CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY L H^ Cornell University B kl Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028958853 A GENERAL VIEW OF THE PROGRESS OF ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY, CHIEFLY DCHING THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES. BY THE RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH, LL.D. F.R.S. M.P. CAREY AND LEA— CHESNUT STREET. 1832. Philadelphia : Printed by James Kay, Jun. & Co. Printers (o the American Philosophical Society. No. 4, Minor Street. CONTENTS. Introduction, Page I SECTION I. Preliminary Observations, SECTION II. Heti-ospect of Ancient Ethics, 16 SECTION III. Retrospect of Scliolastic Etliics, 33 SECTION IV. Modern Ethics, Hobbes, 52 55 SECTION V. Controversies concerning the Moral Faculties and the Social Affections, 70 Cumberland, . . . . .70 Cudworth, • • . . . 73 Clarke, . . . . .78 Earl of Shaftesbury, • . . . 88 Fenelon, . . . . .95 Bossuet, • ■ . . , 96 Leibnitz, . . .100 MaJebranche, .... 106 Jonathan Edwards, . . .108 Buffier, ... -110 CONTENTS. SECTION VI. Foundations of a more just Theoi-y of Ethics, Butler, . . . Hutcheson, Berkeley, David Hume, Adam Smith, Richard Price, David Hartley, Abraham Tucker, William Paley, Jeremy Bentham, Dugald Stewart, Thomas Brown, Pag-e 112 113 125 129 134 147 156 157 ire 180 189 212 230 SECTION VII. General Remarks, 243 Notes and Illustrations, 283 INTRODUCTION. The inadequacy of the words of ordinary language for the purposes of philosophy, is an ancient and frequent complaint; of which the justness will be felt by all who consider the state to which some of the most important arts would be reduced, if the coarse tools of the common labourer were the only instruments to be employed in the most delicate operations of manual expertness. The watchmaker, the optician, and the surgeon, are pro- vided with instruments, which are fitted, by careful ingenuity, to second their skill; the philosopher alone is doomed to use the rudest tools for the most refined pur- poses. He must reason in words of which the looseness and vagueness are suitable, and even agreeable, in the usual intercourse of life, but which are almost as remote from the extreme exactness and precisioa re- quired, not only in the conveyance, but in the search of truth, as the hammer and the axe would be unfit for the finest exertions of skilful handiwork; for it is not to be forgotten, that he must himself think in these gross words as unavoidably as he uses them in speaking to others. He is in this respect in a worse condition than an astronomer who looked at the heavens only with the naked eye, whose limited and partial observation, how- ever it might lead to error, might not directly, and would not necessarily deceive. He might be more justly compared to an arithmetician compelled to em- ploy numerals not only cumbrous, but used so irregu- A 2 INXRODUCTION. liirly to denote diiferent quantities, that they not only often deceived others, but himself. The Natural Philosopher and Mathematician have in some degree the privilege of framing their own terms of art ; though that liberty is daily narrowed by the happy diffusion of these great branches of knowledge, which daily mixes their language with the general voca- bulary of educated men. The cultivator of Mental and Moral Philosophy can seldom do more than mend the faults of his words by definition; a necessary but very inadequate expedient, in a great measure defeated in practice by the unavoidably more frequent recurrence of the terms in their vague than in their definite accep- tation; in consequence of which the mind, to which the definition is faintly and but occasionally present, natu- rally suffers, in the ordinary state of attention, the sci- entific meaning to disappear from remembrance, and insensibly ascribes to the word a great part, if not the whole, of that popular sense which is so very much more familiar even to the most veteran speculator. The ob- stacles which stood in the way of Lucretius and Cicero, when they began to translate the subtile philosophy of Greece into their narrow and barren tongue, are always felt by the philosopher when he struggles to express, with the necessary discrimination, his abstruse reason- ings in words which, though those of his own language, he must take from the mouths of those to whom his dis- tinctions would be without meaning. The Moral Philosopher is in this respect subject to peculiar difiiculties. His statements and reasonings of- ten call for nicer discriminations of language than those which are necessary in describing or discussing the purely intellectual part of human nature; but his free- dom in the choice of words is more circumscribed. As he treats of matters on which all men are disposed to form a judgment, he can as rarely hazard glaring inno- INTRODUCTION. 3 vations in diction, at least in an adult and mature language like ours, as the orator or the poet. If he deviates from common use, he must atone for his deviation by hiding it, and can only give a new sense to an old word by so skilful a position of it as to render the new meaning so quickly understood that its novelty is scarcely perceived. Add to this, that in those most difficult inquiries for which the utmost coolness is not more than sufficient, he is often forced to use terms commonly connected with warm feeling, with high praise, with severe reproach; which excite the passions of his readers when he most needs their calm attention and the undisturbed exercise of their impartial judgment. There is scarcely a neutral term left in Ethics; so quickly are such expressions en- listed on the side of praise or blame, by the address of contending passions. A true philosopher must not even desire that men should less love virtue or hate vice, in order to fit them for a more unprejudiced judgment on his speculations. There are perhaps not many occasions where the penury and laxity of language are more felt than in en- tering on the history of sciences where the first measure must be to mark out the boundary of the whole subject with some distinctness. But no exactness in these im- portant operations can be approached without a new division of human knowledge, adapted to the present stage of its progress, and a reformation of all those barbarous, pedantic, unmeaning, and (what is worse) wrong-meaning names which continue to be applied to the greater part of its branches. Instances are needless where nearly all the appellations are faulty. The term Metaphysics afl'ords a specimen of all the faults which the name of a science can combine. To those who know only their own language, it must, at their entrance on the study, convey no meaning. It points their attention to nothing. If they examine the 4 INTRODUCTION. language in which its parts are significant, they will be misled into the pernicious error of believing that it seeks something more than the interpretation of nature. It is only by examining the history of ancient philosophy that the probable origin of this name will be found, in the application of it, as the running title of several essays of Aristotle, which were placed in a collection of the manuscripts of that great philosopher, after his treatise on Physics. It has the greater fault of an unsteady and fluctuating signification; denoting one class of objects in the seventeenth century, and another in the eighteenth — even in the ninteenth not quite of the same import in the mouth of a German, as in that of a French or English philosopher; to say nothing of the farther objection that it continues to be a badge of undue pretension among some of the followers of the science, while it has become a name of reproach and derision among those who alto- gether decry it. The modern name of the very modern science called Political Economy, \\ion^ deliberately bestowed on it by its most eminent teachers, is perhaps a still more nota- ble sample of the like faults. It might lead the ignorant to confine it to retrenchment in national expenditure; and a consideration of its etymology alone would lead into the more mischievous error of believing it to teach, that national wealth is best promoted by the contrivance and interference of lawgivers, in opposition to its surest doc- trine, which it most justly boasts of having discovered and enforced. It is easy to conceive an exhaustive analysis of Human Knowledge, and a consequent division of it into parts corresponding to all the classes of objects to which it relates: — a representation of that vast edifice, contain- ing a picture of what is finished, a sketch of what is building, and even a conjectural outline of what, though required by completeness and convenience, as well as INTRODUCTION. 5 symmetry, is yet altogether untouched. A system of names might also be imagined derived from a few roots, indicating the objects of each part, and showing the relation of the parts to each other. An order and a language somewhat resembling those by which the ob- jects of the sciences of Botany and Chemistry have, in the eighteenth century, been arranged and denoted, are doubtless capable of application to the sciences generally, when considered as parts of the system of knowledge. The attempts, however, which have hitherto been made to accomplish the analytical division of knowledge which must necessarily precede a new nomenclature of the sciences, have required so prodigious a superiority of genius in the single instance of approach to success by Bacon, as to discourage rivalship nearly as much as the frequent examples of failure in subsequent times* The nomenlature itself is attended with great difficulties, not indeed in its conception, but in its adoption and useful- ness. In the Continental languages to the south of the Rhine, the practice of deriving the names of science from Greek must be continued; which would render the new names for a while unintelligible to the majority of men. Even in Germany, where a flexible and fertile language affords unbounded liberty of derivation and composition from native roots or elements, and where the newly derived and compounded words would thus be as clear to the mind, and almost as little startling to the ear of every man, as the oldest terms in the language, yet the whole nomenclature would be unintelligible to other nations. The intercommunity of the technical terms of science in Europe has been so far broken down by the Germans, and the influence of their literature and philosophy is so rapidly increasing in the greater part of the Continent, that though a revolution in scientific nomenclature be probably yet far distant, the foundation of it may be considered as already prepared. 6 INTRODUCTION. But although so great an undertaking must be re- served for a second Bacon and a future generation, it is necessary for the historian of any branch of knowledge to introduce his work by some account of the limits and contents of the sciences of which he is about to trace the progress; and though it will be found impossible to trace throughout the treatise a distinct line of demarcation, yet a general and imperfect sketch of the boundaries of the whole, and of the parts of our present subject, may be a considerable help to the reader, as it has been a useful guide to the writer. There is no distribution of the parts of knowledge more ancient than that of the Physical and Moral Sci- ences, which seems liable to no other objection, than that it does not exhaust the subject. Even this division, however, cannot be safely employed, without warning the reader, that no science is entirely insulated, and that the principles of one are often only the conclusions and results of another. Every branch of knowledge has its root in the theory of the understanding, from which even the mathematician must learn what can be known of his magnitude and his numbers; and Moral Science is founded on that other hitherto unnamed part of philoso- phy of human nature (to be constantly and vigilantly dis- tinguished from /?2ife//ec/M«/ Philosophy), which contem- plates the laws of sensibility, of emotion, of desire and aversion, of pleasure and pain, of happiness and misery; and on which arise the august and sacred landmarks that stand conspicuous along the frontier between right and wrong. But however multiplied the connexions of the Moral and Physical Sciences are, it is not difficult to draw a general distinction between them. The purpose of the Physical Sciences throughout all their provinces, is to answer the question What is? They consist only of facts arranged according to their likeness, and expressed INTRODUCTION. by general names given to every class of similar facts. The purpose of the Moral Sciences is to answer the question What ought to be? They aim at ascertaining the rules which ought to govern voluntary action, and to which those habitual dispositions of mind which are the source of voluntary actions ought to be adapted. It is obvious that will, action, habit, disposition, are terms denoting facts in human nature, and that an explanation of them must be sought in Mental Philoso- phy; which, if knowledge be divided into Physical and Moral, must be placed among physical sciences; though it essentially differs from them all in having for its chief object those laws of thought which alone render any other sort of knowledge possible. But it is equally cer- tain that the word ought introduces the mind into a new region, to which nothing physical corresponds. However philosophers may deal with this most import- ant of words, it is instantly understood by all who do not attempt to deJBne it. No civilized speech, perhaps no human language, is without correspondent terms. It would be as reasonable to deny that space and green- ness are significant words, as to affirm that ought, right, duty, virtue, are sounds without meaning. It would be fatal to an Ethical Theory that it did not explain them, and that it did not comprehend all the conceptions and emotions which they call up. There never yet was a theory which did not attempt such an explanation. SECTION I. Preliminary Observations. There is no man who, in a case where he was a calm by- slander, would not look with more satisfaction on acts of kindness than on acts of cruelty. No man, after the first excitement of his mind has subsided, ever whisper- ed to himself with self-approbation and secret joy that he had been guilty of cruelty or baseness. Every criminal is strongly impelled to hide these qualities of his actions from himself, as he would do from others, by clothing his conduct in some disguise of duty or of necessity. There is no tribe so rude as to be without a faint per- ception of a diiference between right and wrong. There is no subject on which men of all ages and nations coin- cide in so many points as in the general rules of conduct, and in the qualities of the human character which de- serve esteem. Even the grossest deviations from the general consent will appear, on close examination, to be not so much corruptions of moral feeling, as either ig- norance of facts ; or errors with respect to the conse- quences of action ; or cases in which the dissentient party is inconsistent with other parts of his own principles, which destroys the value of his dissent; or where each dissident is condemned by all the other dissidents, which immeasurably augments the majority against him. In the first three cases he may be convinced by argument, that his moral judgment should be changed on principles which he recognises as just : and he can seldom, if ever, B 10 PBOGBESS OF be condemned at the same time by the body of mankind who agree in their moral systems, and by those who on some other points dissent from that general code, with- out being also convicted of error by inconsistency with himself. The tribes who expose new-born infants, con- demn those who abandon their decrepit parents to de- struction. Those who betray and murder strangers, are condemned by the rules of faith and humanity which they acknowledge in their intercourse with their coun- trymen. Mr Hume, in a dialogue in which he ingeni- ously magnifies the moral heresies of two nations so po- lished as the Athenians and the French, has very satis- factorily resolved his own difficulties. '' In how many circumstances would an Athenian and a Frenchman of merit certainly resemble each other ? — Humanity, fidel- ity, truth, justice, courage, temperance, constancy, dig- nity of mind. The principles upon which men reason in morals are always the same, though their conclusions are often very different."* He might have added, that almost every deviation which he imputes to each nation is at variance with some of the virtues justly esteemed by both; and that the reciprocal condemnation of each other's errors which appears in his statement entitles us on these points to strike out the suffrages of both, when collecting the general judgment of mankind. If we bear in mind that the question relates to the coincidence of all men in considering the same qualities as virtues, and not to the preference of one class of virtues by some and of a different class by others, the exceptions from the agreement of mankind, in their system of practical morality, will be reduced to absolute insignificance ; and we shall learn to view them as no more affecting the harmony of our moral faculties, than the resemblance of the limbs and features is affected by monstrous conforma- * Philosophical Works, Vol. IV. p. 420, 422 Etlinb. 1826. ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 11 tions, or by the unfortunate effects of accident and dis- ease in a very few individuals.* It is very remarkable, however, that though all men ' agree that there are acts which ought to be done, and acts which ought not to be done; though the far greater part of mankind agree in their list of virtues and duties, of vices and crimes; and though the whole race, as it ad- vances in other improvements, is as evidently tending towards the moral system of the most civilized nations, as children in their growth tend to the opinions as much as to the experience and strength of adults; yet there are no questions in the circle of inquiry to which an- swers more various have been given than — How men have thus come to agree in the rule of life ; Whence arises their general reverence for it; and What is meant by affirming that it ought to be inviolably observed ? It is singular, that where we are most nearly agreed re- specting rules, we should perhaps most diifer as to the causes of our agreement, and as to the reasons which justify us for adhering to it. The discussion of these subjects composes what is usually called the Theory of Morals, in a sense not in all respects coincident with what is usually considered as theory in other sciences. When we investigate the causes of our moral agreement, * " On convient le plus souvent de ces instincts de la conscience. La plus grande et la plus saine parlie du genre humain leui- rend t^moignage . Les Orientaux, et les Grecs, et les Roraains conviennent en cela; et il faudroit fetre aussi abruti que les sauvages Am^ricains pour approuver leurs coutumes, pleines d'une cruaute qui passe m6me celle des betes. Cependant ces mimes sauvages sentent bien ce que c'est que lajustice en d'autres occasions; et quoique il n'y ait point de mauvaise pratique peut-^tre qui ne soit autoris^e quelque part, il y en a peu pourtant qui ne soient condamndes le plus souyent, et par la plus grande partie des hommes." (Leibmitz, (Euvres JPhilosophiques, p. 49. Amst. et Leipz. 1765, 4to.) There are some admirable observations on this subject in Hartley, espe- cially in the development of the 49th Proposition. " The ruk of life drawn from the practice and opinions of mankind corrects and improves itself perpetu- ally, till at last it determines entirely for virtue, and excludes all kinds and de- grees of vice." (Observations on Man, 1. 207) ■ 12 PROGRESS OF the term Theory retains its ordinary scientific sense ; but when we endeavour to ascertain the reasons of it, we rather employ the term as importing the theory of the rules of an art. In the first case, Theory denotes, as usual, the most general laws to which certain facts can be reduced; whereas in the second, it points out the efficacy of the observance, in practice, of certain rules, for producing the effects intended to be produced in the art. These reasons also may be reduced under the general sense by stating the question relating to them thus: — What are the causes why the observance of cer- tain rules enables us to execute certain purposes? An account of the various answers attempted to be made to these inquiries, properly forms the History of Ethics. The attentive reader may already perceive, that these momentous inquiries relate to at least two perfectly dis-^ tinct subjects: 1. The nature of the distinction between right and wrong in human conduct, and, 2. The nature of those feelings with which right and wrong are contem- plated by human beings. The latter constitutes what has been called the Theory of Moral Sentiments; the former consists in an investigation into the Criterion of Morality in action. Other most important questions arise in this province. But the two problems which have been just stated, and the essential distinction between them, must be clearly apprehended by all who are de- sirous of understanding the controversies which have prevailed on ethical subjects. The discrimination has seldom been made by moral philosophers; the diflterence between the two problems has never been uniformly ob- served by any of them: and it will appear, in the sequel, that they have been not rarely altogether confounded by very eminent men, to the destruction of all just concep- tion and of all correct reasoning in this most important, and perhaps most difficult of sciences. It may therefore be allowable to deviate so far from ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY, 13 historical order, as to illustrate the nature and to prove the importance of the distinction, by an example of the eifects of neglecting it, taken from the recent works of justly celebrated writers; in which they discuss questions much agitated in the present age, and therefore probably now familiar to most readers of this dissertation. Dr Paky represents the principle of a moral sense as being opposed to that of utility.