CTbJ sis' CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY DATE DUE lU-i -rv** 1 Jt^S^p SKfi I 1 GAYLORO PRINTED IN U.S.A. Cornell University Library JN351 .H28 1880 + A tract on the succession to the crown ( 3 1924 030 506 319 olin Overs ^ Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030506319 •A TRACT ON THE SUCCESSION TO THE CROWN. SIR JOHN HARINGTON. eJH st&yrzs GL/srrisC??* /ss"^ A TRACT ON THE SUCCESSION TO THE C1K0WN (A.D. 1602). BY SIR JOHN- HAK1NOTON. KT.. OF KELSTON. PRINTED FOR THE FIRST TIME FROM A MANUSCRIPT IN THE CHAPTER LIBRARY AT YORK, AND EDITED WITH NOTES AND AN INTRODUCTION BY CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B. PRINTED FOR THE Hojcburgfje Club* LONDON : J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS, 25, PARLIAMENT STREET. MDCCCLXXX. s {-. (o ft H H 1 1 VWI V M; 5 : f y Y fyw^- ^r^. A TRACT ON THE SUCCESSION TO THE CEOWN. &oj:trorgJ)e Club. 3$&~ MARQUIS OF LOTHIAN. MARQUIS OP BATH. EARL OF CARNARVON. EARL OF POWIS, V.P. EARL BEAUCHAMP. EARL OF CAWDOR. LORD LINDSAY. LORD ZOUCHE. LORD HOUGHTON. LORD ORMATHWAITE. LORD COLERIDGE. BARON HEATH. RIGHT HON. ALEX. JAMES BERESFORD HOPE. SIR WILLIAM REYNELL ANSON, BART. SIR EDWARD HULSE, BART. ARTHUR JAMES BALFOUR, ESQ. HENRY BRADSHAW, ESQ. HENRY ARTHUR BRIGHT, ESQ. REV. WILLIAM EDWARD BUCKLEY. REV. HENRY OCTAVIUS COXE. FRANCIS HENRY DICKINSON, ESQ. GEORGE BRISCOE EYRE, ESQ. THOMAS GAISFORD, ESQ. HENRY HUCKS GIBBS, ESQ. Treasurer. ALBAN GEORGE HENRY GIBBS, ESQ. RALPH NEVILLE GRENVILLE, ESQ. KIRKMAN DANIEL HODGSON, ESQ. ROBERT STAYNER HOLFORD, ESQ. JOHN MALCOLM, ESQ. JOHN COLE NICHOLL, ESQ. FREDERIC OUVRY, ESQ. EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY, ESQ. EDWARD JAMES STANLEY, ESQ. SIMON WATSON TAYLOR, ESQ. REV. WILLIAM HEPWORTH THOMPSON, D.D. GEORGE TOMLINE, ESQ. REV. EDWARD TINDAL TURNER. VICTOR WILLIAM BATES VAN DE WEYER, ESQ W. ALDIS WRIGHT, ESQ. ;E3- 1812. PRESIDENT. 1. GEORGE JOHN, EARL SPENCER. 1812. 1812. 1812. 2. 3 1812. 5. 1812. 6. 1812. 7. 1812. 8. 1812. 9. 1812. 10. 1812. 11. 1812. 12. 1812. 13. 1812. 14. 1812, 15. WILLIAM SPENCER, DUKE OP DEVONSHIRE. GEORGE SPENCER CHURCHILL, MARQUIS OF BLANDPORD. 1817. DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH. GEORGE GRANVILLE LEVESON GOWER, EARL GOWER. 1833. MARQUIS OF STAFFORD. 1833. DUKE OF SUTHERLAND. GEORGE HOWARD, VISCOUNT MORPETH. 1825. EARL OF CARLISLE. JOHN CHARLES SPENCER, VISCOUNT ALTHORP. 1834. EARL SPENCER. SIR MARK MASTERMAN SYKES, BART. SIR SAMUEL EGERTON BRYDGES, BART. WILLIAM BENTHAM, ESQ. WILLIAM BOLLAND, ESQ. 1829. SIR WILLIAM BOLLAND. KNT. JAMES BOSWELL, ESQ. # . REV. WILLIAM HOLWELL CARR. JOHN DENT. ESQ. REV. THOMAS FROGNALL DIBDIN. REV. HENRY DRURY. 1812. 16. 1812. 17. 1812. 18. 1812. 19. 1812. 20. 1812. 21. 1812. 22. 1812. 23. 1812. 24. 1812. 25. 1812. 26. 1812. 27. 1812. 28. 1812. 29. 1812. 30. 1812. 31. FRANCIS FREELING, ESQ. 1828. SIR FRANCIS FREELING, BART. GEORGE HENRY FREELING, ESQ. 1836. SIR GEORGE HENRY FREELING, BART. JOSEPH HASLEWOOD, ESQ. RICHARD HEBER, ESQ. REV. THOMAS CUTHBERT HEBER. GEORGE ISTED, ESQ. ROBERT LANG, ESQ. JOSEPH LITTLEDALE, ESQ. 1824. SIR JOSEPH LITTLEDALE, KNT. JAMES HEYWOOD MARKLAND, ESQ. JOHN DELAFIELD PHELPS, ESQ. THOMAS PONTON, ESQ. PEREGRINE TOWNELEY, ESQ. EDWARD VERNON UTTERSON, ESQ. ROGER WILBRAHAM, ESQ. REV. JAMES WILLIAM DODD. EDWARD LITTLEDALE, ESQ. 1816. 32. 1819. 33. 1822. 34. 1822. 35. 1822. 36. L823. 37. GEORGE HIBBERT, ESQ. SIR ALEXANDER BOSWELL, BART. GEORGE WATSON TAYLOR, ESQ. JOHN ARTHUR LLOYD, ESQ. VENERABLE ARCHDEACON WRANGHAM. THE AUTHOR OF WAVERLEY. 1827. SIR WALTER SCOTT, BART. 1827. 38. HON. AND REV. GEORGE NEVILLE GRENVILLE. 1846. DEAN OF WINDSOR. 1828. 39. EDWARD HERBERT, VISCOUNT CLIVE. 1839. EARL OF POWIS. JOHN FREDERICK, EARL OF CAWDOR. REV. EDWARD CRAVEN HAWTREY, D.D. SIR STEPHEN RICHARD GLYNNE, BART. BENJAMIN BARNARD, ESQ. VENERABLE ARCHDEACON BUTLER, D.D. 1836. SAMUEL, LORD BISHOP OF LICHFIELD. 1830. 40. 1831. 41. 1834. 42. 1834. 43. 1834. 44. 1835. PRESIDENT. EDWARD HERBERT, VISCOUNT CLIVE. 1839. .EARL OF POWIS. 1835. 45. WALTER FRANCIS, DUKE OF BUCCLEUCH AND QUEENSBLRRY. 1836. 46. RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD FRANCIS EGERTON. 1846. EARL OF ELLESMERE. 1836. 47. ARCHIBALD ACHESON, VISCOUNT ACHESON. 1849. EARL OF GOSFORD. BERIAH BOTFIELD, ESQ. HENRY HALLAM, ESQ. PHILIP HENRY STANHOPE, VISCOUNT MAHON. 1855. EARL STANHOPE. GEORGE JOHN, LORD VERNON. REV. PHILIP BLISS, D.C.L. RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR JAMES PARKE, KNT. 1856. LORD WENSLEYDALE. REV. BULKELEY BANDINEL, D.D. WILLIAM HENRY MILLER, ESQ. EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY, ESQ. EDWARD JAMES HERBERT, VISCOUNT CLIVE. 1848. EARL OF POWIS. 1841. 58. DAVID DUNDAS, ESQ. ' 1847. SIR DAVID DUNDAS, KNT. JOHN EARL BROWNLOW. HONOURABLE HUGH CHOLMONDELEY. 1855. LORD DELAMERE. SIR ROBERT HARRY INGLIS, BART. ALEXANDER JAMES BERESFORD HOPE, ESQ. REV. HENRY WELLESLEY. ANDREW RUTHERFURD, ESQ. 1851. LORD RUTHERFURD. HON. ROBERT CURZON, JUN. GEORGE TOMLINE, ESQ. WILLIAM STIRLING, ESQ. 1866. SIR WILLIAM STIRLING MAXWELL, BART. 1847. 68. FRANCIS HENRY DICKINSON, ESQ. 1836. 48. 1836. 49. 1837. 50. 1838. 51. 1838. 52. 1839. 53. 1839. 54. 1839. 55. 1839. 56. 1840. 57. 1842. 59, 1842. 60. 1844. 61. 1844. 62. 1844. 63. 1845. 64. 1846. 65. 1846. 66. 1846. 67. 1848. PRESIDENT. WALTER FRANCIS, DUKE OP BUCCLEUCH AND QUEENSBERRY, K.G. 1848. 69. 1848. 70. 1849 71. 1849. 72. 1849. 73. 1851. 74. 75. 76. 1853. 77. 1854. 78. 79. 1855. 80. 81. 82. 1856. 83. 84. 1857. 85. NATHANIEL BLAND, ESQ. REV. WILLIAM EDWARD BUCKLEY. REV. JOHN STUART HIPPISLEY HORNER. HIS EXCELLENCY MONSIEUR VAN DE WEYER. MELVILLE PORTAL, ESQ. ROBERT STAYNER HOLPORD, ESQ. PAUL BUTLER, ESQ. EDWARD HULSE, ESQ. 1855. SIR EDWARD HULSE, BART. CHARLES TOWNELEY, ESQ. WILLIAM ALEX. ANTH. ARCH. DUKE OF HAMILTON AND BRANDON. HENRY HOWARD MOLYNEUX, EARL OF CARNARVON. SIR JOHN BENN WALSH, BART. 1868. LORD ORMATHWAITE. ADRIAN JOHN HOPE, ESQ. RALPH NEVILLE GRENVILLE, ESQ. SIR JOHN SIMEON, BART. SIR JAMES SHAW WILLES, KNT. GEORGE GRANVILLE FRANCIS, EARL OF ELLESMERE. 86. WILLIAM SCHOMBERG ROBERT, MARQUIS OF LOTHIAN". 87. FREDERICK TEMPLE, LORD DUFFERIN. 1872. EARL OF DUFFERIN. 1858. 88. SIMON WATSON TAYLOR, ESQ. THOMAS GAISFORD, ESQ. JOHN FREDERICK VAUGHAN, EARL CAWDOR. GRANVILLE LEVESON GOWER, ESQ. HENRY HUCKS GIBBS, ESQ. RICHARD MONCKTON, LORD HOUGHTON. CHRISTOPHER SYKES, ESQ. REV. HENRY OCTAVIUS COXE. REV. WILLIAM GEORGE CLARK. REV. CHARLES HENRY HARTSHORNE. JOHN COLE NICHOLL, ESQ. GEORGE BRISCOE EYRE, ESQ. JOHN BENJAMIN HEATH, ESQ. HENRY HUTH, ESQ. HENRY BRADSHAW, ESQ. FREDERICK, EARL BEAUCHAMP. KIRKMAN DANIEL HODGSON, ESQ. CHARLES WYNNE FINCH, ESQ. 1861. 90. 1863. 91. 92. 1864. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 1866. 101. 102. 1867. 103. 104. 1868. 105. - ALLL a 1870. 106. 107. 1871. 108. 1872. 109. 1875. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 1876. 115. 1877. 116. 1879. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 1880. 123. henry salusbury milman, esq. edward james stanley, esq rev. edward tindal turner. 8chomberg henry, marquis of lothian. john Alexander, marquis of bath. john duke, lord coleridge. victor william bates van de weyer, esq. henry arthur bright, esq. alban george henry gibbs, esq. rev. william hepworth thompson, d.d. john ludovic lindsay, lord lindsay. robert nathaniel cecil george, lord zouche. robert amadeus heath, baron heath. arthur james balfour, esq. john malcolm, esq. william aldis wright, esq. sir william reynell anson, bart. frederic ouvry, esq. &oj3mrgJ)e Clufi, CATALOGUE OF THE BOOKS PRESENTED TO AND PRINTED BY THE CLUB. LONDON MDCCCLXXI. CATALOGUE. Oertaine Bokes of Virgiles Aenaeis, turned into English Meter. By the Bight Honorable Lorde, Henry Earle op Surrey. "WlLLIAM BOLLAND, ESQ. 1814. Caltha Poetarnm ; or, The Bumble Bee. By T. Cutwode, Esq. Richard Heber, Esq. 1815. The Three Eirst Books of Ovid de Tristibus, Translated into English. By Thomas Churchyarde. Earl Spencer, President. 1816. Poems. By Bichard Barnfield. James Boswell, Esq. 1816. Dolarney's Primerose or the Eirst part of the Passionate Hermit. Sir Erancis Ereeling, Bart. 1816. La Contenance de la Table. George Henry Ereeling, Esq. 1816. Newes from Scotland, declaring the Damnable Life of Doctor Eian, a notable Sorcerer, who was burned at Edenbrough in Ianuarie last 1591. George Henry Ereeling, Esq. 1816. A proper new Interlude of the World and the Child, otherwise called Mundus et Infans. Viscount Althorp. 1817. Hagthorpe Revived ; or Select Specimens of a Eorgotten Poet. Sir Samuel Egerton Brydges, Bart. 1817. 4 Istoria novellamente ritrovata di due nobili Amanti, &c. da Ltjigi Porto. Rev. William Holwell Carr. 1817. The Euneralles of King Edward the Sixt. Rev. James William Dodd. 1817. A Roxburghe Garland, 12mo. James Boswell, Esq. 1817. Cock Lorell's Boat, a Fragment from the original in the British Museum. Rev. Henry Drury. 1817. Le Livre du Eaucon. Robert Lang, Esq. 1817. The Glutton's Eeaver. By Thomas Bancroft. John Delaeield Phelps, Esq. 1817- The Ohorle and the Birde. Sir Mark Masterman Sykes, Bart. 1818. Daiphantus, or the Passions of Love. By Antony Scoloker. Roger Wilbraham, Esq. 1818. The Complaint of a Lover's Life. Controversy between a Lover and a Jay. Rev. Thomas Erognall Dibdin, Vice President. 1818. Balades and other Poems. By John Gower. Printed from the original Manuscript in the Library of the Marquis of Stafford, at Trentham. Earl Gower. 1818. Diana ; or the excellent conceitful Sonnets of H. C, supposed to have been printed either in 1592 or 1594. Edward Littledale, Esq. 1818. Chester Mysteries. Be Deluvio Noe. De Occisione Innocentium. James Heywood Markland, Esq. 1818. Ceremonial at the Marriage of Mary Queen of Scotts with the Dauphin of France. William Bentham, Esq. 1818. The Solempnities and Triumphes doon and made at the SpouseUs and Marriage of the King's Daughter the Ladye Marye to the Prynce of Castile, Archduke of Austrige. John Dent, Esq. 1818. The Life of St. Ursula. Guiscard and Sigismund. Duke op Devonshire. 1818. Le Morte Arthur. The Adventures of Sir Launcelot Du Lake. Thomas Ponton, Esq. 1819. Six Bookes of Metamorphoseos in whyche ben conteyned the Eables of Ovtde. Translated out of Erensshe into Englysshe by "William Caxton. Printed from a Manuscript in the Library of Mr. Secretary Pepys, in the College of St. Mary Magdalen, in the University of Cambridge. George Hibbert, Esq. 1819. Cheuelere Assigne. Edward Vernon Utterson, Esq. 1820. Two Interludes : Jack Jugler and Thersytes. Joseph Haslewood, Esq. 1820. The New Notborune Mayd. The Boke of Mayd Emlyn. George Isted, Esq. 1820. The Book of Life ; a Bibliographical Melody. Dedicated to the Roxburghe Club by Eichard Thomson. 8vo. 1820. Magnyfycence : an Interlude. By John Skelton, Poet Laureat to Henry VIII. Joseph Littledale, Esq. 1821. 6 Judicium, a Pageant. Extracted from the Towneley Manuscript of Ancient Mysteries. Peregrine Edward Towneley, Esq. 1822. An Elegiacal Poem, on the Death of Thomas Lord Grey, of Wilton. By Robert Marston. Erom a Manuscript in the Lihrary of The Eight Honourable Thomas Grenville. Viscount Morpeth. 1822. Selections from the Works of Thomas Ravenscroft ; a Musical Composer of the time of King James the Eirst. Duke oe Marlborough. 1822. Lelii Peregrini Oratio in Obitum Torquati Tassi. Editio secunda. Sir Samuel Egerton Brtdges, Bart. 1822. The Hors, the Shepe, and the Ghoos. Sir Mark Masterman Stkes, Bart. 1822. The Metrical Life of Saint Eobert of Knaresborough. Rev. Henry Drury. 1824. Informacon for Pylgrymes unto the Holy Londe. Erom a rare Tract in the Library of the Eaculty of Advocates, Edinburgh. George Henry Ereeling, Esq. 1824. The^Cuck-Queanes and Cuckolds Errants or the Bearing Down the Inne, a Comsedie. The Eaery Pastorall or Eorrest of Elues. By W P , Esq. John Arthur Lloyd, Esq. 1824. The Garden Plot, an Allegorical Poem, inscribed to Queen Eliza- beth. By Henry Goldingham. Erom an unpublished Manu- script of the Harleian Collection in the British Museum. To which are added some account of the Author ; also a reprint of his Masques performed before the Queen at Norwich on Thursday, August 21, 1578. Venerable Archdeacon Wrangham. 1825. La Rotta de Erancciosi a Terroana novamente facta. La Rotta de Scocesi. Earl Spencer, President. 1825. Nouvelle Edition d'un Poeme sur la Journee de Guinegate. Presented by the Marquis de Eortia. 1825. Zuleima, par C. Piohler. 12mo. Presented by H. de Chateaugiron. 1825. Poems, written in English, by Charles Dttke of Orleans, during his Captivity in England after the Battle of Azincourt. George Watson Taylor, Esq. 1827. Proceedings in the Court Martial held upon John, Master of Sinclair, Captain-Lieutenant in Preston's Regiment, for the Murder of Ensign Schaw of the same Regiment, and Captain Schaw, of the Royals, 17 October, 1708 ; with Correspondence respecting that Transaction. Sir Walter Scott, Bart. 1828. The Ancient English Romance of Havelok the Dane ; accompanied by the Erench Text : with an Introduction, Notes, and a Glossary. By Prederic Madden, Esq. Printed eor the Club. 1828. Gaufridi Arthurii Monemuthensis Archidiaconi, postea vero Episcopi Asaphensis, de Yita et Vaticiniis Merlini Calidonii, Carmen Heroicum. Hon. and Rev. G. Neville Grenville. 1830. The Ancient English Romance of William and the Werwolf; edited from an unique copy in King's College Library, Cambridge ; with an Introduction and Glossary. By Erederic Madden, Esq. * Earl Cawdor. 1832. 8 The Private Diary of "William, first Earl Cowper, Lord Chan^ cellor of England. Rev. Edward Craven Hawtrey. 1833. The Lyvys of Seyntes; translated into Englys be a Doetour of Dyuynite clepyd Osbern Bokenam, frer Austyn of the Convent of Stocklare. Viscount Clive, President. 1835. A Little Boke of Ballads. Dedicated to the Club by E. V. Utterson, Esq. 1836. The Love of Wales to their Soueraigne Prince, expressed in a true Relation of the Solemnity held at Ludlow, in the Countie of Salop, upon the fourth of November last past, Anno Domini 1616, being the day of the Creation of the high and mighty Charles, Prince of Wales, and Earle of Chester, in his Maiesties Palace of White-Hall. Presented by the Honourable R, H. Clive. 1837. Sidneiana, being a collection of Fragments relative to Sir Philip Sidney, Knight, and his immediate Connexions. Bishop oe Licheield. 1837. The Owl and the Nightingale, a Poem of the Twelfth Century. Now first printed from Manuscripts in the Cottonian Library, and at Jesus' College, Oxford; with an Introduction and Glossary. Edited by Josephus Stevenson, Esq. Sir Stephen Richard Gltnne, Bart. 1838. The Old English Version of the Gesta Romanorum : edited for the first time from Manuscripts in the British Museum and Uni- versity Library, Cambridge, with an Introduction and Notes, by Sir Prederic Madden, K.H. Printed for the Club, 1838. 9 Illustrations of Ancient State and Chivalry, from MSS. preserved in the Ashmolean Museum, with an Appendix. Benjamin Barnard, Esq. 1840. Manners and Household Expenses of England in the thirteenth and fifteenth Centuries, illustrated by original Records. I. House- hold Roll of Eleanor Countess of Leicester, A.D. 1265. II. Accounts of the Executors of Eleanor Queen Consort of Edward I. A.D. 1291. III. Accounts and Memoranda of Sir John Howard, first Duke of Norfolk, A.D. 1462 to A.D. 1471. Beriah Boteield, Esq. 1841. The Black Prince, an Historical Poem, written in Prench, by Chandos Herald ; with a Translation and Notes by the Rev. Henry Octavius Coxe, M.A. Printed eor the Club. 1842. The Decline of the last Stuarts. Extracts from the Despatches of British Envoys to the Secretary of State. Printed eor the Club. 1843. Vox Populi Vox Dei, a Complaynt of the Comons against Taxes. Presented according to the Direction of the late Right Hon. Sir Joseph Littledale,. Knt. 1843. Household Books of John Duke of Norfolk and Thomas Earl of Surrey; temp. 1481 — 1490. Prom the original Manuscripts in the Library of the Society of Antiquaries, London. Edited by J. Payne Collier, Esq., P.S.A. Printed for the Club. 1844. Three Collections of English Poetry of the latter part of the Six- teenth Century. Presented by the Duke oe Northumberland, K.G. 1845. 10 Historical Papers, Part I. Castra Regia, a Treatise on the Suc- cession to the Crown of England, addressed to Queen Elizabeth by Roger Edwards, Esq., in 1568. Novissima Straffordii, Some account of the Proceedings against, and Demeanor of, Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, both before and during his Trial, as well as at his Execution ; written in Latin by Abraham Wright, Yicar of Okeham, in Rutlandshire. The same (endeauord) in English by James Wright, Barrister at Law. Rev. Philip Bliss, D.O.L., and Rev. Bulkeley Bandinel. 1846. Correspondence of Sir Henry Unton, Knt., Ambassador from Queen Elizabeth to Henry IV. King of Prance, in the years MDXCI. and MDXCII. Prom the originals and authentic copies in the State Paper Office, the British Museum, and the Bodleian Library. Edited by the Rev. Joseph Stevenson, M.A. Printed por the Club. 1847. La Vraie Cronicque d'Escoce. Pretensions des Anglois a la Couronne de Prance. Diplome de Jacques VI. Roi de la Grande Bretagne. Drawn from the Burgundian Library by Major Robert Anstruther. Printed por the Club. 1847. The Sherley Brothers, an Historical Memoir of the Lives of Sir Thomas Sherley, Sir Anthony Sherley, and Sir Robert Sherley, Knights, by one of the same House. Edited and Presented by Evelyn Philip Shirley, Esq. 1848. The Alliterative Romance of Alexander. Prom the unique Manu- script in the Ashmolean Museum. Edited by the Rev. Joseph Stevenson, M.A. Printed por the Club. 1849. 11 Letters and Dispatches from Sir Henry Wotton to James the First and his Ministers, in the years MDCXVII— XX. Printed from the Originals in the Library of Eton College. George Tomline, Esq. 1850. Poema quod dicitur Vox Clamantis, necnon Chronica Tripartita, auctore Johanne Gower, nunc primum edidit H. O. Coxe, M.A. Printed eor the Club. 1850. Eive Old Plays. Edited from Copies, either unique or of great rarity, by J. Payne Collier, Esq., E.S.A. Printed eor the Club. 1851. The Romaunce of the Sowdone of Bahylone and of Perumbras his Sone who conquerede Rome. The Duke oe Buccleuch, President. 1854. The Ayenbite of Inwyt. Erom the Autograph MS. in the British Museum. Edited by the Rev. Joseph Stevenson, MA. Printed eor the Club. 1855. John de Garlande, de Triumphis Ecclesise Libri Octo. A Latin Poem of the Thirteenth Century. Edited, from the unique Manuscript in the British Museum, by Thomas Wright, Esq., M.A., E.S.A., Hon. M.R.S.L., &c. &c. Earl oe Powis. 1856. Poems by Michael Drayton. Prom the earliest and rarest Edi- tions, or from Copies entirely unique. Edited, with Notes and Illustrations, and a new Memoir of the Author, by J. Payne Collier, Esq., E.S.A. Printed eor the Club. 1856. Literary Remains of King Edward the Sixth. In Two Volumes. Edited from his Autograph Manuscripts, with Historical Notes and a Biographical Memoir, by John Gough Nichols, E.S.A. Printed eor the Club. 1857. 12 The Itineraries of William Wet, Fellow of Eton College, to Jeru- salem, A.D. 1458 and A.D. 1462 ; and to Saint James of Com- postella, A.D. 1456. Erom the original MS. in the Bodleian Library. Printed eor the Club. 1857. The Boke of Noblesse ; Addressed to King Edward the Eourth on his Invasion of Erance in 1475. With an Introduction by John Gough Nichols, E.S.A. Lord Delamere. 1860. Songs and Ballads, with other Short Poems, chiefly of the Beign of Philip and Mary. Edited, from a Manuscript in the Ashmo- lean Museum, by Thomas Wright, Esq., M.A., E.S.A., &c. &c. BoBERT S. HOLEORD, ESQ. 1860. De Begimine Principum, a Poem by Thomas Ocoleve, written in the Beign of Henry IV. Edited for the first time by Thomas Wright, Esq., M.A., E.S.A., &c. &c. Printed eor the Club. 1860. The History of the Holy Graal ; partly in English Terse by Henry Lonelich, Skynner, and wholly in Erench Prose by Sires Bobiers de Borron. In two volumes. Edited, from MSS. in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, and the British Museum, by Erederick: J. Eurnivall, Esq., M.A., Trinity Hall, Cambridge. Printed eor the Cltjb. 1861 and 1863. Boberd of Brunne's Handlyng Synne, written A.D. 1203; with the Erench Treatise on which it is founded, Le Manuel des Pechie3 by William of Waddingfcon. Erom MSS. in the British Museum and Bodleian Libraries. Edited by Erederick J. Eurnivall, Esq., M.A. Printed for the Club. 1862. 13 The Old English Version of Partonope of Blois. Edited for the first time from MSS. in University College Library and the Bodleian at Oxford, by the Rev. W. E. Buckley, M.A., Rector of Middleton Cheney, and formerly Eellow of Brasenose College. Printed for the Club. 1862. Philosophaster, Comoedia ; Poemata, auctore Roberto Burtono, S. Th B., Democrito Juniore, Ex iEde Christi Oxon. Rev. William Edward Buckley. 1862. La Queste del Saint Graal. In the ^French Prose of Maistres Gautiers Map, or Walter Map. Edited by Frederick J. Furnivall, Esq., M.A., Trinity Hall, Cambridge. Printed for the Club. 1864. A Royal Historie of the excellent Knight Generides. Henry Hucks Gibbs, Esq. 1865. The Copy-Book of Sir Amias Poulet's Letters, written during his Embassy in France, A.D. 1577. Printed for the Club. 1866. The Bokes of Nurture and Kervynge. Hon. Robert Curzon. 1867. A Map of the Holy Land, illustrating Wey's Itineraries. Printed for the Club. 1867. Historia Quatuor Regum Anglise, authore Johanne Herdo. Simon Watson Taylor, Esq. 1868. Letters of Patrick Ruthven, Earl of Forth and Brentford, 1615—1662. Duke of Buccleuch, President. 1868. The Pilgrimage of the Lyf of the Manhode, from the French of Guillaume de Deguileville. Printed for the Club. 1869. Correspondence of Colonel N. Hooke, 1703—1707. Vol. I. Printed for the Club. 1870 — 1. 14 Liber Regalis ; seu ordo Consecrandi Regem et Reginam. Earl Beauchamp. 1870. Le Mysore de Saint Louis, Roi de Erance. Printed for the Club. 1871. Correspondence of Colonel N. Hooke, 1703—1707. Vol. II. Printed for the Club. 1871. The History of the Most Noble Knight Plasidas, and other Pieces ; from the Pepysian Library. Printed for the Club. 1873. Elorian and Elorete, a Metrical Romance. Marquis of Lothian. 1873. A Eragment of Partonope of Blois, from a Manuscript at Vale Royal. Printed for the Club. 1873. The Legend of Sir Nicholas Throckmorton. Paul Butler, Esq. 1874. Correspondence of the Eirst Earl of Ancram and the Third Earl of Lothian. 1616—1687. 2 Vols. Marquis of Lothian. 1875. The History of Grisild the Second. ** John Benjamin Heath, Esq. 1875. The Complete Poems of Richard Barnneld. Printed for the Club. 1876. The Apocalypse of St. John, from an Anglo-Saxon Manuscript. Printed for the Club. 1876. Poems from Sir Kenelm Digby's Papers. Henry Arthur Bright, Esq. 1877. Cephalus and Procris, by Thomas Edwards. Printed for the Club. 1880. 16 CONTENTS. List of Works by Sir John Harington. Introductory Life of Sir John Harington . Coppib of the King's Letter, Anno 1591 Introductory Remarks by the Author CHAPTER I. The Duke of Somerset's Epistle to the Nobles and People of Scotland . 9 CHAPTER II. Mr. Wentworth's Book of Succession 21 Address to the Puritans CHAPTER III. 33 Address to the Papists CHAPTER IV. CHAPTER V. 53 63 Reply to Dolman CHAPTER VI. 73 Of the King of Scotts CHAPTER VII. 82 Of Religion CHAPTER VIII. 95 17 WOKKS BY SIR JOHN HARINGTON. I. Orlando Furioso, in English heroical verse, with a Life of Ariosto. 1st edition, 1591 (folio); 2nd edition, 1607; 3rd edition, 1634 (4to.), with the Epigrams. II. Apologie op Poetry, bound up with Orlando Furioso. III. The Metamorphosis of Ajax, a cloacinian satire. 1st edition, 1596 ; 2nd edition, 1814 ; Chiswick Press, only 100 copies printed, 8vo. IV. Schola Salernitana, the Englishman's Doctor, or the School of Salerne, in verse, translated by Sir John Harington. 1st edition, 1608, 8vo.; 2nd edition, 1609, 8vo.; 3rd edition, 1617, 8vo.; 4th edition, 1624, 8vo. V. Epigrams, ''both pleasant and serious," never before printed. 1st edition, 1615, 4to. " The most elegant and wittie Epigrams of Sir John Harington, digested into four books;" 2nd edition, 1634, 4to., with the 3rd edition of Orlando Furioso. VI. Brief Eeview of the State of the Church of England, 1653, 12mo., edited by Chetwynd, and in the Nugce Antiques. VII. History op Polindor and Flostella, with other Poems. London, 1651. VIII. NcGiE Antiques, being a miscellaneous collection of original papers in prose and verse, chiefly by Sir John Harington ; edited by the Eev. H. Harington. 1st edition, 1779, 12mo., 3 vols.; 2nd edition, 1792, 12mo. 3 vols.; 3rd edition, 1804, 8vo., 2 vols., edited by Park. l°l INTKODUCTOKY. LIFE OF SIR JOHN HARINGTON. The Tract on the Succession to the Crown is now printed from a manuscript in the Chapter Library at York, formerly in possession of Archbishop Toby Matthew. It is anony- mous, but there is a date at the end, 1602, and the internal evidence proyes- beyond any doubt that the author was Sir John Harington the younger, of Kelston, Queen Elizabeth's witty godson. Before submitting the evidence of Sir John Harington's identity with the author of this curious Tract, it will be well to give an introductory notice of Harington's life ; in order that the evidence may be understood, and that the contents of the Tract may be appreciated. At the fatal battle of Bosworth, among the faithful lords and knights who fell fighting for their King, the last of the Plantagenets, was Sir James Harington the younger, brother of Robert Harington of Exton. His estates were confiscated by the Tudor usurper, and his grandson would have had but a small share of this world's goods if he had not made a fortunate marriage, and won his way to the favour of Henry VIII. by his ability and wit. He was treasurer to the King's camps and buildings. The King had a natural daughter, named Ethel- a ii Life of Sir John Harington. dreda, by Joanna Dyngley, alias Dobson. This girl was com- mitted to the care of John Malte, the King's tailor ; but Henry had a special love and regard for her, and, on her marriage with John Harington, he granted her, for a dowry, the forfeited church lands of Kelston and Bath Easton. The young couple settled at Kelston in 1546, and, when Etheldreda died soon after her marriage without children, John Harington was left single, and in possession of these Somersetshire estates. Harington was one of the faithful servants and friends who were devoted to the interests of the Princess Elizabeth during the reign of her sister. He was often at Hatfield, and there he saw the six beautiful girls who were Elizabeth's maids of honour. These were Elinor Norwich, Honora the daughter of Lord Grey of Wilton, Mary St. Lo who was so* cruelly robbed by her step-mother the famous Bess of Hardwick, Bridget Skipwith, Margaret Willoughby who afterwards married Sir Matthew Arundell of Wardour, and was mother of Sir Thomas Arundell the valiant, and Isabella Markham daughter of Sir John Markham of Cotham, by Anne Neville, of the blood of Lancaster. Anne's mother, Mary Lewes, was grand-daughter of Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset. Harington was a poet as well as a courtier, and he wrote a sonnet to "the Prayse of six gentlewomen attending on " the Ladie Elizabeth her Grace at Hatfield House," in which he celebrated the beauty of Isabella above all the others. Then came another sonnet, when " he first thoghte her fayre as she " stode at the Princesse's windowe in goodlye attyre,and talkede " to dyvers in the courte yarde." Hitherto he had only at a distance wooed the fair Isabella, by praising her beauty and Life of Sir John Harington. iii modesty indirectly ; but soon he took a bolder step, and addressed some lines to her which were headed " John Haring- " ton to sweete Isabella Markham." Their marriage took place before Elizabeth's commital to the Tower, for the faithful young couple shared the captivity of their mistress during the year 1554. Harington occupied his time in prison by translating Cicero's De Amicitid, and also by writing a letter protesting against his confinement to Bishop Gardiner, and, when that failed of effect, by composing a satirical poem on the uncom- promising prelate. With the accession of Queen Elizabeth all the troubles of the Haringtons ceased. She distinguished them by many marks of her regard, presenting a portrait of herself to her faithful' 'Isabella, and standing godmother to her child, young John Harington, the author of this tract on the succession. John Harington, the younger, was born at Kelston, near Bath, in 1561 ; and during his childhood his parents lived partly at Kelston and partly at a house in Stepney. He was sent to school at Eton, where William Wickham, afterwards Bishop of Winchester, was Vice-Provost, and was very kind to the clever boy. "In the schoolmaster's absence he would " teach the school himself, and direct the boys for their " exercises, of which myself was one, of whom he showed as " fatherly care as if he had been a second tutor to me. He " was reputed there a very mild and good natured man, and " esteemed a very good preacher." Young Harington went from Eton to Cambridge, where Dr. John Still, afterwards Bishop of Bath and Wells, was his tutor. He tells us that a 2 iv Life of Sir John Harington. " when I came to sue to be bachelaif, first he examined me " strictly 'and after answered me kindly." Having taken his degree at Cambridge, he studied law at Lincoln's Inn, and, marrying Mary, daughter of Sir George Rogers of Canningtbn, he settled down, with his " dearest Mall," as a Somersetshire squire at Kelston, but frequently attending at Court, and paying many visits at the houses of friends and relations. John Harington was always welcome as a witty and most genial companion, and, in her moments of relaxation, the Queen evidently enjoyed the society of her godson. He was a man of infinite humour and extensive reading, and the fame of his witty sayings was widely spread. A story is told that, at the ordinary at Bath, he observed that the servant maid was more attentive to him than to others, and he asked her the reason. The girl's answer was, " I understand you are a " very witty man, and if I should displease you in anything I " fear you would make an epigram of me." But he was very extravagant, and was obliged to sell the estate called Nyland in order to pay his debts. One day he was riding over it, and turning to his servant he said : — John ! John ! this Nyland Alas ! was once my land. The man replied, If you had had more wit Sir, It might have been yours yet Sir ! The house at Kelston was built after a plan by the Italian architect Barozzi of Vignola, and here John Harington had the honour of receiving Queen Elizabeth as his guest, during her western progress in 1591. He was High Sheriff of Life of Sir John Harington. v Somersetshire in 1592, aTid it was then that he renewed the curious " Orders for Household Servants," first devised by his father in 1566. The translation of Ariosto is the work on which his title to literary fame must mainly rest. The history of its com- position is that Harington translated the story of Giocondo {Book 28), which was handed about at court, and eventually fell into the Queen's hands, who inquired the name of the author. On hearing it, she sent for Harington, severely reprehended him for placing so indecorous a tale in the hands of her maids of honour, and, as a punishment, ordered him not to appear in her presence again until he could produce a com- plete version of the whole poem. With the assistance of his brother Francis, who supplied the first 50 stanzas of the 32nd book, he completed .the work and dedicated it to the Queen in 1591, the year of her visit to Kelston. a Mr. J. Payne Collier describes the translation of " Ariosto " as very unequal, some- times admirable and exact, sometimes careless and coarse ; but throughout an excellent example of idiomatic English. The work was printed by Feilde in folio in 1591, and it was so popular that new editions appeared in 1607 and 1634. Haring- ton's other published works are the "Apologie of Poetrie," prefixed to the translation of Orlando Furioso ; " School of Salerne ;" the " Epigrams ; " the " State of the Church," of which more presently ; and the " Metamorphosis of Ajax." The latter is an indescribable cloacinian satire written in 1596, a Kelston remained in possession of the Haringtons until 1776, when it was sold to Sir Csesar Hawkins, who pulled the old house down, and built another on its site. vi Life of Sir John Harington. and dedicated to his uncle Thomas- Markham of Ollerton, whom he calls " a right Englishman, a faithful, plain, true, " stout gentleman, and a man of honesty and virtue." This " Metamorphosis of Ajax ' ' got its author into trouble, and it was considered prudent that he should absent himself from court. He joined the Earl of Essex in his expedition to Ireland in 1598, in obedience to an order from the Queen, and was absent nearly a year. But he really had little to fear about his book, for his cousin, Robert Markham of Cotham, in a long letter of advice, says : — " your booke is almost forgiven, " but not for its want of wit and satyre. Though her Highness " signified displeasure in outward sort, yet did she like the " marrow of your booke. The Quene is minded to take you " to her favour, but she swearethe that she believes you will " make epigrams on her and all her courte : she hath been " hearde to saye — ' That merry poet my godson must not come " ' to Greenwich tille he hathe growne sober, and leaveth the " ' ladies' sports and frolics.' You yet stand well in her high- " nesse love, and I heere you are to go to Ireland with the " Lieutenant Essex. If so, mark my counsel in the matter ; " I doubt not your valour nor your labour, but that damnable " uncovered honestie will marr your fortunes." Accordingly Harington served with Lord Essex in his Irish campaign, and he was much in the company of his cousins Sir Griffin, Robert, Francis, and Gervase Markham. They set out from Dublin on May 10th 1599, and, from Harington's report, it appears that Essex had good reason for marching through Munster and making all secure in his rear before commencing his actual operations against Tyrone. Yet it is for this wise Life of Sir John Harington. vii precaution that he has been condemned by all historians. The army advanced from Maryborough to Cashel, the rebels hang- ing on its flanks. On the 28th the castle of Cahir, one of the strongest places in Ireland, was taken by assault. Essex then marched to Limerick, defeating another force of rebels and relieving Askeaton Castle on the Deel, and returned by Water- ford to Dublin. Essex, and his young friend the Earl of South- ampton, were always in the front, leading on the men and directing the operations. Harington received the honour of knighthood from the Earl of Essex, and then went into Con- naught for the sake of being with Sir Griffin Markham, and three other Markham cousins, under Sir Conyers Clifford, the Governor of the province. Sir Griffin commanded all the cavalry, and was wounded in the arm in a severe action near Sligo, in which Sir John Harington also took an active part. In the autumn of 1599 Harington returned to court, and found the Queen much incensed with Essex, especially for having presumed to knight her godson. " I came to Court," he wrote to Sir Anthony Standen, " in the very heat and " height of all displeasures, and after I had been there but an " hour I was threatened with the fleet. I answered, that, " coming so late from the land service, I hoped I should not " be prest to serve in her Majesty's fleet. After three days " every man wondered to see me at liberty. After four or " five days the Queen had talked of me, and twice talked to " me, though very briefly. At last she gave me a full and " gracious audience in the withdrawing room at Whitehall, " where herself being accuser, judge, and witness, I was cleared " and graciously dismissed. In December I came hither." The viii Life of Sir John Harington. letter is dated from Kelston on the 20th of February, 1600. Sir John Harington submitted a very able report to the Queen concerning the campaigns of the Earl of Essex in Ireland. We now come to the period when this manuscript on the Succession to the Crown was written. It is dated the 18th of December, 1602, and there are several statements in it which fix the time when it was composed. The Queen would be 69 in the ensuing- September, Arabella Stuart was 25, Essex had been beheaded, James was about 35, and his second son was born. The Queen died in March. If she had lived she would have been 70 in September, 1603, but he may have written this part of the tract before September, 1602, although he finished it in December. Arabella was born in 1577, and James in 1566, and his second son Charles in 1600. The tract is easily and pleasantly written. It contains a very curious account of the civil and ecclesiastical policy of England in the sixteenth century, interspersed with anecdotes of Harington's friends and relations. The object is to maintain the right of James to succeed to the crown of England on the death of the Queen ; and the author appeals to Protestants, Puritans, and Papists, by quoting the views of a received authority of each party. For the Protestants he cites the letter of the Protector Somerset to the Scots, for the Puritans the writings of Peter Wentworth, and for the Papists a book by the Jesuit Parsons, under the name of Dolman. Probably the author intended to have published his tract if the succes- sion had been questioned. But the undisputed accession of James rendered this unnecessary, and the personal friendship Life of Sir John Harington. ix between Harington and Dr. Matthew accounts for the manu- script having found its way into the Archbishop's library. Sir John Harington would most assuredly not have dared to give his tract publicity in the lifetime of the great Queen ; but it was an anxious period, and it behoved every patriot to consider the important question of the succession, and to form his opinion, in preparation for an event which could not be distant. Besides writing the tract, Harington sent a new year's gift to King James at Christmas 1602, consisting of a silver and gold lantern, with a copy of verses, for which he received a letter of thanks. One would not like to think that Harington was ungrateful, or that he was basely turning to the rising sun, like Kobert Cecil and creatures of that stamp. That this was not so is, I think, clearly proved by what Eliza- beth's godson wrote concerning her, not for publication, shortly before and after the composition of this succession tract. He wrote a sad account of the Queen to his friend Sir Hugh Portman on October 9th 1601 : — " The many evil plots and " designs have overcome all her Highness's sweet temper. She " walks much in her privy chamber, and stamps with her feet at " ill news, and thrusts her rusty sword at times into the arras in " great rage. My Lord Buckhurst is much with her, and few " else since the city business ; but the dangers are over, and " yet she always keeps a sword by her table. So disordered is " all order that her Highness hathe worne but one change of " raiment for many days, and sweers much at those that cause " her greefs in such wise, to the no small discomfiture of all " about her, more especially our sweete Lady Arundell, that " Venus plus quam venusta." This was the bright young b x Life of Sir John Harington. Margaret Willoughby of the Hatfield days, faithful to the end. On the 27th of December, 1602, only nine days after he finished his tract on the succession, Sir John Harington thus wrote to his wife : — " I finde some lesse mindfull of whate they " are soone to lose than of what they may perchance hereafter " get. Nowe, on my owne parte, I cannot blot out from my " memorie's table the goodnesse of our Sovereigne Ladieto me, " even (I will saie) before borne ; her affectione to my mother " who waited in privie chamber, her bettering the state of my " father's fortune, her watchings over my youth, her likinge to " my free speech, and admiration of my little learninge and " poesy, which I did so much cultivate on her commande, have " rootede such love, such dutyfull remembrance of her princelie " virtues, that to turne askante from her condition with tear- " lesse eyes, woud straine and foule the springe and fountc of " gratitude." When the Queen sent young John Harington a copy of her speech to Parliament in 1575, he being then a boy of fourteen, she wrote : — " Ponder my poore wordes tyll -they " enter thyne, understanding; so shalt thou hereafter, per- " chance, fynde some goode frutes hereof when thy Godmother " is oute of remembraunce, and I do thys, because thy father " was ready to serve and love us in trouble and thrall." In 1606 he thus wrote to his cousin, Eobert Markham of Cotham : — " I bless the Queen's memorye for all hir goodnesse " to me and my familie ; and now wyll I shewe you what " strange temperament she did sometyme put forthe. Hir " mynde was oftime like the gentle aire that comethe from. the " westerly pointe in a summer's morn ; twas sweete and re- Life of Sir John Harington. xi " freshing to all arounde hir. Her speech did winne all affec- " tions, and hir subjectes did trye to shewe all love to hir " commandes ; for she woulde saye hir state did require her to " commande what she knew her people woude willingly do " from their owne love to hir, therein did she shewe hir " wysdom Mlie. Againe she coude pute forthe such altera- " cions, when obedience was lackinge, as lefte no doubtynges " whose daughter she was." On the accession of James, Sir John Harington wrote to Lord Thomas Howard, asking him not to be slack to forward his being noticed in proper season, and accordingly in 1604 he had a long interview with the new King, who asked him whether the land did not entertain good opinion of his learn- ing and wisdom, and talked much about witchcraft. Mr. Park, who wrote the notice of Sir John Harington in the 1804 edition of the Nugce Antiquce, is wrong in supposing that James I. created him a Knight of the Bath (p. xx.). It was John, the eldest son of Lord Harington of Exton, who received that honor. But the contrast between the new and old order of things soon disgusted the Elizabethan courtier. In 1606 he wrote to Mr. Secretary Barlow that the lords wallow in beastly delights, the ladies roll about in intoxication, and the Danish King gets very drunk. He adds — " In the Queen's days I " never did see such lack of good order, discretion, and sobriety " as I have now done. I wish I was at home." But Harington formed a devoted attachment for the gallant young Henry, Prince of Wales, and they corresponded fre- quently. In June 1608 he wrote the Prince an account of the wonderful sagacity of his dog " Bungay," which found its way b 2 xii Life of Sir John Harington. alone from London to Kelston ; in 1609 he sends the Prince a copy of his " Ariosto " and some verses attributed to Henry VI.; and it was for Prince Henry that he wrote his " Brief Yiew of " the State of the Church of England," being a character and history of the Bishops, upon occasion of that proverb : — Henry the 8th pull'd down abbeys and cells, Henry the 9th shall pull down bishops and bells. This little book is full of anecdote, and is valuable from Harington's personal knowledge of the Bishops of his day. Toby Matthew, of York, was his intimate friend ; Wickham, of Winchester, was his teacher at Eton ; Still, of Bath and Wells, his tutor at Cambridge ; Bennet, of Hereford, he knew at Cambridge, where " he was a proper active man, and played " well at tennis." The book was levelled chiefly against the married Bishops, and its subsequent publication was for a party purpose. It came into the hands of John Chetwynd, Harington's grandson, through a daughter, and a strong Presbyterian, who printed it at Wells in 1652. It was again printed by the Rev. Henry Harington at Norwich in 1778, in the " Nugse Antiquae," and again in 1804. Sir John Harington was visited at Kelston by Robert Earl of Salisbury, on the 18th of May, 1612, who found him sick of a dead palsy. He died in December, 1612, his wife surviving him until 1634. Both were buried in Kelston Church within the communion rails under a stone with the following in- scription : — " In memory of Sir John Harington, Kt. 1612, and Lady Mary, wife of Sir John, daughter of Sir George Rogers, 1634." They had nine children, of whom two died young. Life of Sir John Harington. xiii The eldest, John Harington, of Kelston, M,P. for Bath in 1646, was a staunch Parliament man, and Commandant of Carisbrook Castle, but he died before the Restoration. His son, who was also John Harington of Kelston, married Dionysia daughter of James Ley, Earl of Marlborough, who died in 1674, and Kelston remained in the family until 1776, when it was sold to Sir Ceesar Hawkins. The last burial in the Harington vault at Kelston appears to have been that of Robert Harington in 1765. Dryden, Collier, and Fuller wrote with respect of Sir John Harington's abilities as a writer ; but he will always be best known for his epigrams and for his charming letters, from some of which I have quoted. They were first printed by the Rev. Henry Harington in 1779, in three volumes of collections called the " Nugse Antiquse ; " and an enlarged and better arranged edition, in two volumes, appeared in 1804 under the editorship of Mr. Park. The proofs that the author of the anonymous manuscript at York was Sir John Harington are numerous. He says that his mother's brother was Thomas Markham, that he had a brother named Francis, that his father wrote some lines upon Bishop Gardiner and translated the Be Amicitid of Cicero when he was a prisoner in the Tower, that he was a friend of Essex, that he served in Ireland, that his mother was of the Queen's bedchamber. All these things were true of Sir John Harington, and together they were true of no one else. He also speaks of being from the West, he tells stories of the Somersetshire Justices, he reads cantos of Ariosto to several people, he complains of the destruction of a Harington tomb, xiv Life of Sir John Harington, he can seldom resist the temptation of punning, and the style of the tract is unmistakably Haringtonian. Moreover there is a letter at the beginning from King James, thanking this correspondent for a copy of the translation of Ariosto- Finally the manuscript belonged to Archbishop Matthew, who was an intimate friend of Harington. The marginal notes are in the handwriting of the Arch- bishop. CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM. ■ ■. - ■ ■ ■ ■ 'M A TEACT ON THE SUCCESSION TO THE CEOWN. TEACT ON THE SUCCESSION TO THE CROWN (A.D. 1602.) Coppie of the King's Lettre, Anno D. 1591. Thanking Sir John Harington for a copy of Ariosto. T^ustie and well belovit, wee greit you well. Wee have received by Mr. Hudson your translation of Ariost, and in the first view thairof a very singular contentment not onely of your kyndely and well affected meaning towardes us, but also of the worthines of your good sprite which wee accownt much of respecting the present rarietie of such within this He. Wee give you therefore heartie thankes of your good will, desyring you alwaies continew the saim towardes us, which wee sail be about by all meanes to acquite when as occasion sail be offred according to the worthy- nes of your merit. Wee will not use many wordes, wishing rather ye should have proof of our favour and conceit wee have of you by good effect. And thus wee committ you to the Protection of the Almightie. From our Pallace of Halirudhowse, the xxiijth day of December, 1591. Your verie good freind JAMES $L INTRODUCTORY. To all trew Englishmen that feare God and honor the Queene, the Protesting Catholique, Purytan sendeth greeting. I have observed, my deare countrymen, that in this age of ours though many have excellent naturall giftes of Wry ting and Speaking, and some have the same giftes much enforsed and amplified by art, with rules of Rhetoricke, with choise methods, apt similitudes, pleasant allegories, grave sentences, strong authorities, yet very few do either in speach or writing attaine to their desyred end, which is to purswade men to believe them. Now the onely reason I can finde hereof is, that men ar more suspected of partialitye in The partiaiitie this Age then in former tymes they have beene. Whether they away there desirve so to be suspected I will not now discusse, but that they ar so I think few will deny. And therefore I not hoping to attaine to a pointe denied to so many of great Learning and higher calling, and meaning to enter into a cause of that Importance to all of us, as under the sonne is no weightier, so neerly concerning every one of us in his particular as no man almost can be found so symple never to have thought of it, or so subtill as to cleere all doubtes and daungers incident to the Question : I have chosen, I say, to speake to you all, more with other men's wordes then myne owne : Yea (which is more) some of them written in another language at the first, directed to another nation ; sortie- written by men as contrary in opinions one frome another as may be, and no lesse diverse from us ; and yet all in this one poynt admirably concurring. b2 @> Introductory. The Duke of Somerset. Mr. Went- worth a verie zealous man in the reformed religion. An unknowen writer, but a great Papist. His bookes have K. P. Some take it for Robert Parsons a Jesuit. The chief Writer whome I cite most at large, was in degree a Duke, in religion a Protestant, in office a Protector, wise as is to be presumed of himself and using the advise and servyce of the wisest that the Realme at that tyme affoorded. And therefore his writing cannot be lightly regarded. The second author I cite was a Gentleman of a good house and of good breeding, and so zealous a man in that which is called the Reformed Religion that he was cownted a Puritan, and was earnest in that they call the matter of discipline. The third author I cite I knowe by nothing but by his writings,* but they showe him to be not onely a Papist but (as a learned doctor of Oxforde tearmed one of the like profession) a Puritan Papist. Yet to give him his due, a man of great Learning and much Reading, and howsoever his heart is, hath the best English tongue of any that I have happened to read in this age. Now in a word or two breinye to satisfie you of my upright and imparciall Intent in this unaccustomed manner of Writing. Thus it is. a Kobert Parsons was born of humble parentage at Stowey, near Bridgewater, in 1546. The vicar of the parish taught him Latin and sent him up to Oxford, where he became a Fellow of Baliol in 1572. He afterwards studied civil law and physic at Padua. On July 5th he was admitted a Jesuit at Borne. Bobert Parsons was the dear friend of the Jesuit Campian, both students at Oxford, both utterly opposed to the established religion, and both became Jesuits. In 1580 Campian, Parsons, and seven other Jesuits, were sent from Borne on a mission to England, believing that half the country was at heart for the old religion. Parsons arrived in the disguise of a volunteer officer returning from the Low Countries, and made his way to London. Campian followed, was apprehended, tortured, and executed in December 1581, dying a martyr's death. Parsons and Campian had powers from Gregory XIII. to moderate the severe Bull of Pius V. Parsons travelled up and down the country, to gentlemen's houses, in the disguise of a soldier. On the capture of Campian he fled from England, and in 1587 was appointed Eector of the English College at Borne. Hoping for a cardinal's hat which he never got, he died in 1597. He published many controversial books, one famous one : A Conference about the next Succession to the Crown of England, under the name of Francis Dolman. Introductory. I here all honest and well meaning men acknowledge and ac- Three Re- knowledging lament the great division that is at this day through England, all Europe, and especially in these Ilandes of England and Ireland, in Ireland. ' matters of Religion, arid though the sectes be many and severall like a Bellua multorum capitum, yet ar they most notoriously knowen by these three names, Papists, Protestants, and Purytans, for to one of these three all the other do in a manner decline and hare their dependencie. My purpose is not at all to dispute of, or betweene these, but to graunt as a thing not denyed, and that I must in myne owne con- science yeald to be true, that of all three there ar men learned, and not onely civillie honest, but heartilie devout, and therefore because I write to all, and all I write to will encline to favour some one of these, I knew not how better to tune every man to his owne lay then by shewing what hath bene written advisedlie, gravely, and learnedly by one of his owne syde, that howsoever estraunged or divided in other matters of faith, or prone in disputes, yet in this matter of State of all worldlie matters most important wee may all hold togither, and who knoweth whether a sound accorde in a matter of so great moment may not be a great inducement to a better agreement in matters of Religion ? First, therefore, to the Protestant parte, which is like to be far To the Pro- testants the the greatest, and the rather because it excludes not the more mode- most populous. rate sorte of the other two, and especially because all the carelesse and indifferent sorte, and all the simple and ignorant present them- selves under that name, that seames guarded with less authoritye of the Realme and State. To them I offer diverse passages out of an Oration written (as I touched before) by the Duke of Somerset in the vth yeare of King Edward the Vlth, intituled To the Nobles and Commonaltie of Scotland, and published in print in the Latin tounge (as I suppose), to the intent not onely that the Learned of Scotland but also of other Nations might witnesse his integritye 6 Qy Introductory. and good mynde to both realmes, in labouring to effect their quiet and happy meeting/ Now if this Duke's argumentes shall seame to you, as they did to me, soundlie grounded not only upon reason and pollicie, but also upon religion and pietie, what Protestant of any capacitye can chuse but make due application of them to the publique good of his countrye ? and who that loveth either of these Realmes wilbe against the happy Conjunction of both Realmes? Yet let me adde this one word more to the comfort of the Protestants, that if they seek through all Europe they ar not like to finde a prince so like to let them enjoy the freedome of the Grhospell with all the safety and liberty they now have, as in all men's opinions the present King of Scottes. Whether they would admitt the Infant of Spain or any other Infant or woman of home byrthe or forraine. And thus much brieflie to the Protestant. To J^ uritan Now for the Purytan. Though their number is thought greatly zealous. to decrease and they have of late lost many good freindes, yet they have many left, and where they take, their violence and heat may prevaile more then greater numbers, for as Caesar said of Brutus — Quicquid vult, valde vult — so it is observed in them, that their zeale is greater then other men's how right soever their cause is, which here I dispute not. Unto these, therefore, I present a brief and true collection of certaine Argumentes of Mr. Wentworth concerning this high question, a man of great accompt with all of that pro- a This letter is described in Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials, ii, part i. p. 28. It is in Grafton's Chronicle, and copied thence into Holinshed, but the date is on the 5th of February in the second year of Edward VI., not the fifth year. Holinshed's tran- scriber omitted the few concluding words showing the date, which accounts for Holinshed's mistake in placing this letter under the year 1549 ; and this proves that Sir John Harington copied from Holinshed. Sir John is right in supposing that the letter was written in Latin as well as in English, that it might be more universally read. Bale who mentions this, also says that the letter was composed by the Protector himself. Introductory. ( 7 OL fession, and that endured tryall for the same with much constancye and patience, he being in prison and in verie great displeasure, yet of verie conscience (as himself protesteth, and in charitie we are bound to beleeve) left this testimonie behind him out of which I made this short collection wherein he doth so uprightlye dealle as no man of upright judgment can chuse but subscribe to his reasons." Now I suppose the Purytan's agreing so well with the Scottish Church, and no way misliking with the King's education, need litle exhortacion to allowe that which so worthy a member, yea almost a martyr of their Churche, hath for his last farewell left unto them. Now for the Papistes, who are feared most, because they f eare The Papist most. If they will not say and unsay and committ that fault in perilous. themselves that they have laid to others, I can laye to them, yea and over lay them with authorityes and testimonies of their owne syde, but I will sleightly touch them, as counting their number smallest, and power weakest, and when they have well examined, if I have cited their Author's aright, then let me give them this Caveat, That if they will hope ever to obtaine this long served for Tolleracion, let them leave their untollerable practises in matters of State, which forced the State against the Queen's inclination, and a Mr. Peter Wentworth, Member for Tregony in Cornwall, was one of the leaders of the Puritan party in the Parliaments of Queen Elizabeth. In 1571 he was a member of the Committee of the House on matters of religion which waited on Archbishop Parker. The Archbishop said that surely they would refer themselves wholly to the Bishop. Wentworth replied with some heat, and somewhat rudely, " No, by the faith I bear to God we will pass nothing before we understand what it is. For that were but to make you Popes. Make you Popes who list, for we will make you none." In 1575 Went- worth gave great offence to the Queen by his free speech. He was examined in the Star Chamber touching his virulent and wicked words, and committed to the Tower ; but after a month the Queen set him at liberty, and restored him to his place in the House. In 1586 he again supported the introduction of a Bill to alter the established forms and ceremonies in religion, and was again in trouble. In 1593 he had a Bill ready drawn to beseech the Queen to entail the Crown. She was highly displeased, and again committed him to the Tower. Introductory. many of the Counsell, to make sharper lawes against the Papists then else would have needed, or will perhaps need hereafter, if they will according to their profession praie for their Princes and not practize against their Princes. And let this suffice to the Papists. And so praying to God to send as quiet an unyon in all other questions betwene these three professions, as I hope they will have in this, when they have well weighed each syde his owne reasons, I committ all three to that Home Teintie that is perfect unitye. HCL CHAPTER I. chap. i. A faithfull collection and report of some principall passages out of the Duke of Somerset's epistle or oration, entended and entituled To the Nobles and Counsellors, People and Comonaltie ™nS£ B et op Scotland. gg"*^ In the first page he reprehendes the Scots very gravely and justlie with these wordes. Multum subit mirari. " Wee cannot but " greatly marvell what mischievous and fatall evill it should be " that so straungeth your myndes frome us, & makes you so blynde " and carelesse of your owne good that you do so wilfully and " advisably drawe and even heape on upon yourselves extrame " calamityes and miseries with great obstinacy e, whereas wee whome " (most unwilling) you make your enemies do as much as in us " lieth to remove and utterly take away all such evill haps frome " you." You insinuating all the fault to be in some busy ambitious spirites, he laieth downe a notable consideracion of the admirable oportunities then offered of uniting both the Realmes (though then they were all as admirabely deluded) which I delyver at large in his owne wordes, Quod si Gubernator, etc. " But if your Governor and other martiall men and Captaines " shall still keep this exhortation of ours frome your sight as they " did formerly suppresse the like proclamation sent you before the " last battell, and all for their owne private profitt and ambition, " who it seames care not what becomes of you nor how that King- , " dome is afflicted, so as themselves may be in good state and remaine " in Authoritye. If I say they shall proceed to delude you with " vain and feined terrors, yet let this serve as it were for a pledge c Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap. i. 1 1 an( j a testimonie of our good meaning afore Grod and Christe, and " all Christian people, that we that prof esse the Grospell of Christe, " according to the doctrine of that holy precept, cease not to recall " and by all meanes to dehorte you frome the shedding of your owne " blood, from the spoile of the Scottish territorye, frome perpetuall " enmity and everlasting hatred, frome the utter exterpacon of all " your Nation, frome the subjection and slavery of forraine Princes " and Soldiours, and to exhorte you to Liberty e, freindshippe, to " that equal injoyning of all rightes & commodities with our owne " selves ; finally, to that which your owne best writers, (learned and " free spirited writers,) have ever wyshed might at last be effected. " They that shall take payne but to peruse the histories of former " ages & actions, and shall in them note so many, so long, and so " daungerous warres betweene the English and Scottes, so many " rodes and spoyles on both sydes, and shall fynde one King of " England to have entered five tymes within the very bowels of " your Realme, and to have so oft driven your King out of his " kingdome, and made him flye to the woodes, mountaines, Tbogges, " & Ilandes, shall reade of other Kings of Scottes making warr " against us, some slaine in the feild, some brought prisonors into " England, some after losse of the battell dye of very melancholye " and greife. "When they shall understand in like manner that " your onely nation of all the World speakes the same language " that wee doe. And as wee are borne and bredd in one Hand, so " no nation is more like us in shape, in fashion, in manners, in witt, " in speache, than yours is. Will they not, I say, affirm that it is '" an unworthie, an ungodly, an unchristian thinge that we should " have such endlesse and such deadly warres among ourselves, wee " that are by seituation severed from other nations, joyned by " nature like brothers, of one off springe, of one He, the Elder " Britaine our common parent, a well resembling issue, as it were " Children of the same venter ? on the Succession to the Crown. " If one were a mere straunger unto us, ignorant of our state CHAF - L and Region, onely having but read that I before noted in some historie of both our Nations, yet what could such a straunger imagine to be more profitable or more expedient to both of us than for two kingdomes united in language to be united also in Empyre, and not to be sundered in Rule, whome in Region Nature hath not sundered. And because there is no other way to joyne two victorious family es and two severall nations to growe as it were into one, but onely by the hand of mariage which turnes the issue and offspring of the two severall nations to growe as it were into one bodye, so preserving the right of both, as what- soever it gives to either syde it is without the wronge, losse, dis- parage, or extinguishment of the other, therefore wee must needes acknowledg these to be a match verie fortunately offered. Yea if God should graunt you this boon, that what one wish so ever you could wish for the benefitt of your countrie should be immediately given you, what better thing could you wish then this which now not by chaunce or casualtye but even by the speciall and mercifull providence of God he hath in compassion of you and in care of us franckly bestowed upon you? And least you might fortune imagine that this was a thing merely casuall, and not sent by any divine providence, I praie you observe how untoward, how un- likely and uncreditable all thinges seamed to this sequel. How soddenly they were chaunged, that thereby God's great Love towardes you, and withall his unspeakeable power, might be by most apparent signes manifested and declared. Your late King, that last dyed, a noble and worthie prince, & but young of yeares, whome (as your selves knowe) after he had broken the League and by God's just Judgement received an overthrowe, it pleased God to take out of this worlde either with verie sorrow and grief of mynde, or by some other cause or meanes as seemed best to bis secret and uncrutable will. That King, I say, left behinde him c2 Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap, i. it three children. Did not his issue male which might have hindered " this happy conjunction of these two nations (two sweet boys) even " by God Almightie his oune hand, that he might shewe it was his " pleasure this long and bloodye warre might at last be ended and " confirme love betweene two nations so long living in hatred by a " happy marriage ? Did not, I say, these two children being distant " in place one frome another, kept in two severall castells, dye both " at one tyme and in xxiiij howres' space, leaving one onely daughter " and heire of the blood royall, your now Queene ? " Moreover, whereas our late King Henrie the VIII. a most " mightie Prince (though in his other matters not verie fortunate), " yet begat this our Prince of so great hope and expectation that " now reigneth of his dearest and lawfull wife, the Ladye Jane, " which Ladie he then maried when none was living that pretended " the name of a wife, he so loved that neither in all his life tyme " nor at any tyme after any suspition or question ever rose either of " the Lawfulness of that Matrimony e, or of the vertue of that most " chast and vertuous woman, not amongst the most peevish and " malignant yll-willers. By hir he left this worthye Prince his " onely