OU- COBJiELJ, UNIVERSITY ltb~k:ary The Robert M. and Laura Lee Lintz Book Endowment for the Humanities Class of 1924 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 924 090 062 849 The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924090062849 HERE AND THERE AMONG THE PAPYRI kka<;mp,nis from a i-apvkus rom. ok late third cknturv, tONTAlNlNC. ST. JOHN XV. 25-XVI. 2 AND XVI. 2I-31. l)i^cover<:ll at Oxyj hyiicliiis (Oxyrh. P:ip. ,. 1228), .intl cifttil liy the Kgypt Explorati Society to Gl.isgow University Library. HERE ^ THERE AMONG THE PAPYRI BY GEORGE MILLIGAN D.D. (Aberdeen), D.C.L. (Durham) HOFBSSOR OF niVINITV AND BIBLICAL CRITICISM IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW WITH A FRONTISPIECK LONDON HODDER AND STOUGHTON LIMITED MCMXXII /¥ J #!' :5 I 5 PBINTKU IN ORKAT BRITAIN "j^ Ho T J. H. M. Tw ayairt]T(>) Kui crvvepyu) fMOV ev-^apij'a aiwviov avTov aWxfl?). 70 Here and There among the Papyri (6) Another monetary phrase in the Epistle to Philemon is also worth noting when in z;. i8 Paul bids Philemon, if Onesimus has done him any injury or is owing him anything— " set it down to my account " (touto ,xol eXKoya), where a verb is used closely allied to the verb which two women employ in a kindly letter bidding their steward " put down to our account " {hmv (v\6yt,]) is different. The designa- tion " lord " {Kvpioi) applied to Serapis is one proof out of many of the widespread use of the word as a divine title at the beginning of the Christian Era, leading to St. Paul's protest (i Cor. viii. 5 f.) against the " gods many, and lords many " {Oeoi. ttoWoi koI Kvpioi iroXXol) with which Christianity found itself confronted in contrast to the " one Lord, Jesus Christ " {eh Ki/'/oto? 'Itjaous XpKTToi), whose " name is above every name " (Phil. ii. 9). -* And the elliptical phrase " in the (house) of Claudius Serapion (fV roh KXavSlov Sa^oa-Tr/wi/o?) confirms the rendering of the Revised Version in Luke ii. 49, " Wist ye not that I must Surroundings of New Testament Writers 103 be in My Father's house (eV roh ro\> Trarpoi Taxation. — It is tempting to go on to the marriage and birthday feasts, and to the village festivals with their pantomimes, mus- icians and dancing girls ; but the other, the darker, side of the picture demands our attention. Thus, to mention one feature which is constantly recurring in our new sources, the papyri are full of references to the heavy taxation which was imposed upon the Egyptians during the Roman period — names of more than 150 different taxes are now known — and also to the oppressive way in which it was often levied. A Paris papyrus, for example, of the second century b.c, throws a vivid light on the practices of tax-gatherers, as, after special mention of those who petition at the custom houses {-Trpo^ rai^ TeXuvlati : cf. Matt. ix. 9), instructions are given that no one should be wronged [aSiKijTat) by the tax- gatherers attempting " to lay a false accusa- tion " {avKocpai'Teh) }'^ That this is the real meaning of the last word, and not as often thought " to exact wrongly," is confirmed by I04 Here and There among the Papyri other documents, and shows that the rendering of the Authorized Version is to be preferred to the Revised in Luke iii. 14, xix. 8. As proving further how readily corruption arose among Government officials, reference may be made to a Tebtunis papyrus of the second century a.d,, in which a priest con- nected with temple finance is warned of the approaching visit of a government inspector, but told not to be anxious, as he can count upon the writer's good offices with the in- spector. In Grenfell and Hunt's translation it runs : You must know that an inspector of finance in the temples has arrived and intends to go to your division also. Do not be disturbed on this account, as I will get you off. So if you have time write up your books and come to me ; for he is a very stem fellow. If anything detains you, send them on to me and I will see you through, as he has become my friend. If you are in any difficulty about expense and at present have no funds write to me, and I will get you off now as I did at first. I am making haste to write to you in order that you may not put in an appearance yourself ; for I will make him let you through before he comes to you. He has instructions to send recalci- trants under guard to the high-priest."' Surroundings of New Testament Writers 105 Comment is surely unnecessary. How clearly the situation stands out before us ! What a picture of laxity and corruption in the official world ! Petitions.: — In view of these things is it to be wondered at that there are constant peti- tions for redress, and that the " protection" of the governing powers is eagerly sought ? A special instance, which brings us into close touch with one of our Lord's parables, will illustrate this. The lot of the widow has always been peculiarly hard in the East, and in a Rylands papyrus of the third century a.d., we find a certain Aurelia appealing to the Prefect for protection against the aggression of Syrion, a magistrate of the village in which she lives. According to her story, her husband had acted as shepherd for Syrion, but when he " went the way of men," Syrion seized sixty sheep and goats which belonged to the deceased, and not content with this wished, " by means of his local influence," to lay hold of her and her children's property while her husband was still lying unburied. All her appeals for io6 Here and There among the Papyri restitution had ended in failure, and no other course had been open to her than to petition the Prefect for assistance. The appeal was so far successful that in an endorsement added to the document in a difTerent hand of writing the Prefect gives instructions that the matter should be investigated, with the result, as we learn from another papyrus, that an order for legal restitution was made. So far, however, from acquiescing, the defendant Syrion inter- posed new obstacles and further proceedings had to be instituted. Have we no commentary here on the " importunate widow " of the Gospel story .? Do we not hear again, this time in actual life, her repeated cry, " Do me justice of mine adversary ! " (Luke xviii. 3) ? " Many similar illustrations might easily be brought forward, but another aspect of our documents demands attention, and that is the manner in which they show us the men and women of the day face to face with such ever- present problems, as the sense of bereavement and the sense of sin. Sense of Bereavement. — In the first instance, a certain Taonnophris and her husband Philo Surroundings oj New Testament Writers 107 have apparently lost a son, and a friend Irene, who had herself suffered bereavement, writes to condole with them in the following terms. Irene to Taonnophris and Philo, good cheer ! I was as much grieved and wept over the blessed one, as I wept for Didymas, and everything that was fitting I did and all who were with me, Epaphroditus and Thermouthion and Philion and Apollonius and Plantas. But truly there is nothing any one can do in the face of such things. Do you therefore comfort one another. Fare- well. Hathyr i ( = October 28). (Addressed) To Taonnophris and Philo. ^^ Very touching is it not ? The desire to mourn with those who mourn, and yet the feeling of utter helplessness in the presence of what death brings — " Truly there is nothing any one can do in the face of such things." How unlike the calm tone of assurance with which St. Paul comforts the Thessalonian mourners in like circumstances : " We would not have you ignorant, brethren, concerning them that fall asleep ; that ye sorrow not even as the rest " — Irene, Taonnophris, Philo, and all similarly situated — " which have no hope. For if we believe that Jesus died and rose io8 Here and There among the Papyri again, even so them also that are fallen asleep in Jesus will God bring with him " (i Thess. iv. 13, 14). Sense of Sin — A second letter strikes an even deeper note. A son writes to his mother to tell her of the sad plight into which he has fallen, due, he frankly admits, to his own fault. He is ashamed to come home, but will not his mother forgive him ? The last part of the letter has been much destroyed, and only a few words of the concluding lines have sur- vived, but, as you read, you will have little difficulty, I think, in filling up the gaps for yourselves : Antoni(u)s Longus to Niloiis his mother, many greetings. Continually I pray for your health. Supplication on your behalf I direct each day to the lord Serapis. I wish you to know [yewdxTKeiv a-ai deXw: cf. Phil. i. 12) that I had no hope that you would come up to the metropolis. On this account neither did I enter into the city. But I was ashamed to come to Karanis, because I am going about in rags. I write you that I am naked. I beseech you, mother, be reconciled to me (StaXiiyrirl fxoi: cf. Matt. V. 24). But I know what I have brought upon myself. Punished I have been every way. I know that I have sinned {ol8a 6ti ^fxaprriKa : cf. Luke xv. Surroundings 0/ New Testament Writers 109 18, 21). I heard from Postumus who met you in the Arsinoite district, and unseasonably related all to you. Do you not know that I would rather be a cripple than be conscious that I am still owing any one an obolus ? . . . Come yourself ... I have heard that ... I beseech you ... I almost ... I beseech you ... I will . . . not . . . otherwise. . . . (Addressed) To . . . his mother from Antonius Longus her son .2* I know, of course, that doubts have been cast on the boy's good faith, and that he has been represented as practically a fraud, trying to win favour for selfish ends. But I confess that I cannot read the letter that way. It seems to ring true. And if so, what a self- revealing document it is ! How inevitably it suggests comparison with our Lord's own story of the Prodigal Son — the poor wanderer forgiven and welcomed home ! Questions in Temples. — In view then of these things, is it wonderful that there should have been in the period with which we are dealing a widespread perplexity and restlessness, leading people to have recourse to dreams and oracles and questions addressed to the local deities ? One striking example of the last- no Here and There among the Papyri named practice has been the actual discovery within the ruins of the temple of Bacchias of a question, written in very illiterate Greek, which a suppliant had deposited there in the first century a.d. To Sokanobkoneus the great great god. Answer me [xpmctTKTov noi : cf. Matt. ii. ii, 22), Shall I remain in Bacchias ? Shall I meet (him) ? Answer me this.