months, 
 as, for example, Ephesus." They are consequently regarded as 
 
302 The Revised Version. [Ch. xiv. 
 
 culties, and points out that it has been accepted by 
 Canon Farrar. Dr. Reynolds had sent to Mr. Sharpe 
 his own " Life of John the Baptist," and no letters 
 were more valued, for their shrewd criticism and wise 
 suggestions than those from Cheshunt. 
 
 The very last public matter in which he showed a 
 lively interest, was the issue of the Revised Version 
 of the New Testament. He had been waiting for it 
 with some anxiety, and had ordered a copy from the 
 bookseller some time beforehand. The bookseller 
 was an hour or two late in delivering it, and one of 
 his nieces had the satisfaction of bringing him the 
 first copy. He sat down at once to look up the pas- 
 sages in which he was most interested, and when 
 later in the day other friends came with their copies, 
 he had already referred, to the chief points. He 
 found that the passages to which he had called 
 attention in his own tract, " Controversial Texts Cor- 
 rected," had all been rendered in the new translation 
 as he desired they should be, except one, and that' 
 had the true version in the margin. He at once sent 
 off a post-card to his friend, Mr. Spears, of the 
 Christian Life, saying, " It is all right ; give the book 
 a favourable review." His increasing weakness, how- 
 ever, allowed him to do no more than this. He was 
 never able to compare the new version with his own, 
 
 " Fragments to Ephesus," and he thinks they " were written 
 from the neighbourhood of Cenchrese during the journey to 
 Greece (Acts xx. 3), as they were sent by Phebe of Cenchreae ; 
 and they were written to a city where Aquilas and Priscilla were 
 hving, and where he had gained many friends during a long 
 stay." See " The Journeys and Epistles of the Apostle Paul," 
 Preface, pp. xi. and xiii. 
 
i88i.] Signs of the End. 303 
 
 though, had he done so, he would have seen in how- 
 many instances his own improvements have been 
 adopted, and in how many others he had kept the old 
 familiar expression when the Revisers have needlessly 
 changed the word without changing the sense. 
 
 In the spring of 1881 he began to show signs 
 of the paralysis which was to end his life in the 
 summer. It came so gently that no one noticed 
 its beginning, but he used to say : " I began this on 
 the first of April." What he then began was to 
 make odd mistakes in spelling, and afterwards in 
 the choice of words. " Think what I am come to," 
 he would say laughingly to his family ; " I can't 
 spell Bible." He saw from the first that this was 
 the beginning of the end, and said so to all his 
 friends, but he made no trouble of it, taking it in 
 the happiest and most gentle spirit ; and when, later 
 on, he had to be helped with a word and the helpers 
 could not hit upon the one he wanted, he would 
 make a smiling gesture, as much as to say, " It is of 
 no use." When the Revised Version of the New 
 Testament was issued in the middle of May these 
 signs of failing health had become more serious. 
 They were not very important at first, and he kept 
 on with his usual work, refusing to see a doctor. But 
 the power of choosing words grew rapidly less and 
 less as the summer advanced, and speedily became 
 an almost total inability to find language to express 
 his ideas, which were still clear. He understood 
 all that was said to him, and tried to answer, but 
 failed, and gave it up with a smile. Yet, even 
 when the faculty of expression was almost gone, 
 it was evident that he clearly understood what he 
 
304 The Closing Days. . [Ch. xiv. 
 
 meant to say, and on a point on which his view of 
 the meaning of a Greek phrase had been disputed, 
 and words altogether failed him to explain, he took 
 down the grammar, put his finger on the passage, 
 and smilingly indicated that what 'he wished to say 
 was expressed there. 
 
 These closing months were brightened by his 
 patience and genial submission. He enjoyed the 
 visits of friends who came to see him, and under- 
 stood and appreciated their conversation, though 
 he was unable to reply. As paralysis gradually 
 came on, it became difficult to get him up and 
 down stairs, though he had continued to come down 
 into the dining room till within a few days of his 
 death. He liked to sit in his armchair upon the 
 garden steps, with the calm countenance of the 
 great bust of Melpomene before him, and with the 
 Hebrew text he had written on the garden wall ^ 
 behind him : " Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God 
 is one Lord." The lingering was not long. A few 
 weeks of increasing infirmity, then a couple of days 
 of confinement to his bedroom, and after that the 
 end. It was gentle and quiet, as the consummation 
 of such a life ought to be — a death by natural decay 
 — a coming to his grave, according to the old pro- 
 mise, in a full age, like a shock of corn coming in 
 in its season. He had been eighty-two on the 8th 
 of March, and died on Thursday, the 28th of July, 
 having thus lived for four months and twenty days 
 of his eighty-third year. 
 
 The funeral took place on the 3rd of August, at 
 Abney Park Cemetery. It was conducted by the 
 Rev. Robert Spears, who spoke a few appreciative 
 
i88i.] The Completed Life. 305 
 
 words in the cemetery chapel, and the Rev. Henry 
 lerson made a short address at the grave, pointing 
 out that sincerity, simpHcity, and devotion to truth 
 had been the chief features of Samuel Sharpe's 
 character. He was juried in the family vault, 
 where his wife and his sister Catherine had been 
 placed, and where three of his children lay. There 
 was a large gathering of friends, representing all 
 the various interests — social, political, antiquarian, 
 and theological — which had occupied his busy life. 
 There were no needless regrets. All present felt that 
 it was a completed life of which they were witnessing 
 the closing scene. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 The following is the text of the Address referred to 
 in pages 293 and 294. 
 
 To Samuel Sharpe, Esq., of 32, Highbury Place, London, 
 on his Eightieth Birthday, March 8th, 1879. 
 
 Dear Mr. Sharpe, — 
 
 We beg you to accept our congratulations and our 
 best wishes on your having attained the venerable age of 
 eighty years. 
 