* Now, it is evident that this representation is founded on a confusion of the two questions which have been stated above. That we are endued with a moral sense, or, in other words, a feculty which immediately approves what is right and condemns what is wrong, is only a statement of the feel- , ings with which we contemplate actions. But to affirm that right actions are those which conduce to the well- being of mankind, is a proposition concerning the out- ward effects by which fight actions themselves may be recognised- As these affirmations relate to different subjects, they cannot be opposed to each other, any more than the solidity of earth is inconsistent with the fluidity of water; and a very little reflection will show it to be easily conceivable that they may be both true. Man may be so constituted as instantaneously to approve certain actions without any reference to their consequen- ces ; and yet reason may nevertheless discover, that a tendency to produce general happiness is the essential characteristic of such actions. Mr Bentham also con- trasts the principle of utility with that of sympathy, of which he considers the moral sense of being one of the forms.t It is needless to repeat, that propositions which affirm or deny any thing as different subjects, can- not contradict each other. As these celebrated persons have thus inferred or implied the non-existence of a * Principles of Moral and Political Philosophy . Compare book i. chap, r.-with book ii. chap. vi. t Introduction to the Principles ofJ\&rality and Legislation, chap. ii. 14 PKOGEESS OF moral sense, from their opinion that the morality of ac- tions depends upon their usefulness, so other philoso- phers of equal name have concluded, that the utility of actions cannot be the priterion of their morality, because perception of that utility appears to them to form a faint and inconsiderable part of our moral sentiments, if in- deed it be at all discoverable in them.* These errors are the more remarkable, because the like confusion of perceptions with their objects, of emotions with their causes, or even the omission to mark the distinctions, would, in every other subject, be felt to be a most seri- ous fault in philosophizing. If, for instance, an element were discovered to be common to all bodies which our taste perceives to be sweet, and to be found in no other bodies, it is apparent that this discovery, perhaps im- portant in other respects, would neither affect our per- ception of sweetness, nor the pleasure which attends it. Both would continue to be what they have been since the existence of mankind. Every proposition concern- ing that element would relate to sweet bodies, and be- long to the science of Chemistry; while every proposi- tion respecting the perception or pleasure of sweetness would relate either to the body or mind of man, and ac- cordingly belong either to the science of Physiology, or to that of Mental Philosophy. During the many ages which passed before the analysis of the sun's beams had proved them to be compounded of different colours, white objects were seen, and their whiteness was some- times felt to be beautiful, in the very same manner as since that discovery. The qualities of light are the object of Optics; the nature of beauty can be ascertained only by each man's observation of his own mind; the changes • Smith's Theory of Moral Stntiments, Part iv. Even Hume, in the third book of his Treatise of Human Nature, the most precise, perhaps, of his philosophical writings, uses the following as the title of one of the sec- tions: " MoBAL DisTiNCTioss icrived fiom a Moral Sense." ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 15 in the living frame which succeed the refraction of light in the eye, and precede mental operation, will, if they are ever to be known by man, constitute a part of Physiology. But no proposition relating to one of these orders of phenomena can contradict or support a pro- position concerning another order. The analogy of this latter case will justify another preliminary observation. In the case of the pleasure derived from bea^uty, the question whether that pleasure be original or derived, is of secondary importance. It has been often observed that the same properties which are admired as beautiful in the horse, contribute also to his safety and speed ; and they who infer that the admi- ration of beauty was originally founded on the conve- nience of fleetness and firmness, if they at the same time hold that the usefulness is gradually effaced, and that the admiration of a certain shape at length rises instan- taneously without reference to any purpose, may, with perfect consistency, regard a sense of beauty as an inde- pendent and universal principle of human nature. The laws of such a feeling of beauty are discoverable only by self observation. Those of the qualities which call it forth are ascertained by examination of the outward things which are called beautiful. But it is of the utmost im- portance to bear in mind, that he who contemplates the beautiful proportions of a horse, as the signs and proofs of security or quickness, and has in view these conve- nient qualities, is properly said to prefer the horse for his usefulness, not for his beauty ; though he may chose him from the same outward appearance which pleases the admirer of the beautiful animal. He alone who de- rives immediate pleasure from the appearance itself, without reflection on any advantages which it may promise, is truly said to feel the beauty. The distinction, however, manifestly depends, not on the origin of the emotion, but on its object and nature when completely formed. Many 16 PROGRESS OF of our most important perceptions through the eye are universally acknowledged to be acquired. But they are as general as the original perceptions of that organ j they arise as independently of our will, and human na- ture would be quite as imperfect without them. An adult who did not immediately see the different distances of objects from his eye, would be thought by every one to be as great a deviation from the ordinary state of man as if he were incapable of distinguishing the brightest sun- shine from the darkest midnight. Acquired perceptions and sentiments may therefore be termed natural, as much as those which are more commonly so called, if they be as rarely found wanting. Ethical theories can never be satisfactorily discussed by those who do not constantly bear in mind, that the question concerning the existence of a moral faculty in man which immediately approves or disapproves without reference to any further object, is perfectly distinct, on the one hand, from that which inquires into the qualities thus approved or disapproved ; and on the other, from an inquiry whether that faculty be derived from other parts of our mental frame, or be itself one of the ultimate constituent principles of human nature. SECTION II. Retrospect of Ancient Ethics. Inquiries concerning the nature of mind, the first principles of knowledge, the origin and government of the world, appear to have been among the earliest objects which employed the understanding of civilized men. Fragments of such speculation are handed down from ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 17 the legendary age of Greek philosophy. In the remain- ing monuments of that more ancient form of civilization which sprung up in Asia, we see clearly that the Bra- minical philosophers, in times perhaps before the dawn of western history, had run round that dark and little circle of systems which an unquenchable thirst of knowledge has since urged both the speculators of ancient Greece and those of Christendom to retrace. The wall of ada- mant which bounds human inquiry has scarcely ever been discovered by any adventurer, until he was roused by the shock which drove him back. It is otherwise with the theory of morals. No controversy seems to have arisen regarding it in Greece, till the rise and con- flict of the Stoical and Epicurean schools ; and the ethi- cal disputes of the modern world originated with the writings of Hobbes about the middle of the seventeenth century. Perhaps the longer abstinence from debate on this subject may have sprung from reverence for mo- rality. Perhaps also, where the World were unanimous in their practical opinions, little need was felt of exact theory. The teachers of morals were content with par- tial or secondary principles, with the combination of principles not always reconcilable, even with vague but specious phrases which in any degree explained or seem- ed to explain the rules of the art of life — which seemed at once too evident to need investigation, and too venera- ble to be approached by controversy. Perhaps the subtile genius of Greece was in part withheld from indulging itself in ethical controversy by the influence of Socrates, who was much more a teacher of virtue than even a searcher after truth — Whom, well inspired, the oraiple pronounced Wisest of men. It was doubtless because he chose that better part that he was thus spokeii of by the man whose commendation C 18 PROGRESS OF is glory, and who, from the loftiest eminence of moral ge- nius ever reached by a mortal, was perhaps alone wor- thy to place a new crown on the brow of the martyr of virtue. Aristippus indeed, a wit and a worldling, borrowed nothing from the conversations of Socrates but a few max- ims for husbanding the enjoyments of sense. Antisthenes also, a hearer but not a follower, founded a school of pa- I'ade and exaggeration, which caused his master to dis- own him by the ingenious rebuke, '' I see your vanity through your threadbare cloak."* The modest doubts of the most sober of moralists, and his indisposition to fruit- less abstractions, were in process of time employed as the foundation of systematic scepticism ; the most presump- tuous, inapplicable, and inconsistent of all the results of human meditation. But though his lessons were thus distorted by the perverse ingenuity of some who heard him, the authority of his practical sense may be traced in the moral writings of those most celebrated philosophers who were directly or indirectly his disciples. Plato, the most famous of his scholars, the most eloquent of Gre- cian writers, and the earliest moral philosopher whose writings have come down to us, employed his genius in the composition of dialogues, in which his master per- formed the principal part. These beautiful conversa- tions would have lost their charm of verisimilitude, of dramatic vivacity, of picturesque representation of char- acter, if they had been subjected to the constraint of method. They necessarily presuppose much oral in- struction. They frequently quote, and doubtless of- tener allude to the opinions of predecessors and con- temporaries whose works have perished, and of whose doctrines only some fragments are preserved. In these circumstances, it must be difficult for the most • Dioo. I.AERT. vi. ^lian. ix. 35. ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 19 learned and philosophical of his commentators to give a just representation of his doctrines, if he really framed or adopted a system. The moral part of his works is more accessible.* The vein of thought which runs through them is always visible. The object is to inspire the love of truth, of wisdom, of beauty, especially of goodness, the highest beauty, and of that supreme and eternal mind, which contains all truth and wisdom, all beauty and goodness. By the love or delightful con- templation and pursuit of these transcendant aims for their own sake only, he represented the mind of man as raised from low and perishable objects, and prepared for those high destinies which are appointed for all those who are capable of them. The application to moral qualities of terms which de- note outward beauty, though by, him perhaps carried to excess, is an illustrative metaphor, as well warranted by the poverty of language as any other employed to signi- fy the acts or attributes of mind.f The beautiful in his language denoted all that of which the mere contemplation is in itself delightful, without any admixture of organic pleasure, and without being regarded as the means of attaining any farther end. The feeling which belongs to it he called love / a word which, as comprehending complacency, benevolence, and affection, and reaching • Heusde, Initia Phihsoph. Plat. 1827 ; a hitherto incomplete work of great perspicuity and elegance, in which we must excuse the partiality which belongs to a laboui' of love. f The most probable etymology of xaxof seems to be from nau to burn. What burns commonly shines. Scliiin, in German, which means beautiful, is derived from scheinen, to shine. The word khms was used for right, so early as the Homeric Poems. iZ. xvii- 19. In the philosophical age it be- came a technical term, with little other remains of the metaphorical sense than what the genius and art of a fine writer might sometimes rekindle. Hanestum, the term by which Cicero translates the h-cimi, being derived from outward honours, is a less happy metaphor. In our language, the terms being from foreign roots, contribute nothing to illustrate the progress of thought. 20 PROGRESS OF from the neighbourhood of the senses to the most sub- lime of human thoughts, is foreign from the colder and more exact language of our philosophy ; but which per- haps then happily served to lure both the lovers of poetry and the votaries of superstition to the school of truth and goodness in the groves of the academy. He enforced these lessons by an inexhaustable variety of just and beautifol il- lustrations, — sometimes striking from their familiarity, sometimes subduing by their grandeur ; and his works are the storehouse from which moralists have from age to age borrowed the means of rendering moral instruc- tion easier and more delightful. Virtue he represented as the harmony of the whole soul ; — as a peace between all its principles and desires, assigning to each as much space as they can occupy, without encroaching on each other ; — as a state of perfect health, in which every func- tion was performed with ease, pleasure, and vigour ; — as a well-ordered commonwealth, where the obedient pas- sions executed with energy the laws and commands of reason. The vicious mind presented the odious charac- ter, sometimes of discord, of war ; sometimes of disease ; always of passions warring with each other in eternal anarchy. Consistent with himself, and at peace with his fellows, the good man felt in the quiet of his conscience a foretaste of the approbation of God. " Oh what ardent love would virtue inspire if she coidd be seen." ''If the heart of a tyrant could be laid bare, we should see how it was cut and torn by its own evil passions and by an avenging conscience."* Perhaps in every one of these illustrations, an eye trained in the history of Ethics may discover the germ • Let it not be forgotten, that for this terrible description, Socrates, to whom it b ascribed by Plato {Be Rep. ix.) is called " Prsesiantissimua sapien- tite," by a writer of the most masculine understanding, the least subject to be transported by enthusiasm. (Tac. Ann. vi. 6.) " Quse eulnara .'" says Cicero, in alluding to the same passage. {De OfficUs, iii. 21.) ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 21 of the whole or of a part of some subsequent theory. But to examine it thus would not be to look at it with the eye of Plato. His aim was as practical as that of Socrates. He employed every topic, without regard to its place in a system, or even always to its force as argument, which could attract the small portion of the community then accessible to cultivation ; who, it should not be forgotten, had no moral instructor but the philosopher, unaided, if not thwarted, by the reigning superstition ; for reli- gion had not then, besides her own discoveries, brought down the most awful and the most beautiful forms of moral truth to the humblest station in human society.* Ethics retained her sober spirit in the hands of his great scholar and rival Aristotle, who, though he cer- tainly surpassed all men in acute distinction, in subtile argument, in severe method, in the power of analyzing what is most compounded, and of reducing to simple principles the most various and unlike appearances, yet appears to be still more raised above his fellows by the prodigious faculty of laying aside these extraordinary endowments whenever his present purpose required it ; as in his History of Animals, in his Treatises on Philoso- phical Criticism, arid in his Practical Writings, political as well as moral. Contrasted as his genius was to that of Plato, not only by its logical and metaphysical attri- butes, but by the regard to experience and observation of * There can hardly be a finer example of Plato's practical morals than his observations on the treatment of slaves. Genuine humanity and real probity, says he, are brought to the test, by the behaviour of a man to slaves, whom he may wrong with impunity. A/aiirut /ttv rat, xttt a-uyy^aifim tin l^iiv ray a-Tfovfctiut. (Dios. Laeht. ibid. 653.) It is not unworthy of remark, that neither Plato nor Epicurus thought it neces- sary to abstdn from these topics in a city full of slaves, many of whom were men not destitute of knowledge. ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 25 nexion of virtue with happiness, perhaps by the faulty excess of treating it as an exclusive principle ; yet his doctrine was justly charged with indisposing the mind to those exalted and generous sentiments, without which no pure, elevated, bold, generous, or tender virtues can exist.* As Epicurus represented the tendency of virtue, which is a most important truth in ethical theory, as the sole inducement to virtuous practice; so Zeno, in his disposition towards the opposite extreme, was inclined to consider the moral sentiments which are the motives of right conduct, as being the sole principles of moral science. The confusion was equally great in a philoso- phical view; but that of Epicurus was more fatal to in- terests of higher importance than those of philosophy. Had the Stoics been content with affirming that virtue is the source of all that part of our happiness which de- pends on ourselves, they would have taken a position from which it would have been impossible to drive them; they would have laid down a principle of as great com- prehension in practice as their wider pretensions; a sim- ple and incontrovertible truth, beyond which everything is an object of mere curiosity to man. Our information, however, about the opinions of the more celebrated Stoics is very scanty. None of their own writings are preserved. We know little of them but from Cicero, the translator of Grecian philosophy, and from the Greek compilers of a later age; authorities which would be im- perfect in the history of facts, but which are of far less value in the history of opinions, where a right concep- tion often depends upon the minutest distinctions be- tween words. We know that Zeno was more simple, and that Chrysippus, who was accounted the prop of the Stoic Porch, abounded more in subtile distinction and * "Nil generosum, nil magnificum sapit." CrcEno. D 26 PROGRESS OF systematic spirit.* His power was attested as much by the antagonists whom he called forth, as by the scholars whom he formed. " Had there been no Chrysippus, there would have been no Carneades," was the saying of the latter philosopher himself; as it might have been said in the eighteenth century, *'Had there been no Hume, there would have been no Kant and no Reid." Clean- thes, when one of his followers would pay court to him by laying vices to the charge of his most formidable op- ponent, Arcesilaus the academic, answered with a justice and candour unhappily too rare, " Silence, — do not malign him;— though he attacks virtue by his arguments, he confirms its authority by his life." Arcesilaus, whe- ther modestly or churlishly, replied, " I do not choose to be flattered." Cleanthes, with a superiority of re- partee, as well as charity, replied, " Is it flattery to say that you speak one thing and do another?" It would be vain to expect that the fragments of the professors who lectured in the stoic school for five hundred years, should be capable of being moulded into one consistent system; and we see that in Epictetus at least, the exag- geration of the sect was lowered to the level of reason, by confining the sufficiency of virtue to those cases only where happiness is attainable by our voluntary acts. It ought to be added, in extenuation of a noble error, that the power of habit and character to struggle against out- ward evils has been proved by experience to be in some instances so prodigious, that no man can presume to fix the utmost limit of its possible increase. The attempt, however, of the Stoics to stretch the bounds of their system beyond the limits of nature, pro- duced the inevitable inconvenience of dooming them to • " Chrysippus, qui fiilcire putatur porticum Stoicoram." Cicbko.' Elsewhere, "Acutissiraus, sed in scribendo exilis et jejunus, scripsitrhetori- cam seu potius obmutescendl artem;" nearly as we should speak of a school- man. ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 27 fluctuate between a wild fanaticism on the one hand, and, on the other, concessions which left their differences from other philosophers purely verbal. Many of their doctrines appear to be modifications of their original opinions, introduced as opposition became more formida- ble. In this manner they were driven to the necessity of admitting that the objects of our desires and appetites are worthy of preference, though they are denied to be constituents of happiness. It was thus that they were obliged to invent a double morality; one for mankind at large, from whom was expected no more than the K^tBuxcv, — which seems principally to have denoted acts of duty done from inferior or mixed motives ; and the other, which they appear to have hoped from their ideal wise man, is aaTogSa^a, or perfect observance of rectitude, — which consisted only in moral acts done for mere rever- ence for morality, unaided by any feelings; all which (without the exception of pity) they classed among the enemies of reason and the disturbers of the human soul. Thus did they shrink from their proudest paradoxes into verbal evasions. It is remarkable that men so acute did not perceive and acknowledge, that if pain were not an evil, cruelty would not be a vice; and that if patience were of power to render torture indifferent, virtue must expire in the moment of victory. There can be no more triumph when there is no enemy left to conquer.