^" And from the same source comes this further question of a slightly later date : O lords Dioscuri, is it fated for him to depart to the city ? Bring this to pass, and let him come to an agreement with thy brother, ^i Magical Papyri. — But more significant still are the magical papyri, which have been re- covered in such numbers. In themselves the contents of these papyri are often puerile to a degree, but as a testimony to the anxieties of the human heart, turning in all directions for help, they are invested with a deep pathos. A few lines from the great Paris magical papyrus of the third century will show their character, A notable spell for driving out demons. Invocation to be uttered over the head (of the possessed one). Place before him branches of Surroundings of New Testament Writers 1 1 1 olive, and standing behind him say : Hail, spirit of Abraham ; hail, spirit of Isaac ; hail, spirit of Jacob ; Jesus the Christ, the holy one, the spirit . . . drive forth the devil from this man, until this unclean demon of Satan shall flee before thee. I adjure thee, O demon, whoever thou art, by the god Sabarbarbathi6th. . . . Come over, O demon, for I shall chain thee with adamantine cliains not to be loosed, and I shall give you over to black chaos in utter destruction. ^2 The strange admixture of pagan, Jewish, and even Christian elements in this spell will be observed by all, while the whole class of literature to which it belongs shows how applic- able to the men and women of the day is the epithet {Seta-tSaijuoveaTepoi) which St. Paul uses of the Athenians in Acts xvii. 22, and which no single English term can adequately render — " too superstitious " and yet " ex- ceedingly god-fearing," and so prepared for the fuller revelation of the one God Who can alone meet their deepest needs.^' These, let me again repeat, are only speci- mens of the way in which the papyri help us in reconstructing the environment of our New Testament books. They may seem, perhaps, I 12 Here and There among the Papyri of little moment as compared with the out- standing character of the books' contents. But they have in reality a closer bearing upon the interpretation of these contents than may at first sight appear, and in any case every- thing that bears upon the historical setting of writings which mean so much for us cannot fail to awaken our interest and command our attention. The " treasure " may be " in earthen vessels," but that only proves the more convincingly that " the exceeding greatness of the power " is " of God and not from our- selves " (2 Cor. iv. 7). Here and There among the Papyri Chap. V Christian Documents on Papyrus Christianity in Egypt. — We have tried to see what we can learn from the papyri regarding the form, the language, and the surroundings of our New Testament writings. And, apart from all other gains, the very effort to look at these writings in connexion with the times which produced them, and from the standpoint of those to whom they were first addressed, can hardly have failed to deepen in our minds the sense that we are dealing with real, living, historical documents. But there is still another way in which the new discoveries may help us. Among the papyri which have been brought to light are a certain number of Christian origin, which are of the utmost importance in tracing the history of Early Christianity in Egypt. Their witness was much required. Beyond the t 113 1 1 4 Here and There among the Papyri tradition that St. Mark was the first to pro- claim the Gospel in that country, and the practical certainty that the new teaching found its first and principal supporters among the Jewish communities which were so numerous in the Nile valley, we have hitherto had to content ourselves with a few scattered refer- ences to apocryphal and heretical writings for our information regarding the progress of Christianity in Alexandria and Egypt up till almost the close of the second century.* And though in comparison with the hundreds of classical texts and the tens of thousands of non-literary documents which are now in our hands, these Christian remains seem at first sight singularly few and unimportant, that is a state of things which fresh discoveries may rectify any day, while what we have acquired is at least sufficient to dispel our ignorance in various directions, and to bring home to us, with a definiteness and vividness impossible before, the independent growth of a Church, which in not a few particulars stood outside the ecclesiastical conditions prevailing through- out the Empire. Christian Documents on Papyrus 115 This would, of course, be clearer if appeal were made to all the new evidence now avail- able, to documents on parchment or vellum, to inscriptions, and to the Coptic ostraca, as well as to the Greek papyri ; but it is to these last that we must confine ourselves strictly at present.'' New Testament Texts.— In turning to Chris- tian documents on papyrus, we naturally begin with those which have preserved for us some portion of the New Testament text. Of these between thirty and forty have now been deciphered and edited, though, unfortunately with one exception, to which reference will be made directly, they are of a very fragmentary character.' Notwithstanding this, six at least are of outstanding interest, if only because they belong to the third century, and are, there- fore, from a hundred to a hundred and fifty years older than the great vellum manuscripts, such as the Codex Vaticanus or the Codex Sinaiticus, on which we are mainly dependent for our knowledge of the New Testament in the original Greek. Amongst the new documents is the leaf of 1 1 6 Here and There among the Papyri a papyrus book which, at the time of its dis- covery, was reckoned " to be a fragment of the oldest known manuscript of any part of the New Testament," and from which there still start up clearly before our eyes the words with which the New Testament opens : " The book of the generation of Jesus Christ, the son of David, the son of Abraham" (bibaoc reNececoc iT xy yy aayia [yioy] abpaam).* Still more significant, as preserving the original roll form of the New Testament books, are the scanty remains of two consecutive columns from a roll containing the Gospel of St. John, of which we show a reproduction in the frontispiece to this volume.^ The remains of the first column contain parts of Chap. xv. 25-xvi. 2, and in the second line the reader will have little difficulty in making out the words OTAN EAeH O n[APAKAHT02:, " when the Comforter is come." The second column extends from v. 21 to v. 31 of Chap, xvi., a passage which is also covered in another third century fragment recently published, written, so Professor Hunt informs me, in a somewhat similar hand. This last papyrus has the Christian Documents on Papyrus 117 further interest of being the earliest copy of a Gospel, which, to judge from the number of fragments recovered, must have quickly gained a leading place in the affection of the Early Church." It meets us again in the sheet of a papyrus book with John i. 23-31, 33-41, on the left- hand leaf, and John xx. 11-17, 19-25, on the right-hand leaf, which Dr. Grenfell and Dr. Hunt again assign to the third century, though Professor Gregory inclines to a somewhat later date.^ From the manner in which the sheet has been folded the editors conclude that the Codex, when complete, consisted of a quire of twenty-five sheets, the first of which was left blank or contained only the title. Thus we have not only an interesting testimony to the early method of book-production, but, if the calculation be correct, the quire must have originally contained, as Deissmann has pointed out, Chap, xxi., and so forms an additional, and the earliest, witness to the fact that the Fourth Gospel was never, so far as we know, circulated without this closing ii8 Here and There among the Papyri chapter, which forms an epilogue or appendix to it.8 From the end of the third or the beginning of the fourth century comes a part of Heb. i. i, written in a small uncial hand on the margin of a letter written from Rome (cf. p. 145 f.)- If we were sure that the quotation was added to the letter in Rome, the point might be of interest in connexion with the Roman destina- tion of the Epistle, which has found many supporters.^ And very little later is the largest find made as yet in New Testament texts, about one- third of the Epistle to the Hebrews, copied out on the back of a roll, the recto of which contains the new Epitome of Livy. The text agrees closely with the Codex Vaticanus in the portions common to both, while it fortunately supplements it in the later chapters, from Ch. ix. 14 to the end, which are wanting in that Codex.^° A curious feature of the papyrus is the manner in which the text is broken up by means of double dots into a number of divisions (o-r/xot), which frequently coincide Christian Documents on Papyrus 119 with the rhythmical divisions which Blass, with perhaps greater excuse than in the case of the Pauline Epistles, claims to have dis- covered in Hebrews." It is impossible to go over all these early fragments in detail, but three belonging to the fourth and subsequent centuries may be men- tioned. The first is a papyrus contammg Rom. I. 1-7 (except part of verse 6) written out in large rude letters, which suggest to the editors that it may have formed a schoolboy s exercise. Deissmann, on the other hand, prefers to see in it an amulet or charm, belong- ing to a certain Aurelius Paulus, who is named in a different hand of writing in a note below the text (cf . p. 39 ff .). In either case, the document is a striking example of the strange sources from which our new light on the New Testa- ment comes-a school exercise or an amulet ! In addition to the evidence of the writing, the date can in this case be fixed with great preci- sion from the fact that the papyrus was found tied up with a contract dated in 316 a.d The second document consists of the re- mains of two leaves of a papyrus book of I20 Here and There among the Papyri St. John, belonging probably to the sixth century, whose small size recalls the desire, of which we have evidence elsewhere, to possess copies of the new writings in a portable form. The two leaves are not consecutive, the first containing John iii. 14-17" with verses I7*-l8 on the verso, and the second containing Ch. iii. 31-32 ; but fragmentary though they thus are, it is surely something to be able to re-read one of the most familiar Gospel passages, " God so loved the world, that He gave His only- begotten Son," from the very document which conveyed that triumphant assurance to some early Egyptian believer." Similarly with our third example, a papyrus from the Rainer Collection at Vienna, dating from the sixth century, in which the stories of the Pharisee and the Sinful Woman (Luke vii. 36-44) and of Mary and Martha (Luke x. 38-42) are arranged in such a way as to suggest that we have here an example — perhaps the earliest in existence — of an Evangelistarium or Gospel reading-book, arranged for liturgical purposes. The text is in closest agreement with the text as we now read it." Christian Documents on Papyrus ill Looking back at these texts we may sum up their importance from four points of view. 1. The probability is that they are for the most part fragments of New Testaments intended for private, rather than for Church use. They may, therefore, be described as poor men's Bibles, and show us the form in which the Scriptures were generally circulated before the advent of the great official codices of the fourth century. 