 We are persuaded that the causes which, in the order 
 of Divine Providence, give to the world an increasing 
 proportion of persons of mature age and experience, tend 
 to promote public wisdom and virtue and the happiness of 
 our race. But it is not merely at the fact of your 
 lengthened years that we express to you this day our 
 pleasure, for we well remember that your life has been 
 filled with deeds of a kind which the wisest and best men 
 of all ages and of all countries have never failed to esteem 
 and honour. 
 
 It must be to yourself, as it has been and will continue 
 to be to many, a gratifying recollection that your pen has 
 been engaged for nearly half a century in the production 
 of learned and valuable works, bearing especially upon the 
 great subjects of Biblical study, on which your researches 
 have thrown considerable light ; and that during this period 
 you have also manifested the greatest interest in the educa- 
 
 X 2 
 
3o8 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 tion of the young, and have shown in many practical ways 
 your deep sense of the importance of a well trained 
 Christian ministry. We gratefully remember that the range 
 of your munificence through a long life, has not been con- 
 fined to schools and colleges, nor even to churches of 
 your own persuasion, which have so largely benefited by 
 it, but has been extended to whatever you thought would 
 promote knowledge, virtue and true religion amongst man- 
 kind. 
 
 We are glad to believe that an unspotted life of homely 
 beauty, of great industry, of loyalty to truth, of Christian 
 simplicity and godly sincerity, like your own, that has paid 
 court to nothing but what you believed would increase 
 learning and wisdom among all classes, — whom you have 
 ever regarded as God's children, and therefore brothers 
 and sisters, — will always be remembered as a bright and 
 encouraging example, and will animate others to use their 
 powers and means for the public good. 
 
 May it be the will of our Heavenly Father that you may 
 continue with us for many years, and may all your remain- 
 ing days be peace. 
 
 John W. Aikin, King's Lynn. 
 Thomas Ainsworth, The Flosh. 
 L. M. Aspland, London. 
 Owen Aves, Mansfield. 
 Henry Austin, Cirencester. 
 William Andrews, Bristol. 
 Alfred P. Allen, King's Lynn. 
 Henry S. Bicknell, London. 
 George Buckton, Leeds. 
 Henry P. Buckler, Tenterden. 
 "William Blake, South Petherton. 
 Charles T. Bowring, Liverpool. 
 Thomas Bowring, Maidstone. 
 Addley Bourne, London. 
 W. J. Beale, London. 
 Jacob Boys, Brighton. 
 John Birks, Taunton. 
 
 William Binns, Birkenhead. 
 William Butcher, Bristol. 
 William Birks, Wolverhampton. 
 James Black, Stockport. 
 Charles F. Biss, Gloucester. 
 Arthur Bromily, Bolton. 
 John A. Briggs, St. Leonards. 
 Thomas B. W. Briggs, Folkestone. 
 William Barnard, Sawbridgeworth. 
 William B. Carpenter, London. 
 William H. Channing, London. 
 Arthur Chamberlain, Birmingham. 
 Russell L. Carpenter, Bridport. 
 P. W. Clayden, London. 
 Thomas Chatfeild Clarke, London. 
 Frederick Collier, London. 
 Joseph Clephan, Gateshead. 
 
Appendix. 
 
 309 
 
 John A. Crozier, Newry. 
 J. Estlin Carpenter, London. 
 Charles Clarke, Birmingham. 
 Charles C. Coe, Bolton. 
 G. S. Coxwell, Southampton, 
 George Carter, London. 
 Samuel Charlesworth, Sheffield. 
 John J. Clephan, Stockton-on-Tees. 
 John Crossman, Maidenhead. 
 John C. Conway, London. 
 Edward Cowell, Canterbury. 
 Andrew Chalmers, Cambridge. 
 Edwin Clephan, Leicester. 
 James Drummond, London. 
 Robert B. Drummond, Edinburgh. 
 J. Withers Powson, Norwich. 
 H. Enfield Dowson, Gee Cross. 
 Thomas R. Dobson, Brighton. 
 Thomas Dunkerley, London. 
 Thomas Davis, Allt-y-placa. 
 G. R. Dalby, Preston. 
 Edward Enfield, London. 
 Frank Evers, Stourbridge. 
 Charles Ellis, Maidstone. 
 William Earl, Edgbaston. 
 John Every, Lewes. 
 Jpseph T. EUerbeck, Liverpool. 
 William Elliot, Sunderland. 
 J. Barker Ellis, Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
 Henry Fordham, Royston. 
 T. W. Freckelton, London. 
 John Fox, Newark. 
 George Fox, Park Lane. 
 A. J. C. Fabritius, Dulwich. 
 Thomas Furber, Cheltenham. 
 W. Fallows, Middlesbrough. 
 William Gaskell, Manchester. 
 Charles S. Grundy, Manchester. 
 Thomas F. Gibson, Tunbridge 
 
 Wells. 
 John Gordon, Kenilworth. 
 Alex. Gordon, Belfast. 
 John Grundy, Bury. 
 John. Green, Edgbaston. 
 
 Charles Green, Northwich. 
 T. M. Greenhow, Leeds. 
 Edward Grundy, King's Lynn. 
 
 D. A. Gibbs, London. 
 
 J. Joseph George, Aberdare. 
 William P. Greenway, Dudley. 
 Edward R. Grant, Maidstone. 
 John Glover, Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
 Benjamin Glover, Huddersfield. 
 Orlando E. Heys, Stockport. 
 John Page Hopps, Leicester. 
 Edward S. Howse, Bowdon. 
 Edward Higginson, Swansea. 
 James Hopgood, London. 
 James Heywood. London. 
 Abel Heywood, Manchester. 
 Jpseph C. Haslam, Bolton. 
 Williams HoUins, Mansfield. 
 Thomas Hincks, Clevedon. 
 J. Panton Ham, London. 
 John J. Hart, London. 
 Alexander Hutcheson, Glasgow 
 John Hobson, Sheffield. 
 Thomas Hunter, London. 
 Michael Hunter, Sheffield. 
 Richard Harwood, Salford. 
 Henry Hawkes, Portsmouth. 
 Benjamin Heape, Prestwich. 
 Charles Howe, London. 
 James Harwood, Manchester. 
 Jesse Hind, Nottingham. 
 