and sole heire male, as well to succeed in his father's virtues " as possessions. l( If there were nothing but this, what could any Christian wise " man (that thinkes humane matters ar governed by Divine Provi- " dence and not by blynde chaunce and fortune) judge or determyne " other than God would have it, that these two kingdomes so often " harried with mutuall hatred should fynde an end of those mis- " cheefes, and being joyned in matrimony that holy Sacrament " might confirme an inviolate and perpetual peace among them' " selves. Finally, growing wearie of all these calamities and miseries, " might by God's most mercifull and heavenly gifte fynde the " means to enjoy the wealth that must needes growe of mutuall love " and freindshipp, of which if any of you doubte, or, if any other on the Succession to the Crown. (13 G^\ " shall doubte, I cannot imagine how God should more manifestlie CHAF L " declare his mynde unlesse perhaps you looke for miracles." Then seaming almost to acknowledg the excuses miracolous, he bringes by a pretie Prosopodia, as it were in a speach from Heaven, God speaking thus : " I of myne infinit clemencie and mercy, and of my love to you " and both your nations, graunted an undoubted and lawfull sonne 11 and heire to one of your kinges, and a true and undoubted daughter " and heire to the other, that by my holy Lawes they might be " joyned in matrimony, and by the verie lawe of Nature and Nations " they might breed and begett a peace and eternal Concorde through " the whole He of Brytainne. You would not, you refused the con- " ditions that were offered, you preferred dissention afore unitye, " discord afore concord, war afore peace, hate afore love and " charitye. If then now you be afflicted or dismaid with greif " whome can you accuse but your selves, or what can you lay the " blame on, but on your owne free choise ?" After this he answers the objection of a conquest under this pre- tended mariage, protesting all friendly meaning, all equality, namely, saith he, " Wee offer the traffique of our countrie, the enterchange " of marriadges, and the abrogating of all our auncient lawes that " forbad both these and whatsoever else might hinder us our mutuall " love. We have offered you not onely to renounce the name, " authoritye, title, right, and honor of the victorye, but also to " admitt that which is wont to be reputed as the scorne and " Ignominie of the conquered, namely, to forsake the name of our " nation, to suffer all our former conquestes and victories to be " quite defaced, disannulled and putt to be in perpetual oblivion, " and to receive asraine and admitt the auncient name of Brittons." The name of Britons. Then he proceedes to prove out of those former offers the justice and necessitye of the warre that must ensew the refusall of those offers, he protestes to alter no lawes of theirs, and proves by Sir John Harington's Tract chap. i. argumentes and examples of Normandie under the French King, of diverse provinces under Charles the Emperor, and of some partes of England itself, that lyve in good peace and quiet subjection, though using severall lawes and customes, so as the diversitie of lawes need be no Impediment to the conjunction. Neither can I omitt to observe how he toutcheth upon a tytle that the Kinges of England have of old made to the Realme of Scotland in this passage, a litle past the middle of y e Epistle : " And as concerning your Queene, your meaning is not, I am " sure, to keep her alwaies single and unmarried, which for you to " do, nay even to think it, were most shamefull. Againe, if you " shall marrie hir to some noble man of your owne country, that '' will not extinguishe our Right that wee claime to Scotland', and " what a trouble and envy it will breade among yourselves, you i( may easilie conjecture. But perhaps you will marye hir to some " forrein Prince, our title still remaines. You subject yourselves to li a new Lorde, a forraine Nation, a straunge language, and as you " shall mak^your enemies being nere hand, whereas your succours " must come to you a farre of." Upon this he proceedes very probabelye to shewe the incon- venience of a warre maintained by straungers, whether they send onely soldiours, or onely commaunders, by example of the Brittons and Saxons, French and Graulls, Turkes & Greekes, all which expelled them out of their country, to whose country they were called for succour, coucluding that whole passage with this assertion, " An armed and sharking soldiour, when he shall understand " your safety lyeth in his hand and that you cannot lyve without " him, what is it he will not take upon him to commaund you? " What will he not challendge of you as his owne dew ? What will •' hee think unlawfull? Whatwill heethinkyou dare doeagainst him?" Finally, haveing runne over the inconveniences of the warre, he showes the commodities like to ensew of the conjunction in these on the Succession to the Crown. Q5 Cu wordes. " But of the other syde if one or two Nations might be CHAR L once joynedtogither what a notable strength should wee be one to another, how strongly should we be fortefied against all forraine forces, having the maine ocean for a wall and rampyre, our mutuall love and freindshipp for our succour, and God himself our keeper and Defender ! No doubt wee might make so strong and well composed a Monarchic, that both in peace we might have a flourish- ing estate not to be ashamed of, and in warre our greatnes would be such as wee need not repent it. Why should not you be as desyrous of this conjunction as wee be, seeing wee might have as just cause to rejoice in your behalf as you to gratulate us? If the honnour of so mightie and flourishing a Monarchic cannot make you to accept of this peace and freindlie League wee offer you, yet let the imminent daungers and calamities hanging over your heades keep you from that which will offend the-Grod of peace, will nourish and heape on misery on ye nation, will exhaust the riches of your Realme, spoyle yourlandes, slay your children, deface your townes, raze your castles, and with sword, fire, and famin, and thousand other miseries, leave all Scotland waste desert, desolate, or else reduce you under the yoake of slavery of some forraine and strange Potentate." And thus he concludeth the treatise with offer of large Immunities to all sortes, and especially to marchauntes, and the same to be con- firmed by generall proclamation and under the great sealle of England. Out of these scarcer precedent passages directed at the tyme they were written from the Duke of Somerset to the Nobles and Commoners of Scotland, there ar many considerations fitly to be applyed at this present to the Nobles and Counsellours of England, for in generall, as Homer saith, "Mutato nomine de te Fabula narratur.'' For proof let us examine them breiflie, at first, how much more justly may the King of Scots and his nobles urge both the first and Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap. i. second passage against us, if wee should refuse this so happy con- junction ; for in the then motioned match of King Edward the VI th with Queene Marie of Scotland there was but a hope, a liklyhood, or a possibilitie of isseu to have confirmed and established that desyred Conjunction, which issue if it had failed, as by many pos- sibilities it might have doone, then all had been againe disunited and fresh occasions of warre and bloodshed were likely to have risen againe as examples of like hopes frustrated, and like purposes de- feated in the tyme of Edward the First do make manyfest. Whereas here ar alreadie the two royal bloodes of both nations infalliblye, and unseparately united in the person of this vertuous Kinge, and the same soundly rooted and strengthened by issue both male and female, likely by God's grace to last while the world shall last, so as herein is no manner of comparison. As for the means that brought this to passe, they ar in my understanding as admirable and more palpablie to be discerned even a work of the finger of God then ar those so much admired and so much urged by the Duke, for it is a thing much moore worthie admiration, and in which the inscrutable judgementes of the most highest do more plainly appeare, that a king that had so many wyves and so many children as had Kinge Henry, the VIII th , that left behind him a towardly sonne that reigned vij yeares, left two daughters of fruitfull races, one married to a great king that had isseue to other wyves, the other sought by all the worthy princes of Europe, and yet not any of these to have any hope of posteritie, this, I say, .is more straunge then for two male children, being but children, to dye by sicknes or other mishappes about one tyme, the lyke whereof happened to the two sonnes of the Duke of Suffolk who dyed of the sweat, of whome Doctor Haddon wrote an epitaph beginning thus : A Nobile par fratrum, matris dulcissima cura, Hie cadit Henricus Carolus inde ruit. on the Succession to the Crown. Wherefore the event of these thinges, I meane the devolution of chap. i. Title to the Crowne of England, being so evidently by the speciall providence of God fallen on the King of Scottes, may much more fitlie have applied unto it that Prosopeia which I cited out of the Duke's Epistle in the third passage, seing God hath in this so evidently spoken by his workes as no man can reade that but hee must needes in his owne heart applye it to the present tymes and persons. But concerning the offer made in the fowrth passage, though to many it will seame a matter of small moment to either part, yet I must confesse it affected me extraordinarily in the reading, and moved me in one kynde to ascribe as much to prophecies as the Duke doth elsewhere to miracles. And though Lknowe it is a note that Phillip Commines observeth in disgrace of our nation to be fondlye addicted to prophecies, and the wyser sort do for the most part utterly scorn them, yet I fynde they give a presage, and leave an impression in their myndes that seeme most to scorne them. The offer is to chaunge the name of England and Scotland and call both by their old name of Brytaine. This makes me call to mynde a blynde prophesye that I heard when I was a child, namely : After Hempe is sowen and growen Kings of England shall be none. This Hempe they understood to signify the five Princes that last reigned by the first lettres of their names, Henrie, Edward, Marie, Phillip, Elizabeth. After which many, applyeng this fantasticke prophecie to their more fantastic humors, would have it — Some that the realme should be againe divided into an heptarchie or govern- ment of Seaven — Some, that like to the Low Countries wee should be governed by States — Others feared some conquest of the King of Spaine, whereby wee should be governed by a Viceroy, as D Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap. i. Naples, Sicily, and the Indies. Now I (for everie one abounds in his own sence) imagine the likeliest and happiest way of perform- ance of this prophecy wil be by the acceptance of this offer made so long since by the Duke of Somerset, then Protector, and in the name of the King and Counsell of England. That this would be acceptable to Scotland it seames was then thought, else why is it used as a motyve to them, and why is it offered as a favour frome hence? And that it can be no great offence or disgrace to England if it should be hereafter accepted it seames the rather because the wiser and better sorte at that tyme offered it. Lo then to you that attribute anything to such matters, a meanes how to performe without spoile or bloodshed this prodigious prophecy. Hempe thus gathered will imploy the fewest halters. Let England never have King, so Britaine may be godlie and peacebly governed in a flourish- ing and durable Monarchie. If the union of the howses of York and Lancaster were a thing that bredd so much joy and quiet to this Realme as the best writers do testify, and the best subjectes do acknowledge, how much more just cause of joy shall they have that shall live to see the uniting of two nations of England and Scotland so often desyred. Think advisedlie hereon (good reader) who ever you bee, and oppose not your self against the publique profitt, the desire and hope of so many well mynded men, and in all apparance the decree of heaven. Neither let any man reject as a thing to a light in so important a cause that I make mention of prophecies, seing one of the greatest and best learned prelates of this land in a sermon before the Queen at the beginning of a Parliament did ascribe so much to a prophecie of this kynde that he concluded, if it were an error, it was a learned error. And to insist a litle , further upon this pointe, mee thinkes the more I consider this offer of the Duke's, with other allegacions made a too. on the Succession to the Crown. by him in his Epistle, the matter still seames to me to be of greater chap. i. consequence then at the first shew it appeared. It seames by the Duke's writing, the Scotts did then, under pre- tence of a matche, feare a conquest. It appeares by the sermon last mentioned that some Englishe feare the like now, foolish feares of men, that comonly drawe on by fearing, that which they most feare. But, loe, in this offer how fitlie all may be reconciled, and all these tragicall terrors may have a comicall and commendable con- clusion. The chaunge of name is a badge of conquest, for so noteth Machiavell in his discourse upon the first Decade of Lyvie, the seconde booke, the viiith chapter ; and bringes in England for an example. Let us then admitt (if it so please his Majestie that may hereafter appoint it) this badge of a just, a mylde, and unbloody conquest, in which both nations shall conquer all their old rancor and malice and envy, a conquest in which warre itself shalbe con- quered, a conquest that may avert, prevent, and defend all other conquestes. 5. For as for that which I noted in the first place it is not worthie the speaking of, namely, the right which the crowne of England claimeth to the Eealme of Scotland, which by God's holye grace wilbe one day so mixed and confounded as shall turne to the per- petuall preservation of bothe. 6. Onely to those who will shutt their eyes against so cleare a light, I wish them wheresoever they have placed their hopes, either abroade in Fraunce, or Spaine, or at home, in hope of some forrein assistance, that they mark well the vi th passage of the knowen incon- veniences of forrain succors, and believe it without tryall, least experience, the maistres of fooles, sell them with at a bloody price. There is but one right, and that is so published and knowne as no witt, no cunninge, nor false collours can obscure it. Magna est Veritas et PEEVALET. Great is the truthe and prevaileth. d2 CHAP. I. 20 ; Sir John Haringtoris Tract on the Succession to the Crown. 7. Now for the vij th and last passage, it saith so much for itself as it may seame needlesse to say any more to that effect, for whome neither considerations of justice, nor love, nor terror can move. Wee must leave them as men seperat and given over to a reprobate sence. Onely I hope that every man that reades this will graunt that which hitherto I have only endeavoured to prove, that the con- junction of the two realmes then wished is now as expedient, much more profitable, and every way more rightfull, and consequentlie more durable then it would have been then. And so all readers, but speciallie Protestantes, may remaine confirmed in their myndes, whensoever Grod shall so dispose to admitt and further this happye conjunction. 21 CHAPTER II. a faithful and breif collection of some chief reasons out of Me. Wentwoeth's booke of Succession. A freind of his had craved to understand his conceipt of Doll- chap. ii. man's booke, as also to know his opinion of Succession, to which he thus answereth in the first page : " 1. The handling of this question is very daungerous (meaning of " Succession), although conscience and sound policie do require that el even they who doe forbid it most of all should most of all other " search it out and debate it. For as wee fynde now by this booke " (of Dollman's) the most daungerous practize which the enemyes " and traytors to our State could ever have used for the under- " mining of the same, is by such sedicious and pernicious courses to " overwhelme the lighte and right of Succession with so great darke- " nes as the judgementes not onely of the multitude but even of " manie of the better sorte may be dazled, and when the tyme of " tryall shall come they may be stricken with such a dumpe and " amazement as they shall not discerne what to doe, nor whome to " followe." Then followes in the next lease his shorte but just and sharp censure of Dollman's booke : — "2. As for the booke, this is my opinion in few wordes, that no " man can in reason expect to gather grapes of thornes, or thynke " any good can be intended to our Queene and country by a Spanish " hearted Papist. His name doth f orewarne you of his deceipt, which " clerely appeareth in every part of his booke; his purpose is plaine 22 Sir John Haringtons Tract char ii. « to wor k e our dissention, debate, and destruction. The booke is no " fuller of lynes then of lyes, which ar countenanced most tymes " with the creditt of Noblemen, otherwhiles flourished and glazed " with sentences andtextes of Scriptures impudenthe disswading the " tryall of Succession which every favourer of Grood doth wishe. It " giveth title to many which have no reason to be touched with any " such matter, and closely impeaches the government and right of " the Queene," etc. Immediately after which, protesting that he hath doubted if this matter or the matter of discipline (as he calleth it) were more im- portant, he concludeth the Realme and Religion to rest upon this ■ pillar, and endeth as it were his proeme with this confession : " 3. I must confesse and you and many of my freindes knowe " that I have floated and altered upon some pointes of this question. " Yet at this present I am of that mynde, and so I thinke shalbe " still, that the right shalbe found in this King of Scottes to succeed " hir," etc. Then followes this plaine and demonstrative reason why the King of Scottes must needes be the true Successour. " 4. I take this ground as yealded, that you and every loyall " and true Englishman will freely confesse, if the Lady Margaret, " the elder sister of King Henrie the VIII th , were at this present " alyve (the lyne of hir brother ceasing in our gracious Queene) " that shee, I say, would without all controuversy be received, and by l i all England acknowledged to be the onely right and true heire to " hir Majistie, and that all others should give place to that hir right. " Now seeing the said King is next in discent frome her, by a " lawfull, unstained and unblemished lyne by bothe Parentes, what , " conscience or reason can warrant us to defeat him, hir next heire " of that Eight, which by just devolution is come to him, and which " wee by our owne confessions stand bounde to have yealded to hir, " if she had at this tyme beene living to have received it." on the Succession to the Crown. 23 After this, omitting some objections aunswered by the Bishopp of chap. ii. Ros and others, he professes to handle some poyntes that they had not satisfied, or perhaps not heard of, and yet such as carried some weight with his freindes (he meanes the Puritans). These objections he divideth into two sortes: — 1. Such as oppugne absolutely the King's right, or such as graunting his right yet maintaine that a Parlament may put him beside it. Of those that deny his title the chief reason is his forrein birth as they foolishlie call it, which he thus sitteth downe and confuteth. "5. The impediment by reason of his forrein birth is grounded on l( a Statute made anno 25° Ed. 3, which though by Rosse and others " it be well aunswered, yet two difficulties to such as understand " not the statute seame to remaine. The first is that not withstanding " diverse presidentes may be brought of straungers who have " obteined the Crowne before the making of the said Statute, yet ' ' none can be alledged who since the making of the said Statute [yet " none can be alledged who since the making of the said Statute] 2 " hath gott it. The other is that hir Majistie within these few " yeares hath taken the opinion of some Judges and Serjeantes at " Lawe, concerning these wordes and their meaning, Enfants du " Hoy, which, as is said, they expounded to be no further extended " then to the first degree. For aunswer to the former the reason is " plaine why no straunger came to the Crowne since the making of " this statute, not because this Statute was or could be any lett " but because there was no straunger since that tyme, before the " now King of Scotts, that could make any clame to the Crowne. " To the second, reverence to the places of the said Judges, be it " spoken. If their Resolusion was such the promise or exception of " Enfants du Boy, in the first degree, that is the King's immediate " children, caries neither sense nor reason. For they cannot be " said in any respect to be begotten of parentes out of the King's a Sic in MS. 24 Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap, ii. (i a n e g eancej being begotten of the King himself, of whom it were " absurd to say, that he were under or out of Allegeance. But if " you say they ment by the first degree, the King's Sonne's children, " or his nephewes, why I pray you should they more be called " Enfants du Roy then his nephewes' children or their children, " seing there is the like reason of bothe ? Now for full aunswere to " this objection of his country, I will sett against this opinion of " the Judges and Serjeantes and all other private opinions or " expositions of any men whatsoever, a publique Judgement of " the Lordes Justices of both Benches given in the King's Bench, " Term Michael, 13 and 14 of the Queene, concerning a Scottish " man who was arraigned in the said Benche upon an enditement " of Rape, and he having pleaded Not Guilty, and a Venike " facias being awarded, a jewrie returned, and three of his Jewry " sworne, he did then plead that he was a Scot borne, and praied in " regard he was a straunger (as he did alledge for himself) the " benefitt which by our Lawes is afforded to straungers, to witt, to " have Medietatem Ljngile, that is, half of the jurors to be of his " owne countrymen. But by the judgement of the said justices he " was denied it. For that a Scot was not to be counted in " England for a straunger but rather a subject, and that the " Language of the Scottes is no straunge language but meer English; " And this judgment given with these reasons is extant and to be " seene in Mr. Dyer's cases as the meanest student in the Innes of " Court knoweth,'' etc. Then justifieng the lyne of the Lord Darly, the Kinge's father, to be free from any exception, noting also the worthy Lady Arbella to be descended of that lyne by the younger brother, which passage I omitt as superfluous, because I never hearde any that seamed to make any doubte of it, onely I must noate this, that he citeth the testimony of the late Lord Treasurer Burleighe for the justification of that lyne, frome thence he cometh to the on the Succession to the Crown. 25 objection of those that except against the late Queene of Scotts the char n. King's mother, and to the Association, which being a thing as is thought first conceived and begotten of the Puritans now it is worth the marking how a zealous and honest mynded Puritan doth censure it. He sets doune the othe at large verbatim with this title, " An instrument op association foe preservacion of hie , " Ma™ person made anno 1584 and confirmed by an Act of " Parliam' 1 Anno Reg. Begins Elizajb. 27." The instrument it self being so vulgarly to be seene, and because I suppose all that sware to it have some copie of it, and the rest that sware not to it will litle regard it, I forbeare to write at lengthe, but mark now how Mr. Wentworth censures it. " This Act was made up into severall instrumentes and sent to " speciall shy res, for obteyning a generall approbacon and consent " under the Noblemen's and Gentlemen's handes and seales, where- " unto many of a preposterous zeale did readilie yeald. Diverse of " the wiser sorte of all degrees and states refused modestly to ratify e " and confirme the same, because by due examination hereof they " perceived that the generall wordes therein contained might easilie ' ' be wrested to a verie hard construction contrary to equity and " the myndes of the makers thereof. And furthur they judged it " unconsionable that such as might pretend title to the Crowne, " being in their owne persons guilty of no haynous offence (though " they by whome they should clame were guiltie thereof) should " utterlie frome thence be debarred of their right. This opinion " howsoever it pleased men at that instant, yet at the Parlament '■ ensewing, the same being duely weighed, an Act was made which " limited this sharp penaltie onely to the persons offending without " any prejudice to their heires, if they were not consenting," etc. Now for the better satisfieng the reader herein Mr. Wentworth citeth the whole Statute at large, which because it is in print and E 26 Sir John Baringtorts Tract chap. ii. every man may see, I omitt ; onely the very wordes which touch this matter to the quick I do here annex : Anno 27 Eliz. Cap. 1. "7. If any such detestable act shalbe committed against her " Maj ties most royall person whereby herself shalbe be taken away " (which God of his great mercy forbyd), that then every such " person by or from whome any such act shall be executed, and " their issue, being any wise assenting or privie to the same, shall by " vertue of this Act be excluded and disabeled for ever to have or " clame the said crowne of this realme," etc. By which plaine and expresse wordes of the Statute he doth notably convince Dolman either of ignorance or, which is farre more likely, of mallice in these wordes : "8. Those actes of association and Parlament are by Dolman " confounded as if they were but one, uncertaine whether of grosse " ignorance or deep mallice. In the margent he called them the " statute of association, whereby if he ment the act of association " severally it seemeth he knewe not the Statute which expoundeth " the Act and giveth it the force it hathe, and without which it may " be as lightlie rejicted as it is by him seriously urged. For it is '< well knowen that by this act of association all were not bound, " seeing many refused to signe and seale the same, doubting what " particulars might be carried under generall tearmes. " Next these instrumentes bound onely the parties agreeing, of " whome a great number ar now dead, whose heires succeeding to " their father's places in the Common wealth must also renewe in " their owne persons their father's oath, before the same prove any- " thing prejudicial!. Thirdly, many did yeald for feare or facilitye, " who without all question for such like respect willbe also content " to yeald to the contrary. Lastlie it was but a private order and " no Act of Parlament, and therefore could be of no force or " strength to bynde us to a law before it was confirmed by Parla- on the Succession to the Crown. 27 ment. And to yeald a litle further, though all the handes and chap, ii. seales in England had bene at it yet it could not truely have bene esteamed, or thought to be, or have the force of an Act of Parla- ment, being but secretly and severally urged and begged, whereby it is manifeste that this matter is more in shewe and reporte then in substance and effect. Againe if by the Statute he meane the Act of Parlament ratifieng and confirming the act of asso- ciation he manifestly bewraieth his impudence and mallice against the Scottish Kinge in misalledging the wordes of the Statute, for whereas the Statute byndes not the heires of any that should pro- cure or attempt the Queen's death, or be privie or accessarie to the same to anie penaltie or losse of their right clame, title, pretence or action that they have or may have to the crowne of England, unlesse they be consenting thereunto. On the contrarye, Dollman wittinglie and willingly, and as it seameth against his owne conscience, perverteth the Statute, and in alledging of it leaveth out that clause which he knew could make most against him, and cleerly dissolve that doubte which before he pronounced to admitt no solucion." This is so palpable and grosse a fault of this deceitfull Dolman, and so fully and fowlye lyes open, that mee thinkes all readers how partiall so ever should blush in Dolman's behalf when they read it. But yet Mr. Wentworth, having him at so muche advantage, plaies with him like one that hath a fishe on his hooke, and deales thus liberally with him in the next leafe. " 9. Lastlie to admitt with Dolman that this Statute was good " and of sufficient force to barre the Queene of Scotts and all such " as might clame that way, yet all this cannot defeat or hinder the " Scottish Kinge of that righte which cometh to him by his father, " and which hath the first and next place if his mother's title should " abate and surcease as I have already sufficiently proved." Then proveingthe examples of Henry the VII th , Edward the 4" E 2 28 Sir John Haringtoris Tract CHAP. II. and dyverse others, that attainders by Parlament ar no lette from a due title to the crowne, and by the examples of hir father's will and her brothers, that a testament cannot alter the due course of it, he saith most truely and honestly. " 10. How injurious ar they to hir Majestie who to make hir to " seek purposely to imbark hir most faithfull and loving subjects in " most furious and raging seas of dolefull calamities after hir death, " and withall will have hir contrary to all hir most princely courses " to be ledd with an unjust respect of some person, hir affection or " will, more then to be ruled with the due regard of good right of " the true heire of equitie and reason. They deserve ill hir gracious " favours, who waye not (so as their lyes may take place) how " highely they derogate frome hir sacred honour, how deeply they " impeach* hir of falshood in violating hir promises and leagues " made and ratified with the Scottish King and his mother, and so " ofte renewed, before most honorable witnesses of both the Realmes, " and by many Ambassadors at severall tymes.'' And alledging the Queen's owne wordes both out of our Chronicles and out of Buchanan, which the studious Reader may finde in Bu- chanan's 17 booke, 177 leafe, printed in folio, thus in English spoken to the Scottish Ambassadour : "11. If it shall please Grod to call me, yet your Queen shall never " finde anything done by me that may hurt and impare that Right " which she clameth to the Kingdome of England in any jott. And " I call God to witnes, the hearer of this our Conference, that I " knowe none next to myself whome I can preferre before hir. Or " if the matter should come into question, that can debarre hir. " You know what the competitors ar, upon what confidence of " ability e or power can those sillye soules attempt so highe a matter? " And I do highly commend the wisdom of your noblemen that " would both deale providently for their oune safety, and avoyd by " all meanes the effusion christian blood, which I confesse could not on the Succession to the Crown. 29 " be saved if any faction should oppose itself in the clame of the chap. ii. " kingdome. But where is that faction, or by what confidence of " any power can it presume so to do," etc. These wordes of the Queene, so famously recorded with other that I shall have occasion to speak of, doe shew a right confessed at that tyme in that lyne of Scotland, and therefore Mr. Wentworthe doth very well to put hir Majestie so pretilye in mynd of hir word, Semper Eadem, to signifie to hir how dishonorable it were now for hir to chaunge hir mynde. I note further that at the writing of Mr. Wentworth's book, it seamed either by Dolman's subtile sugges- tions or by some great man's popular behaviour some feare was conceived that an election would be made of some new family e, against which conceit if any such were in any man or in any faction he doth very fitlie oppose this example out of the Scriptures. 