* The influence of men's opinions on the conduct of their lives is checked and modified by so many causes — it so much depends on the strength of conviction, on its ha- bitual combination with feelings, on the concurrence or resistance of interest, passion, example, and sympathy — that a wise man is not the most forward in attempting • " Patience, sovereign o'er transmuted ill." But as soon as the ill was really " transmuted" into good, it is evident that there was no longer any scope left for the exercise of patience. 28 PBOGKESS OF to determine the power of its single operation over hu- man actions. In the case of an individual it becomes altogether uncertain. But when the experiment is made on a large scale, when it is long continued and varied in its circumstances, and especially when great bodies of men are for ages the subject of it, we cannot reasonably reject the consideration of the inferences to which it ap- pears to lead. The Roman Patriciate, trained in the conquest and government of the civilized world, in spite of the tyrannical vices which sprung from that training, were raised by the greatness of their objects to an ele- vation of genius and character unmatched by any other aristocracy; at the moment when, after preserving their power by a long course of wise compromise with the people, they were betrayed by the army and the popu- lace into the hands of a single tyrant of their own order — the most accomplished of usurpers, and, if humanity and justice could for amoment be silenced, one of themost illustrious of men. There is no scene in history so memorable as that in which CsBsar mastered a nobility of which LucuUus and Hortensius, Sulpicius andCatulus, Pompey and Cicero, Brutus and Cato, were members. This renowned body had from the time of Scipio sought the Greek philosophy as an amusement or an ornament. Some few, " in thought more elevate," caught the love of truth, and were ambitious of discovering a solid foundation for the Rule of Life. The influence of the Grecian systems was tried by their effect on a body of men of the utmost originality, energy, and variety of character, during the five centuries between Carneades and Constantine, in their successive positions of rulers of the world, and of slaves under the best and under the worst of uncontrolled masters. If we had found this in- fluence perfectly uniform, we should have justly suspect- ed our own love of system of having in part bestowed that appearance on it. Had there been no trace of such ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 29 an influence discoverable in so great an experiment, we must have acquiesced in the papdox, that opinion does not at all affect conduct. The result is the more satis- factory, because it appears to illustrate general tendency without excluding very remarkable exceptions. Though Cassius was an Epicurean, the true representative of that school was the accomplished, prudent, friendly, good- natured timeserver Atticus, the pliant slave of every tyrant, who could kiss the hand of Antony, imbrued as it was in the blood of Cicero. The pure school of Plato sent forth Marcus Brutus, the signal humanity of whose life was both necessary and sufficient to prove that his daring breach of venerable rules flowed only from that dire necessity which left no other means of upholding the most sacred principles. The Roman orator, though in speculative questions he embraced that mitigated doubt which allowed most ease and freedom to his genius, yet in those moral writings where his heart was most deeply interested, followed the severest sect of philoso- phy, and became almost a Stoic. If any conclusion may be hazarded from this trial of systems, the greatest which history has recorded, we must not refuse our decided though not undistinguishing preference to that noble school which preserved great souls untainted at the court of dissolute and ferocious tyrants; which exalted the slave of one of Nero's courtiers to be a moral teacher of after- times; which for the first, and hitherto for the only time, breathed philosophy and justice into those rules of law which govern the ordinary concerns of every man; and which, above all, has contributed, by the examples of Marcus Porcius Cato and of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, to raise the dignity of our species, to keep alive a more ardent love of virtue, and a more awful sense of duty, throughout all generations.* * of all testimonies to the character of the Stoics, perhaps the most de- cisive is the speech of the vile sycophant Capito, in the mock impeachment 30 PROGRESS OF The result of this short review of the practical philo- sophy of Greece seems to be, that though it was rich in rules for the conduct of life, and in exhibitions of the beauty of virtue, and though it contains glimpses of just theory and fragments of perhaps every moral truth, yet it did not leave behind any precise and coherent system; unless we except that of Epicurus, who purchased con- sistency, method, and perspicuity too dearly by the sacri- fice of truth, and by narrowing and lowering his views of human nature, so as to enfeeble, if not extinguish, all the vigorous motives to arduous virtue. It is remarkable, that while of the eight professors who taught in the porch, from Zeno to Posidonius, every one either soft- ened or exaggerated the doctrines of his predecessor; and while the beautiful and reverend philosophy of Plato had, in his own academy, degenerated into a scepticism which did not spare morality itself, the system of Epi- curus remained without change; and his disciples con- tinued for ages to show personal honours to his memory, in a manner which may seem unaccountable among those who were taught to measure propriety by a calculation of palpable and outward usefulness. This steady adhe- rence is in part doubtless attributable to the portion of truth which the doctrine contains; in some degree per- haps to the amiable and unboastful character of Epicu- rus ; not a little, it may be, to the dishonour of deserting an unpopular cause; but probably most of all to that mental indolence which disposes the mind to rest in a simple system, comprehended at a glance, and easily fall- ing in, both with ordinary maxims of discretion, and with of Thrasea Pxtus, before a senate of slaves: " Ut quondam C. Cacsarem et M. Catonem, ita nunc te, Nero, et Thraaeam, avida (iscordiarum civitas lo- quitur. ..Ista secta Tuberones et Favonios, veteri quoque rei-publica ing^ta nomina, genuit" (Tacit. Ann. xvi. 22.) See Notes and Illustrations, note A. ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 31 the vulgar commonplaces of satire on human nature.* When all instruction was conveyed by lectures, and when one master taught the whole circle of the sciences in one school, it was natural that the attachment of pu- pils to a professor should be more devoted than when, as in our times, he can teach only a small portion of a knowledge spreading towards infinity, and even in his own little province finds a rival in every good writer who has treated the same subject. The superior at- tachment of the Epicureans to their master is not with- out some parallel among the followers of similar princi- ples in our own age, who have also revived some part of that indifference to eloquence and poetry which may be imputed to the habit of contemplating all things in rela- tion to happiness, and to (what seems its uniform effect) the egregious miscalculation which leaves a multitude of mental pleasures out of the account. It may be said, indeed, that the Epicurean doctrine has continued with little change to the present day; at least it is certain that no other ancient doctrine has proved so capable of being restored in the same form among the moderns; and it may be added, that Hobbes and Gassendi, as well as some of our own contemporaries, are as confident in their opinions, and as intolerant of scepticism, as the old Epi- cureans. The resemblance of modern to ancient opin- ions, concerning some of those questions upon which ethical controversy must always hinge, may be a sufii- cient excuse for a retrospect of the Greek morals; which it is hoped will simplify and shorten subsequent obser- • The progress of commonplace satire on sexes or professions, and (he might have added) on nations, has been exquisitely touched by Gray in his Remarks on Lydgate; a fragment containing passages as finely thought and written as any in English prose. (Ghat's WorJcs, Matthias's edition, vol. L p. 55. ) General satire on mankind is still more absurd; for no invective can be so unreasonable as that wljich is founded on falling short of an ideal standard. 32 PROGRESS OF vation on those more recent disputes which form the proper subject of this discourse. The genius of Greece fell with liberty. The Grecian philosophy received its mortal wound in the contests between scepticism and dogmatism which occupied the schools in the age of Cicero. The Sceptics could only perplex, and confute, and destroy. Their occupation was gone as soon as they succeeded. They had nothing to sub- stitute for what they overthrew; and they rendered their own art of no further use. They were no more than venomous animals, who stung their victims to death, but also breathed their last into the wound. A third age of Grecian literature indeed arose at Alexandria, under the Macedonian kings of Egypt; laudably distinguished by exposition, criticism and imitation, sometimes abused for the purposes of literary forgery, still more honoured by some learned and highly-cultivated poets, as well as by diligent cultivators of history and science; among whom some began about the first preaching of Christianity to turn their minds once more to that high philosophy which seeks for the fundamental principles of human knowledge. Philo, a learned and philosophical Hebrew, one of the flourishing colony of his nation established in that city, endeavoured to reconcile the Platonic Philoso- phy with the Mosaic Law and the Sacred Books of the Old Testament. About the end of the second century, when the Christians, Hebrews, Pagans, and various other sects of semi or Pseudo-Christian Gnostics appear to have studied in the same schools, the almost inevitable ten- dency of doctrines, however discordant, in such circum- stances to amalgamate, produced its full effect under Am- monius Saccas; a celebrated professor, who, by selection from the Greek systems, the Hebrew books, the oriental religions, and by some of that concession to the rising spirit of Christianity, of which the Gnostics had set the example, composed a very mixed system, commonly de- ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 33 signaled as the Eclectic Philosophy. The controversies between his contemporaries and followers, especially those of Clement and Origen, the victorious champions of Christianity, with Plotinus and Porphyry, who endea- voured to preserve Paganism by clothing it in a disguise of philosophical Theism, are, from the eifects towards which they contributed, the most memorable in the his- tory of human opinion.* But their connexion with modern ethics is too faint to warrant any observation in this place, on the imperfect and partial memorials of them which have reached us. The death of Boethius in the west, and the closing of the Athenian schools by Justi- nian, may be considered as the last events in the history of ancient philosophy.f SECTION III. Retrospect of Scholastic Ethics. An interval of a thousand years elapsed between the close of ancient and the rise of modern philosophy; the * The change attempted by Julian, Porphyry, and their friends, by which Theism would have become the popular religion, may be estimated by the memorable passage of Tacitus on the Theism of the Jews. In the midst of all the obloquy and opprobrium with which he loads that people, his tone suddenly rises when he comes to contemplate them as the only nation who paid religious honours to the supreme and eternal mind alone, and his style swells at the sight of so sublime and wonderful a scene. " Summum illud atque leternum, neque mutabile neque interiturum." f The punishment of death was inflicted on Pagans by a law of Constan- tius. " Volumus cunctos sacrificiis abstinere. Si aliquid hujusmodi perpe- traverint, gladio ultore stemantur." (Cod. I. tit. xi. de Paganis, A.D. 343 or 346.) From the authorities cited by Gibbon, (note, chap, xi.) as well as from some research, it should seem that the edict for the suppression of the Atlienian schools was not admitted into the vast collection of laws en- acted or systematized by Justinian. E 34 PBOGHESS OF most unexplored, yet not the least instructive portion of the history of European opinion. In that period the sources of the institutions, the manners, the charac- teristic distinctions of modern nations, have been traced by a series of philosophical inquirers from Montesquieu to Hallam; and there also, it may be added, more than among the ancients, are the wellspriugs of our specula- tive doctrines and controversies. Far from being inac- tive, the human mind, during that period of exaggerated darkness, produced discoveries in science, inventions in art, and contrivances in government, some of which, perhaps, were rather favoured than hindered by the disorders of society, and by the twilight in which men and things were seen. Had Boethius, the last of the ancients, foreseen, that within two centuries of his death, in the province of Britain, then a prey to all the horrors of barbaric invasion, a chief of one of the fiercest tribes of barbarians should translate into the jargon of his free- booters the work on The Consolations of Philosophy, of which the composition had soothed the cruel imprison- ment of the philosophical Roman himself, he must, even amidst his sufferings, have derived some gratification from such an assurance of the recovery of mankind from ferocity and ignorance. But had he been allowed to revisit the earth in the middle of the sixteenth century, with what wonder and delight might he have contem- plated the new and fairer order which was beginning to disclose its beauty, and to promise more than it revealed. He would have seen personal slavery nearly extinguish- ed, and women, first released from oriental imprison- ment by the Greeks, and raised to a higher dignity among the Romans,* at length fast approaching to due equality; • The steps of this important progress, as far as relates to Athens and Rome , are well remarked by one of the finest of the Roman writers. " Quem enim Romanorum pudet uxorem ducere inconvivium? aut cujus materia- rallias non primum locum tenet xdium, atque in celebritate versatur ? quod ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 35 two revolutions the most signal and beneficial since the dawn of civilization. He would have seen the disco- very of gunpowder, which for ever guarded civilized society against barbarians, while it transferred military strength from the few to the many; of paper and print- ing, which rendered a second destruction of the reposi- tories of knowledge impossible, as well as opened a way by which it was to be finally accessible to all mankind; of the compass, by means of which navigation had as- certained the form of the planet, and laid open a new continent more extensive than his world. If he had turned to civil institutions, he might have learned that some nations had preserved an ancient, simple, and seemingly rude mode of legal proceeding, which threw into the hands of the majority of men a far larger share of judicial power than was enjoyed by them in any an- cient democracy. He would have seen everywhere the remains of that principle of representation, the glory of the Teutonic race, by which popular government, anciently imprisoned in cities, became capable of being strengthened by its extension overvast countries, to which experience cannot even now assign any limits; and which, in times still distant, was to exhibit, in the newly- disco- vered continent, a republican confederacy, likely to surpass the Macedonian and Roman empires in. extent, greatness, and duration, but gloriously founded on the equal rights, not like them on the universal subjection, of mankind. In one respect, indeed, he might have lamented that the race of man had made a really retro- grade movement; that they had lost the liberty of philosophizing; that the open exercise of their highest faculties was interdicted. But he might also have per- multo fit aliter in Gracia; nam neque in convivium adhibetur, nisi propin- quomm, neque sedet lysi in interiore parte sdium, qua Gynseconitis ap-pel- latur, quo nemo accedit, nisi propinqua cognatione conjunctus. " (Coekel. Nefo* in Prsefat.) 36 PROGRESS OF ceived that this giant evil had received a mortal wound from Luther, who in his warfare against Rome had struck a blow against all human authority, and uncon- sciously disclosed to mankind that they were entitled, or rather bound, to form and utter their own opinions, and most of all on the most deeply interesting subjects : for although this most fruitful of moral truths was not yet so released from its combination with the wars and pas- sions of the age as to assume a distinct and visible form, its action was already discoverable in the divisions among the Reformers, and in the fears and struggles of civil and ecclesiastical oppressors. The Council of Trent, and the Courts of Paris, Madrid, and Rome, had before that time foreboded the emancipation of reason. Though the middle age be chiefly memorable as that in which the foundations of a new order of society were laid, uniting the stability of the oriental system, without its inflexibility, to the activity of the Hellenic civiliza- tion, without its disorder and inconstancy, yet it is not unworthy of notice, on account of the subterranean cur- rent which flows through it, from the speculations of an- cient to those of modern times. That dark stream must be uncovered before the history of the European un- derstanding can be thoroughly comprehended. It was lawful for the emancipators of reason in their first strug- gles to carry on mortal war against the schoolmen. The necessity has long ceased ; they are no longer dan- gerous ; and it is now felt by philosophers that it is time to explore and estimate that vast portion of the history of philosophy from which we have scornfully turned our eyes.* A few sentences only can be allotted to the * TEifNEMAN, Geschichte der Philosophie, VIII. Band. 1811. Consiir, Cours de I'Hisloire de la Philos. p. 29. PiU'is, 1828. My esteem for this admirable writer encourages me to say, that the beauty of his diction has sometimes the same effect on his thoughts that a sunny haze produces on outward objects; and to submit to his serious consideration, whether the ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 37 subject in this place. In the first moiety of the middle age, the darkness of Christendom was faintly broken by a few thinly-scattered lights. Even then, Moses Ben Maimon taught philosophy among the persecuted Hebrews, whose ancient schools had never perhaps been wholly interrupted; and a series of distinguished Maho- metans, among whom two are known to us by the names of Avicenna and Averroes, translated the Peripatetic writings into their own language, expounded their doctrines in no servile spirit to their followers, and enabled the European Christians to make those versions of them from Arabic into Latin, which in the eleventh and twelfth centuries gave birth to the scholastic philo- sophy. The schoolmen were properly theologians, who employ- ed philosophy only to define and support that system of Christian belief which they and their contemporaries had embraced. The founder of that theological system was Aurelius Augustinus,* (called by us Augustin) bishop of Hippo, in the province of Africa; a man of great ge- nius and ardent character, who adopted at diiferent pe- riods of his life the most various, but at all times the most decisive and systematic, as well as daring and extreme opin- ions. This extraordinary man became, after some strug- gles, the chief Doctor, and for ages almost the sole oracle of the Latin church. It happened by a singular accident, that the schoolmen of the twelfth century, who adopted his theology, instead of borrowing their defensive weapons allurements of Schelling's system have not betrayed him into a too frequent forgetfulness that principles, equally adapted to all phenomena, furnish in speculation no possible test of their truth, and lead, in practice, to total in- difference and inactivity respecting human affairs. I quote with pleasure an excellent observation from this work. " Le moyen kge n'est pas autre chose que la formation p^nible, lente et sanglante, de tons les el^mens de la civilisation moderne; je dis la formation, et non leur d^veloppement." (P. 27.) * Notes and Illustrations, note B. 38 PROGRESS OF from Plato, the favourite of their master, had recourse for the exposition and maintenance of their doctrines to the writings of Aristotle, the least pious of philosophical theists. The Augustinean doctrines of original sin, pre- destination, and grace> little known to the earlier Chris- tian writers, who appear indeed to have adopted oppo- site and milder opinions, were espoused by Augustin himself in his old age ; when by a violent spring from his youthful Manicheism, which divided the sovreignty of the world between two adverse beings, he did not shrink, in his pious solicitude for tracing the power of God in all events, from presenting the most mysterious parts of the moral government of the universe, in their darkest colours and their sternest shape, as articles of faith, the objects of the habitual meditation and practical assent of mankind. The principles of his rigorous system, though not vsith all their legitimate consequences, were taught in schools ; respectfully promulgated rather than much inculcated by the western church (for in the east these opinions seem to have been unknown) ; scarcely perhaps distinct- ly assented to by the majority of the clergy ; and seldom heard of by laymen till the systematic genius and fervid eloquence of Calvin rendered them a popular creed in the most devout and moral portion of the Christian world. Anselm,* the Piedmontese archbishop of Canterbury was the earliest reviver of the Augustinean opinions. Aquinas-j- was their most redoubted champion. To them, however, the latter joined others of a different spirit. Faith, according to him, was a virtue, not in the sense in which it denotes the things believed, but in that in which it signifies the state of mind which leads to right belief. Goodness he regarded as the moving principle of the Divine government; justice as a modification of good- • Died in 1109. t Born in 1224 , died in 12r9. Notes and lUustrations, note C. ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 39 ness; and, with all his zeal to magnify the sovreignty of God, he yet taught, that though God always wills what is just, nothing is just solely because he wills it. Sco- tus,* the most subtile of doctors, recoils from the Augus- tinean rigour, though he rather intimates than avows his doubts. He was assailed for his tendency towards the Pelagian or Anti-Augustinean doctrines by many oppo- nents, of whom the most famous in his time was Thomas Bradwardine,t archbishop of Canterbury, formerly con- fessor of Edward III., whose defence of predestination was among the most noted works of that age. He reviv- ed the principles of the ancient philosophers, who, from Plato to Marcus Aurelius, taught that error of judgment, being involuntary, is not the proper subject of moral dis- approbation ; which indeed is implied in Acquina's ac- count of faith. J But he apppars to have been the first whose language inclined towards that most pernicious of moral heresies, which represents morality to be founded on will.§ William of Ockham, the most justly celebrated of English schoolmen, went so far beyond this inclination of his master, as to affirm, that " if God had commanded his creatures to hate himself, the hatred of God would ever be the duty of man ;" a monstrous hyperbole, into • Born about 1265 ; died at Cologne (where his grave is still shown) in 1308. whether he was a native of Dunstun in Northumberland, or of Dunse in Berwickshire,, or of Down in Ireland, was a question long and warmly contested, but which seems to be settled by his biographer, Luke Wadding, who quotes a passage of Scotus's commentary on Aristotle's Metaphysics, where he illustrates his author thus: " As in the definition of St Francis, or St Patrick, man is necessarily presupposed." (Scoti Opera, I. 3.) As Scotus was a Franciscan, the mention of St Patrick seems to show that he was an Irishman. Notes and Illustrations, note D. ■[■ Born about 1290 ; died in 1349 ; the contemporary of Chaucer, and probably a fellow student of Wicliffe and Roger Bacon. His principle work was entitled, De Causa Dd contra Pehgium, et de Virtute causarum, Libri III t Notes and Illustrations, note E. § Notes and Illustrations, note F. 40 PROGHES9 OF which he was perhaps betrayed by his denial of the doctrine of general ideas, the pre- existence of which in the the Eternal intellect was commonly regarded as the foun- dation of the immutable nature of morality. The doc- trine of Ockham, which by necessary implication refuses moral attributes to the Deity, and contradicts the exis- tence of a moral government, is practically equivalent to atheism.* As all devotional feelings have moral quali- ties for their sole object ; as no being can inspire love or reverence otherwise than by those qualities which are naturally amiable or venerable, this doctrine would, if men were consistent, extinguish piety, or, in other words, annihilate religion. Yet so astonishing are the contra- dictiotas of human nature, that this most impious of all opinions probably originated in a pious solicitude to mag- nify the sovreignty of God, and to exalt his authority even above his own goodness. Hence we may under- stand its adoption by John Gerson, the oracle of the Coun- cil of Constance, and the great opponent of the spiritual monarchy of the Pope ; a pious mystic, who placed re- ligion in devout feeling.f In further explanation, it may be added, that Gerson was of the sect of the Nominalists, of which Ockham was the founder ; and that he was the more ready to follow his master, because they both cou- rageously maintained the independence of the state on the church, and the authority of the church over the Pope. The general opinion of the schools was, how- ever, that of Aquinas, who, from the native soundness of his own understanding, as well as from the excellent example of Aristotle, was averse from all rash and ex- •A passage to this effect, from Ockham, with nearly the same remark, has, since the text was written, been discovered on a re-perusal of Cud- worth's Immutahle Morality. See p. 10. f Remitto ad quod Occam de hac materia in Lib. Sentent. dicit, in qua explicatione si rudis judicetur, nescio quid appellabitur subtilitas." (Gkb- SOF de Vita Spirit Op. Ill 14. Hag. Com. 1728. ETHICAL PIIILOSOrHY. 4! treme dogmas on questions which had any relation, how- ever distant, to the duties of life. It is very remarkable, though hitherto unobserved, that Aquinas anticipated those controversies respecting perfect disinterestedness in the religious affections which occupied the most illustrious members of his communion* four hundred years after his death ; and that he discuss- ed the like question respecting the other aifections of human nature with a fulness and clearness, and exactness of distinction, and a justness of determination, scarcely surpassed by the most acute of modern philosophers.f It ought to be added, that, according to the most natural and reasonable construction of his words, he allowed to the church a control only over spiritual concerns, and recognised the supremacy of the civil powers in all tem- poral affairs. J It has already been stated that the scholastic sys- tem was a collection of dialectical subtilties, contrived for the support of the corrupted Christianity of that age, by a succession of divines, whose extraordinary powers of distinction and reasoning were morbidly enlarged in the long meditation of the cloister, by the exclusion of every other pursuit, and the consequent palsy of every other faculty ; who were cut off from all the materials on which the mind can operate, and doomed for ever to toil in defence of what they must never dare to examine ; to whom their age and their condition denied the means of acquiring literature, of observing nature, or of study- ing mankind. The few in whom any portion of ima- • Bossuet and Fenelon. j- See AaciwAs. Comm. in Hi. Lih. Sentent. distinctio xxix. qujest. i. art. 3. "Utrum Ueus sit super omnia dilig^endus ex charitate." Art. 4. " Utrum in dilectione Dei possit haberi respectus ad aliquam mercedem." (Opej-a, IX. 322, 325.) Some illustrations of this memorable anticipation, which has escaped the research even of the industrious Tenneman, will be found in the Notes and Illustrations, note G. if Notes and Illustrations, note H. F 42 PROGRESS OF gination and sensibility survived this discipline, retired from the noise of debate, to the contemplation of pure and beautiful visions. They were called Mystics. The greater part, driven back on themselves, had no better employment than to weave cobwebs out of the terms of art which they had vainly, though ingeniously, multi- plied. The institution of clerical celibacy, originating in an enthusiastic pursuit of purity, promoted by a mis- take in moral prudence, which aimed at raising religious teachers in the esteem of their fellows, and at concentra- ting their whole minds on professional duties, at last, en- couraged by the ambitious policy of the see of Rome, desirous of detaching them from all ties but her own, had the effect of shutting up all the avenues which Provi- dence has opened for the entrance of social affection and virtuous feeling into the human heart. Though this in- stitution perhaps prevented knowledge from becoming once more the exclusive inheritance of a sacerdotal caste; though the rise of innumerable laymen, of the lowest con- dition, to the highest dignities of the church, was the grand democratical principle of the middle age, and one of the most powerful agents in impelling mankind to- wards a better order ; yet celibacy must be considered as one of the peculiar infelicities of these secluded phi- losophers ; not only as it abridged their happiness, nor even solely, though chiefly, as it excluded them from the school in which the heart is humanized, but also (an inferior consideration, but more pertinent to our pre- sent purpose) because the extinction of these moral feel- ings was as much a subtraction from the moralist's store of facts and means of knowledge, as the loss of sight or of touch could prove to those of the naturalist. Neither let it be thought that to have been destitute of letters was to them no more than a want of ornament and a curtailment of gi'atification. Every poem, every history, every oration, every picture, every statue is an ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 43 experiment on human feeling, the grand object of inves- tigation by the moralist. Every work of genius in every department of ingenious art and polite literature, in proportion to the extent and duration of its sway over the spirits of men, is a repository of ethical facts, of which the moral philosopher cannot be deprived by his own insensibility or by the iniquity of the times, with- out being robbed of the most precious instruments and invaluable materials of his science. Moreover, letters, which are closer to human feeling than science can ever be, have another influence on the sentiments with which the sciences are viewed, on' the activity with which they are pursued, on the safety with which they are preserved, and even on the mode and spirit in which they are cultivated : they are the channels by which ethical science has a constant intercourse with general feeling. As the arts called useful maintain the popular honour of physical knowledge, so polite letters allure the world into the neighbourhood of the sciences of mind and of morals. Whenever the agreeable vehicles of literature do not convey their doctrines to the public, they are liable to be interrupted by the dispersion of a handful of recluse doctors, and the overthrow of their barren and unlamented seminaries. Nor is this all : these sciences themselves suifer as much when they are thus released from the curb of common sense and natural feeling, as the public loses by the want of those aids to right practice, which moral knowledge in its sound state is qualified to aiford. The necessity of being intelligible at least to all persons who join superior understanding to habits of reflection, who are themselves in constant communication with the far wider circle of intelligent and judicious men, which slowly but surely forms gene- ral opinion, is the only effectual check on the natural proneness of metaphysical speculations to degenerate into gaudy dreams or a mere war of words. The dis- 44 PROGRESS OF putants who are set free from the wholesome check of sense and feeling, generally carry their dogmatism so far as to rouse the sceptic, who from time to time is pro- voked to look into the flimsiness of their cobwebs, and rushes in with his besom to sweep them and their sys- tems into oblivion. It is true that literature, which thus draws forth moral science from the schools into the world, and recalls h^r from thorny distinctions to her natural alliance with the intellect and sentiments of man- kind, may, in ages and nations otherwise situated, pro- duce the contrary evil of rendering Ethics shallow, declamatory, and inconsistent. Europe at this moment afifords, in different countries, specimens of these oppo- site and alike-mischievous extremes. But we are now concerned only with the temptations and errors of the scholastic age. We ought not so much to wonder at the mistakes of men so situated, as that they, without the restraints of the general understanding, and with the clogs of system and establishment, should in so many instances have opened questions untouched by the more unfettered an- cients, and veins of speculation since mistakenly sup- posed to have been first explored in more modern times. Scarcely any metaphysical controversy agitated among recent philosophers was unknown to the schoolmen, un- less we except that which relates to liberty and necessity, which would be an exception of doubtful propriety ; for the disposition to it is clearly discoverable in the disputes of the Thomists and Scotists respecting the Augustinian and Pelagian doctrines,* although restrained from the avowal of legitimate consequences on either side by the theological authority which both parties acknowledged. The Scotists steadily affirmed the blamelessness of erroneous opinion ; a principle which is the only effectual security for conscientious inquiry, " Notes and llluatrations, note 1. ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 45 for mutual kindness, and for public quiet. The contro- versy between the Nominalists and realists, treated by some modern writers as an example of barbarous wrang- ling, was in truth an anticipation of that modern dispute which still divides metaphysicians, whether the human mind can form general ideas, and whether the words which are supposed to convey such ideas be not general terms, representing only a number of particular percep- tions ? — questions so far from frivolous, that they deeply concern both the nature of reasoning and the structure of language ; — on which Hobbes, Berkeley, Hume, Stewart, and Tooke, have followed the Nominalists ; and Descartes, Locke, Reid, and Kant, have, with va- rious modifications and some inconsistencies, adopted the doctrine of the Realists.* With the schoolmen appears to have originated the form, though not the substance, of the celebrated maxim, which, whether true or false, is pregnant with systems, " There is nothing in the un- derstanding which was not before in the senses."! Ock- hamj the Nominalist first denied the Peripatetic doc- trine of the existence of certain species (since the time of Descartes called ideas) as the direct objects of per- ception and thought, interposed between the mind and outward objects ; the modern opposition to which by Dr Reid has been supposed to justify the allotment of so high a station to that respectable philosopher. He • Locke speaks on this subject inconsistently ; Eeid calls himself a Con- ceptualist ;, Kant uses tei-ms so different that he ought perhaps to be con- sidered as of neither party. Leibnitz, varying in some measure from the general spirit of his speculations, warmly panegyrizes the Nominalists : " Secta Nominalium, omnium inter scholasticos profundissima, et hodiernsc reformatje philosophandi rationi congruentissima. " (Leibit. Op. IV. Pars i.p.59.) •j- Nil est in intellectu quod non priusfuit in sensu. t " Maximi vir ingenii, et eruditionis pro illo aevo summse, Wilhelmus Occam, Anglus." (Leibn. ibid. p. 60.) The writings of Ockham, which are very rare, I have never seen. I owe my knowledge of them to Tennre- man, who however quotes the words of Ockham, and of his disciple Biel. 46 PROGRESS OF taught also that we know nothing of mind but its acts, of which we are conscious. More inclination towards an independent philosophy is to be traced among the school- men than might be expected from their circumstances. Those who follow two guides will sometimes choose for themselves, and may prefer the subordinate on some oc- casions. Aristotle rivalled the church ; and the church herself safely allowed considerable latitude to the philo- sophical reasonings of those who were only heard or read in colleges or cloisters, on condition that they neither impugned her authority, nor dissented from her worship, nor departed from the language of her creeds. The Nominalists were a freethinking sect, who, notwith- standing their defence of kings against th& court of Rome, were persecuted by the civil power. It should not be forgotten that Luther was a Nominalist.* If not more remarkable, it is more pertinent to our purpose, that the ethical system of the schoolmen, or, to speak more properly, of Aquinas, as the moral master of Christendom for three centuries, was in its practical part so excellent as to leave little need of extensive change, with the inevitable exception of the connection of his religious opinions with his precepts and counsels. His rule of life is neither lax nor impracticable. His grounds of duty are solely laid in the nature of man, and in the wellbeing of society. Such an intruder as sub- tilty seldom strays into his moral instructions. With a most imperfect knowledge of the Peripatetic writings, he came near the great master, by abstaining, in practical philosophy, from the unsuitable exercise of that faculty of distinction, in which he would probably have shown that he was little inferior to Aristotle if he had been equally unrestrained. His very frequent coincidence • " In Martini Lutheri scriptis prioribus amor Nominalium satis elucet, donee in omnes monachos Ecquallter affectus esse coepit." (Lzibk.IV. Parsi. p. 60.) ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 47 with modern moralists is doubtless to be ascribed chiefly to the nature of the subject ; but ip part also to that un- broken succession of teachers and writers, which pre- served the observations contained in what had been long the text-book of the; European schools, after the books themselves had been for ages banished and forgotten. The praises bestowed on Aquinas by every one of the few great men who appear to have examined his writings since the downfal of his power, among whom may be mentioned Erasmus, Grotius and Leibnitz, are chiefly, though not solely, referable to his ethical works.* Though the schoolmen had thus anticipated many modern controversies of a properly metaphysical sort, they left untouched most of those questions of ethical theory which were unknown to, or neglected by the ancients. They do not appear to have discriminated be- tween the nature of moral sentiments, and the criterion of moral acts ; to have considered to what faculty of our mind moral approbation is referable ; or to have inquired whether our moral faculty, whatever it may be, is im- planted or acquired. Those who measure only by pal- pable results, have very consistently regarded the me- taphysical and theological controversies of the schools as a mere waste of intellectual power. But the contem- plation of the athletic vigour and versatile skill manifested by the European understanding, at the moment when it emerged from this tedious and rugged discipline, leads, if not to approbation, yet to more qualified censure. What might have been theresult of a different combina- tion of circumstances, is an inquiry which, on a large scale, is beyond human power. We may however ven- ture to say, that no abstract science, unconnected with religion, was likely to be respected in a barbarous age ; and we maybe allowed to doubt whether any knowledge, " See especially the excellent Preface of Leibnitz to Nizolius, sect. 37. 48 PROGRESS OF dependent directly on experience, and applicable to immediate practice, would have so trained the European mind as to qualify it for that series of inventions, and discoveries, and institutions, which begins with the six- teenth century, and of which no end can now be foreseen but the extinction of the race of man. The fifteenth century was occupied by the disputes of the Realists with the Nominalists, in which the scho- lastic doctrine expired. After its close no schoolman of note appeared. The sixteenth may be considered as the age of transition from the scholastic to the modern philosophy. The former, indeed, retained possession of the Universities, and was long after distinguished by all the ensigns of authority. But the mines were already prepared. The revolution in opinion had commenced. The moral writings of the preceding times had generally been commentaries on that part of the Summa Theolo- gise of Aquinas which relates to Ethics. Though these still continued to be published, yet the most remarkable moralists of the sixteenth century indicated the ap- proach of other modes of thinking, by the adoption of the more independent titles of Treatises on Justice and Law. These titles were suggested, and the spirit, contents, and style of the writings themselves, were ma- terially aifected by the improved cultivation of the Ro- man law, by the renewed study of ancient literature, and by the revival of various systems of Greek philosophy, now studied in the original, which at once mitigated and rivalled the scholastic doctors, and while they rendered philosophy more free, re-opened its communications with society and affairs. The speculative theology which had arisen under the French governments of Paris and London in the twelfth century, which flourished in the thirteenth in Italy in the hands of Aquinas, which was advanced in the British islands by Scotus and Ock- ham in the fourteenth, was, in the sixteenth, with una- ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 49 bated acuteness, but with a clearness and elegance un- known before the restoration of letters, cultivated by Spain, in that age the most powerful and magnificent of the European nations. Many of these writers treated the law of war and the practice of hostilities in a j uridical form .* Francis Vic- toria, who began to teach at Valladolid in 1525, is said to have first expounded the doctrines of the schools in the language of the age of Leo the Tenth. Dominic Soto,t ^ Dominican, the confessor of Charles V., and the oracle of the council of Trent, to whom that assembly were indebted for much of the precision and even ele- gance for which their doctrinal decrees are not unjustly commended, dedicated his treatise on Justice and Law to Don Carlos; in terms of praise which, used by a writer who is said to have declined the high dignities of the church, lead us to hope that he was unacquainted with the brutish vices of that wretched prince. It is a con- cise and not inelegant compound of the scholastic ethics, which continued to be of considerable authority for more than a century. J Both he and his master Victoria de- serve to be had in everlasting remembrance, for the * Many of the separate[dissertations, on points of this nature, are contained In the immense collection entitled Tractaius Tractatuum, published at Ven- ice in 1584, under the patronage of the Roman see. There are three de Bello; one by Lupus of Segovia when Francis I. was prisoner in Spain; another, more celebrated, by Francis Arias, who, on the 11th June 1532, discussed before the College of Cardinals the legitimacy of a war by the Emperor against the Pope. There are two de Pace ; and others dePotestate Regia, de Poena Mortis, &c. The most ancient and scholastic is that of J. de Lignano of Milan de Bello. The above writers are mentioned in the Prolegomena to Grotius deJwre Belli. Pietro Belloni (Counsellor of the Duke of ^xvoy) de Re Militari, tceais his subject with the minuteness of a judge-advocate, and has more modern examples, chiefly Italian, than Grotius. ■j- Bom in 1494; died in 1560. (Antoitii Bibliotheca Hispana Nova.) The opinion of Soto's knowledge entertjuned by his contemporaries is expressed in a jingle. Qui sdt Sotum scit totum. X Notes and Illustrations, note K. G 50 PROGRESS OF part which they took on behalf of the natives of America and of Africa, against the rapacity and cruelty of the Spaniards. Victoria pronounced war against the Americans for their vices or for their paganism to be unjust.