1595: ^m- SSCaKifciKSliiiffiffiltfJia; SS^P ^f. mmmm wm^ CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GIFT OF Alfred C. Barnes Date Due __SELap >-w««p«rk JP*^^ OBHBP 1 PRINTED IN U. :>. A. CQf NO. 23293 Cornell University Library BS2550.T2 A5 1895 Fraaments of the commentary of Eptirem olln I 924 029 334 442 ■J\S , FEAG-MENTS OF THE COMMENTAEY OP EPHEEM SYEUS UPON THE DIATESSAEON. EonDon: C; J. CLAY and SONS, CAMBEIDGE UNIVEBSITY PEESS WAEEHOUSE, AVE MAEIA LANE. ®IasB0fa: 263, AEGTLE STREET. letpjifl: E. A. BBflCKHAUS. &,eis gotft: MAOMILLAN AND CO. FEAGMENTS OF THE COMMENTAEY OF EPHEEM SYEUS UPON THE DIATESSAEON BY J. RENDEL HARRIS, M.A., D. Litt. (Dubl.), FELLOW OF OLAKE COLLEOE, CAMBRIDGE. *^'. LONDON: 0. J. CLAY AND SONS, CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, AVE MAEIA LANE. - 1895 s J^3 CamfiriUp: FEINTED BY J. AND 0. T. CLAY, AT THE UNIVEBSITY PEBSS. PREFACE. In a recent article in the Contemporary Review (August, 1895) I have shown that there is a close and constant dependence of the later Syriac commentators upon the Commentary which Ephrem Syrus made upon Tatian's Diatessaron ; and I have found upon a further examination of these writers that it is possible to restore, sometimes exactly and sometimes approximately, large portions of the lost Syriac text of Ephrem, of which, up to the present, no fragment has been produced, and of which no representative is extant except the Armenian translation published by the Venetian fathers. As the recovery of these portions of the lost text not only elucidates the often doubtful meaning of the Armenian version, but also throws much light upon the history and fortunes of the composition, I have thought it worth while to commit the matter to the press in the hope that it will not be valueless to the critic ■ even if a complete copy of the lost Syriac work should ultimately be recovered. Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029334442 CONTENTS. PAGE Introduction 2 23 Extracts from the Commentary of Ephrem .... 24 90 Concluding Remarks 91 iqq CORRIGENDUM. P. 18 1. 29, for «___oealAvlr^ read ,__Ooa.av.r^ INTKODUCTION. The Commentary of Ephrem Syrus has, for various reasons, hardly met with the welcome and the elucidation which so famous a work deserves. Probably this is due, on the one side, to the fact that it was, until the present pages were written, extant only in Armenian, and the paucity of scholars who are acquainted with that language has reacted upon the subject, and caused a some- what cold treatment of the book itself; but it is also due, in part, to the odium anti-theologicum which was provoked by the appear- ance of a work which was supposed, rightly or wrongly, to have an important bearing upon the history of the Canon ; so that in some quarters there have been muttered rumours that the work was not rightly ascribed to the great Syrian father whose name it bears, while in other quarters of the critical world, especially those which lie most nearly adjacent to the city of Tubingen, it has been treated with a silence that must be, to the looker-on, who pro- verbially has the best view of the game, very significant. Now it is unfortunate that this should be the case ; unfortu- nate, I mean, that so many persons (myself amongst the number) are ignorant of Armenian, and that some persons (amongst whom I sincerely hope not to be included) limit their interest in a great work by the boundary of their theological or anti-theological pre- dilections ; and it is the more to be regretted, because the interest of the work does not lie primarily either in the fact that it is in Armenian, or in its possible bearing upon the evolution of the second century Gospels. Ephrem, himself, is a theological star of the first magnitude, and even if he should happen to be one of the worthiest representatives of Catholic orthodoxy, his windows always overlook the fields of the early unorthodox teachers, whom the Church has successively banned, but without the knowledge of whom the Church Historian cannot construct the map of the H, D, 1 2 INTRODUCTION. Ecclesiastical Empire or interpret the riddles which occur so constantly in the History of Dogma. Not only so, but the stones which he throws at the Docetists, at Marcion, at Bardesanes and others are usually of the nature of replies ; and the stones which had originally been thrown at his own party can often be found lying under his windows. He loves repartee, but as repartee requires, to make it intelligible, the preliminary remarks of the objector, it will be found that often, in Ephrem's pages, there can be recognized statements which were taken ex ore duhitantium, or have been extracted directly from heretical works. Marcion has, indeed, perished, but some Mar- cionite flies (often large ones) are in Ephrem's amber. A careful critic can often separate the two. For example, in Ephrem's comment on Luke xi. 27 (ed. Mosinger, p. 122), the writer expressly tells us that he is quoting Marcion, and the margin of the MS. tells us that 'all this was said by Marcion.' The only question then is, how much is rightly to be included under the marks of quotation. Apparently we may isolate the following words : ' Blessed shall be the womb that bare thee.' Marcion says " By these words they only tempted him to see whether he was bom in reality. And where it is said, ' Lo ! thy mother and thy brethren seek thee ' the same thing is signified. And further he gave them his body to eat." The argument is that the body is a phantasm and the birth not real. For our Lord did not acknowledge the suggested rela- tionships to mother and brethren. And Ephrem's reply is that if our Lord had wished to deny his nativity and human nature, he would not afterwards have claimed fraternity with disciples who were but men. And by a happy retort he compares the verse in which our Lord might be supposed to say ' "Why callest thou me conceived and bom ' with that other much disputed text ' Why callest thou me good,' from which the Marcionites were in the habit of arguing and where Ephrem and others shew great skill in refuting them. In another passage he is arguing with those who held with Marcion that Christ appeared suddenly in the synagogue at Nazareth, or as Tertullian puts it, that he came de caelo in synagogam. The dispute in such cases did not turn on the question of the genuineness of the portions of the Gospel which INTRODUCTION. 3 deal with the Nativity, for the Marcionite had no such account in his gospel ; but it turned upon the words ' he went, as his custom was, into the synagogue.' And it was argued, not improperly, by the opponents of Marcion that these words were inconsistent with the theory of a sudden lapse from heaven. Accordingly, as I have elsewhere suggested^ the text of the Gospel at this point shews signs of having been tampered with in certain copies with a view to meeting the difficulty, either by getting rid of the ' custom ' or by proving it to refer to other people or by erasing the words ' where he had been brought up.' Now it is interesting to find that the very words of Marcion on this point are preserved to us by Ephrem. And it appears that Marcion objects to this disputed word ' consuetude' The passage is as follows (Mosinger, p. 128) : Matt. xui. 54. He cavne into his own city and taught them in their synagogues.... This was written to confound the Marcionites : [because, that is, by teaching in his native place and by teaching in their synagogues the scripture implies previous residence and habitual teaching.]... Luke iv. 16. After these things he entered into their synagogue, as his custom was, on the Sabbath-day. [Here Marcion is supposed to intervene;] whence arises the custom to him who had only just arrived ? He had but just come into Galilee: nor had he [even on the orthodox shewing] begun to preach outside the synagogue, [in which case the custom of preach- ing would have been established] but he began in the synagogue, (and we must either admit) as their worship requires, that he preached to them concerning their God, [the creator of the world] or else he would have had to preach outside the synagogues. [But if he preached about their God to them then this must have been what provoked their anger; nothing had passed between them before], and his visit to Bethsaida [so, according to Marcion, and nat Nazareth] was only marked on their side by the sugges- tion that the physician should heal himself. This is not sufficient to explain their anger and their desire to throw him from the rock. [We must, therefore, allow that he had said things to them about their God, which provoked them, and this must have been the first occasion upon which such things were said.] To which Ephrem replies (i) that if Christ had been in the habit of preaching against the God of the Old Testament, traces of it would be found elsewhere in the Gospel ; (ii) that the very ' A Study of Codex Bezae, p. 232. 1—2 4 INTRODUCTION. words which he used about a prophet being without honour in his own country imply his previous residence among them. In this way we get glimpses of the character of the disputes between the Marcionite and the Catholic; we can reconstruct something of the argument, and we can collect the leading passages around which the discussion raged. Indeed it will often be found that the texts which Ephrem treats with the greatest fulness and variety are those which relate to the burning questions of the generation or century preceding his own; and the only diificulty lies in determining when he is speaking in his own person, and not quoting or personating a heretic. Another case which he discusses is that in which the physical body of Christ was denied, for it appears that he enters into an argument with those who held that Christ's body was not natural, but had descended from heaven, perhaps by passing through the Virgin, as water through a tube, according to some Valentinian Gnostics. It is evident from Ephrem that such persons had made use of the expression in the Gospel of John, ' no man hath ascended into heaven except him that descended from heaven ' ; from which they concluded that Christ descended o-a/ianKwi} from above. And they seem to have confirmed this belief, in Syria, by the use of the primitive translation of the Gospel of John into Syriac, in which we are told (John i. 14) that ' the Word became (or was) a body and dwelt among us.' To these Ephrem replies' 'You are not to say that the body of Christ descended from heaven... but it was Gabriel who descended from heaven... and therefore it says ' He that descended from heaven.' ' And I think we can see the difficulty which arose in the inter- pretation of the first chapter of John by the naive admission of another Syriac commentator", to whom we shall presently refer, and who is perhaps retailing an actual remark of Ephrem, that the original reading was ' body ' but it was changed to ' flesh ' in order that people might not suppose that the body descended from heaven". One other instance shall be given of the importance of the Ephrem Commentary for a knowledge of the early heresies. I 1 Mosinger, p. 187. ^ Isho'dad of Merv. " How oharaoteristio was this translation of o-i/jf by ' body ' may be seen by studying the text of the Old Syriao Version of the Gospels. INTRODUCTION. 