2. If textually they present us with no new readings of special interest they supply con- firmation from a very early date of our critical text, and at the same time lend a certain amount of support to the view so widely held that the principal authorities for that text, such as the Vatican and Sinaitic Codices, are of Egyptian origin. Their relation further to these two manuscripts, agreeing now with the one independently and now with the other, and occasionally differing from both, may be taken as a much-needed warning not to pin our faith too exclusively to any one manu- script or group of manuscripts. 122 Here and There among the Papyri 3. Apart from their witness to the text our fragments are of interest palceographically as showing what Dr. Grenfell and Dr. Hunt have called " the prototype " of the hand- writing of the great vellum codices. " Though no doubt the literary hand, as practised upon vellum, reacted upon the papyrus script, we should say," they tell us, " that the debt of papyrus to vellum was unappreci- able as compared with that of vellum to papyrus.'"^ 4. They prove to us that so far from the codex or book-form coinciding in point of time with the general use of parchment for literary purposes, it was, so far at least as theological works are concerned, in wide- spread use from a very early date." All the fragments of which we have been speaking, with the exception of the third century St. John fragment and the fourth century text of Hebrews, both of which formed parts of rolls, were written in leaves of papyrus codices, and, with other early documents, such as the so-called Sayings of Jesus, point to this being the favourite form for the early circulation of Christian Documents on Papyrus 123 Christian writings, both canonical and non- canonical. Non-canonical Texts. — Of Non-canonical Texts, that is texts of writings which form no part of our received New Testament, we have again considerable traces, though it must be admitted great dubiety still exists as to the exact place and value to be assigned to the varied writings, of which they form part. One of the most interesting of these frag- ments belongs to the Rainer Collection in Vienna, and was published by Dr. G. Bickell, Professor of Christian Archaeology in the University of Innsbruck, as far back as 1885." Though now only a few broken lines remain, they are sufficient to show that the papyrus contains a narrative somewhat similar to Mark xiv. 26-30, which, according to Bickell's amended reading, may be translated as follows : — Now after eating according to custom {/xcTct Be TO (payeiv, w? €^ €0ovi) : You will all be offended {aKavSaXtadweade) this night, as it is written, I shall smite the shepherd, and the sheep shall be scattered. Peter said. Though all (are 124 Here and There among the Papyri offended), yet not I. He (the Lord) said to him, The cock shall cry twice, and thou shalt be the first to deny me thrice. The similarities to, and yet differences from, the Synoptic accounts are apparent. There is no mention, for example, of the promise of Jesus to go before His disciples into Galilee, which is inserted both by St. Matthew (xxvi. 32) and St. Mark (xiv. 28) after the Old Testa- ment quotation, and the words used regarding the cock's crowing are different {irpiv or trpiv *i Sh (Mark) uXeKTopa (ptovrjaai in the Gospels : 6 a\6KTpvo)v Sh KOKKv^ei in the Fragment). And the question is at once raised. What is the relation of the Fragment to the Gospels ? Is it derived from them ? Or does it represent an earlier tradition, which lies behind the Gospels, and may even have played a part in their production ? Professor Bickell him- self emphatically advocates the latter view. The concise and energetic nature of the account is pointed to as favouring its great antiquity. And the Fragment is best ex- plained, he thinks, as a third century copy of a document emanating originally from the Christian Documents on Papyrus 125 first century, and belonging to the same class of narratives {Strjyy'iaeti) which St. Luke describes in his Preface (Ch. i. 1,2) as lying behind the Third Gospel. So eager, indeed, is Dr. Bickell to find a place and a name for his discovery, that he makes the startling suggestion that in it we may actually have part of a Greek translation of the Aramaic Logia of St. Matthew, to which Papias refers in a well-known passage. And though Harnack does not go the length of accepting this suggestion in its entirety, he too concedes a pre-canonical date to the Fragment, and regards it as an instance of the kind of rough material out of which our Gospels were afterwards constructed.^® But, weighty though Harnack's opinion on such a point undoubtedly is, it cannot be said that this view has met with anything like general acceptance. The very features of the document which have been taken as proving its priority to our Synoptic accounts have also been urged in support of a date subsequent to them. And Dr. Hort will carry many with him in the belief that we have here the remains 126 Here and There among the Papyri of some Early Christian writing in which the words of St. Peter and of his Master are quoted in a free and condensed form.^* The fact is that the evidence is far too scanty to enable us to form any decided opinion the one way or the other. And we must wait in the hope that future discoveries may throw fresh light on what is undoubtedly a very interesting relic of ancient Christian Egypt. From about the same period, that is not later than 250 a.d., although the original com- position was much earlier, we have eight fragments of a papyrus roll, containing a lost Gospel, very similar in point of form to the Synoptic narratives, but ascribing to our Lord at least one striking saying not found in them. Jesus has been addressing his disciples in a speech which concludes with teaching closely parallel to certain sentences in the Sermon on the Mount. The disciples thereupon ask, " When wilt Thou be manifest to us, and when shall we see Thee (tto'tc ht^lv efx(pavhi eVet Kut TToVe ae o^ofxeda ;) '' } And, in answcr to this question, Jesus is described as saying. Christian Documents on Papyrus 127 " When ye shall be stripped and not be ashamed . . . {orav eK^va-tja-de Koi fxtj aia-xyv- The end of the sentence unfortunately is lost, but what remains is enough to show that we have a Saying which, if not derived from a very similar passage in the Gospel according to the Egyptians, or from the collection of Sayings used by the author of Second Clement, is so closely related to what we find in these two authorities as to suggest an original source from which all have borrowed. If so, the saying may well have distinct elements of genuineness in it, and in any case this three- fold testimony makes it, as its discoverers have pointed out, one of the most important and best attested of the early Agrapha, or Sayings ascribed to Christ, which are not found in the Canonical Gospels.^" To a closely similar, if not the same, source may be ascribed certain fourth century frag- ments of a papyrus book, in which, amongst other novelties, reference is made to a vision of Jesus to one who was cast down — " And Jesus stood by in a vision and said. Why art 128 Here and There among the Papyri thou cast down [rl a0[v/i]e?y ;) ? For it is not thou who . . . but he who gave(?) , . ." The gaps make it impossible to determine who was intended, or what were the circumstances under which the vision was granted. But there is a certain plausibiUty in the view urged by Dr. Bartlet that we have here an otherwise unrecorded appearance of the Risen Lord granted to St. Peter, by which he was restored from the remorse of his denial. The further suggestion that the fragments may belong to the Apocryphal Gospel of St. Peter, a large portion of which was discovered at Akhmim in Upper Egypt in 1886, seems to the editors on various grounds, both external and internal, very doubtful, and it is safer to acquiesce meanwhile in their conclusion of non liquetP Sayings ol Jesus. — But significant though these discoveries are, none of them has awakened anything like the same general interest as the two Oxyrhynchus fragments, containing what purport to be Sayings of Jesus. The first of them was brought to light in 1897 (cf. p. 14), and with exemplary prompti- Christian Documents on Papyrus 129 tude was published by the discoverers. Dr. Grenfell and Dr. Hunt, in the same year with an illuminating Introduction and Com- mentary.'^" And six years later the same editors were able to publish a second fragment of a very similar character discovered in almost the same place, and belonging ap- parently to about the same date, which is assigned on palaeographical grounds to the period between 150 a.d. and 300 a.d., probably soon after 200 a.d.^' The contents of the two Fragments cannot be quoted here. It must be enough to state that they contain a number of Sayings directly ascribed to Jesus, each Saying being prefaced by the words " Jesus saith," while the second series has a general introduction to the effect : " These are the (wonderful ?) words which Jesus the living (Lord) spake to . . . and Thomas, and He said unto (them), Every one that hearkens to these words shall never taste of death." In themselves the Sayings present the same general features which have already met us in the fragments of the Non-canonical Gospels, 130 Here and There among the Papyri certain of the Sayings being very closely related to the Synoptic tradition, while others are wholly new, and distinguished in cer- tain particulars by an ascetic or encratite tendency. Into the many questions that have arisen regarding their interpretation it is, of course, impossible to enter here, nor can I attempt to discuss at length the various theories that have been put forward regarding their character and source.'* But, speaking generally, the choice may be said to lie between seeing in them extracts from some early Gospel, and regarding them as part of a collection of Say- ings of Jesus, as such, put together at a very early date for some practical purpose. So far, at least as regards the first collection, the former view, the view of extracts, was strongly advocated by Harnack, who derived them from the Gospel of the Egyptians," while Zahn preferred to think of the Ebionite Gospel '" and Dr. Taylor of the Gospel of St. Thomas, a view which obtains a certain amount of support from the introduction to the Second Series.-^ Christian Documents on Papyrus 131 If, however, we are to look for an analogy to the general character of the Sayings it is to be found in the similar collections of Sayings made by Jewish Rabbis, such as the Pirke Ahoth or Sayings of the Fathers, rather than in narrative Gospels."^ And, on the whole, the general probabilities of the case point strongly in the direction maintained in the Editio Princeps, that we have here parts of a Collec- tion or Collections of Sayings of our Lord, which may originally have numbered several thousands, and, while differing in many respects from the known Gospels, contained nothing to connect them with any particular sect or party in the Church.''