* Soto was the authority chiefly consulted by Chales V., on occasion of the conference held before him at Valladolid in 1542, between Sepulveda, an advocate of the Spanish colonists, and Las Casas, the champion of the unhappy Americans ; of which the result was a very imperfect edict of reformation in 1543, which, though it contained little more than a recognition of the principle of justice, almost excited a rebellion in Mexico. Sepulveda, a scholar and a reasoner, advanced many maxims which were specious, and in themselves reasona- ble, but which practically tended to defeat even the scanty and almost illusive reform which ensued. Las Casas was a passionate missionary, whose zeal, kindled by the long and near contemplation of cruelty, prompted him to exaggerations of fact and argument ;t yet, with all its errors, it afforded the only hope of preserving the natives of America from extirpation. The opinion of Soto could not fail to be conformable to his excellent prin- ciple, that " there can be no difference between Chris- tians and Pagans, for the law of nations is equal to all nations.''^ To Soto belongs the signal honour of being the first writer who condemned the African slave-trade. " It is affirmed," says he, " that the unhappy Ethiopians are by fraud or force carried away and sold as slaves. If this is true, neither those who have taken them, nor those who purchased them, nor those who hold them in bondage, can ever have a quiet conscience till they • " Indis non dehere auferri imperium, ideo qma sunt peccatores, vel ideo quia non sunt Christiani," were the words of Victoria. f Notes and Illustrations, note L. * "Neque discrepantia (ut reor) est inter Christianos etinfideles, quoniam ius gentium cunctis gentibus xquale est." ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 51 emancipate them, even if no compensation should be ob- tained."* As the work which contains this memorable condemnation of man-stealing and slavery was the sub- stance of lectures many years delivered at Salamanca, philosophy and religion appear, by the hand of their faithful ministerj to have thus smitten the monsters in their earliest infancy. It is hard for any man of the pre- sent age to conceive the praise which is due to the ex- cellent monks who courageously asserted the rights of those whom they never saw, against the prejudices of their order, the supposed interest of their religion, the ambition of their government, the avarice and pride of their countrymen, and the prevalent opinions of their time. Francis Suare2,t a Jesuit, whose voluminous works amount to twenty-four volumes in folio, closes the list of writers of his class . His work on Laws, and God the Lawgiver, may be added to the above treatise of Soto, as exhibiting the most accessible and perspicuous abridg- ment of the theological philosophy in its latest form. Grotius, who, though he was the most upright and candid of men, could not have praised a Spanish Jesuit beyond his deserts, calls Suarez the most acute of philo- sophers and divines. J On a practical matter, which may be naturally mentioned here, though in strict me- thod it belongs to another subject, the merit of Suarez is conspicuous. He first saw that international law was composed not only of the simple principles of justice applied to the intercourse between states, but of those usages, long observed in that intercourse by the Euro- pean race, which have since been more exactly distin- guished as the consuetudinary law acknowledged by the • Soto de Justitia ei Jure, lib. iv. quxst. ii. art. 2. ■j- Bom in 1538 ; died in 16ir. f " Tants subtilitatis philosophum et theologum, ut vix quemquam ha- beat parem." (GaoTii Epiat. apud Astoii. Bibl. Hisp. Nova.) 52 PROGRESS OF Christian nations of Europe and America.* On this im- portant point his views are more clear than those of his contemporary Alberico Gentili.f It must even be owned that the succeeding intimation of the same general doc- trine by Grotius is somewhat more dark, perhaps from his excessive pursuit of concise diction 4 SECTION IV. Modern Ethics. The introduction to the great work of Grotius,§ com- posed in the first years of his exile, and published at Paris in 1625, contains the most clear and authentic statement of the general principles of morals prevalent in Christendom after the close of the schools, and before the writings of Hobbes had given rise to those ethical controversies which more peculiarly belong to modern times. That he may lay down the fundamental princi- ples of Ethics, he introduces Carneades on the stage as denying altogether the reality of moral distinctions; teaching that law and morality are contrived by power- ful men for their own interest ; that they vary in differ- ent countries, and change in successive ages ; that there • "Nunquam enim civitates sunt sibi tam sufficientes quin indigeant mu- tuo juvamine et societate, interdum admajoremutilitatem,interdum ob ne- cessitatem moralem. Hac igitur ratione indigent aliquo jure quo dirigantur et recte ordinentur in hoc genere societatis. Et quamvis magna ex parte hoc fiat per rationem naturalem, non tamen sufficienter et immediate quoad omnia, ideogue spedalia jura poterant usu earundem gentium introduci." (SuAHEz de Legihus, lib. ii. cap. ii. 9. et seq.) f Born in the March of Ancona in 1550; died at London in 1608. ^ Grotivs de Jure Belli, lib. i. cap. i. sect. 14. § Prolegomena. His letter to Vossius, of 1st August 1625, determines the exact period of the publication of this famous work. Gkoth Epiit. 74. ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 53 can be no natural law, since nature lead's men as well as other animals to prefer their own interest to every other object; that therefore there is either no justice, or if there be, it is another name for the height of folly, inas- much as it is a fond attempt to persuade a human being to injure himself for the unnatural purpose of benefiting his fellow- men.* To this Grotius answered, that even inferior animals, under the powerful though transient impulse of parental love, prefer their young to their own safety or life ; that gleams of compassion, and, he might have added, of gra- titude and indignation, appear in the human infant long before the age of moral discipline ; that man at the pe- riod of maturity is a social animal, who delights in the so- ciety of his fellow creatures for its own sake, indepen- dently of the help and accommodation which it yields ; that he is a reasonable being, capable of framing and pur- suing general rules of conduct, of which he discerns that the observance contributes to a regular, quiet, and hap- py intercourse between all the members of the commu- nity ; and that from these considerations all the precepts of morality, and all the commands and prohibitions of just law, may be derived by impartial reason. " And these principles," says the pious philosopher, " would have their weight, even if it were to be granted (which could not be conceded without the highest impiety) that there is no God, or that he exercises no moral govern- ment over human aifairs."f Natural law is the dictate * The same commonplace pai^adoxes were retailed by the Sophists, whom Socrates is introduced as chastising in the Dialogues of Plato. They were common enough to be put by the historian into the mouth of an ambassa- dor in a public speech. Anfji (fi Tu^nvtee u froKu aj;t»v i^tuo-ri min aKoycv ti ^u/tifsgov . (Thuoid. vi. 85.) f " Et haec quidem locum aliquem haberent, etiamsi daretur (quod sine summo scelere dari nequit) non esse Deum, aut non curari ab eo negotia humana." (Proleg.ll.) And in another place, " Jus naturale est diotatum recta rationis, indicans actui alicui, ex ejus convenientia aut disconvenien- 54 PROGRESS OF of right reason, pronouncing that there is in some actions a moral obligation, and in other actions a moral deformity, arising from their respective suitableness or repugnance to the reasonable and social nature ; and that conse- quently such acts are either forbidden or enjoined by God, the author of nature. Actions which are the sub- ject of this exertion of reason, are in themselves lawful or unlawful, and are therefore as such necessarily com- manded or prohibited by God." Such was the state of opinion respecting the first prin- ciples of the moral sciences, when, after an imprisonment of a thousand years in the cloister, they began once more to hold intercourse with the general understanding of mankind. It will be seen in the laxity and confusion, as well as in the prudence and purity of this exposition, that some part of the method and precision of the schools was lost with their endless subtilties and their barbarous language. It is manifest that the latter paragraph is a proposition, not what it affects to be, a definition ; that as a proposition it contains too many terms very necessary to be defined; that the purpose of the excellent writer is not so much to lay down a first principle of raorals, as to exert his unmatched power of saying much in few words, in order to assemble within the smallest compass the most weighty inducements, and the most effectual persuasions to welldoing. This was the condition in which ethical theory was found by Hobbes, with whom the present Dissertation should have commenced, if it had been possible to state modern controversies in a satisfactory manner, without a retrospect of the revolutions in opinion from which they in some measure flowed. tia cum ipsa natura rationali et sociali, inesse moralem turpitudinem aut ne- cessitatem moralem, ac consequenter ab auctore naturae Deo talem actum aut vetari aut prscipi. Actus de quibus tale exstat dictatum, debiti sunt autilliciti per se, atque ideo a Deo necessaJ-io prscepti aut vetiti intelligun- tur." (Lib. i. cap. i. sect. 10.) ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 55 HOBBES.* Thoraas Hobbes of Malmesbury may be numbered among those eminent persons born in the latter half of the sixteenth century, who gave a new character to European philosophy in the succeeding age.f He wa^ one of the late writers and late learners. It was not till he was nearly thirty that he supplied the defects of his early education, by classical studies so successfully pro- secuted, that he wrote well in the Latin then used by his scientific contemporaries; and made such proficiency in Greek as, in his earliest work, the Translation of Thucydides, published when he was forty, to afford a specimen of a version still valued for its remarkable fidelity; though written with a stiffness and constraint very opposite to the masterly facility of his original compositions. It was after forty that he learned the first rudiments of geometry (so miserably defective was his education) ; but yielding to the paradoxical disposi- tion apt to infect those who begin to learn after the na- tural age of commencement, he exposed himself, by ab- surd controversies with the masters of a science which looks down with scorn on the Sophist. A considerable portion of his mature age was passed on the Continent, where he travelled as tutor to two successive Earls of Devonshire; a family with whom he seems to have pass- ed near half a century of his long life. In France his reputation, founded at that time solely on personal inter- course, became so great, that his observations on the * Born in 1588; died in 1679. ■j- Bacon, Descartes, Hobbes, and Grotlus. The writings of the first are atill as delightful and wonderful as they ever were, and his authority will have no end. Descartes forms an era in the history of Metaphysics, of Physics, of Mathematics. The controversies excited by Grotius have long ceased, but the powerful influence of his works will be doubted by those only who are unacquainted with the disputes of the seventeenth century. 56 PROGRESS OF Meditations of Descartes were published in the works of that philosopher, together with those of Gassendi and Arnauld.* It was about his sixtieth year that he be- gan to publish those philosophical writings which contain his peculiar opinions; — 'Which set the understanding of Europe into general motion, and stirred up controversies among metaphysicians and moralists, not even yet deter- mined. At the age of eighty-seven he had the boldness to publish metrical versions of the Iliad and Odyssey, which the greatness of his name, and the singularity of the undertaking, still render objects of curiosity, if not of criticism. He owed his influence to various causes; at the head of which may be placed that genius for system, which, though it cramps the growth of know- ledge,! perhaps finally atones for that mischief, by the zeal and activity which it rouses among followers and opponents, who discover truth by accident, when in pursuit of weapons for their warfare. A system which attempts a task so hard as that of subjecting vast pro- vinces of human knowledge to one or two principles, if it presents some striking instances of conformity to su- perficial appearances, is sure to delight the framer; and, for a time, to subdue and captivate the student too en- tirely for sober reflection and rigorous examination. The evil does not indeed very frequently recur. Per- haps Aristotle, Hobbes, and Kant, are the only persons who united in the highest degree the great faculties of • Theprevalenceoffreethinking under Louis XIII., to a far greater de- gree than it was avowed, appears not only from the complaints of Mersenne and of Grotius, but from the disclosures of Guy Patin; who, in his Letters, describes his own conversations with Gassendi and Naud^, so as to leave no doubt of their opinions. t " Another error," says the Master of Wisdom, " is the over-early and peremptory reduction of knowledge into arts and methods, from which time commonly receives small augmentation." (Bacoh's Mvancement of Learning, book i. ) " Method," says he, " canying a show of total and perfect knowledge, has a tendency to generate acquiescence." What pregnant words ! ETHICAL P^HILOSOPHY. 57 comprehension and discrimination which compose the Xrenius pf System. Of the three, Aristotle alone could throw it oif where it was glaringly unsuitable ; and it is deserving of observation, that the reign of system seems, from these examples, progressively to shorten in pro- portion as reason is cultivated and knowledge advances. But, in the first instance, consistency passes for truth. When principles in some instances have proved suffi- cient tojgive an unexpected explanation of facts, the de- lighted reader is content to accept as true all other de- ductions from the principles. Specious premises being assumed to be true, nothing more can be required than logical inference. Mathematical forms pass current as the equivalent of mathematical certainty. The unwary admirer is satisfied with the completeness and symmetry of the plan of his house — unmindful of the need of ex- amining the firmness of the foundation and the soundness of the materials. The system-maker, like the conqueror, long dazzles and overawes the world; but when their sway is past, the vulgar herd, unable to measure their astonishing faculties, take revenge by trampling on fallen greatness. The dogmatism of Hobbes was, however unjustly, one of the sources of his fame. The founders of systems deliver their novelties with the undoubting spirit of discoverers; and their followers are apt to be dogmatical, because they can see nothing beyond their own ground. It might seem incredible, if it were not established by the experience of all ages, that those who differ most from the opinions of their fellow men, are most confident of the truth of their own. But it commonly requires an overweening conceit of the superiority of a man^s own judgment, to make him espouse very singular notions ; and when he has once embraced them, they are endear- ed to him by the hostility of those whom he contemns as the prejudiced vulgar. The temper of Hobbes must H 58 PROGRESS OF h^ve been originally haughty. The advanced agfe at which he published his obnoxious opinions, rendered hini more impatient of the acrimonious opposition which they necessarily provoked; until at length a strong sense of the injustice of the punishment impending over his head, for the publication of what he believed to be ttuth, co-operated with the peevishness and timidity of hisyiears, to render him the most imperious and morose of dogmatists. His dogmatism has indeed one quality more offensive than that of most others. Propositions the most adverse to the opinions of mankind, and the most abhorrent from their feelifigs, are introduced into the course of his argument with mathematical coldness. He presents them as demonstrated conclusions, without deigning to explain to his fellow- creatures how they all happened to believe the opposite absurdities ; without even the compliment of once observing' how widely his distoveries were at variance with the most ancient and universal judgments of the human understanding. The same quality in Spinoza indicates a recluse's ignorance of the World. In Hobbes it is the arrogance: of a man who knows mankind and despises them. A permanent foundation of his fame' consists in his admirable style, which seems to be the very perfection Of didactic language. Short, clear, precisej, pithy, his langu%e never has more than one meaning, which never requires a second thought to find. iBy the help of his exact method, it fakes so firm a hold on the mind, that it will not allow attention to slacken. His little tract on Human JVature has Scarcely an ambiguous or a needless word. He has so great a power of always choosing' the most significant term, that he never is reduced to the poor expedient of using many in its stead. He had so thoroughly studied the genius of the language, and knew so well to steer between pedantry and vulgarity, that two centuries haye not superannuated probably more ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 3y than a dozen of his words. His expressions are so luminous, that he is clear without the help of illustration. Perhaps no writer of any age or nation, on subjects so abstruse, has manifested an equal power of engraving his thoughts on the mind of his readers. He seems never to have taken a word for ornament or pleasure ; and he deals with eloquence and poetry as the natural philosopher who explains the mechanism of children's toys, or deigns to contrive them. Yet his style so stimu- lates attention, that it never tires ; and to those who ai-e acquainted with the subject, appears to have as much spirit as can be safely blended with reason. He com- presses his thoughts so unaffectedly, and yet so tersely, as to produce occasionally maxims which excite the same agreeable surprise with wit, and have become a sort of philosophical proverbs 5 the success of which he partly owed to the suitableness of such forms of express- ion to his dictatorial nature. His words have such an appearance of springing from his thoughts, as to im- press on the reader a strong opinion of his originality, and indeed to prove that he was not conscious of bor- rowing; though conversation with Gassendi must have influenced his mind ; and it is hard to believe that his coincidence with Ockham should have been purely acci- dental, on points so important as the denial of general ideas, the reference of moral distinctions to superior power, and the absolute thraldom of religion under the civil power, which he seems to have thought necessary, to maintain that independence of the state on the church with which Ockham had been contented. His philosophical writings might be read without re- minding any one that the author was more than an in- tellectual machine. They never betray a feeling except that insupportable arrogance which looks down on men as a lower species of beings; whose almost unanimous hostility is so far from shaking the firmness of his 60 PROGRESS OF conviction, or even ruffling the calmness of his contempt, that it appears too petty a circumstance to require ex- planation, or even to merit notice. Let it not be for- gotten, that part of his renown depends on the applica- tion of his admirable powers to expound truth when he meets it. This great merit is conspicuous in that part of his treatise of Human JYature which relates to the percipient and reasoning faculties. It is also very re- markable in many of his secondary principles on the subject of government and law, which, while the first principles are false and dangerous, are as admirable for truth as for his accustomed and unrivalled propriety of expression.* In many of these observations he even shows a disposition to soften his paradoxes, and to con- form to the common sense of mankind. f It was with perfect truth observed by my excellent friend Mr Stewart, that " the ethical principles of Hobbes are completely interwoven with his political system."! He might have said, that the whole of Hobbes's system, moral , religious, and in part philosophical, depended on his political scheme ; not indeed logically, as conclusions depend on premises, but (if the word may be excused) psychologically, as the formation of one opinion may be influenced by a disposition to adapt it to previously cherished opinions. The translation of Thucydides, as • See De. Corpore Politico, Parti, chap. ii. ill. Iv. a^nd Leviathan, part i. chap. xiv. XV. for remarks of this sort, full of sagacity. ■j- "The laws of nature are immutable and eternal; for injustice, irigrati- tude, arrogance, pride, iniquity^ acception of persons, and tlie rest, can never be made lawful. For it can never be that wai- shall preserve life, and peace destroy it." (Leviathan, Parti, chap. xv. See also Part ii. chap, xxvi. xxviii. on Laws, and on Punishments.) + See Dissertation First, p. 42. The political state of England is indeed said by himself to have occasioned his first philosophical publication. Nascitur interea scelus execrabile belli. • • Horreo spectans, Meque ad dilectam confero Lutetiam, i'ostque duos annos edo De Cive Libellum. ( Vita Hobbesii. ) ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 61 he himself boasts, was published to show the evils of popular government.