5 have pointed out elsewhere' the meaning of the curious passage" in which Ephrem says that the words in Daniel where ' a stone is cut out without hands/ are not the same in meaning as the passage ' Look to the mountain and the valley,' in which case he intimates the male and the female. But here he says 'without hands.' The explanation of our Lord's birth from a virgin by means of Daniel's stone without hands is, of course, well known, but Ephrem reveals to us the counter text of the Adoptionist who objects to the stone without hands a stone hewn out of a mountain and a valley ; he is quoting Isaiah li. 1 as a reference to the Syriac text with Ephrem's comment on it will shew, and hence concludes for a natural birth by the male and the female'. It is in this way that we are able to restore the watchwords of early battlefields, and no book will help us to so many of these as Ephrem's Commentary on the Diatessaron. For the study of Marcionism, Gnosticism or Adoptionism, it is of very great value ; and deserves, therefore, an edited text and a scientific commen- tary. Not less important is the volume for the light that it throws upon the Old Syriac text both of the distinct Gospels and of the Diatessaron. The textual critic will read his Ephrem side by side with the oldest copies of the Syriac text. For if the Ephrem Commentary often throws light upon the early condition of the Syriac text, conversely the early Syriac texts (notably the Lewis text) often throw light upon Ephrem. The recurrence, for example, of some curious word or expression will often shew what was the reading most familiar to Ephrem, even where the verse itself may not be actually quoted, or where, when it was actually quoted, the influence of the later Vulgate text has caused a superficial correc- tion. For example, in Matt. i. 25, Ephrem's copy of the Diatessaron read ' Sancte habitabat cum ea ' as in the Curetonian. Six times Ephrem quotes it directly ; but the diffusion of the reading is such that not only does it influence his comments in other places such 1 Contemp. Rev. Nov. 1894, p. 669. » Mosinger, p. 22. ' Another Adoptionist error is corrected on p. 27, wHere we are told that the Scripture does not say ' a Saviour who is to become the Lord's Christ, but a Saviour who already is the Lord's Christ.' 6 INTRODUCTION. as (p. 21) the passage where he says that Joseph was so gentle as not to expel her from the house, sed cum ea habitaret ; but it even turns up in the objection made by an ideal Adoptionist inter- locutor who says (p. 26) Nonne ergo conjugium sanctum est, testante Apostolo, Thorus eorum sanctum est' ? This instance is the more curious, since the Cureton reading was probably intended as an Anti- Adoptionist correction. But the fact is that the reading must have acquired great prevalence, for we find traces of it in later Syriac commentators also. Or take the passage to which we draw attention on p. 34 (Luke ii. 34), in which from the repeated word duUtare we are able to restore the text of Tatian in a place where a later reviser of Ephrem has substituted a reading more in accordance with the Greek. A very interesting case will be found in the account of our Lord's healing of the leper", where Ephrem comments as follows : Dominus duo pro his duobus ei ostendit, reprehensionem, cvm. ei irasceretur, et misericordiam, cum sanaret. Quia dixit. Si vis, iratus est Propterea Dominus per indignationem monstravit se non ex personarum acceptione sanare Quare Dominus propter has cogitationes ei iratus est et deinceps ei praecepit Sed et animadverte non ei, sed leprae Christum iratv/m esse. The continual play upon the words iratum esse shews that the text used by Ephrem had this expression. This is the more important because, as far as I know, up to the present time, the only evidence for such a reading was the Western text (with D, d, a ff'') in Mark i. 41, where Codex Bezae has opyiaOek. The diffusion of this reading in Sjriac as well as in Greco-Latin texts is therefore demonstrated. Or turn to the passage (Luke i. 6) where Zachary and Elisa- beth are said' to be ' Immaculati in omni regione sua.' A reference to the foot-note of Mosinger shews that the text should have been printed 'Immaculati in omni habitatione sua'; and a few pages further on the same reading is betrayed where Ephrem says ' From the fact that Ephrem does not directly reply to this ingenious objection, one is almost tempted to suspect that it is the gloss of an Adoptionist reader. ' Mosinger, p. 144. > Mosinger, p. 7. INTRODUCTION. 7 that it is not proper to criticise persons like Zachaiy and Elisabeth who are said to have been immaculate ' in omni vitae conditione,' for here again the editor notes that one of his copies reads 'in omni habitatione.' There can be little doubt as to the correct reading ; but here the Sinai text comes to our aid, and solves the problem as to what had been puzzling the Armenian scribes, by telling us that Zachary and Elisabeth were ' without blame in all their conversation ' ; the word which we render ' conversation,' T^XSaCL^, has been referred to its root which means to ' dwell ' or 'inhabit.' We have thus an agreement between the Old Syriac text and that of Tatian in a very free and forcible transla- tion. But we need not say more on this point, except to add that what is true of Ephrem is also true of later Syriac commentators, especially of those who derive from him. Their comments as well as their texts are to be used in the determination of Old Syriac readings, and a trained ear will often catch the refrain of such readings and be able to separate them from the rest of the passage in which they may be imbedded. It will, therefore, be admitted that the Ephrem commentary deserves critical editing, with a view to determine something more than the pre-existence, early diffusion and harmonisation of the four Gospels. And this is rendered the more necessary because the Editor of the Latin translation has not given us a scientific text; of the two copies, A and B, which he uses, one is an editorial recension made by a certain Nerses, in which difficulties have been conjecturally got rid of, and texts specu- latively improved in such a way that we can only describe the work as in certain passages de-Ephremized. It would have been better to have printed the text merely from the copy A, without any reference to the other copy, than to combine the two, often so as to produce a text of which we can only say that, whatever it is, it is not the text of Ephrem. The first step then in studying the work is to purify it of some of the editorial B-readings and of all the composite A + B readings. I am sorry that my ignorance of Armenian does not permit me to undertake this correction'. But, if I cannot do this, I am glad 1 It will also be necessary to correct a great many of the editor's references to the Old Testament which are demonstrated to be incorrect, as soon as we refer to the Syriac Bible, as well as to correct such lacunae of reference as in the passage 8 INTKODUCTION. to say that my researches in another direction have been very fruitful. I have set to work to see how much of the original Syriac text may be extant in the shape of Catenae or Com- mentaries on the Gospel in the Syriac tongue : and the present volume will shew that a great deal is to be gathered from the Syriac commentators both for the knowledge of the Diatessaron and of Ephrem's comment upon it. Of the writers upon whom I depend those to whom I chiefly refer are Isho'dad of Merv who flourished about A.D. 850, Moses Bar-Kepha his contemporary, Bar-Salibi and Bar-Hebraeus, who belong respectively to the 12th and 13th centuries. And to them must be added Ephrem himself, as a source for the original Syriac of the commentary. For it will be found that he has often incorporated portions of his own hymns, which appear in the Armenian text in the disguise of unsuspected prose^. Of the other writers quoted, Isho'dad is a Nestorian, Bar-Kepha and the two later doctors are Monophysites, so that we may say that the whole Syrian church has laid its hands on Ephrem's commentary. The only thing we may have to be careful about will be the handling of cases where Ephrem's language might seem to favour unduly one or other of the great parties in the Syrian church. In such passages the text as transcribed by a learned doctor might easily become suspect. Of these writers, unfortunately, none is at present in print, except in part Bar-Hebraeus ; his commentary on Matthew in the work called the Storehouse of Mysteries was edited by Spanuth in 1879 ; and that on the Gospel of John in 1878 by Schwartz. noted above from Is. li. 1, where Mosinger says, ' quo loco, nescio. The following are some of the corrections to be made. p. 63, note 4, for Fartasse ex Is. xlix. 10 read Amos viii. 11. p. 122, 1. 11, for Marc. i. 32 read Jer. xv.- 19. p. 138, note 1, where M. refers the reading ' qui blasphemat Deum, crucifigatur ' to Lev. xxiv. 16 correct to DeUt. xxi. 23. p. 193, for cf. Is. liv. 12, vel Ez. Hi. 9 read Amos vii. 8. p. 210, note 4, for Gf. Is. Uii. 11 read Is. Hi. 15. p. 228 and p. 280, where the words ' Tu dixisti, Mundns per gratiam aedifioa- bitur ' are either quoted or implied, make the reference to Ps. Ixxxiii. 