12. The ambition of the Machabees usurping (not without pre- tence of many worthie respectes) the government and sworde in the weakenes of the house of David, escaped not an horrible judgment of God, who gave them up to slaughter and murther one another, and so forth, proceeding to tell of the ill end they all came unto. Thus after he hath sufficiently comforted the authoritie of Parla- mentes in disposing successions out of their own course, and shewed how ill successe and small prosperity such usurping lynes in England have had, he cometh now to examine other reasons that may seame in favour of all the other competitors, and showes how slender they ar. Among other of his aunsweres I would not omitt this one, that if the next be putt by by any authoritie or f oraine respectes, there may be, saith he, as great or greater be found against the second and third. " 13. I durst not pledge my head that there would not be " wanting some great and popular personages who with some respect " or aspect to themselves would alledge greater respectes against " all the Englishe competitors, and thus by these competitors and " their complices without any helpe of the Scottish King and his 30 Sir John Harington's Tract ' chap. ii. it confederates wee ar made strong enough to destroy our selves for " certaine respects." But then followes that mee think should perswade or at least terrifie all our great complotters and strike them dead in the nest (as they say), and I think no lesse will move all men of upright judg- ment and sensible conceit. "14. Our nation is of itself more enclined to the subjection of our " Prince to obedience to our lawes, to reason and right^ then any " other people between the two poles, and who can say for certaine " if they have not received him (he meanes the Scottish king) already " in their heartes ? The surmises for it ar great, what should make " us think but that Protestantes would embrace him for the love of " religion. Both Protestantes and civill Papists (as I may tearme " them, for conscience they have none) for a regard of his right, the " rest of the Papists for feare of a heavy er yoake, for none of them " could ever expect greater favour at any Successor's handes then at " this, who hath alreadie shewed himself e to remisse in punishing " many of his owne subjectes of their profession." Neither is there any English competitor a Papist of whom they might look to attaine their desyres. And drawing toward an end, hee aunswered one of the spite- fullest objections of Dolman, why no good is like to come of such a conjunction of the two nations as were like to ensew of this succession (15), " Namely the naturall aversion of the two nations, " which (as some affirme) will never agree though they were " made one. To this I answere that it is a fair presumption " without anie good ground or warrant. Nay, the contrarie is like " to prove true as wee all see, for during hir Majestie's most happy " government wee and they by meanes of league and amitie of the " two Princes have still mainteined brotherlie freindshippe and peace, "in so much that the remembrance of our old enmitye is almost " utterly vanished and gone. Now if the concord and league of the on the Succession to the Crown. 31 " Princes have been able to make and continew us both quiet after chap, ii. " this sorte, why may wee not be much more lynked in amitie and " sound freindshipp, when of two nations we ar made one by the " unity of one and the same Prince, seeking with an indifferent " affection the quietude and peace of bothe Realmes." Streight after laieng before our eyes some motives to think it is God's pleasure it should be so. " 16. It seames, saith he, at this present God hath a purpose to unite us, all thinges do concurre so forciblie to accomplish that worke, unitie of true Religion, unitie of Language, likeness of dis- cipline and manners, the long peace and concorde of the Princes and Countryes, the open and next descent of the Scottishe king frome the blood Royall of England, his rare wisdome and love of Religion, with sound knowledge and wisdome in matters of the same, doth devine some extraordinarie charge and , imployment frome God (for graces ar never given but to fitt some place and calling aunswerable to them), the propagation frome us of many of their nobles families, and no small number of their meanest houses which do carie our surnames to this present day, doth in a manner invite us to be of one family or househould. The removall of the most wise, heroically and popular competitors, and their favorers that might have opposed, doth smooth and plaine a way for him to come in, and the Countries by seas not disunited, but making one iland, doth wish the two nations to make up one people." Then removing all other scruples of the King's enclinacion to favour Scotts more then English, and proving by many both deedes and speaches and some writinges of the King's how well he is addicted to our nation, he bringes in that well knowen and often remembred speach of Henry the 7 th , testified by many writers and others. " 17. It is without all question that he whiche is so often and 32 Sir John Haringtoris Tract char ii. " \fj both his parentes descended of English blood will in England " become English and a favourer chieflie of English men, according " to the speach (if not the prophecy) of his most noble auncestor " King Henry the VII th , who in aunswere of the same doubt affirmed " to his honorable Counsell that he made no question, if any such " thinge should fall out, but the Scottish Kinges being (as all " Princes ar by their royall nature) enclyned to Majestie, to State, " to Eloquence, to Policie, to Civilitie, should frame and conforme " himself to the better country, and be taken with the liking of the " more honorable discipline, fashions, and manners of England." And to the like effect in a passage or two after, that in having their King to be ours their kingdom wilbe ours, and addes : 18. It is plaine by proof of experience wee may no lesse keep our preheminence above the Scottes, though wee submitt our selves to the Scottish King, then wee have kept it to this present day over the Welshmen, notwithstandinge wee did submitt ourselves to Henry the VII th . Yet on the other syde wee may not think or expect that he will quite abandon or banish them frome being about him, for that were rather to rent them from us then to incorporate them with us in one politike body. Now whereas Dolman had maliciously extenuated the commoditie of the happye conjunction of the two Realmes, whereby we should have, as he saith, nothing but encrease of subjectes, Mr. Wentworth first alledging the authoritie of a wise counsellour, who said it was the onely safety for England to stand sure of hir back doore, proveth also after, by the testimonie of a most wise King, that the encrease of subjectes is a great honour to a prince. Proverb Solomon, 14, 28. And let this be sufficient to have noted out of Mr. "Wentworth's discourse. 33 CHAPTER III. Now to way some of these f orealledged considerations more par- chap. hi. ticularly and applie them to the myndes of all the Readers, but specially to them with whome I am sure they deserve most creditt, that is, the Puritans : which name I use not in this place as a name of derision, but onely of division and distinction from Protestants and Papists. In the first, second, and third passage I note this, that this gentleman Mr. Wentworth, though he were a man of a whett and vehement spirit, as seames by his behaviour at the Parlament and by his writing to the Queene's Majestie, in which he presumeth boldly to tell hir that if she named not hir heire in hir life hir bodye should lie unburied after hir death, yet after at the enditing of this, being prisoner in the Tower, and his heate much abated, onely an honest and gentlemanlike corage and zeale of truth remaining, this writing of his written at his last case, and as it were his farewell, justly deserveth more creditt then any his former speaches and sayinges used by him in any other place or tyme. For men do use to credit the lewdest malefactors and the deceitfull parsons in that which they doe speak at or neer their death, how false or dissembling so ever wee have thought them in all the course of their lyves. Next I must observe this in the behalf of the Protestant, that though the Lo. Keeper Bacon, or the Lo. Treasurer Burleigh (for I will name none that ar living), did as some have imputed, go to farre, the first in writing to advance the house of Suffolk afore thos of Scotland (by me in this treatise defended), the next in some secret favour to this howse of Suffolk to which he was said to be allyed, and in open persecuting and oppugning the other, and after perhaps varied 34 Sir John Harington's Tract chap. in. their course upon some chaunge of wether, or wysely foreseeing some daungerous tempest rysin northward. Yet have they, I meane the Protestantes, the like advantage to tax both the Puritans and Papists, of which the Puritan, as is testified by the mouth of this their speaker and writer, hath varied, or to use his owne worde, floated in this matter; and even in the end of his treatise (perhaps as much of doubtfulness as of his modestye) will not justifie all he writeth for sound, but leaves it to the learned brethren to be better discust. An4 the Papistes in their two champions, Dollman and Parsons (if they be two or rather as some think both one parson), seame to float as doubtfully in this doctrine of succession as they handle it, so as their friendes do wishe, that they, or at least their writinges, had bene drowned rather then so have floated to leave the Christian world such a testimonie of their inconstancie, as I shall have furtheir and fitter occasion to touch here after. For the fowrth passage, in which the King of Scotts' most manifest title is sett downe so evidently, that indeed if that alone might be but freelie published which our lawes yett will not permitt except one would bespeake Mr. "Wentworth's lodging for a yeare and one day (I need not tell what day), I say no man of sence could rest unsatisfied in conscience of his right, wherefore I passe over that passage and come to the v th . In the v th the matter of forrain birthe is handled and discust by a publique Judgment of the Judges of both benches, given in the King's Bench, and reported in Judge Dyer's cases as he noates, Term Michael, 13 and 14 of hir Majestie. Now if it be true, as Mr. Wentworth saith, that any Judge since hath otherwise expounded the law to hir Majistie (who is greatly to be commended for asking the Judge's opinions in matters of Law), God will judge, and I praie God pardon such a Judge whose frailtie hath made him com- mitt so great an error either for feare or for favour, or both. And I said, God pardon him, because indeed he is not like to lyve to on the Succession to the Crown. 35 need the pardon of that Prince whome it doth chiefly concerne. CHAF - m - Feare makes any Judge wrong, and by Machiavel's rule, where a man hath done great wronge, then he must never trust, never forgive. And indeed he that had bene so busy an actor and almost an author, first of the oath of Association, which Mr. Went- worth hath well discouvered to be an engine of battery against the house and title of Scotland ; and after that in the fatall overthrowe of the unfortunate Queene of Scotts, he could not but feare, and consequently hate hir potent and rising sonne. But admitt it was not feare that moved him, yet favour and the hope to be made a privie counsellor might make an old Lawyer a litle stretch his con- science, and forget he was a Judge. Oh noble Judge Markham,* that wold rather leave his place then do wronge to the Father of a Citizen, and must England have a Judge that dares wronge both mother and sonne of anoynted Princes ? Well, well, let that Judge that will not preserve the a This was Chief Justice Sir John Markham, second son of Sir John Markham of Markham, a Judge of Common Pleas in the time of Henry IV. He was the founder of the line of Markhams of Sedgebrook in Lincolnshire, who became Baronets (1642 — 1779) and are now extinct. The future Chief Justice became King's Serjeant in 1444, and was nineteen years a Puisne Judge of the Court of King's Bench. In 1460 he succeeded Sir John Portescue as Lord Chief Justice of England. Old Puller, in his Worthies, says of Portescue and Markham, " these I may call the two Chief Justices of the Chief Justices " for their signal integrity ; for though one of them favoured the House of Lancaster " and the other of York, in the titles to the Crown, both of them favoured the house of " justice in matters betwixt party and party." In 1471 Markham was dismissed from his office for resisting the tyranny of Edward on a well-known occasion, which has often been referred to. [See Macaulay's Eeview of Hallam's Constitutional History, vol. i. p. 150.] Chief Justice Markham's memorable decision was also made use of by Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, in his able defence in Queen Mary's reign. When Chief Justice Bromley objected that the cases were different, Throgmorton promptly replied: " My case doth " differ, but specially because I have not such a Judge." [See Howell's State Trials.] Chief Justice Markham retired to Sedgebrook and died there in 1481. f2 36 Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap. in. integritie of Justice Markham remember the end of Sir Robert Tresilian. a It is said of Cambyses King of Persia that having a fancie to some unlawfull copulacion tending to incest, and hearing by the opinion of his preistes and judges that the lawes of Persia would not permitt it, the King waxed exceeding pensive. But at last one of his Judges looking better upon his bookes, after great studye found out a clause for it that made the matter dispensable, and so, consequently, lawfull, viz., that the Kings of Persia may make any- thing to be lawe that they will decree to be lawe. Yet Dionisius, though a tyrant both by profession and confession, advised himself better in a desyre of his mother's, for when his mother, doating in love of a young nobleman, would have had him by his prerogative (forsooth) to commaund him (being about xx"' yeares old) to marie hir, being about four tymes xx tie : Alas, Mother (saith he), true it is that I can alter and maister at my pleasure the lawes of Sicyly, but the lawes of Nature I cannot alter, and it were against Nature to make you his wyfe, that may be his great-grand- mother. But now to proceed further with Mr. Wentworth, who cites the act or oath of Association, and after that the Statute, which I well remember was a speciall peece of service in which the Erie of Leicester and those of his faction perswaded hir Majestie that her speciall safety of hir life and person was onely entended and effected. a Eobert Tresilian was elected a Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford, in 1354. He was a Puisne Judge of the King's Bench, but mixed deeply in politics and was devoted to the Earl of Oxford, the favourite of Eichard II. In 1382 Oxford obtained for him the office of Lord Chief Justice. He and other Judges recorded an opinion, at Nottingham, against the privileges of Parliament. For this they were attainted by the Parliament of 1389, and sentenced to be hanged as traitors. Tresilian concealed him- self, but was found in disguise, and hanged at Tyburn. His only child was a daughter, who married Howley of Kent. on the Succession to the Crown. 37 Oh gracious Ladie how is she abused, to thinke that intended for hir chap. hi. safety that was ment for the hurte and extirpacion of hir best kynred and noblest persons under the sonne. God is my witnesse, who knoweth our heartes. I speake as I think, wee that refused that oath, of which I confesse I was one, doe more heartilie wishe and pray for the true safety of hir then many that tooke it, or then any that devised it. And to omitt how I have heard it excepted against by diverse of the wyser sorte in many counties of England. In the countie of Somersset, at a Session at Wells, and in the Bishop's pallace, this matter of Association was propounded, recom- mended by the lettres (I should say the oracles) of Sir Amious Powlet, who then swaied our countrye, and one more who shalbe namelesse, I would he had been as blameless. Upon which the Justices, one whispering with another, some in mislike of it, others saieng " Oh, you may not reject it ; it wilbe a thing ill taken by the " State" (that was by my Lo. of Leicester), "it is wholie intended " for hir Majestie's safetye." At last Mr. Arthur Hopton in a pleasant manner drew out old Sir Henry Portman, the bell-wether of all our companie, both for wisdome, wealth and honestye, and urged him to sealle and subscribe first, for good example of the younger Justices. He that had redd Litleton as well as the best of them and found no such oath nor Act there, refused it flatly. But when some of his freindes sounded in his eare that by such refusall he would be suspected to be of the Scottishe faction, a thing to one that was so riche very daungerous, specially in my Lo. of Leicester's tyme, though since, thankes be to God, not so capitall, the good old Knight both stoutlie and warely subscribed with this clause, as farre as it was agreeing with the lawe of God and the Bealme. Some other followed with lesse scruple. But I remember, I being at that tyme to young to be wise, yet I said to a Lawyer that loved me and was a very good scholler that some sware so hastilie and so heartily to that Association that I feared the first sillable of it would sticke by them as long as they lyued. 38 Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap. m. But to conclude this point I concurre with Mr. Wentworth and commend him that did so honestlie confesse and so plainly discover the trumperie of that oath. As for the Statute I fynde no just cause for anie good subject to mislike with it. And I have reason to think the King of Scots himself would have given his consent to it, if it had bene required, as is the more likely by the wordes he spake to Mr. Bowes as Mr. Wentworth delivered them and others that I have heard frome men very neere him, as toward the end of the booke I shall have more speciall occasion to touch. And to the same place also I will reserve that I mynde to say against Dolman, his senselesse mistaking or wilfull and then wicked perverting of the wordes of this statute. But whereas Mr. Wentworth dealeth so franckly with him to admitt the Queene of Scottes hir title (and hir Sonne's title by hir lyne) to abate by her attainder, that I protest I can never admitt; for the lyons' whelpes that ar in the armes of England ar so mightie and so fierce] that he that hath them tyed in two strong chaines shall not doe wisely to loose the stronger, though he did suppose he could hold them with the other, yet I say with Mr. Wentworth that by his father's lyne he hath another clame, and the very next in degree to his mother's, and plainly before the Lady Arbella, a as being of the elder brother and the heire male. And in this place I determyne to handle a daungerous place of Dolman's book, and so high a poynt, that I am in feare to write * Arabella Stuart, only child of Charles Stuart, 5th Earl of Lenox, by Eliza- beth, daughter of Sir William Cavendish of Hardwiok. Her father was younger brother of Henry Lord Darnley. Arabella was born in 1577, and educated by her grandmother, the old Countess of Lenox, who lived in London. She was privately married to William Seymour (afterwards Earl of Hertford) in 1609. Both were imprisoned by James in 1610, and on June 3rd, 1611, aided by young William Markham, a son of Thomas Markham of Ollerton, Lady Arabella fled in disguise from the house of her jailer, Mr. Conyers, at Highgate. She got on board a vessel and sailed for Calais, but was overtaken and brought back a prisoner to London. She died of grief, in the Tower, in September 1615. on the Succession to the Crown. 39 of it to discover such a great secret of State, and yet I smile at chap. hi. myne owne feare, to think that writing as I do to all England I feare to shewe this. I write to my dearest freind, and am afraid that my study walles may accuse me. But, over shoes, over boots, as they say : as long as I do not printe nor publishe it I break no lawe, for I have redd and double redd the Statute, and therefore till it be lawfull to publishe it, which it wil be one day, if I lyve to it (as all is in God's hande), I will, I say, but write it and think it in the mean tyme, and so consecrate it to My unfained affection to the happie union of the two noble Nations, and my Loyall Love to that noble Prmce, of whom a Poet, and I hope in this a Prophet, wrote long since — Quo duce spes certa est, divisis orbe Britannis Indivisa iterum regna futura duo. Neither let any mallice or envye interprett of this, that I have any unduetifull thoughte to the Queen's Majestie, if I wish a Prince, by birth hir kinsman, by adoption as it were hir sonne, and indeed hir godsonne, and by age might be hir grandsonne, to live according to the course of nature after hir, for that hir Majestie should rather wishe as a blessing, as Penelope doth of hir sonne Telemachus — Dii simul hoc dederint, ut euntibus ordine fatis Ille meos oculos, comprimat Me tuos. God graunt the fates in order so dispose That he myne eyes and he your eyes may close. But now I come to this secrett of State, and mark it well, my deere countrimen. Si vera referam si magna repandam, the Queene's Majestie that now is being soone after hir entrance to hir reigne troubled with some rumours and perhaps causelesse feares suggested to hir concerning quarrels made to hir title, and namely because the Queen of Scots being married into Fraunce quartered the Armes of England, as Buchanan testifieth in the place before alledged. A 40 Sir John Haringtwris Tract chap, in. strong impression remained in hir mynde, that if she should allowe and permitt men to examine, discusse, and publishe whose was the best title after hirs, some would be ready to affirme that title to be good afore hers. Now as our countriman, Mr. Daniel, writes — That still the greatest wrongs that ever were Have then been wrought when Kings were put in feare. For these scruples and the Bull of Pius Quintus (in this Pius Impius) first she utterly supprest the talke of an heire apparent, saieng she would not have hir wynding sheet sett up afore hir face, she compelled the Queene of Scottes by entreatie and terrors to lay away those armes. After this she toke, as she had cause, a more strict course against the Papists, of which towards the end of this treatise in the tytle of religion I shall say more. Then to make the world thinke she should have children of hir owne, she entertained till she was fif tye yeares of age mentions of marriage ; and though in mynde she hath ever had an aversion and (as many think) in body some indisposition to the act of marriage, yet hath she ever made shewe of affection, and still doth to some men which in Courte wee tearme favourites, to hyde that debility, enduring rather to run into some obloquie among straungers of a fault that she could not committ, then to be suspected to want anythinge that belongs to the perfection of a faire ladie, and that this is most probable the man lyves yet to whom Sir Christopher Hatton, the goodliest man of person of all the favourites her Highnes hath had, did sweare voluntarily, deeply, and with vehement asseveration, that he never had anie carnall knowledge of hir bodye, and this was also my mother's a opinions, who was till the xx th yeare of hir Majestie's a Isabella Markham, , daughter of Sir John Markham of Cotham, by Anne, daughter of Sir George Neville. Isabella was a maid of honour to the Princess Elizabeth at Hatfield, and married Sir John Harington. Both Sir John and Lady Harington were committed to the Tower with their royal mistress ; and when she became Queen she stood godmother to their son John— the author. on the Succession to the Crown. 41 reigne of hir privie chamber, and had bene sometyme hir bed- chap. hi. fellowe. Thus hir Highnes and hir then Counsell, being resolved to sup- presse the true heir apparant, and that before the King of Scotts or the Lady Arbella were borne, it was thought as fitt that for a counterpoise to the Queene of Scottes pretence some other tytles should underhand be sett on foot at home, and about that tyme Sir Nicholas Bacon, then Lo. Keeper as I formerly touched, wrote in defence of the house of Suffolk, and was perhaps for a colour chydden for it, but immediately restored to favour. Soone after those we call Puritans seamed to adheere to the Earle of Hunting- don's title by the house of Clarence, and the said Earle was so chargeabely attended of the pure Gospellers both spirituall and temporall as had well nye decaied that most honourable house. But I hope this Earle and his graund-childe the Lo. Haistings, a noble impe of greate vertue and towardnes, and by hir Ma tyes speciall grace maried to a lady of great parentage and vertuous education, shall raise the house againe." This faction dyed with my Lo. of Leicester, although that Earle of Huntingdon dyed after, and yet when newes of his death came to the Earle of Essex I was tould by one that knewe it that he tooke it so passionately that he tore his hear and all his buttons brake with the swelling of his stomach, as if some great designe of his had bene frustrated thereby. The Earle of Darbie's title was a Francis Hastings, 2nd Earl of Huntingdon, married Katherine Pole, grand- daughter of Margaret, Countess of Salisbury, the last of the Plantagenets, who was daughter of George, Duke of Clarence. This 2nd Earl died in 1561. His eldest son Henry, the 3rd Earl, died childless in 1595. At the time this book was written George, brother of the 3rd Earl, had succeeded as 4th Earl of Huntingdon. His son Francis Lord Hastings married Sarah, sister of Lord Harington of Exton, and died before his father, but in- the same year, - 1595, leaving a son Henry, 5th Earl of Huntingdon, whose wife was Elizabeth, daughter of Ferdinando, Earl of Derby. G ' 42, Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap. hi. litle spoken of, but some thought of it so much and gave him a receipt against ambition here in the kingdome of England that sent him unto the kingdome of heaven instantly/ My Lady Arbella also now began to be spoken of and much commended, as she is well worthie for many noble partes, and the Earle of Essex in some glauncing speaches gave occasion to have both himself and hir honorable freindes to be suspected of that, which I suppose was no part of their meaninge. But in the heat of these the policie of the State thinking it tyme to have a heavier counterpose then all these against a King competitor growen now so famous over Europe for wisdome, and so fortunate for issue, the Infant of Spaine b was entertained with many kind messages, goodly jewels and tokens, rebatoes and ruffes, and such pretty puppets. And yet some noble person was used (who I think thought himself abused) in that employment. But this Spainishe conceit being growen out of request and openlie tawnted by the Lo. of Essex in Westminster, and stowtly and in my conscience truely disclaimed by Mr. Secretary Cecill, who was by him charged with it. Now for an TJltvmwm Refugium, all is suddenly tourned French (at least I confesse I am verie zealous in the behalf of my countrye and the hope thereof). I see daily this nimble Ambassador of Fraunce and his pregnant wife so obsequious to our Queen, so » Henry Stanley, 4th Earl of Derby, married Margaret, daughter of Henry Clifford, Earl of Cumberland, by Eleanor, daughter of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and the Princess Mary, daughter of Henry VII. He died in 1593, and was succeeded by Ferdinando, 5th Earl of Derby, who thus had a certain claim to the throne. He is said to have been poisoned by the Jesuits for refusing to join them in a design for raising his claim. His death took place on April 16th, 1594. b The Infanta of Spain would be Isabella, daughter of Philip II. Her claim would be derived from Catharine, Queen of Spain, wife of Henry III. of Spain, and daughter of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster. Their son John II. was father of Isabella the Catholic. on the Succession to the Crown. 43 entertained and courted by our Lordes and great men, that some chap. hi. wise and honest men feare there is some straung matter in working. Che mi fa, meglio che non suole Traditi m' ha o tradir mi vuole, saith the Italian. Tvmeo Danaos vel dona ferentes, saith the divine Virgill. I pray God all turne to the best, but I like it not. The kyndnes and courtesie of Fraunce is often daungerous but ever costlie to England. Besides some ambiguous wordes ar reported that the French King should use, namely, that a Bastard of Normandy was fatallfor England. Further is it noted, that of late he hath not esteamed his Scottish guard so well as he was wont. His messages of straunge and exorbitant kyndeness to some great counsellors of England (as the comon voice and fame brutes them) adde much to this suspicion, though for them I knowe them well enough, and I doubte not they ar so wise as they can. I will not say Cretizare cum Cretensibus, but perhapps Gallizare cum Gallis. Now if hir Majestie in these politique respects be content to give a favourable eare to these French suggestions, yet in my soule I do not thinke that ever she will agree that a goodly younge ladye, aged about twenty-four yeares, should be so disparaged to be matched with a Bas- tard of Fraunce under fourteen, and be made a new Helena to burne our Troy nouant and runne away by the light. And if some great counsellors, and namely my Lo. of Shrewsburie and Mr. Secretarie, the former of whome long since Dolman's book, the latir these French negociations have made suspected, do make some shewes or cast out some wordes afore fooles in favour of Arbella's title for the purpose aforesaid, and to f ollowe the Queene's present humor ; yet must they not be so hardlie or rashlie censured as they ar by some men of shallow insight, but rather praise, or at least pardon them, if for some necessarie pollicie of State they labour like to our oares on the Thames, to rowe one way and look another. It is not likely that g 2 44 Sir John Harington's Tract chap. m. Dolman knowes the purpose of my Lord of Shresburie, or of the Cowntesse " and hir brothers, or of my Lorde's good friendes. It is lesse likely that ever they would say any wordes that might be cap- tious in this tyme and odious in the next. It is least likely that when it comes to tryall they will hazard so great estates, so contented lyves, so gentlemanly pleasures, so sweet studies, to advaunce their niece against lawe, reason, probabilitye, yea possi- bility. I have knowen them all, and often resorted to them these xvj yeares and more. I have had conference with them in matters of this 'nature, and have better reason to knowe their mynde then Dol- man, in so much that in my Lo. of Leicester's tyme (it is a matter of no great counsell now) I did reade the book called Greencoate, or the Life of Leycester, to whome three before named, and a fowrth that hath more lande in his countrye then either of them, viz. the Earle of Ormond, the place was the Tyltyarde at Grreenwitche, the persons ar all I hope yet living, and knowe I say true ; and next day my Lo. of Ormond meerly, even in the Earle of Leicester's presence, bad me Good morrow, Mr. Header ; and when my Lo. of Leyster asked me what I had redd, I blushed (and, Grod forgive me for lieng). I aunswered they were certaine Cantoes of Ariost. But as Ovid saith, Sew quam difficile est crimen non prodere vultu. Now I must acknowledge, and that with gratefulnes, that then I learned first frome these noble parsonages to knowe the true right of the Scottish title, to which I have ever since carried a most faithfull a George Talbot, 6th Earl of Shrewsbury, married, for his second wife, the famous Bess of Hardwicke, widow of Sir William Cavendish. She married her daughter Eliza- beth Cavendish to Charles Stuart, Earl of Lenox, and they were the parents of Arabella Stuart. Bess of Hardwicke died at a great age in 1607, the Earl having preceded her in 1590. The eldest son of the 6th Earl, by his first wife, Lady Gertrude Manners, was Gilbert, 7th Earl of Shrewsbury, who married his step-mother's daughter, Mary Cavendish. Their daughter and heiress, Alathea, brought the vast Talbot possessions in Sheffield and Worksop to her husband, Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel. on the Succession to the Croivn. 