* If this be so, when we keep in view the generally simple and archaic character of the Sayings, combined with their early date, it is hardly possible not to find in them again at least a residuum of genuineness. And even though they cannot be said to add substanti- ally to our knowledge of the teaching of Jesus, they at least show the channels by means of which that teaching was popularly diffused at a very early period, and in the hands of more 132 Here and There among the Papyri than one expositor have proved themselves still capable of profitable homiletic application."" Theological Works. — As regards new frag- ments of early theological works, I must be content with merely mentioning certain pas- sages largely made up of Biblical quotations, which may go back to the latter part of the second century, and, if so, form the oldest Christian writing hitherto published — a third century leaf of a papyrus book embodying teaching closely resembling that regarding a tree being known by its fruits in Matt. vii. 17-19 and Luke vi. 43-44 — another leaf belonging to the end of the same century or the beginning of the following century, in which the words occur, " For the spirit of prophecy is the essence of the prophetic order, which is the body of the flesh of Jesus Christ, which was mingled with human nature through Mary," suggesting that we have to do here with a Christian Homily on the spirit of prophecy, perhaps, as Harnack suggests, Melito's lost treatise " Concerning Prophecy " {■Kcpi TrpoiptjTelai) — a fragment of much the same date, which deals with the " upper " Christian Documents on Papyrus 133 and " lower " soul in a way to suggest Gnostic influence — and another example of heretical Gospel literature in the form of a tattered papyrus leaf, " copied probably in the early decades of the fourth century," in which, in answer to the disciples' question, " Lord, how then can we find faith ? " the Saviour replies, " If ye pass from the things that are hidden and into the light of things that are seen, the effluence {cnroppoia) of conception {e'vpoia^) will of itself show you how faith . . . must be found ... He who has ears to hear, let him hear. The lord of all is not the Father but the Fore-father {TrpoTrurwp) ; for the Father is the beginning of what shall be . . ."^^ Liturgical Works. — Works of a liturgical char- acter cannot be said to bulk largely in our new sources. But amongst the Rainer papyri is a leaf containing two antiphons, one of which apparently was sung by the choir in connexion with the observance of the Feast of Epiphany. It runs as follows : — O Thou, who wast born in Bethlehem, and brought up in Nazareth, and who dwelt in Galilee, we have seen a sign from heaven. When 134 ^^^^ <^«^ There among the Papyri the star appeared the shepherds keeping watch over their flocks wondered. Without kneeUng they said : Glory to the Father, Hallelujah ! Glory to the Son and to the Holy Spirit, Halle- lujah ! Hallelujah I HaUelujah I The text has been assigned palaeographi- cally to the third century, and a pre-Arian and pre-Athanasian date has also been claimed for it on the ground that after this period the Catholic party would not have inserted the Alleluia between the name of the Father and that of the Son and the Holy Ghost, nor would the Arian party have assigned equal glory to the Divine Persons of the Godhead. Dr. Bickell, indeed, regards the fragment as an Antiphon Song in connexion with the Psalms, which intervened between the reading of the Old and New Testament lessons, and was intended to enforce some Christian lesson to which these Psalms pointed. If this be a correct view it is of importance as carrying back the liturgical system of the Church to an earlier date than is sometimes supposed, for if such a practice were in full use in the third century it had probably already a considerable history behind it.^^ Christian Documents on Papyrus 135 Hymns. — From the fourth century comes an elaborate metrical acrostic arranged according to the letters of the alphabet, embodying various Gospel precepts and ending with a contrast between the final lot of the wicked and the saints.^^ The general character of the Hymn has led Harnack to conjecture that we have here a Baptismal Hymn, or more particularly an Exhortation to Candidates for Baptism, some- what on the lines of the teaching contained in the earlier chapters of the Didache (chaps, i.-v.), but marked by a more definite Christo- logy as in the striking lines — God came bringing many blessings. He wrought a triple victory over death. . . . Jesus who suffered for this, saying, I give my back, that thou fall not a prey to death.^* This has been generally regarded as, outside the Lucan Hymns, the oldest Greek Christian Hymn known, but recently there has been published a Christian Hymn, belonging to the latter part of the third century, which has the additional interest of being accompanied by musical notation. It is thus " by far the most 136 Here and There among the Papyri ancient piece of Church music extant, and may be placed among the earliest written relics of Christianity." Unfortunately, Hke so many of the other documents we have been considering, it is only a fragment, but enough remains to show that the powers of Creation are called upon to invoke Father, Son, and Holy Ghost and that the usual ascription of power and praise is assigned " to the only giver of all good " {(iuiTrjpi fiovM -KavTWV ayaQu)v)?^ Prayers. — Various old Christian prayers have also come to light, amongst which may be mentioned the third century fragment of what appears to have been a collection of liturgical prayers for use in church, one of which is headed " Prayer of the Apostles, Peter, and the rest." ^^ And though there is nothing in the contents to suggest this Apos- tolic origin the Prayer undoubtedly goes back to a very early date, as shown, for example, in the numerous citations from the Old Testa- ment and the reminiscences of New Testament diction. This same use of Biblical language also distinguishes a short prayer found at Oxy- Christian Documents on Papyrus 137 rhynchus, which is assigned by the editors to the end of the third or the beginning of the fourth century. It runs in their translation : — O God Almighty, who madest heaven and earth and sea and all that is therein, help me, have mercy upon me, wash away my sins, save me in this world and in the world to come, through our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, through whom is the glory and the power for ever and ever. Amen." And with this may be compared another short prayer, also from Oxyrhynchus, of about a century later, in which God is pointedly invoked as the sender of the trials from which the petitioner seeks deliverance :— O God of the crosses that are laid upon us, help thy servant Apphouas. Amen.^^ According to the editor the prayer is in- scribed " in large rude uncials," and the same feature marks yet a third Oxyrhynchus prayer, written in illiterate Greek on the verso of a papyrus sheet, which had apparently been originally used for keeping accounts or some similar purpose. O Lord my God and my hope, look on Thecla and her children, look on Anna and her servant, 138 Here and There among the Papyri look on Apphous, look on Sakaon, look on Dionysius and his children, look on Helladius, look on Ptolemaeus, look on each one of them.^® Of a more formal character are the remains of two prayers discovered on the leaf of a papyrus book at Hermopolis, and belonging to the end of the fourth century. From the manner in which the two prayers are divided up into small sections by dots to guide the reader the prayers were evidently intended for public use in church. And from the fact that the second prayer is definitely headed a-a^fiaTiKh evx'i, " A Prayer for Saturday," and that the distinct mention of fasts in the earlier prayer readily associates it with Friday's fast, the editor has suggested that we may have here the remains of a collection of prayers, designed for use on the different days of the week, which may go back originally, if not to the second, then at latest to the third century.^" Creeds. — We may add here a sixth century copy of the Nicene Creed, which shows considerable independence, not coinciding throughout with any other version, and is Christian Documents on Papyrus 139 followed by a personal statement to the effect : — This is my creed, with this language [I shall approacli without fear (?)] the terrible judgment- seat of the Lord Christ in that dread day when He shall come again in His own glory to judge the quick and the dead and to reign with the saints for ever and ever. Amen.^^ And still older, going back to the second half of the fifth century, are six lines of a copy of the so-called Constantinopolitan Creed, which was first affirmed in 381 a.d., and afterwards passed into currency both in East and West as the authorized version of the Nicene Faith.''^ Church Organization.— The help hitherto deriv- able from the papyri regarding the general organization of the Church cannot be said to amount to much, but mention may be made of a fourth century letter, showing the presbyters of the Church {t[o]1[^] nrpea^vripov, TV? eKK\>iaw) acting as the guardians of public morals (cf . p. 65 f.) in certain very extraordinary circumstances connected with the misconduct of the two daughters of a certain Sarapion." HO Here and There among the Papyri And with this may be compared a homily, addressed apparently to ascetics in the fifth or sixth century, warning them against the wiles of the female sex. A few lines will show its character. By a woman he [the Evil One] turned aside the most wise Solomon (?) to transgression ; by a woman he shaved and bhnded the most brave Samson ; by a woman he dashed to the ground and (slew) the sons of Eli the priest. ... A wicked woman is the worst of all (ills ?), the . . . of all ; and if she also have wealth as her ally in wickedness, the evil is double. . . .** Of a wholly different character is an interest- ing fifth or sixth century inventory of property belonging to the village church of Ibion, and entrusted to the care of " the most reverent John, presbyter and steward." Amongst the articles scheduled in it are twenty-one parch- ment books {(3t/3\ia S€pfX(iTi{va) ica), as against three on papyrus {x^prla y), showing the in- creasing use of parchment for religious purposes by this date (cf. p. 54).''* But of far greater importance is an official calendar of Christian Assemblies or Services {(Tvvd^eii), which were held at Oxyrhynchus Christian Documents on Papyrus 141 *" 535-6 A.D. in connexion with the visit of the Alexandrian Patriarch Timotheus IV. It requires a liturgical expert to appreciate the full value of the light thus thrown on the various church festivals mentioned, but the mere number of churches with which these are associated in this one Egyptian tour is in itself a striking proof of the rapid progress of Christianity. If during a period of about five months 66 assemblies, on about 62 different days, were distributed among at least 26 different churches, then in a year, as the editors point out, the whole number of assemblies may have exceeded 130, and of churches 40.