mmM- 
 
CORNELL 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 GIFT OF 
 
 Prof, C. S. Northrup 
 
Cornell University Library 
 PB 2119.R47 
 
 Lectures on Welsh philoloi 
 
 3 1924 026 863 294 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tliis book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026863294 
 
LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY, 
 
PRINTED BY BALLANTVNE, HANSON AND CO. 
 EDINBURGH AND LONDON 
 
LECTURES 
 
 WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 JOHN EHYS, M.A., 
 
 LATE FELLOW OF MERTON COLL., OXFORD, 
 PERPETUAL MEMBER OF THE PARI3 PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY. 
 
 LONDON: 
 TEUBNEE & CO., LUDGATE HILL. 
 
 1877. 
 [AU rights reserved. ] 
 
TO , 
 
 F. MAX MiJLLER, 
 
 PROFESSOK OF COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY AT OXFORD, 
 AND TO 
 
 WHITLEY STOKES, 
 
 MEMBER OF THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL OF INDIA, 
 
 IS WITH DEFERENCE 
 
 DEDICATED 
 
 BY 
 
 THE WRITER. 
 
PEEFACE. 
 
 The substance of these lectures was delivered at 
 Aberystwyth College in 1874, so that they were 
 intended to appeal, in the first instance, to Welsh 
 students of Celtic Philology ; but it is hoped that 
 they will also be found intelligible to other than 
 Welsh readers, and with a view to this the Welsh 
 instances have been rendered into Eaiglish through- 
 out. Since they were first delivered they have 
 been re-written almost entirely, and the author 
 could have desired to repeat the process ; but at 
 that rate publication would have been out of the 
 question, as his views are constantly undergoing 
 modification, which will surprise no one aware 
 how recently the systematic application of the 
 comparative method of study to the Celtic lan- 
 guages began. His excuse for publishing at all, 
 
vm PREFACE. 
 
 under the circumstances, must be the fact that, 
 although the highest effort of one student may- 
 result only in giving him a glimpse- of half the 
 truth, even that may enable another to discover 
 the whole truth, and to secure for both a more 
 advanced point of view. The chances of his doing 
 this appear to outweigh the probability of the 
 crudeness of his theories leading others astray 
 who are not in the habit of trying to think for 
 themselves, persuaded as he is, that, if they do 
 not derive wrong ideas of Celtic questions from 
 these pages, there are plenty of others from which 
 they will. Besides, it would require a livelier 
 imagination, and more ingenuity than he could 
 boast of, to originate, with regard to the history 
 of the Celtic languages or nations, any theories 
 which could vie in absurdity and distorted vision 
 with many of those stUl obtaining among people 
 of the class mentioned. 
 
 The reader will have already surmised that the 
 Lectures do not form a harmonious whole : one 
 reason for this was the gradual comino- in of 
 more accurate knowledge about some of the 
 most important of our Early Inscriptions after 
 the -MS. had been in the printer's hands. The 
 
PEBFACE. IX 
 
 study of the former cannot fail to form an era 
 in Welsh Philology, and no inference warranted 
 by them could safely be overlooked. To a student 
 of Greek or Eoman epigraphy they might, it is 
 true, appear of little importance both in point of 
 meaning and of number, but meagre as they are, 
 to those who are desirous of understanding the 
 history of the Welsh language, they are simply 
 1 invaluable. The author has the satisfaction of 
 having, in the course of the last four summers, 
 inspected nearly all of those still preserved, to- 
 gether with others of a somewhat later period, of 
 which it was not thought necessary to submit g, 
 detailed account, seeing that they mostly belong 
 to the time of the Old Welsh Grlosses, and form 
 accordingly a part only, and that the less im- 
 portant one, of the available materials for the 
 study of Old Welsh. 
 
 As to the meaning attached here and else- 
 where in this volume to the terms Early, Old, 
 Mediceval, and Modern Welsh, the reader is re- 
 ferred to the beginning of the Fourth Lecture, 
 page 143. And by the frequently recurring 
 words, our Early Inscriptions, are briefly meant 
 the old inscriptions, not of Koman or English 
 
X PKEFACK. 
 
 origin, whicli have been found in Wales, Devon- 
 shire, and Cornwall, together with one or two 
 in- Scotland that appear to belong to the same 
 class. 
 
 Rhtl, January 1, 1877. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 LECTURE I. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Intbodcctort Sketch of Glottology — Grimm's Law- 
 Classification OP THE Celtic Languages . . 1 
 
 LECTURE II. 
 Welsh Consonants ... . . 36 
 
 LECTURE III. 
 Welsh Vowels ....'. .90 
 
 LECTURE IV. 
 A Sketch of the Histokt of the Welsh Language . 140 
 
 LECTURE V. 
 
 HiSTOET OF THE WELSH ALPHABET . . 199 
 
 LECTURE VI. 
 Ogams and Ogmio Inscriptions 272 
 
 LECTURE VII. 
 
 An Attempt to Eeconsteuct the History of the Ogmic 
 
 Alphabet 329 
 
Xll CONTENTS. 
 
 ' PAGE 
 
 APPENDIX— 
 
 A.— OuB Eablt Insckiptions .... 379 
 
 B. — Maccu, Mncoi, Maqvi, Maowt . . .415 
 
 C. — Some Welsh Names of Metals and Articles 
 
 MADE OP Metal 420 
 
 Additions and Coerections 433 
 
 Index . . ... . . 445 
 
LECTIJEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 LECTURE I. 
 
 " If we meet in difierent tongues with words which are clearly the 
 same word, notwithstanding differences of form and meaning which 
 they may exhibit, we cannot help concluding that they are common 
 representatives of a single original, once formed and adopted by a 
 single community, and that from this they have come down by the 
 ordinary and still subsisting processes of linguistic tradition, which 
 always and everywhere involve liability to alteration in outer shape 
 and inner content." — William Dwight Whits et. 
 
 If you glance at that part of the Old "World ex- 
 tending from the Ganges to the Shannon, and 
 consider the Babel of languages spoken within 
 that range, you will be able to form an idea of 
 the difficulty of satisfactorily classifying them. 
 However, that has been so far done, and with so 
 much success that the results are not likely to 
 be very gravely compromised by future investiga- 
 tions. Roughly speaking, we have within that 
 stretch of the Northern Hemisphere three great 
 families of speech, namely, the Aryan, the Semi- 
 tic, and the Turanian. The first, of which more 
 anon, comprises the idioms of the chief European 
 
 A 
 
2 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 nations, and of Hindoos, Persians, and Armenians. 
 The Semitic languages reckon among their num- 
 ber Arabic, Hebrew, Syriac, and kindred tongues. 
 As Turanian we are taught by some to treat 
 Turkish, Hungarian, Finnic, Lappish, Samoyedic, 
 and a number of other nearly related dialects 
 spoken in the Euss.ian Empire, to which may now 
 be added Accadian, one of the languages of the 
 Cuneiform Inscriptions of Ancient Assyria. This 
 covers a considerable portion of Asia and all 
 Europe, excepting the south-west of France and 
 the north of Spain, where Basque is still spoken, 
 a language whose place in the Turanian family 
 has not yet been made out. It is, however, cer- 
 tain that it is neither Aryan nor Semitic. 
 
 To return to the Aryan family with which we 
 are here more especially concerned, the analysis 
 of the languages, formerly or still spoken by the 
 leading nations of Hindoostan, Persia, and Europe, 
 has led to the conclusion, that they are, linguisti- 
 cally speaking, descended in common from a single 
 primeval tribe. So far all may be said to agree, 
 but not so when we come to the question as to 
 how and in what degrees the Aryan nations are 
 severally related one to another within the family 
 they make up. The older and still, perhaps, the 
 prevailing theory, which has found a doughty 
 champion in Dr. Fick of Gottingen, sets up a 
 
LECTTJEE I. 3 
 
 genealogical tree to the following effect : — The 
 original Aryan tribe broke up somewhere in the 
 neighbourhood of the Caspian Sea into two, where- 
 of the one, proceeding eastward, forced its way 
 ultimately into Hindoostan and Persia, while the 
 other made for Europe. Thus we have an Eastern 
 or Asiatic branch, and a Western or European 
 one. The former is represented by the Hindoos 
 and Persians, and the latter is supposed to have, 
 in the first instance, yielded a Northern and a 
 Southern division : the Northern Aryans of Europe 
 comprise the Teutons and the Litu-Slaves. The 
 Teutons include the Aryan nations of Scandinavia 
 and Iceland, the High Germans, and the Low 
 Germans, among whom our nearest neighbours, 
 the English, are reckoned. The Litu-Slaves fall 
 into two groups, whereof one includes Lithuanians 
 and Letts on the Baltic in a country divided be- 
 tween Prussia and Russia ; not to mention the 
 Old Prussians or Borussi, who inhabited parts of 
 Prussia now completely Germanised, and gave their 
 name to Prussia itself, and to Berlin and other 
 towns, where their memory is now a mere matter 
 of history. The other group comprises the ruling 
 race in Russia, Poles, Servians, Bohemians, Wends, 
 and other nearly related races located within 
 the areas of the Russian, Ottoman, Austrian, and 
 German empires, and forming the disjecta membra 
 
4 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 of a Slavonic world not easy to define without t 
 aid of a good linguistic map of Europe. T 
 other or Southern division of the European Arya 
 comprises — first, the Greeks and allied raci 
 forming a whole with its centre of gravity son 
 where between the Adriatic and the Hellespon 
 secondly, the Italians, who speak a variety 
 Eomance dialects, preceded in Ancient Italy by 
 less a variety, including, among the most ii 
 portant, Latin, Oscan, and Umbrian — the affinit 
 of Etruscan are still, owing to the di£3culty of i 
 terpreting its remains, subjudice: it willprobal 
 turn out to be non-Aryan. And, thirdly, t 
 Celts, called by the Romans Galli, by the Gree 
 KsKtoi and TaKdrai, and by themselves, or, rathi 
 by those of them who inhabited Gaul or Ancie 
 France, according to Caesar's account, Celtse, as 
 whom it may be said that some three hundr 
 years before the Christian era, they occupied t 
 British Isles, Gaul, Switzerland, a part of Spai 
 South Germany, and North Italy : not long afl 
 some of them passed into Asia Minor and ga 
 their name to the province of Galatia. 
 
 The advocates of this theory are in some troul 
 as to how to deal with these three groups ; t 
 difficulty being, that Latin and the Celtic la 
 guages are so similar in many important respec 
 that they are not to be severed, while, on the oth 
 
LECTURE I, 5 
 
 hand, Latin and Greek are still more closely allied. 
 The consequence is, that some subdivide the 
 Southern division into an Italo- Celtic and a Hel- 
 lenic group, while others prefer to suppose a Celtic 
 and a Greco-Italic group. This is one of the dif- 
 ficulties of the genealogical theory ; but there are 
 a good many more under which it labours, and 
 which have been formulated by Johannes Schmidt 
 in the first part of his book entitled Die Verwant- 
 schaftsverhdltnisse der indogermanischen Sprachen 
 (Weimar, 1872), in which he propounds his own 
 views. The latter I could not better describe than 
 by rendering, as literally as I can, his own words : 
 a paragraph beginning on page 28 runs thus: — 
 " The figure also of an inclined plane dipping in 
 an unbroken straight line from Sanskrit to Celtic 
 appears to me not inappropriate. As to linguistic 
 boundaries within this range, originally there were 
 none : two dialects A and X taken at any distance 
 you please apart in it were connected with one 
 another by the continuous varieties B, C, D, &c. 
 The appearance of linguistic boundaries, or, to 
 abide by our figure, the transformation of the in- 
 clined plane into a flight of steps, I look at in this 
 way : — one family or one stem speaking the variety 
 F, for instance, gained, for reasons political, reli- 
 gious, social or other, the upper hand over its 
 immediate neighbourhood. Thereby the nearest- 
 
6 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 lying varieties of speech, G, H, I, K, in the one 
 direction, and E, D, 0, in the other, were sup- 
 pressed by F and replaced by it. After this had 
 happened F bordered immediately on the one side 
 on B, on the other immediately on L : the varie- 
 ties connecting both were on the one side raised 
 and on the other sunk to the level of F. Thus a 
 sharp linguistic boundary had been drawn between 
 F and B on the one hand, and between F and L 
 on the other, a step taking the place of the in- 
 clined plane ; and surely this kind of thing has 
 come to pass often enough in historical times. I 
 will mention only the influence of Attic as it grew 
 stronger and stronger, and gradually drove the 
 dialects quite out of the field of Greek literature, 
 the language of the city of Eome suppressing the 
 other Italian dialects one and all, and Modern 
 High German destined, and that perhaps at no 
 very "distant a date, to bring about the like extir- 
 pation of the German dialects." 
 
 These languages, whether, in the task of classi- 
 fying them, one follows the lead of Fick or of 
 Schmidt, are known collectively by various names, 
 such as Japhetic, Indo-European, Indo- Germanic, 
 Indo-Celtic, Aryo-European, and simply Aryan, 
 none of which are free from objections, but Aryan 
 recommends itself by its brevity. It is, however 
 to be remembered, that it is usually confined to 
 
LECTURE I. 7 
 
 the Asiatic brancli, the Aryans of India and Iran, 
 by Continental writers, who, in case they are 
 Germans, call the entire family Indo- Germanic, 
 while a natural antithesis has suggested to the 
 French mind the compound Indo- Celtic. Aryo- 
 European, though also a new-fangled term, is more 
 logical than Indo-European, which is still very 
 commonly used here and in France : Japhetic 
 seems to be out of favour and old-fashioned^ 
 though quite as good a term as Semitic, which 
 continues to be applied to another great family. 
 
 To pass from this question of names to another 
 and a more important one, it may be asked how it 
 is known that the Aryan languages are of one and 
 the same origin. In answer it may briefly be 
 said, that one of the readiest ways of satisfying 
 one's self on this point is to compare the voca- 
 bularies of the languages in question, especially 
 •the more permanent portions of them, such as the 
 pronouns, the numerals, and the terms expressive 
 of the nearer removes of blood-relationship. Thus 
 nobody can fail to see to what conclusion the simi- 
 larity between the following words must point : — 
 Welsh mi, Irish md, Latin me, Greek fie, Eng. 
 me, Lithuanian manS*, Old Bulgarian (so the Sla- 
 vonic language of which we have the earliest speci- 
 mens is called) »ze", Sansktit m&m, Zend m&m ; 
 Welsh dau, Irish da, Latin duo, Greek Ivo, Eng. 
 
8 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 two, Lith. dii, 0. Bulg. dva, Sansk. dm, Zend 
 dva; "Welsh brawd, Ir. brdthair, 'L2X. fr&ter, Greek 
 <f)pdTrjp ' a clansman,' Eng. brother, Lith. broterdlis, 
 •0. Bulg. hratru, Sansk. bhrdtar, Zend brdtar. 
 Suffice it to say, that, if you chose to carry this 
 simple inspection far enough, you would probahly 
 find they instances at your command so many and 
 such as to preclude the possibility of their simi- 
 larity to one another being the mere result of 
 accident or of borrowing. Should you still hesi- 
 tate to ascribe their similarity to a common origin 
 of the languages they respectively belong to, there 
 remain the irresistible arguments -which the gram- 
 mar of the latter never fail to supply. That is, 
 in a few words, the kind of reasoning on which 
 comparative philology, or, as it has been more 
 concisely called, glottology, may be said to be 
 mainly founded ; at any rate, so far as concerns 
 the leading families of human speech. 
 
 In passing, one cannot abstain from calling at- 
 tention to the historical value and importance of 
 the method of glottology already mentioned. A 
 few specimens will serve to show how it lifts the 
 veil of darkness which conceals from our ken the 
 antiquity of the race. Thus from Welsh ych ' an 
 ox,' plural ychen, Breton oc'hen, Eng. ox, oxen, 
 Sansk. ukshan, 'a bull,' it is concluded that the 
 primeval Aryans had a word uksan meaning an 
 
LECTUBB I. 9 
 
 OX or bull ; and from Welsh hu, bum, bumch, ' a 
 cow,' Irisli bo, Lat. bos, Greek /3oi/?, Eng. cow, 
 Sanst. ffo, that they had a word ffvau meaning a 
 cow or an ox : hence it is evident they were* 
 familiar with horned cattle. In the same way it 
 could be shown that they had horses, sheep, goats, 
 swine, and dogs. They lived not in tents, but 
 in some kind of houses with doors to them [Welsh 
 drrvs, Ir. dorus, Greek 6vpa, Eng. door, Sansk. 
 dvdrd], and they knew how to kindle [Welsh 
 enni/n ' to kindle a fire,' Sansk. indk the same, 
 indkana ' firewood, fuel '] fires in them. Those 
 fires served to make their pots or cauldrons boil 
 [Welsh pair ' a cauldron,' Med. Ir. coire, Sansk. 
 caru] : in them they cooked and stirred about some 
 kind of broth or porridge [Welsh umd ' porridge,' 
 Breton ioi, 0. Irish itk " puis," Lat. jus ' broth, 
 soup,' Greek fm/io? ' soup,' Lettish jdut ' to stir 
 meal about in water,' 0. Bulg. jucha ' soup,' 
 Sansk. yus, yusha, 'broth, soup']. What kind 
 of meal entered, into the composition of this /leKa^ 
 ^a)IJ,o<! is not known, as the evidence bearing on 
 their skill in agriculture is very scanty. But that 
 they had some kind of corn is proved by the 
 . equation of the Welsh word haidd ' barley ' with 
 Sansk. sasya, Zend hakya 'corn, a field-crop.'* 
 
 ♦ When this was suggested to Mr. Whitley Stokea, he kindly 
 called my attention to the following passage in Pliny xviii. 40 : — 
 "Secale Taurini sub Alpibus asiam vocant"— he proposes to read 
 
10 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. 
 
 They did not go naked, but wore clothing [Welsh 
 gwisc, Lat. vestis, Sansk. vastra\, made probably 
 of wool [yf elsh. gwlan, Lith. vilna, 0. Bulg. vluna, 
 Eng. wool^ Sansk. urna\. All this tends to show- 
 that they lived in the North Temperate Zone, that 
 is, as it is supposed, in Western Asia, far away 
 ' probably from the first man's abode, sometimes 
 assigned by anthropology, in its attempt to grapple 
 with the difficulty as to how Australians, Coolies, 
 Papuans, and Negroes reached their respective 
 homes, to a continent which it undertakes to pro- 
 ject as once extending from Africa eastward by 
 Madagascar and Ceylon as far as Celebes. But 
 although we read in the Book of Genesis how 
 Adam was driven out of Paradise with its four 
 mysterious rivers, they are, perhaps, a little san- 
 guine who expect that deep-sea dredging in the 
 Indian Ocean may one day be the means of 
 bringing to light a twig or two of the tree of 
 knowledge. Now that our inquiry is overtaken 
 on a by-path, it is liable to be waylaid by the 
 evolutionist and stopped by the theologian; the 
 former wishing to know how far our Aryan fore- 
 father had risen above the ape, and the latter how 
 far he had gone from original righteousness. The 
 
 lasiam. Further, in his Remarks on the Celtic Additioni to CfuHius' 
 Greek Etymology, &o. (Calcutta, 1875), p. 43, he points out in the 
 two first letters of the Irish word eorna 'barley,' the rule-right 
 Irish representative of Greek feid, Lith. javai, Sanskrit ywva. 
 
LECTURE I. 11 
 
 answer has been partly given already : the following 
 remarks may he added: — Looked at from an intel- 
 lectual point of view, we do not know much about 
 him beyond the facts, that he could count as far as 
 one hundred [Welsh cant, 0. Ir. cdt, Lat. centum, 
 Eng. hundred, Sansk. qata\, that to him to know 
 was to see [Welsh {yn dy) wydd (' in thy) sight,' 
 gwyddost ' thou knowest,' Lat. video ' I see,' Greek 
 olBa ' I know,' elhov ' I saw,' Sansk. vedmi, veda, ' I 
 know '], and that he knew how to stretch and touch 
 a number of strings so as to elicit from them music 
 to cheer his leisure hours or to enliven his festivi- 
 ties [Welsh tant 'a rope, a string, a musical string,' )J /Q/^ ^ 
 plural tannau ' the harp,' 0. Ir. t^t {gl. fidis), Sansk. — 
 tanti, tantu, ' a string, a chord,' tata ' a stringed in- 
 strument ; ' Greek tovo'; ' a rope, a cord, a strain, 
 tension, a note, a tone,' rao-i? * a stretching, a 
 raising the pitch in music ']. 
 
 Socially he seems to have been the master of 
 his house on a footing of equality with his wife, 
 who was mistress of the same and not a slave. 
 His children not only addressed him as father, but 
 they also called him more familiarly tata [0. Welsh 
 tat. Mod. Welsh tad, our only word for father, 
 Lat. tata, a fond word for father, Greek rdra. Terra, 
 0. Bulg. tata, Sansk. tata, tdta']. His vocabulary 
 appears to have been very copious as regards the 
 various ramifications of the family, whence it is 
 
] 2 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 inferred that each individual had his standing in 
 it well defined, a state of things highly natural in 
 a patriarchal system of government. His ideas of 
 religion and morals can only be guessed, and how 
 many gods he had it is impossible to say. It is, 
 however, certain that he worshipped one above all 
 others, if others he had, and that he spoke of him 
 in terms expressive at once of the light of day and 
 of the wide expanse of the sky, which looked down 
 upon him wherever he roamed [0. Welsh diu 
 ' God,' Med. Welsh diu ' day,' Mod. Welsh Duw 
 ' God,' dytv 'day,' ke-ddyw ' to-daj,' Ir. dia ' God,' 
 in-diu ' to-day,' Lat. Diovis, Jovis, deus, divus, 
 sub divo = sub Jove ' beneath the open sky,' 
 Greek Zew, genitive Alo^, Stos ' heavenly,' evStos 
 ' at midday,' Sansk. div, dyu, ' the sky, day, bright- 
 ness ']. This may have been merely his way of 
 saying that his great Heaven-father [ = Lat. Dies- 
 piter, Joupiter, Jupiter, Juppiter = Greek Zev 
 Trdrep = Vedic Sansk. Dyaushpitar\ was the god 
 of light, and that he was present everywhere. 
 Whether he worshipped light or not, as such, in 
 the performance of his religious rites he seems to 
 have been in the habit of standing with his face 
 turned to the rising of the sun and his right hand 
 to the south [Welsh dehau 'right (hand), south,' 
 Deheu-dir 'the south land, i.e., South Wales,' 
 0. Ir. dess, Mod. Ir. deas ' right, south ; ' the 
 
LECTUEE I. 13 
 
 Teutonic instances are Teisterhant and Texel, in 
 which the first syllable is supposed to mean south 
 (see the Eevue Celtique, ii. p. 1 73) ; Sansk. dak- 
 shina ' right, south,' dakshind {dig) a southern 
 country supposed to be the Deccan]. ■ . A ( '- -'/ 
 How he stood with his god or gods it is im- 
 possible to say, but he seems to have been no entire 
 stranger to his own shortcomings, and the con- 
 sciousness of some kind of sin or guilt, as proved 
 by Welsh euog 'guilty' (for other instances of 
 Welsh eu = ag see the Rev. Celt., ii. p. 193), Greek 
 ayos ' pollution, guilt, a curse,' Sansk. dgas 
 ' offence, mistake, transgression,' words which 
 bring into a strange rapport with one another the 
 disciples of Buddha in the far East, the followers 
 of Calvin in Wales, and those subtle Greeks of 
 old, in whose history, religious and political, the 
 ayos played a conspicuous part. The natural corol- 
 lary to this is the inference that the religion of 
 out Aryan ancestors must have had its ascetic side, 
 and enjoined on them some kind of penance and 
 self-mortification, as suggested by the following 
 words : — Welsh crefydd ' religion,' meaning for- 
 merly religion from the point of view of an ascetic, 
 whence crefyddrcr in the Middle Ages meant a 
 religieux rather than a religious man in the ordi- 
 nary Protestant sense : Irish crdibdech ' pious ' (in 
 the Book of Armagh), craibhtheach ' religious, 
 
14 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 devout,' craibhdhigh " people who mortify the flesh " 
 (O'Reilly), Sansk. ^ram, cr&mya ' to become tired, 
 to labour in vain, to chastise one's self,' grdnta 
 (for crdm-ta) ' fatigue, pains, chastisement, the 
 result of religious effort,' gramana ' one who chas- 
 tises himself, an ascetic, a beggar-friar, a Buddhist,' 
 gramand ' a beggar-nun,' agramana ' an anascetic' 
 So, after wandering about in the mists of anti- 
 quity, we unexpectedly find ourselves near a point 
 conspicuous in the religious landscape of our 
 own day. 
 
 When we set out on this digression we were 
 considering the phonetic similarity of cognate 
 words belonging to different languages, but in the 
 course of it instances were intentionally brought 
 together, which may, on the other hand, have 
 forced their differences into relief. It will, how- 
 ever be some consolation to find that the majority 
 of those differences follo\7 fixed rules. Thus, to 
 recall the Welsh word pair and the Irish coire, 
 the same p-c variation occurs in other cases, such 
 as Mod, Welsh pen ' head,' pren ' a tree,' pwy 
 ' who,' and 0. Welsh map ' a son,' which are in 
 Irish ceann, crann, cia, and mac, respectively. 
 Similarly in equating Welsh cant with Eng. 
 hund-ied we assumed Welsh c to be represented in 
 the Teutonic languages by h ; and that is found to 
 hold true in other instances : take Welsh caj'-a.el, 
 
LECTURE I. 15 
 
 Eng. ham, "Welsh cos ' hateful,' Eng. hate, Welsh 
 ci ' a dog,' pi. cwn, Eng. hound, "Welsh coed ' a 
 wood,' Eng. heath, "Welsh coll, Eng. hazel, "Welsh 
 craidd ' centre,' Eng. heart. Now it is one of the 
 characteristics of the Teutonic languages that they 
 deviate as regards the consonants in a consistent 
 and well-defined manner from the other Aryan 
 languages, and it is to the students of the former 
 that we owe the discovery of the rules alluded to, 
 or at any rate the more important of them. Hence 
 they are commonly called, after the scholars who 
 made them out, Grimm's Law, and sometimes 
 Eask's. By means of that law, and the other data 
 afforded by a careful comparison of all the more 
 important Aryan languages, some glottologists 
 think it possible approximately to infer both the 
 vocabulary and the inflections of that older lan- 
 guage whence they have all sprung. An idea may 
 be formed of the amount of work attempted in this 
 direction from the fact that the second edition 
 of Schleicher's Compendium of the Comparative 
 Grammar of the Indo- GermMnic Languages (Wei- 
 mar, 1866) makes up 856 pages octavo, and that 
 the second edition of Fick's Comparative Dic- 
 tionary of the same (Gottingen, 1870) covers 
 no less than 1085 pages octavo, while the third 
 edition, now publishing, is likely to occupy a good 
 deal more than double that number. 
 
16 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Perhaps I could not do better than close these 
 preliminary remarks with a rough summary of 
 consonants etymologically equivalent in some 
 of the leading Aryan languages. No attempt is 
 made to make the table exhaustive by crowding 
 into it exceptional details, unless they happen to 
 be of special interest to the student of Welsh. 
 However, it will be found sufficiently exact to en- 
 able you with ease to bring to book many of the 
 fanciful etymologies which are ever floating about 
 in the atmosphere of Celtic philology until they 
 are caught by some reckless writer of the fantastic 
 school of history, who dearly loves wild specu- 
 lations on the past of some one of the Celtic 
 nations ; for a false etymology can seldom be said 
 to be insured against speedy oblivion until the 
 Muse of History has taken it by the hand and 
 assigned it a sphere of usefulness. 
 