* Men he represented as being originally equal, and having an equal right to all things, but as being taught by reason to sacrifice this right for the advantages of peace, and to submit to a common au- thority, which can preserve quiet, only by being the sole depositary of force, and must therefore be absolute and unlimited. The supreme authority cannot be suffi- cient for its purpose, unless it be wielded by a single hand ; nor even then, unless his absolute power extends over religion, which may prompt men to discord by the fear of an evil greater than death. The perfect state of a community, according to him, is where law prescribes the religion and morality of the people, and where the will of an absolute sovereign is the sole fountain of law. Hooker had inculcated the simple truth, that " to live by one man's will, is the cause of many men's misery." Hobbes embraced the daring paradox, that to live by one man's will is the only means of all men's happiness. Having thus rendered religion the slave of every human tyrant, it was an unavoidable consequence, that he should be disposed to lower her character, and lessen her power over men ; that he should regard atheism as the most ef- fectual instrument of preventing rebellion ; at least that species of rebellion which prevailed in his time, and had excited his alarms. The formidable alliance of religion with liberty haunted his mind, and urged him to the bold attempt of rooting out both these mighty principles ; which, when combined with interests and passions, when debased by impure support, and provoked by unjust re- sistance, have indeed the power of fearfully agitating so - • The speech of Euphemus, in the 6th book of that historian, and the conference between the ministers irom_Athens and the Melean chiefs, in the 5th book, exhibit an undisguised Hobhism, which was veiy dramatically put into the mouth of Athenian statesmen at a time when, as we learn from Plato and Aristophanes, it was preached by the Sophists. 62 PROGRESS OF dety ; but which are, nevertheless> in their own nature, and as far as they are unmixed and undisturbed, the fountains of justice, of order, of peace, as well as of those moral hopes, and of those glorious aspirations after higher excellence, which encourage and exalt the soul in its passage through misery and depravity. A Hobbist is the only consistent persecutor ; for he alone considers himself as bound, by whatever conscience he has remain- ing, to conform to the religion of the sovereign. He claims from others no more than he is himself ready to yield to any master ;* while the religionist who per- secutes a member of another communion, exacts the sacrifice of conscience and sincerity, though professing that, rather than make it himself, he is prepared to die. KEMARKS. The fundamental errors on which the ethical system of Hobbes is built are not peculiar to him ; though he has stated them with a bolder precision, and placed them in a more conspicuous station in the van of his main force, than any other of those who have either frankly avowed or tacitly assumed them, from the beginning of specula- tion to the present moment. They may be shortly stated as follows. 1. The first and most inveterate of these errors is, that * Spinoza adopted precisely the same first principle with Hobbes, that all men have a natural right to all things. ( Tractatus Politicus, cap . ii. sect. 3.) He even avows the absurd and detestable maxim, that states are not bound to observe their treaties longer than the interest or danger which first formed the treaties continues. But on the internal constitution of states he embraces opposite opinions. Servitutis enim non pacts interest omnem po- testatem ad unum transferre. {Ibid. cap. vi. sect. 4. ) Limited monarchy he considers as the only tolerable example of that species of government. An aristocracy nearly approaching to the Dutch system during the suspen- sion of the Stadtholdership, he seems to prefer. He speaks favourably of democracy, butthe chapter on thatsubjectisleftunfinished. "NuUaplane teihpla urbium sumptibus sedificanda, nee jura de opinionibus statuenda." He was the first l^publican atheist of modern times, and probably the ear- liest irreligious opponent of an ecclesiastical establishment. ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 63 he does not distinguish thought frofli feeling, or rather that he in. express words confounds them. The mere perception of an object, according to him, differs from the pleasure or pain which that perception may occa- sion, no otherwise than as they affect different organs of the bodily frame. The action of the mind in perceiv- ing or conceiving an object is precisely the same with that of feeling the agreeable or disagreeable.* The necessary result of this original confusion is, to extend the laws of the intellectual part of our nature over that other part of it, hitherto without any adequate name, which feels, and desires, and loves, and hopes, and wills. In consequence of this long confusion, or want of dis- tinction, it has happened that, while the simplest act of the merely intellectual part has many names, (such as sensation, perception, impression, &c.) the correspon- dent act of the other not less important portion of man is not denoted by a technical term in philosophical systems ; nor by a convenient, word in common language. Sen- sation has another more common sense. Emotion is too warm for a generic term. Feeling has some degree of the same fault, besides its liability to confusion with the sense of touch. Pleasure and pain represent only two properties of this act, which render its repetition the object of desire or aversion; which last states of • This doctrine is explained hy \a& Ax&ct on Human Nature, c. vii. — x. " Conception is a motion in some internal substance of the head, which pro- ceeding' to the heart, when it helpeth the motion there, it is called pleasure,- when it wjeakeneth or hindereth the motion, it is called pain." The samp matter is handled more cursorily, agreeably to the practical purpose of the work, in Leviathan, Part i. chap. vi. These passages are here referred to as proofs of the statement in the text. With the materialism of it we have here no concern. If the multiplied suppositions were granted, we should not advance one step towards understanding what they profess to explain. The first four words are as unmeaning as if one were to say that greatness is very loud. It is obvious that many motions which promote the motion of the heart are extremely painful. 64 PKOGRESS OF iTiind presuppose the act. Of these words, emotioti seems to be the least objectionable, since it has no abso- lute double meaning, and does not require so much vigi- lance in the choice of the accompanying words as would be necessary if we were to prefer feeling ; which, how- ever, being a more familiar word, may, with due caution, be also sometimes employed. Every man who attends to the state of his own mind will acknowledge, that these words, emotion and. feeling, thus used, are perfectly sim- ple, and as incapable of further explanation by words as sight or hearing ; which may indeed be rendered into synonymous words, but never can be defined by any more simple or more clear. Reflection will in like man- ner teach that perception, reasoning, and judgment may be conceived to exist without being followed by emotion. Some men hear music without gratification : one may distinguish a taste without being pleased or displeased by it ; or at least the relish or disrelish is often so slight, without lessening the distinctness of the sapid qualities^ that the distinction of it from the perception cannot be doubted. The multiplicity of errors which have flowed into moral science from this original confusion is very great. They have spread over many schools of philosophy; and many of them are prevalent to this day. Hence the laws of the understanding have been applied to the affections ; virtuous feelings have been considered as just reasoning ; evil passions represented as mistaken judgments ; and it has been laid down as a principle, that the will always follows the last decision of the practical intellect.* 2. By this great error, Hobbes was led to represent all the variety of the desires of men, as being only so many instances of objects deliberately and solely pursued; • " Voluntas semper scquituv ultimum indicium intellectus practici." ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 65 because they were the means, and at the time perceived to be so, of directly or indirectly procuring organic gratification to the individual.* The human passions are described as if tTiey reasoned accurately, deliberated coolly, and calculated exactly. It is assumed that, in performing these operations, there is and can be no act of life in which a man does not bring distinctly before his eyes the pleasure which is to accrue to himself from the act. From this single and simple principle, all human conduct may, according to him, be explained and even foretold. The true laws of this part of our nature (so totally different from those of the percipient part) were, by this grand mistake, entirely withdrawn from notice. Simple as the observation is, it seems to have escaped not only Hobbes, but many, perhaps most philosophers, that our desires seek a great diversity of objects; that the attain- ment of these objects is indeed followed by, or rather called pleasures ; but that it could not be so, if the ob- jects had not been previously desired. Many besides him have really represented self as the ultimate object of evCry action ; but none ever so hardily thrust forward the selfish system in its harshest and coarsest shape. The mastery which he shows over other metaphysicalsubjects, forsakes him on this. He does not scruple, for the sake of this system, to distort facts of which all men are conscious; and to do violence to the langitage in which the result of their uniform experience is conveyed. " Acknowledg- ment of power is called honour."t His explanations are frequently suf&eient confutations of the doctrine which required them. " Pity is the imagination of future calamity to ourselves, proceeding from the sense (obser- • See the passages before quoted, ■j- Hxtman Nature, chap.viii. The ridiculous explanation of the admiration of personal beauty, "as a sign of power generative," shows the difficulties to which this extraordinary man was reduced by a false system. I 66 PROGRESS OF vation) of another man's calamity." " Laughter is oc- casioned by sudden glory in our eminence, or in com- parison with the infirmity of others." Every man who ever wept or laughed, may determine whether this be a true account of the state of his mind on either occasion. " Love is a conception of his need of the one person de- sired ;" a definition of love, which, as it excludes kind- ness, might perfectly well comprehend the hunger of a cannibal, provided that it were not too ravenous to ex- clude choice. " Good- will, or charity, which containeth the natural affection of parents to their children, consists in a man's conception that he is able not only to accom- plish his own desires, but to assist other men in theirs:" from which it follows, as the pride of power is felt in destroying as well as in saving men, that cruelty and kindness are the same passion.* Such were the expedients to which a man of the highest class of understanding was driven, in order to evade the admission of the simple and evident truth, that there are in our nature perfectly disinterested pas- sions, which seek the wellbeing of others as their object and end, without looking beyond it to self, or pleasure, or happiness. A proposition, from which such a man could attempt to escape only by such means, may be strongly presumed to be true. 3. Hobbes having thus struck the affections out of his map of human nature, and having totally misunderstood (as will appear in a succeeding part of this Dissertation) the nature even of the appetites, it is no wonder that we should find in it not a trace of the moral sentiments. Moral goodf he considers merely as consisting in the signs of a • Ibid. chap. ix. I forbear to quote the passage on Platonic love, which immediately follows. But, considering Hobbes's blameless and honourable character, that passage is perhaps the most remarkable instance of'tlie shifts to which his selfish system reduced him. t Which he calls ihe: pulchrum, for want, as he says, of an English word to express it. {Leviaihan, Part i, c. vl. ) ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 67 power to produce pleasure ; and repentance is no more than regret at having missed the way: so that, according to this system, a disinterested approbation of, and rever- ence for virtue, are no more possible than disinterested affections towardsour fellow creatures. There is no sense of duty, no compunction for our own offences, no indig- nation against the crimes of others, unless they affect our own safety ; no secret cheerfulness shed over the heart by the practice of welldoing. From his philosophical writings it would be impossible to conclude that there are in itian a set of emotions, desires, and aversions, of which the sole and final objects are the voluntary actions and habitual dispositions of himself and of all other vol- untary agents ; which are properly called Moral Senti- ments; and which, though they vary more in degree, and depend more on cultivation, than some other parts of human nature, are as seldom as most of them found to be entirely wanting. 4. A theory of man which comprehends in its expla- nations neither the social affections, nor the moral senti- ments, must be owned to be suflBlciently defective. It is a consequence, or rather a modification of it, that Hob- bes should constantly represent the deliberate regard to personal advantage, as the only possible motive of human action ; and that he should altogether disdain to avail himself of those refinements of the selfish scheme which allow the pleasures of benevolence and morality, them- selves, to be a most important part of that interest which reasonable beings pursue. 5. Lastly, though Hobbes does in effect acknowledge the necessity of morals to society, and the general coinci- dence of individual with public interest — truths so pal- pable that they never have been excluded from any ethical system — he betrays his utter want of moral sensi- bility by the coarse and odious form in which he has presented the first of these great principles; and his 68 PROGRESS OF view of both, leads him most strongly to support that common and pernicious error of moral reasoners, that a perception of the tendency of good actions to preserve the being and promote the wellbeing of the community, and a sense of the dependence of our own happiness upon the general security, either are essential constitu- ents of our moral feelings, or are ordinarily mingled with the most-effectual motives to right conduct. The court of Charles II. were equally pleased with Hobbes's poignant brevity, and his low estimate of hurtian motives. His ethical epigrams became the cur- rent coin of profligate wits. Sheffield, Duke of Buck- inghamshire, who represented the class still more per- fectly in his morals than in his faculties, has expressed their opinion in verses, of which one line is good enough to be quoted. Fame bears no fruit till the vain planter dies. Dryden speaks of *' the philosopher and poet (for such is the condescending term employed) of Malmesbury," as resembling Lucretius in haughtiness. But Lucretius, though he held many of the opinions of Hobbes, had the sensibility as well as genius of a poet. His dogmatism is full of enthusiasm ; and his philosophical theory of so- ciety discovers occasionally as much tenderness as can be shown without reference to individuals. He was a Hob- bist in only balf his nature. The moral and political system of Hobbes was a palace of ice, transparent, exactly proportioned, majestic, ad- mired by the unwary as a delightful dwelling ; but gradually undermined by the central warmth of human feeling, before it was thawed into muddy water by the sunshine of true philosophy. When Leibnitz, in the beginning of the eighteenth century, reviewed the moral writers of modern times, his penetrating eye saw only two who were capable of ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 69 reducing morals and jurisprudence to a science. " So great an enterprise," says he " might have been executed by the deep-searching genius of Hobbes, if he had not set out from evil principles ; or by the judgment and learning of the incomparable Grotius, if his powers had not been scattered over many subjects, and his mind distracted by the cares of an agitated life."* Perhaps in this estimate, admiration of the various and excellent qualities of Grotius may have overrated his purely philo- sophical powers, great as they unquestionably were- Certainly the failure of Hobbes was owing to no inferior- ity in strength of intellect. Probably his fundamental errors may be imputed, in part, to the faintness of his moral sensibilities, insufficient to make him familiar with those sentiments and affections which can be known only by being felt; — a faintness perfectly compatible with his irreproachable life, but which obstructed, and at last obliterated, the only channel through which the most important materials of ethical science enter into the mind. , Against Hobbes, says Warburton, the whole church militant took up arms. The answers to the Leviathan would form a library. But the far greater part have followed the fate of all controversial pamphlets. Sir Robert Filmer was jealous of any rival theory of servi- tude. Harrington defended liberty, and Clarendon the church, against a common enemy. His philosophical antagonists were, Cumberland, Cudworth, Shaftesbury, Clarke, Butler, and Hutcheson. Though the last four writers cannot be considered as properly polemics, their, labours were excited, and their doctrines modified, by the stroke from a vigorous arm which seemed to shake * " Et tale aliquid potuisset velab incomparabilis Grotii judicio et doc- trina, vel a profufldo Hobbii ingenio praestari; irisi ilium multa distraxissent; hie vero prava constituisset piincipia." (Leibkitii Epist ad Molanum ; IV. Pars iii. p. 276.) 70 PROGRESS OF Ethics to its foundation. They lead us far into the eigh- teenth century; and their works, occasioned by the doc- trines of Hobbes, sowed the seed of the ethical writing of Hume, Smith, Price, Kant^ and Stewart; in a less de- gree, also, of those of Tucker and Paley : not to men- tion Mandeville, the buffoon and sdphister of the ale- house; or Helvetius, an ingenious but flimsy writer, the low and loose moralist of the vain, the selfish, and the sensual. SECTION V. Controversies concerning the Moral Faculties and the Social Affections. CUMBERLAND CUDWORTH — CLARKE SHAFTESBURY BOSSUET FENELON LEIBNITZ — MALEBRANCHE — EDWARDS— BUFFIER. Dr Richard Cumberland,* raised to the see of Peterborough after the revolution of 1688, was the only professed answerer of Hobbes. His work on the Law of JVature still retains a place on the shelf, though not often on the desk. The philosopliical epigrams of Hobbes form a contrast to the verbose, prolix, and languid diction of his answerer. The forms of scho- lastic argument serve more to encumber his style than to insure his exactness. But he has substantial me- rits. He justly observes, that all men can only be said to have had originally a right to all things> in a sense in which right has the same meaning with power. He shows that Hobbes is at variance with himself; inas- • Born in 1632, died in inS. ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 71 much as the dictates of right reason, which, by his own statement, teach men for their own safety to forego tlie exercise of that right, and which he calls Laws of JSTa- ture, are coeval with it ; and that mankind perceive the moral limits of their power as clearly and as soon as they are conscious of its existence. He enlarges the intima- tions of Grotius on the social feelings, which prompt men to the pleasures of pacific intercourse, as certainly as the apprehension of danger and destruction urges them to avoid hostility. The fundamental principle of his ethics is, that " the greatest benevolence of every rational agent to all others is the happiest state of each individual, as well as of the whole."* The happiness accruing to each man from the observance and cultiva- tion of benevolence, he considers as appended to itby the supreme Ruler; through which he sanctions it as his law, and reveals it to the mind of every reasonable creature. Froni this principle he deduces the rules of morality, which he calls the Laws of Mature. The surest, or rather only mark that they are the commandments of God, is, that their observance promotes the happiness of man: for that reason alone could they be imposed by that Being whose essence is love. As our moral faculties must to us be the measure of all moral excellence, he infers that the moral attributes of the Divinity must in their nature be only a transcendent degree of those qualities which we most approve, love, and revere, in those moral agents with whom we are familiar.f He had a momentary glimpse of the possibility that some human actions might be per- formed with a view to the happiness of others, without any consideration of the pleasure reflected back on our- selves. J But it is too faint and transient to be worthy • CuMpERiAiTD (feie^'SiM iVa<«ra!, cap. i. sect. 12,firstpublishedinLon- don, 1672, and then so popular as to be reprinted at Lubeck in 1683. ■j- Ibid. cap. V. sect. 19. i Ibid. cap. ii. sect 20. 