*" Many other documents might be quoted to illustrate the influence Christianity was exert- ing, as, for example, the new and stringent provisions regulating married life which appear in marriage contracts (cf. p. 89), or the modi- fications in the lot of slaves, as when, in a deed of manumission of 354 a.d., we find the formula " free under earth and heaven accord- ing to the service due to God the compas- sionate."*^ 142 Here and There among the Papyri But let me pass on rather to another set of documents, which, perhaps, more than any others have brought us face to face with the actual lives of individual men and women in the early Christian communities. I mean the lihclli, or certificates of having sacrificed in the heathen manner in order to escape molestation during the Decian persecution in 250 a.d. Libelli. — The use of such libelli was well known, if only from the account in Cyprian's letters [Epp. 30(3), 55(2)). And now the literary evidence has been confirmed in the most striking manner by the recovery of a number of the libelli themselves. Their official character is shown by the general sameness of form and phraseology, while the fact that they are all dated between 13th and 15th June, 250 a.d., proves that all refer to the same set of circumstances. As an example it is sufficient to quote the well-preserved specimen edited and translated by Dr. Hunt in the first volume of the Rylands Papyri. To the commissioners of sacrifices from Aurelia Demos, who has no father, daughter of Helene Christian Documents on Papyrus 143 and wife of Aurelius Irenaeus, of the Quarter of the Helleneum. It has ever been my habit to sacrifice to the gods, and now also I have in your presence, in accordance with the command, made sacrifice and libation and tasted the offering, and I beg yon to certify my statement. Farewell. ' (2nd hand). I, Aurelia Demos, have pre- sented this declaration. I, Aurehus Irenaeus, wrote for her, as she is illiterate. ' (3rd hand). I, Aurelius Sabinus, prytanis, saw you sacrificing. ' (ist hand). The first year of the Emperor Caesar Gaius Messius Quintus Trajanus Decius Pius Felix Augustus, Pauni 20." It may, of course, be urged that we have no definite proof that all those who availed them- selves of these certificates were Christians ; they might have included suspected pagans, and the comparatively large number (20) of libelli found in a single little village such as Theadelphia has been advanced as proof of a very extended use of them. But after all there was not likely to be much difficulty in the way of conforming to the decree on the part of the pagan population, and any such evidence on their part might well seem superfluous, where- as it was notoriously against the Christians 144 tlere and There among the Papyri that the edict was aimed. And the fact, of which so much has been made, that a certain Aurelia, priestess of Petesuchos, is named as a libellatica, though at first sight strange, is explicable on the ground that this Aurelia had been a convert from Paganism to Christianity, and in making her declaration of " orthodoxy " made use for greater security of her old title.*^ In any case, whatever interpretation may be put on certain of these libelli, nothing can rob them of their importance as authoritative documents, in which, through their different signatures, all the persons concerned stand out clearly before us in connexion with a striking, if painful, incident in the history of the Christian Church, Christian Letters. — The same human interest distinguishes in a marked degree the Christian letters that have come down to us. There is no form of writing so self-revealing as a true letter, written without any thought of a wider public than its original recipient, and with no other aim than to meet some immediate and occasional need. And though again the speci- Christian Documents on Papyrus 145 mens of private Christian letters are very few in number as compared with those emanating from pagan sources, they introduce us to surroundings and circumstances of which otherwise we should have known practically nothing. The oldest of these letters hitherto published is included in the Amherst Collection, and is addressed by an Egyptian Christian at Rome to his fellow-Christians in the Arsinoite nome between the years 264 (265) and 282 (281) A.D.'''' The text is unfortunately much muti- lated, nor can it be said that the contents, so far as they can be deciphered, are in them- selves of any special interest ; they are mainly occupied with certain business transactions in corn and linen. But the letter at least shows us these early believers engaged in the ordinary avocations of life, " in the world " though not " of the world," and actually using as their intermediary in money matters no less a person than Papas Maximus, the Bishop of Alexandria. " This is certainly," says Deissmann, " not a bad indication of the way in which the scattered churches held together 146 Here and There among the Papyri socially " (the letter, it will be remembered, was written from Rome to the FayClm) " and of the willingness of the ecclesiastical leaders to help even in the worldly afifairs of their co-religionists."" To a special study by the same authority we owe the widespread interest taken in another letter of a slightly later date, in which Pseno- siris, a Christian presbyter, writes to Apollo, a brother presbyter at Kysis, to tell him of the safe arrival of a certain woman in the Great Oasis. By converting a designation of bad character {ttoXitikyi) into a proper name (IIoXmKj/), Deissmann concludes that we have to do here with a Christian woman who had been banished to the Great Oasis during the Diocletian Persecution, and who, for greater security, had been sent into the interior pending the arrival of her son. If this be a correct interpretation of the situation we are met by the striking fact that, at latest by the beginning of the fourth century, Chris- tianity had penetrated into the Libyan Desert into " a most forlorn corner on the extremest southern border of the known world," where Christian Documents on Papyrus 147 it was represented by, amongst others, " the good and faithful " of a gravediggers' Guild, while amongst its adherents was this humble woman, otherwise unknown, who, unlike the libellatici, had stood firm, and, in consequence, had suffered banishment. " It is a proof," as Deissmann characteristically remarks, " of Christianity's inexhaustible power of bending to the lowly and of ennobling what is common- place." ^^ The same may be said of the fourth century letter of Demetrius to Flavianus, which is interesting not only on account of its numerous echoes of New Testament phraseology, but also as illustrating the new attitude Christianity had brought about betwee» servant and master. To my lord Flavianus Demetrius sends greet- ing. As on many other occasions so now still more plainly the favour of the Lord God towards you has been revealed to all of us, in that my mistress has recovered from the illness that struck her down, and may it be granted to us evermore to continue acknowledging thanks to Him, because He was gracious to us, and paid heed to our prayer in preserving our mistress : for in her we all of us centre our hopes. But 148 Here and There among the Papyri pray, my lord, do you pardon me and receive me kindly, although unwillingly I cast you into such distress by writing regarding her the mess- ages which you received. For my first messages I despatched when she was in great affliction, not being master of myself, and being anxious that by every means in your power you might succeed in coming to us, this being what duty demanded. But when she seemed to have taken a turn for the better, I was anxious that other letters should reach you by the hands of Euph- rosynus, in order that I might make you more cheerful. For by your own safety, my lord, which chiefly concerns me, unless my son Athanasius had then been in a sickly state of body, I would have sent him to you along with Plutarchus, at the time when she was oppressed by the sickness. But now I am at a loss how to write more regarding her, for she seems, as I said before, to be in a more tolerable state, in that she has sat up, but nevertheless she is stiU in a somewhat sickly state of body. But we are comforting her by hourly expecting your arrival. That you may be in continued health, my lord, is my prayer to the Master {Sea-iroTii) of all. Pharmouthi 6. The letter is addressed on the back : To Flavianus from Demetrius."' Other letters of a similar character will be found in the later volumes of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri, and mention should also be made of Christian Documents on Papyrus 149 the extensive correspondence of Abinnaeus, a Christian officer in the Assinoite district. From this last there has been recovered at least one gem, the touching letter, in which, after the manner of Paul to Philemon, Papa Caor, the village priest of Hermopolis, begs Abinnaeus to pardon " just this once " a military deserter who had taken refuge with him, and whom he is now sending back to his duties. Apart from the contents, the use in this letter of the title Papa (Traxa?) to describe a humble village priest, as compared with its " episcopal " connotation in the first Christian letter already cited, deserves to be noted. ^^ Still another side of Christian life in Egypt meets us in the traces which our documents exhibit of the extent to which early believers took over with them into their new faith old pagan practices and superstitions. Questions in Churches.— Thus in counterpart to the heathen custom of consulting the local deity in times of difficulty by means of ques- tions deposited in his shrine (cf. p. 109 f.), we find such a prayer as the following, which was 150 Here and There among the Papyri presumably originally left in some Christian Church : — O God, the all ruling, the holy, the true One, merciful and creative, the Father of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, reveal to me Thy truth, whether Thou wishest me to go to Chiout, or whether I shall find Thee aiding me and gracious. So let it be. Amen.^ Amulets. — In the same way there is abun- dant evidence of the continued use of amulets or charms to be worn about the person for protection against sickness and other ills — the Lord's Prayer, or some other passage from the Gospels, frequently taking the place of the magical incantations in the old charms. One of these amulets, belonging possibly to the fifth century, has been edited by Dr. Hunt in the Oxyrhynchus Papyri, viii. No. 1151- It consists of a narrow strip of papyrus about io| inches long, and never more than 2 inches across, and, when found, was tightly folded and tied with a string. In Dr. Hunt's trans- lation it runs as follows : — " Fly hateful spirit ! Christ pursues thee ; the Son of God .and the Holy Spirit have out- Christian Documents on Papyrus 151 stripped thee. O God of the sheep-pool, deUver from every evil thy handmaid Joannia whom Anastasia also called Euphemia bare. In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. All things were made by him and without him was not any- thing made that hath been made. O Lord Christ, Son and Word of the Uving God, vyho healedst every sickness and every infirmity, heal and regard thy handmaid Joannia whom Anastasia also called Euphemia bare, chase from her and put to flight all fevers, and every kind of chill, quotidian, tertian, and quartan, and every evil. Pray through the intercession of our lady the mother of God and the glorious archangels and Saint John, the glorious apostle and evangelist and divine, and Saint Serenus and Saint Philoxenus and Saint Victor and Saint Justus and all the Saints. Upon thy name, O Lord God, have I called, the wonderful and exceeding glorious name, the terror of thy foes. Amen."