 E. C. Harding, Manchester. 
 Saunders A. Harris, Plymouth. 
 Henry lerson, London. 
 Henry Jeffery, London. 
 Walter D. Jeremy, London. 
 Christopher James, Bristol. 
 Charles H. James, Merthyr Tydvil. 
 R. Crompton Jones, Sevenoaks. 
 
 T. Fielding Johnson, Leicester. 
 Thomas Jolly, Bath. 
 Rees C. Jones, Lampeter. 
 
 Courtney Kenny, Cambridge. 
 
 Andrew L. Knox, Glasgow. 
 
3IO 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 William Kempson, Leicester. 
 Richard Kinder, London. 
 Timothy Kenrick, Edgbaston. 
 William Lawrence, London. 
 James Clarke Lawrence, London. 
 James Lupton, Leeds. 
 Henry Long, Knutsford. 
 John B. Lloyd, Knutsford. 
 I. S. Lister, London. 
 Bernard Lewis, London. 
 George D. Longstaff, Wands- 
 worth. 
 H. Lunn, Loughborough. 
 George Lawford, London. 
 Henry Leigh, Swinton. 
 George Lucas, Darlington. 
 Chas. D. Leech, Bury St. Edmunds. 
 Benjamin Lansdown, Trowbridge. 
 E. W. Lloyd, Aberdare. 
 James Martineau, London. 
 David Martineau, London. 
 Jerom Murch, Bath. 
 Thomas L. Marshall, London. 
 
 C. J. McAlester, Holywood. 
 R. E. B. Maclellan, Rochester. 
 J. R. Mott, Birmingham. 
 
 J. R. McKee, London. 
 
 Charles Moore, Bath. 
 
 John Ellis Mace, Tenterden. 
 
 D. Maginnis, Stourbridge. 
 
 J. Towle Marriott, Manchester. 
 
 E. J. Morton-, Halifax. 
 
 J. K. Montgomery, Chester. 
 Robert McAlmont, Belfast. 
 Alexander Mackie, Burnley. 
 Henry McKean, Oldbury. 
 H. J. Marcus, Heaton Norris. 
 E. McCammon, Banbridge. 
 John Marten, London. 
 M. P. Manfield, Northampton. 
 H. J. Morton, Scarborough. 
 J. E. Manning, Swansea. 
 Alexander Macdougall, Braintree. 
 David Matts, Ballymoney. 
 
 Frederick Nettlefold, London. 
 Edward M. Needham, Belper. 
 Herbert New, Evesham. 
 Samuel C. Nelson, Downpatrick. 
 David Gordon, Dovmpatrick. 
 Robert Nicholson, Bowdon. 
 John Orr, Comber. 
 A. Follet Osier, Edgbaston. 
 W. J. Odgers, Bath. 
 J. Edwin Odgers, Liverpool. 
 John Owen, Whitby. 
 J. Scott Porter, Belfast. 
 Andrew Pritchard, London. 
 William P. Price, Gloucester. 
 Alfred Paget, Leicester. 
 Robert N. Phillips, London. 
 Joseph T. Preston, London. 
 James Philp, London. 
 Thomas H. Pargeter, Stourbridge. 
 Edward Plimpton, London. 
 C. F. Pearson, London. 
 William A. Pope, Chelmsford. 
 Thomas Prime, Birmingham. 
 Charles T. Poynting, Manchester. 
 Jesse Pilcher, Manchester. 
 Robert Pinnock, Newport, I.W. 
 Alfred Payne, Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
 William Rathbone, Liverpool. 
 Thomas Rix, Stratford. 
 Harry Rawson, Manchester. 
 John Robberds, Cheltenham. 
 C. W. Robberds, Bath. 
 James Russell, Birmingham. 
 J. R. Robinson, Kensington. 
 John H. Rowland, Neath. 
 Henry Riley, Leicester. 
 James Robson, Stockton-on-Tees. 
 George Ruck, Maidstone. 
 W. Wynn Robinson, Gainsborough. 
 William Robinson, Crewkeme. 
 Stephen Robinson, Stockport. 
 Mark M. Lambert, Newcastle-on- 
 Tyne. 
 Thomas Cooper, Framlingham. 
 
Appendix. 
 
 ;ii 
 
 Henry W. Crosskey, Birmingham. 
 S. Alfred Steinthal, Manchester. 
 William Spiller, London. 
 G. Vance Smith, Carmarthen. 
 Thomas Sadler, London. 
 William Shaen, London. 
 Hugh Stannus, London. 
 Henry Solly, Croydon. 
 Benjamin Stych, Edgbaston. 
 James C. Street, Belfast. 
 B. K. Spencer, Southampton. 
 Edgar Smallfield, London. 
 Thomas H. M. Scott, Dunmurry. 
 William A. Snaith, Darlington. 
 Edward Swalne, York. 
 William Croke Squier, Manchester. 
 Richard Shaen, Royston. 
 O. A. Shrubsole, Reading. 
 J. Hunton Smith, Carmarthen. 
 John G. Slater, Manchester. 
 William Shakespeare, Ilkeston. 
 Robert Spears, London. 
 John H. Thorn, Liverpool. 
 John Troup, London. 
 Charles F. Tagart, Lewes. 
 Francis Taylor, Diss. 
 Christopher Thomas, Bristol. 
 James Taplin, Kingswood, Birpa- 
 
 ingham. 
 Stephen S. Taylor, London. 
 Frank Taylor, Bolton. 
 William Titford, London. 
 Ephraim Turland, Ainsworth. 
 Samuel Thornton, Birmingham. 
 John Tribe, Rochester. 
 ' N. M. Tayler, London. 
 Lindsey Taplin, Todmorden. 
 