8, which in English appears as ' I said, MerCy shall be built up for ever.' I do not wish to criticize Mosinger severely: some of these passages were difScult to identify. Even if his edition is inadequate, he is a great public benefactor to whom we are all deeply indebted. ^ An instance may be found on p. 28. INTRODUCTION. 9 For Bar-Salibi we must also turn to the MSS. : for I do not know that any portion of the commentary on the Gospels is in print, over and above the extracts given by Assemani. A large part of the text was however given in English and Latin trans- lations by Dudley Loftus in the two valuable little books which he published at Dublin in 1672 and 1695'; and his MS. translations of the remainder into Latin are preserved in the Bodleian Library^ For Moses Bar-Kepha I have consulted a fragmentary MS. containing his commentary on Matthew in the British Museum (Cod. Add. 17,274). Wright's description of the MS. I relegate to a note'. The importance of Moses Bar-Kepha in this connection lies in the fact that he knows the Ephrem commentary, which he sometimes expressly refers to, and that he imitates it; and further his commentary is one of the principal sources of Bar- Salibi, who expressly names him in his preface as one of the authors whom he has laid under contribution. Anything, there- fore, in which the two writers agree, must be read as from the pen of Moses Bar-Kepha, and not from Bar-Salibi. Probably it will be found that Moses, in his turn, derives many of his com- ments from earlier sources. ' The Expoxitimi of Dionysius Syrus, written above 900 years since, on the EvangeUst St Mark, translated by D. L. (Dublin, 1672) ; A clear and learned Expli- cation of the History of our Blessed Saviour Jesvs Christ,... \>y Dionysius Syrus ;... faithfully translated by Dudley Loftus, Dublin, 1695. 2 Fell MSS., Nos. 6 and 7. 3 Wright, Gat. Syr. MSS., ii. 620. A volume measuring about 14| in. by 8J, made up of portions of several paper MSS. It consists of 260 leaves, a great many of which are more or less torn. The quires are signed with letters. Each page is divided into two columns. Though written by several hands, the character throughout is a good regular cursive of the xith or xiith cent. The contents are as follows : (1) Portions of a Commentary upon the Book of Genesis by Moses bar Eipha... (2) Portions of a Commentary on the Gospels, with a long introduction, by Moses bar Eipha : (a) Introduction, fol. 26 a. (6) Commentary on St Matthew. Pol. 50 a (should be 48 a). (c) A single fragnient of the Commentary on St Luke. Fol. 152 a. (3) Portions of a Commentary on the Gospel of St Matthew, by some other author. Fol. 121 a. (4) Portions of a Commentary on the Pauline Epistles by Moses bar Kipha : (a) On the Epistle to the Bomans. Fol. 153 a. (6) On the First Epistle to the Corinthians. Title, fol. 190 6. (c) On the Second Epistle to the Corinthians. Fol. 239 a. (d) A single fragment of the Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians. 10 INTRODUCTION. The proof of Bar-Kepha's acquaintance with the Ephrem commentary is, as we have said, (i) direct, for in discussing the question whether Judas partook of the Eucharist or not, he gives Ephrem's opinion as to the washing off the sanctification of the bread by dipping it in water; and says it is from his Exposition of the Gospel ; (ii) there is an indirect proof of his dependence in his imitation of the opening sentences of Ephrem, as will be seen by a reference to our collection of extracts at p. 24. Bar-Kepha also, in his introductory chapters, appears to be the source of Bar-Salibi, and the references to the Diatessaron are, therefore, important for himself and for later writers. It will be found that he carefully distinguishes Tatian's Diatessaron from that of Ammonius. Amongst the works to which Bar-Kepha refers, there is one which seems to be older than Ephrem, and to have been used by him, and which may perhaps be of great antiquity. The reader of Ephrem will have observed that there is often a strain of in- terpretation which consists in a very simple allegorisation of the Gospel and its contained parables. Such glosses as (Mos. p. 166) occur in the interpretation of the Planting of the Vineyard, Colonus = lex, Tres anni = tempus quo eis ostendit, se esse Salvatorem, and those which we have quoted from p. 192, seem to belong to a simpler and more archaic hand than that of Ephrem, and they occur in all the commentators. Bar-Kepha says expressly in one place that these very elementary comments come from a book which he calls or the Succinct Exposition of Matthew. It is, as we have said, quite possible that we have here the traces of some very early document. At all events nothing could be more simple or childlike than the commentary which Bar-Kepha quotes, and to which other commentators evidently allude. Of Isho'dad nothing has been published beyond a few refer- ences by my American friends Dr Hall and Prof. Gottheil; the copy from which I have worked is Cod. Add. 1973 in the Cam- bridge University Library : and it is from this source that most INTRODUCTION. 11 of my identifications have been made. It is a late paper MS. in the Nestorian character, consisting of 323 leaves; originally there were more, but a number of leaves have disappeared at the beginning of the book, which is a commentary on the Penta- teuch, and I think a single leaf has gone at the end. Possibly there may be one or two lacunae. The Gospels begin as follows : Matthew on f. 13 r. (the previous leaves being occupied by the remains of the Commentary on the Pentateuch), Mark on f. 145 v., Luke on £ 169 v., and John on £ 237 r. (ending on £ 323 v.). As might be expected, the Commentary is largely of the nature of Catena, and the authors quoted are sometimes (but not often) indicated by a rubricated name and by a rubric punctuation. The interest of the Commentary lies chiefly in the wealth of unknown or imperfectly known authors whom it quotes: of these the principal are Ephrem and Theodore of Mopsuestia (the latter under the name of ' the Interpreter '); but beyond these, and some of the conventional Greek fathers who were early translated into Syriac, we shall find, Nestorius, Hannana (of Hedhaiyabh), Babai the Great, Babai the Persian, Honain, and other valuable writers, as. well as references to lost books, such as the Diatessaron and the Succinct Exposition of Matthew, which are quoted by title : occasionally he refers to a book of traditions by Hebrew Christians which supplement the Gospel narrative^ So valuable is the work that it deserves to be published in full, for it contains almost all that is important in later writers like Bar-Salibi and Bar- Hebraeus, and in an earlier form. I hope to be able to commit it to the press before long, but as my first interest in the work centres in the extracts from Ephrem and from the Diatessaron, I have collected these as far as they have come under my notice in reading, and the result lies in the following pages, supplemented by such parallels and augmentations as I have been able to draw from the great Monophysite Doctors. It is needless to say that no attempt is made at completeness. Not only must there be many passages of the Ephrem commentary extant in Syriac which we have failed to recognize, but it is reasonable to suppose that the Armenian Commentary by the aid of which we make our identifications has often suffered fi-om contraction, in either the ^ For example we are told that Simeon, who carried our Lord in his arms, was the son of Honia, who was the son of Honia a priest, who was the father of Jesus Bar-Sira. 12 INTRODUCTION. process of translation or the course of tradition, so that portions of Ephrem may be found in Isho'dad and elsewhere (either expressly named or recognized by their pronounced Ephremitic flavour) which we are unable to place in their proper connexion in the Commentary, or which we can only place there with much hesita- tion. For passages of this kind a good margin must be left. Enough has probably been said to shew the importance of the new Commentary. Attention had already been drawn to it by two American scholars, first by Dr Isaac H. Hall, who has the credit of opening the mine, and then by Prof. Gottheil, who had used some of the direct references to the Diatessaron, which are contained in it. Dr Hall's article will be found in the Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. XL, 1891, Pt 11, pp. 153—155', and Prof. Gott- heil's in the same periodical. Vol. xil., 1892, Pt 1, pp. 68 — 71. It is to these notices that I am indebted for my knowledge of Isho'dad and his Commentary, and for the suggestions of its bear- ing upon the Diatessaron and associated questions. That it is really the work of Isho'dad may be seen: (i) from the statement of the Nestorian bibliographer 'Ebed- yeshu or 'Abd-isho' (■f'1318), who tells us that Isho'dad composed inter alia an exposition of the New Testament; (ii) from the headings and subscriptions of the MS., which tell us clearly that this is the book spoken of by 'Abd-isho'. Thus the Cambridge copy on f 13 r. says : ' By the help of the Lord Jesus Christ we begin to write the Light of the New Testament, which the lover of learning Mar Isho'dad of Merv'', bishop of Hedatha' in Assyria, toiled over and collected from the writings of the interpreters and teachers of the holy Church. Our Lord, help me, and save me, and make me wise by the grace of thy mercy. Amen.' On the last leaf we read as follows : ' Here is ended by the help of him who created this world [cod. adds ' the maker '] this book of the Light of the Gospel which is full of light which was made by the holy governor Mar Isho'dad the blessed, bishop of the district of Assyria....' It will be noticed that there is some confusion in the titles ^ It passed to Germany through a notice of Dr Nestle. ^ Cod. KlAtO-VSa.!. ' Cod. r^J^riM. INTRODUCTION. 