** As showing the strange intermixture of magical, Jewish and Christian elements which survived even as late as the end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century, I may add the short incantation, which comes next in the same collection : — " Oror phor, eloi, adonai, lao sabaoth, Michael, Jesus Christ, help us and this house."" 152 Here and There among the Papyri Here I must bring this catalogue of texts — for I fear it has been little more — to a close. It has been impossible within the necessary limits to discuss their many and varied features of interest as one would have liked. But I hope that enough has been said to prove to the student of Early Christianity, if such proof were needed, what a rich and fruitful field of investigation lies ready to his hand in the new discoveries. Here and There among the Papyri Notes NOTES ON CHAPTER I 1. See further Pliny Naturalis Historia, xiii. 11-13, and cf. F. G. Kenyon, The Palaeography of Greek Papyri (Oxford, 1899), p. 14 ff. 2. Geneva Papyri, i. No. 52^ (iv./A.D.) x"P'''"'>' xadaphv fi-q tvpwv W/3US Trjv uipav, (Is tou [rjof ey/Da^a. The reading is amended by Wilcken, Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung, iii. p. 399. 3. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, i. No. 79 (181-192 a.d.) : cf. MilHgan, Selections from the Greek Papyri (Cambridge, 1910), No. 35. 4. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ii. No. 326 (about 45 a.d.). 5. The Herculaneum papyri are mostly occupied with philosophical writings of the Epicurean school, notably with the works of Philodemus, whose library they may have formed. There are, moreover, a few fragments of Epicurus himself, including the letter to a child (see Milligan, Selections, No. 2), which in its artless simplicity may well be compared with Luther's well-known letter to his " dear httle son." 6. It was published under the title Charta papyracea Graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris, ed. N. Schow, Romae, 1778. n 153 154 Here and There among the Papyri 7. The Flinders Petrie Papyri, i. (Dublin, 1891), p. 11. 8. The sonnet begins " Departing summer hath assumed," and will be found in the Oxford edition of Wordsworth's Poems, p. 498 f. 9. Egypt Exploration Fund: Archaeological Report 1896-97, p. 6. ^ ' 10. Tebtunis Papyri, i. p. vi. f. 11. Full particulars of the various papyrus publications will be found in the Archiv fur papyrusforschung (Leipzig Teubner, 1901- ), edited by Professor U. Wilcken, and m the recently started Italian review Aegyptus (Milan, 1920- ), where a very full Bibliography of current Papyrology is supplied. The principal collections with the customary abbreviations, and a list of some of the more important monographs on the subject are detailed in Milligan, Selections, p. xi. ff. See also the brief selected Bibliography in the present volume, p. ix. ff. 12. Reference should be made to the useful 7Vez0 CAa/>;fr5 in the History of Greek Literature, edited by J. U. Powell and E. A. Barber (Oxford, 192 1). Mr. Powell also contributes a popular account to Discovery, iii. (1922), p. 8 ff., entitled, " New Light on the Silver Age of Hellas.'' See further Professor R. Y. Tyrrell, Essays on Greek Literature (London, Macmillan, 1909), pp. 85 ff., 134 ff. 13. More recently Sir F. G. Kenyon has published a paper on " Greek Papyri and their contribution to Classical Literature " in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, xxxix. (1919). P- I ff-, and in the same number, p. 16 ff., there is an important article by Professor B. P, Grenfell on " The Value of Papyri for the Textual Criticism of Extant Greek Authors," where it is shown that the texts of the chief Notes ^SS authors have not undergone extensive changes since the second century, but that there is evidence for much less stability at an earlier period. The subject is also dealt with by W. Schubart, Einfiihrung in die Papyruskunde (Berlin, Wcidmann, 1918), p. 86 ff., and V. Martin, Les manuscrits antiques des classiques grecs (Geneva, Kundig, 1919). 14. Article on " Papyri and Papyrology," in The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, i. (1914), p. 84. 15. Mr. Norman M'Lean informs me that the text of the fragments is on the whole conformable to that of the oldest uncials A and B, but that he and his colleague. Canon Brooke, have not yet arrived at a definite conclusion which of the two they are nearer to. 16. Of the 1828 papyri in Oxyrhynchus Papyri, i.-xv., it has been calculated that 224 are private letters — 208 from the first four centuries and 16 from a later period. The Ptolemaic letters, which have been recovered to the number of 72, are edited by S. Witkowski in Epistulae Privatae Graecae, 2nd Edit. (Leipzig, Teubner, 1911). NOTES ON CHAPTER H 1. Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the New Testa- ment, 2nd Edit. (London, Macmillan, 1912), p. 33 ff. 2. The thoroughness of the State postal service is shown by an interesting register of about 255 b.c. published in Hiheh Papyri, i. No. 1 10. " Careful note is made of the day and hour of the arrival of each messenger, his name and that of the clerk who received and issued letters at the office, the number and addresses of the packets, and the 156 Here and There among the Papyri names of the messengers to whom they were handed on. The day-book in the registered letter department of a modern post office can hardly be more methodical and precise " (Edd.). 3. As, for example, in Deissmann's well-known dis- cussion in Bible Studies (Edinburgh, 1901), p. 3 ff. 4. TJie Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia (London, 1904), ]). 25 : cf. the same writer's The Teaching of Paul in Terms of the Present Day (London, 1913), p. 425 f. An interesting example of the extension of a letter from the individual to the general is afforded by a letter addressed by George Fox to Lady Claypole, the favourite daughter of Oliver Cromwell, at a time when she was sick and troubled in mind. When it was read to her, she said, " it staid her mind for the present. Afterwards many Friends got copies of it, both in England and Ireland, and read it to people that were troubled in mind ; and it was made useful for the settling of the minds of several " {The Journal of George Fox, London, Headley Brothers, 1902, i. p. 434). 5. OxyrJiynchus Papyri, iv. No. 746 : see also Milligan, St. Paul's Epistles to the Thessalonians (Macmillan, 1908), p. 127. For other good examples of letters of commenda- tion cf. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ii. No. 292 (about 25 a.d.) (= Milligan, Selections, No. 14), and the Christian letter, ib. viii. No. 1162 (iv./A.D.). 6. Berliner Griechische Urkunden, i. No. 332 ( = Milligan, Thessalonians, p. 128). 7. Berliner Griechische Urkunden, ii. No. 423 (ii./A.D.) ( = Milligan, Selections, No. 36). Notes 157 8. Reference may be made to Dean Armitage Robinson's Excursus " On some current epistolary phrases " in his edition of St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians, p. 275 ff. : cf. also J. Rendel Harris, " A Study in Letter- Writing " in Expositor, V. viii. p. 161 ff. 9. Cf. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ii. No. 275^2'- (66 a.d.), (ypa\fa wrip avrov p) t'Soros ypap-jLara : Berliner Griechische Urkunden, i. No. 209'''- (158-9 a.d.), typaxpa vrrlp aVTOv dypafipiaTov. This use of aypd/[i,/xaTos- = " unlettered or " illiterate " would seem to indicate that it is to be understood in the same sense in Acts iv. 13, and not merely as " unacquainted with Rabbinic learning." 10. Rylands Papyri, ii. No. 183 {a). 11. I am tempted to quote from Professor M. D. Buell's beautiful and suggestive little book on The Autographs of Saint Paul (New York, Eaton and Mains, 1912), as I fear it is not generally accessible : " The salutation, ' Grace to you 1 ' can be as fully established as true, distinctive, and personal a voucher of Paul's individuality as any peculiar and personal trait of his handwriting. . . . Paul's exclusive and recurrent use of the word ' Charis ' (' Grace ') as a formula of salutation and mark of personal identity is not unlike the terse sentiment which the Black Prince coupled with his signature in a document which he signed in a.d. 1370 : ' De par homont ich dene ' (' With high honour do I serve '). What more appropriate salutation, as sounding tlic innermost deeps of his life ni Christ, and concentrating into one phrase the ruling passion of Paul's apostolic ministry, could have been devised? " (pp. 15, i?)- 12. See an article by the late Bishop Moulc in The Churchman for June, 1906. 158 Here and There among the Papyri 13. Cf. Milligan, Neiv Testament Documents, p. 242 ff. 14. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, iv. No. 724. 15. A good example is afforded by the letter of the olive-planter Mystarion [Berliner Griechische Urkundcn, i. No. 37, cf. p. 353), reproduced by Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East. " Mystarion's letter, with its greeting and the rest of the conclusion in a different writing, namely in Mystarion's own hand, was written only a few years before St. Paul's second letter to the Christians of Thessalonica, and it proves that somebody at that date closed a letter in his own hand without expressly saying so"(p. I58f.). 16. Studies in the Synoptic Problem, by Members of the University of Oxford (Oxford, 1911), p. 3 ff- 17. The alternative endings, including the ending from the recently discovered Freer or Washington manuscript, are discussed in New Testament Documents, p. 274 ff. 18. See Berliner Griechische Urkunden, iv. Nos. 1 206 and 1207, with the editor's notes on pp. 344 and 347. The date of the correspondence is 29-23 B.C. NOTES ON CHAPTER III 1. This has been maintained by Archdeacon Allen and Professor Wellhausen in connexion with S. Mark's Gospel, and recently Canon Burney has published an important study on The Aramaic Origin of the Fourth Gospel (Oxford, 1922). 2. R. Rothe, Ziir Dogmatik (Gotha, 1863), p. 238 f. : " \Vc can indeed with good right speak of a language of Notes 159 the Holy Ghost. For in the Bible it is manifest to our eyes how the Divine Spirit at work in revelation always takes the language of the particular people chosen to be the recipient and makes of it a characteristic religious variety by transforming existing linguistic elements and existing conceptions into a shape peculiarly appropriate to that Spirit. This process is shown most clearly by the Greek of the New Testament " (as quoted by Deiss- mann, The Philology of the Greek Bible (London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1908), p. 42 f.). 