 William Thomas, Llandyssul, 
 David Thompson, Dromore. 
 Thomas Taylor, Taunton. 
 Thomas Thomas, Llandyssul. 
 George Robert Twinn, Birming- 
 ham. 
 Thomas Timmins, Southsea. 
 John Taylor, Bolton. 
 Charles B. Upton, London. 
 William Unicum, Cranbrook. 
 Walter Venning, London. 
 N. H. Vertue, Teddington. 
 Edward Whitfield, Ilminster. 
 Charles Wicksteed, London. 
 Philip H. Wicksteed, London. 
 John Wright, Bath. 
 George Withall, Beaconsfield. 
 James Wrigley, Windermere. 
 J. T. Whitehead, London. 
 I. M. Wade, London. 
 Henry Williamson, Dundee. 
 Thomas Waterfield, Brighton. 
 W. Whitelegge, Cork. 
 E. Cox Walker, York. 
 Charles H. Wellbeloved, York. 
 S. Fletcher Williams, Liveipool. 
 Charles Woollen, Sheffield. 
 Joseph Wright, Nottingham. 
 Jeffery Worthington, London. 
 W. Carey Walters, Whitchurch. 
 Thomas J essop, Sheffield. 
 Edwin EUis, Shalford. 
 E. Horton, London. 
 H. Weston Eve, London. 
 Talfourd Ely, London. 
 Alex. B. W. Kennedy, London. 
 Henry Morley, London. 
 
\The following is a list of the principal works of 
 Samuel Sharpe which were in print at the time 
 of his death, with the edition which had been 
 reached '\ 
 
 The Holy Bible translated, being a revision of the Authorized English 
 
 Version. 
 The Book of Isaiah, arranged chronologically in a revised translation 
 
 and with historical notes. 
 Short Notes to accompany a revised translation of the Hebrew 
 
 Scriptures. 
 The New Testament, translated ftom Griesbach's Text. Thirteenth 
 
 thousand. 
 Critical Notes on the Authorized English Version of the New Testa- 
 ment. Second Edition.' 
 The History of the Hebrew Nation and its Literature. Third 
 
 Edition. 
 Text from the Holy Bible explained by the help of the Ancient 
 
 Monuments. Second Edition. 
 The History of Egypt from the Earliest Times till the Conquest by 
 
 the Arabs in a.d. 640. Sixth Edition. 
 Alexandrian Chronology. 
 Egyptian Inscriptions from the British Museum and other Sources. 
 
 216 Plates in folio. 
 Egyptian Hieroglyphics ; being an Attempt to explain their Nature, 
 
 Origin, and Meaning. With a Vocabulary. 
 Egyptian Antiquities in the British Museum described. 
 Egyptian Mythology and Egyptian Christianity ; with their Influence 
 
 on the Opinions of Modern Christendom. 
 The Decree of Canopus in Hieroglyphics and Greek. 
 The Rosetta Stone in Hieroglyphics and Greek. 
 Hebrew Inscriptions from the Valleys between Egypt and Mount 
 
 Sinai in their original characters, with translations and an alphabet. 
 
 Parts I. and II. 
 The Chronology of the Bible. 
 A Short Hebrew Grammar without points. 
 The Book Genesis I.- XVIII. and XX.-XXV. 10, without points, and 
 
 with prefixes and suffixes detached. 
 The Journeys and Epistles of the Apostle Paul. Third Edition. 
 An Inquiry into the Age of the Moabite Stone. 
 The Epistle of Barnabas from the Sinaitic Manuscript of the Bible. 
 
 With a Translation. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Afghanistan, The war in . . . 113 
 Aikin, Mis$ ... 30, 189, X92 
 'Alexandrian Chronology " . . 217 
 Ancient British town. An . . . 241 
 " Aroeri-ao, Triple mummy case of" 217 
 Authorized Version, Defects of. 77, 253 
 
 Bank robbery . 
 
 T64 
 
 166 
 
 Barbauld, Mrs. . 
 
 30 
 
 189 
 
 Lines on Life 
 
 
 186 
 
 Barnabas, The Epistle of, translated 
 
 29s 
 
 Bartram, Mr. R., and the " Inquirer " 
 
 III 
 
 Bathurst, Lord, takes the Prince 
 
 
 Regent news of his daughter's 
 
 
 death 
 
 
 182 
 
 Beaconsfield, Lord, on Ritualis 
 
 m 
 
 125 
 
 Beard, Rev. Dr. 
 
 214 
 
 215 
 
 Belzoni in London 
 
 
 234 
 
 Birch, Dr. S. . 
 
 161, 
 
 281 
 
 Bischoff, James, the elder 
 
 
 42 
 
 Bonomi, Joseph 
 
 162 
 
 163 
 
 on Sir G. Wilkinson . 
 
 
 65 
 
 at Crystal Palace. 
 
 =°3. 
 
 204 
 
 and Belzoni. 
 