13 and subscriptions. Isho'dad is called deMaruzaya, where we should have expected Maruzaya or merely deMaru'. Further the closing subscription calls him Bishop of the region of Assyria, without naming the city. But, however this may be, the name of the author is clearly given, and there is no doubt that it is the Nestorian writer of whom 'Abd-isho' speaks, and whom Wright, in his Syriac Litera- ture (p. 220), described as follows : 'Isho'dadh of Maru or Merv, bishop of HSdhatta or al- Hadithah, was a competitor with Theodosius for the patriarchate in 852. According to 'Abhd-isho' his principal work was a Com- mentary on the New Testament, of which there are MSS. in Berlin, Sachau 311, and in the collection of the S.P.C.K.'' It extended however to the Old Testament as well, for in Cod. Vat. cccclvii. we find the portions relating to Genesis and Exodus.' The S.P.C.K. MS. to which Wright alludes is the one which we use from the Cambridge University Library: it contains, as we said above, part of the Commentary on the Pentateuch'. There is also a copy (= Bodl. Or. 624) in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. We shall now give some of the references to the Diatessaron which are found in Isho'dad, after which we shall pass on to collect the fragments which Isho'dad has extracted from Ephrem's Com- mentary upon the Diatessaron, in connexion with which we shall have to ask whether the acquaintance of the writer with Ephrem extends beyond the commentary in question. It is very important to observe that the allusions both to the Diatessaron and to the Ephrem Commentary are so extensive that it is necessary to allow that the quotations involve an actual acquaintance with the works in question, and consequently there is no room for doubting Isho' dad's further statement that the Ephrem Commentary is a commentaiy upon the text of Tatian. It may seem unnecessary to make this last remark, but it is im- portant to remember that the identification has been questioned in certain quarters, and every piece of evidence upon the point is useful. ^ Is there any chance of this being the same person as Isho' Marnzaya or Isho' of Merv, the compiler of a Syriac lexicon, which was one of the sources of Bar 'All's glosses? see Wright, Syriac Literature, p. 215. ' i.e. the Society for the Promotion of Christian Enowledge. ' Three other MSS. are said to exist in America, viz. two in the Library of Lane Theological Seminary, one (incomplete) in the possession of Dr Hall. 14 INTRODUCTION. But when we say that Ephrem commented upon the text of the Diatessaron, we do not mean to imply that the text of the Diatessaron had come down unchanged to Ephrem's day. It had two hundred years of life before it reached Ephrem's hands, and, loyal as Syria was to her great teacher and evangelist, we have no right to suppose that the Diatessaron enjoyed an immunity from correction of which the Gospels in their separate form shew no signs. If they were corrected again and again, the Diatessaron was not likely to escape from similar treatment. It need not have been reformed to the Peshito in Ephrem's time, and the evidence is clear that it was not ; but the evidence is also clear that in passages which were of dogmatic importance, as well as in some of a less pronounced character, the hand of the corrector was laid upon the text. The same thing happened after Ephrem had done his work, for, as we have seen, the Commentary will often shew earlier readings than the text. More than that, an adventurous writer has occasionally aired his own erudition on Ephrem's pages by telling us what the Greek text is, and some- times has displaced the original Syriac by his obtrusive activity^ Let us then examine into the direct traces of the Diatessaron in Isho'dad. 1. In the prologue to Mark (f. 146 r.) we are told \^ '•" t^\flf»»\;or<' «^_OGrx>&uj3i(^ ^ "^^^ (^'.icafloo .r^^^LMSa.i .en . (sic!) ^^_^^ori..i ^iao »^_^V^aT^ ^usso cnnx.«S T^Jcnlo ..s&v^t^ ru tt*MiiT*a.t co^OcrAi<' A^o Le. Titianos the disciple of Justin the philosopher and martyr selected from the four gospels and comhined and composed a Gospel and called it Diatessaron, i.e. of the Combined; and on the Divinity of Christ he did not write ; and upon this Gospel Mar Ephrem conmiented. [The extract is given by Gottheil, 1. c. p. 70.] This statement reappears with slight changes, some amplifica- tion, and not a little ultimate confusion, in Bar-Salibi and in Bar- Hebraeus. Bar-Salibi does not have the sentence 'and on the ' It will be seen that I am now satisfied that the references to the ' Graeous ' in the Commentary are not from Ephrem, but some later person. INTEODUCTION. 15 Divinity of Christ he did not write/ nor does Bar-Hebraeus. Both of them add that the combined Gospel begins with the words ' In the beginning was the Word.' Both of them change 'psoa \^ u of Isho'dad into >fl90 \*.m, which suggests the de- pendence of Bar-Hebraeus on Bar-Salibi. The word \y\w is justified by the following r<^\\.w*w. Finally, Bar-Hebraeus com- bines with the whole passage (if indeed he is the first to do so) the language of Eusebius with regard to the Diatessaron of Ammonius^, 2. In discussing the opening verses of S. Mark's Gospel, Isho'dad distinguishes the reading of the Diatessaron of Tatian from that of Ammoniusl f. 149 r. i.e. Others say: that the book of the Diatessaron which was composed' in Alexandria says instead of the passage of the Diatessaron 'it is written in Isaiah,' ' [it is written] in the prophets.' Here the distinction is clearly drawn between the two Diates- sarons and it is affirmed that Tatian read iv 'lia-ata and Am- monius iv rot? wpotfyiJTaK. It may be questioned. Does not this involve the admission that Tatian began his Gospel with Mark ? The answer, however, must be in the negative. What the com- mentator has referred to in Tatian is not Mark, but Matthew (iii. 3), as may be seen by comparing the words ascribed to Tatian with the Old Syriac translation of o ptjOeU Sia 'Haatov in Matt. iii. 3. ^ Note that the same statements are made again in Bar-Salibi's preface to the four Gospels, which Loftus does into Latin as follows : 0. 33. Nonnulll dicuut quod Eusebius CaesarieusiB quando observasset Eu- monlum Alexandrinum confecisse Evangelium SiaTiaaapov (sic I) vocatum (hoc est) e quatuor, et adhaerentiam verborum mntasse, similiter etiam fecisse Titianum Grae- cum haereticum, ipse coegit (1. coUegit) ilia quatuor et eorum singula seorsim Bcripsit. ^ This passage was wrongly translated by me in the Contemporary Review (Aug. 1895). ^ lege ^Oca ^OaSs:! which was composed. 16 INTRODUCTION. The reference, therefore, to Mark in Tatian is a misunderstand- ing. As to the reference to Ammonius, this is probably correct, for there is reason to believe that in Ammonius the Gospels are kept distinct. As we have said, Isho'dad carefully distinguishes the two Dia- tessarons ; it is otherwise with his followers, to whom the confu- sion was natural enough : and in one place of Bar-Salibi which deals with this very passage before us the confusion is obvious, though it may be questioned whether it may not be due to faulty transcription, since Bar-Salibi elsewhere makes the distinction clearly enough. At all events, here is the passage, with the ac- companying translation of Loftus. ' Others [say] that in the book of Diatessaron which is pre- served' in Alexandria and was written by Tatianus the Bishop, as also in the Greek Gospel and in the Harkalian, it is written " In the prophet," without explaining what prophet.' The exact genesis of the confusion is not easily determined; the passage evidently leans on early statements as to the com- position- of the Diatessaron of Ammonius; and it is quite possible that it is merely a blundering restatement of the passage given above from Isho'dad, with the name of the author of the better- known Diatessaron brought in from a marginal gloss. 3. (f. 29 r.) On Matt. i. 20 Isho'dad remarks, inter alia, .:vV^ii(<'.l >*CD mj3 ^\ lAxK*! ^CD jaJuM Tuaoo .°v\mt. ^ .ens .iSu^r<':i >i ocn.i .^.i Tsqi< ^.^^itt^^.i 'Others say: that the one who translated from Hebrew into Syriac changed the word, and instead of the expression "that ' Or composed. '' God. cnjLfla,*! (sic). INTRODUCTION. 17 which is begotten in her," used the words " that which is bom in her ;" but the Diatessaron says " that which is bom in her, is from the Holy Ghost.'" [The extract is given by Gottheil, 1. c. p. 69.] 4. On Matt. iii. 5, according to Isho'dad^, r^lzn.1 ^oA CDi\Acu9kr cDA\\ no .^.jaii^ XJ-an .CD .AK'o .^^rclflore:^ i^isiea.i oca ...aA^or^ .la^ coA .VV^ -t^r^ .r^siL^^h\A^ ^\in «x . ^ » V .«s.\ „ ocn rcA^sai^OrC.! «._0CD^cULaiu9LSa.i r«i&r^ ^\sa ^oocunT^^.l "^'■'\^ >il ixiaa .Qo.ioicn:! cos^m ^ r -I r^XB aft » \ n i.e. Mar Ephrem and others say that Elisabeth withdrew him from the sword of Herod; she received, indeed, a revelation to run away with him to the wilderness; while she made him from kind forethought (lit. gracious wisdom) a coat of hair of the wool of camels. Mar Ephrem only reads wool ; the wool of the hair which is on the belly of camels which is not very rough. Bar-Salibi has access to similar traditions when he says (Loftus, p. 83), "The Lord Ephraim saith. That she received direction by vision, to fly from the sword of Herod, and that she made him a coat of camel's hair and a girdle to bind his loyns." INTRODUCTION. 23 Lukeiii. 19(f. 78r.) cniflrH oaQa>\i°k.l Mar Ephrem and others say that Herod took her [Herodias] after the death of Philip. Luke iv. 26 (f. 14 r.) T^-»*"iaj^."l r<'A»o,icaflo vyK* .K^co (1 rt'i^.i GoA >fl0 r <'\ \} -iA<.i cojuid.! T^hxa&^Aj^ i.e. But Mar Ephrem refers these two times [of cock-crowing] to the repetition of the crowing of the cock; which crowed and immediately con- tinued with another crow, that there might be crow upon crow, with a view to the greater testimony to Simon. Matt, xxvii. 19 (f. 133 v.) iiu3 reLu.i &u^ GoA rt^Mi\i. :i&.'i Kll.X^rtf' r^^ 1 -1 -> jcjVsk A^l re'ieniis 011.1000^ K'^rC;! [The question is, why did not Pilate's wife tell him her dream in the night ?] Mar Ephrem says that by Divine providence she forgot her dream and did not tell him when he was in the house, in order that when she sends to him to the judgment hall, after it has come to her remembrance, everyone may fall into astonishment. EXTRACTS FROM THE COMMENTARY OF EPHREM ON THE GOSPEL. MSsinger, p. 1. John i. 1. Quare Dominus noster camem induit? Ut ipsa caro vic- toriae gaudia gustaret, et dona gratiae explorata et cognita haberet. Si Deus sine came vicisset, quae ei tribuerentur laudes ? Imitated by Moses Bar-Kepha (f. 27, a. 2). .r^i^l K'ocn r^hutCiSLi.h\ K'i.