 Now that you have a general idea of the way 
 the student of comparative philology goes to work, 
 and the position which the Celtic languages oc- 
 cupy in the. family to which they belong, your at- 
 tention must be called a little more in detail to 
 them. It has already been hinted that they offer 
 more important points of similarity to Latin and 
 its sister dialects of Ancient Italy than to any 
 other Aryan group of languages whatsoever^ — 
 herein Fick and Schmidt would agree ; but next, 
 

 . fc* > J3 r^ ri3 ja bo . . 
 
 •qspAPio 
 
 * 
 
 — to r-" '^ =r '-. 
 
 •qsuipio 
 
 ^^ bo _" ■ 1 f 
 
 oo-^ : bo-o T3 -o bo-o TS ^ c a a tT :*_-^ar 
 
 •qsjitiiso 
 
 <^ ***" bO « '"' 
 
 o eu-w ■" bo-o 73 ^ tio-J3 Td ^ c a E tT-r-, > m 
 
 •iretiqmfl 
 poB uraao 
 
 bo rt — 
 
 •ajFI 
 
 
 •3183J0 
 
 
 I luapoH 
 
 
 •q8r[3na 
 
 j3 S:3>hJ=; ct<^ q. to bcTj ^ = a S !.">>&»"' 
 
 ■OTOoa 
 
 
 •UBllWnq^TI 
 
 M^ bo r! ""^ 
 
 ffi 4^ ^ fU'N bc^ r^ >^q bo^ ^ a a a ^ 'r^ > m 
 
 PIO 
 
 » jf * !% H bO-O J5 N bO-O J3 1 a" a -".rri !> aT 
 
 •pnsz 
 
 OiJiT-ia P* N !£t3 ,£3 N bO'^ r^^ id B U >i > ^ 
 
 •?U3Isn«s 
 
 O.J4-B o,^ bo-e ,Q Ja i^Cl,:2.'a a fi tT t>. t> » 
 
 
 w at< fi< o o p M o p o m l2i ^ S p3 1>< ^ OT 
 
 » a S-u-s 
 
 3 £•"'0 s 
 ■3a-§«,2 
 
 "■s-i SB-" 
 
 •^ m a ;" S 5j- 
 
 a S.2* Stj 
 
 £«§!" = « 
 
 » s K-^ ^ 
 
 a » p a o S 
 ,a^^ Bsg 
 
 c -.2 Sap. 
 
 r-fe a •■•5 p 
 ■"S-a§"a 
 
 o S^ a> z o 
 
 s * a *t£ 
 
 ,.- •-» SB m 
 
 JS 2 o S a 
 
18 LECTURES ON ■WELSH PHILOLOGY; 
 
 perhaps, to the Italian group they loost nearly 
 resemble English and the other members of the 
 Teutonic group. This fact, which is gradually be- 
 coming more evident as Celtic glottology progresses, 
 is fully taken into account by the dialectic theory, 
 as coinciding with the geographical position oc- 
 cupied at the dawn of history by the Celts between 
 Italians and Teutons ; whereas the genealogical 
 tree would lead one to expect to find them resem- 
 bling, in point of language, the Slavonians quite 
 as much as the Teutons, which is certainly far 
 from being the ease. It is also to be noticed, that 
 it is owing to the encroachment of languages de- 
 riving their origin from Italy and Germany, that 
 the vast Celtic world of antiquity has been, as far. 
 as regards language, reduced to its present narrow 
 dimensions, that is to say, the fag-ends of France 
 and the British Isles. This is, however, an aspect of 
 our history which no one could expect us to dwell 
 upon with feelings of pleasure and satisfaction : as 
 we believe the Celts never to have been cowards, 
 we turn away fain to think that the words which 
 the poet makes Hector apply to individuals hold 
 equally true of races : — 
 
 Moi/jax Soinvd <p7]fu vcipvyixivov l/i/ieiiai i.vSpSiv, 
 Qi KaKbv, oiSi fiev i<r$\ip, iir^v t4 vpHra yivrirai.. 
 
 The Celtic languages still spoken are Welsh, 
 Breton, Gaelic in Ireland and the Highlands of 
 
LECTURE I. 19 
 
 Scotland, and Manx : among the dead ones are Old 
 Cornisli, Pictish, and Gaulish. Of these, Cornish, 
 which ceased to be spoken only in the latter part 
 of the last century, has left us a considerable 
 amount of literature, while the Pictish words 
 extant may be counted on one's fingers : the 
 old Gauls have left behind them a number of 
 monuments, from which, together with other 
 sources, a fair number of their names and a few 
 other specimens of their vocabulary have been col- 
 lected; enough in fact to enable one to assign 
 them their proper place in the Celtic family. 
 Now as to the Celts of the British Isles and Brit- 
 tany, all are agreed that they divide themselves 
 naturally into two branches, the one Kymric and 
 the other Goidelic. To the latter belong the 
 Irish and the Gaels of Scotland, together with the 
 Manx ; to the former the Welsh, the Cornish, and 
 the Bretons, not to mention that the Picts, Mr. 
 Skene notwithstanding, were probably Kymric 
 rather than Goidelic. Then as to the Ancient 
 Gauls, it has been usual to range them with the 
 Kymric nations, so that you will find the entire 
 Celtic family commonly spoken of as consisting 
 of Goidelic nations on the one hand, and Gallo- 
 British ones on the other. 
 
 There are, however, good reasons for regarding 
 this classification as resting on a bad foundation, 
 
20 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 namely, a phonological argument which will not 
 bear examination. It is this : The Welsh and the 
 Gauls belong to the same branch of the Celtic 
 family, because their languages agree in replacing 
 Aryan qv by j», while Irish uses c : thus the 0. 
 Irish word ioxfour was cethir, while our word is 
 pedrvar, formerly petguar, and the Gauls called a 
 kind of carriage in use among them petorritum, a 
 form which no doubt involves their word fovfour. 
 The corresponding Latin, it is needless to add, 
 yjSLS quatuor, and the Aryan original was probably 
 qvatvar. Now a glance at the equivalents of 
 Aryan qv in the table will serve to show that this 
 kind of reasoning, if it proves anything, proves 
 rather too much. For why, it may be asked, 
 should the Welsh not be asserted also to be par- 
 ticularly near relations of those Italians, for in- 
 stance, who said petur for quatuor, of the Greeks 
 who called the same numeral irivvpe';, and of the 
 Modern Koumanians who have modified the Latin 
 words aqua and equa into ape and eape respectively ? 
 That would of course be absurd, and it is evidently 
 dangerous to rest a theory of history or ethnology 
 on such a basis. Nor is this all : the p coinci- 
 dence between Welsh and Gaulish should imply 
 something like an identity of date ; that is, both 
 languages ought to have had p for qv in use at 
 the same time, so as to allow one to infer that qv 
 
LECTURE I. 21 
 
 had become jo at a time when they were as yet one 
 language. This would be another twig of the 
 genealogical tree, and a contradiction of the facts 
 of the case. The Gauls had replaced qv by p at 
 some date anterior to the time of Caesar, whereas 
 our ancestors do not seem to have done so much 
 before the 6th century. You will have already 
 learned from the table, that Aryan p had disap- 
 peared from the Celtic languages : so, previous to 
 the change by the "Welsh of qv into /», the latter 
 sound must have been unknown to them. Accord- 
 ingly we find that the Ogam alphabet made no 
 provision for it, and that, when our ancestors be- 
 gan to borrow Koman names with j», they had to 
 invent symbols for it : more strictly speaking, they 
 seem to have extemporised them, for in the only 
 two instances extant they are different ones. 
 The former are pvnpkivs, accompanied by Pope- 
 in Ogam, on the Cynffig stone, and tvepilli, 
 the genitive of the Welsh form of Turpilius, on 
 the Glan Usk Park stone near Crickhowel : the 
 Ogam is not easy to read, but Turpil- is certain.* 
 , The other names with p, Pascent-, Paternini, 
 
 * The Ogmic symbol for p in Turpil- is of the form of x placed 
 on the right of the edge. The same symbol placed on the edge has 
 lately been proved by Dr. S. Ferguson to occur fqr^ in an Irish in- 
 scription reading : Sroinienas poi netattrenalugoa, which Mr. Stokes 
 would treat as Broinioonas poi netat Trenaliigos, and render, literally, 
 (Lapis) Broinidnis (qui) fuit propugnatorum TrenalugHs : see the 
 Proceedings of the RoyaJ, Irish Academy, vol. i. ser. ii. pp. 292-297, 
 
22 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Paulinus, Potenina, which occur on our older class 
 of monuments, are unfortunately not given in Ogam. 
 The earliest native name in point is pobivs in 
 debased Eoman capitals hardly older than the 
 6th century, and the earliest instance in manu- 
 script is the related name borne by the king of 
 Dyfed in the time of Gildas, who uses it in the 
 vocative case as Vortipori ; Gildas wrote about 
 the middle of the 6th century. Kymric names 
 with qv are more numerous, and, probably, 
 earlier : in debased capitals we have for in- 
 stance maqv[eragi], maqvirini, QVENATAvcr and 
 QVENTENDANi, of which the last- mentioned is 
 A highly interesting instance : it seems to be 
 a derivative from Qvenvend-, which in Modern 
 Welsh is peuTvyn, ' white-headed,' and as a pro- 
 per name T Penwyn, ' The Whitehead.' In Irish 
 this is Cennjinn, whence is formed Cennfin- 
 nan, which is, letter for letter, our Qvenvendan-i, 
 and has its parallel in the Irish name Cenndubhan, 
 similarly formed from dubh, ' black : ' we may com- 
 pare in Welsh Carnwennan, Arthur's knife, from 
 carnwen, ' white-hilted.' Nor is this all, for Pen- 
 non and Cennjinn find their Gaulish representative, • 
 
 where also another stone ia mentioned by the Bishop of Limerick 
 as reading : Carbi poi macui Ldbradi — Mr. Stokes would render it 
 (Lapis) Corbi (qui)fuit gentis Lahradii. These excellent suggestions 
 of Mr. Stokes I have taken the liberty of publishing from his letters 
 to me last May. 
 
LECTURE I. 23 
 
 to which my attention was lately called, on a 
 silver coin in De Saulcy's collection (^Reo. Celt., 
 i. 297) in the form nENNOoviNAoc, i.e., Pen- 
 nowindos. In Ogam we frequently have maqvi 
 the genitive of the word for son, and an inscrip- 
 tion from Devon reads Swaqqvuci maqvi Qvici, 
 which deserves a word of explanation. Swaqqvuc-i 
 is probably a derivative from srvaqqv-, which must 
 be the prototype of Mod. Welsh chwaff, used in S. 
 Wales in the form hwaff or waff, and meaning 
 ' quick, quickly ; ' and as to Qvic-i, the same name 
 occurs in Irisb Ogam written Qweci, for that is 
 how I would read ' ' ' ' ' , , , 1 1 1 m^hh-hh. , As a rule, 
 however, our qv is so written also in Irish Ogam, 
 as in maqvi, which occurs scores of times on 
 Irish monuments written maqvi, maqqvi, moqvi, 
 with a single Ogam, j_l±jjl, for qv, or doubled for 
 what I transliterate qqv. But in the earliest 
 specimens of Irish and Welsh found in manuscript 
 Irish qv had been simplified into cc or c, and 
 Welsh qv made into p, so that the word for son 
 became mace or mac on the other side of St. 
 George's Channel, and map, now mab, on this — 
 the G-aulish cognate is supposed to be the simple 
 form implied by the Gaulish derivative Mapilus 
 (Kuhn's Beitraege, v. p. 364). To talk of the 
 Welsh changing c into p, it is almost needless to 
 remark, is the result of ignorance of the laws of 
 
24 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 phonology : where Irish c and Welsh p are equi- 
 valent, they both represent an earlier qv which, it 
 is interesting to notice, the Irish retained intact 
 till after the time when the Welsh began to change 
 it into p. Thus Irish hagiology speaks of a St. 
 Ciaran, whose name it also preserves in what is 
 evidently a much older form, Queranus. He is 
 supposed to have lived from 516 to 549, and to 
 have been the first abbot of Clonmacnoise. There 
 was, however, an earlier Irish saint of the same 
 name who was born in St. Patrick's time, and is 
 supposed to have died in the year 600. Fortu- 
 nately for our inquiry, he came over into this 
 country, and his name became modified into Fir- ' 
 anus or Piran ; and a church in Cornwall still 
 bears his name, Piran in the Sands, Piran in 
 Sabulis or Peranzabuloe. Thus it would seem 
 that the Welsh were in the habit of changing qv 
 into p about the end of the 5th or the beginning 
 of the 6th century, while the Irish retained it 
 intact so late at least as the middle of the latter 
 century : so the Grallo-British theory can derive no 
 support from this quarter. 
 
 Were one inclined to use an argument like the 
 one which has just been condemned, one might 
 urge that Irish and Gaulish having initial s where 
 Welsh has h, makes for a Gallo-Goidelic unity. 
 This would of course be idle, as it is certain that 
 
LECTURE I. ' 25 
 
 onr ancestors changed s into k subsequently to 
 their borrowing from the Romans the word sex- 
 tarius, which they had made, before the end of 
 the 9th century, into hestaur, written later 
 hestawr, whence hestoraid, colloquially curtailed 
 in some parts of N. Wales into stored, a measure 
 of capacity of about two bushels. It need hardly 
 be added, that our early monuments never show 
 an initial k, but always s; but the process of 
 changing s into h in Welsh would seem to have 
 become obsolete before the middle of the 6th 
 century, if we may depend on the tradition which 
 refers the church of Llansannan in Denbighshire 
 to the Irish saint, Senanus, who is supposed to 
 have spent a part of his life in this country, and 
 to have died in the year 544 : this is, however, 
 not a very conclusive argument, as some native 
 words do not change s into h: take for instance 
 the numeral saith, ' seven,' and there may have 
 been reasons unknown to us why a foreign name 
 should not follow the rule obtaining in Welsh : 
 the double n also in -Llansannan creates a diffi- 
 culty. 
 
 Having severed the supposed Gallo-British ties 
 of special kinship, we are at liberty to re-classify 
 the entire family into two branches, whereof the 
 one embraces the Celts of the Continent, and the 
 other those of the Islands. This, however, does 
 
26 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 not in any wise interfere with the probability of 
 the Continental Celts having invaded this island, 
 and taken possession of extensive tracts of it long 
 after they and the Insular Celts had differentiated 
 themselves in point of language and history. In 
 fact, it is certain that parts of the South of 
 England had been thus occupied by invaders from 
 the Continent, among whom there were probably 
 Celts, if indeed they were not wholly Celts, be- 
 fore Julius Caesar landed' here. And if the com- 
 mon reading of a passage in Ptolemy's Geography 
 is to be depended upon, which mentions a people 
 called Uaplaoi, living in a town called JJerovapia, 
 near the Humber, one can hardly avoid drawing 
 the conclusion that the Gaulish Parisii had sent a 
 colony here. This is by no means impossible, 
 considering the position of the Uapicrot near the 
 Humber, and the possibility that the Parisii, 
 whose chief town, Lutetia, stood on an island in 
 the Seine, on a site still occupied by Paris, had 
 ships at one time at their command. And here 
 the following points, which I copy from Smith's 
 Dictionary/ of Greek and Roman Geography, are per- 
 haps not all irrelevant. It seems that the Romans 
 had a fleet at Paris ; a ship appears in the arms of 
 the city ; an inscription was dug up at Notre Dame 
 in the last century, reading Nautce Parisiaci ; 
 and the Senones, the neighbours, and probably 
 
LECTURE I. 27 
 
 the allies, of tlie Parisii, possessed ships; for 
 Csesar (vii. 58) states that Labienus seized about 
 fifty of them at once at Melodunum, higher np 
 the river. Whatever the noun implied by UeTovap'ia 
 may have been, the word is probably to be equated 
 with Mod. Welsh pedwaredd, ' quarta.' Brittany, 
 it is needless to say, is a kind of a counter-colony, 
 the Bretons being the descendants of countrymen 
 of ours who passed thither about the 5th century, 
 and not the direct representatives of the Ancient 
 Gauls, as is proved by their traditions and lan- 
 guage, which is a Kymric dialect easily learned 
 by a Welshman. I gather, however, that a lead- 
 ing French Celtist, M. H. d'Arbois de Jubain- 
 ville, takes for granted the Gaulish descent of 
 Breton ; but so far I am not aware that he has 
 made it the subject of special discussion. In the 
 same light as the British colony in Armorica, one 
 might also regard the settlement in Scotland of 
 Gaels from Ireland. 
 
 It is clear that the old classification, if it is to 
 stand, must be placed on a firmer foundation, 
 which, I am persuaded, is not likely to be dis- 
 covered. Nevertheless, it is impossible to prove 
 to a certainty that the one here proposed in its 
 stead is the correct one. At first sight it might 
 appear to be demonstrated as soon as certain 
 traits have been pointed out in which Welsh and 
 
28 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Irisli agree with one another and differ from 
 Gaulish. But it is not so, as two languages may 
 take the same path independently of one another : 
 such points of similarity — and such there are in 
 spite of the scarcity of the Gaulish data — can 
 only yield a greater or less degree of presumption 
 in favour of the closer kinship of Welsh and 
 Irish. This is, however, a sufficient reason for 
 briefly mentioning a few of them. 
 
 A single s flanked by vowels is lost in Welsh 
 and Irish, but retained in Gaulish ; as in the 
 Irish word ffa, genitive ffai or ffooi, ' a spear, a 
 javelin.' Its Gaulish equivalent is gaesum, men- 
 tioned for instance in Virgil's description of the 
 followers of Brennus : — 
 
 duo quisque Alpina coruscant 
 
 Oaesa manu, tcutis protecti corpora longii. 
 
 In classical Latin the stems of nouns in the 
 second declension end in u in the nominative, as 
 in equuSf^lius, donum, but Old Latin equos,filios, 
 donom, on a level with the Greek uL?, 6e6<;, and the 
 like. The corresponding vowel in Sanskrit is a, 
 as in Qivas, ' the god Siva,' Mntas, ' car us,' kdn- 
 tam, ' carum : ' it is a also in Zend and written 
 Lithuanian, and it is generally considered to be 
 older than the u and o of Latin and Greek. The 
 inscriptions of Ancient Gaul show Gaulish to have 
 been in this respect on the classical level : witness 
 
LECTURE I. 29 
 
 the following forms : — Andecamulos, Cernunnos, 
 Contextos, Crispos, Doiros, Dontaurios, Iccavos, 
 OviXKoveo^, Seyo/jMpo^, Seviros, tarvos, Tarbelinos, 
 Ulcos; Brivatiom, canecosedlon, cantalon, celic- 
 non, Dontaurion, lubron, veixrjrov, Kamedon. The 
 evidence of the leading elements in compounds is 
 to the same effect : Danno-tali, OvivBo-fiayo^, 
 Samo-talus, Sego-mari, Yerno-dubrum. But on 
 the whole the early inscriptions of Wales and Ire- 
 land make for a — unfortunately we are nearly 
 confined to the leading elements in compounds : 
 Welsh — Cata-manus, Corba-lengi, Cuna-cenni, 
 Ena-barri, Netta-sagru, Trena-catus ; Irish — Ana- 
 dovinias, Cata-bar, Cuna-cena, Cuna-gussos, Eva- 
 cattos, Netta-lami: to this I would add an in- 
 scription from Ballintaggart reading Tria maqva 
 Mailagni, probably for Tria{m) Maqvam Mailagni 
 = TpiMv vlwv Mailagni. It is right to add, that in 
 the period to which our earlier Welsh monuments 
 are to be referred the vowel ending the leading 
 elements in compounds had got to be indistinctly 
 pronounced, a preparation to its entire elision in 
 later Welsh generally. In our bilingual inscrip- 
 tions a is used in Ogam, but advantage is some- 
 times taken of the obscure sound of the vowel to 
 write it o in the Latin version, or even e, which 
 tends to make the names look a little more like 
 Latin. Thus we find together Cunatami and Cuno- 
 
30 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 tami, Cunacenniwi and Cunocenni, Trenagiisu and 
 Trenegussi: also in two distinct inscriptions in 
 Roman capitals Senomagli and Senemagli. But on 
 the whole the weight of evidence is in favour of 
 the claims of a. Welsh and Irish inscriptions con- 
 tain derived forms ending in the genitive in gni : 
 Welsh — Maglagni, Ulcagnus, Corbagni, Curcagni; 
 Irish — Artagni, Corbagni, Dalligni, Mailagni, 
 Talagni, Ulccagni. In Gaulish names the same 
 suffix is cnos, cnon, genitive cni, as in celicnon, 
 Oppianicnos, ToovTicratKvo';, Druticnos, Druticni. 
 On a bilingual stone Druticnos is rendered Druti 
 Jilius, but the inference, that Gaulish had a word 
 cnos meaning son, is as warrantable as if, from 
 Ile\o'irihri<; = IIiko'Ko<; vlo<;, one concluded that Greek 
 had a word t8r}<; = vto?. 
 
 When the Celts first took possession of these 
 islands, it is highly probable that the patriarchal 
 system of government obtained among them, and 
 that it continued to flourish as a well-defined system 
 of tribes or clans, such as we find in later times 
 in Ireland and Scotland, during the long interval 
 between their coming here and their separation 
 into Kymric and Goidelic nations. And it is per- 
 haps to this prehistoric period of Goidelo-Kymric 
 unity that one is to refer the composition of most 
 of the personal names containing the word teyrn, 
 'a king, a monarch,' 0. Irish tigerne; now tighearna, 
 
LECTURE I. 31 
 
 ' a lord :' in our early inscriptions we have tigirn-i 
 and tegern-o-. The etymon is the Celtic word for 
 house, which, in 0. Welsh, was tig, now ty, 0. Ir. 
 teg, now teach, genitive tige, now tighe : so the 
 word teyrn is perhaps an adjectival formation which 
 may originally have meant connected with or relat- 
 ing to the house, but in what special sense it is now 
 impossible to say. Its use was not confined to 
 the Insular Celts, for Gregory of Tours mentions a 
 Tigernum " castrum urbis Arvernse, Tigernense 
 castellum" — I am quoting from Gliick's Keltischen 
 Namen (Munich, 1857), p. 180 : in Auvergne this 
 is now Tiern, and the name is known to all in its 
 form of Thiers. Now the Celts of the British 
 Isles seem to have applied the adjective to the 
 householder or the head of the house, but as the 
 head of the house in a wider sense was also lord 
 and monarch of his people, the word came to mean 
 a lord or monarch ; and it is perhaps not altogether 
 an accident that we have no evidence of this in 
 Gaulish nomenclature, while it is well attested in 
 Kymric and Goidelic proper names : take the fol- 
 lowing : — Welsh — Catteyrn (Oattegirn, catoti- 
 GiRNi), Cyndeyrn (Kentegerni), Dutigirn, Euti- 
 girn, Gwrtheyrn (Vortigern), lUteyrn, Myllteyrn, 
 Rhydeyrn (Rutegyrn), Teyrn (Tegyrn), TeyruUuc, 
 Teyrnog (Ir. Tighearnach), Teyrnon ; from Corn- 
 wall we have tegeknomali, and in manuscript 
 
32 LEOTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Tigerinomalum ; Breton — Maeltiern, Tiernmael ; 
 Irish — Eachtighearn, Tighearnan, Tighearnmas. 
 
 To the same Goidelo-Kymric period I would refer 
 the adoption by the Insular Celts of Druid ism, 
 which is probably to be traced to the race or races 
 who preceded the Celts in their possession of the 
 British Isles. Ctesar's words as to Druidism are 
 so well known that they need not be here quoted 
 at length. On the other hand, the Irish word for 
 druid, the equivalent of our derwydd is draoi, 
 genitive druadh, which in Irish literature mostly 
 means a magician or soothsayer, and is usually 
 rendered by magus in the lives of Irish saints 
 written in Latin. It has not been proved, as 
 pointed out by M. d'Arbois de Jubainville {Les 
 Celtes — Extrait de la Revue Archeologique : Paris, 
 1875), that Druidism found its way into Gaul 
 before 200 b.c. When it did get there, it was, 
 undoubtedly, through the Belgae, who had settled 
 in Britain: Caesar's words are significant (vi. 13) 
 — " Disciplina in Britannia reperta atque inde in 
 Galliam translata esse existimatur, et nunc, qui 
 diligentius earn rem cognoscere volunt, plerumque 
 illo discendi causa proficiscuntur." 
 
 As already pointed out, such items as these do 
 not amount to a demonstration of the correctness 
 of the classification here advocated ; but neither is 
 a demonstration necessary in order to give it a 
 
LECTURE I. 33 
 
 superiority over the one now in fashion. The 
 latter being shown to be founded on a misconcep- 
 tion, the former cannot but in the main be 
 admitted; and in any case it has the iraportant 
 consideration to recommend it, that it makes no 
 unnecessary postulates. A Celtic people speaking 
 one and the same language came from the Con- 
 tinent and settled in this island; sooner or later 
 some of them crossed over to Ireland and made 
 themselves a home there. The latter opinion is 
 countenanced, as far as they go, by some of the 
 names on both sides of the Irish Sea as given 
 in Ptolemy's Geography. Thus the Brigantes 
 occupied not only the North of England, but also 
 a part of Ireland: we have a Fayyavaiv uKpov in 
 the third of Carnarvonshire called Lleyn, and 
 Tafyyavoi located, as it is supposed, in what is now 
 called Clare. Possibly also Ptolemy's OvevUave!;, 
 in Forfarshire, belonged to the same tribe as his 
 Irish OvevvUvioi, or at least to a nearly related 
 tribe. Dr. Reeves in his edition of Adamnan's 
 Vita Sancti Columbus (Dublin, 1857) mentions, 
 p. 31, Inbher Uomnonn (in the map prefixed to 
 the work it is Inbher Domhnann), the old name of 
 the Malahide river, near Dublin ; also the Eirros 
 Domno of Adamnan's text, in Irish lorrus Domk- 
 nann, the barony of Erris in the county of Mayo, 
 which the Irish, according to his account, refer to 
 
 c 
 
34 LECTUEES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 the '' Fir Domhnann, Viri Damnonii, a section of 
 the Firbolgs." The Irish names here alluded to 
 suggest a connection with the Dumnonii of Devon, 
 Ptolemy's Aovuvovtoi, rather than with his Aafivovioi 
 of the North, or his Aafivoviov to kul Oxpivov aicpov, 
 supposed to be the Lizard, in Cornwall. Owing 
 to their being separated by an intervening sea, 
 there grew up between the Celts of Ireland and 
 their kindred in this country differences of dialect, 
 to which the probable adoption of their language 
 by races, whom they may have found in possession 
 of both islands, more or less materially contributed. 
 In the course of many centuries these differences 
 had become so many and such that they could no 
 longer be said to speak one language, but two 
 nearly related languages, Goidelic in Ireland, and 
 Kymric here. This is not altogether mere theory, 
 for all the most tangible differences between Welsh 
 and Irish can be assigned to various periods of 
 time posterior to the separation : this has already 
 been indicated in the case of a few of them, and 
 others will be dealt with as we proceed. Where 
 then is the necessity for supposing that the Celts 
 who took possession of the British Isles were even 
 then of two distinct nationalities, speaking two 
 distinct languages, and what was it that originally 
 determined that duality ? 
 