73 PROGRESS OF of observation, otherwise than as a new proof how often great truths must flit before the understanding, before they can be firmly and finally held in its grasp. His only attempt to explain the nature of the moral faculty, is the substitution of practical reason (a phrase of the schoolmen, since become celebrated from its renewal by Kant) for right reason;* and his definition of the first, as that which points out the ends and means of action. Throughout his whole reasoning, he adheres to the ac- customed confusion of the quality which renders actions virtuous, with the sentiments excited in us by the con- templation of them. His language on the identity of gen- eral and individual interest is extremely vague ; though it be, as he says, the foundation-stone of the Temple of Concord among men. It is little wonder that Cumberland should not have disembroiled this ancient and established confusion, since Leibnitz himself, in a passage where he reviews the the- ories of morals which had gone before him, has done his utmost to perpetuate it. "It is a question," says he, " whether the preservation of human society be the first principle of the law of nature. This our author denies, in opposition to Grotius, who laid down sociability to be so; to Hobbes, who ascribed that character to mutual fear ; and to Cumberland, who held that it was mutual benevolence ; which are all three only different names for the safety and welfare of society."t Here the great * whoever determines his judgment and his will by right reason, must agree with all others who judge according to right reason in the same mat- ter." (^Ibid. cap- ii. sect 8. ) This is in one sense only a particular instance of the identical proposition, that two things which agree with a third thing must agree with each other in that in which they agree with the third. But the difficulty entirely consists in the particular third thing here intro- duced, namely, " right reason," the nature of which not one step is made to explain. The position is curious, t\s coinciding with " the universal cate- gorical imperative," adopted as a first principle by Kant. f Leibit. IV. Pars iii. p. 271. The unnamed work which occasioned these remarks (perhaps one of Thomasius) appeared in 1699. How long after this Leibnitz's Dissertation was written, does not appear. ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY, 73 philosopher considered benevolence or fear, two feelings of the human mind, to be the first principles of the law of nature ; in the same sense in which the tendency of certain actions to the well being of the community may be so regarded. The confusion, however, was then common to him with many, as it even now is with most. The comprehensive view was his own. He perceives the close resemblance of these various and even conflict- ing opinions, in that important point of view in which they relate to the effects of moral and immoral actions on the general interest. The tendency of virtue to pre- serve amicable intercourse was enforced by Grotius ; its tendency to prevent injury was dwelt on by Hobbes; its tendency to promote an interchange of benefits was in- culcated by Cumberland. cOdworth.* Cud WORTH, one of the eminent men educated or pro- moted in the English Universities during the Puritan rule, was one of the most distinguished of the Latitudi- narian or Arminian party who came forth at the Resto- ration, with a love of liberty imbibed from their Calvi- nistic masters, as well as from the writings of antiquity, yet tempered by the experience of their own agitated age ; and with a spirit of religious toleration more im- partial and mature, though less systematic and professed- ly comprehensive, than that of the Independents, the first sect who preached that doctrine. Taught by the errors of their time, they considered religion as consisting, not in vain efforts to explain unsearchable mysteries, but in purity of heart exalted by pious feelings, and manifested by virtuous conduct.f The government of the church • Bom in 161/; died in 1688. f See the beautiful account of them by Hurnet, {ffist, I. 321, Oxford edit. 1823) who was himself one of the most distinguished of this excellent body; with whom may be classed, notwithstanding some shades of doctrinal K 74 PROGRESS OF was placed in their hands by the revolution, and their influence was long felt among its rulers and luminaries. The first generation of their scholars turned their atten- tion too much from the cultivation of the heart to the mere government of outward action ; and in succeeding times the tolerant spirit, not natural to an establishment, was with difficulty kept up by a government whose ex- istence depended on discouraging intolerant pretensions. No sooner had the first sketch of the Hobbian philoso- phy* been privately circulated at Paris, than Cudworth seized the earliest opportunity of sounding the alarm against the most justly odious of the modes of thinking which it cultivates, or forms of expression which it would introduce ;f the prelude to a war which occupied the remaining forty years of his life. The Intellectual Sys- tem, his great production, is directed against the atheis- tical opinions of Hobbes : it touches ethical questions but occasionally and incidentally. It is a work of stu- pendous erudition, of much more acuteness than at first appears, of frequent mastery over diction and illustration on subjects where it is most rare ; and it is distinguished, perhaps beyond any other volume of controversy, by that best proof of the deepest conviction of the truth of a man's principles, a fearless statement of the most for- midable objections to them ; a fairness rarely practised but by him who is conscious of his power to answer them. difference, his early master, Leighton, bishop of Dunblane, a beautiful wri- ter, and one of the best of men. The earliest account of them is in a curi- ous contemporaiy pamphlet, entitled, An Account of the new Sect of Latitude- men at Cambridge, republished in the collection of tracts entitled, Phoenix Britannicus. Jeremy Taylor deserves the highest and perhaps the earliest place among them. But Cudworth's excellent sermon befoi-e the House of Commons (31st March 1647) in the year of the publication of Taylor's lAh- erty of Propheaying, may be compared even to Taylor in charity, piety, and the most liberal toleration. * Be Cive, 1642. f Dantur boni et mali rationes xiernw et indispensabiles. TJiesis for the degree of B. D. at Cambridge in 1644. (Birch's Life of Cudworth, pre^xed. to his edition of the Intellectual System, p. vii. Lond. 1743, 2 vols. 4to.) ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 75 In all his writings, it must be owned, that his learning obscures his reasonings, and seems even to oppress his powerful intellect. It is an unfortunate eifect of the re- dundant fulness of his mind, that it overflows in endless digressions, which break the chain of argument, and turn aside the thoughts of the reader from the main object. He was educated before usage had limited the naturali- zation of new words from the learned languages ; before the failure of those great men, from Bacon to Milton, who laboured to follow a Latin order in their sentences, — and the success of those men of inferior powers, from Cowley to Addison, who were content with the order, as well as the words, of pure and elegant conversation, — had, as it were, by a double series of experiments, as- certained that the involutions andinversions of the ancient languages are seldom reconcilable with the genius of ours ; and, unless skilfully, as well as sparingly introduc- ed, are at variance with the natural beauties of our prose composition. His mind was more thaA of an ancient than of a modern philosopher. He often' indulged in that sort of amalgamation of fancy with speculation, the de- light of the Alexandrian doctors, with whom he was most familiarly conversant ; and the Intellectual System, both in thought and expression, has an old and foreign air, not unlike a translation from the work of a late Plato- nist. Large ethical works of this eminent writer are extant in manuscript in the British Museum.* One pos- thumous volume on morals was published by Dr Chandler, bishop of Durham, entitled, A Treatise concerning Eter- nal and Immutable Morality. ■\ But there is the more reason to regret (as far as relates to the history of opin- ion) that the larger treatises are still unpublished, be- cause the above volume is not so much an ethical trea- • A cvirious account of the history of these MSS. by Dr Kippis, i» to be found in the Biographia Britannica, IV. 549. f London, IfSl, 8vq. 76 PROGRESS OF tise as an introduction to one. Protagoras of old, and Hobbes then alive, having concluded that right and wrong were unreal, because they were not perceived by the senses, and because all human knowledge consists only in such perception, Cudworth endeavours to refute them, by disproving that part of their premises which forms the last-stated proposition. The mind has many conceptions (vo»^!ct«) which are not cognizable by the senses; and though they are occasioned by sensible ob- jects, yet could not be formed but by a faculty superior to sense. The conceptions of justice and duty he places among them. The distinction of right from wrong is discerned by reason ; and as soon as these words are de- fined, it becomes evident that it would be a contradic- tion in terms to affirm that any power, human or divine, could change their nature ; or, in other words, make the same act to be just and unjust at the same time. They had existed eternally, in the only mode in which truths can be said to be eternal, in the Eternal Mind; and they were indestructible and unchangeable like that Supreme Intelligence.* Whatever judgment may be formed of this reasoning, it is manifest that it relates merely to the philosophy of the understanding, and does not attempt any explanation of what constitutes the very essence of morality, its re- lation to the will. That we perceive a distinction be- tween right and wrong as much as between a triangle and • "There are many objects of our mind which we can neither see, hear, feel, smell, nor taste, and which never did enter into it by any sense; and therefore we can have no sensible pictures or ideas of them, drawn by the pencil of that inward limner or painter which borrows all his colours from sense, which we call Fancy: and if we reflect on our own cogitations of these thing;s, we shall sensibly perceive that they are not phantastical, but noematical: as, for example, justice, equity, duty and oblig'ation, cogitation, opinion, intellection, volition, memory, verity, falsity, cause, effect, genus, species, jiuUity, contingency, possibility, impossibility, and innumerable others." [Eternal and Immutable Morality, p. 140.) We have here an an- ticipation of Kant. ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 77 a square, is indeed true; and may possibly lead to an ex- planation of the reason why men should adhere to the one and avoid the other. But it is not that reason. A com- mand or a precept is not a proposition. It cannot be said that either is true or false. Cudworth, as well as many who succeeded him, confounded the mere appre- hension by the understanding that right is different from wrong, with the practical authority of these important conceptions, exercised over voluntary actions, in a totally distinct province of the human soul. Though his life was devoted to the assertion of divine Providence, and though his philosophy was imbued with the religious spirit of Platonism,* yet he had placed Christianity too purely in the love of God and man to be considered as having much regard for those controversies about rites and opinions with which zealots disturb the world. They represented him as having fallen into the same heresy with Milton and with Clarke;t and some of them even charged him with atheism, for no other rea- son than that he was was not afraid to state the atheistic difla.culties in their fullest force. As blind anger heaps inconsistent accusations on each other, they called him at least ''an Arian, a Socinian, or a Deist."$ The cour- tiers of Charles II., who were delighted with every part of Hobbes but his integrity, did their utmost to decry his antagonist. They turned the railing of the bigots into a sarcasm against religion ; as we learn from him who represented them with unfortunate fidelity. " He has raised," saysDryden, " such strong objections against the * Evt^i^u, a nriKVoVf o yctg iva-a/iatv etK^as x^io'TiAVi^ti. Be pious, my son, for piety is the sum of Christiamty. (Motto affixed to the sermon above men- tioned. ) f The following doctrine is ascribed to Cudworth by Nelson, a man of good understanding and great worth : "Dr Cudworth maintained that the Father, absolutely speaking, is the only supreme God; the Son and Spii-it being God only by his concurrence with them, and theii- subordination and subjection to Um." (Nelson's Life of Bull, p. 339.) J Tuhnbh'b Diacmirse on the Messiah, p. 335.) 78 PROGRESS OF being of God, that many think he has not answered them;" — " the common fate," as Lord Shaftesbury tells us, " of those who dare to appear fair authors."* He had, indeed, earned the hatred of some theologians, bet- ter than they could know from the writings published during his life; for in his posthumous work he classes with the ancient atheists those of his contemporaries, whom he forbears to name, who held ' ' that God may command what is contrary to moral rules; that he has no inclination to the good of his creatures ; that he may just- ly doom an innocent being to eternal torments; and that whatever God does will, for that reason is just, because he wills it."t It is an interesting incident in the life of a philosopher, that Cudworth's daughter, Lady Masham, had the honour to nurse the infirmities and to watch the last breath of Mr Locke, who was opposed to her father in speculative philosophy, but who heartily agreed with him in the love of truth, liberty and virtue. CLARKE. t Connected with Cudworth by principle, though se- parated by some interval of time, was Dr Samuel Clarke, a man eminent at once as a divine, a mathematician, a metaphysical philosopher, aind a philologer ; who, as the interpreter of Homer and Caesar, the scholar of Newton, and the antagonist of Leibnitz, approved himself not un- worthy of correspondence with the highest order of hu- • Moralists, Part ii. sect. 3 . f Eternal and Immutable Morality, p. II- He names only one book pub- lished at Franeker. He quotes Ockham as having formerly maintained the same monstrous positions. To many, if not to most of these opinions or expressions, ancient and modern, reservations are adjoined, which render them literally reconcilable with practical morals. But the dangerous abuse to which the incautious language of ethical theories is liable, is well illustrat- ed by an anecdote related in Plutarch's Life of Alexander. A sycophant named Anaxarchas consoled that monarch for the murder of Clitus, by as- suring him that every act of a ruler must be just Ha.* to B-janflir ua-o t«u ugarcwm (fiKtttot. (Purr. Oper. I. 639. Franc. 1599.) * Bom in 1675; died in 1729. fe- ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY, 79 man spirits. Roused by the prevalence of the doctrines of Spinoza and Hobbes, he endeavoured to demonstrate the being and attributes of God, from a few axioms and definitions, in the manner of geometry; an attempt in which, with all his powers of argument, it must be own- ed that he is compelled sometimes tacitly to assume what the laws of reasoning required him to prove ; and that, on the whole, his failure may be regarded as a proof that such a mode of argument is beyond the faculties of man.* Justly considering the moral attributes of the Deity as what alone renders him the object of religion, and to us constitutes the difference between theism and atheism, he laboured with the utmost zeal to place the distinctions of right and wrong on a more solid foundation ; and to explain the conformity of morality to reason, in a manner calculated to give a precise and scientific signification to that phraseology which all philosophers had, for so many ages, been content to employ, without thinking them- selves obliged to define. It is one of the most rarely successful efforts of the hu- man mind, to place the understanding at the point from which a philosopher takes the views that compose his sys- tem, to recollect constantly his purposes, to adopt for a moment his previous opinions and prepossessions, to think in his words and to see with his eyes ; especially when the writer widely dissents from the system which he at- tempts to describe, and after a general change in the modes of thinking and in the use of terms. Every part of the present Dissertation requires such an excuse ; but ' This admirable person had so much candour as in effect to own his fail- ure, and to recur to those other arguments in support of this great truth, which have in all ages satisfied the most elevated minds. In Proposition viii. {Being and Attributes of Ood, p. 47) which affirms that the first cause must be " intelligent" (where, as he truly states, " lies the main question between us and the atheists") he owns, that the proposition cannot be dem- onstrated strictly and properly a priori. See notes and Illustrations, note M. 80 PROGRESS OP perhaps it may be more necessary m a case like that of Clarke, where the alterations in both respects have been so insensible, and in some respects appear so limited, that they may escape attention, than after those total revolu- tions in doctrine, wliere the necessity of not measuring other times by our own standard must be apparent to the most undistinguishing. The sum of his moral doctrine may be stated as fol- lows. Man can conceive nothing without at the same time conceiving its relations to other things. He must ascribe the same law of perception to every being to whom he ascribes thought. He cannot therefore doubt that all the relations of all things to all must have always been present to the Eternal Mind. The relations in this sense are eternal, however recent the things may be be- tween wh6m they subsist. The whole of these relations constitute truth. The knowledge of them is omniscience. These eternal different relations of things involve a con- sequent eternal fitness or unfitness in the application of things one to another | with a regard to which, the will of God always chooses, and which ought likewise to de- termine the wills of all subordinate rational beings. These eternal differences make it fit and reasonable for the crea- tures so to act; they cause it to be their duty, or lay an obligation on them so to do, separate from the will of God,* and antecedent to any prospect of advantage or reward. t Nay, wilful wickedness is the same absurdity and insolence in morals, as it would be in natural things to pretend to alter the i-elations of numbers, or to take away the properties of mathematical figures. J "Mo- rality," says one of his most ingenious scholars, " is the practice of reason. "§ * " Those who found all moral obligation on the will of God must recur to the same thing, only when they do not explain how the nature and will of God is good and just." {Being and MUnbutes of Ood, Proposition xii.) t Evidence of Natural andUevealed Religion, p. 4, 6th edit. Lond. Ij'a4. % Ibid. p. 42. § LowMAs on the Unity and Perfections of God, p. 29. Lond. X7j7. ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 81 Clarke, like Cudworth, considered such a scheme as the only security against Hobbism, and probably against the Calvinistic theology, from which they were almost as averse. Not content, with Cumberland, to attack Hbb- bes on ground which was in part his own, they thought it necessary to build on entirely new foundations. Clarke more especially, instead of substituting social and gene- rous feeling for the selfish appetites, endeavoured to be- stow en morality the highest dignity, by thus deriving it from reason. He made it more than disinterested ; for he placed its seat in a region where interest never enters, and passion never disturbs. By ranking her principles with the first truths of science, he seemed to render them pure and impartial, infallible and unchangeable. It might be excusable to regret the failure of so noble an attempt, if the indulgence of such regrets did not betray an unworthy apprehension that the same excellent ends could only be attained by such frail means; and that the dictates of the most severe reason would not finally prove reconcilable with the majesty of virtue. ' REMARKS. The adoption of mathematical forms and terms was, in England, a prevalent fashion among writers on moral subjects during a large part of the eighteenth century. The ambition of mathematical certainty, on matters con- cerning which it is not given to man to reach it, is a frail- ty from which the disciple of Newton ought in reason to have been withheld, but to which he was naturally tempted by the example of his master. Nothing but the extreme difficulty of detaching assent from forms of ex- pression to which it has been long wedded, can explain the fact^ that the incautious expressions above cited, into which Clarke was hurried by his moral sensibility, did not awaken him to a sense of the error into which he had fallen. As soon as he had said that '' a wicked act was as absurd L 83 PROGRESS OF as an attempt to take away the properties of a figure," he ought to have seen, that principles which led logical- ly to such a conclusion were untrue. As it is an impos- sibility to make three and three cease to be six, it ought, on his principles, to be impossible to do a wicked act. To act without regard to the relations of things, as if a man were to choose fire for cooling, or ice for heating, would be the part either of a lunatic or an ideot. The murderer who poisons by arsenic, acts agreeably to his knowledge of the power of that substance to kill, which is a relation between two things ; as much as the physi- cian who employs an emetic after the poison, acts upon his belief of the tendency of that remedy to preseve life, which is another relation between two things. All men who seek a good or bad end by good or bad means, must alike conform their conduct to some relation between their actions as means and their object as an end. All the relations of inanimate things tff^each other are undoubt- edly observed as much by the criminal as by the man of virtue. It is therefore singular that Dr Clarke suffered himself to be misled into the representation, that virtue is a conformity with the relations of things universally, vice a universal disregard of them, by the certain, but here insufficient truth, that the former necessarily implied a regard to certain particular relations, which were always disregarded by those who chose the latter. The dis- tinction between right and wrong can, therefore, no longer depend on relations as such, but on a particular class of relations. And it seems evident that no relations are to be considered, except those in which a living, in- telligent, and voluntary agent is one of the beings related. His acts may relate to a law, as either observing or in- fringing it ; they may relate to his own moral sentiments and those of his fellows, as they are the objects of appro- bation or disapprobation ; they may relate to his own ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 83 welfare, by increasing or abating it ; they may relate to the wellbeing of other sentient beings, by contributing to promote or obstruct it : but in all these, and in all supposable cases, the inquiry of the moral philosopher must be, not whether there be a relation, but what the relation is ; Whether it be that of obedience of law, or agreeableness to moral feeling, or suitableness to pru- dence, or coincidence with benevolence. The term relation itself, on which Dr Clarke's system rests, being common to right and wrong, must be struck out of the reasoning. He himself incidentally drops intimations which are at variance with his system. " The Deity," he tells us, "■ acts according to the eternal relations of things, in order to the welfare of the whole universe ;" and subordinate moral agents ought to be governed by the same rules, '^for the good of the public."