^.1 rdAa-r^ r^T<\Ao rdi^^safA rC^M . . . o^n i.e. For if God conquered Satan without a body, what glory is it to the body 1 But he was united to flesh and soul that the body which was the debtor... might overcome Satan. Of. also (f. 27, a. 1). i flr» -iAnzai 0\sa ' John ' is interpreted to mean ' the grace of God.' 1 MS. Univ. Cant. Add. 1973, f . 266 v. 26 EXTRACTS FROM "THE COMMENTARY OF Mosinger, p. 14. Luke i. 24. Et quod dicit: ^16- scondit se Miaaheth, scilicet ex tris- titia de eis quae Zachariae' accide- rant. Sursus abscondit se, quia earn pudebat se deorepitam. ad usum matri- luoniae rediisse. Mosinger, p. 15. Luke i. 24. De Elisabeth autem scriptum est, quod se absconderit qwin- que menses, donee scilicet membra filii sui formarentur, ut laetabundus coram Domino suo exultaret, et quia Mariae annimciatio prope erat. The same opinion is repeated on p. 19 in nearly the same words : Ac propterea per sex menses, donee membra infantis perfecta essent, conceptus Elisabeth abscondebatur Mariae, ut infans ante Domimun suum laetabundus exiliret et exiliendo Mariae testis fieret. Isho'dad(f. ]72r.). efLJtJS^^ rf.i T\*a.1 •'CD ^00.1 da^o^XMS r^cQ.jJSaot .r^'v&t.i gain n s A^-n i.e. She hid herself five months : (i) because she was astonished at the novelty of what had taken place; (ii) on account of the sorrow of Zachaiias ; (iii) because of the shame on acooimt of her old age; and (iv) because perhaps she was not sure that she was going to bring forth. Isho'dad (f. 172 v.). i_aOV_a:i ^CD .JEUM-M.I .cD'usa A -I nciA A\jsaa i.e. Fifthly, which is more exact, [she hides herself] while the babe is being perfected in his Umbs to exult before his Lord ; and because the annunciation is about to be made to Mary also. 1 M. notes as follows: ad Terbnm, ex tristitia Zachariae. Mou dubito, geni- tivnm object! hoc loco adesse. The observation is exactly confirmed by the Syriac text, which shews us how literally the Armenian translator had followed his copy. EPHREM ON THE GOSPEL. 27 M6singer, p. 15. Isho'dad (f. 172 v.). Luke i. 26. Meme sexto: numerat- ^^,, r^4»i»3S f».l -co enim Evangelista tempus, ex quo ^ Elisabeth coucepit. Ar^Va^ r^L&r^Jea ojaiuLt^ i.e. In the sixth month the angel Gabriel was sent, reckoned from the tenth day of the former Teshri. The Armenian text seems here to have abbreviated both the text and comment of Ephrem ; for the parallel passage in Isho'dad tells us that the annunciation to Zacharias was made in the sixth month, reckoned from the tenth of the former Teshri. And we find by reference to Mosinger, p. 18 (v. infra), that this is the actual date assigned by Ephrem to the visit of the angel to Zacharias. Mosinger, p. 16. Alio loco eadem Scriptura dixit, utrumque, Josephum et Mariam, esse ex domo David. (Cf. Cod. Ludov. in Luc. ii. 4.) Cf. Isho'dad (f. 173 r.). i.e. The expression ' of the house of David' is common to both Joseph and the Virgin. Mosinger, p. 17. Luke i. 39. Bt av/rgens ahiit Maria ad Elisaheth, ut disceret, num revera ita ei factimi esset, et ut, de hoc certior facta, de eo quod ad se speo- tabat non dubitaret. Isho'dad (f. 177 r.). ^D_>T-— Q »-ai g\ sarin ^cn i.e. Mary rose and went anxiously, in order that she might make trial of what had been said by the angel concerning her. 28 EXTRACTS FROM THE COMMENTARY OF Moainger, p. 18. Luke i. Post tres autem menses in domum suam reveraa est hac ex causa, ne Dominus ante servum suum quasi famulus staret. MSsinger, p. 18. Conoepit Elisabeth mense Sahmi, postquam Zachariaa dies ministerii et officii sui complevit. Annunciatio Mariae evenit decimo die mensis Arek, sicut ilia Zachariae decimo die mensis Hori. Isho'dad (f. 177 v.). r^Mr£^ r^.ta r<\\r^ ya^^ cnSQr^ ^j».T cosap^a h\aca But she goes home, on account of its not being proper that the mother of our Lord should wait upon the mother of the servant. Isho'dad (f. 172 v.). i.e. The annunciation was made to Zacharias in the tenth day of the former Teshrin ; and to Mary on the tenth day of Nisan. The translator has given us Hori as the equivalent of the former Teshrin, and Sahmi for the latter Teshrin ; Arek stands for Nisan. The latter identification explains the allusion to the flower of Arek on p. 17 : by which term either John the Baptist or Christ (it is not quite clear which) is described. The allusion to the flowery Nisan is exactly in Ephrem's manner ; for example Hymnus de Grucifixione (Lamy, i. 708) : i.e. Let Nisan adorn him with a crown of its flowers ; or Hymnus de Resurrectione (Lamy, ii. 762) : i.e. In Nisan the flowers break open their cups, and their roses blowj and so passim. Cf ed. Eom. iii. 603, 604 etc. But, in fact, as will be seen later on, a large piece of this very hymn, beginning with the two lines which we have quoted, is EPHREM ON THE GOSPEL. 29 transferred bodily into the Commentary: see under Mosinger, p. 237. The hymn last quoted explains also why Ephrem says (p. 18) that in the month of Nisan the nakedness of Adam was covered : " eodem die agnus verus in utero virginis inclusus est, quo tempore lux potitur imperio, et per hoc docuit, se venisse, ut Adami nudi- tatem obtegeret." We may compare (Lamy, ii. p. 763) : .t<*n 1 Aia^ Aa:i rdx.aal ciu .Tn\*aa ist r^SacD.i KlObi&o ^ on 1 1 .T^..i-&J3 >a .11^.1 mOTiT^ etc. i.e. Lo, once again Nisan for the earth Weaves and clothes her with a garb of all hues ; The creation is clad with a robe of flowers And a tunic of blossoms. The mother of Adam in the feast of Nisan Is clad with a robe not woven of hands. 30 EXTRACTS FROM THE COMMENTARY OF Mosinger, p. 21. Id propter seriem regum factum est, quia impossibile erat, ut infans nomine matris suae geuealogiae in- scriberetur, hac autem ratione filius David regibus adscriptus est. of. Ephrem (ed. Rom. iii. 601), ^li^T^7^ rel^.1 ..t*o.i ^ia\ i.e. The aeries of kings is written according to the name of men, instead of women. Joseph the son of David betroths the daughter of David, be- cause the child cannot be enrolled in the name of its mother. Mosinger, p. 22. Matt. i. 19. Joseph, qui mr Justus erat, noluit tradueere Mariam. Sed ecce justitia ejus inimica et contraria est legi, quae dixit: Manus tua pri- miim incipiet lapidare earn. Mosinger (p. 22). Multa testimonia habebat [Jo- sephus], Zachariam mutum, Elisabeth praegnantem, angeli anmmciationem, ezultationem Joannis et prophetiam patrum ejus; haec enim omnia cum aJiis multis de conceptione virginis conclamabant. Bar-Salibi in loc. K^cn.i oo^air^^ K'cDO r^fl»eC9aA itocD t \j..^A\A» cn^'U&jsari.a r^i.sa.i&i.sa.i .(Cod. ol^.i) .V,l ? EPHREM ON THE GOSPEL. 35 Mary the Virgin is identified with Mary Magdalene, both here and elsewhere in the commentary ; the same confusion is found in the Talmud, which calls the mother of our Lord by the name of Miriam the woman's hairdresser, which latter term is an attempt to translate the word Magdalene. (See also Bar-Salibi, who tells us that Mary Magdalene was so called because her hair was plaited.) The passage in Luke, with the restored word supplied as above, is the key to the understanding of the passage, Mosinger 269, where indeed the verse itself is quoted. Maria dvbitavit quando audierat eum surrexisse, et venit et vidit eum et dixit : ,Si tu sustulisti eum, ideo hoc dixit, ut ei ostenderet, se vere resur- rexisse sed quia illi dvhUcmerunt, dixit ad earn : Donee asoendo ad Patrem meum, non accedes ad me, ut illud : Tuam ipsius animam pertrans- ibit gladius i.e. denegatio. Mosinger, p. 31. Ephrem tells us that the Mystery of the Virgin Birth was revealed to Moses, Gideon and Ezekiel. The explanation of this lies in the Burning Bush, the Dew on the Fleece, and the Closed Door of the Sanctuary. Statements to that effect will be found in Ephrem (ed. Kom. iii. 695 for Moses : i. 317 for Gideon ; and ed. Lamy, ii. 532 for Ezekiel). I have no space to discuss at length the parallels between the Commentary and the works of Ephrem: but this passage seemed to require a word of explanation. M5singer, p. 31. Matt. ii. 8. Quemadmodum enim propter Ezechiam signum datum est, quod omnibus vera praedicaret, ut per solem retrogradientem intelli- gerent, quis ille esset, qui eum a morte ad vitam reduxerat, ita etiam hoc sidus etc. Isho'dad (f. 34 r.). ■IP M \ -I oln (^Llv&r^O r^O «1 a^:i3.i : Tlx.ioiV,^ K'ca.i cosoom^is? cnias ^ re^jjasi^ t^aisa (^ikna .>i.M.A iuxja ^co.t ^i^K* which Loftus renders as follows : Samuel said unto Saul, Three men are to meet thee in Tsaltsaoh near Rachel's sepulchre in the border of Benjamin ; Rachel was buried a Per- sian day's journey from Ephrata which is in Bethlehem. [Corr. ' a Persian day's journey ' to ' a parasang.'] 40 EXTRACTS FROM THE COMMENTARY OP Mosinger, p. 35. Persecutionem passus est David a Saul, sicut et Filius ejus ab Herode. Interfecti sunt saoerdotes propter David, et infantes propter Dominum nostrum; ex sacerdotibus Abiathar liber evasit, sicut Joannes ex infanti- bus. In Abiathar ablatum est saoer- dotium domus Heli et in Joanne ablata est propbetia filiorum Jacob. Isho'dad (f. 21 r.). .oo.ioicn ^ K'is Ar^^ \^i^ ^.j^ A!\^ r^.lcn i.e. [The prophecy that he shall be called a Nazarene] is from an unknown book. But according to the holy Mar Ephrem it is the passage that there shall come a rod out of the stem of Jesse. This rod is in Hebrew called Nosorah. Mosinger, p. 40. Matt. iii. 9. Ex lapidibus istis Deus potest suscitare filios Abra- hami, i.e. ex adoratoribus lapidum et lignorum. Sicut et dicit : Patrem multarum gentium feci te. Isho'dad (f. 40 v.). r^^nelftl .I'.l^o ^ ore* •vvov Mosinger, p. 42. Dominus nosterdextram ejus sump- sit et super caput suum posuit. i.e. Or from the worshippers of stones and stocks. I have set thee for a father to the multitude of the nations. Isho'dad (f. 43 r.). .cniM.i otiz.i A:^ ca.T>(<'7iflo i.e. Others say : that he laid -his hand tremblingly on the head of his Lord. It is not easy to determine whether this is Tatian or Ephrem ; but I incline to think that it is the former. As will be seen, the story was known to Isho'dad, and it will also be found in Bar- Salibi, though Bar-Salibi does not know from whence it is taken. ' From whence, says he, is it known that John put his hand on the head of Christ, when no such thing is written in the Gospel?' And we say that it is from the Old Testament, from the pas- sage where the Lord said to Moses, 'I will cover thee with my hand,' and from this, that ' Moses put his hands upon Aaron and anointed him and consecrated him.' The laying on of hands is implied also in the statement made a little lower down that 'per Joannem enim propheticam et sacerdotalem dignitatem accepit.' EPHREM ON THE GOSPEL. 