 Those who profess to be unable to believe that 
 
LECTURE I. 35 
 
 the Welsh and the Irish are nearly related, because 
 they find them unlike inr their national character 
 and habits, choose to forget how different the 
 circumstances were under which tl\ey have lived 
 from the days of Julius Csesar to our own. But 
 even so late as the reign of Elizabeth, their differ- 
 ence of history had hardly produced so marked a 
 difference of character as one might have expected. 
 Since then, however, the gulf has been consider- 
 ably widened. The Irish have had their '98, and 
 the bulk of them remain true to the Church of 
 Eome, while the Welsh have become Protestants, 
 and most of them have adopted the theological 
 views of Calvin, the force of whose influence, if we 
 look at it merely as a means of profoundly modify- 
 ing a people's character, and without regard to its 
 characteristics in other respects, cannot easily be 
 exaggerated. 
 
( 36 ) 
 
 LECTURE II. 
 
 "The initial changei^ are commonly the most perplexing feature of 
 the Welsh language to those who know it only imperfectly ; and 
 those who observe the rules by ear are seldom acquainted with the 
 rationale of their own faultless speech."— Chaeles Williams. 
 
 In spite of what was said in the former lecture, 
 you will perhaps think that, although the chief 
 differences between Welsh and Irish can be shown > 
 to have sprung up since the separation, the fact 
 of their springing up at all points to radical dif- 
 ference in the constitution of the vocal organs of 
 the Welsh and the Irish. It may, however, be 
 premised that this does not follow, as it is to be 
 borne in mind that the normal state of lan- 
 guage is that of change, and that the same end 
 may frequently be attained by different means. 
 The end here alluded to is not the ultimate end 
 of language, the expression of thought, but the 
 economy of labour in the articulation of words, 
 the exponents of thought. This, in default of a 
 better name, one may call its economical end. 
 This will appear plainer from a discussion of the 
 
LECTURE II. 37 
 
 so-called system of mutation of initial consonants 
 in "Welsh, and its counterpart in Irish, a subject 
 which, even apart from its relevancy to the ques- 
 tion how nearly Welsh, and Irish are related, has 
 strong claims on our consideration, though we run 
 the risk of only adding another chapter to the 
 mass of nonsense already written on it. The 
 fact is, our native grammarians, both Welsh 
 and Irish, look at it as at once the peculiarity 
 and the pride of Celtic phonology, and regard 
 it with the same air of mystery and wonder- 
 ment to which English and German gram- 
 marians occasionally give expression d propos 
 of the Teutonic ablautreihe or sing -sang -sung 
 system of vowel mutation obtaining in lan- 
 guages of that stock. In reality there is 
 nothing peculiar about either excepting the per- 
 sistency with which they have been carried out ; 
 and as to the amount of credit they respec- 
 tively reflect on the races which in the course 
 of ages unconsciously and cleverly pieced them 
 together, that is a matter on which opinion 
 seems to vary according to the writer's nation- 
 ality. 
 
 The following summary of the more common 
 mutations in Welsh and Irish will be found con- 
 venient as we go on : — 
 
38 
 
 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 
 Welsh. 
 
 Ikish. 
 
 
 Welsh. 
 
 IBISH. 
 
 c 
 
 g 
 
 ch 
 
 1 
 
 , lit 
 ^ rdd 
 
 \^' 
 
 t 
 
 d 
 
 th 
 
 r 
 
 p 
 
 b 
 
 - (gh) 
 
 ph 
 
 gli 
 
 1 
 r 
 1 
 r 
 
 
 
 b 
 
 dd = « 
 
 f = V 
 
 dh 
 bh 
 
 m 
 
 f = V 
 
 mh 
 
 CO 
 
 ch- 
 
 CO, c 
 
 
 
 
 t,t, 
 
 th 
 
 tt, t 
 
 70 
 nt 
 
 7c, 77h 
 nt, nnh 
 
 
 
 t 
 
 PP 
 
 ph or S 
 
 pp. p 
 
 mp 
 
 mp, xuiiiii 
 
 P 
 
 
 e 
 
 
 
 
 
 r.t 
 
 i Uh 
 
 cht 
 
 7g 
 
 77 
 
 77 
 
 
 
 
 nd 
 
 un 
 
 nu 
 
 
 y 
 
 
 mb 
 
 mm 
 
 mm 
 
 gg 
 
 cc, g' 
 
 c,^ 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Ih 
 
 lb 
 
 dd 
 
 bb 
 
 a, d' 
 pp,b' 
 
 t, d' 
 p, V 
 
 
 t 
 
 lit 
 
 i* 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 r 
 
 rth 
 
 Ir 
 
 Urh 
 
 Ir 
 
 
 
 lU^ 
 
 1 
 
 rr 
 
 rrh, rh 
 
 IT 
 
 
 P 
 
 r P 
 
 rl 
 
 rU 
 
 rl 
 
 
 g 
 
 I [gtlijj 
 
 i^' 
 
 nl 
 nr 
 
 nil 
 nrh 
 
 nl 
 nr 
 
 Irish mutation, such as that of c into ch, or h 
 into hh (pronounced »), is commonly called aspira- 
 tion, and that whereby nt becomes t, or 7id nn, has 
 been more happily called eclipsis, while our own 
 grammarians have managed to include the Welsh 
 changes corresponding to both sets and others not 
 usual in Irish in the following triad : — 
 
 Radical. 
 
 Middle. 
 
 Nasal. 
 
 Aspirate. 
 
 c 
 
 g 
 
 ngh 
 
 ch 
 
 t 
 
 d 
 
 nh 
 
 th 
 
 P 
 
 b 
 
 mh 
 
 ph 
 
 g 
 
 
 Kg 
 
 
 d 
 
 dd 
 
 n 
 
 
 b 
 
 f 
 
 m 
 
 
 11; 
 
 • 1 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 f 
 
 
 
 rh 
 
 r 
 
 
 
LECTUKE n. 
 
 39 
 
 This neat little scheme is fairly accurate in an 
 etymological sense, but it has not unfrequently 
 been assumed to have a phonological value, which 
 leads to mistakes, such as, for instance, the sup- 
 position that II is related to I in the same way as 
 t to d, and not as th to dd or nearly so. For our 
 present purpose the Welsh consonants may be 
 classified as follows : * — 
 
 Oral Coksonahts. 
 
 Nasal Consonants. 
 
 Mutes. 
 
 Spirants. ' ' 
 
 Spirants. 
 
 Surds. 
 
 SoDants. 
 
 Surds. 
 
 Sonants. 
 
 Surds. 
 
 Sonants. 
 
 
 
 t 
 P 
 
 g 
 
 d 
 b 
 
 ch 
 th 
 
 ph or £f 
 11 
 rh 
 
 B 
 
 h 
 
 dd 
 
 f 
 
 1 
 
 r 
 
 It 
 mh 
 
 n 
 m 
 
 Here there are two things which require to be 
 clearly realised : the first is the difference between 
 a mute (otherwise called a stopped or explodent 
 consonant) and a spirant (otherwise called a pro- 
 duced or fricative consonant). Compare, for in- 
 stance, p and b with ph and v: in the former 
 two the breath is suddenly checked and stopped 
 by the lips being brought into contact with one 
 another, while in the latter two there is no com- 
 
 * Do rh, ngh, nh, mh consist of single consonants, or are they made 
 up of surd r, ng, n, m plus h, is a question I leave undecided ; the 
 latter view seems to suit Welsh phonology somewhat better than 
 the other. 
 
40 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 plete stoppage of it, since it is, so to say, allowed 
 to squeeze through without interruption. The 
 next is the distinction between surds (otherwise 
 called voiceless or pneumatic consonants) and 
 sonants (otherwise called voiced or phonetic con- 
 sonants), as, for instance, between p and 5, or 
 between ph and v : thus p and ph in the Celtic 
 languages imply simple breath, while h and v in- 
 volve not mere breath, but voice, which the former 
 produces by setting the vocal chords in vibration 
 during its passage through the larynx. It is 
 hardly necessary to state, in so many words, that 
 the vowels are both sonant and spirant, as they 
 are in fact almost pure voice more or less modified 
 in its passage through the mouth or nose. 
 
 Now one of the causes which bring about 
 changes in language is the tendency, ever quietly 
 asserting itself, to economise the labour of pronun- 
 ciation, and it is heterogeneous sounds brought 
 into immediate contact with one another, mutes 
 with spirants, or surds with sonants, that 
 form the hollows to be filled and the hills and 
 mountains to be lowered by the unreasoning lazi- 
 ness of speech : this levelling process is com- 
 monly called assimilation. 
 
 Let us now see how it will enable us to under- 
 stand the mutations of consonants in Welsh and 
 Irish : — Old Welsh ahal, ' an apple,' and aper^ ' a 
 
LECTURE II. 41 
 
 confluence, a stream,' became in later "Welsh afal 
 and aher respectively ; and why ? In ahal the h 
 was flanked by vowels, that is, a sonant mute by 
 sonant spirants ; and here both Welsh and Irish 
 took the same path, and reduced the mute into a 
 spirant, making aha into ava, written in Welsh 
 afa : in the latter we have a surd mute between 
 sonant spirants ; and as language proceeds by 
 degrees, and not by leaps or strides, it had the 
 choice of two courses, and only two : — it might 
 either reduce the surd mute into a sonant mute, 
 thus making aper into aher, or reduce it into a 
 surd spirant, which would give us apher. The 
 former has become the rule in Welsh and the 
 latter in Irish. But Irish in its later stages in- 
 dulges also in the Welsh mutation : thus such Old 
 Irish words as cet, ' hundred,' and cdic, ' five,' 
 are now c^ad and cuiff ; and so in other in- 
 stances where Old Irish c, t, (j>?) stood for no, 
 nt, (mp?). 
 
 Here you may ask how these changes, which 
 seem to have nothing to do with initial conso- 
 nants, have got to be known in Welsh grammar as 
 the mutations of initial consonants, or simply initial 
 mutations. The answer is not far to seek. The 
 action of assimilation in modern Celtic languages 
 is not confined to single words, but in certain cases, 
 which you learned when you were children, and 
 
42 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. j 
 
 which you will find enumerated in elementary 
 books on Welsh grammar, two words are taken 
 together so closely in speaking that, for the pur- 
 poses of phonology, they form as it were one, and 
 not two : thus the initial consonant of the second, 
 assuming it to have one, becomes a quasi-medial, 
 liable to the same changes as an ordinary medial. 
 For instance, though pen (Irish ceann) is head, we 
 say dy ben (Ir. do cheann), ' thy head,' and ei ben 
 (Ir. a cheann), ' his head.' Now these mutations 
 and the like are constantly recurring phenomena 
 in Welsh (and Irish) as now spoken and written, 
 and no writer on our grammar could overlook 
 them ; while to contrast aber with its older form 
 aper seldom occurred to them, and when it did, 
 they only found in the latter an orthographical 
 freak of the ancients ; and their ideas of the com- 
 parative immutability of their mother-tongue led 
 them tacitly to assume that aper was always pro- 
 nounced aber. Thus it was natural that they 
 should have called the changes in question initial 
 mutations, to which they ascribed a syntactical 
 rather than a purely phonetic origin. 
 
 That our grammarians, however, are not the 
 only class of writers who have failed to acquire 
 a correct idea of this kind of mutation, is 
 proved by the fact that it is the custom of 
 philologists to speak of it as though it were a 
 
LECTUEK II. 43 
 
 property only of consonants flanked by vowels, or, 
 as they briefly term them, vowel-flanked conso- 
 nants — a description which would lead one to ex- 
 pect that the change could not go on when the 
 consonants are final, or come in contact with the 
 liquids I and r. Now it is remarkable that these 
 last are present in all the earliest attested cases 
 of this mutation, namely, in the following words 
 from the Oxford and Cambridge Glosses, together 
 with the Luxembourg Folio : — Dadl (for datl), 
 " concio," cedlinau (for cetlinau), ' to pursue,' 
 scribl (for scrip I), " scripulus," maurdluithruim 
 (for Tnaurtluitkruim), " multo vecte," ardren 
 (for artren), " pr^pugnis," riglion (for riclion), 
 "garrulis," cedlestneuiom (for cetlestneuiom), 
 " tabe." Thus the mutation in contact with one 
 of the liquids is the only kind known in the 
 earliest specimens of Old "Welsh : between vowels 
 it only began towards the close of that period in 
 the history of the language. The import of this 
 fact, translated into phonology, seems to be that 
 the liquids I and r have a greater power of assimi- 
 lation in Welsh than the vowels have. Suppose I 
 to stand for I or r, and jo for any mute consonant, 
 also a; for any quantity much greater than 1, then 
 you might roughly say that the tendency of the 
 language to reduce — 
 
44 LECTTIEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. 
 
 ][/>]! into l[i5]l = 2x, 
 a[p']\ into a[3]I = 2x — 1, and 
 a[/?]aintoa[5]a= 2x — 2. 
 These equations suggest another, namely, that 
 of a[j»] into a[6] =^ = x - \. Translate 
 this into a chronological form, and it means 
 that final mutes remained proof against muta- 
 tion after medial ones had been subjected to 
 it ; but does this agree with facts ? If you turn 
 to any tolerably well-written specimens of Med. 
 Welsh prose, such as most of the Mabinogion are, 
 you will find that it holds true in the case of c, t, 
 p : in fact, such forms as redec, goruc, dyfot, oet, 
 paraut, continually recur, but final p appears much 
 less frequently in them. Nay, it would seem that 
 traces of this had come down to William Sales- 
 bury's time ; for he says a propos of the letter c : 
 " Also other some there be that sound c as g, in 
 the last termination of a word : example, oc, coc, 
 Hoc : whych be most- commonly read og, cog, Hog " 
 (Ellis' Uarly English Pronunciation, p. 749). 
 This would bring us down into the middle of the 
 16th century. As to g, d, b, and m, they had 
 long before undergone the mutation in question, 
 whence it may be inferred that their power of 
 resistance was less than that of c, t, p. Thus 
 , it would seem that to achieve the nine mutations 
 forming the column headed ' Middle ' in the 
 
LECTURE II. 45 
 
 grammarians' table, it took the language at least 
 eight centuries. Strictly speaking, the process is 
 not yet complete ; for, in the Gwentian dialect, 
 Old Welsh t medial might be said to be still t, 
 as in oti {= ydyw), 'is,' ffetog (=: arphedog), 
 *an apron,' gatel (= gadael), 'to leave,' retws 
 (= rhedodd), ' ran,' and innumerable others, But 
 even here it cannot be said that no move has been 
 made towards the complete reduction of t into d ; 
 for the Grwentian t in the above words and the like 
 is not our ordinary t, but a t somewhat softened 
 towards d, a variety which I think I have also 
 heard from English peasants in Cheshire. So that, 
 after all, the Gwentian can only, be said to have 
 lagged behind the other dialects. This case, how- 
 ever is instructive as casting some light 'on the 
 question how t comes to be mutated, into d. Thus it 
 appears that Welsh t and d are only termini, between 
 which an indefinite number of stages have been gone 
 through, somewhat in the following order :— t, ti^ 
 
 hj '3> • • • • 'n-lj ^ni ^ ^ni ®n-l> ■ • • • "3, <^j ^fj, a. 
 
 The varieties from t to t^-i inclusive would be 
 written if by a person writing from dictation, while 
 those from (4-i to c? would be written d: as to t„ 
 and d^, he would hesitate between t and d; and 
 this no doubt is one reason why t and d were con- 
 founded in Med. Welsh, and even indifferently 
 written by the same persons in the same words. 
 
46 LECTTJEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 The same remarks, of course, apply to the other 
 surd mutes. It is needless to observe that this 
 kind of confusion could hardly have arisen had c, 
 t, p, been mutated into g, d, b, without any inter- 
 mediate steps. The view here advanced has, more- 
 over, the advantage of being in perfect keeping with 
 one of the most sacred dogmas of modern philology, 
 that all changes in language proceed by degrees. 
 
 By way of analogies in other languages, it will 
 be worth the while to mention just a sufficient 
 number of instances to show that mutation, in the 
 sense it has in Welsh grammar, is not peculiar to 
 our family of languages. In the first place, it may 
 be pointed out that in Sanskrit dsit + rdjd and 
 samyak + uktam become en phrase : dsid rdjd or 
 dsidrdjd, " erat rex," and samyaguktam, ' well said ; ' 
 and so whenever a surd comes before an initial 
 sonant. In the interval between Latin and writ- 
 ten Spanish, mutation has regularly proceeded one 
 step, as in pueblo and trinidad from the Latin 
 populum and trinitatem : but, since the present 
 orthography, that is as far as concerns the conson- 
 ants, was established, it seems to have taken an- 
 other, as pueblo is pronounced with b like a labial v, 
 and trinidad with d as soft as our dd. Lastly, 
 Italian, according to Prince L.-L. Bonaparte,* dis- 
 
 * My attention was first called to this coincidence by a mention 
 in Ellia' Early English Pronunciation of Prince L.-L. Bonaparte's dis- 
 covery, which he has briefly given in his preface to II Vangdo di S. 
 
LECTURE II. 47 
 
 tinguislies a strong and a weak pronunciation of 
 the consonants, which are distributed in very much 
 the same way as the radical and reduced conson- 
 ants of Welsh, which we have been discussing. 
 So, in this respect, the pronunciation of Italian is 
 now in the same state as that of Welsh must have 
 been just before it had reduced c to ff, and so on. 
 Nor is this all : some of the Italian dialects have 
 gone as far as Welsh in this path of phonetic 
 decay, or even outstripped it. The most remark- 
 able is that of Sassari, in the island of Sardinia, 
 where, for instance, one says lu gori for Italian il 
 more — Welsh y galon, ' the heart ' (radical, cori, 
 calon) ; la derra for Ital. la terra — Welsh i dir, ' to 
 land ' (radical, terra, tir) ; and lu bobbulu for Ital. 
 il popolo — Welsh y bobl, ' the people ' (radical, 
 pobbulu, pobl) : a similar change takes place in the 
 case of radical g, d, b, s. 
 
 The second group of our mutations consists of 
 the reduction of yc, nt, mp into <yy^, nnh, mmk, 
 and of lyg, nd, mh into yy, nn, mm, respectively. 
 Let us begin with the latter three : in Mod. 
 Welsh they are written ng, nn (or n), mm (or m), 
 
 Matteo vdgarizzato in Dicdetto Sardo Sassarese dal Can. O. Spano 
 (London, 1866). The book is not easy to procure, and I am in- 
 debted to the Prince's kindness for a copy of it. Since then I have 
 incurred a similar obligation to Dr. Hugo Schuchardt of Halle, who 
 has written an elaborate article on the subject in the Romania. 
 There he discusses the consonants and their mutations much in the 
 same way as I have attempted in this lecture. 
 
48 LECTUBES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 and so- in Mod. Irish, excepting that, when a 
 quasi-medial is concerned, nn, mm, are represented 
 by n-d, m-b, in which the ofand b are not intended 
 to be heard. Thus it is hardly necessary to re- 
 mark that the assimilation is the same in both 
 languages ; however, it seems to have been neither 
 very common in 0. Irish, nor so inexorably carried 
 out in the subsequent stages of the language as in 
 Welsh, where we find it an all but accomplished 
 fact in our earliest manuscripts. One of the 
 latest Welsh instances of a medial complex ap- 
 parently free from its influence occurs in the 
 name Vendumagl-i on a stone inscribed in mixed 
 Eomano-British and Hiberno- Saxon characters of 
 the 6th, or more probably of the 7th, century: 
 later this name appears in the form Gwen- 
 fael. To this I will add two or three instances 
 more, which will suffice to convince you that what 
 we are discussing is more familiar to you than 
 you have, perhaps, anticipated : — annaearol, ' un- 
 earthly,' for an + daearol, ' earthly ; ' canm/ll 
 (pron. cannim/lT), 'a candle,' from Lat. candela; 
 am (pron. amm), ' about,' Ir. imm, im, represented 
 in 0. Gaulish by ambi, and in Greek by dfi(f)l ; 
 cam (pron. camm), 'crooked,' Ir. camm, cam, for 
 camb — as in the 0. Gaulish Cambodunum. The 
 same thing also happens when the mute is a 
 quasi-medial, as, for example, after the proclitic 
 
LECTURE II. 49 
 
 preposition yw, 'in,' as when we say yw Nimhych, 
 ' in Denbigh,' yn ninas Dafydd, ' in the city of 
 David,' for yn + Dimbych and yn + dinas : so in 
 other cases too numerous to mention. 
 
 To return to the other three, they are, after 
 undergoing eclipsis, as Irish grammarians call 
 it, written in Mod. Welsh ngh, nnh, mmk, which 
 imply a process that requires some explanation. 
 The veteran phonologist, Mr. Alexander J. Ellis, 
 who has written extensively and elaborately on 
 Early English Pronunciation, considers that the 
 n in the English word tent is partially assimilated 
 to the following mute, and that it becomes a surd 
 which he would write nh: thus he would repre- 
 sent tent as pronounced tennht, and similarly 
 tempt, sink, as temmht, siqqhk — his q means the 
 sound of ny in sing, for which I have made use of 
 y. It is hardly probable, however, that any ordi- 
 nary orthography would take cognizance of the 
 difference between surd and sonant nasals in the 
 positions here indicated, and I am inclined to 
 think that the Welsh of old who wrote hanther, 
 now hanner, 'half,' and pimphet, now pummed, 
 ' fifth,' meant something more than this. As the 
 spirants th, ph, are out of the question, it is not 
 improbable that nth, mph, were intended to be 
 pronounced nkt^h, mhp^h, that is, the complexes 
 nt, mp, were to be aspirated, which we may express 
 
 D 
 
50 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 by -writing them [nt'jk, [mp'Jk, respectively. So 
 far Irish may possibly have proceeded on the 
 same course as Welsh, but no further; for the 
 next step it takes is to allow the nasal, whether it 
 was surd or sonant, to disappear, leaving the pre- 
 ceding vowel in certain cases — possibly only when 
 it had the tone — lengthened to preserve the quan- 
 tity of the syllable. Thus it converts such a form 
 as dent into ddt, ' a tooth,' that is del, for the 
 Irish use the acute accent to indicate quantity. 
 Now det is in Welsh dant, which is free from the 
 eclipsis, but not so its derivative dannheddog, 
 ' toothed.' Here not only has nt become \nt\h, 
 but the nasal which began to be assimilated by 
 the oral consonant eventually vanquished the 
 latter and completely assimilated it to itself in 
 its altered condition, so that for \nt\h we get 
 \nn\h^ that is, in our ordinary orthography, nnh. 
 Other instances, such as tymmhor, ' a season,' 
 plural tymmkorau, from the Latin tempus, tem- 
 por-is, and annheilwng, ' unworthy,' for an + 
 teilwng, ' worthy,' are so common that I need not 
 mention more of them ; nor is it requisite to dwell 
 on the similar eclipsis of quasi-medial c, t, p, as, 
 for instance, in yn nghwsg (pron. y'nghwsg), 
 ' asleep,' yn Nhynyn, ' at Towyn,' for yn + cwsg 
 and yn + Tywyn. But why, to revert to one of 
 the instances just mentioned, should tymmhor, 
 which seems to have been preceded by tylmplhor 
 
LECTUKE II. 51 
 
 or tymkp'hor, for Latin tempor-, have taken the 
 place of that form ? that is, why should p'h have 
 yielded its place to mh ? Here, as before, the 
 answer must be sought in the tendency of lan- 
 guage to lessen by assimilation the labour of 
 utterance. Thus, in the case before ns, the jo'A 
 (oral, mute, surd) standfe between mh (nasal, 
 spirant, surd) and the vowel o (oral, spirant, 
 sonant) : so it seems perfectly intelligible that 
 the language, proceeding by degrees, should 
 replace ph by a surd spirant ; but that would 
 leave us in the dilemma of having to decide be- 
 tween the nasal spirant, mh and the oral spirant 
 ph (== ff), that is, between tymmhor and tymphor. 
 This, however, an unerring instinct does for us in 
 favour oi tymmhor * the reason probably being, that, 
 as we have already seen in another case, the assimi- 
 lative power of a consonant is greater than that of 
 a vowel, that is, in this instance, of m than of o. 
 
 Thus far we have traced <yc, nt, mp, through two 
 stages of modification : sometimes, however, the 
 language goes a step or two further, and in cer- 
 
 * Substitute for the vowel I or r, and the reTerse takes place, 
 the oral consonants having, it would seem, more assimilative force 
 than the nasal. The instances are not very numerous — I may 
 mention cetkr, ' a nail, a spike,' for centhr, Breton Jeentr, borrowed 
 from the Latin centrum, and cathl, ' a song,' for canthl, whence the 
 0. Welsh cenihliat, " canorus ; " the gloss occurs in the Juvencus 
 Codex on the words Dauida canorum, and would now be cethliad: 
 the disappearance of the nasal is a later step, which has nothing to 
 do with the assimilation in question. 
 
62 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. 
 
 tain cases even confounds the representatives of 
 these complexes with those of 7^, nd, mb : — (1.) 
 In Mod. Welsh we find it difficult to double a 
 consonant not immediately following the tone- 
 vowel, consequently such words as dannheddog and 
 annheilwng become danheddog and anheilwng in 
 pronunciation. Similarly we neither speak nor 
 write fyn nhad, fym mhen, but always fy nhad, 
 'my father,' fy mhen, 'my head,' for fyn + tad 
 and fyn + pen, the possessive pronoun being a 
 proclitic, which never has the tone. It must, by 
 the way, be explained, that although in book 
 Welsh the word is written fy, even before vowels, 
 as in_^ enw, ' my name,' liable to become in North 
 Wales y^MW, and so in other cases, the old form 
 of it was min, which is still duly represented in 
 South Wales hj fyn — in North Cardiganshire it 
 sometimes becomes fyng, like pring for prin, 
 ' scarce ' — as va.fyn enw, ' my name,'_/y?j oen, ' my 
 \&,mb,^ fyn arian, ' my money,' and the like : it is 
 this full iorvafyn that must be considered in the 
 eclipsis. Add. to the foregoing the case of r^g, nd, 
 mb, which is similar. Thus we say fy nydd, ' my 
 da,y,,^fy mramd, 'my brother,' ^at fyn nydd, fym, 
 mramd, ioxfyn + dydd&ndifym + brawd: similarly, 
 we say saith mlynedd, ' seven years,' for saitKn 
 + blynedd, Irish seacht m-bliadhna (pron. seacht 
 mliadhnd) ; for saith is one of our numerals which 
 originally ended in n, matched in Latin by the m 
 
lECTUEE II. 53 
 
 of septem, novem, decern ; and such a phrase as saith 
 rdynedd is an interesting instance of a fact re- 
 maining long after one of its factors is clean gone. 
 Occasionally the nasal is also simplified when it 
 happens to be medial, as in ymenyn, 'butter,' for 
 which one might have expected ymmenyn for ymb- 
 en-yn : the Breton forms are amanenn, amann, 
 and the Irish imb, imm, im, all from the root 
 AKGV, whence also Lat. unguo, ' I smear or be- 
 smear,' AUemanic anko, ancho, ' butter.' 
 