3. It is impossible to discuss here the history of the Koine, but reference may be made to Dr. J. H. Moulton's Grammar of New Testament Greek, 3rd Edit. (Edinburgh, T. &T. Clark, 1908), i. Prolegomena, especially chapter ii., and to the same writer's Essay on " New Testament Greek in the light of modern discovery " in Essays on some Biblical Questions of the Day (London, Macmillan, 1909), p. 461 ff. Much valuable material bearing on the Greek of the New Testament generally will be found in J. de Zwaan's chapter on " The Use of the Greek Language in Acts " and W. K. L. Clarke's chapter on " The Use of the Septuagint in Acts " in The Beginnings of Christianity, Part I., vol. ii., edited by F. J. Foakes Jackson and Kirsopp Lake (London, Macmillan, 1922). 4. Cf. J. Rendel Harris, The Expository Times, xxv. p. 54 f., and notes by the present writer in ib. xxxi. p. 421, and xxxii. p. 231 f. Of a much more general character, but interesting from its early date, is Dr. John Lightfoot's comment on the Preface to the Lord's Prayer in Matt. vi. 9 in his Horae Hebraicae et Talmudicae, first published as far back as i6o Here and There among the Papyri 1658 : " In interpreting very many phrases and histories of the New Testament, it is not so much worth, what we think of them from notions of our own, feigned upon I know not what grounds, as in what sense these things were understood by the hearers and lookers on, according to the usual custom and vulgar dialect of the nation." 5. I owe the reference to a note by W. L. Lorimer of St. Andrews University in The Expository Times, xxxii. p. 330, where reference is also made to the position taken up by Salmasius in his Funus linguae Hellenisticae and his De Hellenistica Commentarius, both published in 1643. 6. The passage was communicated by the Rev. J. PuUiblank to Professor J. H. Moulton, and was published by him in the second edition of the Prolegomena (1906), p. 242. 7. New Testament Documents, p. 70 fT. Many interesting points are graphically dealt with by Dr. J. H. Moulton in his volume of popular lectures on the New Testament, entitled From Egyptian Rubbish-Heaps (London, Kelly, 1916). See also Maurice Jones, The New Testament in the Twentieth Century (London, Macmillan, 1914), chap, viii., " The Language of the New Testament," and E. Jacquier, Etudes de Critique et de Philologie du Nouveau Testament (Paris, Lecoffre, 1920), chap, iii., " La Langue du Nouveau Testament." 8. Turin Papyri, i. No. I, '■ ""^ (116 B.C.) twv rovrmv d8(X.iijv tCov Ttts AeiTovpyms (v rais vfKpiai<; napiXoiJLkv(ov. Paris Papyri, No. 42^ (156 B.C.) Bapxatos koI 'ArroAAwvtos 9. The passages cited are from Tebtunis Papyri, i. No. 40 {= Selections, No. 10), Berliner Griechische Ur- Notes 161 "l kunden, i. No. 22 ( = Selections, No, 29), and ib, i. No. 16 { = Selections, No. 33). 10. The story of the Twins has been graphically recon- structed by Sir F. G. Kenyon in British Museum Papyri, i. p. 2 R. 11. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, iv. No. 731. 12. Hibeh Papyri, i. No. 78" (244-3 B.C.). 13. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, i. No. 40 (ii/iii a.d.). 14. Paris Papyri, No. 58" (ii/B.c). Greek Papyri, Series ii., edited by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, No. 67" (237 A.D.) [ = Selections, No. 45). 15. Rylands Papyri, ii. No. 243^^ (ii/A.D.). This same papyrus supplies good examples of Aoyos, " account," and of the common legal phrase t& k-KifiaWov iiipo^, as in Luke XV. 12 — Se^ai Trapa. Nicpapov is Aoyov Ei/jtji'tjs tJ) i-m^aWov avrxi p-tpoi, " receive from Ninnarus for Irene's account the share belonging to her " (Edd.). 16. Berliner Griechische Urkunden, i. No. 140" '■ (119 A.D.). 17. Amherst Papyri, ii. No. Ss^"- 18. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ix. No. I200^'- 19. For this legal sense of vTroo-raa-it see Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ii. No. 237 *"' 2" (186 a.d.) with the editors' note (p. 176) : " vn-do-Tao-is, of which the central meaning is ' substance,' i.e. property, ... is used here for the whole body of documents bearing on the ownership of a person's property whetlier aTroypa^ai, sales, mortgages, etc.) deposited in the archives, and forming the evidence of ownership." X 1 62 Here and There among the Papyri 20. Berliner Griechische Urkunden, i. No. 249". 21. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vi. No. 932'"- (late ii/A.D.). Other instances of this interesting verb of a more general character may be added. In Hibeh Papyri, i. No. 39 (265 (264) B.C.), with reference to the embarkation upon a government transport of a quantity of corn, instructions are given that the shipmaster is to write a receipt, and further " let him seal a sample (80Tip[u>v H^PX*? TiKvu./Te0D, rrjpelTa, tow r«.o« V ^ok.rua, " if a woman, being a citizen [i.e. of Alexandria], marries an Egyptian in the mistaken belief that he is also a citizen, she is not Hable to penalty ; and if both parties present birth- certificates, their children preserve the status of citizens (Jones). 22 For the meaning of the papyrus (J. 383 of the Leiden Museum) see further de Zwaan in the Journal of Theological Studies, vi. (1905), P- 4i8 ff. 23. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, iii. No. 523 ("/a-d-) ( = Selec- tions, No. 39)- 1 66 Here and There among the Papyri 24. For further examples of the religious use of kvo.os see Moulton and M.lhgan, Vocabulary of the Greek Testa- ment, S.V., and Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East p. 353 ff. The frequent application of the term to Nero makes it no longer possible to claim Acts xxv 26 as a proof of the late date of that book. r ^^•.^T"/''^r;r^°- ^' ^'56 B.C.). See also Wilcken, bnechische Ostraka (Leipzig and Berlin, 1899), i- p. 568 f. 26. Teblunis Papyri, ii. No. 315 (ii/A.D.). 27. Rylands Papyri, ii. No. 114. 28. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, i. No. 115 (ii/A.D.) I = Selec- tions, No. 38). 29. Berliner Griechische Urkunden, iii. No. 846 (ii/A.D.) { = Selections, No. 27). 30. FayUm Papyri, No. 137 {= Selections, No. 25). 31. Fayum Papyri, No. 138 (i/ii a.d.). 32. P Par 574'^=' 'f { = Selections, No. 47). 33. The adj. Stia-iSaifxoyv is strictly a neutral term (see Moulton and Milligan, Vocabulary, s.v.), and in the passage in Acts seems to carry with it the double connota- tion indicated in the text, NOTES ON CHAPTER V. 1. The references are collected by Harnack, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity, 2nd Edit. (London, 1908), ii. p. 158 ff. See also P. D. Scott-MoncriefT,' Paganism and Christianity in Egypt, Cambridge, 191 3. 2. The student will find a full and clear survey of the whole field in The New Archaeological Discoveries and their Notes 167 Bearing upon the Neiv Testament and upon the Life and Times of the Primitive Church, by Camden M. Cobern, D.D., Litt.D. (New York and London, Funk and Wagnalls, 1917)- 3. They have been described, so far as they were then published, by F. G. Kenyon, Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the Neiv Testament, 2nd Edit., London, 1912, p. 41 ff. For a later list see Milligan, New Testament Documents, p. 248 ff. 4. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, i. No. 2. 5. The full text, which " does not agree at all con- sistently with any one of the chief authorities," will be found in Oxyrhynchus Papyri, x. No. 1228. 6. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, xv. No. 1 78 1. 7. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ii. No. 208 : cf. Gregory, Texlkritik des Neuen Testamentes, iii. (Leipzig, 1909), p. 1085. 8. Theologische Liter alurzeilung, 1901, p. 70 f. 9. Amherst Papyri, i. No. 3 [b). 10. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, iv. No. 657. One or two interesting features of the manuscript may be noted from an article contributed by J. H. Moulton to The Methodist Recorder, July 21, 1904 : " I am particularly glad to find the MS. back up the R.V. in iv. 2 (' because they were not united by faith ') and xii. 3 (' sinners against themselves '). In one place (xi. 4) Westcott and Hort ventured to prefer a small change [avrt^ for avrov] which was against all theMSS.,on the authority of Clement alone : now our MS. comes in to confirm their judgment. In xi. 35 the best MSS. have united in a small slip (" they i68 Here and There among the Papyri received women "), and we have now another to add to the company : it is a remarkable testimony to the accuracy of our oldest copies that they should so faithfully preserve manifest blunders (in the autograph ?) like this." 11. Brief an die Hehrder, Text mit Angabe der Rhythmen uSttingen, 1903. 12. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ii. No. 209: cf. Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East, p. 232 n\ 13. Papiri della Societa Italiana, i. No. 3. 14. Fuhrer durch die Ausstellung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer (Vienna, 1894), p. 129, No. 539: cf. Wessely, Wiener Studien, iv. p. 198 fT., vii. p. 69 f., also Expositor, III. i. pp. 342, 600. 15. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ii. p. 3. It may also be noted that we have here evidence from a much earUer date than was sometime s imagined of the use of such contractions as 0C, I He, Xe, and so on : see ib. iii. No. 405. 16. See p. 53 f. and cf. Kenyon, Palaeography of Greek Papyri, p. 24. Schubart, Das Buck bei den Griechen und Romern (Berlin, 1907), p. loi I., infers, from a Priene inscription, the existence of papyrus codices in Asia Minor about the beginning of the first century B.C. 17. Zeitschrift fiir Katholische Theologie, 1885, p. 498 ff., and, later, Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer, i. p. 53 ff., ii. p. 41 f. 18. Texte und Untersuchungen, v. 4 (1889), p. 483 ff., " Das Evangelien fragment von Fajjum." 19. Letter to The Times, of July 25th, 1885. 20. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, iv. No. 655. Notes 169 21. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, x. No. 1224. 22. AOriA IH20Y: 'Sayings of Our Lord,' from an Early Greek Papyrus. By B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (Frowde, 1897). {Out of print.) See also Oxy- rhynchus Papyri, i. No. i. 23. New Sayings of Jesus and Fragment of a Lost Gospel, with the text of the ' Logia ' discovered in 1 897. By B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (Frowde, 1904). See also Oxyrhynchus Papyri, iv. No. 654. 24. These can now be conveniently studied in The Sayings of Jesus from Oxyrhynchus, edited with Introduc- tion, Critical Apparatus and Commentary by Hugh G. Evelyn White, M.A. (Cambridge University Press, 1920). Cf. also an article by V. Bartlet in The Expositor, VIII. xxiii. p. 136 ff. 25. Uber die jungst entdeckten Sprilche Jesu, by A. Harnack (Freiburg i. Baden, 1897) : English Translation in The Expositor, V. vi. pp. 321 ff., 401 ff. 26. Die jungst gefundenen " Ausspriiche Jesu," by T. Zahn in the Theologisches Literaturblatt, xviii. (1897), pp. 417 ff., 425 ff- 27. The Oxyrhynchus Logia and the Apocryphal Gospels, by the Rev. C. Taylor (Oxford, 1899), and The Oxyrhynchus Sayings of Jesus, by the same (1905). 