43 The Maronite breviary (ed. 1665) shews an acquaintance with the statement that John laid his hand on the head of Christ, as well as with the previously quoted description of John as the one who betrothed the Church to Christ. In the festival of the Decollation of the Baptist we are told =^.1 etc. .cn.T>(<' ^vamAi rdsau^.i aiisn crubi ^ir^ i.e. And he betrothed to the Son of God the Holy Church, to Him who was willing and humbled Himself: and he put his right hand on His head at His baptism ; the Lord of the World bowed His head beneath the hand of John. (The sentences are probably due to Ephrem.) MSsinger, p. 43. Isho'dad (f. 43 r.). Quumque ex lumine super aquas .icnw.l vyrti' r<':i-uuMO exorto et ex voce de caelo delapso, \ ..^tr^ K'icacu ,_jnoa\^.i wall's, ^a.&^K' ^.licu Ap^o r^a\(\Li4« OAVMBti^o .i Cod. reLsnaJooX (sic I). 48 EXTRACTS FROM THE COMMENTARY OF Note that the comparison between the sea and the worid is a favourite one with Ephrem. The passage is given almost exactly in Isho'dad, and there is an added sentence to interpret the ' right side of the ship ' which seems to have dropped out of the Armenian text, and is in its present form scarcely intelligible in the Syriac. M5siiiger, p. 61. Matt. ix. 15. Omne illud tempus, quod Dominus noster in hac terra transegit, thalamo comparat et se ipsum sponso. Bar-Salibi in loc. i.e. (sec. Loftum) Seipsum appellat sponsum, descensum aut durationem suam super terram thalamum. Mosinger, p. 63. Matt. V. 6. Beatus, qui esurit et sitit justitiam, sicuti dicit ; Non esurit panem, nee sitit aquam, sed esurit et sitit ut audiat verbum Domini. The passage quoted is Amos viii. 11, of -which the Peshito text is .saoT'wi r^v< r^jaol rtfVn^n Mosinger wrongly supposes a refer- ence to Is. xlix. 10. The same reference to Amos is implied on p. 44: Eauriit...simulque verbis suis nos docuit in ejusmodi circumstantiis solum verbum Domini nos esurire debere. Implied in Isho'dad (f 208 r.) [on the prodigal son in want]. r«li:&& >i 'i.lx.K' .K'ciAr^.i : JC..10 By a defect of blessings, and a depri- vation of the knowledge of God : ' I will send a hunger on the earth, not of bread nor of water, but of hearing, etc' Bar-§alibi m loc. EPHREM ON THE GOSPEL. 49 (sec. Loftum.) Or for that [hunger] whereby one coveteth the knowledge of God and His doctrine, according to that 'He was hungry not for bread but for the hearing of the word of God.' Bar-Hebraeus in loo. lOOctO ^il^t.M ^AtKlX .cn • •A 00 .t K'^o.i (<'A&(<'i i.e. He was sick with the love of money, like Judas : for he supposed that the person who receives from our Lord power to work miracles, will also gather from thence plenty of money.... In destitution I siupass the beasts and the birds ; for they have certain places in which they can hide ; but I have not even a certain dwelling place. Abbrev. by Bar-Salibi. «A oooo <\^&^r<'.l Aa. relir^* .rt'ooo rX io.i (1. K^o) ^o .^.ttarc" .jtf r^ta For Mar Ephrem says: that the evil spirit which was in the people in Egypt in their subjection, fled away from them at the hand of Moses their Saviour. As also David said. He sent his word and healed them. And when it had gone about, it returned again taking seven other spirits worse than itself. 58 EXTRACTS FROM THE COMMENTARY OP Mosinger, p. 121. Luke xi. 24. lUe igitur immundus ex eis expvlsus transivit^er looa a/nda i.e. per gentes, ut inveniret requiem. Mosinger, p. 122. Luke xi. 24. Quaesivit et invenit sibi requiem in populo Israel. M5singer, p. 122. Luke xi. 26. Porro isti septem, qui in eo habitaverunt, Uli sunt, de quibus Jeremias dixit: Concepit et peperit septem. Inflatus est venter ejus; peperit unum vitulum in de- serto, duos vitulos Jeroboami et simu- lacrum quatuor facierum Manassis. Mosinger, p. 129. Luke iv. 24. Non est propheta ac- ceptus in patria. Non recepit Ana- thot Jeremiam, non Thesbi Eliam, non Abemahul Elisaeum, non Rama Samuelem, nee populus recepit Moy- sen, nee Israel Dominum. Bar-Hebraeus vn loc. f^snaOoLs en .K'^o'i^Kls In places, i.e. amongst the heathen peoples. Bar-Hebraeus m loc. .ckttOacn 1^.1 re^.ieu ^cu With the unbelieving Jews. Isho'dad (f. 198 v.). i«.l\or< .r<^s-iT di.iJU )d1 rd»l\. .>A.a-1CU.l i^o Those seven, namely, of which Jeremiah spoke: She conceived and brought forth seven : for she brought forth the calves, one in the desert and the two of Jeroboam, and the image of four faces of Manasseh. Isho'dad (f. 188 v.). ■L»r4i*J r .l-dk And the enquiry is made Why is their joy over sinners that repent more than over the righteous that have not sinned? And we say that it is joy that is after pain, and if they were pained when they sinned, now they rejoice over their turning. Isho'dad (f. 80 r.). ..IwCUa T^AuvK*.! KlAoSi^a ocn ^.sno .ooco •Jsao>:t ooca .A^.i KAixxsa ocnn 00.10103 re'i.'U* >i:^ ri.:^ r^iV^oz. ^ oocn ^A&.i Ti^ EPHREM ON THE GOSPEL. 65 ^^AJK" cxavu .t^srslstA icard^ Ck^g^Luo .ojjls.i.i r^lSQ.! ^r^ r<* tit, n.t 71-^ .rduCka.i.i It says : There came men who told him of the Galileans whose blood Pilate had mingled with their sacri- fices.- For • because they were re- strained by the authority of the Eomans from sacrificing, when Pilate found that they had transgressed the command and sacrificed to devils, they put them to the sword in the very place and at the very time that they had sacrificed, and thiis they mingled with the sacrifices the blood of the sacrificers. Isho'dad (f. 228 r.). X^ oo.ioicD.i cn.iJua iixa.i .aJiaSihxr^ ^mO* ^tjm.i cax.i hsSnt^^A. .^.OJP^ '.M%T.t<' »3 ^ Cod. CUx&Z-K' ^ Cod. 'Uai..! H. D. 5 EXTRACTS FROM THE COMMENTARY OF Mosinger, p. 166. Voluerunt euim comperire, utrum strages eorum propter ipsorum sacri- ficia ei placeret, sicque contra legem et cum gentilibus esset, an sacrificium defenderet, quo casu eum apud Pila- tum acciisaturi erant, quod imperio Romanorum adversaretur. K^AtT. Mar Ephrem. At the birthday feast of Herod, when the head of S. John was cut off unlawfully, Pilate sent Bomans and killed those who had taken part in the banquet, for he found out that they were sacri- ficing, though forbidden to sacrifice by the Romans. And they were enraged with one another from that day ; but they were reconciled on the day of the suffering of him who is the cause of the peace of all created things. Isho'dad (f. 201 v.). .oi.i&uz.K' cnA^g ■ ta..\ «aa\.'i «j^s .xsnr^ rdjca «.a^:u.i .r^.jiooaaJi A-inal .m^Aum Aaool.! .rcli.sacn'i.i ocd rc'ifO^'n Those who came were sent for the purpose of tempting him, that they might know what he would say. And if he should say that they were righteously killed, he would be found to be an adversary of the law; but if he speak evilly of their murder, they would accuse him before Pilate as being adverse to the kingdom of the Romans. ' Cod. id^. EPHKEM ON THE GOSPEL. 67 Mosinger, p. 166. Lukexiii. 6. Alia parabola: Homo quddam plantaverat in vinea suaficum et dioit ad eolonwm. Colonus hie erat lex, axl legem enim respexit. Hi ires anni simt, quod venio quaerere fructus ex hacficu, quod propter trea captivi- tates dixit, quibus Israelitae captivi ducti et castigati, non autem emen- dati sunt. Isho'dad (f. 202 r.). rt* 1 a\ A_^ .K'Atrt* V <\ Others say, that in this parable he spake of the time of repentance. The fig-tree is the people ; the gardener, the law ; [the three years] the three captivities in which they were led captive that they might be reformed, but they were not reformed. Mosinger, p. 166. Luke xiii. 8. Dimitte earn et hoc aimo. Annuit Dominus se fore long- animem erga eos, quod est tempua septuaginta hebdomadum. Isho'dad (f. 202 r.). The words 'Let it alone this year also' intimate the time of seventy weeks. M6singer, p. 167. John vii. 3. Quoniam eum tradere voluerunt, propterea eoa fefellit di- oens, Non ascendo. Isho'dad (f. 268 r.). ooA A.1^ ^i&aiSirc'dTSa >\ ^cnckijr^ ^x<7i rA ocno .f<^a\ fr^O .r^-z-irc*.! coi-s He said of himself, that I am the good shepherd ; and he that sowed the good seed is the Son of man, and how is it possible that the seed should be good and its sower bad ? Isho'dad (f. 214 r.). .V0.1A clAo KlA^wsn-a .Kl&ijcAo He commemorates Abraham in the parable, and not David and the rest. Isho'dad (f. 219 r.). .cm I . 'h i-a r^^si XA «^a-x..i A % \ rfCno_aekA^ ocno ..A&\ ^Om Acniiuaert' A.A j^Xa K'.tcni T3 ri'-l.^-ga r^\o\ Our Lord parabolically calls the powers of Satan ' mountain.' Mosinger, p. 185. Matt. ixi. 21. Si iste mons daemon erat, ut illi opinantur, de eo id quoque valeret, quod sequitur : mittere in mare. Verum qua ex causa si quis daemonem ejecit, in mare eum mittet ? at fortasse haec eis erit causa, quod Dominus [hac ratione] daemones ejecit ? Bar-Hebraeus in loc. i.e. according as it happened to the devils who entered into the swine. Mosinger, p. 186. Sed quum tempus suae passionis prope esset, ne quis putaret eum com- prehensum esse, quia se ipsum libe- rare non posset, Dominus ficulneae maledixit praeveniens, per inani- matam plantam quam arefecit, osten- dit se per verbum etiam cruciflxores suos perdere posse. Bar-Heb. in Matt. xxi. t<'.iJLsa\^ ...a^.CD EPHREM ON THE GOSPEL. 73 Mosinger, p. 193. Matt. xxi. 42. Loyais qimm repro- baverunt asdificantes, ipse factics est captU angvM. Qualis lapis ? Is qui dicitur adamantinus his verbis : Pono ego adamantem in medio filiorum Israel. ... Et dictum est " Super quem cadet," &c. .cni— S.I K'Axi. >« n.i ^._*.i ^.99 ial ^.i Mcna.fi^r^.1 .Kbcn :u3T^ ocaisn.n Exposition of Matthew succinctly. He calls God the man, and his people the vineyard ; the hedge is the observance of laws, or the help of God; the tower is the temple, the wine-vat is the altar on which the blood of the sacrifices is shed; the husbandmen are the band of priests ; the servants that were sent are the prophets; the sending of the son at the last he calls his own coming ; and that they cast him out of the vine- yard and killed him means that he perished at their hands. Bar-Hebraeus in loc. coA ^a_flo .en r^l^kJio cms i.