 (2.) The surd is liable to become a sonant unless 
 it comes immediately before the tone- vowel : thus 
 such words as dnghlod, ' disrepute,' dmmkeu, ' to 
 doubt,' tymmkor, ' a season,' are sometimes pro- 
 nounced dnylod, dmmeu, tymmor ; that is, a second 
 process of assimilation has taken place in them ; 
 but it is prevented by the position of the tone in 
 ammMuaeth, ' doubt,' and tymmhorau, ' seasons.' 
 .In words such as the following no trace of the 
 surd is to be found : — cdnnoedd, ' hundreds,' ddn- 
 nedd, 'teeth,' which is followed by the North- 
 walian pronunciation of dannMddog as daniddog, 
 tdnnau, ' chords,' trSngu, ' to expire,' from trangc, 
 ' death,' and many others. As to such words as 
 ugain, ' twenty,' and drjan, ' money,' for ugaint 
 and arjant, they seem to be instances of the retreat 
 of the accent from the ultima to the penultima, 
 accompanied by the reduction and the simplifica- 
 tion of the nasal : a similar remark would seem to 
 
54 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 apply to the colloquial form of the third person 
 plural of verbs, as when ydynt, ' sunt,' clywsant, 
 ' audiverunt,' rhedent, ' currehant,' are made into 
 ydyn, clymson, rheden, a pronunciation which no 
 one would, however, use when reading in public. 
 The case of the woTdyminnydd, ' brain,' is different 
 and somewhat exceptional : as the Breton is em- 
 penn, and the Irish inchinn, genit. inchinne (com- 
 pare the Greek iyKecpaXo^) , we might expect it to 
 be in Welsh ymmhennydd or ymhennydd for yn~ 
 penn-ydd. The explanation would seem to be that 
 the word was formerly accented ymennydd. 
 
 It has already been hinted that y, rf, h, have less 
 power of resistance than <?, #, p : this is confirmed 
 by the history of the modifications we are now 
 discussing. Thus, while the eclipsis has in the 
 case of the former three been approximately as- 
 cribed to the 7th century, few instances of its 
 affecting the latter are to be found in the range of 
 0. Welsh, but as we pass on to Mod. Welsh we 
 find it far from unusual in a manuscript which 
 Aneuriu Owen supposed to be of the 12th cen- 
 tury. I allude to the Venedotian version of the 
 Laws of Wales. Later, in the Mabinogion, we 
 have such forms as cyghor (pron. cy^yhor), 'counsel, 
 council,' amherawdyr, ' emperor,' from Lat. im- 
 perator, side by side with ympen, 'in the head,' 
 ygkairllion, ' at Caerleon,' which are now pronounced 
 ymhenn and y^haerlUon ; and so in other cases. In 
 
LECTURE IT. 55 
 
 instances of this kind a disinclination to obscure 
 what may be called the dictionary form of words 
 must be regarded as having for a time stemmed 
 the current of phonetic decay. Still later Sales- 
 bury is found indulging in such combinations as 
 yn-pell, ' far,' and yn-carchar, ' in prison ; ' but 
 according to his own account the mutes following 
 ■n were dead letters, which he only meant to appeal 
 to the eye : it is easier to forgive him this than 
 such freaks of fancy as vy-tat, vy-bot^ for vy nhat, 
 ' my father,' and vy mot, ' my being,' which do 
 much to detract from the phonological value of his 
 writings. Perhaps one of the last conquests which 
 eclipsis has made in Welsh occurs in our colloquial 
 ynkwy, ynkm, nkw, for the written A/vyntAwy, that 
 is, Awynt-Awy, ' they.' For I need hardly say that 
 one or more words have already been cited which 
 may have reminded you that those conquests have 
 hitherto not been complete ; — whether that would 
 continue to apply to them, supposing the language 
 to live long enough, is a question which it would 
 not be easy now to answer. In the first part of 
 this lecture it was noticed that the reduction of 
 a[j»]a into a[5]a took place earlier than that of 
 a[jo] into a[^] : the parallels to these in the case 
 of eclipsis are the reduction of m&lp7i]a into 
 mklmk^a and that of mAlp'A'] into mA['mA'], that is 
 in pronunciation, as this concerns a final conson- 
 ant, mm, now commonly written m. Now it is 
 
56 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. 
 
 mainly words which come under this formula that 
 have successfully resisted eclipsis, such, for instance, 
 as the following : — dant, ' a tooth,' plural dannedd; 
 hynt, 'a journey,' 0. Ir. sit; 'pump, 'five,' 0. Ir. 
 coic ; tant, ' a chord,' plural tannau, 0. Ir. tdt, Mod. 
 Ir, teud; meddiant, ' possession,' plural meddian- 
 nau. To these may be added cant, ' a hundred,' 
 plural cannoedd, 0. Ir. cet, Mod. cdad, which forms 
 a sort of compromise between the rule and the 
 exception ; for we saj pedwar cant, ' four hundred,' 
 but can (pron. cann) erw, ' a hundred acres,' and 
 can.ych, 'a hundred oxen.' 
 
 Now that the ground which this part of our 
 inquiry should cover has been rapidly run over, it 
 may be added that there is nothing in eclipsis 
 which may be regarded as peculiar to the Celtic 
 languages ; but I will only cite from other languages 
 just a sufficient number of analogous instances to 
 indicate some of the quarters where more may be 
 found, (a.) You may have wondered how such 
 English words as the following, now pronounced 
 dumm, lamm, clime, came to be written dumb, land), 
 climb: the answer of course is that the b in them 
 was formerly pronounced, and that this is merely a 
 case of the spelling lagging behind the pronuncia- 
 tion — littera scripta manet. To this class of words 
 may be added the modern rcoodbine, which at an 
 earlier stage of the language was written wudubind; 
 
LECTURE II. 57 
 
 and, to come down to our own daj'^, all of you have 
 heard London called Lunnun. Beyond the Tweed 
 this and more of the kind may be considered 
 classic : witness the following stanza from Burns' 
 Five Carlins ! — 
 
 " Then neist came in a sodger youth, 
 And spak wi' modest grace, 
 An' he wad gae to Lon'on town 
 If sae their pleasure was. " 
 
 Here may also be mentioned, that there are 
 German dialects which habitually use kinner, 
 wunner, mermen, unner, branmvm, for the book- 
 forms kinder, wunder, wenden, unter, branntmein. 
 Similarly in 0. Norse bann and lann are found for 
 band and land, not to mention the common reduc- 
 tion of 7^ into nn as in finna, ' to find,' annar, 
 'other' (German under), munnr, 'mouth' (Ger. 
 mund) , and the like. (b. ) Diez in his grammar of the 
 Romance languages supplies a variety of instances 
 in point, such as the following : — Siciii&n, abbunnari, 
 ' abbundare,' accenniri, ' accendere ; ' Neapolitan, 
 chiommo, 'plumbum,' munno, 'mundus.' And it 
 is perhaps by assimilation that nd, nt final have 
 become n in Provencal, as in gran, ' grandis,' joreow, 
 ' profundus,' fron, ' frons, frontis,' den, ' dens, 
 dentis,' Si.ni joven, 'juventus.' (c.) So far I have 
 failed to discover an exact parallel to the Welsh 
 eclipsis of c, t,p, leaving the nasals in a su^d state 
 as in our stock instance tymmhor from tempus. 
 
58 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 temporis ; but this is probably to be attributed to 
 my very limited acquaintance with the exact 
 pronunciation of other languages. It would not, 
 however, be altogether irrelevant here to mention 
 Mr. Ellis' account of the sound of n, for instance, 
 in the word tent, which he regards as pronounced 
 tenht or tennht, and to add that he further finds 
 that in Icelandic n coming after ^ or ^ is also made 
 into nh, as in vatn, ' water,' regin, ' rain,' pro- 
 nounced vatnA and regknh respectively. Now there 
 can be no doubt that at one time English kn also 
 was, provincially or generally, pronounced knh; for 
 when the k ceased to be heard in such words as 
 knave, knee, know, the nh still remained, a point 
 amply proved by Cooper, who published, in 1685, 
 a work entitled Grammatica Linguce Anglicance, 
 from which Mr. Ellis cites no fewer than five 
 passages giving the then English pronunciation of 
 kn as hn. This kn, which we are wont to write 
 nh, and Cooper mentions in company with zh, wh, 
 sh, th, as having no place in the alphabet, found its 
 way into Wales, nor has it to this day quite dis- 
 appeared from our pronunciation of English. When 
 I was a boy, our schoolmasters in Cardiganshire 
 prided themselves on the many things they nhew, 
 and favoured the boys who strove to benefit by 
 their superior nhonledge, but as to the young nhaxes 
 who preferred idling, they had their laziness liter- 
 
LECTURE II. 59 
 
 ally nhocked out of them in no pleasant manner : 
 in fact, there are Welshmen not a few still living 
 who have never lost the nhowledge thus nhocked into 
 them when they were boys. 
 
 The next mutations to be noticed, in the order 
 given in the table we have been following, that is, 
 if we reserve It for a special mention, and omit Ip 
 for want of sure instances, are those of Ic, re, rt, 
 rp, into Ich, rch, rth, rph (or rff), as in the follow- 
 ing words : — golehi, ' to wash,' 0. Irish /olcaim, 
 " humecto,lavo; " march, 'a steed,' whence mwrehog, 
 '■ a knight,' Ir. mareaeh ; nerth, ' strength,' whence 
 nerth/hwr, ' powerful,' 0. Ir. nertmar, Gaul. JS'er- 
 tomarus ; corff, ' a body,' plural cyrff and corffo- 
 roedd, Ir. corp (Lat. corpus, corporis) ; gorpken, 
 ' to finish,' from pen, ' head, end,' with the prefix 
 gor. The formula of the reduction in these words 
 and the like is not that of r\_p']a but of rh\_p'\a 
 into rh\_ph']a, that is, for instance, the Latin corpus 
 was, in Welsh mouths, corhpus, with p (surd, 
 mute) between rh (surd, spirant) and u (sonant, 
 spirant), so that under the combined influence of 
 its two neighbour-sounds it had to be changed into 
 ph (/■), which gives us corff and not corb, as might 
 be expected were corpus to be treated as such and 
 not as corhpus. Even now, if I am not mistaken, 
 the liquids in corff and golehi are not quite the 
 sonants r and I, but rather rh and Ih ; or, perhaps, 
 
60 LECT0EES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 it would be more correct to say that they begin as 
 sonants and end as surds, to be timed ^-^^ and 
 ijwih respectively. Thus following Mr, Ellis' palaao- 
 type representation of tent as tennAt, we might 
 say that these words are pronounced corrhff and 
 gol-lhcki. When the spirants ch, th, ph, began to 
 take the places of the corresponding mutes in the 
 positions here indicated, it would now be hard to 
 say ; however, our earliest specimens, scanty as 
 they are, of 0. Welsh of the 9th century exhibit 
 them on much the same footing in the language 
 then as now. It is true that occasionally c, t, p, 
 are to be met with for ch, th, ph, but that is pro- 
 bably rather the result of carelessness in writing 
 than of any uncertainty in the pronunciation. 
 This phonetic change is not a very common one 
 in European languages ; but we seem to have an 
 implied instance of it in the Sassarese dialect in 
 such words as baj,ca (Ital. barca) and alchi (Ital. 
 archi, with the ch, as usual in Italian, standing for 
 the sound of k) : the present pronunciation is given 
 by Prince L.-L. Bonaparte as hw^Qfo, and a-^, so 
 that the intermediate stage can hardly but have 
 been hab^ and alyi or bar-^a and aryi. 
 
 The next mutations in the table are those of rd, 
 lb, rh, into rdd, If, rf, to which may be added those 
 of Im, rm, into If, rf. They need not be here dwelt 
 upon, as the same explanation applies to them as 
 
LECTURE II. 61 
 
 to vowel-flanked consonants and others mentioned 
 at the outset. But as to Ig, rg, it is to be noticed 
 that even in 0. Welsh they had the sound of Igh, 
 rgh, with gh sounded as the sonant spirant which 
 may sometimes be heard in such German words as 
 liegen, ' to lie,'i and regen, ' rain.' In the Oxford 
 Glosses on Ovid's Art of Love we have this once 
 written gh, namely in helghati, " venare," that is, 
 helgha ti, ' do thou , hunt ; ' but in the Cambridge 
 Glosses on Martianus Capella we have it written ch 
 in the verbal noun in the phrase in helcha, ' in 
 venando/ now.yw hela, ' in hunting :' compare the 
 Irish seilg, ' a hunting, venison.' Probably the 
 sound was the same even where g continued to be 
 written, as in 0. Welsh colginn, ' aristum,' now 
 coli/n, ' a sting.' The next step was to omit the 
 consonant altogether, as in the last-mentioned in- 
 stance, or else to change it into_/ as in kelghati, 
 now helja di ; and in such words as arjan, 'silver,' 
 0. Welsh argant, Breton arc'hant, 0. Ir. argat, 
 now airgead, from Latin argentum, tarjan, ' a shield,' 
 from 0. English targe, genitive targan ; to which 
 may be added proper names in gen, such as 0. 
 Welsh Morgen, TJrbgen, later Morjen, Urjen. 
 
 Next in order come ch, th, ph, for cc, tt, pp re- 
 spectively, as in sack ' a sack, from Latin saccus, 
 saeth ' an arrow,' from sagitta, and cyff ' a stump, 
 trunk, stem,' from cippus. The same thing hap- 
 
62 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 pens iu the case of quasi-medials, as, for instance, 
 when we use ac ' and,' tri ' three,' which stands 
 for an earlier tris, or ei 'her,' which originally 
 also ended in s, as in the following examples : — 
 ci a chath ' a dog and a cat,' for ci ac + cath; ty a 
 than ' house and fire,' for ty at + tan = ti/ ac + tan ; 
 tri phen ' three heads,' for trip + pen = tris + 
 pen ; ei Must ' her ear,' for eic + dust = eis + 
 dust ; whereas ' his ear ' would be ei glust, because 
 ei masculine originally ended in a vowel — the 
 Sanskrit for ejus is asya ' his,' asyds ' her.' This 
 mutation, so common in Welsh, to which I have 
 hitherto failed to find a parallel elsewhere, is pro- 
 bably to be explained as follows : — Take for instance 
 the Latin word cippus, which the Welsh borrowed 
 into their own language. Here the vowels i and u 
 are separated by two /»'s, whereof the one is implo- 
 sive, or formed when the lips are brought together, 
 and the other explosive, or formed when the con- 
 tact ceases. Now the assimilative force of the 
 vowels would tend to reduce the word to cibbus or 
 cipkphUs. But the double consonant generally also 
 implies a more violent ejection of air from the 
 lungs than is usual in the case of a single one, a 
 circumstance which is directly antagonistic to any 
 reduction in the direction of jo to 6 ; so dbbus is 
 ruled out of the field. Of course, in the case of 
 our supposed form dphphus, the two ph's being 
 
LECTURE II. 63 
 
 continuous sounds, could not fail to merge them- 
 selves into one, that is to say, if they were not to 
 be so regarded from the first. In either case the 
 result would be cipkus or ciffus, whence our cyff. 
 Then as to the time when this mutation became 
 the rule, that may be determined between certain 
 wide limits. It is an accomplished fact in the 
 9th century, whereas about the middle of the 
 6th century a Continental writer speaks of our 
 crwth as " chrotta Britanna." So it may be 
 ascribed to the 7th or the 8th century, proba- 
 bly the former, for which our inscriptional evi- 
 dence seems to make: an Anglesey tombstone bears 
 the name Decceti, while another, in Devonshire, in 
 letters tending to the Hiberno- Saxon style, gives 
 it the form Decketi. Still more instructive is an 
 inscription from Carmarthenshire which mentions 
 a man called Lunarlc^hi Cocci, in letters which 
 can hardly be earlier than the middle of the 6th 
 century. This last clearly shows that re had be- 
 come rch before cc had yielded ch as in coch ' red,' 
 the modern representative of cocc-i ; a fact which 
 is quite in harmony with what has already been 
 said as to the relative force of vowels and con- 
 sonants for assimilation. 
 
 The transition of such a word as cippus into 
 aphpkus or ciphph would lead one to expect fruc- 
 tus to have become in Welsh, in the first instance, 
 
64 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 fruchthus or fruchth, but we have no evidence 
 whatever for such a form. In the earliest 0. 
 Welsh we have ith in the place of chth, and, ac- 
 cordingly, /rz^zi^A, now ffrwyth, ' fruit,' for fructus; 
 and so in native words, such as wytk, ' eight,' for 
 oct, Ir. oeht, Lat. octo ; rhaith, ' law,' for reet-, Ir. 
 reckt, Lat. rectum, Eng. riffkt. Did cktk become 
 ith without any intermediate stage of pronuncia- 
 tion ? That is hardly probable, and the next 
 thing is to suppose the steps to have been ct, ckth, 
 ghth, ith, or rather ct, cht, chth, ghth, ith, as the 
 Irish equivalent is still written cM, though the 
 pronunciation, it is true, approaches chth or chtth. 
 And it is not improbable that cht dates from the 
 period of Goidelo-Kymric unity, if not earlier; and 
 it is to be noticed that, as ht, cht, or ght, it is com- 
 mon to the Teutonic languages, where it would 
 accordingly seem to date before their separation 
 from one another : take for instance the English 
 word might, formerly written meaht, miht, G-er. 
 macht, Gothic mahts. Then, in the next place, 
 as to the transition of cht into chth, it is just what 
 the analogy oi rth, rch, for rt, re, would lead one 
 to expect in Welsh ; but a more questionable step 
 is the softening, here supposed, of chth into ghth. 
 However, the pronunciation offers no difficulty, as 
 it is easy to begin the gh as a sonant spirant and 
 to finish the th as a surd one ; in point of assimi- 
 
LECTUEE 11. 65 
 
 lation, such a syllable as acht offers in its ch a 
 compromise between the a and the t. Moreover, 
 English orthography seems to have registered an 
 analogous process in such words as night, which 
 was formerly written neaht, naht, niht, then nigt 
 and night. The gh was sounded in English in 
 William Salesbury's time, who describes it as 
 softer than Welsh ch, but otherwise of the same 
 character. The change of spelling from h to gh 
 was preparatory in some of the instances to its 
 ceasing altogether to have the power of a conso- 
 nant, which happened with the same result as in 
 Welsh. Take again the word night with its short 
 i (as in pin) lengthened eventually at the expense 
 of the gh into I (as in Welsh, or ee in the English 
 beech) — the subsequent diphthongisation of that I 
 into the ei of our own day, which permits our 
 writing night in Welsh spelling as Tieit, does not 
 concern us here — and compare the Welsh word 
 hrlth, feminine braith, ' spotted, party-coloured ; ' 
 brith stands for a much earlier brlct, which may 
 be supposed to have successively become bricht, 
 brichth, brighth, brith; while the feminine stands 
 for brictd, which would have to pass through the 
 stages brichta, brechtha, breghtha, breith, on its 
 way to our present Welsh braith. The presence 
 of an i for the first consonant in the combination 
 in question is common to Welsh with French, as 
 
66 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 in the Old Welsh fruith, now ffrnyth, French, 
 fruit, and so in other instances, a coincidence 
 which the advocates of the Gallo-British theory 
 should make the best of ; but as words borrowed 
 into Welsh from Latin follow the same rule in 
 this as native ones, it is probable that chth, ghth, 
 date after the Eomans came to our shores, and the 
 only inscription bearing on this point seems to 
 favour that supposition, as far at least as con- 
 cerns ghth. It comes from Pembrokeshire, and is 
 in letters which may, perhaps, be assigned to the 
 latter part of the 6th century: they can hardly 
 be much earlier. The reading seems to be Nog- 
 tivis Fill Demeti ; the Ogam differs, but it cer- 
 tainly begins with nogt, which I take to mean 
 noghth rather than nogkt, as I fail to see how the 
 latter form could have arisen : noghth would be the 
 prototype of one of the words which have the. 
 form noeth in Mod. Welsh ; that is to say, noeth, 
 ' naked,' Ir. nocht, and noeth, ' night,' as in he- 
 noeth, ' to-night,' Mod. Ir. anocht. By gk is here 
 meant the same sound which yielded 7 in helja and 
 Morjen already mentioned, and which, as the con- 
 tinuator of g followed by I, r, or n, is replaced in 
 Mod. Welsh by the vowel e in such words as Mael 
 for 0. Welsh mail = magi, as in Grildas' Maglo- 
 cuni, aer, ' a battle,' 0. Welsh, air = agr-, of the 
 same origin as the Greek aypa, 'a catching, hunt- 
 
LECTUKE II. 67 
 
 ing, the chase,' and oen, ' a lamb,' 0. Welsh, oin = 
 ogn-, of the same origin as Latin agnus. Irish is 
 satisfied with merely lengthening the vowels by- 
 way of compensation, so that the foregoing words 
 assume in that language the form Mdl, dr^ and 
 uan = on. These guesses, which cannot seem less 
 satisfactory to you than they do to me, would look 
 incomplete without a mention of pi; but as pt is 
 supposed to have been changed at a very early date 
 into ct, it has no history of its own. Thus our 
 saitk, ' seven,' formerly seitk, is regarded as the 
 direct representative of a Goidelo-Kymric seckt or 
 sect for an Aryan saptan, which is rendered pro- 
 bable by the Irish form, which is now .seacht, 
 formerly secM. And it is worthy of notice that 
 the only Latin loan-word with pt has been treated 
 in Welsh differently from those with ct : I allude 
 to pregetk, ' a sermon,' from. prceceptttm, 'a maxim, 
 rule, injunction, doctrine ' — compare also TrAipki, 
 ' Egypt,' for 'H A'lyvTrTo<}. 
 
 We have not yet done with the table we set out 
 with : there still remain the items in Italics. 
 Instances have been noticed of the reduction of c, 
 t, p, into g, d, 6, but" now we have to deal with 
 changes which seem to take the other direction, as 
 when gg becomes cc and the like : this kind of 
 mutation may, in default of a more appropriate 
 term, be called provection. But when c, for 
 
68 LECTUBES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 instance, is reduced in. Welsh to g, we know that 
 to be an instance of assimilation tending to lighten 
 the labour of articulation; however, it is not to 
 be assumed that provection is a kind of dissimila- 
 tion to increase it. Let us begin with the more 
 palpable cases in point : what makes it so difficult 
 to teach a Welshman not to make the English 
 words hag, pod, tiib, into back, pot, tup, or to get an 
 Englishman to pronounce the word eisteddfod cor- 
 rectly as eistehvod, and not as eistethphod? It cannot 
 be that pod is made into pot because the o is fol- 
 lowed by a mute or a stopped consonant, for t and 
 d are the same in that respect ; and in the other 
 case th and dd are both spirants or continued con- 
 sonants. Thus it is clear that these changes do not 
 depend on any of the qualities serving as a basis 
 for the classification of consonants into mutes and 
 spirants into surds and sonants. Another glance 
 at the table will show that, when provection takes 
 place, more consonants than one are concerned. 
 Now it happens almost uniformly in Welsh, that 
 when an accented vowel is followed by a combina- 
 tion of consonants, it has a closed pronunciation, 
 which implies a hasty and forced ejection of air 
 from the lungs. This high pressure, so to say, is 
 not favourable to the pronunciation of such con- 
 sonants as g, d, b, dd,f, as they require the organs 
 of speech to be brought together much more gently 
 
LECTUBE II. 69 
 
 and slowly than in the case of the corresponding 
 snrds. Hence it is clear that when a Welshman 
 makes hag into hack, or an Englishman eisteddfod 
 into eistethphod, these are cases of assimilation 
 based on a third principle, the force of the vowels, 
 and, in the instances before us, the assimilation 
 distinctly amounts to the substitution of an easier 
 for a harder pronunciation. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to state that the use made 
 of provection is only sporadic in Welsh as com- 
 pared with the other kinds of assimilation and 
 their far-reaching effects on the words of the 
 language. In Irish, however, it plays a con- 
 siderably more important part, whence another 
 divergence between the two languages, especially 
 in words which, in 0. Welsh and 0. Irish, con- 
 tained the combinations lb, rb, rd, seeing that in 
 later Welsh they are If, rf rdd, and in Irish lb, rb, 
 rd, or even Ip, rp, rt. Thus the 0. Welsh gilbin 
 becomes gylfin, ' a bird's bill or beak,' while the 
 Irish is gulha, which also occurs with a p instead 
 of h; and the Latin or do appears in Welsh as urdd, 
 ' an order,' and in Irish as ordd or ort, genitive 
 uirdd or uirt. It may not be wholly devoid of 
 interest to you to find that there are cases of 
 provection in English in such forms, for instance, 
 as the perfects meant, 0. English mcende, mende ; 
 dreamt, 0. Eng. dremde ; dealt, 0. Eng. dmlde. 
 
70 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 delde; felt, 0. Eng. felde, felte, to which may be 
 added others such as built, 0. Eng. bulde, and 
 bent, 0. Eng. bende. The same thing happens 
 when the ending ard becomes art as in braggart, 
 sweetheart, a change which invariably takes place 
 in Mod. Welsh when words of this category are 
 borrowed, as, for instance, in godart, 'a kind of 
 cup,' sowgart, ' a riding habit,' llempart, Rhisiart, 
 from goddard, safeguard, leopard, Richard. 
 
 But, to proceed to instances of a more respect- 
 able antiquity, we come to gg, dd, bb, yielding 
 mutes : in order to avoid confusion they must be 
 treated as belonging to two strata of different 
 dates. The later of them belongs to Mediseval and 
 Modern "Welsh, and dates after most of the reduc- 
 tions already discussed had taken place, as, for 
 instance, in such words as these : cyttuno, ' to agree, 
 to bargain,' for cyd + duno, ' to unite, agree ; ' 
 yspytty, ' a hospice,' for yspyd + dy (for ty, ' a 
 house ') ; Hetty, ' lodgings, an inn,' for lied + dy. 
 Here it is to be observed that when the tone falls 
 on the vowel immediately preceding the mutes in 
 question, the vowel is shortened and forced while 
 the mute is doubled ; but as soon as the tone 
 shifts, the vowel is slackened and the mute 
 simplified. However, it is usual to write lletty 
 ' lodgings ' and llettya ' to lodge,' or else llety and 
 lletya; but neither orthography is accurate and 
 
LECTURE II. 71 
 
 consistent, for the •words being accented on the 
 penultima as usual, are pronounced Hetty and lletya. 
 This would perhaps be most readily indicated for 
 the benefit of strangers desirous of learning our 
 language by writing lUty and lletya. Similarly in 
 cases of assimilation we should have to write, for 
 instance, atebodd, ' respondit,' and dteb, ' respon- 
 dere,' for ad plus keb as in gohebu, ' to correspond 
 by letter ; ' in 0. "Welsh it is hep, ' quoth,' for a 
 European saqv-, whence the English say, German 
 • sagen, and the Lithuanian atsakyti, which is all but 
 bodily equivalent to our dteb. 
 