45 and constant heart : and, that all they do so to, a I have this reason to chap. hi. think, in having bene so often in their companyes, in England with the English, in Ireland with that Irishe lord, and many others, I never heard any of these speake one worde in any disabeling of the house or title of Scotland, or in extolling that of the Ladye Arbella, onely they have geven upon occasions dew comendacion sometyme of hir virtuous disposition, sometyme of hir choice education, hir rare skill in languages, hir good judgement and sight in musick, and a mynde to all these, free frome pryde, vanitye and affectation, and the greatest sobrietie in hir fashion of apparell and behaviour that may be, of all which I have bene myself an eye witnesse, having seene her severall tymes at Hardwicke, at Chelsey, where she made me reade the tale of Drusilla in Orlando unto her, and censured it with a gravitye beyond her years. And first of all at Wingfield, when being xiij yeares old shee did read French out of Italian, and English out of both, much better then I could or then I expected. And therefore to conclude, whatsoever Parsons or Dollman, or Parsons in Dolman's vizor, and so Dolman personatits, doe impute in this kynde of competition to the Lady Arbella and her freindes, I held myself bound in the duetie of an honest man and of an Englishman thus farre to aunswere in defence of one of the greatest peers in this lande, against a suspition of disloyaltie and ill affection in a matter of so great consequence to the peace of England. And thus much of the ix th section, and of the King of Scotts his title by his father, of which lyne the Ladie Arbella is also descended. To the tenth, eleaventh, twelveth, and thirteenth passage, wherein he justlie complayneth of some secret Aspirers that broach lyes to hir Majestie to serve either their owne ambition or others, I adde thus much, that notwithstanding all their lyes and false fyers, I meane their false fears, either in my Lord of Leycester's tyme or since, yet to this power they could never perswade hir Majistie in a too. 46 -Sir John Haringtoris Tract ' chap. in. ought I could ever yet learne to goe from that princely worde that she gave in the beginning of hir reigne as is before recited concern- ing the Succession ; and though indeed few dare aske hir such a question, as who shall be hir heire, yet a vertuous and discreete Ladye as any hath place about her hath tould me that voluntarily some tyme, when few ar present, shee hath taken occasion to speake of it her self, and then hath not stuck plainely to say that they were fooles that did not knowe that the lyne of Scotland must needes be next heires, but for all that no bodie dares ever sooth her when she saith it. I note also further how Mr. Wentworth inures a vehement sus- pition in many passages of his against some great aspirer, whome he compares to the Machabees, but because he names him not, and I suppose if any such were the same is now dead, and De mortuis nil nisi sanctum, I will forbeare to name him, onely if any reliques be left yet in any man's heart of ambition or faction which way so ever, I will say to them as Tully said to Mar. Anthony, Te miror, Antoni, quorum facta imiteris, eorwm exitus non perhorressere. For the xiiij th , where he saith that many perhaps have received the Scottishe King in their heartes alreadie, I confesse that my hearte so concurres with Mr. Wentworth's heart in this that I wish Gfod's blessing on their heartes that have done so, neither doubt I anie daunger so much as treacherie against his noble person, which though I hope no prince wilbe so unprincely to worke, nor wretch nor caitif so vile as to execute, yet when I remember that an Earle of Scotland after he had bene too kyndely courted in the Privie Chamber in England (for my self was one then appointed to receive him on Bitchmont green, and to bring him into presence, as our manner of the English court is), did attempt so execrable an act in Scotland. It greatlie appalles me and makes me with litle pleasure record an old sayeng I have heard (a foolish, I pray Grod it prove as false 6n the Succession to the Crown. 47 a proverb), That a King in Scotland, a Duke in England, and a chap. in. Threasorer in Fraimce, dy seeld in their beddes ; onely my constant hope and hearty praier is, That that God that hitherto so graciouslie, and (for I will not use that flattering tearme miracolouslie often ursurped where there was farre lesse reason) preserved that King , r hitherto frome a pistoll bent at him in his mother's wombe, as Sir Anthonie Standon can tell, who was present, from many mischievous practises and open attemptes of seditious sectaries (least I should say Puritans), frome tempestes, frome treasons, from sorceries, frome so many evill men and evill Aungels, will still continue his holie protection over him, to the comforte of all honest heartes, and such in whome the f eare of Cod hath any dwelling : For if anie Jesuited Spanyard or Infantalified Jesuit shall hatch forthe a Cockatrice Egge, should not all the Catholiques in England have just cause to detest it, if they have either taste of religion which Mr. Wentworth believes not, or morall civilitie which he friendlie acknowledgeth ? And if no home competition be in his opinion so likely to remitt them some of the rigor of these lawes they so exclaime against, of xx u a moneth and sometyme haughing, having bene in his zeale as Mr. Wentworth pronounceth so mercifull to his owne, they cannot be I suppose either so wicked or so unwise to wish it. The whole Christian worlde would detest. And if any such practize should be discovered, the King of Scottes, or the Prince his sonne, should have reason if the Papists should hereafter seu to him for that toleracion that some have thought our Queene to much enclyning to, to aunswere as Roboam did, My little finger shall be heavier then my predecessor's loynes. And therefore, good Mr. Civill Papists (for some of you perhaps are Civillians), look well to it and say you be greatly warned. Let your Seculars and your Arch-Presbytir (I hope you will beare with my ignorance if I mistake your names, for as thus advised I meane to be acquainted with few of you), howso- ever you have your schismes in other thinges, the procuring of which 48 Sir John Harington's Tract chap. in. schisme a great Judge ascribed to one as a great prayse that I suppose could willingly have spared the commendacon : yet I say agree in this, to curse with booke, bell, and candle to the utter- most pitt of hell all that have but harbored such a thoughte. The verie suggestion of this synne without delectation or consent were most deadlie and damnable. Neither would the divell himself, of whom you Papists hould suggestion to be, suggest any so divilishe conceit into the mynde of any but one already infected with some horrible and unpardonable synne before. The deathe of the last Frenche king, and before him of the Prince of Orange, though the latter of these you call a traytor to his Prince, the other perhaps a tyrant to his country, yet will this be ever called a Parracide of his King, and that be tearmed a cruelty of the government that pro- scribed him. But if any of you to gratifie your Enfanta who travels so with childe for this kingdome, that all good men wish shee may be delyvered of it, should procure or performe so detestable an act on this most lawfull King of Scots, and the expected heire of England, wee would need no act of Association to pursue the pro- curers, but heaven and earth would detest, and I think the sea and hell would devour them. Lothe I would be to wronge so noble a Lady whome Mr. Dolman as I remember calleth Madona Enfanta Eugenia Isabella Clara Ccecilia* whose father was once entituled King of England, whose grandfather was Emperor of Germany, of whome I wrote out of our Italian poet Ariosto : — I see that fortune is disposed to lifte Up unto heaven the house of Charles the fifthe. No, Madamma Enfanta (though your chaplain Mr. Dolman and I square a little), yet I will not speake one dishonorable worde of a The Archduchess Isabella, daughter of Philip II. by his third wife Isabel of France. She married the Archduke Albert, son of the Emperor Maximilian II., and the "Archdukes" were Sovereign Governors of the Spanish Netherlands. on the Succession to the Crown. 49 you, as long as you dealle nobely or princely either in warre or chap. ill. peace. Nay more, let me never dissemble it, I wishe once in my hearte that I might live to see you succeed and be our next Queene after hir Majestie, of England, Fraunce, and Ireland, "Wales, Low Countries and all, and in this respect in my former translation I tooke some extraordinary payne, as the reader may note, or rather indeed some extraordinary pleasure to sett out the beautie, vertue, constancie, chastitie, of one Isabella, the daughter of a King of Spaine. But whence came all this good will to you? Let me never flatter you. It was when I heard and verilie beleeved that you loved and should have maried our Zerbyno, whome this same Ariosto names Prince of Scotland. Had that gone forward, noble Lady, I had bene your eternall devoted knight. Now though all that Spanish kyndenes of myne be long since turned Dainish, and God hath ordained it otherwise, yet I will still beare you the honor due to your birth and place so you harbour not treasons unworthy so worthie a calling, so you work not mischief against our heade in England and our hope in Scotland, which if you shall, if either our pistols or pennes can galle you and all your Inf antery, wee denounce it to you, and all posterity shall reed instead of, etc. And thus much Mr. Dolman to your M rs . Now to returne to the rest of Mr. Wentworth's book, in the fower last passages he aunsweres some other of Doleman's objections, as namely that the Scotts and wee can never agree under one Governour, that the King will leane to them more then us, that wee shall loose our preheminence, that wee shall gett nothing but increase of people, with which wee abound alreadye. To the first of these I say for further aunswere that Dolman could wish perhaps that he objectes might be true, but he cannot hope it, it is so verie unlikely. For wee that have so long and so lovinglie agreed under two several Princes, notwithstanding so many H 50 Sir John Harington's Tract chap. hi. and urgent occasions of jealousies and dislikes, why should not we agree much better if ever wee come under one, wee that ar already- made one with our kynde neighbours the Welshmen, and mix mariages and purchases and parliamentes with them to their great content and ours. May wee not much better mix with them that haye the same language, and have not such a partition as Severne betwene them and us ? Let me confesse a fault of our nation, because I hope wee may one day lyve to see it mended : Wee ar noated in f orrein countries to be unkynde and disdainefull one to another, whereas the Scotts wheresoever wee meet them in the worlde ar noted to be much kynder unto us then our owne Countrymen. But it is God that (as the Psalmist saith) maketh men wnanimos in domo, and therefore by Grod's grace wee shall when that tyme shall come, which in reason must fall either in this King's tyme or his Sonne's, I say wee shall all agree most lovinglie and kyndely togither. But it is worth the noating, and let every good natured Header but observe it with himself how they of that nation have in some xv yeares last past, as it were unwares to us, stollen away our heartes for their prince. First by the growing virtues of their King, come now to a perfection of all princely qualities, then the death or cutting of all or at least the chiefest of his professed Enemies, his great matche with Denmark and the happie issue ensewing it, his faith and firmenes to us in 88, his perpetuall favour and protection of our Marchantes' goodes in Spaine, for which the West partes and especially Bristowe do greatly honour him, his offer of men and all other assistance against hir Majestie's rebels in Ireland, his writinges {Indices Animi) that passe among us though but scattringlie and as it were by stealth, and now last day the honorable ambassage of the Earle of Marr, in which that worthie Earle and the rest of his company demeaned themselves in all thinges so gallantly, conversed , with us so kyndely, feasted us so lovingly, embraced us so affection- on the Succession to the Crown. 51 ately, that London that had bene formerly infected by some men's chap. hi. pollicie with some humor of dislike against them, was so turned in one moneth, that you should heare them in shoppes openly commend their persons, their fashions, their face, their activitie, and compare the Earle of Mar to their darling, that they do yet mourne for, the Earle of Essex, and this was for the vulgar sorte. But to confesse truely what moved mee, and men of farre wyser judgement then mee, among the King's writinges which I formerly mencioned there passeth among freindes a coppie of an advise or admonition to his sonne the young Prince, which I had a shorte view of, but I found it a thing which affected all the judicious readers exceedinglie ; and thus saith one honest freinde to another : Grod hath blessed our souveraigne with a prosperous reigne and a long life, she is now this September ensewing full 69 (thankes to Grod shee is in good dispo- sition of bodye and sound health, but that age itself is a sickness). Long may she live to his glory : but whensoever Grod shall call hir, I perceive wee ar not like to be governed by a ladye shutt up in a chamber from all her subjectes and most of her servantes, and seen seeld but on holie-daies ; nor by a childe that must say as his uncle bydes him (for thus it hath bene 53 yeares togither), but by a man of spirit and learning, of able bodye, of understanding mynde, that in the preceptes he doth give to his sonne shewes what we must looke for, what wee must trust to. Thus freindes that dare talk one to another. And as for his title, the people as I heare, specially Northwarde, talke broadly of it already, but for us in the West wee have tutors, look better to our toungues, but our heartes ar thinking and our pennes are scribling as warilie as we can ; and all, or at least the cheif, of the competitors doe shrink, as one may judge by their shewes and open professions, and two of the chief masculine competitors (for as for the fceminine I am not of their counsell), two that severallie have had formerly great favourers, I knowe for a certaine by their neirest freindes do now give place, and remove h2 52 Sir John Harington's Tract. chap. in. their lampes out of the light of this orient sunne. Wherefore to conclude this parte of my Treatise, I say to all, but especially to you that are of Mr. Wentworth's religion, by what name soever I shall call you not here to offend you, Gospellers, or Reformed Church, or Puritans, if you will goe the manifest right way without other partiall respectes, you see plainelie by law of Grod, of nature, of nations, by common and civill lawe, and even by ordinary reason, who ought to succeed next after hir Majestie that now is ; if you for all that stand upon conditions with your selves, that you will admitt none without allowance of your so much desired discipline, in the meane season, I say, yet pray for his safety, and if your courages will serve you when that tyme comes, you may capitulat for your best advantage, but if you will followe my advise let your learned Elders studye some sound argumentes for your doctrine, for he him- self is knowen to be learned, judicious, and mightie in the Scriptures, so as if you can bring them truelie translated, and auncientlie expounded for your syde, all will goe smooth with you : and I hope he will erect such a discipline as shall keep us all in better order, which all of us have need of. And so till that day come, which must be when the Highest hath appointed, I commend you to the Lord. 53 CHAPTER IV. Addressed to the Papists. Having as I hope sufficiently proved both to the Protestants and chap. iv. Puritans, to the first that the conjunction of the two Realmes of England and Scotland is much to be desyred for our quiet strength and safety as well from seditions at home as forrein Invasions of all which men of all Religions will have a speciall regarde. To the second, that all their zealous brethren have changed their myndes of late, and dissociated their Association subscribing therein to their elder brother Mr. Wentworth. Now it remaines that I applye mee to the Papistes who (I knowe not whether upon their just desert or by their enemyes unjust surmises) ar thought to practize against the King of Scotts for the Infanta ; which if they doe I must confesse they deceive me much, and in the end I thinke they will deceive themselves. What they wishe the sequele will shewe hereafter by their deedes, howbeit because Dolman's writinges have chieflie raised this suspition I will as I promised heretofore oppose against him a father of his owne facultye. But because many of them ar shrewde fellowes with their pennes, I must use myne varie warilie, and keep within my strength, that is deale with the questions of the Religion no further then they ar like to belong to the necessarie pollicie of State for Succession (whensoever it shall please God to call hir Majestie), for if I should straggle loosely and venture my- self within the shotte of their subtil argumentes, let me watch never so narrowly yet some Warder of theirs might give me some blowe of a Guiltspur Doctor, whereby some scoffing courtier that never brake a staff e might break a jeste upon me behinde my back that might make me melancholie at least an hower or two after. 54 Sir John Earingtons Tract chap. iv. And first to make their partie weaker (if there be such an un- known partie in this land) I will followe a pollicie of St. Paul, who finding the Jewes divided into Pharises and sadduces, of which these denied the resurrection and both denyed St. Paul, he to drawe the one syde to him protested not untruely and yet very cunningly that he was drawen in question for the doctrine of the Resurrection, by which all the Pharises were appeased and became his favorers. So I proclame here, yes, all Papists (if any will answere to that name), I am accused for sayeng or wryting that the tytle of Queen Marie of Scotland and.hir heires to the succession of the Crowne of England after hir Majestie that now reigneth is better then that that hath bene pretended by the King of Spaine or his Enfanta. Now by this I make full account wee shall have all the English hearted and English-bredd Catholiques, and I am sure Mr. Quodlibet and his favourers sure of our syde tooth and naile. For the other faction, I suppose the gravest and wysest, and as many as like well of the naturall heir (I have written more properlie then I thought), for I meane onely the ayre and soile of this iland, and speciallie they that have any freehould in the same will never oppose against so manifest a truthe, which they in the person of the King's mother have defended, and for which all the world knowes they have sufferred. But now to conquer or convert all that ar yet unsetled or unsatisfied, if any such.be, they shall heare out of the book before named what a learned Lawyer, a Catholique, a neer acquaintance of Mr. Parsons, and one that I am certaine spake but what Father Parsons thought hath delyvered. First you must note the Lawyer speaking of succession when Q. Marie of Scotland lived, and when none was so childishe to think of an Infanta's title, having proved by riting the pedegree all at large (which as a thing not denyed I omitt) that the lyne of Scotland being of the conjunction of the two houses is clearly before all other either forraine or home competitors, at last answeres verie on the Succession to the Crown. 55 fullie two ohjections. One of forraine birth pretended in hir, chap. iv. another of hir contrarie Religion to the State that now is, which I will sett downe in his owne wordes, both for feare least some of his freindes should be captious if I should abbreviate him, as also because I must conf esse I cannot sett them downe in a better method then he hath done. Ob. Op forraine birth answered. First, then, as touching forrain birth, there be some men in the worlde that will say that it is a common and generall rule of our Lawe that no straunger at all may inherit anything by any meanes within the land, which indeed I take to be spoken without ground in that general sense. For I could never yet come to the sight of any such common or generall rule, and I knowe diverse examples that may be alledged in sundrie cases to the contrarye, and by that which is expressely sett downe in the 7 and 9 yeares of Edward IV. it appeareth plainely that a straunger may purchase landes in Eng- land, as also inherit by his wife, if he marie an Inheritrix. Where- fore this common rule is to be restreined frome that generallie unto proper inheritance onely. In which sense I doe easilie graunt that our Common Lawe hath bene of auncient and is at this day, that no person borne out of allegeance of the Kinge of England, whose father and mother were not of the same allegeance at the tyme of his birthe, shalbe able to demaund or have anie heritage within the same allegeance as heire to any person. And this rule of our Common Lawe is gathered in these self same wordes of a Statute made in the xxvth of K. Edward III. which indeed is the onely place of effect that can be alledged out of our lawe against the inheritance of straungers in such sence and cases as we now treat of. And albeit the Common Law of our country doe runne thus in generall, yet will the freindes of Scottish clame affirme that hereby that title is nothing lett or hindered at all toward the Crowne, and that for diverse manifest and weightie reasons whereof the principals ar these which enseu. 56 Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap, iv First it is common and a generall rule of our Englishe lawes that no rule, axiom, or maxime of law (be it never so generall) can touch or bynde the Crowne, except expresse mention be made there- in of the same, for that the King and Crowne have great prjviledge and prerogative above the State and affares of subjectes, and great differences allowed in pointes of lawes. As for example, it is a generall and common rule that the wife after the decease of hir husband shall enjoy the third of his land, but yet the Queen shall not enjoy the third part of the crowne after the King's death, as well appeareth by experience and is to be sene by lawe, Anno 5*° et 21 Edwardi 3, et a 9 et 28 Hen. 6. Also it is a common rule that the husbande shall hold his wife's landes after hir death as tenant by courtesie during his life, but yet it holdeth not in a kyngdome, In like manner it is a generall and common rule that if a man dye seazed of landes in fee simple having daughters and no sonne, his lande shalbe divided by equall portiones among all his daughters, which holdeth not in the Crowne, but rather the eldest daughter inheriteth the whole as if shee were yssue male. So also it is a common rule in law that the executor shall have all goodes and chattels of the Testator, but yet not in the Crowne. And so in many other cases that might be recited it is evident that the crowne hath priviledge above others, and can be subject to no rule, be it never so generall, except expresse mention be made thereof in the same lawe, as it is not in the former" place and Statute alledged, but rather to the contrary, as after shalbe showed there is expresse mention of exception for the prerogative of such as descend of royall blood. Their second reason is for that the demaund or title of a Crowne cannot in trew sence be comprehended under the wordes of the former Statute forbidding Aliens to demaund heritage within the allegeance of England. And that for two respectes, the one for that the Crowne itself cannot be called an heritage of allegeance or on the Succession to the Crown. 57 within Allegeance, for that it is holden of no superior upon Earth, CH ^_ but immediately frome Grod himself. The second for that this Statute treateth onely and meaneth of Inheritance by discent as heires to the same, for I have shewed before that Aliens may holde landes by purchase within our dominions, and then say they the Crowne is a thing incorporate, and descendeth not according to the common source of other private inheritances, but goeth by succession as other incorporations doe. In signe whereof it is evident that, albeit the King be more favoured in all his doinges then any com- mon person shalbe, yet cannot he avoyd by Lawe his grauntes and lettres patentes by reason of his nonage as other infantes and com- mon heires under age may do, but alwaies be said to be of full age in respect of his Crowne, even as a Prior, Parson, Vicar, Deane, or other person incorporate shalbe, which cannot by any meanes in Lawe be said to be within age in respect of their Incorporacion. Which thing maketh an evident difference in our case frome the meaning of the former Statute, for that a Prior, Deane, or Parson, being aliens and no denizans, might alwaies in time of peace demaund landes in England in respect of their corporatons, notwithstanding the said Statute or common law against aliens : as appeareth by many bookcases yet extant, as also by the Statute made in the tyme of King Richard II., which was after the aforesaid Statute of King Edward III. 3. The third reason is for that in the former Statute itself of King Edward there ar excepted expressely frome this generall rule Enfcmts du Roy, that is, the King's ofspringe or yssue, as the word Infant doth signifye both in Fraunce, Spaine, Portugal, and other countries, and as the Latine word IAteri, which answereth the same, is taken commonly in the Civil Lawe. Neither may we restraine the French woordes of that Statute, Enfants du Boy, to the King's children onely of the first degree as some doe, for that the barren- nesse of our language doth yeald us no better worde for the same ; i 58 Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap. iv. but rather that thereby ar understood as well as the nephewes and other descendantes of the Kinges or blood royall, as his immediate children, for it were both unreasonable and ridiculous to imagine that King Edward by this Statute would goe about to disinherit his owne nephews if he should have any borne out of his owne allege- ance, as easilie he might at that tyme, his sonnes being much abroad frome England : and the Black Prince, his eldest sonne, having two children borne beyond the seas, and consequentlie it is apparant that this rule or maxime sett doune against aliens is no way to be streatched against the descendentes of the King or of the blood royall. Their . 4 . reason is, that the meaning of King Edward and his children living at such tyme as this Statute was made could not be that any of their lynage or issue might be excluded in lawe frome the inheritance of their right to the Crowne by their forrain byrth wheresoever, for otherwise it is not credible that they would so much have disperced their owne blood in other countryes as they did by giving their daughters to straungers and other meanes. As Leonel, the Kinge's third sonne, was married in Millain," and John of Gaunt, the 4 sonne, gave his two daughters, Philipa and Catheran, to Portugal and Castile, and his neice, Johan, to the King of Scots : b as Thomas of Woodstock, also the youngest brother, maried his two daughters, the one to the King of Spaine, and the other to the Duke of Britaine, which no doubte they being wise a Lionel, Duke of Clarence, 2nd son of Edward III. was born at Antwerp in 1338. His second wife was Violante, daughter of Galeazzo Duke of Milan. b John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, married his daughter Philippa to John I. of Portugal, and her half-sister Catharine to Henry III. of Spain. His daughter Joan, by Catharine Swynford, married James I. of Scotland. Thomas of "Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, the youngest son of Edward III., had a son Humphrey, Earl of Buckingham, who died childless in 1399, and a daughter Anne, the wife of Edmund Stafford and mother of Humphrey Stafford, Duke of Buckingham. Thomas of Woodstock had. no daughters who married a King of Spain or Duke of on the Succession to the Grown. 59 princes and so neare of the bloud royall would never have doone chap. iv. if they had imagined that hereby their issue should have lost all clahne and title to the Crowne of England, and therefore it is most evident that no such barre was then extant or imagined. Their 5 reason is that diverse persons borne out of all English dominion and allegeance, both before the Conquest and sithence, have bene admitted to the succession of our Crowne as lawfull inheritors, without any exception against them for their forraine birth : as before the Conquest is evident in young Edgar Etheling, borne in Hungarie, and thence called home to inherit the Crowne by his great uncle, King Edward the Confessor, with full consent of the whole Realm, the Bishop of Worcester being sent as ambassador to fetche him home with his father, named Edward y e Outlawe. And since the Conquest it appeareth plainely in King Stephen and King Henrie the Second, both of them borne out of English dominions and of parentes that at their byrth were not of the English allegeance, and yet were they both admitted to the Crowne ; young Arthur, also of Britaine, by his mother Constance, that matched with Jefiray, King Henry the Second's sonne, was declared by King Richard, his uncle, at his departure towardes Jerusalem, and by the whole realme, for Lawfull heir apparant to the Crowne of England though he were borne in Brittaine, out of English allegeance, and so was he taken and adjudged of all the world at that day, albeit after King Richard's death, his other uncle, John, most tirannouslie tooke both his kingdome and his life frome him, for which notable in- justice he was detested of all men, both abroad and at home, and most apparantlie scourged by Grod with grevous and manifold plagues both upon himself and upon the realme which yealded to his usurpation ; so that by this also it appeareth what the practise Brittany. His sister Mary married John de Montfort, Duke of Brittany, and another sister Joan was contracted to Alfonso of Spain, but died before she could be married in 1348. i 2 60 Sir John Harington's Tract chap, iv. f our country hath bene from tyme to tyme in this case of forrain byrth, which practise is the best interpreter of our Common English Lawe, which dependeth especially and most of all upon custome. Nor can the adversarie allege any one example to the contrary. Their . 6 . is of the judgement and sentence of K. Henry VII. and of his Counsell, who being togither in consultacion at a certaine tyme about the marriage of Margaret his eldest daughter into Scotland, some of his counsell moved this doubte, what should ensue if by chaunce the King's yssue male should faile and so the succession devolve to the heires of the said Margaret as now it doth, whereunto that wise and most prudent Prince made aunswer that if any such event should be, it could not be so prejudiciall to England, being the bigger parte, but rather beneficiall, for that it should drawe Scotland to England, that is the lesser to the more, even as in tymes past it happened in Normandie, Aquitane, and some other provinces, which aunswere appeased all dowbtes, and gave singular contentation to those of the counsell, as Polidor writeth, that lyved at that tyme, and wrote the speciall matters of that reigne by the King's owne instruc- tion : So that hereby wee see not question made of King Henry or his counsellors touching forrain birthe to lett the succession of Ladie Margaret's yssue, which no doubt would never have been omitted in the learned assemblye, if any law at that tyme had beene esteamed or imagined to barre the same. And these ar . 6 . of their principallest reasons to prove that neither by the wordes nor meaning of the Common Lawes nor yet by custome nor practize of our realme an Alien can be debarred f rome clame of his interest to the Crowne when it f alleth to him by rightful discent in bloud and succession. But in the particular case of the Queene of Scottes and hir sonne they do adde another reason or two, thereby to prove them indeed to be no Aliens, not only in respect of their often and continuall mixture with English bloud frome the beginning but especially of late the Q. grandmother and on the Succession to the Crown. 61 husband being English, and so his sonne begotten of an English chap. iv. father, but also for two other causes and reasons which seame to be in truth of very good importance. The first is for that Scotland by all Englishmen, howsoever the Scottes deame the same, is taken and holden as subject to England in the way of homage, which many of their kinges at diverse tymes have acknowledged, and consequentlie the Queen and hir sonne borne in Scotland ar not borne out of the allegeance of England and so no forrainers. The second cause or reason is for that the afore- named statute of forrainers in the xxv yeare of K. Edward . 