 
 234 
 
 his death , 
 
 
 282 
 
 Brixton Chapel, its Trust-deed 
 
 
 98 
 
 Brougham, Lord, on Macaulay 
 
 
 179 
 
 Bunbury, E. H., uses Histo 
 
 ry of 
 
 
 Egypt without acknow 
 
 ledg- 
 
 
 ment 
 
 
 197 
 
 Byron, Lord, and S. Rogers 
 
 
 183 
 
 Canopus, Decree of . 
 Carmarthen College . 
 Carter, Sir James 
 Catholic Emancipation 
 
 257 
 220 
 42 
 50 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chalmers, Dr 125 
 
 his secession .... 127 
 Champoilion's Discoveries . 6r, 62 
 
 Channing, Dr. 41 
 
 Christianity, Corruptions of . . 102 
 *' Christian Life," The . . 292, 302 
 " Christian Reformer " . . . 128 
 "Christian Teacher "first review of 
 
 Sharpe's New Testament 
 Cockerell, C. R., on St. Paul's. 
 Colenso, Bishop, on the Pentateuch 
 diflfers from S. Sharpe 
 Correspondence with 
 
 '' Controversial Texts Corrected " 253* 302 
 Corn Law Difficulties 
 " Critical Notes on the Authorized 
 Version of the New Testa- 
 
 ment. ... : 
 
 Crompton, Mr. Justice 
 Cromwell, Rev. Thomzis . 
 Crystal Palace, The . 
 
 the Fine Art Department . 
 the wol-ks at Sydenham 
 Sharpe's Egyptian inscription c 
 Egyptian guide-book to 
 Cogan, Rev. EHezer, his school 
 his long life 
 Dr. Parr on him . 
 Convocation and Revision 
 Conquest, Dr., his amended Bible 
 
 Coxe, Dr 
 
 William .... 
 
 Decimal coinage, S. Sharpe opposes. 
 Defoe, Daniel .... 
 De Morgan, Profess.,, on Dr. Marti' 
 
 Descendants of Philip Henry . 
 
 90 
 
 196 
 238 
 239 
 239 
 
 . 253 
 41 
 97 
 198 
 203 
 203 
 204 
 204 
 26, 27 
 28 
 28 
 
 253 
 78 
 
 15 
 
 219 
 14 
 
 244 
 87 
 
3i6 
 
 Index. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Disraeli, B,, at school ... 28 
 
 his schoolmaster on him . . 28 
 
 Disruption of the Scotch Church . 127 
 
 Dissenters' Chapels Bill . . 154-160 
 
 marriages 50 
 
 registration of births . . • , 53 
 
 Distress in 1842 .... 115, 116 
 
 Dr. Williams's library . , . 205 
 
 S. S. as a trustee . . . 206 
 
 S. S. resigns .... 206 
 
 Dyce, Rev. Alexander . 177, 178, 185 
 
 edits Rogers's " Table-Talk " . 187 
 
 " Early History of Egjrpt " . 64, 68, 69 
 " Edinburgh Review " on S. Sharpe's 
 
 style 105 
 
 "Egyptian Antiquities in the British 
 
 Museum described " . , 
 " Egyptian Inscriptions," Part I. . 
 
 Part II 
 
 "Egyptian Mythology and Egyptian 
 
 Christianity " . 
 " Egypt under the Ptolemies " . 
 " Egypt under the Romans' 
 Ejected Ministers 
 English Presbyterians 
 " Essays and Reviews " . 
 
 230 
 70 
 
 82 
 
 • 233 
 
 • 73 
 89, 104 
 
 12, 13 
 14. IS 
 . 236 
 
 Fall in gold, S. Sharpe on 
 Fellows, Sir Charles . 
 Field, Edwin Wilkins 
 
 Lord Selbome upon 
 
 and the Royal Courts 
 Field, Rev. W. . 
 Field, Rogers . 
 Fields, The, of Leam 
 Flaxman . 
 
 Portraits by 
 Foote, S. . 
 Fox, C. J., Miss Aikin on 
 Rev. W. J. 
 
 his preaching 
 Fuseli 
 
 • 195 
 84,85 
 40, 43 
 . 87 
 of Justice 86,87 
 40, 86 
 
 41 
 86 
 
 » 7 
 
 282 
 190 
 54 
 55 
 
 Gibbon, Edward 
 
 and Christianity , 
 Gibson^ Mr. T. Field 
 
 • 179 
 
 103, 104 
 
 . 42 
 
 PACE 
 
 Gibson (the Sculptor) on Gothic Ar- 
 chitecture . . . .221 
 Gladstone, Mr., on " Dissenters' 
 
 Chapels Bill" . . . . isS 
 Glashan, Thomas .... 80 
 
 Glenelg, Lord 177 
 
 Godwin, W., and Miss Aikin . . 18^ 
 Goodwin, Mr. C. W. . . . 237 
 
 Grey, Lord .... 48, 49 
 
 Grote, George 57 
 
 and Cobden ... .76 
 Gruner, Mr 95 
 
 Hamilton, Mr. N. E, S. A. . . 280 
 Harness, Rev. W. , . . 177, 181 
 Harris, Mary . . . . 12, 13 
 
 - Samuel . . . , 13. 14 
 Hayley, William . . . 179 
 "Hebrew Scriptures Translated" . 229 
 Henderson, Dr.. 
 Henry, Eleanor , 
 
 — Rev. Matthew . 
 
 Rev. Philip 
 
 Herford, Rev. Brooke 
 
 Hewley case. The 
 
 Heywood's, Mr, James, motion for 
 
 New Version in the House of 
 Commons. . , . 211, 213 
 Hibbert Trust, The . . . .240 
 Hincks, Rev. William . 80, 108, no- 
 "Historic Notes on the Bible " . 210 
 History made orthodox . . . 103 
 "History of Egypt" .... 167 
 Edinburgh, Review on . 16S 
 "History of the Hebrew Nation'" 249, 251 
 Home Missionary Board , . 213, 214 
 Hook, Theodore .... 179 
 Home Tooke . . . 178, 180, 181 
 Howard, John, and Miss Aikin . 190 
 Hunter, Rev. Thomas . . . 20& 
 Hutton, Mr. R. H., and the "In- 
 quirer" Ill 
 
 Rev. Dr 96, 97 
 
 lerson, Rev. H. . . 221, 305 
 
 " Inquirer" newspaper . . . 108 
 
 Editors of m 
 
 its history . . . 109, no, in 
 articles in by S. Sharpe . 1 13-128 
 " Inquiry into the age of the Moabite 
 
 177. 
 