 The other stratum of instances alluded to be- 
 longs to 0. "Welsh, and they are, as might be ex- 
 pected, few in number. Apertk, now abertk, ' a 
 sacrifice, an offering,' would seem to be one, as it 
 admits of being analysed into (ap-pertk for) ab- 
 herth = ad-berth : the 0. Irish forms are edbart, 
 edpa^t, id-part (Zeuss^, p. 869), all from the root 
 ber, the Celtic equivalent oifer, in Lat.yer-o, Greek 
 <j)ep-a), ' I bear.' The analysis of the Old "Welsh 
 aper, now aber, ' the mouth of a river,' would dis- 
 close the same root, if one is right in understand- 
 ing the word originally to mean the volume of 
 water which a river bears or brings into the sea or 
 into another river. Compare Umbrian arfert-ur 
 (for ad-fert-ur), 'allator, oblator,' and arferia, 
 glossed by Festus "aqua qute inferis libabatur." 
 
72 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. 
 
 To the working of the same principle in 0. Welsh 
 we are probably to trace apati, for abhati, in a 
 Latin inscription in Hiberno-Saxon characters on 
 a stone at Llantwit in South Wales. Similarly 
 Welsh cred-u, ' to believe/ for an earlier cret-u, 0. 
 Irish creitem, ' faith,' neither of which seems to be 
 derivable from Latin cred-o, is rather to be com- 
 pared with Sanskrit graddhd, ' trusting, faithful,' 
 ^addhdna, ' faith,' graddMtaw/a= Welsh credadwy, 
 ' to be believed.' We may probably assume that 
 aperth stands for an earlier apperth {=ahherth 
 ^ adberth), and the conclusion seems natural, 
 that the simplification of the mute implies that 
 the accent was on the ultima: unfortunately we 
 cannot be said to know much about its position in 
 0. Welsh. However, the fact that aperth, for in- 
 stance, was pronounced aperth and not apperth in 
 the latter part of the 0. Welsh period is rendered 
 certain by its further reduction in later Welsh. into 
 aberth: so with the other instances. 
 
 Before leaving this point, you may wish to know 
 if anything corresponding happens in the case of 
 quasi-medials, that is, if we have parallels to the 
 phrases already mentioned, ci a chath, ty a than, and 
 ei chlust. There are such, and the following will 
 do as instances : tri gair, ' three words,' ceiniog a 
 dimai, ' a penny and a halfpenny,' ei bara, ' her 
 bread.' These might at first sight seem to be 
 
LECTURE II. 73 
 
 hardly in point, the forms to be expected being 
 tri cair, ceiniog a timai, ei para ; however, looking 
 at the actual ones, you will observe that the lan- 
 guage has not set out from tri gair, a dimai, ei 
 bara, for in that case we should now have by re- 
 duction tri air, a ddimai, ei far a — this last does 
 occur, but it means ' his bread,' and not ' her 
 bread.' The fact is, tri gair, for instance, with a g 
 that resists reduction, stands for trig + gair for an 
 earlier tris + gair. It is this kind of strengthened 
 g that has been entered in the table as g. A simi- 
 lar remark applies to d' and b'. 
 
 We now pass to the consideration of It and Id, 
 as to the former of which, it is possible that It, in 
 the first instance, became Iht by assimilation ; but 
 Ih, though a surd, is not the sound ,we write U, 
 which roughly speaking stands to I as_/ tot;, or th 
 in ' thin ' to th in ' this.' What is the exact rela- 
 tion in which our II stands to Ik ? would a change 
 from Ih into II be a case of provection, or is II due 
 altogether to the influence of the t following it ? 
 These are questions which I must leave in the 
 hands of those who make the physiology of speech 
 their special study. The combination Id also 
 yields lit, for the d in melldith, ' a curse,' and 
 melldigo, ' to curse,' from the Latin maledictio and 
 maledicere, is merely historical, the pronunciation 
 being melltith and melltigo ; nor does anybody, so 
 
74 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 far as I can remember, write swlld and cysylldu for 
 srclli, ' a shilling,' and cysylltu, ' to join, to con- 
 nect,' as it is not very generally known that these 
 two words are borrowed from the Latin soldus or 
 solidus and. consolidare. In the change of Id into 
 lit, language probably proceeded, as usual, by de- 
 grees : in the first instance Id became It by pro- 
 vectiou, which, by the way, is shared by Bretou, 
 for it is from It it must have arrived at the 
 vocalised ut, ot, which it opposes to our lit. The 
 next step was to make It, Iht, into lit ; bo that the 
 representatives of early It and Id could no longer be 
 kept apart, having in both instances got to be lit, 
 subject to be further modified by assimilation into 
 ll-ll, that is II, as in Welsh allawr, allor, ' an altar,' 
 Breton auter, Ir. altoir, from Latin altare ; call- 
 awr, ' a cauldron,' Bret, cauter, caoter, from Latin 
 caldarium — compare French chaudiere, ' a boiler or 
 copper ; ' cyllell, ' a knife,' from Lat. cultellus— 
 compare French couteau ; ellyn, ' a razor,' Bret. 
 aotenn, Ir. altan. In several of these words this 
 was an accomplished change in 0. Cornish; for 
 example, we have ellyn and cyllell in the later 
 Oxford Glosses written elinn and celleell, and still 
 earlier we find callawr written colour in the weU- 
 known 0. Welsh triplets beginning " Niguorcosam 
 nemheunaur " in the Cambridge Codex of Juvencus. 
 This proves that the Welsh had the sound which 
 
LECTUEE II. 75 
 
 we write II as early as the 9th century, and 
 could pronounce it between vowels, as we do, a 
 point in which Welsh contrasts with Icelandic, 
 which also has the sound, but only before t. My 
 attention was called to its presence in that lan- 
 guage by an Icelandic gentleman in Oxford asking 
 me one day when such and such a college was 
 ' ' buillt." On inquiry I found that this is the 
 sound which I always has before t in modern Ice- 
 landic : thus Icelandic kolt, ' a small forest,' 
 sounds to me like our kollt, ' a chink,' though 
 it may be that the Icelanders do not force the 
 breath so much to the right side of the mouth as 
 we do in pronouncing our II, which is sometimes 
 called unilateral by phonologists — it does not, 
 however, I may observe, deserve to be so called 
 any more than our I, which we pronounce also on 
 the right side of the mouth ; and so too, I suspect, 
 some Englishmen do. Look at these points as you 
 may, the coincidence between Welsh and Icelandic 
 is a striking proof that t has an affinity for U 
 which requires a physiological explanation. 
 
 Now we come to cases which do not involve 
 mutes, but only I, r, n: let us take first U and 
 Ir. The instances readiest to hand of II, that is 
 l-l yielding in Welsh the spirant surd which we 
 write II, occur in loan-words from Latin, such as 
 porchell ' a young pig ' from porcellus, ystafell ' an 
 
76 LECTTJKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 apartment' from stabellwm, Tstim/U 'Epiphany' 
 from Stella. Then there are other cases like Welsh 
 oil ' all,' Irish uile, from a stem olja, and Welsh 
 paiell ' a tent ' from Lat. papilio, which in Welsh 
 mouths became, no doubt, papiljo, that is to say, 
 if that was not the first and only pronunciation 
 which they heard from the Romans themselves. 
 But how did papiljo become pepyll, whence our 
 nxo^Qvn pabell ? did it become papilla with II for Ij, 
 ox papil'jo, papilljo, with I', II, produced by provec- 
 tion ? On the whole, I am inclined to take the 
 latter view as the more probable. Of Ir I have no 
 certain instances : so the next combinations are rr 
 and rl. As to the former, it makes in Mod. Welsh 
 rrh and rh, as for instance where a noun is preceded 
 by the definite article yr, 0. Welsh ir, which is a 
 proclitic. Take the following : y rhan ' the share ' 
 for yr + ran; oW rhan ' from the share ' for o -\-yr 
 -\-ran; Vr rhan 'to the share' for i -\- yr -{■ ran ; 
 and so in other cases, though rhan is regarded as 
 the radical form, of which more anon. The pro- 
 vected form of rl is written rll, as in perllan ' an 
 orchard,' oerllwm ' cold and bare,' garlleg from the 
 English garlic, and jarll from English eorl or 
 earl. But the importance of this change appears 
 mostly in the case of the definite article, as in y 
 llaw ' the hand ' for yr + llaw, d'r Haw ' from the 
 hand ' ion o-\-yr-\- llaw, a^r llaw ' with the hand ' 
 
LECTUEE II. ll 
 
 for a + yr + Ham ; and so on. Here it is to be re- 
 marked, as to the article prefixed to feminines, 
 that the parallels to y ddafad ' the sheep ' for 
 yr + da/ad, y formyn ' the maid ' for yr + morwyn, 
 are to be sought not in y Haw ' the hand ' for 
 yr + Haw, and y rhan ' the share ' for yr + rhan, 
 but in an earlier stage yr + law and yr + ran, which 
 passed into y(r) Haw and y{r) rhan. There still 
 remain to be noticed nl and nr, the provected 
 forms of which are written nil and nrk as in gwinllan, 
 ' a vineyard ' and enllyn anything eaten or drunk 
 with bread, such as butter, cheese, milk, beer, or 
 the like : so also after the preposition yn, as in 
 yn Llundain ' in London ' and yn llawn ' in full.' 
 Whether and in what cases I has passed immedi- 
 ately into ll and not through an intermediate Ih, 
 which would be the parallel to rh, I am unable to 
 decide. But both ll and Ih would be provected 
 forms of I, and we seem to detect a trace of the 
 latter in 0. Cornish in the later Oxford Glosses, 
 which give us the equivalent of our enllyn, Ir. 
 anion, in the form ehnlinn, whereby is probably 
 meant enlhinn or e\nr]hinn. 
 
 A word now as to ll and rh initial. Ll and rh, 
 whether initial or not, are confined, as far as con- 
 cerns the Celtic languages, to Welsh and Cornish 
 — Edward Llwyd found traces of both in Cornish. 
 But the fact that they are foreign to the Breton 
 
78 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 dialects seems to show that they date after the 
 mutual diiferentiation of Welsh and Breton. We 
 have no Welsh manuscript authority for rh in 
 the 0. Welsh period, but II is found written in the 
 Black Book of Carmarthen of the 12th century as it 
 is now. On the other hand, 0. Cornish offers an 
 instance in the later Oxford Glosses of a word 
 beginning with hi identical probably with Ih : it is 
 hloimol, which is unfortunately as obscure as the 
 Latin glomerarium which it was intended to ex- 
 plain, but the Mod. Welsh equivalent might be 
 expected, if it existed, to begin with the syllable 
 llwyf. But how, you will ask, is the provection of 
 initial I into Ih, II, and of initial r into rh, to be 
 accounted for ? The first answer to suggest itself 
 is, that it is the result of the influence of the other 
 consonants, which as initials remain c, t, p, &c., 
 while as medials or quasi-medials they are reduced 
 to g, d, b, &c. Thus .c initial and g medial would 
 be matched by II initial and I medial ; and so 
 with rh and r. Supposing that it could be shown, 
 but it is hardly probable that it can, that the. pair- 
 ing of U and I, rh and r, began some time posterior 
 to that of c and g, t a.Vid d, and so on, this might 
 be admitted as a passable explanation, though it 
 would be open to the objection that the analogy 
 of c, g, for insta'nce, would require I and r as 
 initials to remain unchanged, but to give way as 
 
LECTURE II. 79 
 
 medials to some softer sounds, l^ and r^ ; and this 
 applies both to Welsh and Sassarese, the agreement 
 between which extends to r. Thus in Welsh we 
 say rlmyd ' a net,', but ei rmyd ' his net,' and the 
 Sassarese word for net is pronounced rrezza, while 
 the net is, nevertheless, la rezza. But one could 
 not, in the way here suggested, account for initial 
 r always appearing in Ancient Greek as p, a 
 coincidence with Welsh which can hardly be acci- 
 dental ; nor is this all, for in Ancient Greek, as in 
 Welsh, two r's coming together resulted in pp as in 
 nvppo<!, KdXXippdr}, which the Komans transcribed 
 Pyrrhus, Calirrhoe — the distinction between p and p 
 is unknown in Mod. Greek. On the whole, then, 
 nothing remains but that we should ascribe the 
 distinction between the liquids as initials and non- 
 initials to the same cause, to a certain extent, as 
 that between the mutes. Thus from the facts of 
 mutation already discussed, as, for instance, of c 
 becoming g when non-initial and following a vowel, 
 while initial c undergoes no such a change, it seems 
 to follow that initial c, owing wholly or in part to 
 its position, is pronounced with more force than 
 when it happens to be preceded by a vowel. The 
 same applies to other mutes, and herein Italian, as 
 has already been mentioned, is at one with the 
 Celtic languages. Moreover, the greater force of 
 initial consonants has been established by direct 
 
80 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 measurement in a way which must now be briefly 
 described. 
 
 In an address to the Philological Society, Mr. 
 Ellis gave a short account of an. instrument called 
 the logograph, invented by Mr. W. H. Barlow for 
 recording, among other things, the comparative 
 force of articulation in speech. Since then Mr. 
 Barlow has very kindly answered various' queries 
 I have sent him, and favoured me with a copy 
 of his own description of his invention to the 
 Royal Society in a paper entitled : " On the 
 Pneumatic Action which accompanies the Articu- 
 lation of Sounds by the Human Voice, as exhibited 
 by a Recording Instrument. By W. H. Barlow, 
 F.R.S., V.P. Inst. C.E." (Proc. of the Roy. 
 Soc, vol. xxii. pp. 277-286). " The instrument I 
 have constructed," he says, " consists of a small 
 speaking-trumpet about four inches long, having 
 an ordinary mouthpiece connected to a tube half 
 an inch in diameter, the other end of which is 
 widened out so as to form an aperture of 2 J inches 
 in diameter. This aperture is covered with a 
 membrane of goldbeater's skin or thin gutta 
 percha. A spring which carries the marker is 
 made to press against the membrane with a slight 
 initial pressure, to prevent as far as practicable 
 the effects of jar and consequent vibratory action. 
 A very light arm of aluminium is connected with 
 
LECTURE ir. 81 
 
 the spring and holds the marker ; and a continu- 
 ous strip of paper is made to pass under the 
 marker in the same manner as that employed in 
 telegraphy. The marker consists of a small fine 
 sahle brush placed in a light tube of glass one-tenth 
 of an inch in diameter. The tube is rounded at 
 the lower end, and pierced with a hole about one- 
 twentieth of an inch in diameter. Through this hole 
 the tip of the brush is made to project, and it is fed 
 by colour put into the glass tube in which it is held. 
 To provide for the escape of the air passing through 
 the instrument, a small orifice is made in the side 
 of the tube o'f the speaking-trumpet, so that the 
 pressure exerted on the membrane and its spring 
 is that due to the difference arising from the quan- 
 tity of air forced into the trumpet, and that which 
 can be delivered through the orifice in a given 
 time." The line described by the marker when 
 the instrument is used looks somewhat like the 
 outline of a series of valleys and mountains repre- 
 sented in section : the valleys are the vowels, and 
 the high pointed peaks the surd mutes c, t, p, 
 while the other oral consonants are represented by 
 lesser and less sudden elevations. Among the re- 
 sults of Mr. Barlow's experiments on the logograph 
 may be mentioned the following : — 
 
 The pneumatic force of the vowels is compara- 
 tively small. 
 
82 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 That of sonant consonants is greater, but falls 
 considerably short of that of the surd mutes c, t, p. 
 
 That of an initial consonant is greater than 
 that of the same consonant preceded by a vowel. 
 This, in answer to one of my queries, has been as- 
 certained by Mr. Barlow, who has very kindly sent * 
 me the diagrams in respect of c, t, p, g, d, b. 
 Thus it would seem that the greater force of an 
 initial consonant depends on a physiological cause, 
 and that it is its continued influence on the pro- 
 nunciation of initial I and r which brought about 
 their provection into II and rh respectively. 
 
 Assuming, as I think we now may, this initial 
 pressure to be a vera causa, we can apply it to 
 explain another feature of Welsh phonology. I 
 allude to our gm for m semi- vowel ; for as the Ital- 
 ians derive their guaina, ' a scabbard,' from Latin 
 vagina, and the French their guerre from a word 
 the form of which recalls its English equivalent 
 war, so Welsh regularly makes use of gw, formerly 
 written gu,, for Aryan w, which it is the custom 
 of glottologists to treat as v. Thus Latin vinum 
 becomes in Welsh gwin, ' wine,' and the same rule 
 
 * It was only lately that it occurred to me to ask Mr. Barlow to 
 experiment on initial I and r, and as he waa on the point of setting 
 out for Philadelphia, and the instrument had been lodged in the 
 Kensington Museum, I am unable to give the results of a direct 
 experiment on I and r. However, I have no doubt that they fol- 
 low suit with the other consonants mentioned. 
 
LECTUEE II. 83 
 
 is followed in native words such as gwynt, Latin 
 ventus, Eng. wind. In Old Welsh this was not 
 confined to the beginning of a word — witness pet- 
 guar, now pedwar, ' four ; ' but, as in the case of 
 pedmar, the g disappeared later. However, initial 
 gw is not in sole possession, as it is occasionally 
 supplanted by ckw. Thus cAmertkin, ' to laugh,' 
 and ckwareu, ' to play,' have, as far as concerns 
 Mod. Welsh, driven gwerthin and gwareu out of 
 the field ; while chwannen, ' a flea,' is the only 
 form, gwannen being altogether unknown, though 
 the word is probably of the same origin as the 
 German wanze, ' a bug.' To these may be added 
 a remarkable instance in the case of a Latin loan- 
 word : vesica becomes in Welsh either chTvysigen 
 or gwysigen, ' a bladder, a blister.' Looking at 
 these facts — initial gw, initial chw, and w for 
 medial gw — the common combination from which 
 we must set out, can hardly but be assumed to have 
 been^^w, with gh pronounced as a very soft spirant 
 like the g one sometimes hears in German sagen, 
 ' to say.' In Old Welsh this combination would 
 of course be written gu ; but where it occurred in 
 the body of a word, the guttural would eventually 
 drop out of the pronunciation, whereas, occurring 
 initially, it would come under the pneumatic pres- 
 sure which has just been supposed, to have induced 
 the provection of / and r into II and rh ; and the 
 
84 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 result would be the like provection (A gh into eh. 
 That of gh into g differs from them in its resulting 
 in a mute and not a spirant, but it may be com- 
 pared with the Sassarese substitution of a strong h 
 for an initial v as in bozi, Ital. voce, while as a 
 quasi-medial in la bozi, ' the voice/ the labial has 
 the weaker pronunciation of a kind of v or Spanish 
 b. As for the transition from w to gkm, it can hardly 
 have taken place all at once : it happened, pro- 
 bably, through the intermediate stage of 'w, where 
 the soft palate was just slightly moved by the air 
 in its passage from the larynx into the mouth 
 during the pronunciation of the w. But why the 
 soft palate should have been drawn in at all is an- 
 other of those questions which I must leave to the 
 student of the physiology of sounds. It is to be 
 noticed that the guttural preceding the semi- 
 vowel dates from the 7th or the 8th century, as no 
 trace of it is to be found on our early inscribed 
 stones, which show only F, or, in Ogam, a charac- 
 ter which is to be read w. 
 
 In the case of U and rk, the difference between 
 Welsh and Irish was owing to a change on the 
 part of Welsh only : in the present instance the 
 gulf has been widened by changes on both Welsh 
 and Irish ground. The former have just been 
 described, and the latter consist in dropping the 
 semi-vowel, as a rule, where we have reduced 0. 
 
LECTURE ir. 85 
 
 Welsh gm into w, while, as an initial, it was some 
 time or other modified from w to v, which was sub- 
 sequently provected into f, for seemingly the same 
 reason that gh, I, and r initial became in Welsh ch, 
 II, and rh respectively. All this happened before the 
 date of the earliest Irish manuscripts of the 8th 
 century, but no trace of it is known on the Ogam- 
 ' inscribed stones of Ireland : on them the semi- 
 vowel is represented by the same character which 
 I would read m on British monuments. The time 
 may be still more narrowly defined: the change 
 had not taken place before the middle of the 5th 
 century, as seems to be indicated by the fact, that 
 an Irish saint, supposed to have died about 460, 
 bore a name which in Ireland afterwards became 
 Fingar, and in Cornwall, where he spent a parb of 
 his life, Gwinear, as it is now written. This 
 implies that in his time his name did not com- 
 mence with an f, but with nearly the same initial 
 in Ireland and Cornwall, namely w or v. More- 
 over, about the beginning of the 6th century the 
 semi-vowel was still pronounced in Irish where it 
 has since been elided. Thus in one of the lives of 
 the Irish saint Monenna or Modvenna, a contemporary 
 of St. Patrick, she is spoken of as a virgo de 
 Convalleorum populo, another gives the last words 
 as Conalleorum populo, and a third makes her a 
 native of terra Conallea, which must, I suppose, be 
 
86 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Tyrconnell. Now Conall is one of those vocables 
 which have dropped the semi-vowel, which is excep- 
 tionally retained in the Convalleorum alluded to : 
 the "Welsh is Cynmal, 0. Welsh Congual, and still 
 earlier ovnovali on an inscribed stone in Cornwall. 
 It was thought right to dwell on Welsh ^w = Irish 
 f at some length, not only on account of their 
 phonological interest, but because they are not 
 infrequently relied upon as evidence of a very 
 profound and primeval difference of language 
 between the Irish and the Welsh. 
 
 Now that we have fairly come to the end of our 
 task — at least in outline — as far as regards the 
 consonants, than which we have no reason to 
 suspect the vowels of being less interesting, though, 
 maybe, the laws they obey are more subtle, we 
 may be allowed to indulge in a few remarks of a 
 more general nature. Enough has probably been 
 said to convince you that, in spite of our having 
 reserved to the last the fag-ends of the subject, 
 Welsh phonology is far from devoid of interest. 
 The regularity which pervades it leaves but little 
 to be desired, and it falls, comparatively speaking, 
 not so very far short of the requirements of an exact 
 science. Some, however, have no patience with a 
 discussion which turns on consonants and vowels, 
 and nothing short of etymologies bearing directly 
 on ethnological questions or the origin of lano-uafe 
 
LECTURE II. 87 
 
 can hope to meet with their approval. This need 
 not surprise any one, for, as a rule, few people 
 feel interested in the details of a scientific inquiry, 
 and duly realise the fact, that what they regard as 
 food only fit for the shrunken mind of a specialist 
 must necessarily precede those gushing results they 
 thirst after. In the case before us, we are only too 
 familiar with the worthlessness of the fruits of a 
 method which ignores the phonological laws of the 
 language with which it pretends to deal, or fails 
 to do justice to their historical import ; and it is 
 by his attitude with respect to these laws that one 
 can generally tell a dilettante from a bona fide 
 student of the Celtic languages. The former, you 
 hardly need be told, never discerns a difficulty ; 
 for to him a letter more or less makes no difference, 
 as his notion of euphony is so Protean that it is 
 equal to any emergency ; but the latter frequently 
 stumbles or goes astray, and has to retrace his 
 steps ; and altogether his progress can be but slow : 
 so much so, in fact, that some of the leading 
 glottologists of our day think it on the whole 
 impossible to attain to the same state of knowledge 
 respecting the history and etymology of Celtic 
 words as that arrived at in the case of the other 
 Aryan tongues. That it is harder is certain, but 
 that it is impossibk I am inclined to doubt. At 
 any rate, so far progress is being made ; nor is there 
 
88 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOQT. 
 
 anything which may be regarded as an indication 
 that we have nearly come to the end of our tether. 
 For example, one of the tasks — and only one out 
 of several — which the student of an Aryan language 
 proposes to himself is to discover, as far as that is 
 practicable, the origin of every word in its voca- 
 bulary, and to show to what recognised group of 
 words it btelongs, or, in other words, from what 
 root it is derived and how. In some of the lan- 
 guages kindred to our own this work has already 
 been carried very far, and the nunjber of the 
 vocables in them of obscure origin has been 
 materially reduced; but in the Celtic languages 
 this search, being attended with greater difficulties, 
 is not so far advanced ; but it is going on and 
 likely to go on, as you will see on perusing the 
 Eevue Celtique or Kuhn's Beitraege, where you will 
 find, among others, some of the most stubborn 
 words of our vernacular forced, one after another, 
 to surrender the secrets of their pedigree. 
 
 But whence, it will be asked, does this greater 
 difficulty attending the study of the Celtic lan- 
 guages, and of Welsh in particular, proceed? 
 Mainly from two causes — the great dearth of speci- 
 mens of them in their earlier stages, and the large 
 scale on which phonetic decay has taken place in 
 them. For, to pass by the former for the present, 
 it is to be remembered that the phonetic changes 
 
LECTURE ir. »y 
 
 which have been engaging our attention are but 
 the footprints of phonetic decay, and that the 
 phonological laws which have just been discussed 
 form but the map of its encroachments and a 
 plan, as it were, of its line of attack. With 
 these before our eyes, we are, to a certain extent, 
 enabled to infer and picture to ourselves the posi- 
 tions, so to say, and the array in which the forces 
 of our language were at one time drawn up. So, 
 when you hear it said, as you frequently may, that 
 Welsh or Irish is the key to I know not how many 
 other languages, do not believe a word of it : the 
 reverse would be nearer the truth. We want con- 
 centrated upon the former all the light that can 
 possibly be derived from the other Aryan tongues ; 
 that is to say, if we are to continue to decipher 
 their weather-worn history. 
 
( 90 ) 
 
 LECTUBE III. . 
 
 " La dissonanza tra lingua e lingua, se pur non sia minors, riesoe di 
 oerto, in generals, men sensibile rispetto aUe vooali ohe non rispetto 
 alle consonant! ; ma appunto per questo, torna piil logioo, in una trat- 
 tazione come la nostra, che il ragguaglio delle cousouanti sia mandato 
 innanzi a quello delle vocali." — G. I. ASOOLI. 
 
 At first it was not my intention to notice the 
 vowels, but it has since occurred to me, that if 
 they were to be passed over in silence, you might 
 suppose that I endorse the first part of Voltaire's 
 definition of etymology as a science in which the 
 vowels are of no consequence and the consonants 
 of extremely little. But there is another reason 
 why they should be noticed here, and that is the 
 fact that without taking them into account the his- 
 tory of the consonants cannot be thoroughly under- 
 stood. Before, however, proceeding to any details 
 it will be necessary roughly to indicate what 
 vowels in Modern Welsh represent the vowels of 
 the Aryan parent-speech respectively. It is to be 
 observed, that, as a result of the researches of 
 Professor Curtius of Leipsic, and others,- it is now 
 generally accepted as a fact that the Western 
 Aryans not only retained the vowel a in some 
 
LECTURE III. 91 
 
 words, but also changed it into e in others ; but it 
 would make no difference, so far as our present sub- 
 ject is concerned, if it should some day be made 
 out that the parent-speech had two or more kinds 
 of a (as is the case, say, in English), which the 
 Eastern Aryans confounded in course of time, and 
 reduced to one, while their brethren in the West 
 never completely effaced the distinction between 
 them. It further appears probable that, anterior 
 to the separate existence of Irish and Welsh, a 
 had also been modified in not a few words into o 
 in the common Celtic from which these languages 
 have branched off. Thus while Sanskrit harps on 
 the same string of a, the Celtic and other Aryan 
 languages of Europe have no less than three vowels 
 at their disposal, namely, a, e, o : witness our tad 
 ' father,' de^ ' ten,' and pob-i ' to bake,' which are 
 in Sanskrit respectively tata, dagan, and pac, all 
 with a. So far, then, as concerns Welsh or Irish, 
 we may treat the following vowel-sounds as ori- 
 ginal : a, a, e, e (?), i, i (?), o, u, u (?), ai, au. Our 
 task is now briefly to point out the most common 
 and direct continuators of each of them in our lan- 
 guage. 
 