3 . is entituled, of those that ar borne beyond the seas. And in the body of the same Statute the doubte is moved of children borne out of English allegeance beyond the seas, whereby cannot be understood Scotland, for that it is a piece of the continent land within the seas ; and all our old Records in England that talke of service to be done within these two countries have usually these Latyn wordes : Infra Quatuor Maria : or in French Dems les quatre mere, that is within the 4 seas. Whereby must needes be understood as well Scotland as England, and that perhaps for the reason above men- cioned of the subjection of Scotland by way of homage to the Crowne of England, and in respect whereof it may be that it was accompted of old but one dominion or Allegeance, and consequently no man borne therein can be accounted an Alien to England. And this shall suffice for the first pointe touching forraine nativity. And a leafe or two after. And for the 3 . impediment, of Religion, it is not generall to all, for that onely one person, if I be not deceived, of all the competitors in King Henries lyne can be touched with suspition of different Religion frome the present state of England ; which person notwithstanding, as is well knowen, while she was in government in hir owne realme of Scotland permitted all libertie of conscience and free exercise of Religion to those of the contrary profession and opinion without restraint. And if it had 62 Sir John Harington's Tract. chap. iv. n ot, yet I do not see eyther by prescript of Lawe or practise of these our tymes that diversitie of Religion may stay just Inheritors frome enjoying their due possessions in any state or degree of private men, and much less in the clayme of the kingdome, which alwaies in this behalf, as hath bene said before, is preferred in priviledge. This wee see by experience in diverse countries and partes of the world at this day. As in Grermanye, where among so many princes and so divided in Religion as they be, yet everyone succedeth to the State whereto he hath right, without resistance for his Religion. The examples also of hir Majestie that now is, and of hir sister before, is evident, who being knowen to be of two different Inclyna- cions in Religion, and the whole realme divided in opinion for the same cause, yet both of them at their severall tymes with generall consent of all were admitted to their lawfull inheritance : excepting onely a few traytors against the former, who withstood hir right ; as also in hir the right of hir Majestie that is present: and that not for Religion as appeareth by their own confession after, but for ambition and desire of Reigne. Mounsieur the King's brother of Fraunce, heire to Fraunce, as all the World knoweth, is well ac- cepted, favoured, and admitted for succession of that Crowne by all the Protestantes at this day of that countrie. Notwithstanding his opinion in Religion knowen to be different. And I doubt not but the King of Navar or Prince of Condie in the contrarie part would think themselves greatly injured by the State of Fraunce, which is differing frome them in Religion at this day, if after the death of the King that now is and his brother without yssue (if God so dis- pose) they should be barred from inheriting the Crowne under pre- tence onely of their Religion. 63 CHAPTER V. The former part of this passage out of this book commonly called char v. Greencoat, which the gray head of Mr. Parsons is verilie thought to have indited, doth in this matter so justlie agree with the censure and sence of Mr. Wentworth that they seame in this (how contrary so ever in other matters) to have bene both inspired with one spirit, and as it were conspyred with the truth, to the overthrowe of doubte or error ; and consequently the Protestant being indifferent to both, though against bothe, and holding as it were the place of vertue betwene the two extremes, must needes on this point concurre with both. But the latter point of the passage (for which I specially cited the whole) conteineth a doctryne or document in which both the Protestant and Papist have already showed in England by practize of this later age, that they hould themselves bound in good con- science not to exclude for any different opinion in Religion the next heir to the Crowne ; As the Protestantes showed at the death of King Edward in advauncing a knowen Catholique Prince ; And the Papists testified at the death of Queen Marie, in admitting our now Soveraigne, whome they must needes suspect to have bene a Protestant ; of which hereafter I shall have a fitter place to entreate: Howbeit because in the beginning of my treatise I said I could over- lay the Catholiques with authorities of their owne for allowance of this tytle, nothwithstanding the pretended diversitie of Religion, I will mention one other, and cite also a third to this purpose now in hand. I think no man makes question that Botiro the Italian, that writes the book of universall Relacions, is of the Roman Church and 64 Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap, v. Religion, and a man either not partiall or only partiall to Catho- liques. He in the said book, in more places then one, plainlie averreth the new King of Scottes to be the next heire to hir Majestie. I refraine to set downe his discourse at large, because it is enterluded with some ill favoured reportes, which himself con- fesses to have taken from Slaunders (Saunders I should say), 3 who, though wishing well to the lyne of Scotland, yet, because he writes so unrespectively of hir Majestie that now is, I will not cite his wordes, not onely for the reverence I owne to hir highnes my law- full soveraigne, but also because I knowe in my soule that it doth offend the King of Scotts verie greatly to have any thing said or written in justification of his title that may tend to the dero- gation of any title of honor of his deer sister or rather adoptive mother the Queen's Majestie. Therefore I will say but thus much, which is most true, that reading the same Italian author in private to a Lord, and one of the greatest subjectes in the Realm both in Land and Office, I observed very well that, though he was much misliked of Saunders prcemises, yet in the maine point he found no fault with Botero his con- clusion. The constable But the Catholique author whome I meane to cite in this matter of France his opinion, and I must cite without a name, yet I have heard some say hee is Con- the cause why . . .. he did write stable m Fraunce, and I dare say in writing: of this that I cite out his Treatise . . . of mode- of his book he did no more think of iustifieing the Kins: of Scotts RATION, will .. Til i not a man so tytle then the Duke 01 Somerset did, that wrote long before he was conceave? But , . _ . yethemeaneth borne m those passages 1 cyted out of his epistle; yet I pray all Henry Con- stable the B^Mrtthews' * Nicllolas Saunders was one of the most noted defenders of the Catholic religion note in MS.) of his time. He was at Winchester, and went thence to New College, Oxford, in 1548, In 1560 he went to Eome and was made a priest, and was at the Council of Trent. In July 1579 Saunders landed with the Spaniards at Smerwick in Kerry, and, hiding in caves and dens, died miserably of hunger and cold. He wrote a reply to Bishop Jewel's Apology (Lovain, 1566, 4to.). on the Succession to the Crown. 65 readers, and especially the Catholiques, to observe this, that he CHAP - v - writes of the now French King, who at the writing thereof was a professed Protestant, and let them but applye it hereafter (when- soever God shall take away hir Majestie frome us) to the person, title, and religion of the now King of Scotts, and then judge if by that which is fallen out since in Fraunce the writer had not a kynde of propheticall spiritt, and let them no lesse hope (if they be Catholiques) that God can worke the like effectes in England, if it be for his glory, without their practise or forces : Thus he saith. " Another reason there is that moved me to folio we this my pur- pose to write a treatise of the meanes to reconcile Hugonots to us Catholiques ; and that is, that it hath pleased God to give us a King differing frome us in opinion, but such a one (who his religion onely excepted) for the greatness and honour of Fraunce there was never the like ; which makes me verily beleeve, whatsoever opinion he be of at this present, that God hath reserved him after so many troubles in his Church for some great comforte and good thereof. " God never doth any extraordinary thing but to some extra- ordinarie end ; and how extraordinarily God hath favoured his Majestie no man knowith better then his enemyes, as by whose chief meanes God hath raised him. His enemyes thought by kyndling the warres in Fraunce to overthrowe him, and these warres have encreased his reputation and power. His enemies impatient of delay thought by unjust meanes to constraine our late King to proceed against him with more violence then he had done hereto- fore ; and these meanes have been the ruyne of his enemyes and the cause of his reconciliation with the King. And, to be short, his enemies have putt weapons into his hande to undoe them, and the meanes by which they would have dryven him out of Guyenne hath brought him into the heart of Fraunce ; and the same meanes by which they would have taken away his life hath given him the kingdom. 66 Sir John Harvngton's Tract char v. "Can we imagine that God hath done so many thinges for nothing, what shall wee then gather of all this but that God is offended when that wee will not suffer him to dispose of his church as he thinkes best, but will seek to prevent him by our wisdome ? " And therefore I protest before God that if I were the greatest enemye that the King hath, yet notwithstanding I should thinke that Gfod hath not done him all these favours for any other occasion then for our punishment, who by unjust meanes and impatient zeale sought to overthrowe the Reformed Religion although it be false. " It may therefore so come to passe that if wee alter our course God will alter his, and as the meanes by which wee thought to furthur our Religion hath hindered it, So God by the same meanes which we feared would have bene a hinderance to our Religion shall be a furtherance ; and as God hath used the service of the King for the maintenance of the reformed Religion when wee would have forced him to embrace ours, so will he serve himself by this meanes to establishe our Religion if wee would lett him (as long as it shall please God) to live in his owne ; for the great workes of God ar alwaies contrary to men's expectations. And for myne oune part, considering the evident favours that God hath done for him, I cannot think that he will leave him thus, but that he will finish the work begunne in him, and if he be in error that he will bring him to the knowledge of the truthe. " But it appertaines to God to doe it and not to us, otherwise our too hastie desyre to convert his Majestie may hinder his conversion, or at the least the profit that his conversion would bringe. For besides that God (as I have said) doth never blesse the actions of them who will prevent him by their impatience, certaine it is that his conversion can neither be forced nor sodaine, the qualitie of his Majestie is such that it cannot be forced, and his disposition suche that he will not, much lesse of the sodaine. He hath taken this marck frome his cradle which he cannot forgoe but by litle and litle. on the Succession to the Crown. 67 " But if hereafter when the King in peaceble conference shall see CHAF - v - his ministers vanquished, and their reasons by which both he and they have been alienated frome our faith substancially confuted, I say if then it shall please God to open his eyes his conversion would be a thousand tymes more profitable to the church then if he had never bene of other Religion, or if he had altered the same before he had bene peaceblie crowned. The example then of his conversion would be the conversion of a million, and if he had bene alwaies of our Religion wee should never have had such an example, or if he had changed before he had possessed the kingdome, diverse other causes of his conversion might have bene suspected, which would hinder the fruite that should come thereof to the churche. " But if peace being once established in the Realme, God should then by ordinary meanes turne his hearte, they who had seene him constant in his Religion during the tyme that the profession thereof was so daungerous to his State would never think that he would have forsaken the same without evident reasons, and then should his conversion bring to the Churche the profitt that wee desyre. "Let us therefore have a litle patience, and, when convenient req C uired reil (l. tyme doth serve, let us offer to his Majestie this condition which he ^^f tthem ' hath first offeered, which is, that he will assemble the best learned both of the one and the other Religion in debate lovinglie ,the pointes that ar in controversie, to the end that the peacebleness of the State may accompanie that of the Church. And if it would please his Majestie thus to doe (as I make no doubt thereof) I doe assure myself that suche meanes might be held in the said Conference, that diverse thinges should be discovered which untill this tyme have been hidden from them both. Not that I think that any noveltie in Religion can be found out (God forbyd I should think so), but that the least poyntes of our difference might be reconciled, the unprofit- able omitted, and the weightier made more playne by more manifest proofes. k2 68 Sir John Earington's Tract chap. v. " N or mus t the one or the other side think such a Conference to be unnecessarie, imagining the pointes to be alreadie sufficiently debated. For, although there can hardly be found stronger proofes then those of which they have bene heretofore furnished, yet is it one thing to prove, and another thing to satisfye ; and wee must not so much seek to overcome as to wynne the strayers, and thus much I dar say and am able to prove against whomsoever, that neither the one syde nor the other in any Conference that hath bene hitherto houlden, hath followed the manner of proceeding that was requisite or might have been followed for the satisfieing of the adverse partie, or to cleare the doubtes. Dnra pro- " A^ s f or me althoughe I be the least amons; a million which have vincia. (A. . B.Matthews' busyed themselves in the disputacions of our tymes, yet I dar under- marginal J , i • «» «»*«•) take to reduce the poyntes wherein wee differ to so shorte an issue, and to prescribe such meanes for the handling of them,, that the truthe shall more manifest itself in this onely Conference, then by all other disputacions that have bene since Martyn Luther opposed himself against the Pope. And yet, notwithstanding, the issue and meanes shalbe such that no man either of the one or the other Religion according to their owne maximes shall have just cause to reject them. It were an impudent part of me to say this, if I were not sure to be able to showe it ; I knowe the evasions of one and the other. I knowe their Sophismes, and I knowe the way how to goe beyond them, but the tyme serveth not yet, the State must be at quiet, and our myndes at rest, and chieflie voyde of all' prejudice, for if wee Catholiques come to heare a disputacion being resolved before wee goe, the Hugenots be alreadie condemned for Heretiques; and they contrariwise will say, that they understand alreadye the Scripture better then St. Augustine, and that it is cleare on their syde. To what end would such a Conference serve ? The Priests and Ministers may be resolved as well as they list, because they do mistrust, but wee cannot be so because wee learne. on the Succession to the Crown. 69 " The end that they do propound is victorye, but the end that wee CHAP v seek is verity. And if wee had alreadye found it, wherefore doe wee seek it ? And if wee beleeve without seeking wee may be deceived. "Soe here the principall cause that made me renew my former enterprise to write of this poynt of moderacon, to the end that by the moderacon of our myndes wee might be prepared for a Confer- ence, in this Conference to discover the truthe, and in discovering truthe to establishe peace in the Churche of God. But doubting my insufficiency and fearing to bestow my labour in vaine, on the other side also desirous to see an agreement in Religion, I had rather hazard my former paynes in publishing myne answere that I have alreadie made than the losse of another. The reason why I that am a Catholique do mislike rather our rigour against the Hugonotts then theirs against us, seeing that they in both ar equally faultie, is because that he that will reforme another must begyn first with himself. " The importunitie and arrogance of my enemye drives me to write sometymes scarce Catholiquely, which I have not done to refute the Catholique Religion, but to shewe that the errors of the Hugonots ar not so grosse as wee do perswade ourselves, knowing (as I have said) that there is nothing which hath hitherto more suppressed the truthe then the litle estimacon the one syde hath of the reasons of the other, which, God knoweth, procedeth of igno- rance, and the more one is learned the greater difficultie he findeth to refute his adversary. And it is a thing very certaine that igno- rance begetteth hastines ; and hastines hindereth truthe f rome being manifested; for 'the vehemency of those that do hould the truthe maketh them which be in error more vehement, and the vehemency of them that be in error maketh them blynde. " And this is the true intent of my discourse, in which, although it may be I have used some reasons which by ignorant judges might be thought to favour to much the new opinions, yet my entent is not CHAP. V. 70 Sir John Harington's Tract thereby to seduce any, nor to turn him frome the faith of our fathers, but onely to purge the mynde from prejudice, untill there be furthur tryall ; and till such tryall be made (without the which I look for no agreement in the Churche) I conjure the, freindly reader, of what religion soever thou art, to carrie a mynde voyd of preju- dice, such a mynde I wishe in thee, and such a mynde I protest I have in myself, and such a mynde Grod send to us all.'' This I have for the Catholique readers' sake translated out of the French verbatim into English, which the further of it seameth frome the question heer in hande, I meane the succession of the Crowne of England, the neerer indeed, and the more forcible it is, if it be applied, as very fitlie it may, to the present argument. And first I observe that neither this author, nor any of the two before alledged, make any question in the succession of anie Inheritance, specially of a kyngdome, about the religion of the partie claming. Secondly you see in the first two, how notoriouslie the tytle of the King of Scotts is published by those that may seame to have litle to do with it (I mean Botero, a straunger, and one that is to be thought to our State rather an enemy than a freind), and therefore if you here at home should make any opposicion, nay any supposicion against it, when the due tyme comes, you will be held in degree of Eebels and Traytours, and then, as Mr. Wentworth freindly f orewarnes you, you wilbe out of all hope. The whipps wherewith you ar now scourged wilbe turned to scorpions : whereas if you will acknowledge humblie and lovinglie his so manifest right, there is no question that he, being a Prince of a gratefull nature, and full of clemencye (in so much as Mr. Wentworth thinkes it one of his faultes), will I say at least lighten the yoak, and not drawe so deep either in life or lyvely- hood as the blood houndes of this tyme under a pretence of polKcie of State, against the expresse mynde of hir Majestie, and the greatest peers of the Eealme, have doone. Thirdlie out of this Frenche author (thoughe the first is also on the Succession to the Crown. 71 published in French.) I shewe you the very paterne of a learned, — 1 modest, and moderate Catholique, that professes not to labour for victory but for veritie, and advises not to oppose man's presumption against G-od's providence. And look what he saith of the French King in Me may not you say the same in Spe of the Scottish King ? Let me but enter you as it were a lyne or two into the comparison, and leave the rest to your owne conceites, as you shall please to like it or leave it. He saith, it hath pleased God to give us a King ; you must say, it may please Grod to give us a King differing frome us in opinion but such a one who (his religion onely excepted) for the greatness and honour of this Hand there can never be the like ; which makes us verily beleeve whatsoever opinion he be of at this present, that Gfod hath reserved him, after so many troubles in his Churche, for some great comforte and good thereof, etc. And so may proceed in the rest : that his enemyes have bene his furtherers, that the meanes wrought by Lester and others to conceale his title hath made it be further published, and such like, so aptly to be compared, that among all Plutarque's parallels you shall not fynde a paire more fitley suted. I doe greatly desyre in all I write to be free frome just suspition of flatterye, and I should rather take part with the Knight that wrote to his M es this distich : My verses oft displease you, what's the matter ? You love not to heare truthe, nor I to flatter. And therefore, lest any should think I flatter the King of Scotts in this comparison, I should aunswere he hath more reason to think I natter the Frenche King : for the praise of armes and lettres goe alwaies hand in hand, and though the Frenche King is the more famous warryour (being forced thereto much against his will) yet for learning, which to^the matter we now speak of is more important, there is no kynde of comparison. If the French King have yet a 72 Sir John Harington's Tract chap. v. g rea ter tytle and territory, the other may have a greater hereafter. Yf the Frenche King be more fruitfull as having by reporte three cradels going at once, and three christeninges at once, where upon a pleasant gentleman said he might be called justlie Tres christien, yet, thankes be to Grod, the King of Scots hath the blesing that Ser- jaunt Bendlowes wished to the Queen our mistress in his lawyer's phrase, viz., To ha/oe issue of Mr bodie lawfullie begotten, which phrase may fortune trouble all Fraunce for all the multiplicitie of cradels. Therefore let the French King be the greater warriour (though in my opinion the King of Scotts is to hazardous of his person) yet till Cassineus conclude TJtrwm Doctor procedat an miles, I may well mainteine my parallel and leave it to all good mynded Catholiques to make up the rest, and wish them in their best devo- cions to putt into their memento a praier for the King of Scotts and his Issue : which I protest I think is one of the most meritorious prayers they can make. And that some of the learnedest, honestest, ablest, and worthiest of that profession do so, and will when the tyme comes discover it against any forraine or home competition what soever, I do most certaynely assure me, and thus much or rather thus litle may serve to say of these three sleightly cited authorities from three (though Catholique) writers, yet two not certainely knowen, and the third not much regarded. 73 CHAPTER VI. Reply to Me. Dolman. Now I come with oares and sailes (as they say) with professed chap. vi. hate and malice prepensed against Mr. Dolman, whome before in my recitall of Mr. Wentworth I threatened, and now in the alle- gacion of Greencoate I hope I shall strike so dead, as, if he dare any way oppose against that I have brought out of Greencoate, I shall surely prove him a Turne-coate. To conf esse the truthe, the man I never saw, some of his writings I have by happ mett with, but the generall voice stirred me first against him. Not onely in that they say he scoffes in his writinges against an honourably descended gentleman that wrote as I do now, in a good zeale to his countrye, calling him a guilt-spur Doctor, which reproache needes not offend me that never think to proceed Doctor while I lyve ; but specially because he is notod as a speciall oppugner of the Scottishe tytle, which my soule acknowledged the trew and lawfull tytle, and in this respect I did read his book thrugh hastilye, yet with an hearty prejudice as was possible, and being now full 2 yeares past since I redd him, and when I did read him had not leisure but even sleightlie to note some principal! heades of his discourse, having borrowed him of an Irish knight at Dublin, and for so shorte a tyme as my leisure and opportunity being in those partes would not serve to make so ample a confuta- tion of it as my mynd was to doe, and being now here in England the booke is not to be had without daunger to him that enquires after it. Wherefore I betake me my olde noates, as well as I can read them, and remember by them the rest. At the first I pyked a quarrell to his name, and applied furthur then Mr. Wentworth doth 74 Sir John Harington's Tract chap. vi. the etmologie of it to his disgrace, viz. that not onely it forwarned us of guile ; Dolmanus, quasi Dolus : malm, but that by this guile he would be Author of dolefull and dolorous accidentes to this our country, or finally that with his pragmatical penne he would dealle a dole among us under collour of almes to sett us all by the eares, but it were more almes that he should sitt with the widowes almes about his heeles. Thus quarrelsome and thus chollerique I was against his very name. But as the nature of cholerick men is, when the first heat is stricken, they are much more affable and tractable then the melancholie or fleugmatique, so I, having dis- charged my penne of two or three shrewde wordes, will look into the matter with an upright eye, and perhaps not censure him so bitterly as Mr. Wentworth did afore me, though my zeale to the cause is no lesse then his. Now, in order to those partes of the book that I thought at the reading thereof to be chiefly worth the aunswering. And because I prof esse in the beginning to deale with no man's religion, but leave that to . Grod and his conscience, therefore I will abstaine frome all bitternesse of speach, nor urge any statutes against him to prove him a traytor, or the like, but even Ingenue et candide reprove him, in that with all indifferent readers and his owne con- science (if he hath not Cauteriatam conscientiam, a conscience obdu- rate and seared with a hott iron) shall reprove him. First therefore for your great love to my Lo. of Essex, his father and Graundfather, see how you and I might shake handes, I that when I first mett with your book was in Ireland with him, I that in xx tie yeares omitted no office of a kynde freind to him, I that had a father who wrote thus of his grandfather A Cato fop his head, his witt was surely suche, Theseus freindshippe not so great, but Deevrux was as much. Which verse hath bene often applied to his Graunchilde's head by her that might have saved his head, and wisheth as many think now on the Succession to the Crown. 75 she had done so. But Mr. Dolman love you my Lo. of Essex ? so did chap. vi. Hannibal lore Fabius when he burned other men's corne and spared his to make him more suspected to the Romans. So the fox in Esop's fables commended the faire complexion and musycall voyce of the Crowe and his auncestors till by making him offer to singe he gat his meate out of his mouthe. Well for this the Crowe shall speak of you and say Caue perhaps with a K, though Martiall makes a Latine Crowe to speake better to my mynde, Est bene non potuit dicere, dixit erit. But that noble person, instead of that kyngdome which you poynting at made the worlde suspect you wisht him (I beshrewe you for your poynting), hath now I doubt not an heavenly king- dome, and hath lefte yet so much love here that one may truly say of him Mt secum lachrymas invidiamgue trahit, and thus much to your Epistle. To the preface and the whole course of your book I cannot, pro- fessing to speak truely, say as Mr. Wentworth saith, that it is as full of lyes as of lynes, or that no better grapes are to be expected of such thornes ; nay to give you your due, Mr. Dolman, I say that pungent penne of yours, if your partialitie were abated, might yeald an excellent juice, for bothe I am of your opinion, that the declaring of an heire apparent by Parliament in hir Majestie's tyme would neither be good for hir, nor for his safety that should be so declared; and further in respect, as you noate, that none since the Conquest 1 being once declared ever attained the Crowne after. I would not for lucke's sake have the King of Scotts proclamed openly. And besides that I knowe not how the cunning of this tyme is growen so scandalous, that whatsoever hath shewe of publique authoritie is streight suspected not to be sincere. Sufficeth it is generally knowen he hath a pension of the Queen, and many bookes and pedigrees open his tytle, and from one freinde to another it passeth throw most men of valour and spiritt both in court and countrye. l2 •*»-..v 76 Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap, vi. N ow f or the generall discourse of your civillian, mucli of it is so civill, as mee thinkes it' were an uncivill parte of me to finde fault with it, and for Bellay his to servile flattery which hath many imitators in our Englishe Court I will no way defend it; some petty thinges there be one might quarrell with but I leave your light errors to be reformed or chastised by the stinging stile of your proper antagonist W. W., which chastising will better become him then it will become you to talke of the chastising of f orraine Princes. I meane onely to speak and that brieflie of those pointes in the second parte of your book that Mr. Wentworth mentioneth, having touched two thinges fitt for the readers observacon. First, that whereas in your first book you enforced much the lawfulness of putting back unworthy successors and deposing present possessioners ; for the first the K. of Scotts ill-willers heere may pretend justlie that you prevaricate in this, and that, like a lawyer that hath taken a fee under hande, you pleade his cause while you pretend against him, whome of all the competitors you place as you must needes next in bloode, against whome you make so poore and weeke objec- tions, and whoy as any man with half an eye may see, is eminently the worthiest : so as if his tytle were behynde two or three of the other, yet, if your argumentes were sounde, he were likeliest of all to be admitted ; and for the second you harp on a seditious string of deposing of Princes for disabilitie and weakenes, and that in such a tyme, when malecontentes so abound in citie and countrye, when in the Court the comon phrase of old servantes is that their is no commiseracion of any man's distressed estate, that a few favourites gett all, that the nobilitie is depressed, the Clergy pilled and con- temned, forraine invasions expected, the treasure at home exhausted, the coyne in Ireland imbased, the gold of England transported, exactions doubled and trebled, and all honest heartes so troubled that save the immovable resolucion of justice and fidelity in that worthy King of Scotts is so knowen, that no man dare make such a motion to him : It were more doubte by the reading of your book, on the Succession to the (frown. 11 that the Nobility should call him in before his tyme then exclude cha p. VI. him after his tyme, and this is that I thought sufficient to touch of the first parte of your booke. Now for the second, wherein you discover much more malice with much lesse matter. In advauncing the single house of Lan- caster above that of Yorke, and seeking to renew and revive the old causes of civill warre so long since raked up in the ashes, and in sclaundering the house of York of cruelty and the lyke, I aunswere that I suppose no Englishman wilbe so unnaturall to his country to admitt into his thought the disuniting of the Read Rose and the Whyte, that as one wrote to truely were both read with the blood spilte in the controversie, and I hope one day shalbe mixt in a pure read and white with litle blood. But thus I would argue it with you out of your owne lynes. If (as you say) a title next of blood may be putt by to avoide some great daunger to the Commonwealth, how much more a title so ould as scant the haroldes can finde it by the Chronicles how to propound it, or lay it downe to any man's understanding, shalbe excluded and not suffered to be obtruded unto us after so long quiet possession of our lyne, and so mightie a Prince clayming, that hath already so noble yssue. Which matter to propound to sensible men, in the opinion of Mr. Parsons in his forenamed book, were very absurde. And further for the house of York. I say though one degenerate Prince of that lyne gave occasion of obloquie for his cruelty, who, being borne with teeth and deformed by nature, did unnaturallie and like a vyper bite out his mother's owne bowels by defamacion, and murder his nephews to make sure their deprivation. But both his father Richard Duke of York was a man of great vertue and valour, and his brother Edward the Fourth an excellent good- natured Prince, and, as Commines testifies, the best featured Prince and the most goodly and amiable of person that ever he beheld, 78 Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap, vi. anc ^ ^jeh seldom happens to great monarchs, the longer he lyved the better he was loved, and, as Sir Thomas Moore testifies of him, was facetious and affable, and a litle to amorous, of whome the noble Sir Phillip Sydney in a pleasant sonnet gives this testimonye : — Of all the kings that ever heer did reigne Edward the Fourth as first in praise I name Not for his fair outsyde or well lynde braine, Although lesse giftes ympe fethers of high fame Now that he could young wise, wise valiant frame. His Syre's reveng joynd with a kingdome's gayne, And gayned by Mars could yet mad Mars so tame, As Justice swayed what sworde did erst obtaine. Nor that he made the flower de Luce so frayde, Though stronglie hedg'd of bloody Lyons pawes, That wittie Lewes to him a tribute paide ; Nor this, nor that, nor any suche small cause, But onely that this worthy king would prove To loose his realme rather than leave his love. Also George, Duke of Clarence, is described as no ill natured Prince, in the Miekor of Magistrates. Edward the 5 th , a Prince of mylde spirit and much towardnes ; and since the happy conjunc- tion of the two houses, though you fraudulently call them still but the house of York, how excellent a Prince was Prince Arthur by all men's reportes. King Henrie the viii th for xx* ie yeares was much commended, for the rest, because I finde both the Papists and Calvin to censure him hardly, I will not take on me to defend. But for his sonne Edward the vi 81 by that I .have heard and beleeve to be trewe of his yeares was never a more towardly nor a better natured Prince, nor more zealous to the service of God. Also Queen Marie (setting apart the persecution of hir tyme) which is imputed by all the world more to hir Bishops counsell then to hir disposition, yet in all other thinges she is noated as a passing bountifull and gratefull on the Succession to the Crown. 