 184, 
 
 185 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 .13 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 .13 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 . 13 
 
 IS6 
 
 Stone " 
 
 295 
 
Index. 
 
 317 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Improved Version (Belsharti's) . 77, 79 
 Ireland and Egypt .... 121 
 Irish Distress 120 
 
 Janson, Joseph . . . .36, 37, 43 
 
 Halsey . . . . 43, 44 
 
 Jolowicz, Dr. H. . . . 216, 255 
 Jones, Mr. Owen, at Crystal Palace 203 
 
 Kelly, Sir Fitzroy .... 32 
 
 Kinder, Mr. and Mrs. . . 41 
 
 Kinder, Mr. R., and the "Inquirer" iii 
 
 Knight, Richard (of Downton) . 15 
 
 Richard Payne .... 15 
 
 Thomas Andrew . . 15 
 
 Knoop, Mr. and Mrs. . . 33, 34 
 
 Lamb, Charles, sonnet on Daniel 
 
 Lawrence, Lord, supports Chunder 
 
 Sen 264 
 
 -: The Misses .... 87 
 
 Lee, Dr. (of Hartwell House) 96, 217, 239 
 
 Yate 42 
 
 Lepsius, Dr 70, 72 
 
 *' Lesson from History," A. . . 121 
 
 Lewes, G. H 207 
 
 Lewis, Sir G. Cornewall, Controversy 
 
 with 231 
 
 Liverpool, Lord. . . . 47 
 
 Lloyd, Mr. W. Watkiss . . .282 
 account of S. Sharpe . . . 283 
 Londonderry, Lord, rejoicings at his 
 
 death . . . 48 
 
 London District Unitarian Society 201 
 
 S. S. Lectures for . . . 202 
 
 Luttrell, Mr., as a talker . . 92, 180 
 
 Macaulay, Mr., on *' Dissenters' 
 
 Chapels Bill " . 
 
 . . 158 
 
 Mackay, Mr. R. W. . 
 
 . 282 
 
 Madge, Rev. Thomas 
 
 42, 96, 97, 98 
 
 his fine old age . 
 
 ■ 278, 279 
 
 his death . 
 
 • 279 
 
 Mrs 
 
 . 42 
 
 Mallet, Miss S. . . 
 
 • 138, 139 
 
 Maltby, Mr. . . . 
 
 30. "73. 174 
 
 Manchester New College . 
 
 • 213, 214 
 
 I'ACE 
 
 Mansion House, Who paid for the' . 51 
 Marks, Dr. D. W., correspond- 
 ence 301 
 
 Marshall, Rev. T. L., and the "In- 
 quirer" Ill 
 
 Martineau, Rev- Dr., and University 
 
 College .... 244, 246 
 " Ministry of all the Talents " . .47 
 
 Mitchell. Mary 14 
 
 Mitford, Rev. Mr, . . 177, 179, 184 
 Moabite Stone, The ... 295 
 
 Moore, Thomas 30 
 
 on S. Rogers .... 92 
 Morton, Rev. Charles ... 14 
 Mozley's Reminiscences . . . 124 
 
 Natal, Bishop of, on the Pentateuch 238 
 Correspondence with . . 239 
 
 Newman, Cardinal, his "Apologia " 124 
 Newington Green Chapel . . 14, 15 
 " New Testament Translated " . 78, 81 
 Nonparochial Registers ... S3 
 " Notes to the Bible "... 286 
 Numismatic Society .... 96 
 
 O'Brien, Smith, opinions on his con- 
 viction ... . . . 177 
 
 and the Irish Confederates. . 198 
 Octogenarian, An, at work . . 294 
 Oimenepthah, Sarcophagus of 81, 163, 235 
 Opie, Mr. and Mrs. . . . i, ir 
 
 Oxford Movement, The . . . 124 
 
 Palmer, Professor, on Sinaitic In- 
 scriptions . . . 288, 300 
 Parker, Mr, Reginald ... 42 
 Parr, Dr., on Mr. Cogan's scholar- 
 ship . . . . . .28 
 
 " Parthenon," Letters to . . 231, 232 
 " Paul, Journeys and Epistles of" . 289 
 Peel, Sir R. ... 114, 158 
 
 Pettigrew, Mr. 218 
 
 Piozzi, Mr. . . 20 
 
 Porson, Richard . . . i, 8, 30 
 at London Institution . . . 196 
 Portlnck, Colonel, on D. Sharpe 148, 150 
 Presbyterian chapels, how they be- 
 came Unitarian . . 154 
 Price, Rev. Dr. Richard . . 15, 16 
 
;i8 
 
 Index. 
 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Priestley, Dr. . 
 
 17, 20, 155 
 
 Purchas, Catharine . 
 
 . 2. S 
 
 Puseyism . 
 
 123 
 
 Radford, Mary . . .12, 15 
 
 Daniel . . . .12, 13, 15 
 
 ' Samuel .... 13 
 
 Rameses II., statue given to Museum 235 
 
 Reform Bill, Agitation for 
 
 The era before the 
 
 Who fought the battle 
 R^nouard, Dr. . ... 
 Rents and the Com Law . 
 Revised Version of the New Testa- 
 ment 
 
 Petition for . . . 
 Reynolds, Rev. H. W., Correspond- 
 ence with 
 
 Roberts, President .... 
 Robertson, Professor Croom 
 Robinson, H. Crabb, on S. Sharpe . 
 