 A. The a of the Aryan parent-speech is retained 
 in the following words and many more which 
 might be enumerated : — 
 
92 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 aden, ' a wing,' adar, ' birds/ from pat, whence also 
 Skr. pat, ' to fly,' Gr. irrepov, 'Eug. feather. 
 
 a/al, ' an apple,' Lith. obolys, 0. Bulg. jahluko, 
 Eng. apple. 
 
 am, ' about, around,' 0. Ir. imb-, imm, Grr. afi^l, 
 Lat. amb- in ambages, Ger. um. 
 
 an-, as in annoeth, ' unwise,' anamserol, ' untimely,' 
 Ir. an-, Skr. an-, Gr. dv-, Lat. in-, Eng. un-. 
 
 ar, ' ploughland,' arddu, ' to plough,' aradr, ' a 
 plough,' Ir. arathar, ' a plough,' Gr. apoto, * I 
 plough,' Lat. aro, same, ardtrum, ' a plough,' 
 Goth, arjan, ' to plough,' Eng. to ear, earth. 
 
 all-, in alltud, ' one of another nation,' Ir. aile, Gr. 
 aWo?, Lat, alius, Eng. e/se. 
 
 arcA, ' a bidding, a request,' from ?aek, whence also 
 Latin precor, ' I pray,' Ger. /rage, ' a ques- 
 tion : ' another form of the same root seems 
 to be PAKSK, whence Skr. prach, ' to demand, 
 to ask,' Lat. posco (=porsco), Ger. forschen, 
 ' to inquire, to investigate.' 
 
 cad, 0. Welsh cat, ' battle, war,' whence Catteyrn, 
 'battle-king,' Early Welsh Catotigirni; Ir. 
 cath, Gaulish catu in Caturiges, Catuslogi ; 
 Early Eng. heatho-, ' war, battle.' 
 
 caled, ' hard,' Zend gareta, ' cold,' Eng. cold, 
 which seem to show that the common base 
 was scareta, and that the Celts reasoned from 
 cold to solidity. 
 
LECTURE III. 93 
 
 can, ' a song,' canu, ' to sing, to crow,' Ger. hahn, 
 ' a cock.' 
 
 i, ' seed/ Lat. satus. 
 ha/, 'summer,' Skr. samd, 'year,' Zend hama, 
 
 ' summer.' 
 halen, ' salt,' kallt, ' salty, salted,' Ir. salann, 
 
 ' salt,' Gr. a\?, Lat. scd, Eng. salt, 
 pa, ' what,' Ir. ca, Skr. kas, ' who,' Lat. quo-, in 
 
 quod, Goth. Avas, Eng. who. 
 pas, ' the whooping-cough,' Skr. kds, ' to cough,' 0. 
 
 Eng. hoostan, ' to host, to cough,' Ger. Austen, 
 tarw, ' a bull,' Ir. tarbk, Gaulish tarvos, Zend. 
 
 thaurva { = tharva), 'violent, strong, hard,' 
 
 Lat, tormts : it is not certain that these words 
 
 are connected, but in any case tarw cannot be 
 
 identified with the Latin taurus. 
 
 E. The vowel e for Aryan a occurs in Welsh, in 
 common with other European languages, in a 
 good many words, of which the following are 
 a few : — 
 
 ad-fer, ' to restore,' from the same origin as Gr. 
 ^e'joo), lidl.fero : Skr. bkar, ' to 6ear.^ 
 
 cred, 'belief,' Ir. creitem, Lat, credo : Skr. graddhd, 
 'trusting, faithful.' 
 
 chwech, ' six,' Ir, s4, Gr. e^, Lat. sex : Skr. skask. 
 
 deg, ' ten,' Gr. Ima, Lat. decern, Goth, taikin, Eng. 
 t&a: Skr. daqan. 
 
94 LECTXJEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 deheu, ' right, south,' 0. Ir. dess, Gr. le.^io'i, Lat. 
 
 dexter: Skr. dakshina. 
 ebol, ' a colt,' 0. Ir. ech, ' a horse,' Lat. equus, 0. 
 
 Eng. eok: Skr. agva. 
 gen, ' the chin,' Gr. yew;, Lat. getia, Goth, kinnus, 
 
 Eng. chin: Skr: hanus. 
 keb, 'besides, without,' 0. Ir. seek, Lat. secus. 
 heb, ' quoth,' Gr. taireve. (theme aetr), Lat. in-sece, 
 
 Lith. sakau, ' I say,' Ger. sagen, Eng. say. 
 ^ew, ' old,' 0. Ir. sen, Gr, ei/i; («at z/ea), Lat. senex : 
 
 Skr. sa?2a. 
 met, ' honey,' Ir. mjY, Gr. fjJXi, Lat. jwe^, Goth. 
 
 milith. 
 mellt, ' lightenings,' 0. Prussian, mealde, ' a 
 
 lightening,' 0. Bulg. mliinij. 
 melyn, ' yellow, tawny,' Gr. fiekav, gen. fjdkavo'i, 
 
 ' black, dark, blue,' Lith. mUynas, ' blue : ' 
 
 Skr. malina, ' dark, black.' 
 merck, ' a girl, a daughter,' Lith. merga, ' a girl.' 
 nef, ' sky, heaven,' 0. Ir. 7wm, Gr. ve'^o?, Lat. 
 
 nebula, 0. Bulg. nebo, ' heaven.' 
 ser, ' stars,' Gr. da-rrip, Lat. Stella, Eng. star : Skr. 
 
 staras, ' stars.' 
 ■serch, ' love, affection,' Ir. searc, Gr. arepya, ' I 
 
 love,' a-Topryrj, ' love or natural affection.' 
 
 7. Aryan t is represented in 0. Welsh by i, 
 written y in Mod. "Welsh, and i or y indiffe- 
 
LECTURE III. 95 
 
 rently in the intervening period. But in 
 most cases the y of Mod. "Welsh has taken 
 the place of other vowels, while the instances 
 where it is the representative of an i of Aryan 
 or even European standing are comparatively 
 few. The following may be mentioned : — 
 
 dyw, ' a day,' he-ddyw, ' to-day,' Gr. evSto? ( = 
 evBifo^), ' at midday,' Lat. diu, diurnus 
 (= dius-nus) : Skr, diva, ' heaven, day.' 
 
 hysp, fem. kesp, ' dry, not giving milk,' Gr. layyo^, 
 ' dry,' Lat. siccus, Zend hisku, ' dry ; ' the 
 "Welsh, the Greek, and the Zend forms seem 
 to be the results of reduplication — si-siqv- or 
 si-sik-. 
 
 mysc, as inyn mysc, ' in the midst of,' Gr. fxiyvvfu, 
 /ttffyo), Lat. misceo, Eng. mix, Skr. miksh. 
 
 nyfio, ' to snow,' from a root snighv, whence also 
 Gr. vi^ei, Lat. ninguit, ningit, or nivit, ' it 
 snows,' Eng. snoK : Zend ^izA. 
 
 py, ' what, which ' (now superseded by pa), Gr. 
 Tt?, Ti, Lat. quis, quid, Oscan pid: Skr. kirn. 
 
 yd, ' corn,' 0. Ir. ith, gen. etho, Lith. pttus, 
 ' mid-day, mid-day meal : ' Skr. pitu, ' food, 
 sustenance.' 
 
 0. In a good many instances o has taken the place 
 of a, at a date probably falling within the 
 limits of the history of the "Welsh language, 
 but in others it seems to be, as already 
 
96 LECTDBES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. 
 
 suggested, of older standing, as may be 
 gathered from its appearance in the corre- 
 sponding forms in other languages nearly 
 related to Welsh, as in the following in- 
 stances : — 
 
 coll, ' hazel,' 0. Ir. coldde, ' columns,' Lat. 
 corulus (= cosulus), Eng. hazel. 
 
 dqf, ' tame,' Lat. domare, ' to tame,' Eng. tame. 
 
 mock, ' soon, quick,' Ir. moch, Lat. mox; Skr. 
 
 iweth, 'naked,' Ir. nocAt, Lat. nudus {^:=no{g)vidus), 
 Goth, naqvaths, Eng. naked. 
 
 nos, ' night,' kenoetk, ' to-night,' trannoetk, ' over- 
 night, the day after,' literally trans noctem, 
 Mod. Ir. anockt, ' to-night,' Gr. vv%, gen. 
 vvKTo^, Lat. now, gen. noctis, Lith. naktis, 
 Goth, nakts, Eng. nigkt: Vedic Skr. nakti. 
 
 ( = op), as in o thry efe, ' if he turn,' Lat. nec- 
 opinus, in-opinus, opinio, 0. Norse, ef, if, 
 ' doubt,' Ger. obi Eng. if. 
 
 og or aged, ' a harrow,' Lat. occa, Lith. akeczos, 
 ek^czos, 0. H. Ger. egidd. Mod. Ger. egge. 
 
 pobi, 'to bake,' Gr. iriaam, future Tre'^o), Lat. 
 coquo : Skr. pac. 
 
 m/tk (for oitA = oct), ' eight,' Ir. ocAt, Gr. oktoi, 
 Lat. octo, Eng. eigkt: Skr. ashman. 
 
 U. Aryan m is represented in 0. Welsh by u, 
 written in Mod. Welsh w: however, the in- 
 
LECTURE III. 97 
 
 stances where the original u may perhaps not 
 
 have been modified are comparatively few, 
 
 such as the following : — 
 cnm, ' dogs,' Ir. con, Gr. «we9, Lat. canes, Bng. 
 
 hounds. Ski. ^dnas, gunas. 
 drwg, ' bad,' Ir. droch-, Ger. trug, ' deception,' he- 
 
 triigen, 'to deceive,' Skr. druh, 'to injure,, to 
 
 harm,' Zend druj, ' to lie.' 
 dwfn, '.deep,' 0. Ir- domnu, ' depth,' Lith. dubus, 
 
 ' deep, hollow,' 0. Bulg. duno (= dubno), 
 
 ' ground ' (compare Ir. domhan, ' the world '), 
 
 Goth, diups, ' deep,' 0. Eng. deop, Mod. 
 
 Eng. deep. 
 }ud, in the 0. Welsh names Judgual, Margetjud, 
 
 now Idwal and Meredudd, comes from the root 
 
 TUDH, whence also Ir. iodhnach, ' armed,' Gr. 
 
 vafilvTi, ' a battle,' Skr. gudk, ' to fight,' 
 rhwd, ' rust,' Lat. russus, Ger. rosten, ' to rust,' 
 
 Eng. rust, from the root etjdh, whence Welsh 
 
 rhudd, ' red,' and its congeners. 
 
 A. Aryan d seems to have in Early Welsh 
 acquired a guttural sound, which passed into 
 6, yielding in Mod. Welsh o and aw, the latter 
 being used in monosyllables, and the former 
 in most other words as Welsh is now pro- 
 nounced ; the instances are numerous — take 
 the following : — 
 
98 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 brawd, ' a brother,' pi. brodyr, Ir. brdthair, Lat. 
 
 frdter, Eng. brother, Skr. bhrdtar. 
 chwiorydd, ' sisters ' (sing, chmaer), Lat. sorores, 
 
 Eng. sisters, Skr. svasdras. 
 dawn, ' a gift in the sense of talent or genius,' Ir. 
 
 dan, Lat. ddnum, 0. Bulg. dam. 
 llawn, ' full,' Ir. Ian, Lat. plenus, Skr. prdna. 
 llawr, 'floor,' Ir. Idr, 'Eiug.Jloor. 
 modryb, ' an aunt,' from the. word for mother, 
 
 which is lost in Welsh, but is in Irish mdthair, 
 
 Gr. fj.^TTjp, Doric fidrrip, Lat. mdter, Eng. 
 
 mother., Skr. mdtar. 
 
 E, 1. It is not supposed that the parent-speech 
 had e, and it is doubtful whether it had i': 
 even supposing that it had the latter, I have 
 failed to trace a single instance down to Welsh. 
 The nearest approach to this would be the 
 case of Welsh byw, ' quick, living,' 0. Ir. beo, 
 bin, and Welsh byw, ' a life or lifetime,' 0. Ir. 
 biu, in Fiacc's Hymn (Stokes' Goidelica, p. 
 128), Greek yS/o? ; but Latin vlvus, Sanskrit 
 jiva, and their cognates can hardly be said to 
 prove beyond doubt that the i was originally 
 long. It is, however, probable that e had 
 replaced d in & few Celtic words, or even 
 passed into i, before the separate history of 
 Welsh or Irish can be said to have begun. The 
 
LECTURE III. 99 
 
 instances alluded to are those where Welsh and 
 
 Irish have i answering to Latin e, as follows : — ' 
 gwir, ' true,' Ir. /ir, Lat. verus, Goth. vSrjan (in 
 
 tuzverjan), ' to believe,' Ger. waAr, ' true.' 
 hir, ' long,' Ir. sir, Lat. serus, ' late,' Goth, seithus, 
 
 'late.' 
 rhi, ' a king,' 0. Ir. ri, gen. rig, Gaulish Dumno- 
 
 rix, Dubno-reix, Dubno-rex, Catu-riges, Lat. 
 
 rex, gen. regis; Goth, reiks, Skr. rdjan. 
 tir, 'land,' Ir. tir, Lat. terra, ' the earth.' 
 
 U. Nearly the same remark applies to u as to i. 
 
 Ai. From the different representatives of at in 
 the various Aryan languages it has been 
 inferred that the. primitive Aryans had two 
 kinds of this diphthong, which glottologists 
 would distinguish as ai and di: the case 
 is, however, not quite so clear as it looks in 
 some books. Now, at a certain stage in the 
 history of Welsh, ai had become oi, which 
 has since been differentiated by causes to be 
 noticed later into oe and m/ in Mod. Welsh. 
 The ordinary Irish representatives are ia and ^. 
 The following words are instances in poiiit : — 
 
 bloesc, ' imperfect or indistinct in one's pronun- 
 ciation,' Skr. mleccha, ' a foreigner, a bar- 
 barian :' Sanskrit ch =■ sk. 
 
100 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 coed^ 'wood, trees/ Ir. ciad-cholum, 'a wood- 
 pigeon,' Lat. bu-cetum, ' a pasture for cattle,' 
 Goth, haitki, ' a heath, field,' haithivisks, 
 ' wild,' Eng. heath, h,eathen. 
 
 coel, ' angury, superstition, belief,' Ir. eel, Goth. 
 hails, 'whole, uninjured,' hailjan, 'to cure,' 
 Eng. heal, health. 
 
 drcyf-, in dovyfol (also dwymol), ' divine,' 0. Ir. dia, 
 gen. dii, ' God,' Lat. divus, Skr. deva, ' god- 
 like, divine, a god.' 
 
 hmy (= sa-i), hroynt, ' they, them,' Ir. iad, Gr. ot, ai. 
 
 pToy, ' who,' Ir. cm, cS, Lat. ^■Me?, g;Mae (more com- 
 monly qui, qu(B), Umbr. poi, ' who ' — the 
 same particle i appears for instance in the 
 Lat. hcec (= ha-i-oe), and Gr. ovrocri. 
 
 Ai. Aryan di makes u in Welsh, now pronounced 
 nearly like the u of the Germans. It was 
 derived from di by a process similar to that 
 whereby ov assumed the sound of v in Modern 
 Greek, before both became identical with I in 
 pronunciation. The Old Irish equivalent was 
 oi or oe, now written ao (aai), and pronounced 
 in some parts like the uee of queen accord- 
 ing to O'Donovan : as pronounced in Galway, 
 it seems to me to lie between our Welsh u 
 and i. The following instances may here be 
 mentioned : — 
 
LECTURE III. 101 
 
 cut, ' narrow,' Ir. caol. 
 
 cynud, ' fuel,' 0. Bulg. gnetiti, ' to kindle,' 0. 
 Prussian, knaistis, ' a firebrand,' 0. H. Ger. 
 gneisto, ' a spark.' 
 
 hud, ' a charm, a spell,' Lith. saitas, ' sorcery,' 0. 
 Norse seidhr, ' a kind of sorcery or magic,' 
 Ger. seid. 
 
 hiifen, ' cream,' 0. H. Ger. seim, Mod. H. Ger. 
 konig-seim, ' run-honey,' Eng. seam, ' lard,' 
 whence our saim, ' grease,' has heen borrowed. 
 
 tu (for ttcf), ' side,' Ir. taobk. 
 
 ud-, in anudon, ' a false oath, perjury,' 0. Ir. oetk, 
 Goth, aiths, Ger. eid, Eng. oath. 
 
 un, ' one,' 0. Ir. oin, Mod. Ir. aon, Lat. oinos 
 (later unus), Goth, ains, 0. Eng. an, Mod. 
 Eng. one, atone, only, an — the pronunciation 
 of one as nun was originally that of a parti- 
 cular dialect like routs for oats, and an is the 
 Old Eng. an (that is an) shortened owing to 
 the proclitic pronunciation of the numeral 
 when used as an indefinite article : the Ger- 
 mans of late sometimes distinguish an and 
 one as ein and iin respectively. 
 
 Au. Even supposing that the primitive Aryans 
 distinguished two kinds of au, which is ex- 
 ceedingly doubtful, it seems to be quite 
 hopeless to separate their respective repre- 
 
102 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 sentatives in the modern languages of the 
 Celts. In Welsh they are u and uw (pro- 
 nounced like German il followed by German 
 u) ; the latter is used only in a few words, 
 mostly before ch; otherwise u and uw take 
 their places like o and aw. The Irish equi- 
 valents are ua and 6. Take the following 
 instances : — 
 
 dun, ' a knee/ Lat. clunis, Lith. szlauniSy Skr. 
 (}roni. 
 
 rhudd, ' red,' Ir. ruadh, Lat. rUcfus, Goth, rauds, 
 Ger. roth, Eng. red. 
 
 tud, ' nation, country,' Breton tud, ' men, a people,' 
 Ir. tuatk, ' a people, a nation,' Gaulish toutius, 
 Oscan touto, Goth, thiuda, Ger. Deutsch, 
 ' Dutch or German.' 
 
 buwch, ' a cow,' pi. buchod, Cornish biueh, Breton 
 bioc'k, all with a final s irregularly represented 
 by ch, but bu and buw also occur in Welsh, Ir. 
 bo, Gr. j8ov?, Lat. bos, Eng. cow, Skr. nom. 
 gaus, gen. gos. 
 
 Duw, ' God,' also Duwch with ch (as in buwch), 
 and only vulgarly used in Duwch anrcyl! 
 which corresponds to the German exclamation 
 Hu lieber Gott! Gr. Zeu?, voc. Zeu, Lat. Jou^ 
 piter, Skr. nom. dyaus, voc. dyaus, ' sky, 
 heaven,' Byaushpitar, ' Heaven-father.' 
 
 Mw«?, 'porridge,' 0. Cornish iot, Breton iot, 0. 
 
LECTURE III. 103 
 
 Ir. ith, Lat. jAs, ' broth,' Lettish j&ut, ' to 
 mix meal up in \Ater,' Skr. yws, yusha, 'pea- 
 soup,' d-yavana, ' axpot-ladle or some similar 
 utensil.' 
 
 uchel, ' high,' uwck, ' higher,' uckqf, * highest,' Ir. 
 uasal, * high, noble,' Gaulish uxel-, in Uxela, 
 Uxellodunum ; and probably ov^a/xa in Pto- 
 lemy's Ov^afia BapKa is identical with our 
 uckaf, so that we might call the place ' Upper 
 Barca : ' the root would seem to have been 
 auks (as in Gr. av^dva) from aug, as in Lat. 
 augeo, ' I increase,' auctus, ' enlarged, in- 
 creased, great, abundant,' 0. Prussian auktai-, 
 ' high,' Lith. auksztas, ' high.' 
 
 Cnunch, cuwch, lluwch, rhuwch, are other Welsh 
 words with uw, which is replaced by u when a 
 syllable is added, but their origin is obscure. 
 
 The foregoing are a few points which it was 
 thought necessary to mention in the vowel system 
 of Welsh : now some of the principal changes and 
 modifications which have obtained in it must be 
 considered somewhat more at leisure. Some of 
 them, such as those involved in the history of aw, 
 wy, uw, have already been touched upon. For it 
 is impossible, language being in -a constant state 
 of flux and change, to discuss its organism alto- 
 gether apart from its pathology, so to say, however 
 
104 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 neat such a plan may look in theory. To begin 
 with the evolution of aw from d, this seems to 
 mean that d passed in the course of time into a 
 sound identical, or nearly identical, with the 
 English Yowel in hall and draw, and that, where 
 it was not eventually shortened, yielding o, it was 
 diphthongised into au, which we now write aw. 
 As to the date of the transition, no instance of 
 au occurs in the earlier class of Welsh inscrip- 
 tions, so it may be presumed that it did not take 
 place before the 7th century. For a parallel to it 
 we need not go further than English : take, for 
 instance, the Old English word stdn, that is stan, 
 which is now written stone, and pronounced stown 
 with a long o followed by a more or less percep- 
 tible w, or with some modification of that diphthong, 
 seldom if ever with a long o pure and simple. To 
 this might be added plenty more, such as bone, 
 home, rope, for the 0. English ban, ham, rap, re- 
 spectively. But for a perfect parallel consult 
 the Swabian pronunciation of German — witness 
 Schrcaub and aubend for Schwab and abend: nor is 
 the change unknown in Sanskrit. 
 
 With respect to oe and wy, it is not quite cer- 
 tain what the Kymric starting-point should be 
 assumed to have been. But reasoning backwards 
 from the loan-words which have wy in Mod. 
 Welsh for Latin e, one is led to the conclusion 
 that for some time after the Eoman occupation 
 
LECTUEE III. 105 
 
 the antecedent of my in native words naust have 
 also been e, or some such a diphthong as ei, which 
 could be taken for ^. Either & or ei would here 
 do, but the advantage of simplicity is on the side 
 of the former when one comes to assign the com- 
 mon Goidelo-Kymric prototype of Welsh my^ oe, 
 on the one hand, and Irish 4, ia, on the other. 
 So among the steps whereby d yielded oi, whence 
 rm/ and oe were differentiated, we should have to 
 reckon ei, ei, ai, which would make the series e, 
 ei, ai, oi. The earlier of these steps are fairly 
 exemplified in the ordinary English pronunciation 
 of such words as name, paper, as ne^m, pe'per, 
 neim, peiper, or even ndim, pdiper, with a long e 
 or a followed by a more or less marked i, which 
 so frequently mars the English pronunciation of 
 French words containing a long e, as the w 
 sound in stone does in that of French words 
 involving long o. The later steps in the series 
 are well known in Irish, where such instances as 
 croinn for crainn, genitive of crann, ' a tree,' boill 
 for baill, ' members,' and toibre, taibre, ' give,' 
 frequently occur, and illustrate a tendency which 
 is perpetuated in the Anglo -Irish pronunciation, 
 which makes the English words firie, I, line, into 
 foine, oi, loin, approximately. 
 
 In the case of u and urn, it is probable that the 
 Aryan au which they represent had become a 
 
106 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Goidelo-Kymric o (or ou), whence the Irish de- 
 rived their 6, ua, while the Welsh changed it into 
 a broad u, and later into the narrow u of Mod. 
 "Welsh. For this is the ordinary representative 
 of both Latin o and u, as in Uqfur, ' labour,' from 
 Latin labor-is, ffuvien, ' a line, a cord,' irovn funis, 
 and addurn, ' an ornament,' from adorn-o. In the 
 few native words already noticed this u was diph- 
 thongised into uw, and that, it would seem, at no 
 recent date, as we appear to detect traces of it in 
 the Breton bioc'k, ' a cow,' and the Cornish tot, 
 ' porridge,' where the Welsh is bumch and uwd. 
 
 Before leaving these points, a word may not be 
 out of place as to the Irish ia and ua, or ia and 
 ua, as they are more commonly written : the i and 
 u are long, and followed by only a very slight 
 touch of a. They remind one somewhat of the 
 Lithuanian diphthongs ie and uo, also written e and 
 u. But whether the way they were arrived at was 
 the same, or nearly the same, is not evident : in 
 the case of the Irish ones the steps probably were 
 e, ^a, ia, and 6, da, ua, respectively. No certain 
 traces of either diphthong are known in the early 
 Ogmic inscriptions of Ireland, and they date, pro- 
 bably, after the 6th century. 
 
 Here it may be asked why such cases of vowel 
 modification, which I have ventured to call, in the 
 absence of a better word, diphthongisation, should 
 
LECTURE III. 107 
 
 take place in "Welsh, Irish, English, or anv other 
 language. If you consult musicians on the matter, 
 they will tell you that a long and sustained note 
 has a tendency to lose its quality and change its 
 pitch : in other words, " there is naturally a great 
 difficulty in prolonging a sound at the same pitch 
 and with the same quality of tone," as Mr Ellis 
 ohserves in the fourth volume of his work on 
 Early English Pronunciation, p. 1273. He does 
 not dismiss the question without pointing clearly 
 to the source of the difficulty : "To retain the 
 vowel quality for a sensible time requires an un- 
 natural fixity of muscle, and consequently relaxa- 
 tions constantly occur, which alter the vowel 
 quality." Thus it turns out to be simply a ques- 
 tion of muscle, and the difficulty of prolonging 
 a vowel sound unmodified is exactly of the same 
 kind as that which one would soon feel in trying, 
 to iold one's hand up steadily for a length of 
 time, a method of torture which was well known 
 to Welsh schoolmasters when I was a boy. 
 
 The phonetic change here in question has justly 
 been called one of the great alterative forces 
 in language ; the latter, however, holds itself 
 free to have recourse also to the kind of change 
 exemplified in the reduction of diphthongs into 
 single vowels. Of this instances have already 
 been alluded to, as where Aryan ai and au were 
 
108 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 supposed to have been reduced in the Goidelo- 
 Kymric period to S and o, also Aryan di into u, 
 whereby the contihuators of Aryan di and au as- 
 sumed the same form. But the common Goidelo- 
 Kymric antecedent of the- Welsh u to which 0. 
 Irish oi corresponds, may, as far as we now can 
 see, be presumed to have been ai or oi. As a 
 parallel to the reduction of Welsh oi into u may 
 be mentioned the case of Greek oi, which had in 
 the 11th century or earlier got to be sounded 
 like V — hence the habit of calling the latter v 
 ■y^iXoy, just as 6 was called e iln\oy when ai had 
 acquired its value — before its sound (y = ot) was 
 modified into that of t or t], as in the Greek of the 
 present day. I might dwell on the almost iden- 
 tical treatment of 0. Irish oi in Mod. Irish, where 
 the digraph ao has the sound of Welsh i, or 
 one between that and Welsh u. The English 
 and Latin parallels are less striking ; but if you 
 trace 0. Latin oinos to the more common forms 
 unus, una, unum, and down into the French un 
 une, the analogy between the history of the latter 
 and that of the Welsh un is in every respect very 
 close. The same kind of change is not unknown 
 in the dialects of Mod. Welsh : for instance, the 
 pronunciation prevalent in many, if not most, 
 parts of S. Wales of such words as doe, ' yester- 
 day,' oes, ' is,' traed, ' feet,' llaetA, ' milk,' is do, 6s, 
 
LECTURE III. 109 
 
 trdd, lldth : so the e and y brought together by the 
 elision of a ^ form a modern diphthong liable to 
 be simplified as in tyrnas or ternas for teyrnas, ' a 
 kingdom,' and in Anglesey and Carnarvonshire 
 such plurals as tor/eydd, 'multitudes,' and jooz/eyt^rf, 
 ' pastures,' become tor/ydd and por/ydd: so Lleyn, 
 the western third of the latter county, is ' now in- 
 variably called Llyn. 
 