28. Cf. M. R. James in the Contemporary Review, Ixxii. (1897), p. 156. 29. Upon the influence which these extra-evangelic documents may have had on the transmission of the text of the Canonical Gospels, see J. Rendel Harris in the Conternporary Review, Ixxii. (1897), p. 341 ff. I70 Here and There among the Papyri 30. See e.g. The Newly-found Words of Jesus, by W Garrett Horder (London, 1904); Jesus 5ai//i— Studies in some " New Sayings " of Christ, by J. Warschauer (London, 1905) ; and Unwritten Sayings of our Lord by David Smith (London [1913]). ' 31. For these documents see Oxyrkynchus Papyri iii No. 405 ; ib. ii. No. 210; ib. i. No. 5 (cf. Harnzck' Die Chronologie der Altchristlichen Litteratur his Eusebius, ii. p. 181) ; ib. i. No. 4 (cf. Harnack, Chronologie, ii, p. 181) '; ib. viii. No. 1081. 32. Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer, ii. p. 83 ff. Cf. Stokes in The Expositor, in. vii. p. 456. 33. Amherst Papyri, i. No. 2, and for a fuller restoration of the text see C. Wessely, Les plus anciens Monuments du Christiatiisme ecrits sur Papyrus (in Patrologia Orientalis, iv. 2), p. 205 ff. 34. Sitzungsberichte der Akademie zu Berlin, 1900, p. 986 f. 35. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, xv. No. 1786. 36. Berliner Klassiker Texte, vi. (1910), p. iio ff. 37. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, iii. No. 407. 38. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vii. No. 1058, 6 ^(v irapaKiifxiviiiv crjavpwv, fSoi^drjcrov riv SovXov crov 'A:r<^ovav. dfiriv. 39. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vii. No. 1059 (v/a.d.). 40. The prayers are edited by C. Schmidt in Neu- testamentliche Studien Georg Heinrici zu seinem 70 Geburts- tag dargehracht (Leipzig, 1914), p. 66 ff. Notes 171 41. Rylands Papyri, i. No. 6. 42. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, xv. No. 1784. 43. Greek Papyri chiefly Ptolemaic, No. 53. 44. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, xiii. No. 1603. 45. Greek Papyri, Series ii.. No. III. 46. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, xi. No. 1357. 47. See Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East, p. 332, where reference is also made to the pagan phrase found in Oxyrhynchus Papyri, i. Nos. 48, 49 (as amended) — vrrh Am V^]v "Wkiov tVt kxnpoi%, " under Zeus, Earth, Sun, for a ransom." 48. Rylands Papyri, i. No. 12. For another specimen see Berliner Griechische Vrkunden, i. No. 287, reproduced in Selections, No. 48, with references to the relevant literature. 49. Cf. Scott-Moncrieff, Paganism and Christianity in Egypt, p. 88. 50. Amherst Papyri, i. No. 3 (a) ; see also Wessely, Monuments, p. 135 ff. 51. Light fro7n the Ancient East, p. 200. 52. The letter was originally published in Greek Papyri, Series ii. No. 73. Deissmann's study was published under the title Ein Original-Dokument aus der Dioclelianischen Christenverfolgung, Tubingen, 1902 (English Translation, London, A. & C. Black, 1902 and 1907). In support of their interpretation of ttoAitiki/, Grenfell and Hunt can now point to Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vi. No. 903", wliere the word is clearly = Tropvi]. Y2 172 Here and There among the Papyri 53. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vi. No. 939 { = Selections, No. 53). 54. British Museum Papyri, No. 417 ( = ii. p. 299 f., Selections, No. 51). 55. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vi. No. 925 (v/vi a.d.). 56. For another example see Berliner Griechische Urkunden, iii. No. 954 { = Selections, No. 55). 57. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, viii. No. 1152, GpiDp (ftiop tXuxi, dSuvact, 'lacu trajSaw^, Mi;(aijA, 'larov Xpurre, fiorjOi rjHiv Ktti TOVTO) oTkci). dp'qv. For an interesting modern parallel we may compare the document which was found sewn into Pascal's doublet after his death. It is dated " Monday, the 23rd of November, 1654, between half past ten at night and half-past twelve," and begins — Fire. God of Abraham, God of Isaac, God of Jacob — Not of philosophers or the wise — Certainty, Certainty, Feeling, Joy, Peace. Here and There among the Papyri Authors and Subjects Abbott-Smith, G., x Addresses of N.T. writings, 29 ff. Aegyptus, 154 Agrapha, 127 Allen, W.C, 158 Amulets, 119, I50ff. Arnold, M., 84 Authenticating signature, 40 f. Autographs, N.T., 27 ff. Bacchylides, 13 Barber, E. A., 154 Bartlet, V., 169 Bell, H. I., 17, 91 f- Bereavement, 106 ff. Bickell, 123 ff., 134 Blass, 119 Buell, 157 Burney, C. F., 158 Calder, W. M., 164 Census papers, 85 ff. Charta Borgiana, 10, 153 Chinese writers, 44 i- Christian letters, 144 ff. Christianity in Egypt, 1 13 f- Church organization, 139 ff. Clarke, W. K. L., 159 Cobern, C. M., 167 Codex, Papyrus, 53 f-, 122 f. Common people, 82 ff. Consolation, letter of, 106 ff. Constitution of Athens, 13 Contract of apprenticeship, 74 f. Contractions in MSS., 168 Copying, 48 f- Corinthians, 2nd Ep. to, 52 Cratippus, 19 Creeds, I38f. Cyprian, 142 Deissmann, xi, 57, 69, 70, 73,99,101,117,119,145, 146 f., 156, 158, 162, 163, 166, 171 Delivery of N.T. wntmgs, 30 Dictation, 38 ff- Didache, 135 173 174 Here and There among the Papyri Divorce, 90, 164 Donaldson, Sir James, 60 f. Education, 96 f. Ephorus, 19 Epistolary form, 33 ff., 37 Euripides, 20 Evangelislarium, 120 Evil eye, 97 Family life, 89 ff. Farrar, 62 Forshall, J., 62 Fox, George, 156 Galatians, Ep. to, 29, 30 f., 41 ff. Goodspeed, E. J., 18 Graeco-Roman World, 84 f. Grammar, N.T., x f., 79 Greek : ' common,' 55 ff. ; real character of, 57 ff. Gregory, C. R., 167 Grcnfell, B. P., x, 13, 117, 122, 129, 154, 160, 171 Harnack, 125, 130, 132, 166 Harris, J. Rendel, 157, 159, 169 Headlam, 72 Hebraisms, 56 f. Hebrews, Ep. to, 31 Hclbing, ix Herculaneum Papyri, 7, 153 Herondas, 13 Homeric texts, 7, 19 Horder, W. G., 170 Hort, 125 Howard, W. F., x Hunt, A. S., x, 13, 17, 21, 117, 122, 129, 150, 161, 171 Husbands and wives, 89 fl. Hymns, 135 f. Hyperides, 1 1 Jacquier, E., 160 James, M. R., 169 Johnson, J. de M., 17 Jones, Maurice, 160 Jones, Stuart, 99 f., 165 Journal of Egyptian Arch- aeology, x JuUcher, 80 f. Kenyon, Sir F. G., 17, 20, 28, 153, 154, 161, 167, 168 Koine, 24 f., 58 Lees, Archbishop, 165 Legal documents, 70 ff. Letters of commendation, 33 ff. Lexicography, N.T., x Libelli, 142 flf. Lietzmann, ix Lightfoot, J., I59f. Lightfoot, Bishop J. B., 31, 61 f., 78 Liturgical works, 133 f. Liturgy, 66 f. Lorimer, W. L., 169 Authors and Subjects ns Luther, 153 Lysias, 19 Mackinlay, G., 164 Magical papyri, lioff., 151 Mahaffy, Sir J. P., n, i7 Manumission, 99, 141 Mark, Gospel of, ending of, 50 f. Martin, v., 17, 155 Masson, Prof., 59 f. M'Lean, N., I55 Menander, 19 Mitteis, ix Moule, Bishop, 157 Moulton, J. H., X, xi, 58, 79. 159, 160, 166, 167 New Testament : language of, 55 ff. ; as literature, 79 ff. ; surroundings of, 82 ff. Non-canonical texts, 12311. Orr, J., 163 Oxyrhynchus Papyri, x Papias, 125 Papyri : classification ot, 19 ff. ; collections of, 1 5 ff . ; discoveries of, 7 ff • Papyrus: as a writing material, 2 ff. ; Christian documents on, 113 ff- 1 New Testament texts on, 15, "5ff- Parents and children, 92 ff. Parousia, 75 f. Pascal, 172 Pauline Epistles : form of, 32 ff. ; differences of lan- guage and style of, 44 ; literary character of, 80 f. Pedagogue, 97 Persae, 7 Peter, Gospel of, 128 Petitions, 105 f. Petrie, Flinders, 1 1 Philemon, Ep. to, 149 Philodemus, 153 Pindar, 20 Pirke Aboth, 131 Phny, 153 Postal Service, State, 155 t. Powell, J. U., 154 Prayers, 136 ff. Presbyter, 65 f. Prodigal son, 108 f. PuUiblank, J., 160 Questions in temples, 109 f.; in churches, 149 f. Quirinius, 86 f. Quotation, 49 Ramsay, Sir W. M., 31, 32, 67, 86, 156, 164 Reading of N.T. rolls, 47 i- Receipts, 68 f. Recto, 3 Robertson, A. T., xi, 79 Robinson, J. A., I57 176 Here and There among the Papyri Romans, Ep. to, ending of, Rothe, 158 {. Salmasius, 160 Sanday, 48 {., 72 Sappho, 20 ' Sayings ' of Jesus, 14, 128 ff. Schmidt, C, 170 Schow, N., 153 Schubart, W., xii, 155, 168 Scott-Moncricff, P. D., 166, 171 SeaHng, 72 f. Septuagint, 22, 56 Shorthand, 45 ff. Signature, authenticating, 40 ff. Sin, 108 f. Slaves, 97 ff. Smith, D., 170 Smyly, J. G., 17 Social life, lOl ff. Souter, A., x Spirit : earnest of, 68 ; first fruits of, 99 f. Stigmata, 100 f. Structure, questions of, 50 ff. Synoptic problem, 48 Taxation, 103 ff. Taylor, C, 130 Tertius, 40 Texts, N.T., 115 ff. Thackeray, St. John, xi Theological works, 132 f. Theopompus, 19 Title-deeds, 72 Tyrrell, R. Y., 154 VcTSO 3 Vocabulary, N.T., 63 ff. Warschauer, 170 Wellhausen, 80, 158 Wessely, 168, 170, 171 White, H. G. E., 169 Wilcken, ix, 1 53, 154, 166 Witkowski, ix, 155 .. Wordsworth, 13 Writing materials, 5 Zahn, 130 Zwaan, J. de, 159, 1 65 Here and There among the Papyri ill 2. Nei!) Testament References St. Matthew i. 1 - ii. II, 22 - V. 24 V. 31 vi. 16 - - ■ vii. 3 ff. - vii. 17 ff- ■ ix. 9 xii. 48 xxiii. 8 - xxvi. 32 - St. Mark xiv. 26 ff. xvi. 9 ff. - St. Luke i. I f. - ii. I ff. - ii. 49 iii. 14 vi. 28 vi. 43 f- - vii. 36 ff. - x. 38ff- - - xi. 37 ■ XV. 13 ■ XV. 18, 21 PACE 116 no 108 90 69,91 14 132 103 65 65 124 123 50 - 125 . 86 ff. - 102 f. 95, 104 - 78 132 120 120 102 - 78 - 108 f. xviu. 3 xix. 8 St. John i. 23ff. - iii. 14 ff- - iii. 31 f- - XV. 25 ff. - xvi. 21 ff. xix. 5 XX. 1 1 ff . - XX. 19 ff. - xxi. I ff. - Acts ii. 29, 37 - V. 37 xvii. 6 xvii. 22 - xxi. 36 - xxii. 22 - xxiii. 26 - XXV. 26 - xxviii. 9 - Romans i. 1 ff. ■ V. 13 viii. 18 ff. PAGE 106 104 117 120 120 116 116 78 117 117 117 65 86 77 III 78 78 34 166 67 119 70 81 178 Here and There < among the Papyri PACE PACI viii. 23 . 99 f. i. 14 68 XV. 28 - 72 i. 15 ff. - 43 xvi. I ff . 51 f. xvi. 22 . 40 Philippian3 I Corinthians i. 12 108 i. 7f. i. 16 f. i. 26 f. . 71 43 83 ii. 9 ... ii. 17, 30 - iv. 18 - - - 102 68 69 viii. 5 f. - 102 COLOSSIANS X. 21 . 102 xiii. I ff ... 81 11. 14 - - - iv. 18 - - - 5 XV. 31 - 98 41 xvi. 21 ff. 41 I Thessalonians 2 Corinthians i. I - 34 i-ix. . 52 iv. I - - 93, 102 i. 22 68,72 iv. 13 f. - 108 iii. I 33 v. 27 43 iv. 7 112 V. 28 34 V. 5 68 vii. 8 52 2 Thessalonians ix. 12 68 iii. II - 74 x.-xiii. 52 iii. 17 f. - 40 xi. 8 Galatians 93 iii. 18 - - - Philemon 34 i. 24 iii. I V. 12 . 97 78,97 77 Iff. ... 15 - 149 69 vi. II . 42 f. 18 - 70 vi. 17 - 100 f. Hebrews Ephesians i. I - 118 i. 3ff. . 43 iv. 2 167 i. 13 - 72 xi. I 72 XI. 35 Xll 3 I . 12 . New Testament References 2 John PAGE 167 167 94 5 15 111. 5 V. I 179 3 John Revelation 97 3. Greek Words afid6avL^ii), 91 fSaa-Kaivii), 97 ySao-Tdfui, ID I ;8€/Jai09, 70 ff. fiifiaiou), 71 /3«^aiwoi9, 71 pipXiov, 140 /JpaSeios, 39 ^poxiov, 5 yiVlixTKii), 108 ypdfifia, 42 Saiiitov, 90 SeicriSat/iiwi', III, 166 SiaAAdcrcra), 108 Swrrjp, 136 €K^dA.A.u), 93 (K^VOi, 127 cAAoydw, 70 t'AAoycd), 70 e/x(^avijs, 126 ivvoia, 133 t^aXtiffxii, 5 £7ri/3dAA(i>, 161 l8o Here and There among the Papyri cpwTaw, 93, 102 i7y«/jioi', 78 f . irpoTrdrop, 1 33 a-afSfiaTiKos, 1 38 irT)fifi(yypd(j}Os, 46 o-Tttvpos, 1 70 (TTiy/xa, 10 1 crTpaTdofiai, 95 iTVKO(f>avrfm, 103 o-vo-TOTiKOs, 33 (Tpayi(