79 prince, and restored many noble and worshipfull houses overthrowen chap. vi. by hir predecessors. In so much that I heard a great counsellor of State to hir Ma tie that now is, when one made a great sute for Restitution of some land, to which his right seamed very good, aunswered that such a sute might perhaps have been graunted in Queen Marie's tyme, but he could give him no comforte in this tyme. ' As for hir Ma tie that now reignes, if hir owne disposition to clemency and bountye should be denyed I should make myself and many thousandes notable lyers. I knowe the death of the Queen of Scotts is by many forraine pennes and toungues urged as a note of crueltie in hir, because she was a rightfull prince, and as some think a wrongfull prisoner. I will not herein urge in hir Majesties defence the necessarie pollicie of State, that in such weightie matters is a kynde of compulsion that made Henry 4. (the first Lancastrian King) put to death his nephewe that had bene his maister. But I say this out of the mouth of one of the greatest favourites, that when the newes was brought of hir execution, and that the people for- sooth made bone-fires upon reporte of hir deathe, it was a thing so farre from hir expectacon or purpose, howsoever they had cousened hir to gett hir consent to it in a sorte that she was as he sware the most perplext with it that ever he sawe, and the furthest beyond his expectation, and how heavie shee was to the Instrument thereof a long tyme after all the world knowes, neither doe I heare that he hath yet anie Recompence though he have many good freindes. This last noble Peer that suffered though some do alledge as an example of hir want of Clemencye, yet much might be said in excuse of her, and the matter laied upon others, onely I will cite him as a testimonye of hir bountye. For to omitt Leister, Hatton, Lo. Buegleigh, and others highly advaunced and rewarded by her, what a masse of treasure did she bestowe on this Earle. If it were true that was openly protested and avowed in the Starre-Chamber, where it was affirmed by those that should knowe that the giftes 80 Sir John Harington's Tract chap. vi. shee had given him to his owne use were worth three hundred thousand poundes. It is not many daies since it was spoken, and it is fresh still in many men's memories, and sure for this Earle, while he was a good subject, he spent it as frankly and magnifically againe, and for ought I could ever heare converted not anie great matter of it to encrease his patrimony. Now if these great bounties have bene distributed to many that the world hath held unworthie, the weaknes of hir sex and facilitye of hir nature hath bene the more abused, but doubtlesse no ill nature can be layd to her, and even the same fault was found in the Frenche court, witnes a French epigram written by one of their poets and thus by me translated : The court of Fraunce no likenes can expresse More lively then an Almes delt in a presge. Where each man with his dishe doth him addresse, But yet strong beggars so the weak oppresse, They get more almes though they need it lesse. But the Almner that the matter should redresse The number overgreat doth so distresse, That to be rydd thereof and to bestowe it He doth not greatlie care to whome he throwe it. Wherefore I conclude it is all but a parciall malice in you, Mr. Dolman, to advaunce the house of Lancaster by slaundering the house of York, but for myne owne part, as Horace saithe, alluding to Augustus Caesar : Te ne magis salvum populus velit, an populum tu Servet in ambiguo qui consulit et tibi et urbi. Jupiter. So say I, and I speak it frome my heart, of both houses, let it be ever a doubte, and ever a question, which blood is the nobler, in the issue of Henry vij th whether that of York or that of Lancaster, on the Succession to the Crown. 8 L so the united blood may ever reigne over us and never f aile us, that chap, vl if once succession may be established it may never againe be dis- united. Let the peerless Princes of that lyne, I meane the K. of Scotts and his issue, have the person and amiableness of Edward the Fourth, the wisdome and providence of Henrie the Seaventh, the bounty and royaltie of K. Henrie the Eight and his daughter Marid, the felicitie and quiet daies and long life of Queen Elizabeth, and then let Mr. Dolman and his lawyers dispute tytles, object bastardies, suppose lykelyhoodes of infinite daungers and doubtes. God and all good men will favour the right, and that right may take place wee will pray when God hath appoynted the tyme, and when that tyme comes, whosoever shall live to see it, Mr. Dolman, I beleeve, shall finde his ghostlie children wyser then their father. And this may serve breiflie of Mr. Dolman's book. M CHAP. VII. 82 CHAPTER VII. Of the King of Scotts. Now I come to speak of this present King of Scotts, whose clame as I partely noted in my last chapter Mr. Dolman in oppugning seameth to hasten, and because this is a passage, subject to the sus- picion of flattery, which I have ever protested against, I will herein so moderate my penne and my praises that no man shall have just cause of exception : and because I am to speake of one that I never sawe, and therefore can speak of nothing but by hear say, and the same hear say gathered from persons of diverse qualities, some of that nation, some of ours employed thither from this state, or going thither upon private occasions, I will not so much collect what all have severally said, as what all have joyntly agreed on. I say therefore if a man would examine what age, stature, dis- position, qualities, he would wish to be in the next successor, or in hir Ma ties sonne if she had any, I suppose, if fame have not flattered us (and in this kynde she is commonly more envious then flattering), not any, no not all the other competitors can be compared with him. For his age, I take it he is about xxxy, that is to say in the per- fection of strength and vigour both of bodye and mynde ; for his person they say he is talle of stature, and as I am tould somewhat higher then the Earle of Marr, of a cheerful aspect and eye, as Aryosto describeth one, — Piatoso a riguarder, a muoyer parco. For his disposition and princely vertues, that wee may measure them by a rule, and a rule not of myne owne making, but of the famous doctor Casineus, I will breiflie, out of his booke called Sir John Harington on the Succession to the Crown. 83 Oatalogus Gloria Mund'i, sett downe the vertues are praised in a chap. vii. Prince, and then leave it to indifferent readers to consider im- partially with themselves how ritchely and with how many of them the said King is furnished. Kinges (saith Cassinseus) ar comended for ten things : 1. For truthe or verity. 6. For magnanimitie. 2. For justice. 7. For wisdome. 3. Forpietieandclemencie. 8. For chastitie and temperance. 4. For affability. 9. For fortitude. 5. For liberality. 10. For faythe. Of these somewhat by way of guesse and hear-say. 1. First for truthe, which may seame all one with the last, how great a vertue it is in a Prince I need not argue. How eminent it is in this Prince, besides the common fame that goes of him, besides his admonicion to his sonne which I take as a measure of his owne mynde, what greater proof can be then his unviolate keeping of league with hir Ma tie , notwithstandinge so many enticementes of forraine perswasions, so many enticementes of domesticall injuries, or if wee shall speake of the heavenly veritye, how studious he hath bene thereof from his youth, his rare learning testified by those have conferred with him, as well as his wrytinges make proof, so as his constancie in truthe both humane and divine, give him a right as well to succeed hV" Ma tye in her worde semper eadem, as in hir scepter whensoever she shall leave it. 2. For justice, the vertue by which Kings do raigne, what a freind he is to yt, what an enemye to the discorting and delaieng of it, how he distributeth the lively and radicall partes thereof, viz. prcemium and pcenam, according to the proportion of his kyngdome, his peaceable government of that warlike nation, ending so many feudes with so litle blood, ar an abundant testimony. 3. For piety and clemency, which make an excellent mixture with justice, the King is worthilie renowned ; and sure it is a happie m2 84 Sir John Harington's Tract chap. vii. thing to live under a Prince that is not implacable, but can forgive even private injuries ; and in this vertue the King is much renowned, that in so manye yeares never did any revengfull act ; for as for this death of the Earle Gowry, as the reporte is commonly given out, the King was rather a patient then an agent, and as his heart was cleer of all evill and to confident, so God did as admirabely defend him. 4. The fourth vertue is affabilitie or easy accesse, which though some great statesmen here mainteyne not to be a princely vertue, and in hir Ma tie by meanes of hir sex is not so much to be expected, yet in a King it hath alwaies bene praised, and the contrary dis- comended, and as for the King I now speak of I have heard it observed, with this temper, that as he will graciouslie heare the meanest man's sute, so when the matter requires State he will take sufficient State upon him. I have heard many commend Dr. Bullen, hir Ma ties kinsman that was sometyme of Cambridge, that in his doctor's gowne he would hould as great gravitie as any, but being private in his freindes chamber he would lay asyde his gravitie with his gowne, and say Lye there, Doctor, and now here is as good a f ellowe as the best of you. And sure thisfacilitas morum is a thing that Wynnes a Prince great love of his subjectes and servantes ; besydes howsoever sicophantes and parasites will deryde it (men that would make a monopolye of their Prince's ease and favours), yet the men of God do commend it and advise it. JRectorem te posui, noli extolli, esto in illis quasi unus ex ipsis, Llcclesiaslicus i. vers. 32. I have made thee a governour, be not lift upp, be among them as one of them- selves : yet alwaies preferring a due Ma be , for it is a true sayenge, Nimia familiaritas parit contemptum. But God knowes princes do seldom offend in that extreme. Wherefore it was a worthie sayeng spoken as I take it by Cumenes to his brother, Si me utaris ut rege, titar te utfratre, sin ut fratre, non te utar ut rege. If you on the Succession to the Crown. 85 use mee as your King I will use you as my brother, but if you use chap. vii. me as your brother I must use you as your King. 5. The fifthe vertue is liberality, a vertue that keeps the heartes that affability wynnes : according to the proverbe, Non mmor est virtus, quam qucerere parta tueri, for where a man is prodigall of his cappe and miserable of his purse it gives occasion to the old English proverbe, Lesse of your curtesie and more of your monye. Of this vertue (I will not speake without a wytnesse) the King hath bene possessed frome his byrth. The knight is yet living, though not in England, that at the byrth of this Kinge went to visett the Queen (hir late borne sonne lyeng by her), to whom the Queen said, ' ' Behould well this babe, hee may one day be your King, and be blithe,' 1 said she " for I knowe he will be bowntifull, for the first thing he did after his byrthe, he threw abroad his handes open." Oh that Princes did knowe how sweet a thing it is to give with reason and dew desert, not lingringlie and against their wylles as it were, which takes away the thankes. The sayeng of Titus will be remembred to his praise for ever, that having signed no bill nor graunted no sute one whole day, he said that day was lost, and commonly it f alles out that those Princes that give most have moste, and God gives them an extraordinarie blessing, as also a curse to the contrarie. It is said, a king of Fraunce being reproved of his Thresorer for geving of so much, alledging it would make him poore, " Oh," said he, "it is a comforte to think yet that I am one of the last men in the parishe is like to go a begging." 6. The vj ,h praise is magnanimity e, which also for most parte is accompanied with magnificence, where abilitie serves ; yet thus they distribute them, magnanimitie in the enterprize of any great matter. Magnificence in the performance. I will not hunt after every tryviall prais that may be given this King, I will onely touch a thing notoriouslie knowen. When the great invasion was entended 86 Sir John Harington's Tract chap. vn. against England, and the greatest that in many ages has bene heard of, when Rome and Spaine conspired against this iland, and rigged so many of their yessels and armed so many of their vassals against us, how openly, how confidently, did the King of Scots declare himself for the defence of both realmes, publishing not onely a proclamacion to make knowen his magnanimious intent of defending his neighbour, but also writing some treatises of the defence of ye religion, which they at that tyme seamed most to oppugne. To omitt how royallie he hath since against the willes of some of his factious clergie and laitye erected some bishoprickes that were before putt doune; for as ruining and pulling doune is a base signe of pusillanimitye, so trew magnanimity is seen in erecting and ad- vancing the offices specially of pietie and devotion. The seaventh commendacion is Wisdome, and to spend tyme in praise thereof were follie. The wise king writes Vcs regno, cujus rex est puer. And the wise philosopher distinguisheth of juvenis estate and moribus. To make then no farre fetcht applications, I say no further then I see, that he hath bene long bredd in an excellent schoole to make one a wyse king, namely, in a kyngdome full of great wittes, stirring spirites, stowt courages, and in as cunning an age. Also his Ma tie is well redd in bookes, where wisdome is especiallye founde, and, above all, in the booke of the highest true wisdome, the Scripture, in which I have heard, and it is probable by his writinges, that few of his clergie can compare with him. To this I will adde one observation of myne owne, hee that can carye all thinges so smooth as he doth, between the State of England and him, and that when so many shrewd rubbes have bene throwen in the way, I think he may well passe for one of the wisest princes of Christendome. 8. The viij" 1 qualitie is chastitie, accompany ed as the author saith with modestie and shamefastnes and moderacion in all thinges, as well in dyett as apparell. But I doubte how to prayse these on the Succession to the Croivn. 87 thinges, and how this wanton age of ours will brook to have a man chap. vn. praised for chastitie. To call one a chaste Courtier (specially if it — were afore his M rs , thoughe her complexion could not blushe at it) it were a quarrell almost asking a stabbe ; shall I then praise chastitie and modestie in a King ? I write a truthe. I once heard a man of the better sorte in an open assemblie at our Queen's Courte, speaking of the King of Scotts, and not entending in his speache any whitt to grace him (for perhaps he durst not), he sware that being with the King one day upon occasion he saw him blushe, and I dar undertake in this speache many of the hearers took it, that he gave him a touch in his reputation. But I, remembering an old verse of Lucan of an old fault wont to be found in Kings, Nil pudet assuetos sceptris, mitissima sors est Regnorum sub rege novo. I thought for I durst not speak it, though I venture to write it, how happie may this realme be, if it may have a King that will blushe. His temperance in dyet, I have heard likewise reported by men that commend it not, namely, that he never eates sawce, which I never observed in anie but one Englishman, most worthie in his whol life to be observed, I mean Sir Walter Mildmay, a who fedd according to the rule optimum condimentwm fames, with which saieng the poet Martiall seames well to agree in his description of an happie life, wishing with other thinges Convictus facilis, sine arte mensa. But what cite I poets that may cite prophets ? Doth not Solomon say, Ecclesiastes, 10 chap. 16 verse, Well is the land whose King is come of nobles, and whose princes eat in due season, for necessities and not for lust. Of which text a chaplen of Mr. a Sir Walter Mildmay, K.G. of Apethorpe in Northamptonshire, Chancellor of the Exchequer to Queen Elizabeth, was the fourth son of Sir Thomas Mildmay, Auditor of the Court of Augmentations in the time of Henry VIII. Sir "Walter died on May 11th, 1589. 88 Sir John Haringtons Tract chap. vu. Secretarie Cecill's, preaching before the Queene this Lent last, and blaming the nobles of England for turning their auncient hos- pitalitie and honorable retinew into two watch mares and two butterflies, and other idle delicacies, the Queen gave him great thankes for it ; for moderate expence in apparell, shall not that be praised in a Prince ? I will not commend parcimonie in any thing about a Prince, although I have hearde that Charles the Fifthe the famous emperour breaking a silke poynte in stooping, tyed a knott in it and made it serve againe. Sure a King of England is noted of prodigalitie for wearing hose of a marck price. Tullie in his oration pro rege Deiotaro saith in his praise he was frugi rex, but straight he addes this, Quanquam reges hoc verbo lauaari non soleat. This I am sure, that our wysest statesmen praise Henrie the VII th for a thriftie Prince that made all England thrive, and such a Prince this bankerout age of ours had need of, where frome the Prince to the pesant all borrowe, without reckoning to pay againe ; that it may well be said for worldly bargaines non est fides super terram : wherefore I should pray for my parte Grod send us a thriftye Prince, and one that would teach us all in dyett, in expense, in apparrell to be thriftye. Playnes of apparrell is in a sort comprised in the praise of affability, and therefore a well con- ceited and judicious poet of our tyme well observed in a pleasant verse of his the nature of the vulgar sorte, how they ar amaced with the shew of sumptuous clothes though worn by simple persons: — A gull is he that feares a velvet goune, And if a wenche goe brave dar not speake to hir. Such a power sumptuous apparell hath in them that do suspicere and not dispicere upon garments. 9. The ninth comendacion is fortitude, a vertue that a prince in his owne person specially living in a peaceable state can make little shewe of, because I do not finde that any man specially his on the Succession to the Crown. 89 subject can stand upon Puntilliosfor the Duello with. him. Wherein chap. vii. then can a Prince show courage that hath no antagonists ? The divine Virgil, to shewe the couragious spirit of Ascanius, yet a youth, tels of his ryding and hunting, and saith :— Gaudet equo, et nunc hos cursu nunc acri prmlerit illos Spumantemque dari pecora inter inertia votu Optat aprum, ant fulvum descendere monte leonem. Ovid compares a sutor's life to a soldiour's, and shewes how lovers shewe themselves valiant venturing to sea in stormes. Nee freta pressurus tumidos causabitur Euros Aptave vertendis sydera quceret aquis. In these kyndes every man's mouthe is full, how the now King of Scotts wyll ride as furious and stirring horses, hunt as long as montaine and stonye chases, as anye larde or lorde of his lande, and the hazardous passage into and out of Denmark, when he went for his noble Queen, all these shewe no want of courage wheresoever cause is offered ; and for my parte I wish the successor of hir Ma tye , whosoeuer and whensoever he shall be, to have as much corage as anie of his auncestors ever had, and to have as litle use of it as she hirself hath had ; for as S r Phillip Sidney doth well note in his Arcadia, " deare doth the subject buy that prince's fame that affectes to be renowned for a Conqueror." 10. The tenth and last but not the least is fidelity, which may seame all one with the first, but that myne author makes two of them, ascribing to fidelitie more then to veritye, making it as it were a more noble and publique vertue, as if veritie were onely in wordes and fidelitie in deedes, to which belonges a frank and royall performance of all that pertaines to honour beyond the bare wordes of the promise. Parmeno moving Alexander to do some matter that might have tended to profitt without breach of his promise as he alledged, he 90 Sir John Harington's Tract chap. vh. aunswered, " If I were Parmeno I might do it, but being Alexander I may not," a "worthie sayeng and meet for Alexander. It is a necessarie thing for a Prince to be advised of his promisse, for though few dare charge them with the breach of their promise, yet it bredes a great distaste in the subjectes mynde, to finde their Princes unconstant in their promises ; and a plaine Northren woman, in a pretie simplicitie, tould. hir Ma tie , not long since, how that fault was noated in her, and perhaps made a better impression in hir mynde with it then if the gravest counsellour in the realme had tould it, for having importuned hir Ma tye in something, which the Queene had promised her, and the Queen willing to be rydd of her aunswered, " Why, have not I given you my worde, you shall have your sute ?" " Alas, Madam," said she, " they say your word is nothing if one have not your hande to it," at which the Queen was not much displeased, and yet all the companie laught at the aunswere. Good natures ar apte many tymes to fall into this inconvenience, as being willing to please every one with a faire promisse, and not able after to satisfie everybodies expectation ; and in this as in many other thinges the weaknes of the sex makes the matter more ex- cusable. But to conclude this poynte out of my hearsay and con- jecture as I do the rest, I have great cause to presume the King is of great fidelitie in his promises as one that usseth often this rule, Doe as you would be done to. As one that is wise and religious, finallye as one that knowes vertue and the worth thereof, and being a free Prince is able to exercise all partes of it without feare to dis- please or care to please. And thus much breiflie be said of the King of Scotts for his personne and his vertues that may justlie make us all preferre him in himself farre beyond all the other com- petitors either at home or abroade. But now a litle to touche some other motives that being duely examined will shewe a necessitie of admitting him, if anie or manie on the Succession to the Grown. 91 of these prayses in him were wanting. And first to begynne with chap. vii. one of the greatest, his happie niatche with the King of Denmarck's sister, a ladye beside hir royall blood and goodlie personne re- plenished with all grace of bodye and mynde fitt for a great queen, mee thinkes all our English competitors should quake when they heare the name of the King of Scotts matched with a sister of Denmarck ; a nation, the warre of which hath ever bene terrible to England, the peace as plawsible, a nation mightie in men, in monye, in shipping, with which we ar now but superficially joyned, but if wee ever comme to be heartely lynked, wee need not by sea or land feare all the forces of Europ. Alas if the present state of this realme be well considered, and how hardly wee ar able to susteine warres that must be upholden in the Lowe Countries, how chargeable the rebellion of Ireland (bredd meerly by ill government and corruption of the deputies there) is now growen,' nay that kingdome like to be quyte lost, if the in- credible valour and felicitie of the present Lo. Deputie there had not beyond all expectacion recovered it. If wee marke what base shiftes the Queen is forced to (that perhaps she knows not of) to embase hir coyne in Ireland, and borrowe coyne of hir poore sub- jectes in England without purpose ever to pay it agayne, while the pulpett soundes nothing but faith, and peace, and plenty in her eares ; I say if wee consider but these thinges, which every man of understanding cannot chuse but consider, wee shall soone conclude how unable wee shalbe, whensoever God shall call away hir Ma tie , to sett up any competitour at home against this so manifest pre- tender. Wee shalbe very unfitt to sustaine an invasion by land from Scotland, by sea from Denmark, besides no small partie at home of the knowen favourers of the King. Doubtlesse it is meerly impossible that any man can be so blynded in his owne ambition, or any multitude so transported in their vayne opinion, to lifte up a hand or a voice against a tytle so eminent and so imminent as this n2 92 Sir John Harington's Tract chap. vii. of the King's, so cleare of itself, so bolstered with a strange allyance. All the yertuous sorte of what religion soever (for there be vertuous of all) will be carved with justice and love of the truthe, which though it seame suppressed by a forme of lawe, yet under hand is notified frome father to sonne, frome one freind to another, better perhaps to their inward satisfaction then if it were openly pro- clamed. The warie and thriving sorte will leave that way, which may breade least losse, warre, bloodshed, and confiscation, and so for profitt wilbe on our syde ; onely some desperate malecontentes and vagabondes (of which I feare there is too great a number) they ar most to be doubted, that having no honest trade to gett by in peace, wilbe glad to take any advantage to sett all in broyle, and sett up perhaps a Jack Cade or a Jack Strawe, rather then do no mischief. This being a thing so generally suspected, I hope wilbe the more carefully prevented. But now for a further encouragement to all the Kinge's freindes, and a dawnting to all competitors, besides the Kinge's owne true worthe, beside the Queen's high alliance, is it a small matter in the myndes of all that wish the constant happynes of their countrye, to see this great alliance confirmed by issue, as I noted in the chap. 13 page, that if the present King of Scotts should have his dayes shortened by any open attempt, like that of dowries, or by any secret practise of poyson, in which our age to the great sclaunder thereof is growen too cunninge, yet were not then our hopes at an end, neither can it be said to that King as it was said to our Queen in a learned oracion — Dolendwm est Rempublicam quce immortalis esse debet, in unius mulierculce animula consistere. Grod hath sent him a toward young prince, a second sonne a young duke, Magnce spes altera gentis. But what speak I of two sonnes and a daughter ? Is not the mould safe in which they were formed, and may by Gfod's grace be a joyfull mother of many more ? These be sound and firme pillars for a State and succession to leane on. on the Succession to the Crown. 93 To speak of the rare partes of this young prince, having never chap. vn. seen him but by his picture, and never heard of them but by his — tutor, I may seame to seek that I have professed to shunne, I meane the beaten way of flattery. But thus much I did heare the Earle of Marre affirme at his being here who had best cause to knowe the truthe and litle cause to obscure or falsify it, that this young Prince for agility of bodye and quicknes of conceipt excells those that ar bredd with him though some of them in age and stature be above him. But these rarities being all bredd in Scotland may perhaps keep themselves within the bounde of Adrian's wall, and will not once think of going beyond the river of Tweed. And Mr. Dolman is of opinion that the Scottish nobles wilbe loath to see their King Association in so great, for feare it may encr ease their subjection, Oh! leaden B°mttkhn>' dagger, great weight, and no edge nor poynt ; have not all of them mmar & n l- bound them selves most notoriouslie, by a solemne, a just, an honorable association, to employ all their power and forces against all that shall make opposition to their soveraigne's succession to this crowne, whensoever it shall devolve unto him. Their speach, their gesture, their habyt, is it not all one with ours ? And to omitt the fore named Earle of whome I spake in the 3 chapter, 47 page, since his departure, how well did the Duke of Lennox become the place, wayting on hir Ma tie to the chappell, which gave occasion to a freind of myne to say — He went as if he hoped one day to walke there before his maister, as he did now before our mistres. Wherefore this is but an idle conjecture of Mr. Dolman, and the contrarye is much more to be feared, that they will hasten it rather than hinder it, and rather quarrell with us to bring him in sooner then his tyme, then quarrell with their King to hould him out longer then his tyme. To conclude therefore this chapter wherein my penne dwelles the longest because my heart thinkes of it most, seing the King of Scotts owne personne, age, quallities, vertues, ar all as approvable as his title : seing the Queen's 94 Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap. vii. parentage, comlynes, fruit fumes, beautye, gratifie the same ; seing the young Prince's admirable towardnes promises not onely an happie but a durable succession : seeing the nobles of that realme discover their good affections and expectations of the same ; seeing so many prophecies, conjectures, and tokens have forepromised and long portended this conjunction, as in the cap. page I touched, let us all prepare our myndes and our meanes, our wishes and our workes, our heartes and our handes, first to the preservacion of hir Ma lies person, which every honest mynde is bound to regard ; next, to the peace of both realmes till it be God's pleasure they make one ; and lastlie, when Grod's good pleasure is to receive so worthie a successor, of whome wee and our children, et nati natorum et qui nascentur ab Mis, may have cause to rejoyce. And I protest for myself, though of all the cases I have loved the Dative, and hated the Accusative, yet if I knewe any in so madd a mood as to be but in the Optative against hir Ma ties Imperative in the present tence, and of the King of Scotts in the future, I would disclose my self not only in the indicative mood but in the vindicative against them. 95 CHAPTER VIII. Of Religion. The last but not least consideracion that I offer to you my chap. viii. deare countrymen of whatsoever profession you be, Protestantes, or Puritans, or Papistes (for these wordes for distynction sake I am compelled to use), is of Religion : not that I will take upon me in a discourse of a f ewe leaves to satisfie all your myndes of all questions, which could never yet be performed in so many volumes ; nor that I can hope with my perswasyon, how hearty so ever, to pacifie your spirites one against another (I would to God I could). But that I may as a well-wilier and forerunner to him whose shoe latchet I am not worthie to unloose, prepare as much as in my poore skill lyeth all our myndes to a due obedience, and a moderat temper to receive Tn'm that hath most right, quietly and peaceblie : and when God hath so disposed, that he shalbe in a peaceble possession of the Crowne, by a due succession, then to beseche him as a true father to sett a peace betwene his children, if it be possible ; that they may not one devoure and spoile another as they now doe, but at least in civill cariage agree orderlye ; sith sure it is, two of these ar amisse, how right soever the third is. To lay downe therefore some generall groundes to styrre up your myndes to a quyet and moderat consideracion : The three kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, which ar likelye one day to be united and made all one, ar in the generall opinion of those that ar acquainted with them, somewhat diverslie affected in Religion: England for the greater parte, according to the now established forme, being Protestant, and Scotland by that is reported 96 Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap. viii. and written of them enclyned to a purer manner of doctryne, which they take from the reformed Churches beyond the seas, and ar in England blamed as Puritans. Ireland, and much of Wales, either for lack of instruction, or perhaps by so much instruction, is in manner altogither Catholique, how great a wysdome, learning, and temper will it require to frame three so dyverse enclyned nations to one due uniformity, Hoc opus, hie labor est. But this I will say, the next successor to hir Ma tye in blood, if it please Grod to blesse him with life according to the course of nature, is as likely to bring this to passe (if ever it shalbe brought to passe) as any that wee can imagine, not onely of all the knowen competitors but of all the world, if wee were to make an election over all the world. And my reason is this, which I partlye touched in the beginning, that he is like to have no occasion to be partiall of any syde or to uphold any faction, and till politique faction be devided frome Religion there can never be any firme attonement. The pollicie of Princes in broken and quarrelsome estates hath ever either raised some faction or taken advantage of some that were alreadie raised, the quality of the vulgar sorte being to adheare to a partie as it were for good fellowshippe. The Guelfes and Grebellini in Italie drew at last the Pope and the Emperor, being all of one Religion. The houses of York and Lancaster raised a terryble and long lasting division of great houses, and caused much bloodshed, yet had not the name of Puritan or Papist then bene heard of. Cramabo " and Butlerado cost many a head in Ireland till a lawe was fayne to be made against these two wordes that were never yet found in a Dictionarie. A few yeares since in London a fray was rysing betwene the Orengtawnie feather and the Blew, and yet neither side were the Recusantes colours. But in this present age there is nothing attempted a " Crom a boo," the motto of the Fitzgeralds. on the Succession to the Crown. 