 48 
 47 
 48 
 95 
 119 
 
 302 
 212 
 
 301 
 
 196 
 
 247 
 
 75 
 
 his Diary quoted . 177, 178, 197 
 his character . 92, 184, 185 
 
 letter quoted .... 197 
 
 Mr. J. R 280 
 
 and the " Inquirer " . . . 111 
 
 Rogers, Daniel, C. Lamb's sonnet 
 
 — Henry 
 his character 
 
 — Maria . 
 her marriage 
 
 — Samuel 
 his youngest sister 
 on Sutton Sharpe 
 and the American War 
 on his father 
 on his brother Thomas 
 his education 
 desires to be a minister 
 his friends . 
 unpublished poem of . 
 on the death of his sister, Maria 
 
 Sharpe 
 on Wilkinson 
 
 encourages S. Sharpe to publish, 
 congratulation to a young author 
 his Tuesday breakfasts gi, 175, 177 
 his guests ... -92 
 
 Recollections of . . . 93, 94 
 his nephew Sutton . . 132, 137 
 puts down his carriage . . 166 
 
 18 
 
 20, 24 
 
 42 
 
 65 
 65 
 69 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Rogers, Samuel, calls on Dr. Johnson 174 
 on the aristocracy . . . 176 
 table-talk .... 178-184 
 and Archbishop Howley . • _i74 
 and Gary's pension . . . 175 
 on Campbell's funeral . . . 175 
 on burial in the Abbey . 175, 188 
 quotes Home Tooke . . 177, 178 
 on William Hayley . . . 179 
 quotes Brougham's estimate of 
 
 Macaulay 179 
 
 criticism on Gray . . . iSo 
 praises Luttrell's conversation . 180 
 at Winchester with E. Maltby . i8r 
 and Lord Campbell . . . 181 
 at Lord Bathurst's . , . 182 
 with Lord Bjrron . . , 183 
 
 in Italy 183 
 
 in Canterbury Cathedral . . 183 
 his Brighton visitors . . 184 
 
 his old age ... .185 
 
 and Wordsworth .... 186 
 his death ... . 186 
 
 Mr. Dyce's "Table-Talk " . 187 
 Mr. W. Sharpe's "Recollections" 188 
 Miss Aikin on his wit . . . 190 
 
 ■^^ Sarah 94 
 
 ■ ■ Thomas .... 14, 15 
 the younger . . . 15 
 
 his politics 16 
 
 Samuel Rogers on his death . 17 
 Roscoe, Henry ... .42 
 
 Rosetta Stone, The . . 61, 62, 257 
 
 Rothschild, Baron .... 179 
 Russell, Lord John ... 49, 183 
 on Dissenters' Chapels Bill . 158 
 
 Scharf, Mr. George .... 85 
 Seward, Miss, the Poetess, . 179 
 
 Sharp, R. (''Conversation") . n, 94 
 Sharpe, Catharine, elder half-sister of 
 
 S. Sharpe . . . 2, 3, 5 
 feeling towards her stepmother . 3 
 her courage and devotion . . 4, 26 
 her journal . 6, 25, 26, 35, 37, 38, 39 
 Flaxman's portrait of her . .11 
 Letters from abroad . . 139, J41 
 
 her last days . . . 144^ 145 
 
 Daniel, F.R.S., translates Lyci- 
 
 an Inscriptions 60, 85 
 President of Geological Society 56 
 in the City ^9 
 
Index. 
 
 319 
 
 Sharpe, Daniel, Col. Portlock on 149, 150 
 Lord Wrottesley on . . 151, 152 
 
 — Henry, birth . 
 schooling . 
 at Hamburg 
 in business . 
 Marriage of 
 •work at Harapstead 
 Memorial in Hampstead Church 273 
 
 ^— Joseph . , . S, 6, 7, 9, 10 
 
 his family 44 
 
 — ^ Maria 22 
 
 Rogers on her death ... 22 
 — ^ Mary => 33 
 
 marries Mr. E. W. Field . 
 
 death 
 
 - ■ ■ Samuel, his birth 
 
 his Puritan ancestry . 
 
 goes to school 
 
 goes to business . 
 
 his punctuality . 
 
 Life in New Ormond Street 
 
 made partner in the bank . 
 
 meets Dr. Channing . 
 
 Marriage .... 
 
 settles at Canonbury . 
 
 political liberalism 
 
 on Dissenters and the Corpora- 
 tion 
 
 a Theological Nonconformist 
 
 and W. J. Fox . 
 
 on Cells of Honeycomb 
 
 on the Fort of Dunnochgoil 
 
 and Mr. Grote . 
 
 at Clement's Lane 
 
 his studies at home 
 
 with his brothers 
 
 Egyptian studies 
 
 his contributions to Egyptology 
 
 A heretic among Egjrptian scho- 
 lars 
 
 and H. Crabb Robinson 
 
 his recreation 
 
 on his brother Daniel . 
 
 at Leamington . 
 
 Father and children . 
 
 at Rogers's breakfasts 
 
 Theological views . . 
 
 on Unitarians and Unitarianism. 99 
 
 his style 106 
 
 unpaid literary work . . .107 
 
 his conversation .... 107 
 
 " Inquirer " articles . 113 to 127 
 
 33 
 34 
 36 
 
 271, 272 
 
 . 40 
 
 40, 41 
 2 
 12, 13 
 . 26 
 . 29 
 
 • 31 
 . 36 
 
 • 39 
 
 • 41 
 44 
 45 
 
 48, 49 
 
 57j 
 
 86, 87 
 . . 89 
 91. 175, 278 
 97 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Sharpe, Samuel, on Sir R. Peel . 118 
 
 on ritualism 123 
 
 on Dr. Chalmers .... 127 
 
 and the Dissenters' Chapels Bill 159 
 
 on University Hall . , 160 
 
 on Syro-Eg3T)tian Society . . i6r 
 
 and the bank robbery . , . 164 
 
 Work with Mr. Bonomi . . 170 
 
 and Mr. Maltby . . . 173 
 
 and Samuel Rogers . . . 175 
 
 Life of S. Rogers ... . 1S8 
 
 and Miss Aikin 189 
 
 on the fall in gold . . . 195 
 
 Death of his wife . . ,, . 199 
 
 thinks his work done at fijfty-five 208 
 
 on the Bible 209 
 
 retires from business . • . 222 
 his noble resolution . . . 223 
 gifts to Univelrsity College 224, 243 
 and Unitarianism at Hastings 225, 226 
 Old Testament translation . . 228 
 Examiner for Hibbert Trustees . 240 
 supports Dr. Martineau at Uni- 
 versity College . . . 245 
 On Revision of the Authorized 
 