^-MO (^-flvCL-SO-t KLuL-a.l-SQ CD r^Axi, The fence, i.e. he established the law ; and digged a wine-vat in it ; i.e. the altar of sacrifices. Isho'dad (f. 106 v.). Whosoever shall fall on the stone of adamant. T<3k.r-~ir'° CkSkSOX. .t&o .w**w«n r^Msa i'isax..i They called him a Samaritan be- cause the Samaritans say of them- selves against the Jews that ' we are the children of Abraham,' and the Jews say the same against the Sama- ritans. And when they heard our Lord saying ' If ye would be the children of Abraham, do the works of Abraham,' they supposed that the Word stood on the side of the Samaritans, though he was clad in the form of the Jews, KPHREM ON THE GOSPEL. 75 MSsinger, p. 197. John viii. 56. Abraham desideravit videre diem meutn, vidit et gavisui est. Quern diem ? Elum, de quo ei dictum est: 'In semiue tuo benediceutur omuesgentes.' Vidit autem et gavisus est quia vidit m^torium agni. Tlie mystery of the lamb seen by Abraham is the 'ram caught in the thicket' Of. MOsinger, p. 207, Vidit Abraham diem meum et gavisas est, nimirum per agnum in arbore qui solvit et liberavit Isaac ligatum, at et Dominus vincula geutiiuu solvit per crucem. MSsiuger, p. 198. John ix. 6. Et fecit lutum ex sputo suo, et fecit oculos in hoc luto. Non enim iSiloe solvit oculos caeci, \it uec aquae Jordauis Naaman saua- runt, sed maudatum Christi hoc efiecit. Imitated by Isho'dad (f. 274 r.). ooo 1 .m .GO— soo__> A\m cos.i ocnX .KT^tata .rtf^osa Aaa A^.i r^Ji** His day : i.a the day of the Cross : on which he accepted death for the life of aU. Imitated by Isho'dad (f. 305 r.). GOJ390-& ^-^^-f rtfl-novs •^XJ.1 .tJaA^r^ r ^(^ .dOcD Aa\Jkt^ t^-itOJLMX^ col (^ocn -\^''*** ^.iio^.i Tr*'i'*»n-> Gosi^ pa .rdxAi^ By the spittle fiom his mouth the eyes were fiashioned, and then he was commanded to wash in the waters of Siloam : but unless the eyes had secretly been fashioned, he might have washed in Siloam many times with- out advantage ; even as Naaman would not have been cleansed from his leprosy by the waters of Jordan unless the Divine power had cleansed him by the hand of Elisha. 76 EXTRACTS FROM THE COMMENTARY OF Mosinger, p. 200. Isho'dad (f. 277 v.). John X. 8. Quod ait: Omnes qui tt>oiei_aori'A* f_i.1 .Urtf ante me venerunt, fures erant et la- trones; de Theuda et Juda dixit. .AOOO^rf w'll^^ . fiT«\ ^00 i.e. a Grod-possessed man interprets it on this wise: the thief is the de- ceiver and the liar, like Theudas and Judas, &c. The interpretation was shown by Zahn {Tatian, p. 47) to exist in the margin of copies of the Heraclean version at John x. 8 in the form 'Theudas, Judas the Galilean &c.' But here Ephrem does not seem to be named. Isho'dad does not name Ephrem, but speaks of the interpretation being due to a ' Theophorus,' a form of quotation which he sometimes employs. The interpretation, however, is certainly popular with the author of the Commentary, for we find (i) that he returns to it on p. 209 'Et illis annis surrexit Theodas ejusque socii quos Chrisfcus latrones vocavit'; (ii) the verse commented on was, a favourite Marcionite proof-text, and was sure to require special treatment in such an anti-Marcionite book as the Commentary undoubtedly is. Note that Isho'dad (f 278 v.) is sensible of its bearing on the Marcionite controversy, for he says rcaA r^.icn i i ^ vf \ •».! tV-a»^r^o .i<'.ioca-> .^ s .i ;ial ...OAJisa .TM.i .isarc'o >\ EPHREM ON THE GOSPEL. 79 The expression, 'He was angered in his spirit' [implies that] his per- turbation was a sign of his anger over the Jews.... It is like to the passage concerning Judas, that he was angered and said that 'one of you will betray me ' ; or to this 'How long shall I be with you and suffer you, &c. ? ' MSsinger, p. 204. John xi. 39. Accedite et auferte lapidem. Qui mortuum vivificavit et vitam in eum redemit, nonne et potuit aperire sepulci-um et auferre lapidem ? Qui discipulis suis dixerat, Si habetis fidem ut granum sinapis, dicetis monti huic : Transferre et transferretur a facie vestra, nonne hie lapidem ab ore sepulcri potuit removere ? Profecto, qui in cruce pendens voce sua petram et sepulcra scidit, potuit et verbo suo lapidem istum levare. Sed quia Lazarus amicus ejus erat, dixit : Aperite vos ipsi, ut odor foetoris ejus nares eorum tan- geret, et solvite ewm vos ipsi ab eis quibus etim ligastis, ut opus manuum vestrarum cognosoatis. Ideo tempore mortis Lazari Dominus ad hunc pagum se non contulit, ne dioerent : Pactum inter se consti- tuerunt. Isho'dad (f. 284 r.). .xi^r<'o K'l&usn ^MT^.i ocn Mhy 9> *an \ rc'i -i n rebcn .r^i^Lsos oi^i^al rd^r^l&o dcno.TaSU^ TSarC'.i ocno .rc'io!^ ...Alx.^ rtll.iiu.i r^'\ \ nv-B en \ n -i.i ocno ^i^ r^'i — a — oo ri — 001 r1 cai\u)o.i A^ poito T^ixJ ^cna i>^:i Mar Ephrem: this means that he set the standards, on which was re- presented an eagle, on the top of a spear and brought them into the temple. [The word ' standard ' is explained by Isho'dad by an alternative term.] EPHREM ON THE GOSPEL 81 MQsinger, p. 213. Matt. xxiv. 15. Alii dicunt, signum dirutionis ejus fuisse quod Bomani caput poroi apportandum et per Pilatum intra templum collocandum curarunt. In both the Armenian and the Syrian this extract follows immedi- ately on the preceding. Mdsinger, p. 214. Matt. xxiv. 20. Orate et petite, ne sit fuffa vestra in hieme, nee in die sabbati, videlicet, ne in captivitate abducamini, quo tempore non licet operari. Ut hiems sine fructibus est, et sabbatum sine operatione, ita cavete, ne vos abducamini, quando nee fructum habebitis nee opera- tionem. Isho'dad (f. 112 r.). Others say that Pilate brought in the head of a pig. Isho'dad (f. 225 v.). t>cn h— *•! OX— »n ^i lis o\i ** i K^-icn ..U0.1 ^cao\sn ^rti'.i Historically the passage implies what has already happened to the Jews : metaphorically, what will hap- pen in the end of the world. Because, moreover, the words of our Lord in this place teach concerning both times. Isho'dad (f. 225 v.). rc^w t\ T. Aj^.i .^ I T yr^ 1 Cod. w *\t . i ej (Rio). GPHKEM ON THE GOSPEL. 83 rontur. Porro ait, In Sabbato, quia de Sabbato Judaei jactabantiir ; et, In hieme, quia fHgida est f^h\ ^ T,.i ft*i \\ n.i l-Ak. r^b^Boa .eiai^o OA^h\T^ .K'oco Jbian A^ Some people say, that it was spoken only of the Apostles. The Sabbath, because on the night of the Sabbath (sic !) they were apprehended and ran away. And winter, because it was cold. (Cf. John xviii. 18.) Monger, p. S16. Matt. xxiv. 36. Diem Mum nenio idt, neqw Angel i^ naqua FSIiui, nt iUud ; Discedite a me maledicti Patris mei in ignem aetemum, quia nou novi Tos. Sicut ergo noyit malos, sed propter eorum opera dicit : Non novi vos : ita etsi momentum adventus sui noyisset etc. Imitated in Isho'dad (£ 163 r.). If the words 'He knows not the day,' and this passage 'I knew you not,' which he spake over the foolish virgins, and ' I never knew you' which he said to the leaders of heresies, must be vinderstood as of outward familiarity, &a MSsinger, p. 216. Matt. xxiv. 36. Quomodo jam mo- mentum adventus sui non novit ? Si Patrem novit, quid, quaeso, Patre miyns est, quod nesdret ? Isho'dad(£ 115 v.). ^iujaa OOP pa ccD And he does not know the day. Then that day is something greater than the Father. 6—2 84 EXTRACTS PROM THE COMMENTARY OF Mosinger, p. 217. Matt. xxiv. Porro scriptum est : Consilium Dei Christus est, per quern revelata sunt omnia occulta sapientiae et scientiae. Isho'dad (f. 162 v.). .i<'iiv..'u.io r<'&aaa4*:i Otherwise how did the Apostle say that 'in Him are hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge ' ? Mosinger, p. 217. Matt. xxiv. 36. Et Spiritus ea quae ab ipso condita sunt, novit, ut et illi affirmant, quia profunda Dei scrutatur, Filius autem haec nesciat. Mesinger, p. 221. John xiii. 26. Et intinxit eum, ut sic participationem indicaret caedis suae plene patratae, qua corpus san- guine ipsius intinctum est. Aut ideo intinxit panem, ne cum pane etiam testamentum daret. Lavavit prius panem et tunc ilium ei dedit. Isho'dad (f. 115 v.). GfA*.l ^.1 r«l>oi .K'crArc':! And if the Spirit searches all things, even the depths of God, and the Spirit is Christ's own, how is it that He does not know those things which are done by His hands ? Controverted by Isho'dad (f. 164 v.). 3^:1 .«ix i>^ii ^n ^00 ^o r<''^ox*.Ta fSao .oral .cn\iT t^ vvisa K'l^ioa As to what some say, that Jesus dipped the bread and gave it to him, and washed off its sanctity and the blessing which he had invoked, there is no likelihood in it. It appears that Ephrem is really concerned over the fact that Judas had partaken of the holy bread and presumably inherited eternal life thereby ; so he invents a theory of the de-consecration EPHREM ON THE GOSPEL. 85 of the elements, by dipping the bread in water. (Cf. Maher, Diatessaron.) Isho'dad very properly rejects the theory. It appears, however, in Moses bar Kepha, with a special reference to the Commentary of Ephrem. Moses bar Kepha (f. 115 b. 2). •^^Skf^ ^\sn Ar^ xsar^ ^.i •"^JT i.e. Mar Ephrem in his Commentary on the Gospels says the same as Mar Jacob. Judas took the bread, that bread which the Lord dipped and gave him, and went to the priests.... Our Lord washed it and made it unconsecrated. Mosinger, p. 221. Matt. xxvi. 26. Ex illo momento, quo discipulis suis corpus suum fregit, et corpus (1. sanguinem) suum Apostolis dedit, numerantur tres dies ejus, quibus cum mortuis computa- batur, ut et Adam, qui, postquam de ilia arbore comedit, multis annis visit, quamvis propter mandati trans- gressionem mortuis annumeratur, quia Deus ita dixit. Quo die come- deris, morieris. Isho'dad (f. 71 r.). ocn ^JM.i ^cas .r^lsa.t ^^_%sa rfaca .hxXm r^ist .aCD ftSn .... It* 1 \ .t^ ^jsa AeL..a>r^^.i r^jiti ^^ .oiosaoi aonsn Some say: from the time that he had broken his body and mingled the blood ; for from that time our Lord was reckoned [among the dead].... As in the word to Adam, that in the day that thou shalt eat of the tree, thou shalt surely die ; and then his life was 930 years. 