 All the foregoing cases of reduction of diph- 
 ■thongs fall under the head of assimilation, which 
 has been noticed more than once on a former 
 occasion. Now there are other kinds of assimila- 
 tion which play a part in the vowel economy of 
 Welsh, but before they can be discussed to advan- 
 tage the nature of vowels must be studied more 
 closely than has hitherto been done here. Now 
 the vowels belong to the category of musical 
 sounds, and those who wish to study them as such 
 could not do better than begin by carefully reading 
 the first part of Professor Helmholtz's great work 
 on TAe Sensations of Tone as a Physiological Basis 
 for the Theory of Music, lately translated into 
 English by Mr. A. J. Ellis: also part H. 11. 
 of his Appendix xix. to Helmholtz's text, and 
 Chapter xi. of the fourth volume of his own work 
 already alluded to, On Early English Pronuncia- 
 tion, especially pp. 1272-1281. I find that the 
 best thing I can do is to copy here briefly their 
 
110 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 views, as far as they serve to throw light oa Welsh 
 phonology. 
 
 Sounds are distinguished into noises and mu- 
 sical tones, by which are not meant the intervals 
 of tones and semitones. The difference between 
 the former is that the sensation of a musical tone 
 is due to a rapid periodic motion of the sonorous 
 body, and the sensation of a noise to non-periodic 
 motions. The vowels, though they are of the for- 
 mer description, may, owing to the friction of the 
 breath against the parts of the mouth, contain an 
 admixture of noise, which it is the business of the 
 singer to eliminate. Musical tones in their turn 
 are distinguished by their force or loudness, by 
 their pitch or relative height, and by their quality. 
 Their force or loudness depends on the extent or 
 amplitude of the oscillations of the particles of the 
 vibrating body ; that is, the longer the distances de- 
 scribed by the said particles, as measured from their 
 position of rest, the louder the tones produced. 
 
 Their pitch or relative height depends solely on 
 the length of time each vibration occupies, or, as 
 it is more usually put, on the number of vibrations 
 made in a second: that is called the vibrational 
 number of the sonorous body, and the greater it is, 
 the higher the pitch of the tone it gives. Methods 
 have been invented for the reckoning of vibrations, 
 and it is found that, if they sink so low as about 
 
LECTURE III, 111 
 
 30 per second, the ear can scarcely collect them 
 into a series : others follow one another with such 
 rapidity as to count by thousands in a second. In 
 other words, musical tones are roughly said to 
 rano-e between 40 and 4000 vibrations in a second, 
 
 o ' 
 
 and to extend over seven octaves, while those 
 which are audible at all range between 20 and 
 38,000 a second, and extend over eleven octaves, 
 which will serve to show the marvellous capacity the 
 ear has of distinguishing sounds in respect of pitch. 
 Musical tones differ in quality, as when we 
 distinguish the human voice from the note of an 
 organ, although it may be of the same loudness 
 and pitch ; this is, further, said to depend on the 
 form of vibration, which, in its turn, may vary 
 indefinitely. For. example, it may be pendular or 
 resemble the swings of a pendulum, as in the case 
 of a tuning-fork ; or they may be like the motions 
 of a hammer which is uplifted by a water-wheel at 
 regular intervals, as in the case of a string excited 
 by a violin-bow. Mathematicians and physicists 
 classify musical tones into simple and compound, 
 without including in the latter term chords, which 
 they regard as composite tones. Leaving these 
 last altogether on one side, the only tones they 
 look at as simple are those produced by pendular 
 vibrations, and all others they analyse into pen- 
 dular ones. This resolution of all other vibrations 
 
112 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 into pendular ones was in the first instance 
 arbitrary and a mere matter of convenience, but 
 Helmboltz and others have shown that it has a 
 meaning in nature, and they consider it as proved 
 that the organism of the ear is such that it per- 
 ceives pendular vibrations alone as simple tones, 
 and resolves other periodic motions of the air into 
 a series of pendular vibrations, hearing the simple 
 tones which correspond to these simple vibra- 
 tions. Thus when a tone is produced, say c, on 
 the violin, a practised ear hears not oAly c, but 
 also its -octave c\ the fifth of the latter g, the 
 second higher octave c" , and so on, as follows : — 
 
 01; 
 
 ^- 
 
 :5^ 
 
 -s^- 
 
 ■ n^a^ 
 
 0, C, g', c", e", g", b"l>, c'", d'", e'". 
 
 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. 
 
 Here c, the lowest note, is the fundamental or 
 prime partial tone ; it is also generally the loudest, 
 and gives its pitch to the whole tone. C' is .the 
 first (harmonic) upper partial, and it makes twice 
 as many vibrations per second : g' is the second 
 upper partial, and makes thrice as many vibrations 
 as c: so with the others, which become fainter 
 and fainter the higher they go. It is to be ob- 
 served that any interference with the relative 
 force or loudness of any partial tone or tones is 
 
LECTURE III. 113 
 
 Tecognised by the ear as a change of quality of 
 the compound tone ; and vice versa the quality of 
 a compound tone depends on nothing whatever 
 but the relative force of the partial tones : it is 
 important to keep this resolution, in the last resort, 
 of quality into considerations of quantity in mind 
 as we go on. The question of the composition of 
 tones has been also successfully attacked from 
 another direction ; for Helmholtz has been able to 
 produce given tones by means of suitable com- 
 binations of the simple tones of forks tuned to 
 the respective pitches of the partials they are to 
 stand for. 
 
 Another meaning which this resolution of musi- 
 cal tones has in nature appears in the phenomena 
 of sympathetic resonance. An instance or two 
 will explain what is meant by the term : — Gently 
 touch one of the keys of a pianoforte so as merely 
 to raise the damper, and then sing a note of the 
 corresponding pitch, forcibly directing the voice 
 against the strings of the instrument : the note 
 will be heard from the pianoforte when you have 
 ceased to sing. When the strings of two violins 
 are in exact unison, and one is excited by the bow, 
 the other will begin to vibrate. It is well known 
 that bell-shaped glasses can be put into violent 
 motion by singing their proper tone into them. 
 Lastly, the vibrations of a fork which, has been 
 
114 LECTURES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGY, 
 
 struck are rendered more strongly audible by 
 being held near the mouth of a bottle or any 
 other resonance chamber in which the air is of the 
 same pitch as the fork. As to the pitch of the 
 air in a bottle, anybody, however dull he may be, 
 may experiment on that : for instance, if you blow 
 over the mouth of a bottle when it is empty, you 
 will find that it yields a deeper and more hollow 
 sound than when it has been half filled with 
 water, and that its pitch -will be still higher when 
 it is filled nearly up to the neck. 
 
 In the case of the voice, the tones are produced by 
 the vocal chords in the larynx, and they are of the 
 compound nature already described ; and the cavi- 
 ties lying between the yocal chords and the lips 
 form one or more resonance chambers by which 
 the tones produced in the vocal chords are in- 
 fluenced. The mouth in speaking assumes a great 
 variety of shapes, and as many of the latter as 
 imply also a difi"erence of pitch of the resonance 
 chambers they form will exercise a difierent in- 
 fluence on the quality of the tone ; for resonances 
 differing in pitch reinforce different partial tones, 
 which is at once recognised by the ear as a 
 change of quality of the compound tone. When, 
 for. instance, the resonance cavity of the mouth is 
 at its full length in ordinary pronunciation, its 
 pitch is lowest, and it reinforces the prime partial 
 
LECTUKE III. 115 
 
 tone, which then yields our w (English od) : com- 
 pare the case alluded to of the empty bottle. 
 When the same resonance cavity is at its shortest, 
 and its pitch, consequently, high, it reinforces the 
 very high partials, and the vowel produced is 
 Welsh i : compare the case of the bottle filled with 
 water nearly up to the neck. An intermediate state 
 of the resonance causes the reinforcement of some 
 of the lower partials, thus producing our a : com- 
 pare the case of the bottle half filled with water. 
 Of course the pitch of the tone is here assumed to 
 be constant as produced by the vocal chords, and 
 the pitch of the resonances to vary : it is to this 
 variation that we owe all the tone-qualities which we 
 write in Welsh a, e, i, o, u, w, and to nothing else. 
 Professor Helmholtz has succeeded in com- 
 pounding the tones of the more common vowels 
 from the simple tones of tuning-forks, thereby 
 also assigning the relative force of the different 
 partials required to make up each vowel : in 
 other words, he can make his forks, which he 
 regulates by means of electricity, sing out the 
 German vowels a, e, i, o, u, which I roughly ven- 
 ture to treat as equivalent to our a, e, i, o, w. 
 Many experiments have been made by different 
 men to ascertain the exact pitch or vibrational 
 number of the resonance cavities for the vowels. 
 One of them has arrived at the following results, 
 
116 LECTTJEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 • when the vocal, chords are tuned to ^j, and c' is 
 assumed to make 256 vibrations in a second : — 
 
 Vowel w, 0, a, e, i. 
 
 Note b^, b\, b\ b"\, b"\ 
 
 Vibrational No.... 224, 448, 896, 1792, 3584. 
 
 According to this, the pitch of the resonance 
 implied in the vowels rises an octave successively 
 in the order here given : unfortunately, this simple 
 relation is not corroborated by the experiments of 
 other investigators. However, they do not so far 
 differ as to establish another order of the vowels, 
 though they do not find the intervals to be ex- 
 actly the same. It will suffice for our purpose to 
 assume, what is fully sustained by the present state 
 of the evidence, namely, that the difference of re- 
 sonance pitch between m and a is greater than be- 
 tween 70 and or and a, and so with the others. 
 In other words, I would say that the vowels w, o, 
 a, e, i, are separated each from the next to it by 
 a single step, without insisting on the four steps 
 being exactly equal. 
 
 Should it, then, be found that w coming near 
 a is modified into o, or a coming near i is modified 
 into e, these and the like would clearly be cases 
 of partial assimilation. Now assimilation of this 
 description is well known to be a marked feature 
 of the Finnic languages, but it is not unknown in 
 
LECTURE III. 117 
 
 other languages, and among them in Irish and 
 Welsh. The Irish instances have been discussed 
 at some length by Ebel in Kuhn's Beitraege in the 
 course of his Celtic studies in the first volume of that 
 publication, I will confine myself to a brief men- 
 tion of a few of the Welsh ones. Foremost among 
 the latter may be mentioned the sequence u — a, 
 making o — a in the history of simple adjectives 
 such as these : crmm ' curved, bent,' fem. crom^ 
 erwn ' round,' fem. cron, dwfn ' deep,' fem. 
 dofn, Jmn ' this,' fem. hon, llwm ' bare,' fem. 
 Horn, and trwm ' heavy,' fem. trom. Now trwm, 
 trom, for example, points to a common Celtic pair 
 of forms, trumba-s mas., trumbA fem., which be- 
 came respectively in the course of time trumb and 
 trumba, the ending of the masculine having been 
 discarded earlier than that of the feminine, which 
 is supposed to have retained it until the a had 
 caused the u to be assimilated into o, whereby 
 trumba became tromba : lastly the a disappeared, 
 but not without thus leaving the feminine of the 
 adjective a form distinct from the masculine. 
 Trwm, I may notice in passing, is of the same 
 origin as the English verb to throng and the Ger- 
 man drang and druck, the b of the trumb- it im- 
 plies being the regular Celtic continuator of gv, 
 which is attested in the 0. Norse throngva, * to 
 press.' In the case of pwdr, 'rotten,' fem. podr, 
 
1 18 LECTURES. ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 the Latin adjective, from which these words are 
 borrowed, seems to have been treated as though it 
 were not putris, but putrus, putra. It is not to 
 be inferred from these instances that the assimila- 
 tion in question is confined to adjectives : most 
 Welsh names of the feminine gender which 
 happen to be monosyllables with the vowel o are 
 illustrations of it. In a few cases a form with 
 m has been suggested by that in o : thus from 
 Latin furca we have fforch and also ffwrch, but 
 both feminine : ffordd, ' a way,' yields the phrase 
 iffordd, 'away,' which is iffwrddin South Wales : 
 so also cwd seems to be later than cod, which, 
 though differing in gender, have the common 
 meaning of the word bag. This much by way of 
 introduction to a word of considerable interest : 
 Venantius Fortunatus, a travelled Italian of the 
 6th century mentions, among other musical in- 
 struments known in his day, a " chrotta Britanna." 
 This chrotta, which I take to be his spelling of 
 crotta, is in point of form the prototype of our 
 modern word croth, feminine, and in point of 
 meaning of the masculine crwth ; croth now means 
 the womb, also the calf of the leg, while crmth 
 means the crowd or rote, a box hollowed out of a 
 piece of wood especially for holding salt, and a 
 hump on the back. So, unless there were crutt 
 alid crotta synonymous in meaning, which is cer- 
 
LECTURE III. 119 
 
 tainly very possible, one must conclude that crotta 
 had all the meanings mentioned, that is to say, 
 until it suggested a corresponding masculine to 
 share them with it. This view is confirmed by 
 the fact that the Irish form cruit remains feminine, 
 and means both a crowd or fiddle and a hump on 
 the back. The crwth was undoubtedly so called 
 from it shape, and the word for it appears to be of 
 the same origin as the Greek Kupro?, /cw/arr), Kvprov, 
 'curved, arched, round, humped, convex!' 
 
 Similarly among the instances of the sequence 
 i — a making e — a, the gender adjectives claim 
 the first place ; the following are some of them : 
 bryck ' fveckled,' fem. brech, hyr '■ short,' fem. ber, 
 crych ' crisped,' fem. crech, gnlyb ' wet,' fem. 
 gwleb, gmych ' brave, fine, noble,' fem. gweck, 
 llym ' sharp,' fem. llem, melyn ' yellow,' fem. 
 melen. Here brych, brech, for instance, stand for 
 bricc, brecca = bricca ; but I hesitate to include 
 in the same category the adjective gnyn^ ' white,' 
 fem. gwen, the antecedents of which may have 
 been not vind, venda, but vend, venda, for the 
 Breton form is gwenn of both genders, and while 
 the syllable vend occurs several times in our early 
 inscriptions, vind is unknown in them. In this 
 case the assimilative action of the a of the feminine 
 would have been simply negative, with the effect 
 of preventing the e passing into y as in the 
 
120 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. 
 
 mascnline. To the foregoing may be added one or 
 two adjectives from Latin, such as ffyrf, ' strong, 
 stout, solid,' fern, fferf, from firmus, firma; and 
 sych, 'dry,' fem. sech, from siccus, sicca; nor are 
 there wanting instances of nouns such as cylcked, 
 ' a bedding or bedcover,' from culcita, irmneg, ' a 
 glove,' from manica, and gramadeg, ' a grammar,' 
 from grammatica. There is, however, a native 
 Welsh ending eg = -ica, as in daeareg, ' geology,' 
 from daear, ' earth,' and Cymraeg, ' the Welsh 
 language,' for some such a form as Combragica, the 
 masculine being Cymreig, ' Welsh,' for Combragic. 
 There are also in use in Welsh the feminine termi- 
 nations ell (=-illa) and es {=-issa or -ista), as in 
 the case of priddell, ' mould, clod,' from pridd, 
 ' soil, mould,' brenhines, ' a queen,' from brenhin, 
 ' a king.' And one of the most useful terminations 
 in the language is en { = -inna or -inda), which is 
 matched in the masculine by -yn, as in melyn, 
 melen, ' yellow ' : take as examples cloren, ' a 
 tail,' from clarsr, ' covering, a lid,' dalen, ' a leaf,' 
 plural dail, seren, ' a star,' plural ser. 
 
 There now remains the converse change of a — i 
 into e — i, which takes place indifferently where 
 the i remains and where it is blunted into y, as 
 in the following instances: — Cyntefig 'pristine,' 
 from cyntaf ' first,' glendid ' cleanness,' from glan 
 ' clean,' keli ' brine,' from hal-en ' salt,' iechyd 
 
LECTURE in. 121 
 
 ' health,' from iach ' healthy,' plentyn ' a child,' 
 from plant ' children,' rheffyn * a cord or rope/ 
 from rhaff ' a rope ; ' these last belong to that 
 extensive class of formations already referred to 
 apropos of the ending en of the feminine. 
 
 Further, the passing of a into ei — liable in 
 Mod. Welsh to become ai — has commonly been 
 attributed to the effect of an i; but this is not 
 quite correct, for the occasion of the change is not 
 the presence of the yowel i, but of the semi-vowel 
 so written in "Welsh, which it will here be ex- 
 pedient to write j. The correctness of this view 
 will appear to any one who is content to proceed 
 from the known to the unknown. When the 
 Welsh borrowed Latin words, they seem to have 
 treated Latin i unaccented and followed by an- 
 other vowel as _;' ; so we have breich (now braich), 
 ' the arm,' from brachium; rhaidd, ' a spear or pike,' 
 from radius, ' a staff, spoke, beam ; ' cyd-hreiniog, 
 * feeding together,' from prandium, ' breakfast, the 
 fodder of animals ; ' rheii^o, ' to snatch, bewitch,' 
 from rapio, ' I seize, carry off, ravish, captivate ; ' 
 yspaid, ' a space of time,' from spatium. Simi- 
 larly, Maria and Daniel, treated as dissyllables, 
 yielded in Welsh Meir (now Mair) and Deinjoel 
 (now DeinjoV). So in native words such as 
 lleiddjad, ' a slayer,' from lladd, ' to kill,' edifeir- 
 jol, 'repentant,' iiom edifar, 'sorry for, full of 
 
122 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 regret for,' creijjon, ' scrapings,' from crqfu, ' to 
 scrape,' and meibjon, ' sons,' from mob, ' a son.'' 
 Thus it seems natural to conclude that such forms 
 as ffeir (now ffair), ' a word,' stands ior gar-j-, with 
 a termination — perhaps ja — which began with j, 
 but which has altogether disappeared excepting 
 that the j constantly reappears in related or de- 
 rived forms, such as, for instance, in the case of 
 gair, the plural geirjau, ' words,' or the derivative 
 geirjad, ' a wording.' This cajjegory would include 
 a very large number of words, and among others 
 such plurals as brein (now braiii), ' crows,' from 
 bran, ' a crow,' and the old neuter plurals of 
 which the 0. Welsh enuein, ' names,' may be 
 taken as a specimen — this and the 0. Irish plural 
 anmann seem to point to a lengthened form, an- 
 man-ja. Possibly, also, such third persons singu- 
 lar of the verb as geill, (^ he, she, it) can,' stands 
 for galljat (= galja-ti), -with, which compare the 
 Lithuanian galiu, ' I can.' The assimilation in 
 all the examples here enumerated must have at first 
 consisted in replacing the sequence a—j-, hye—j- ; 
 further preparation for the_; was made by making 
 the latter into ei—J-. In Breton and Cornish this 
 second step was never taken ; hence it is that 
 to our breicA and geir they oppose brecA and ger. 
 But this is not unknown in Welsh itself : thus in 
 the Liber Landavensis, BrycAeinjog ' Brecknock- 
 
LECTURE III. 
 
 123 
 
 shire ' is called Brechenjauc, from Brychan's name, 
 and the name Meirckjon is there mostly given as 
 Merchjon or Merchjaun, supposed to be the Welsh 
 forms of the Latin Marcianus ; nay even now cen- 
 jog and celjog may be heard in Denbighshire, 
 Anglesey, and probably other parts of North 
 Wales, for ceinjog, ' a penny,' and ceiljog, ' a cock.' 
 In a few instances o — -j- also becomes e — -j- and 
 ei — -j~, as in yspeil {now yspail), 'spoil,' from Latin 
 spolium, and Emreis (less usual than Emrys), 
 from Ambrosius. I have not yet observed any 
 native instances in point. And where the original 
 sequence was e—j-, we sometimes find it super- 
 seded by ei — ;;;-, as in tdrthon, ' the tertian ague,' 
 from Latin tertiana, and in unbeinjaeth, which is 
 sometimes to be met with for the more usual 
 unbennaethy ' monarchy,' and in North Wales, 
 heddyw, ' to-day,' has passed through keddjm into 
 heiddjw, which is the prevalent pronunciation of 
 the word there at the present day. 
 
 As it is beyond the scope of this lecture to fol- 
 low the Welsh vowels into all their details, atten- 
 tion will now be directed to a number of changes 
 which amount to a reorganisation of the whole 
 system. But a few words must be premised on 
 the tone or syllabic accent in Welsh, and the 
 quantity or force of the vowels as regulated by it 
 and the consonants immediately following them. 
 
124 LECTURES ON VfELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Welsh monosyllables have an independent accent 
 with the 'exception of about a dozen proclitics. 
 The great majority of longer words are paroxy- 
 tones, and most of the exceptions are more ap- 
 parent than real, being perispomena, such as 
 glanhdu, ' to cleanse,' from glanhd-u = glan- 
 ha{g)-u, and cyfjawnhdd, ' justification,' from cyf- 
 jamnhohod = cyfjawnha{g)-ad. Moreover, a few 
 oxytones may still be heard, such as ymolch, 
 ' wash thyself.' In 0. Welsh, words accented on 
 the final syllable seem to have been much more 
 numerous than now, and to have included all 
 words which had the diphthong aw (au) in it : 
 take, for instance, Aestaur, ' a sextarius, a measure 
 of capacity,' bardaul, ' bardic,' and the like. 
 Welsh vowels, when single, admit of being pro- 
 nounced in three ways — they may be either long 
 or short, and, when short, they may be either 
 open or closed. It will suffice to call them long, 
 short, and closed respectively. The long vowels 
 are much of the same quantity as in English : 
 thus our bod is pronounced like English bode with 
 long 0. The short vowels also occur in both lan- 
 guages : the i, for instance, of dinas, ' a city,' and 
 and the y of myned, ' to go,' sound very nearly 
 like the English i and o of dinner and money 
 respectively. The closed vowels are those which 
 are suddenly and forcibly broken off or closed by 
 
LECTURE III. 125 
 
 a succeeding consonant : our pen, ' head,' tan, 
 ' under,' at, ' to,' sound in this respect like the 
 English words pen, tan, at. A word now as to 
 their distribution : accented monosyllables have 
 their single vowels long or closed, short ones 
 being admissible, only in the proclitics. Longer 
 words, which are not perispomena, admit only 
 short and closed vowels : short or closed in the 
 tone-syllable, short only in other syllables ; and, 
 conversely, all unaccented syllables have their 
 single vowels short. These distinctions have 
 regard only to the quantity and force of. the 
 vowels, not to. their quality ; for although k good 
 ear could hardly fail to detect differences of qua- 
 lity between the a's, for instance, in tan, ' a fire,' 
 tdfiau, ' fires,' tdnjo, ' to. fire,' the language treats 
 them as the same a varying in quantity and force, 
 and so they will here be dealt with. 
 
 The triple pronunciation of the vowel is, as it 
 has just been pointed out, recognised in English, 
 but in Welsh it has been stereotyped into a sys- 
 tem, the meaning of which it is the business of 
 phonology to explain. The vowels of the Aryan 
 parent-speech may be regarded as having come 
 down into Early Welsh with values which may, 
 roughly speaking, be called constant, whereas the 
 value of those of Mod. Welsh, as far as regards 
 their quantity and force, depends on their posi- 
 tion. The question, then, is how they came to 
 
126 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 exchange their constant values for positional 
 values, and how comparative uniformity was 
 elicited from the original variety. The cases to 
 be taken into account range themselves into 
 three groups : those where long vowels have been 
 shortened, those where short vowels have been 
 lengthened, and those where no perceptible change 
 of force or quantity is attested. 
 
 Take the first : that a long vowel should be short- 
 ened when it occurs in an unaccented syllable seems 
 to us, with our modern way of marking the accented 
 syllable by a greater stress of the voice, so natural 
 as to require no remark, and we pass on to the 
 same modification when it happens under the 
 accent. This concerns the vowels u, i, and the 
 Early Welsh continuator.of Aryan a. Thus u is 
 shortened in unol, ' united,' and closed- in undeb, 
 ' union,' from un, ' one,' and so in other words. 
 Traces of the operation of this law, which is 
 general in "Welsh, may be found in English ; 
 witness such words as nose, nostril; vine, vine- 
 yard ; house, husband, hussy ; nation, national. 
 It is not, however, confined to these more palpable 
 cases, for Mr. Barlow finds that the syllable ex, 
 for instance, when pronounced by itself, appears 
 in the diagram described by the marker of the 
 logograph considerably longer than when it is 
 spoken as a part of such a word as excommuni- 
 cate; in the latter it becomes, he says in the 
 
LECTURE III. 127 
 
 paper already alluded to, compressed, its length 
 being shortened and its height increased. The 
 reason for such a law is perhaps to he sought in 
 the fact that the centre of gravity, so to speak, 
 •of a word is in the accented vowel : if that hap- 
 pens to he in the final syllable, it may remain 
 long ; if not, there seems to exist a sort of in- 
 stinctive tendency to share the breath and time 
 required for uttering that syllable between it 
 and the remaining portion of the word. The 
 ideal limit of this would be to devote exactly 
 the same amount of breath and time to the pro- 
 nunciation, for instance, of tanau and tan, of 
 national and nation. The comparatively rare oc- 
 currence of such cases of vowel-shortening, due 
 to the influence of the accent in Latin, still rarer 
 in Greek, as well as the nature of the metres the 
 Greeks and Eomans used in their poetry, seems 
 to warrant the inference that the ancient accent 
 mainly implied a difference of pitch, while ours 
 in English and Welsh mainly means a difference 
 of loudness or force, the change of pitch being 
 mostly considered secondary, or passed over un- 
 observed. As we go on it will appear by no 
 means improbable that "Welsh was adopting (or 
 had already adopted) in the 8th century our 
 modern accent in lieu of that which may be called 
 the classical accent. The effects of such a change 
 
128 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGfT. 
 
 must have been very considerable on our vowel 
 system, though they are exceedingly hard to de- 
 fine. But as similar changes have occurred in the 
 history of the majority of the modern languages 
 of Europe, comparative phonology may reasonably 
 be expected at some future day to solve the pro- 
 blem satisfactorily. 
 
 The next vowel is i, which we failed to detect 
 as the continuator of Aryan i. It is even doubtful 
 whether it was not sometimes z in Early Welsh, as 
 well as i. It would be hard, for instance, to prove 
 that it was at any time long in the word elin: 
 the cognate forms are Ir. tiille, " ulnas," Eng. ell, 
 el-bow, Lat. ulna, Greek aiKevr}, Skr. aratni; and 
 it is certain that it never was long in anifel, ' an 
 animal,' from Lat. animal or one of its oblique 
 cases. However, even where it must have always 
 been long in Welsh, as in gmr, ' true ' (Ir. fvr, 
 Lat. virus), and dm, ' a fort, a town ' (Ir. dun, 
 Eng. town), we find the quantity of the vowel 
 short when a syllable is added, as in anwiredd, 
 ' untruth,' and dinas, ' a city,' and so in others. 
 