 Version ... . 253 
 his busy old age .... 256 x 
 his dislike of florid services . 259 
 his views of worship . . . 259 
 at Free Christian ^Church, Ken- 
 tish Town .... 260 
 on Sermons . . . . 260 
 President of the Unitarian Asso- 
 ciation 263 
 
 and Chunder Sen . . . 264 
 
 an old man 273 
 
 at home in old age . 274 
 Basis of character . . . 275 
 and Bible morality . . . 276- 
 his consistency .... 277 
 and the ' ' Christian Life . 292 
 Presentations to . . . . 293 
 and Revd. R. Spears. . . 293 
 in his eightieth year . . 294 
 his Bible completed . . . 296 
 his work done . . . 296 
 Features of his translation . 297 
 Correspondence on Revision . 300 
 gets the Revised New Testa- 
 ment 302 
 
 failing health . . . 303 
 
 last illness 304 
 
 death 304 
 
120 
 
 Index. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Sharpe, Samuel, funeral . . . 305 
 
 r Sarah . 36. 43. 44. 52 
 
 Sutton, the elder 
 
 marries Rogers's sister 
 
 her character . • ■ 3 
 
 his death . . . 2. 23 
 
 his eldest daughter ... 3 
 
 his character • • • 3 
 
 his family . ... 5 
 
 forms Rogers's taste for art. , 7 
 
 friendship with Porson 
 
 a political Reformer . 
 
 Flaxman's portrait 
 
 in Paris with S. Boddington 
 
 death of his second wife 
 
 ■ Sutton, the younger . 
 
 his schooling . . . .26 
 is articled . ... 32 
 
 his professional fame . . 131 
 
 becomes Q.C. . . . 131 
 
 leads in V.-C. Wigram's Court . 131 
 " Morning Chronicle" on his 
 
 career 132 
 
 " Examiner " ditto , . . 132 
 " Law Magazine" ditto . . 133 
 his illness and death . . . 135 
 
 William, birth 
 
 schooling 34 
 
 marriage 147 
 
 executor of Rogers . , . 186 
 edits Rogers's " Recollections" . 266 
 on a Bankruptcy Bill . . 267 
 
 Incorporated Law Society, on . 268 
 his death . . . . 269 
 
 Shiel, R. L., on Dissenters' Chapel; 
 
 Bill . . . 157 
 
 "*' Sinaitic Inscriptions" . . . 287 
 Sinnot, John . . . , 90, 91 
 Skinner, Rev. George . , , 278 
 5mith, G. (of British Museum) 
 
 Sydney . . . 177J 
 
 on Lord J. Russell 
 on B. Travers 
 Speaker's Commentary 
 
 17S 
 183 
 197 
 
 239 
 
 Spears, Rev. Robert . 258, 261, 263, 292 
 Spiritual Resurrection, The 
 Slavery abolished 
 .Stansfeld, Right Hon. J. . 
 Stothard, S. . . . 
 
 Tagart, Mrs. 
 
 Taxes on Knowledge 
 
 Tayler, Rev. J. J., and S. Sharpe 
 
 218 
 
 SO 
 
 42 
 
 I, ^t 
 
 87 
 "3 
 246 
 
 Taylor Edgar, his New Testament 79, 80 
 Test and Corporation Acts repealed 50 
 "Texts from the Bible explained by 
 
 the Ancient Monuments " . 248 
 Tooke, Home, stories of 177, 178, i8r 
 Towers, Rev. Dr . . .16 
 
 Towgood, Mr. and Mrs. John . 11, 20 
 Travers, Benjamin, at Garston . 197 
 
 Trevelyan, Mr., on Unitarians . . 269 
 Trinity, Doctrine of the . , . 102 
 
 "Unitarian Herald "... 214 
 
 Unitarian, as a denominational name 99 
 
 Who is a 100 
 
 Unitarianism legalized . . 155 
 Unitarianism, what it is . . 99 
 Unitarians, Why an " over-repre- 
 sented sect " . . . 270 
 Unity Church, Islington . . . 221 
 University College . . 224 
 Gifts to ... . 224, 243 
 University Hall founded . 160 
 
 Vance Smith, Rev. Dr. . . . 220 
 
 on the Revision Committee . 254 
 
 *' Vocabulary of Hieroglyphics " .' 71 
 
 Watts, Dr., change of opinion . . 196 
 Wedgwood, Miss Aikin, on . . 191 
 
 West Benjamin 11 
 
 Williams's, Dr., Library . .13, t6 
 
 and Dissenters' Registrations . 53 
 
 Williams, Helen Maria 11, 37 
 
 Wilkinson, Sir J. Gardner . . 64 
 
 his books on Egypt ... 64 
 
 his kid gloves .... 65 
 
 his waistcoats .... 65 
 
 Winchester, Bishop of, on the word 
 
 Jehovah 300 
 
 Wood, W. Rayner .... 95 
 
 Rev. T. resigns Brixton 
 
 Chapel ... .98 
 
 Wordsworth, W., on some lines of 
 
 Mrs. Barbauld's . 186 
 
 Wright, Rev. John . . . 215 
 
 Wrottesley, Lord, on D. Sharpe . 151 
 
 Yates, James, F.R.S. . 240, 241 
 
 Young, Dr., discovers the clue to the 
 
 hieroglyphics ... 61, 62 
 
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32 A List of 
 
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34 ^ List of 
 
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Kegan Paul, Trench & Co.'s PtiUications. 37 
 
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Kegan Paul, Trench & Co.'s Publications, 41 
 
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42 A List of 
 
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