86 EXTRACTS FROM THE COMMENTARY OF M6singer, p. 222. Matt. xxvi. 29. In posterum non bibam ex hoc genimine vitis usque ad regnum Patris mei... usque ad resvurectionem meam. Quod docet Simon in ActibusApostolorum dicens: Post resiureotionem per quadraginta dierum tempus edimus cum eo et bibimus. M^singer, p. 225. John xiv. 16. Alium paraclitum mitto ad vos : i.e. consolatorem. MSsinger, p. 228. John xvii. 5. Gla/rifica Filiwm, tuum et Filvua clwnficabit te. Quod non quasi indigens, ut haec acciperet, rogavit, sed ordinem primarium crea- tionis perfecturus postulavit gloriam etc. Mdsinger, p. 231. Matt. xxvi. 41. Quomodo Domiuus, cujus auxilio Apostoli mortem suam despexerunt juxta verbum ejus: Nolite Isho'dad (f. 128 r.). ^.omsax. Aai^i ^.i eohenMa i^'iisar^ ^hvut(^ 3& And unless he were in need of receiving in order that he might be made perfect, why, since he is &c. Imitated by Isho'dad (f. 129 v.). K'iiojaq ^jsa Ami »^_j^ KPHKEM ON THE GOSPEL. 87 timere eos, qui occidunt corpus, ani- mam autem occidere non possunt: quomodo, dioo, ipse mortem potuit timere 1 M5singer, p. 239. Matt, xxvii. 29. Et in corona ex spmis...(\ma, Dominus per suam coro- nam sustulit maledicta Adae primi; ' Spinajs et tribulos tibi germinabit.' MSsinger, p. 239. Dederunt arundinem in mauu ejus .... Et sicut arundine confirmantur et ratae fiunt sententiae judicum, ita et Dominus per arundinem scripsit et ejecit e domo sua. The influence of this curious con- ceit that the reed in Christ's hand was a writing reed may be seen also in Ephrem's Hymn on the Crucifixion (Lamy, i. 665). fjsa »^_0_Lj«.iA» >A red rCi^ V If He feared death, then He was deficient in soul : Do not fear them that kill the body &c. Isho'dad (f. 134 v.). r^_^o^ r<''i.V'i.10 f^-sO— & •^ And by the thorns [is intended] the abolition of the curse upon Adam ; for 'Cursed is the ground for thy sake : thorns and briers shall it bring forth to thee.' Imitated by Isho'dad (f. 134 v.). An intimation that by it was can- celled the instrument that was written against us by the hand of Adam. I.e. ^aAsa.! cn.'uK' ^ocn ^i&ai vA.i »^_ftjr^ r^VLO ^h\^ i^X>.i vyK'n Blessings on thee also, thou reed of scorn, In that to thee clave the hand of our king. 88 EXTRACTS FROM THE COMMENTARY OF The reed which fools made him hold for a type, Who like a judge wrote, and released them. It has also influenced the later commentators ; Bar-Salibi says that 'by this scepter our Lord would cancel the Instrument of obligation which was written against us by Adam.' The coinci- dence with Isho'dad is exact. Mosinger, p. 237. Ephrem, Hymn, in Besurr. (ed. Lamy, Matt. xxvi. 65. Mense Arech, flores ' " ''' simis suos rumpimt et egrediuntur, .^ocojisft^ H^c* ■ ""•*-' sinibusque suis nudis et inanibus -^ relictis ipsi aUorum corona fiunt. Sic .«..aorx>:ilO . in^l O r<.Axn3k quoque mense Arech summussacerdos % \\ ■ \ sacerdotiumdirupitet nudum et inane .aut y 1^ %^ ^_aeai (' "■ '*^ ' rehquit, et sacerdotium transiit et in ^ •• ^v ^i i Salvatore nostro collatum est. * ^ A^^Vk. .i& oA ca^niT. In Nisan the flowers burst their cups (lit. bosoms) And their roses come forth ; They leave their cups in nakedness And become a crown for others : As is Kisan, so is its feast. On the feast the high priest rent his garments {lit. sinus) And the priesthood fled from him. And left him naked And was spread over our Saviour. As was pointed out above (p. 8), we have here an actual piece of Ephrem's poetry disguised as prose. The Armenian translator has misunderstood some points or abbreviated his text. He was perhaps puzzled with the expression ' as is Nisan, so is its feast,' and consequently ' sic quoque mense Nisan ' has become attached to the next sentence. EPHREH ON THE GOSPEL. 89 Mosiuger, p. 243. Luke xziiL 31. Si in liffuo viridi hoe faoiunt. Per oomparationem Dominus 'lignum viride' suam divini- tatem et 'lignum aridum' eos appella- vit^ qui dona ejus acceperunt. Aut 'lignum viride' dixit, quia mi- racula fedt, et ' lignum aridum' justos vocat, quia facta mirabilia non feoe- runt Miisinger, p. 245. John six. 23. Tunica ejus non est scissa, quae imago est divinitatis ejus, quae non dividitur, quia non est com- posita. Quod vestimentum ejus divi- sum est in quatnor partes, significat Evangelium in quatuor partes mundi ^;ressnrum. Isho'dad (£ 228 r.). .ui\^ Mar Ephiem interprets the green wood of the power of his Divinity, but the diy wood of his disciples... or the green wood on account of the miracles which he did ; the dry wood is the one who is destitute of this. Isho'dad (f. 310 t.). Ga\}^f^o .r8*^f\Aoo i<:Ao co&«i a 00.1 f^tt* '\ft \o MarEphrem: The tunic which was not rent signifies his divinity, which is neither rent nor divided : and the robe that is divided into four parts signifies the division of his body and is a type of his Gospel which [goes] to the four quarters (Matt, xsriii 19; Mark xvL 15, 20) : [or was it ' which is composed of four faces' T] 90 EXTRACTS FROM THK COMMENTARY OF Mosinger, p. 257. Aut quia typi viderunt agnum typi- cum, sciderunt velum et stipati egressi sunt ad eum aut spiritus prophetiae habitans in templo, qui descenderat ut hominibus adventum ejus praodi- caret, tunc avolando ascendit, etc. Imitated by Isho'dad (f. 136 v.). r^iXM i.ajjao Kli.va K'.Tm ^^iito .cDQaAo^ 'jLi.i ca-ssn A< I 1 T .1 A..ioft T \ r«L.Moi.i f The parallel between the womb and the tomb is a favourite one with the Fathers : it appears in English literature in G. Herbert's lines. Thou hadst a virgin womb And tomb; A Joseph did betroth Them both. CONCLUDING KEMARKS. The foregoing collection of agreements between the Com- mentary ascribed to Ephrem and the works of later Syriac Com- mentators will be sufficient to finally dissipate any residual scepticism as to the substantial authorship of the famous Com- mentary and as to the text upon which it is based. No one who is the least versed in Quellen-Kritik would have any doubt as to the dependence of the later Syriac commentators upon the Ephrem Commentary, even if they had transcribed their extracts without the frequent introductory formula that ' Mar Ephrem says.' Nor would any one who was acquainted with the writings of the great Syrian father fail to recognise that the Commentary (even if it had come down to us anonymously) was so full of Ephrem's ideas, and of extracts from his hymns and discourses that it could have been identified as his independently of any superscription or tradition. The only direction in which doubt could enter would be in the possible case of a commentary made up, say, by an affectionate disciple, from Ephrem's works with some amalgamated matter from other sources and published under Ephrem's name. There are some things in the Commentary which appear to invite the supposition, and when we remark that an actual disciple of Ephrem, named Mar Abba, is credited with a commentary on the Gospel, we may very well ask whether there is any reason to suppose two commentaries on the Gospel to have been written in such close literary proximity. Is it possible that the Commentary of Mar Abba is the same as the Ephrem Commentary ? The answer must, however, be in the negative. There are a number of extracts from the Commentary of Mar Abba preserved in the British Museum MS. Add. 17,194, but, while they shew some dependence upon Ephrem, as is natural in the work of a pupil, they shew also remarkable independence. CONCLUDING REMARKS. 93 As nothing of Mar Abba has been published, as far as I know, and he ranks amongst the earliest Syrian fathers, I transcribe some sentences. (Cod. Add. 17,194, fol. 48 b.) t-S« ^-•varc' ^i-sa.! 00.1 ■ *« \h\ r^LarC ^ijaan or^ ^a^aoa oiiaK' Or*' .Kllm^.i r^:u^,sa t Aa&cd i^_^ \ \ -t cD.\Aek-sa.i f r->vsaA i.e. of Mar Abba, the disciple of Mar Ephrem, from the Commentary on the Gospel. It came to pass, as he was ministering in the order and custom of the priests, either for a month of days or from time to time ; from the words that he brought incense [into the Sanctuary] it was in the seventh month and on the tenth day of the month which is the day of their fast and humiUation. It is likely that he said that he was among the priests of the very year of the birth of our Lord ; from this seventh month, therefore, which is the former Teshiin in which John was announced, it is known that in the month Nisan was the conception of him whose birth was in the month Canun, on account of what the angel said to Mary, This is the sixth month to her that is called barren. The reader will notice the agreement with Ephrem in the dates assigned. But the identification of the day that the Angel appeared to Zacharias with the Day of Atonement, does not seem to be expressly made in Ephrem. (Fol. 59 a.) vyu^ 94 CONCLUDING REMARKS. ^ (1. .4MCM.1) TM-w.i ^n relsa.ima .K'ioA »^_ja\tr<'^ ■•^^ocaa Ihcnr^ w^io>\cw*aa ocn r^JSOMil .«..OcfaA«a& i.e. of Mar Abba, disciple of Mar Ephrem, from the Commentary on the Gospel. I/ihi/ right eye : i.e. if beauty that is near to thee makes thee to err, cut it off cmd coat it from thee ; it is profitable for thee that without thy beloved and thy administrator and burden-bearer thou shouldtt enter the kingdom and not that thou and they depart into the fire. With the members whose excision is useful to us he compares the injurious friend. A reference to the correaponding interpretation from Ephrem, printed on p. 50, will shew that this is quite an independent piece of work. The same is true of the following extract. (Fol. 74 b.) K^aliil rio.i r^h\OA,x&a^ This is almost exactly the quotation which we have printed on p. 23. And the next question in Isho' bar Nun relates to a question which is discussed shortly after by Isho'dad as to the reason why Pilate's wife did not tell her dream ; concerning which he remarks as follows : ' Univ. Cant. Add. 2017. CONCLUDING EEMARKS. 97 The last part of this extract agrees nearly with the closing words of Isho' dad's extract from Ephrem which we have printed on p. 23 ; but it is clear that Isho' dad could not have taken it directly from Isho' bar Nun. One more instance shall be given of the use of some common collection by these two fathers : On £ 90 r. Isho' bar Nun discourses of the Samaritan woman, as follows : r^H-Mt^ ft \ M.io .r^'i 1 \^ ^^^a KlJcn r\ ij i-a rcU-aA qft n %. .o K'ocn.i ocn r^!\^cui.&fio rC.iocn^o .sOa^* \sa r^.iocix»o an arrangement of the names which, as Zahn points out (Theol. LiL-Blatt, Oct; 18, 1895), has influenced the text of the Lewis Codex in Matt. x. Catnbttlige : PBINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY, AT THE UNIVERSITY PBESS.