* No one can fail to observe that a new element is here introduced — the wellbeing of communities of men, and the general happiness of the world — ^which supersedes the conside- ration of abstract relations and fitnesses. There are other views of this system, however, of a more general nature, and of much more importance, be- cause they extend in a considerable degree to all systems which found moral distinctions or sentiments, solely or ultimately, upon reason. A little reflection will discover an extraordinary vacuity in this system. Supposing it were allowed that it satisfactorily accounts for moral judgments, there is still an important part of our moral sentiments which it passes by without an attempt to ex- plain them. Whence, on this scheme, the pleasure or p^in with which we review our own actions ; or survey those of others ? What is the nature of remorse ? Why do we feel shame ? Whence is indignation against in- justice ? These are surely no exercise of reason. Nor * Evidence of Natural and Reveakd Religion, p. 4. 84 PROGRESS OF is the assent of reason to any other class of propositions followed or accompanied by emotions of this nature, by any approaching them, or indeed necessarily by any emotion at all. It is a fatal objection to a moral theory, that it contains no means of explaining the most conspi- cuous, if not the most essential, parts of moral approba- tion and disapprobation. But to rise to a more general consideration : Percep- tion and emotion are states of mind perfectly distinct ; and an emotion of pleasure or pain differs much more from a mere perception, than the perceptions of one sense do from those of another. The perceptions of all the senses have some qualities in common. But an emo- tion has not necessarily anything in common with a per- ception, but that they are both states of mind. We perceive exactly the same qualities in coifee when we may dislike it, as afterwards when we come to like it. In other words, the perception remains the same when the sensation of pain is changed into the opposite sensa- tion of pleasure. The like change may occur in every ease where pleasure or pain (in such instances called sensations) enter the mind with perceptions through the eye or the ear. The prospect or the sound which was disagreeable may become agreeable, without any alter- ation in our idea of the objects. We can easily imagine a percipient and thinking being without a capa- city of receiving pleasure or pain. Such a being might perceive what we do ; if we could conceive him to rea- son, he might reason justly ; and if he were to judge at all, there seems no reason why he should not judge truly. But what could induce such a being to ivill or to act P It seems evident that his existence could only be a state of passive contemplation. Reason, as reason, can never be a motive to action. It is only when we superadd to such a being sensibility, or the capacity of emotion or sentiment, (or what incorporeal cases is called sensation) ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 85 of desire and aversion, that we introduce him into the world of action. We then clearly discern, that when the conclusion of a process of reasoning presents to his mind an object of desire, or the means of obtaining it, a motive of action begins to operate ; and reason may then, but not till then, have a powerful though indirect influence on conduct. Let any argument to dissuade a man from immorality be employed, and the issue of it will always appear to be an appeal to a feeling. You prove that drunkenness will probably ruin health. No position founded on experience is more certain. Most persons with whom you reason must be as much convinced of it as you are. But your hope of success depends on the drunkard's fear of ill health ; and he may always silence your argument by telling you that he loves wine more than he dreads sickness. You speak in vain of the infamy of an act to one who disregards the opinion of others ; or of its imprudence to a man of little feeling for his own future condition. You may truly, but vainly, tell of the pleasures of friendship to one who has little affection. If you display the delights of liberality to a miser, he may always shut your mouth by answering, ** the spendthrift may prefer such pleasures ; I love money more." If you even appeal to a man's conscience, he may answer you, that you have clearly proved the immorality of the act, and that he himself knew it be- fore; but that now, when you had renewed and freshened his conviction, he was obliged to own, that his love of virtue, even aided by the fear of dishonour, remorse, and punishment, was not so powerful as the desire which hurried him into vice. Nor is it otherwise, however confusion of ideas may cause it to be so deemed, with that calm regard to the welfare of the agent, to which philosophers have so grossly misapplied the hardly intelligible appellation of self-love. The general tendency of right conduct to 86 PROGRESS OF permanent wellbeing is indeed one of the most evident of all truths. But the success of persuasive or dissuasives addressed to it, must always be directly proportioned, not to the clearness with which the truth is discerned, but to the strength of the principle addressed, in the mind of the individual ; and to the degree in which he is accustomed to keep an eye on its dictates. A strange prejudice prevails, which ascribes to what is called self- love an invariable superiority over all the other motives of human action. If it were to be called by a more fit name, such as foresight, prudence, or, what seems most exactly to describe its nature, a sympathy with the fu- ture feelings of the agent, it would appear to every ob- server to be, very often, too languid and inactive, always of late appearance, and, sometimes, so faint as to be scarcely perceptible. Almost every human passion in its turn prevails over self-love. It is thus apparent that the influence of reason on the will is indirect, and arises only from its being one of the channels by which the objects of desire or avefsion are brought near to these springs of voluntary action. It is only one of these channels. There are many other modes of presenting to the mind the proper objects of the emo- tions which it is intended to excite, whether of a calmer or of a more active nature ; so that they may influence conduct more powerfully than when they reach the will through the channel of conviction. The distinction be- tween conviction and persuasion would indeed be other- wis^e without a meaning : to teach the mind would be the same thing as to move it ; and eloquence would be nothing but logic, although the greater part of the power of the former is displayed in the direct excitement of feeling ; — on condition, indeed, (for reasons foreign to our present purpose) that the orator shall never appear to give counsel inconsistent with the duty or the lasting welfare of those whom he would persuade. In like ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 87 manner it is to be observed, that though reasoning be one of the instruments of education, yet education is not a proof of reasoning, but a wise disposal of all the cir- cumstances which influence character, and of the means of producing those habitual dispositions which insure welldoing, of which reasoning is but one. Very similar observations are applicable to the great arts of legislation and government ; which are here only alluded to as forming a strong illustration of the present argument. The abusive extension of the term Reason to the moral faculties, one of the predominant errors of ancient and modern times, has arisen from causes which it is not difficult to discover. Reason does in truth perform a great part in every case of moral sentiment. To reason often belong the preliminaries of the act ; to reason al- together belongs the choice of the means of execution. The operations of reason, in both cases, are comparatively slow and lasting ; they are capable of being distinctly recalled by memory. The emotion which intervenes between the previous and the succeeding exertions of reason is often faint, generally transient, and scarcely ever capable of being reproduced by an effort of the mind. Hence the name of reason is applied to this mixedstate of mind; more especiailly when thefeeling, be- ing of acold arid general nature, and scarcely ruffling the surface of the soul, such as those of prudence and of or- dinary kindness and propriety, almost passes unnoticed, and is irretrievably forgotten. Hence the mind is, in such conditions, said by moralists to act from reason, in contradistinction to its more excited and disturbed state, when it is said to act from passion. The calmness of reason gives to the whole compound the appearance of unmixed reason. The illusion is further promoted by a mode of expression used in most languagies. A man is said to act reasonably, when his conduct is such as may be reasonably expected. Amidst the disorders of a 88 PROGRESS OF vicious mind, it is difficult to form a reasonable conjecture concerning future conduct; but the quiet and well- ordered state of virtue renders the probable acts of her fortunate votaries the object of very rational expectation. As far as it is not presumptuous to attempt a distinction between modes of thinking foreign to the mind which makes the attempt, and modes of expression scarcely translatable into the only technical language in which that mind is wont to think, it seems that the systems of Cudworth and Clarke, though they appear very similar, are in reality different in some important points of view. The former, a Platonist, sets out from those ideas (a word, in this acceptation of it, which has no correspond- ing term in English) the eternal models of created things, which, as the Athenian master taught, pre-existed in the everlasting intellect, and, of right, rule the will of every inferior mind. The illustrious scholar of Newton, with a manner of thinking more natural to his age and school, considered primarily the very relations of things themselves ; cenceived indeed by the eternal mind, but which, if such inadequate language may be pardoned, are the law of its will, as well as the model of its works.* Earl of SnAFTESBURY.t Lord Shaftesbury, the author of the Characteristics y was the grandson of Sir Antony Ashley Cooper, created Earl of Shaftesbury, one of the master spirits of the Eng- • Mr Wollaston's system, that morality consisted in acting according to truth, seems to coincide with that of Dr Clarke. The murder of Cicero by Popilius Lenas, was, according to lum, a practical falsehood ; for Cicero had been his benefactor, but Popilius acted as if that were untrue. If the truth spoken of be, that gfratdtude is due for benefits, the reasoning is evi- dently a circle. If any truth be meant, indifierently, it is plain that the assassin acted in perfect conformity to'several certain truths ; such as the malig^ty of Antony, the ingratitude and venality of Popilius, and the prob- able impunity of his crime, when law was suspended, and good men with- out power. t Born in 1671 ; died in iri3. ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 89 lish nation, whose vices, the bitter fruits of the insecurity of a troublous time, succeeded by the corrupting habits of an inconstant, venal, and profligate court, have led an ungrateful posterity to overlook his wisdom, and dis- interested perseverance, in obtaining for the English na- tion the unspeakable benefits of the Habeas Corpus act. The fortune of the Characteristics has been singular. For a time the work was admired more undistinguish- ingly than its literary character warrants. In the suc- ceeding period it was justly criticised, but too severely condemned. Of late, more unjustly than in either of the former cases, it has been generally neglected. It seemed to have the power of changing the temper of its critics. It provoked the amiable Berkeley to a harshness equally unwonted and unwarranted ;* while it softened the rugged Warburton so far as to dispose the fierce yet not altogether ungenerous polemic to praise an enemy in the very heat of conflict-t Leibnitz, the most celebrated of continental philoso- phers, warmly applauded the Charactei-istics, and, (what was a more certain proof of admiration) though at an advanced age, criticised that work minutely. J Le • BEEKEtEx's MretttePAJfosopAcr, Dialogue iii.; but especially his Theory of Vision Vindicated, Lond. 1733, (not republished in the quarto edition of his works) where this most excellent man sinks for a moment to the level of a raiUng polemic. f It is remarkable that the most impure passages of Warburton's compo- sition are those in which he lets loose his controversial zeal, and that he is a fine writer principally where he writes from generous feeling. " Of all the virtues which were so much in this noble writer's heart and in his writings, there was not one he more revered than the love of public liberty. — The noble author of the Characteristics had many excellent qualities, both as a man and a writer. He was temperate, chaste, honest, and a lover of his country. In his writings he has shown how much he has imbibed the deep sense, and how naturally he could copy the gracious manner of Plato." (Dedication to the Freethinkers, prefixed to the Divine Legation.) War- burton, however, soon relapses, but not without excuse; for he thought himself vindicating the memory of Locke. + Opera, torn. IH. p. 39-56. M 90 PROGRESS OF Clerc, who had assisted the studies of the author, con- tributed to spread its reputation by his Journal, then the most popular in Europe. Locke is said to have aided in his education, probably rather by counsel than by tuition. The author had indeed been driven from the regular studies of his country by the insults with which he was loaded at Winchester school, when he was only twelve years old, immediately after the death of his grandfather ; a choice of time which seemed not so much to indicate anger against the faults of a great man, as triumph over the principles of liberty, which seemed at that time to have fallen for ever. He gave a genuine proof of respect for freedom of thought, by preventing the expulsion, from Holland, of Bayle, (with whom he differs in every moral, political, and, it may be truly added, religious opinion) when, it must be owned, the right of asylum was, in strict justice, forfeited by the secret services which the philosopher had rendered to the enemy of Holland and of Europe. In the small part of his short life which premature infirmities allowed him to apply to public affairs, he co-operated zealously with the friends of freedom ; but, as became a moral philoso- pher, he supported, even against them, a law to allow those who were accused of treason to make their defence by counsel, although the parties first to benefit from this act of imperfect justice were conspirators to assasin- ate King William, and to re-enslave their country. On that occasion it is well known with what admirable quick- ness he took advantage of the embarrassment which seized him, when he rose to address the House of Com- mons. '' If I," said he, " who rise only to give my opinion on this bill, am so confounded that I cannot say what I intended, what must the condition of that man be, who, without assistance, is pleading for his own life!" He was the friend of Lord Somers; and the tribute paid to his personal character by Warburton, who knew many ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY. 91 of his contemporaries and some of his friends, may be considered as evidence of its excellence. His fine genius and generous spirit shine through his writings ; but their lustre is often dimmed by peculiari- ties, and, it must be said, by affectations, which, originat- ing in local, temporary, or even personal circumstances, are particularly fatal to the permanence of fame. There is often a charm in the egotism of an artless writer, or of an actor in great scenes. But other laws are imposed on the literary artist. Lord Shaftesbury, instead of hiding himself behind his work, stands forward with too fre- quent marks of self-complacency, as a nobleman of pol- ished manners, with a mind adorned by the fine arts, and instructed by ancient philosophy; shrinking with a somewhat effeminate fastidiousness from the clamour and prejudices of th^multitude, whom he neither deigns to conciliate nor puts forth his strength to subdue. The enmity of the majority of churchmen to the government established at the Revolution, was calculated to fill his mind with angry feelings ; which overflow too often, if not upon Christianity itself, yet upon representations of it, closely intertwined with those religious feelings to which, in other forms, his own philosophy ascribes sur- passing worth. His small, and occasional writings, of which the main fault is the want of an object or a plan, have many passages remarkable for the utmost beauty and harmony of language. Had he imbibed the simpli- city, as well as copied the expression and cadence of the greater ancients, he would have done more justice to his genius ; and his works, like theirs, would have been pre- served by that quality, without which but a very few writings, of whatever mental power, have long survived their writers. Grace belongs only to natural movements ; and Lord Shaftesbury, notwithstanding the frequent beauty of his thoughts and language, has rarely attained it. He is unfortunately prone to pleasantry, which is 92 PKOGRESS OF obstinately averse from constraint, and which he had no interest in raising to be the test of truth. His affectation of liveliness as a man of the world, tempts him sometimes to overstep the indistinct boundaries which separate fa- miliarity from vulgarity. Of his two more considerable writings, the Moralists, on which he evidently most val- ued himself, and which is spoken of by Leibnitz with enthusiasm, is by no means the happiest. Yet perhaps there is scarcely any composition in our language more lofty in its moral and religious sentiments, and more ex- quisitely elegant and musical in its diction, than the Pla- tonic representation of the scale of beauty and love, in the speech to Palemon, near the close of the first part.* Many passages might be quoted, which in some measure justify the enthusiasm of the septuagenarian geometer. Yet it is not to be concealed that, as a Whole, it is heavy and languid. It is a modern antique. The dialogues of Plato are often very lively representations of conver- sations which might take place daily at a great universi- tj', full, like Athens, of rival professors and eager disci- ples, — between men of various character, and great fame as well as ability. Socrates runs through them all. His great abilities, his still more venerable virtues, his cruel fate, especially when joined to his very characteristic peculiarities, — to his grave humour, to his homely sense, to his assumed humility, to the honest sliness with which he ensnared the Sophists, and to the intrepidity with which he dragged them to justice, gave unity and dra- matic interest to these dialogues as a whole. But Lord Shaftesbury's dialogue is between fictitious personages, and in a tone at utter variance with English conversa- tion. He had great power of thought and command o^er words. But he had no talent for inventing charac- ter and bestowing life on it. The Inquiry concerning ' Characleristics, Treatise v. The MvraKMs, Part i. sect. 3. ETHICAL PHiLOSOl'HY. 93 Virtue* is nearly exempt from the faulty peculiarities of the author; the method is perfect, the reasoning just, the style precise and clear. The writer has no purpose hut that of honestly proving his principles ; he himself alto- gether disappears ; and he is intent only on earnestly en- forcing what he truly, conscientiously, and reasonably believes. Hence the charm of simplicity is revived in this production, which is unquestionably entitled to a place in the first rank of English tracts on Moral Philosophy. The point in which it becomes especially pertinent to the subject of this Dissertation is, that it contains more intimations of an original and important nature on the Theory of Ethics than perhaps any preceding work of modern times.f It is true that they are often but inti- mations, cursory, and appearing almost to be casual ; so that many of them have escaped the notice of most rea- ders, and even writers on these subjects. That the con- sequences of some of them are even yet not unfolded, must be owned to be a proof that they are inadequate- ly stated ; and may be regarded as a presumption that the author did not closely examine the bearings of his own positions. Among the most important of these suggestions is, the existence of dispositions in man, by which he takes pleasure in the wellbeing of others, with- out any further view ; a doctrine, however, to all the con- sequences of which he has not been faithful in his other writings. $ Another is, that goodness consists in the * Ibid. Treatise iv. ■j- 1 am not without suspicion that I have overlooked the claims of Dr Henry More, who, notwithstanding some uncouthness of language, seems to have given the first intimations of a distinct moral faculty, which he calls "the Boniform Faculty;" a phrase against which an outcry would now be raised as German. Happiness, according to him, consists in a. constant satisfac- tion, £v Tai nyA^mfu ths -^vxi!- (Enchiridion Eihicum, lib. i. cap. ii. if " It is the height of wisdom no doubt to be rightly selfish." {Charac. I. 121.) The observation seems to be taken from what Aristotle says of inKmrm: Tcv ftsv ayitSov iu