97 against the State, but streight it is, or at least it is said to be, by chap, vin. Papists. Now though I touched before the reason, or rather the necessitie of this in this tyme, and if I should not touch it, diverse writers, both Englishe and others, lay it sufficiently open. Yet because this place gives some occasion to speake more particularlie of it, and to °£s? ™ utatas . . ■*■ r ' religionis in applie it to the chief purpose and scope of my whole treatise, I will An g lia i A - B - , . . . , „ ,, Matthew's derive it as faithfullye as I can frome the verie originall of the mar s- *<><»]• chaung heer in this realme. After that Doctor Martin Luther had made that famous revoult frome the Pope, with quarrelling against his pardone, and laieng open to the eyes of the world many abuses of the Romishe Churche, which by a generall consent men were willing to wynk at before ; King Henry the viij" 1 at that tyme favouring the see of Rome, wrote a booke in defence of Seaven Sacramentes against Luther, who about that tyme had allowed but three, and I may truely say, the King wrote it himself, for it is yet to be seen all of the King's owne handwryting in the Vatican at Rome, as Oculati testes, men of creditt that have seen it with their eyes have tould it me. For this as all the world knowes, the tytle of Defender of the Faith was geven him and his successors, and that (as a worthie prelate noteth in a late written booke) not without the spirit of prophecye that Caiphas had, because, though K. Henry 8 then did it not, yet his daughter now doth defend the true, auncient Catholique and Apostolique faith, etc. But not long after this the King feeling a scruple in conscience (for in charitie and reverence wee ar to judge the best) against his first wife because she had bene his brother's widdowe, and finding by opinion of many doctors and whole universities that it could be no lawfull mariage, notwith- standing the Pope's dispensation with fortasse carnaliter cognitam, in despite of the Pope he divorced the Queene, mother of Queen Marie ; and by dispensacion or allowance of his clergie at home, 98 Sir John Harington's Tract chap. vm. maried the Ladie Anne Bullen, the first Protestant Queen of England, and mother to our Queen now lyving, the chief and high patronesse of all Protestantes in the worlde. Yet for all this open breache with the Pope, neither would the King ever receive Martin Luther into his favour (though he humblie sewed for it, and asked pardon for his too bitter and unreverent writing against the King), neither did he alter the fundamentall pointes in which that religion differs frome the Protestantes, as the Masse, Confession, Prayer for the dead, and the like, which con- tinued all his reigne, and in that faith, as it is thought, himself dyed. Onely this is not to be forgotten, though I wishe the like may never againe be sene, that notable defensor fidei, that had rode through Cheapside with Charles the Emperor and there had this distich in Latine written on an eminent place — Carolus, Henricus, vivant defensor uterque, Henricu8 fidei, Carolus Ecclesiw, did notwithstanding a while after, by devise or advise of his Vice- gerent in causes Ecclesiasticall, propose vj Articles (called the six stringd whipp in derision) by which he whipt of heades of bothe sydes, and namely as Mr. Fox noteth in Smithfeild, in one and the Anno 1541. same day three were burned for denyall of the reall presence of the Hieromjprot. Sacrament of the Altar, and three were hanged for denying the King's supremacie. Now thinke with thy self, good reader, if thou Pap. hadst then lyved what couldst thou have said to have scaped the IAB Mat- * a g ot or tne halter, but even as Domingo said, To be just of the t ™u\ mar9 ' Kin S' s religion. Oh, pitifull tyme, neither can I blame Calvin though he blame the King, and liken him to Jehu, who, as he saith, did the Lordes worke, but not for the Lordes sake ; and I conclude that which all honest men I think will assent with me, that the beginning of Reformation that K. Henrie the viij th made was not so sincere, but that it was myxed with private and politique respectes, of gayne, of revenge, of fancie ; and finally that even in Protestantes Garret Powel Pether- ston on the Succession to the Crown. 99 opinions it was not worthie the name of a Reformation ; and I am chap. vih. sure the Papistes counte it a confusion, a destruction, and a defor- mation. Next ensewed the raigne of King Edward the vj*, of whose legitimacion there was no question in neither churche, and himself was a childe of excellent towardnes, but yet a childe, and the wise man saith, Va/rant cmtistites. This, therefore, I conclude of these fower chaunges in religion, all fower capitall, all 4 with litle more than 14 yeare, as my father (who lyved in all them, and was persecuted in the third) hath often remembred. First, that none of them was so sinceare as that the wiser sorte could be satisfied they were done for conscience sake rather then for other private respectes and necessarie pollicie. Secondie, that the generalitie of the realme ar so addicted to obey them that weare the Crowne, that they will followe what reli- gion so ever they list to establishe, seing a childe and two women have gone all successively one contrarie to another, and the father contrary to him self. Thirdlie and principallie, that the King of Scotts, if he shall survive hir Ma tye , as in course of nature he may, and succeed her as in order of justice he ought, hath no particular cause to persecute any syde for privat displeasure, as the two last sisters may seame to have had, nor to hope of gaine by it as the father did, nor to be ledd , by other perswasions and directions as the sonne was, but out of his owne clear judgement and good conscience, to establishe an unitye, and cease the strife among us if it be possible, provided alwaies that, as I said in the beginning, no syde practise against his title, but all to yeald to his right, and then make him an upright judge of our wronges. What do they trouble the Queen and the Parliamentes now with bookes and petitions, one syde for a further Reformacion, another on the Succession to the Crown. 107 for a future Toleracion ? Is not the first caveat now in every Par- chap, viii. liament " hir Ma tye ' 8 expresse pleasure is that matters of religion shall not be medled in; it will be ill taken; Qmd obseratis auribus fundis preces ? Certainely it were absurd for hir to adinitt disputes now, and might give occasion of that old jest used to an old man that was disputing which was the right religion, one asked him when he would begynne to serve Grod, if he die not yet knowe the way, But when it pleases God she shall have a successor, if it be that successor that my thoughtes aime at, then perhaps wilbe no unfitt tyme for every side to shewe their greifes, to alledge their reasons, produce their proofes, and plead their merites. Then let the Protestantes say, "Wee have ever as farre as wee might by lawe allowed of your tytle." Let the Puritans say, "Wee are of the mynde of your owne countrymen, of your scholemaister, of many of your clergie." And let the Catholiques come in with Scmcta Maria, ora pro nobis, and say, "Wee loved your mother. She favoured us ; she dyed for us, & wee dye for her. And at hir deathe this she said, thus she prayed, this message she sent, the person, the cause, the tyme are very important, etc. And then as- 1 say give him leave with mature advise, deliberat counsell in a free and not servile Parlament, and with an impartiall mynde, or rather equally partiall to all, to sett downe a decree, a sound, a constant, a stable decree, like unto that of the Medes and Persians, not to be chaunged, and then proclame, Everie one to your tents, oh Israel, every man home to his owne house, every one serve Gfod and praie for the Prince, love his neighbour, and lyve in his vocation, this wee may see, and, if my poetical spirit have any part of the propheticall, this we shall see. But me thinkes some in reading this would straight aske this question, for perhaps some have askt it, "What! is yourself then Qnsestio \_a.b. , , . ,. . n i -,! i Matthew in at this age unresolved in religion r and would you perswade your marg.] p2 108 Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap. vm. readers to be so too, till one, wee knowe not who, and, much more, we knowe not when,, shall settle us ? " I knowe there wilbe many readie to ask such a question that wilbe lothe to aunswere it, if one should aske it them ; and what if one should say, "I am not so resolved, but I might chaunge my mynde upon better reason, as my maister your father, or your grandfather, did more then once, if he lyved in that 14 yeare I last noted, when the doctors did sing Ccmtate Domino canticum novum four tymes in Oxf orde and Cambridge : Quod dscuit tantos, cur mihi turpe putem ? " What if one should say, " the communion is good, and the masse is good; they be both good; 'tis pitie wee should fall out about them." So said a great peer of the realme, and one that had bene a Privye Counsellor tenne of these xiiij yeares I told you of. What if I should aunswere againe (as I did once in sporte, though some would have moved his Ma tie against me in earnest), that I am neither Papist, Protestant, nor Puritan, or a protesting Catholique Puritan, professing good faith, good workes, good wordes, might I not easilie make an apollogie for such an aunswere ? But I would, you busye questionist, would do that which without question is the best, to take the good of any, and leave the ill of all. Mcerie man mend one, and all shalbe mended. But while every man seeks to mend another, wee marre all, and therefore Grod send us one to mend us all. But to make some aunswere to that captious question, and to justifie the aunswere I did then but jestifye (sic), I say that for the name Papist, Protestant, or Puritan, I finde them not in the Scripture, nor in any writer 1500 years after, and therefore I aunswer with a Anthorfs Father, Christian is my name, Catholique my surname, and this I reiigio [a.b. hope is a sound aunswer, and will not be found fault with, as long marg.-] as the preachers call the Queen defendresse of the true, auncient, catholique and Apostolique faith. Further I confesse I do heartily on the Succession to the Crown. 109 beleeve all the Holy Scripture, and the Creed; I praie the Lorde's chap. vm. prayer and other good prayers of the Communion book. I observe the Tenne Commaundementes as well as I can, though not so well as I would, and I heare many sermons & am edified but by a fewe. Finally, I would be glad to see the errors in the state and the abuses in the Church to be amended, and I pray for them that should do it, finding myself not warranted by any outward office or inward voca- tion to doe any more. And thus I have aunswered to the supposed question whosoever will aske it, and so I might conclude with him as Horace endes one of his Epistles : — Vive, vale, et si quid novisti rectius istis, Candidus imperti, si non, his utere mecum. Now to returne againe to my former purpose, which is not to define any matter in controversy, but a litle to allay the heate on all sydes, and as it were prepare them to a peaceble parley before their competent judge, I wishe as I said all rancour laid away on all sides, and that seing experience hath taught that neither the burning used in Queen Marie's tyme, nor the hanging used in this tyme, nor both used in King Henrie's tyme, did any good at all. Neither of them might be used in the next Prince's tyme, but all good meanes used to sifte the truthe for the satisfaction of all, for a full reconcilement and pacification if it be possible. And if some will still remaine scrupulous of anie side, as after so good meanes used there can be nothing so many as have bene, yet to pitie them rather then perse- cute them, and to use salves to their soares rather than swordes, if they be not verie contagious. The sworde is no good decider of questions in religion, nor is it good disputing where the sillogismes ar all in ferio. St. Peter himself in a just cause was byd to put up his sworde into his sheathe ; and though St. Peter's successors have painted St. Paul with a sworde, I fynde not in what quarrell St. Paul ever used a sworde, neither doth it appeare with what weapon he 110 Sir John Harington's Tract chap. vih. fought with the beastes at Ephesus. But the armor and sheild of faith, the sworde of the worde that devides betwene the bone and the marrowe, and signis et prodigiis, signes and wonders, which wee ar not to look for now, considering as one of the Fathers said very August [A.B. well, Quisquis adhuc prodigia ut credat inquirit, magnum est ipse marg.] '"' prodigmm, qui mundo credente non credit. He that lookes now for miracles to confirme his faith may be thought a miracle (or monster) him self that beleeves not that the world beleeves. And even this same two-edged sworde of the worde is so careleslie tost up and downe that what with new translations, false allegacions, and fowle corruptions, the edge is so rebated, that questions growe not thereby to be finally determyned, but infinitely debated, that one may say of their writinges and disputes, Altercando amittitur Veritas, while they wrangle about the truthe, they have lost it. Both sides have doctors, counsells both alledge, Both boast the word, truthes everlasting pledge. What shall the poore, ignorant sorte do, when they see the learned ar unresolved ? One preaches wee ar justified by faith onely, and proves it clerely by St. Paul. Another saith out of St. James, You see that of workes a man is justified, and not of faithe onely. I knowe the learned can tell how to recoucile th'se places, with a dis- tinction of justifieng afore man, and justifieng afore Grod ; but can Mr. constable of the hundred, and the good plaine farmour, yea or Mr. Justice of Peace, be thus easilie satisfied ? Well, before God and man, it is a lamentable case to see in what blyndenes the people ar while the preachers boast of the cleare light; and how ignorant many men ar even in easie matters belonging to their salvation ; while some women will not stick to take upon them to understande the obscurest passages of the Scripture. And I am sorie to see the pulpitt and churche, ordained for the place of praier and exhortation, turned to a schole of questions and controversies ; and I have said merilye but truely, on the Succession to the Grown. Ill That while they make St. Paul fall out with James, CHAP. VIII. They trouble ours, and all our neighbor realmes. But I hope to see them made good freindes one day, and it were the easyer to doe, if James his counsell might be followed : Nolite plures James epist., magistri fieri, fratres mei, my brethren, be not to many maisters ; \_A.B.Mai- or his other counsell taken, true religion : JReligio mwida et immacu- lata apud Dewm et Patrem, etc. True religion and unspotted before Ged, even the Father, is to visit orphanes and widdowes in their afflictions, and to keep your selves undefiled frome the worlde. I exhort therefore againe and againe all parties, to leave to persecute and learne to perswade. Attempt by reason and not by rigour to wynne the adverse parte. Let not every man imagine hee sees all, but that another perhaps hath found somewhat that he hath not heard of. And then if this peremptorynes were once laide asyde, 1 Cor. 13. and charity admitted in the place, Charitie that, as St. Paul saith, is patient, is gentle, not envious, not mischievous, not proud, not ambitious, not seeking his owne, not easily offended, not evill thinking, not joyeng in ill, but glad of the truthe, suffers all, beleves all, hopes all, endures all ; if this were in all sydes, nay in any syde, it would sone drawe the other side to it, at least it were impossible the quiet of the Commonwealth should be thus disturbed with pre- tended factions of religion. Followe the counsell of St. Paul : Sine ibid, cap. 10, ... 7. 32. oifensione estote Judceis, et gentibus, et ecclesice Dei. Shall I English [a.b. Mat- . ' thewinmarg.~\ it strangely ? Give no offence to the Papist, to the Protestant, to the Puritan, but pray with the Letanie to Grod to bring into the way of truth all such as have erred and ar deceived. Now to prepare the Christian reader to this moderate mynde that howsoever affected or resolved, he would relent in charitye to a generall attonement, I will declare unto you in two brothers, that which I confesse hath moved my mynde excedingly, and makes me admire the secret worke of God's Spirit that can so divide the judge- mentes of men, like in nature, like in education & studies, and marg.~\ 112 Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap. Yin. ma ke them that ar so nere joyned in all these as none could be nerer, to be so farre different in opinion one frome another, as none could be further; and these ar two brothers of one name, both doctors of divinitye, both great schollers and great teachers, both infinite readers, infinit writers, such naturall witt, such excellent stile, so rare memories, so unfatigable spirites, so saint-like and strict lives, and each so zealous for his syde, as hardlye anie of either syde DnoRainoidi can matche them, and these be the two Raynolds, one of Oxeford, fratres [A B, . Matthew in the other now abyding beyond the seas. a Shall I say of their writing, as Ovid saith of his two mistresses ? Utraque formosa est, operosce in cultibus ambce: Artibus in dubio est hcec sit an ilia prior. Pulchrior hcec ilia est, hao est quoque pulchrior ilia, lEt magis hcec nobis, et magis ilia placet. a "William and John Eainolds were sons of a farmer at Pinhoe, near Exeter. William was at Winchester and New College, Oxford, and became a Fellow of New College in 1562. He was earnest for the Reformation, while his brother John, who was at Christ Church, was in favour of the Catholic religion. This proved a fire-ball of contention between them; but, both being strengthened and convinced by each other's arguments, William turned Catholic, and John became a Puritan. William went to Kome in 1575, was a Professor in the English College at Rheims, and died at Antwerp on August 24th, 1594. Dr. Alabaster wrote the following epigram on the two brothers: — Bella inter geminos plusquam Civilia fratres Traxerat ambiguus religionis apex Hie reformate fidei pro partibus instat Iste reformandam denegat esse fidem Propositis causas rationibus, alteratrinque Concurrere pares et cecidere pares Quod fuit in votis, fratrem capit alteruterque Quod fuit in fatis, perdit uterque fidem Captivi gemini sine captivante fuerunt Et victor victi transfuga castra perit Quod genus hoc pugni est, ubi victus gaudet uterque Et tamen alteruter se superasse dolet. (Hist, et Antiq. Univ. Ox., lib. 2, p. 139a.) on the Succession to the Crown. 113 No, this is no grave comparison, and to light for so grave men in CHAP vm. so weightie a matter; but I will say rather with Virgill, Ambo animis, ambo insignes prcestantibus armis, Hie pietate prior, for so my brother Frauncis, that was sometyme scholler to this Doctor Reynolds, is wont to applie this verse in favour of his tutor ; but then methinkes I could best make up the verse and the sence to my purpose with that that followes imediatly and (if there be a fortune in Virgil's verse as some have thought) very fortunately : Hie pietate prior, colant in fcedera dextra, Qua datur ast armis concurrant arma cavete. Cause them shake handes as freindes by some invention, But by all meanes with hold them frome dissention. Observe, gentle reader, the circumstances I note of this example. The men ar famous, both of one family, of one venter, though of diverse adventes. What shall wee say of the laitye, private and ignorant men, such as my self : and many better than I assure our selves of our knowledge and understanding aright of those Scriptures and Fathers, that these great doctors that have redd mo bookes then wee have heard of, that have written more then many of us have redd, do so diverslie, nay so contrarilye expound ? Is it possible both of them may be wronge, but is it impossible bothe can be righte ? If they be deceived, may not wee rather be deceived ? Can the matter be so cleare of any syde, as they will seame to make it? And to make the matter more straunge, I have heard verie crediblie that each of these brothers in their younger yeares seamed Ve ™ nihil J u J Terms expectus then of a contrarie enclinacion to that of which they make now their i°qnor. \_a.u. J . Matthew in manifest profession, and that he that is now the Papist was formerly mar g .\ a Protestaunt, and that this doctor now of Oxford was in his young yeares enclyning to the other syde : how true the latter is I knowe not, but the former is certayne. Q 114 Sir John Harington's Tract chap. viii. Now for their writiriges: for those that it hath bene my hap to see and my leisure to read, they ar so eloquent, so sharpe, so perswasive, so full, that I dar affirme it, let any man but of vulgar judgement reade either syde, and if he be not immoveablye setled in his belief before (as God knowes few ar) either of their writinges will drawe one to their syde he reades first ; and to reade bothe, and finde bothe so probable, bothe so opposite, were enough without the greater grace to make me a flatt Atheist or a Turke. 1. Sith then the controversies are now growen to that height as to divide brothers and brothers, fathers and sonnes, hus- bandes and wyves one frome another in opinions and belief, who yet many tymes, as myself have sene, live in house and bedd and boord together very lovingly, modestlie and quietly, sine querela : 2. Seing all of us prof esse one Christe and differ but in the fashion of serving him and understanding of his will : 3. Seing a long, lamentable, & bloody experience in fower chaunges hath proved that rigour of lawes doth litle good, but breedes grevous scandall on all sydes : 4. Seing trew faithe is a gifte of God and not an ordinance of man: 5. Seing few belong to Godes true churche, but many must belong to a prince's politique government : 6. Seing suspected Atheists here with us, and professed : It were greatly to be wished that matter of religion were devided frome matter of state, and this capitall punishment that is so exclamed on for crueltye of both sydes, and this pecuniarie mulct of xx' 1 a moneth (more exclamed on for covetousnes of our syde) were both left, and some new course devised (I am not so presumptuous to prescribe what) of a more mylde, and as I may call it more per- swasive punishment. Is not the whole realme of Ireland (as I noted on the Succession to the Crown. 115 * before) popish ? Is Wales and the Northe of England free ? Is it chap. viii. good policie to make so many obnoxious to death by a lawe ? Is this for the Queen's safety e ? I cannot dissemble my conscience : I do verilie think nothing hath bene a greater enemy to hir safetye. I have said it, and therefore I may well write it, that these rigorous lawes, these odious tearmes of traytors used to Papists by those that have bene Papistes and served Papistes themselves, hath both encreased their number and their malice ; and, as [blank] wisely saith, " Whose life is in safety frome his malice that is prodigall of his owne life ?" But I digresse frome my purpose, for I ment not to perswade a mitigacion of rigour in these tymes (which is booties, the state being now resolved to hould on this course, though themselves privatly, and as it were by fittes, doe temper it), but I desire to prepare men's myndes to the receiving of the right successor, who may, and I think for his owne interest will, decyde and quiet most of these controversies. And for this I wishe he may be received quietly, and not need the sworde, And then he may the better reforme all these and not use the sworde, for I wrote it with my penne, and praied it with my heart for hir Ma ties next heire. Sit minimus ferri vel perbrevis usus, at auri JEris et argenti copia quanta voles. Of steel I wish small use and litle lasting ; Of brasse, gold, silver, plenty never wasting. Now therefore in my heartie, true zeale to the peace of the churche and of the realme, I will breiflie and but confusedly as my memorye serves me sett downe out of my cursorie reading of some writinges of these two brothers that I finde blame worthie on both sydes, and bynde myself to no other author but these two, who in their kvndes be as rare men and without exception as any. First 1. Supremacie. ii/, piii [A.B.Mat- therefore against the Pope's usurped rule (to use my lather's own thewmmarg.-] phrg se), Doctor Reynolds doth so cleerly prove it to be usurped, that Q 2 116 Sir John Haringtoris Tract chap, vni. J see no t w hat witt of man can answere against so strong objections ; for admitting him for order sake to be Primus, shall he by ambition clame to be Supremus? If Peter being confirmed himself must confirme and conforme his fellowes, doth it followe he must place and displace kings ? The prophet saith " Kings shal be thy nutricii et regimes nutrices," queens thy nurses : and sure where they be nurses, the milkes they give commonly is rentes and revenewes ; and such milke hath that Church of Rome suckt frome their nurses of England a long tyme. But since that Churche did luxuriari in Christo, as St. Paul saith of the wanton widdowes, since they did like ungratefull babies sucke blood for milke, and byte their nurses nipples, who can blame her if for milke she give them Pap with a Quaere, [a.b. Hatchet, as is the proverbe. But for this poynte of Supremacie I m.nrg.'] was througly resolved not long since by a great doctor, and one of hir Ma tl. Her word doubted, 90. Conduct on accession, 102. Orders against Papists, 103 'Essex, Earl of, 41, 51. Author's love for, 74, 75. His death, 79 Exeter, Duke of. Daughter's tomb at Porlock, broken, 99 Femes, Mr. His lines insinuating that Edward VI. was poisoned, 100 Fox, Mr. On people who suffered at Smithfield for the Six Articles, 98 French Ambassador. Supposed to be in- triguing about the Succession, 42 Gardiner, Bishop. His cruelty, iii. xiii. 100, 101 ' • Gloucester, Thomas ' of* Woodstock, Duke of, 58 , . ' . Gowry, Lord> Death of, 84. Conspiracy, 92 . . * V* Grey, Honora. , One of Elizabeth's Maids of Honor, ii. /.» y. Hadfl'on, Dr. On the death of the' two sons' of the Duke of' Suffolk, 16 *» Harington, Sir James. Death at '"Bos- '* worth, i. «" * ^. •\ „ Sir John (the elder). ^Married . an illegitimate daughter of Henry VIII. i. Estates, ji. In the Tower. His letter to Gardiner, iii. 101 ,, Sir John (the younger). Author of the Tract on the Suc- cession, iii. viii. Anecdotes of, iv. Translator of Ariosto. His other works, v. xiii. Service in Ireland, vi. vii. His account of the Queen's last days, ix. x. His account of James's Court, xi. His friendship for Prince Henry, xi. xii. His death, xii. De- scendants, xiii. Proofs of his authorship of the Tract on the Succession, xiii. xiv. Danger in writing the Tract, 39. „ Lord. Tomb of, injured, 99 ,, Francis, the Author's brother, v. 113 „ Lady, the Author's mother, ii. iii. 41, 103. (See Mark- ham, Isabella) Index. 127 Hastings, Lord. Grandson, of the Earl of Huntingdon, 4"l. •Hastings, Lord, of Loughborough. Anec- dote of, 103 ' • Hatfield, The t Princess Elizabeth's Maids of Honor at, ii. Hatton, Sir Christopher. Testified to the i Queen's virtue, 40. Rewarded by the Queen, 79 Henry II. Foreign birth no impediment t'o'the succession, 59 ■Jlenry IV. Policy of State ..obliged him * to 'kill his former master, 79 Henry VI. Act as to inheritance of Queen, 56 . HenryWII. On Scottish succession, 60. , United blood in his issue, 88. His thrift, 88 Henry VIII. Begat Edward VI. by Lady Jane Seymour, 12. Want of posterity, 16. His sister Margaret, if alive, his rightful heir, 22. Wrote a book against Luther, 97 Henry Prince of Wales, xi. xii. His qualities, 93 Homer, quoted, 15 Hopton, Mr. Arthur, 37 Horace, quoted, 80, 109 Howard, Lord Thomas. The Author's letter to, xi. Hudson, Mr. Bearer of the Author's trans- lation of Ariosto to King James, 1 Huntingdon, Earl of. His title through the House of Clarence, 41 Infanta Isabella. Her claims to the suc- cession, 42, 48, 49 Instrument of association for preserving the Queen's person, 25, 37 James. (See Scots, King of.) James, .St. On good works, 110, 111 Jane, the Lady, mother of Edward VI. - praise of, 12 Kelston; Seat of Sir J. Harington, i. ii. iii. Sir J. Harington buried at, xii. Knox. His sedition and immorality, 118 Lancaster, House of, 18, 58, 80, 96 Lancaster, Mr. Thomas. A merry saying of, i20 Leicester, Earl of, 37. Favored the. House of Suffolk, 41. Aneedote, 44',' 45, 71, 79 Lennox, Duke of, 93 Littleton. Sir Amyas Powlet't well versed in, 37 Livy. Machiavel on, 19 Luther-, Martin, 68. Henry VIII. -wrote a bpok against, 97. , Henry would, never receive him into favor, 98 Machiavel on Livy, 19.. His rule respect- ing forgiveness, 35 Margaret, sister of Henry VIII. 22, 60 Markham, Judge, 35, 36 „ Sir Griffin. In command in Sligo, vii. ,, Isabella, the Author's mother, ii. iii. 41, 103 „ Robert. His letter to Harington, vi. Harington's letter to him*, x. „ Thomas, vi. xiii. 103 Marr, Earl of. Popularity of his embassy, 50, 51. King James somewhat taller than, 82. His account of Prince Henry, 93 Martial, quoted, 87 Mary. Queen. ( See Scots, Queen of.) Mary, Queen of England, 63, 100, 102 Matthew, Toby, Archbishop of York. The Tract on the Succession in possession of, i. xiv. Marginal notes by, passim 128 Index. Mildmay, Sir Walter, 87 re. More, Sir Thomas, on Edward VI." 73 Murray, the Eegent. Allusion to, 118 Norwich, Elinor. One of Elizabeth's Maids of Honor, ii. Nugog Antiques, xi. xii. Orange, Prince of. Allusion to murder of, 48 Ormond, Earl of. Anecdote, 44 Ovid, quoted, 44, 112 Parmeno and Alexander. Anecdote, 89, 90 Parsons, Father, viii. 4 k, 45, 54, 63, 77 (see Dolman) Paid, St. On justification by faith, 110. On charity, 111. On wanton widows, 116. All things to all men, 120 Peter, St. Bid to put up his sword, 109. Must he displace Kings ? 116 Pius V. Bull of, 40 Porlock. Tomb of Haringtons at, injured, 99 Portman, Sir Henry, 37 ,, ' Sir Hugh. Author's letter to, ix. Powlett, Sir Aniy&s,'37 Rainolds or Reynolds, Dr. the two. Ac- count of, 112 re, 113, 115, 119 Richard II. Statute, 57 Richard, Duke of York, 77 Rogers, Mary. Daughter of Sir George Rogers of Cannington, and wife of Sir John Harington, iv. xii. St. Lo, Mary. One of Elizabeth's Maids of Honor, ii. Saunders, Nicholas. Account of, 64 n Scots, James, King of. His character and qualities, 82 to 94. His title^passiin Scots, Mary Queen of v Proposed marriage with Edward VI. 16. Her title destroyed by her attainder, 38. Quartered the amis of England- with France, 39. Titles set up against hers, ,41, 54, 103. Her death, 119 Shrewsbury, Earl of,< 43, 44 re Sidney, Sir Philip. Sonnet on Edward' IV. 78. His "Arcadia" quotedj 89 Skipwith, Bridget. One of Elizabeth's Maids of Honor, ii. Solomon, Ecclesiastes quoted, 87. Proverbs, 32 Somerset, the Protector, Duke of, viii. 5, 6. His letter to the Scottish people, 9, 15,* 18, 64 * ' Standen, Sir Anthony. Harington's letfer. to, vii. Stephen, King. His foreign birth, 59 Stvype, Ecclesiastical Memorials. Somer- set's letter described in, 6 re. Suffolk, Duke of. Death of his two sons, 16 Suffolk, House of, 33, 41 Titus, Saying of, 85 Tresilian, Sir Eobert. . His end a warning, 36 and re. Tully, quoted, 46, 101 Virgil, quoted, 43, 89, 113 Wells, Bishop of, 98 Wentworth, Peter, viii. 6. Account of, 7 n. On the Instrument of Association, 25. His zeal abated by imprisonment, 33, 34. On King James's title, 38, 46, 47. His replies to Dolman, 49, 52, 53, 63, 70, 73,76 Wickham, William. Vice-Provost of Eton, iii. xii. Willoughby, Margaret. One of Elizabeth's Maids of Honor, afterwards Lady Arun- dell, ii. ix. Wyatt's rebellion caused by Gardiner's cruelty, 101 *