 .The fortunes of Aryan a in Welsh are still 
 more interesting : towards the close of the Early 
 Welsh period it had become o, which by the 9th 
 century had been diphthongised into aw (written 
 au) in monosyllables and other words where it 
 was accented in the final syllable, as in 0. Welsh 
 
liECTUEE III. 129 
 
 lau, now llaw, ' a hand,' and paup^ now pawb, 
 ' everybody/ and the like ; but in those positions, 
 where long vowels are inadmissible, not oijily 
 was its diphthongisation into aw arrested, but the 
 was reduced sooner or later to o: so by the 
 side of paup and hestaur (sextS,rius) 0. Welsh 
 offers us popptu, ' on every side,' and hestorjou, 
 the plural of kestaur, and so on. So it seems 
 probable that the reorganisation of the Welsh 
 vowel system came upon the vowel in question 
 when it was 5, but before it had begun to be 
 diphthongised into aw. In Bede's liistoria Eccle- 
 siasiica, as edited by Mr. Moberly (Oxford, 1869), 
 the proper names have been printed as they occur 
 in the oldest manuscript of the work, which is 
 assigned to the year 737, and there the Abbot of 
 Bangor who met Augustine is called Dinoot. 
 Welsh tradition calls him Dunaut, later Dunawd. 
 There can be no doubt as to the virtual identity 
 of Dinoot and Dunaut, nor, as I think, as to both 
 being forms of the Latin name Donatus, which 
 was not unknown in Britain in the time of the 
 Eoman occupation, when many more Latin names 
 were adopted by the Britons. Now Dinoot and 
 Dunaut show that Bede had the same diflSculty in 
 distinguishing Welsh u from I as the natives of 
 South Wales have in our own day, and that his 
 00 probably meant o, which had not been diphthono-- 
 
 I 
 
130 LECTURES. ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 ised. Bede is supposed to have lived from 672 
 to 734, but he may have been copying from an 
 earlier writer. However, we should probably not 
 be far wrong in supposing the- reorganisation of 
 the vowel system to have been in process during 
 the century from 650 to 750 : probably it began 
 long before, and it is certain that it lasted long 
 after. It is worth while observing, that the same 
 law which gives us au in monosyllables and o in 
 longer words, has also been at work in Irish, as 
 in the following words, which I copy from the 
 Gram. Celtica^ p. 18 : — cliah, " corbis," cUbene, 
 " sporta ; " Jiach, " Aebitam" fechem, "debitor;" 
 grian, "|Sol," grene, "solis;" sliah, "mons," slehihj 
 " montibus," to which I would add dia, ' god,' 
 genitive dii for divi. In the case of ua and 6 
 more uncertainty prevails, but Zeuss (p. 23) gives 
 huar, '•' hora," genitive hore, and suas, " sursum," 
 but i sosib " in altis." 
 
 Next comes the group which comprises the 
 cases of vowels undergoing a lengthening. This 
 happens almost exclusively in monosyllables, and 
 conversely it takes place in all monosyllables — 
 provided they are not proclitics, or that their 
 vowels are not already m, I, or a diphthong — 
 which close with any one of the consonants g, d, b ; 
 dd,f; and n and I, where they were not formerly 
 doubled or accompanied by another consonant. 
 
LECTURE III. 131 
 
 Take, for instance, the following -words : gmag, 
 ' empty,' tad, " father,' pib, ' a pipe,' hedd, ' a 
 tomb,' claf, ' ill,' glan, ' clean,' pwl, ' blunted ; ' 
 if the word is lengthened by the addition of a 
 syllable, then the vowel returns to its original 
 quantity, as in beddau, ' tombs,' and glanach, 
 ' cleaner.' This process of lengthening the vowels 
 of monosyllables was not complete in the early 
 part of the 0. Welsh period : witness the Capella 
 glosses hepp, now Mb or eb, ' quoth,' and nepp, 
 now neb, ' anybody.' Neither is it easy to ac- 
 count for ; but it may be surmised that, as most 
 of our monosyllables represent words originally of 
 two (or sometimes more) syllables, the vowel of 
 the leading syllable was reinforced by way of 
 compensating for the discarding of the rest of the 
 word, a long monosyllable being, metrically speak- 
 ing, a better equivalent for a dissyllable than a 
 short one. Possibly, also, the mistaken analogy 
 of such forms as paup and popptu exercised an 
 influence in the same direction. There is another 
 consideration which is of more weight than the 
 foregoing : in the earlier stages of the Aryan lan- 
 guages the pitch-accent prevailed, and conse- 
 quently a mode of pronunciation was usual which 
 is far less so in those of their modern repre- 
 sentatives, where the stress-accent is dominant. 
 I allude to such words as Latin pater, bonus. 
 
132 LEOTUEBS ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 These were not patter, bonnus, in spite of the 
 French bon, bonne, nor pater, bonus, in spite of 
 the Italian padre, buono, and the Anglo-Latin 
 monstrosities payter, bownus. But enough has 
 been said to show that such a word as bonus had 
 a tendency, under the influence of the stress- 
 accent, to become either bonnus or bonus. The 
 latter represents the course with which the student 
 of Welsh is mostly concerned. The same ten- 
 dency is well known also in Modern Greek, where 
 Xoyo? is now Xayo?, and it is widely stereotyped 
 in Mod. High German, which is said to be dis- 
 tinguished from. Mid. H. German by its lengthen- 
 ing the short tone-vowels followed by single con- 
 sonants, as in geben, ' to give,' and haben, ' to 
 have.' We have it also in English : take the 
 words ape, make, late, lame, which were formerly 
 apa, macian, lata, lama. The analogy between the 
 English words and the Welsh ones in question is 
 so complete — both lengthen the tone-vowels, and 
 both discard the inflectional endings — that one 
 cannot help suspecting their having been subjected 
 to the operation of the same causes. 
 
 In the foregoing enumeration of the consonants 
 requiring long tone-vowels to precede them, no 
 mention was made — the explanation required being 
 somewhat different — of the rule, that the vowel 
 must also be long before ch, th,ff, and s, as in 
 
LECTUEE III. 133 
 
 cock, ' red,' crotA, ' the womb,' rhaf, ' a rope,' and 
 fflas, ' blue, green, grey.' The antecedents of 
 these spirants were respectively cc (or cs), tt, pp, 
 and ss (mostly for st) : take for instance our cock, 
 which is probably from coeeum, ' scarlet,' and crotA, 
 which has already been traced to' crotta : these 
 were no doubt pronounced coccum and crotta, which 
 might be expected to have yielded in the first 
 place cock and crotL These last would eventually 
 become each and crotk, owing to the analogy of the 
 other cases already mentioned, and to the reaction 
 on the vowels of the spirants, which, not being 
 instantaneous in their pronunciation, are not 
 favourable to a clean cutting off of the vowels 
 preceding them. And so in the case of the other 
 spirants, including s, whence a difference between 
 Irish and Welsh in words otherwise identical, 
 such as fflas ; ours being fflds, while the Irish is 
 fflas. Supposing the steps coccum, cock, coch were 
 made out, we should still find a difficulty in as- 
 signing the time when the .short vowel was 
 lengthened ; but Welsh verge offers a case of 
 assonance which deserves a passing mention. 
 Dafydd ab Gwilym (1340-1400) makes och, ' oh,' 
 answer such words as cocA, /ed,' and clocA, ' a bell,' 
 
 thus: 
 
 " Och ! Ooh ! y Ddol Goch wedi gwyl." 
 
 Now the interjection is an exception, being pro- 
 
1 34 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 nounced not och but och, and such assonances have 
 been supposed to show that its pronunciation was 
 formerly regular, that is och. But the question 
 may be put in two ways : has och been shortened 
 contrary to analogy, or has it merely retained its 
 original quantity of vowel contrary to analogy? 
 In the latter case it would follow that D. ab 
 Gwilym spoke clock, cock, and not clock, cock, as 
 we do. 
 
 So far of the vowels which change their quan- 
 tity, and of the conditions under which that 
 happens : a word now on the third group, where no 
 perceptible change of quantity has taken place. 
 The instances here in point are of two kinds : words 
 with closed vowels as bdlck, ' proud,' bdlchder, 
 ' pride,' plant, pldntack, ' children,' darn, 'apiece,' 
 ddrnau, ' pieces ; ' and those with short vowels 
 such as kanes, ' history,' qfal, ' an apple,' maddeu, 
 ' to forgive.' In these no great change of quan- 
 tity of the tone-vowels can have occurred from 
 the earliest times, though no doubt some modifica- 
 tion may have followed the passage from the 
 pitch-accent of the ancients to the stress-accent 
 of our own day. The number of instances in this 
 third group is probably far in excess of that in 
 the two former groups put together, if we confine 
 ourselves to the tone-syllable, which after all is the 
 kernel of all our words : so that our vowel system 
 
LECTDEB III. 135 
 
 has altogether been more conservative than might 
 be inferred from the somewhat lengthy remarks to 
 which those other groups gave rise. 
 
 The processes already mentioned of reorganising 
 the Welsh vowel system were probably well over 
 by the end of the Mediteval Period in the history 
 of the language. Before concluding- this lecture 
 a few more have to be noticed, some of which are 
 not only later in time than the foregoing, but, to 
 some extent, probably owe their origin to the 
 influence of the analogy of the latter. Consider 
 for a moment the individuality so strongly im- 
 pressed in the ways already pointed out by Welsh 
 phonology on certain monosyllables as compared 
 with the same when forming parts of longer words, 
 and take as instances the following : — coch^ ' red,' 
 superl. cochaf, llath, ' a rod,' llathen, ' a yard,' tad, 
 ' a father,' tddol, ' fatherly,' mdb, ' a son, a boy,' 
 mebyd, ' boyhood,^ brawd, ' a brother,' brodyr, 
 ' brothers,' tawdd, ' molten,' toddi, ' to melt.' Here 
 we have a tolerably well-defined contrast which 
 came to be impressed on another class of words, 
 namely, such as have a diphthong in the tone- 
 syllable. This was done by adding, so to say, to 
 the weight of the monosyllable, by diminishing 
 that of the corresponding part of the longer form, 
 or by both processes at once. The diphthongs, the 
 history of which is here concerned, are our modern 
 
136 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 ai, au, ae, oe, Tcy. Mediaeval Welsh ei becomes ai 
 in modern monosyllables, as in bd, now hai, 
 ' blame,' pi. beiau, geir, now gair, * a word,' pi, 
 geirjau, Meir, now Mair, ' Mary ; ' tbe proclitics 
 ei, ' his,' ei, ' her,* are of course not subject to 
 this change : the same applies to independent 
 monosyllables which happen to be already sufr 
 ficiently weighted, as when they end with two 
 consonants, such as gei/r, ' g6ats,' meirch, ' steeds,' 
 ysceifn, the plural of yscafn, ' light, not heavy.' 
 Med. Welsh eu becomes au, as in deu, now dau, 
 ' two,' and keul, now haul, ' sun,' heulog, * sunny ; ' 
 the proclitic eu ' their ' remains, like ei, un- 
 changed : the same applies to neu, ' or.' Old 
 Welsh ai (pronounced probably with the blunted 
 i, which we now write y or m) becomes ae so early 
 as the beginning of the Med. Welsh period, as for 
 instance in air, later aer, ' a battle,' and cai, later 
 cae, 'a field.' The spelling ae, however, is also 
 retained in words of more than one syllable, as in 
 aerfa, ' a battle-field,' and caeau, ' fields. But 
 the pronunciation varies between au or ai and eu 
 or ei. In a few words this relation is optionally 
 indicated by the ordinary orthography, as in aetk, 
 ' ivit,' but euthum, ' ivi,' and euthost, ' ivisti,' 
 maes, ' a field,' meusydd, ' fields ; ' in the collo- 
 quial, ae in an unaccented final syllable is mostly 
 reduced into a single vowel, whereby such words 
 
LECTURE III. 137 
 
 as hiraeth, ' longing,' become in South Wales 
 hiretk, and the like. A word which in 0, Welsh 
 would have had the single form mat, is in Mod. 
 Welsh both mae and mat : the former means ' is,' 
 the latter is a proclitic with the force of the Eng- 
 lish conjunction that : the same use of a verb as a 
 conjunction occurs in taw, ' that,' commonly used 
 in South Wales instead of mai : taw is obsolete as 
 a verb, but not so its Irish equivalent td, ' is.' 0. 
 Welsh 01 (also probably pronounced with i = our 
 modern u or y) makes oe in Med. Welsh, and 
 later, as when 0. Welsh ois becomes oes, ' age, 
 generation,' and oid becomes oedd, ' was.' The 
 spelling oe is also retained in other words than those 
 of one syllable : take for instance the 0. Welsh 
 ois oisoud, ' sseculum sseculorum,' later oes oesoedd, 
 pronounced in North and South Wales respectively 
 oes ousoudd, oes oisoidd, or still more colloquially 
 with ousodd, oisodd, the diphthong in the unaccented 
 ending being reduced to a single vowel as in many 
 other words, such as mynyddodd, ' mountains,' 
 nefodd, ' heavens, heaven,' written mynyddoedd, 
 ne/oedd. As to the diphthong 7vy, when it occurs 
 in an accented syllable followed by another syllable 
 in the same word, the accent under favourable 
 circumstances shifts from the w to the y, whereby 
 the former becomes a semi-vowel, as in gwydd, 
 'a, goose,' but gnyddau, 'geese.' This modi- 
 
138 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 fication is probably very modern, and otherwise 
 this diphthong may be regarded as the most un- 
 changeable, excepting ew, in the language, as 
 the old spelling ui probably meant exactly the 
 same sounds which we write wj/. But as m/ 
 and oe represent an early oi which came down 
 into 0. Welsh partly as oi (now oe), partly as ui 
 (our my), the difficult question as to the cause of 
 this bifiurcation meets us. The following answer is a 
 mere guess, to be taken for what it is worth. In 
 Mod. Welsh the diphthongs, when accented, have 
 the accent on the leading vowel (excepting in such 
 cases as that of gwyddau, where 7oy ceases to be 
 a diphthong), as in gdir, mde, oedd, and gwydd. 
 But it may well be that it was not always so, and 
 that gair, for instance, was preceded by geir for 
 geirja and garjd, the advance of the accent having 
 been gradual — garja, geirja, geir, gdir. Take also 
 such words as draen, ' a thorn,' plural drain, 
 which may be inferred to stand for drain sing. 
 drein plural, and these for dragn and dregn-i or 
 dregn-ja : the cognate Irish is draighen, ' thorn.' 
 Similarly dau would imply deu, and so in other 
 instances. Should these guesses turn out well 
 founded, one would have to regard oen, ' a lamb,' 
 for instance, and its plural wyn, as representing 
 oin sing, and oin plural, for oin-i or oin-ja, with 
 an ending indicative of the plural number retained 
 
LECTURE III. 139 
 
 intact at a time when the singular had been re- 
 duced to a monosyllahle. This agrees tolerably 
 well with the fact that Latin e makes ny in Welsh, 
 as in canwyll, ' a candle,' and afwyn, ' a rein,' from 
 candila and habena, while the oxytone Aavir\K has 
 in "Welsh yielded Deinjoel, now Deinjol. If the 
 antecedents of our ai, au, ae, oe, ny were ei, eu, 
 di, 6i, 01, the modification thereby implied admits 
 of being described simply as the replacing the 
 unaccented vowel by a nearly related vowel of a 
 lower pitch of resonance, a principle the working 
 of which is, I am inclined to think, also to be de- 
 tected elsewhere in the language : for instance, 
 where Mod. "Welsh replaces eu in unaccented final 
 syllables by au, as in pethau, ' things,' fforau ' best,' 
 borau, ' morning.' Compare also the disuse of 
 enwiredd, ' untruth,' engyljon, * angels,' llewenydd, 
 'joy,' in favour of the forms anwiredd, angyljon, 
 llawenydd, and the like. 
 
( 140 ) 
 
 LECTUEE IV. 
 
 "As his craze ia astronomical, he will most likely make few con- 
 verts, and will be forgotten after at most a passing laugh from scien- 
 tific men. But if his craze had been historical or philological, he 
 might have put forth notions quite as absurd as the notion that the 
 earth is flat, and many people would not have been in the least able 
 to see that they were absurd. If any scholar had tried to confute 
 him, we should have heard of ' controversies ' and ' differences of 
 opinion.' " — The Satuedat Ebview. . 
 
 It is my intention now to call your attention to 
 the continuity of the Welsh language ; but before 
 we attempt to trace it back step by step to the 
 time of the Eoman occupation, it may be well to 
 premise that history fails to give us any indica- 
 tions which would lead us to infer that the Welsh 
 of the present day are not in the main the lineal 
 descendants of the people whom the Eomans found 
 here. No doubt the race received an infusion of 
 foreign blood in those neighbourhoods where the 
 Roman legions had permanent stations ; but its 
 character ddes not seem to have been much in- 
 fluenced by contact with the English, at any rate 
 previously to the Norman Conquest. As to the 
 Danes, they have hardly left behind them a trace 
 of their visits to our shores, and that the Irish 
 occupied any part of Wales for a length of time 
 
LECTUBE IV. 141 
 
 still remains to be proved. Certainly the effects of 
 such an occupation, even were it established, on 
 our language -will be hard to discover. The monu- 
 ments to be met with in Wales and elsewhere in 
 the West of Britain alleged to belong to the Irish 
 will presently come under notice. Thus it would 
 seem that we are entitled to expect to find our 
 Welsh to have been continued without any violent 
 interruption from the common language of the 
 Kymric race in the time of Agricola, to which be- 
 longed not only Wales, including Monmouthshire, 
 but also Devon and Cornwall, a considerable por- 
 tion of the west and middle of England, nearly 
 all the north of it, and a part of Scotland. To 
 what extent the country was occupied by non- 
 Kymric races is a question which will occupy us as 
 we go on. Subsequently to the decisive battle of 
 Chester in 607, when the English succeeded in sever- 
 ing the Welsh of Gwynedd from their countrymen 
 in Lancashire and the North, the Kymric popula- 
 tion of the west of the island found themselves 
 cut up into three sections, the Strathclyde Britons, 
 those of Wales, and those south of the Bristol 
 Channel. As to the northern section, it was not 
 long ere English drove the old language off the 
 ground. In Cornwall it survived to differentiate 
 itself considerably from Welsh, and to become 
 extinct as a spoken language only in the last cen- 
 
142 LEOTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 tury. In the middle section, that is, in Wales, 
 you need not be told that it is still living and 
 vigorous, though its domain is getting more and 
 more circumscribed. One may accordingly assume, 
 at any rate provisionally, that the Kymric people 
 of the North, of Wales, and of Devonshire and 
 Cornwall, spoke the same language till the end of 
 the 7th century or thereabouts ; so in writing on 
 early Welsh we claim the use of ancient Kymric 
 monuments, whether they occur in Wales itself, 
 in Devonshire, or in the vicinity of Edinburgh. 
 Of course one is not to suppose that within that 
 range there were no dialectic variations ; but they 
 were probably not such as to make themselves dis- 
 turbing elements within the compass of our early 
 inscriptions. The case is different when the latter 
 are compared with those of Ireland, the -linguistic 
 differences between the Kymric and the Goidelic 
 nations being of a far older standing ; but more of 
 this anon. 
 
 Hitherto it has been usual to divide the Welsh 
 language, historically considered, into three periods, 
 namely, those of Old, Middle, and Modern Welsh. 
 This classification was adopted at a time when 
 very little was known to glottologists respecting 
 our early inscribed stones, which mark out for 
 us two periods of the language to which, in de- 
 fault of a better, the term Early Welsh may be 
 
LECTUEE IV. 143 
 
 applied. This, however, cannot be' done without 
 rendering Middle Welsh inadmissible; but, in 
 order to disturb the old terminology as little as 
 possible, the adjective Medimval may be used in- 
 stead of Middle. Having premised this much, we 
 proceed to parcel out the entire past of the langu- 
 age in the following manner : — 
 
 1. Prehistoric Welsh, ranging from the time when 
 
 the ancestors of the Welsh and the Irish could 
 no longer be said to form one nation, to the 
 subjugation of the Britons by Julius Agricola, 
 or, let us say, to the end of the first cen- 
 tury. 
 
 2. Early Welsh of the time of the Eoman occupa- 
 
 tion, from then to the departure of the Romans 
 in the beginning of the fifth century. , 
 
 3. Early Welsh of what is called the Brit- Welsh 
 
 period, from that date till about the end of 
 the seventh century, or the beginning of the 
 eighth. 
 
 4. Old Welsh, from that time to the coming of the 
 
 Normans into Wales in the latter part of the 
 eleventh century. 
 
 5. Mediaeval Welsh, from that time to the Refor- 
 
 mation. 
 
 6. Modern Welsh, from that epoch to the present 
 
 day. 
 
144 LECTDKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGy. 
 
 This would be the order to follow if one had to 
 produce specimens of the successive periods of the 
 language, but for our present purpose it will be 
 preferable to trace it back step by step from that 
 stage in which we know it best to the other stages 
 in which it is not so well known ; in a word, to 
 treat it as a question of identity. The lead, then, 
 is to be taken by Modern Welsh, which I would 
 distinguish into Biblical and Journalistic Welsh. 
 By the latter is meant the vernacular, which we 
 talk, and meet with, more or less touched up, in 
 most of our newspapers. It is characterised by a 
 growing tendency to copy English idioms, the 
 result no doubt of frequent contact with English, 
 and of continually translating from English. It 
 is right to add that the number of the books and 
 journals published in it is steadily increasing. 
 Biblical Welsh, as the term indicates, is the lan- 
 guage of the Welsh translations of the Bible, and 
 a number of other books, mostly theological, of the 
 time of the Eeformation and later, and it is still 
 the language in which our best authors endeavour 
 to write. This overlapping of Biblical and Jour- 
 nalistic Welsh in our own day will serve to show 
 that, when glottologists divide, for convenience' 
 sake, the life of a language into periods, one is not 
 to ask the day of the month when one period 
 ends and the succeeding one begins. Passing be- 
 
LECTURE IV. 145 
 
 yond tlie time of the Reformation, we come to the 
 Mediaeval Welsh of the Bruts or chronicles, so 
 called from the fashion, once common, of manufac- 
 turing a Brutus or Brytus to colonise this island, 
 and to give it the name of Britain : he was held 
 to have been a descendant of ^neas, and thus 
 were the Welsh connected with Troy. To about 
 the same time are to be assigned the romances 
 called the Mabinogion, which consist mostly of 
 tales respecting Arthur and the Knights of the 
 Round Table. Here also may be mentioned, as 
 belonging to the earlier part of the period, the 
 Venedotian versions of the Laws of Wales, which 
 Aneurin Owen found to be in manuscripts of the 
 12th century, and it is to the 12th that Mr. Skene 
 assigns the Black Book of Carmarthen in the Hen- 
 gwrt Collection, the property of W. W. E. Wynne 
 of Peniarth, Esq. : it contains the oldest version 
 extant of much of the poetry commonly assigned 
 to the 6th century. As to the language of this 
 poetry, it is certainly not much older, if at all, 
 than the manuscript containing it I have said 
 the language, for the matter may be centuries 
 older, if we may suppose each writer or rehearser 
 to have adapted the form of the words, as far as 
 concerns the reduction of the mutable consonants, 
 to the habits of his own time, which one might 
 well have done unintentionally, and so, perhaps, 
 
 K 
 
146 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 without the matter being much tampered with. 
 For the details of this question I would refer you 
 to the fourteen introductory chapters in Skene's 
 Four Ancient Books of Wales : suffice it here to 
 say, that the poems ascribed to the Oynfeirdd or 
 early bards belong, as far as concerns us now, to 
 the Mediaeval period of Welsh, though the metre, 
 the allusions, and the archaisms, which some of 
 them contain, tend -to show that they date, in 
 some form or other, from the 9th century, if not 
 earlier. 
 
 So far we have at our service abundance of 
 literature for all philological purposes ; but when 
 we pass the threshold of the 12th century, the case 
 . is no longer so, our only materials for the study 
 of Old Welsh being inscriptions and glosses, 
 together with a few other scraps in Latin manu- 
 scripts. The inscriptions here alluded to are the 
 later ones, written in characters which archfeolo- 
 gists call Hiberno-Saxon. As to the manuscript 
 portion of the materials, when a Welshman read- 
 ing a Latin author met a word he did not under- 
 stand, he ascertained its meaning, and wrote its 
 Welsh equivalent above it, between the lines, or 
 in the margin : so our Welsh glosses were pro- 
 duced. We have, besides, fragments of charters 
 and scraps of poetry filling up spaces which hap- 
 pened to be blank in the original manuscripts. 
 
LECTURE IV. 147 
 
 Most of them are ia Oxford and Cambridgie, and 
 one in Lichfield. Their dates are ascertained for 
 us by experts, and it is to the 9th century that 
 they now assign the oldest collection. Altogether 
 they are far under a thousand vords and contain 
 few complete sentences : so, while they leave us 
 considerably in the dark as to the syntax of the 
 language, they enable us to ascertain what phono- 
 logical and formal changes it has passed through 
 since the 9th century. Among other things, we 
 are placed in a position to watch the appearance 
 and gradual spread in it of the more interesting 
 consonantal mutations. 
 
 The next move backwards lands us in the Brit- 
 Welsh period of the language, for the study of 
 which we have, besides a few names in Gildas and 
 other writers of the time, a pretty good number of 
 epitaphs, but mostly written in Latin. This is 
 unfortunate, as the Kymric names they contain 
 have, in a great number of instances, their termi- 
 
 ■ nations' Latinised. A few, however, are bilingual, 
 consisting of a Latin version in more or less 
 debased Roman capitals, interspersed occasionally 
 
 ■ towards the close of the period with minuscules, 
 and of an Early Welsh version in Ogam. Several 
 of them will be noticed as we go on ; and I now 
 submit to you a list [this will be found in an 
 Appendix at the end of thevolume] of them, con- 
 
148 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 taiuing all those which have not been reduced to 
 mere fragments of no special interest, or rendered 
 illegible by centuries of exposure. 
 
 As we pass back from the Brit- Welsh period to 
 the time of the Epman occupation, our data become 
 still more meagre. They consist (1) of a few 
 proper names which have been identified in 
 Ptolemy's Geography, the Itinerary of Antoninus, 
 Tacitus' Agricola, and other writings of that time, 
 and (2) . inscriptions scattered up and down the 
 country occupied by our ancestors. The number 
 of Celtic names. in these last is very considerable, 
 but we cannot be sure that they are in all in- 
 stances Kymric ; however, we may assume some of 
 them to be so if they are found at Caerleon (that 
 is, the Isca Silurum of the ancients), at York, 
 and other places in the North. They are mostly 
 epitaphs written in Latin, and beginning with the 
 usual Koman dedication to the Di Manes, but some 
 are votive tablets to local gods. Any one who has 
 an eye for Celtic names can pick them out at his 
 leisur-e in the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, 
 published not long ago in Berlin, under the 
 superintendence of Professor Hiibner: the seventh 
 volume is devoted to those of Great Britain. 
 
 And now that we have thus rapidly scanned 
 the past of our language so far back as any the 
 slightest assistance is rendered us by ancient 
 
LECTURE IV. 149 
 
 authors and contemporary monuments, you may 
 ask, What about the question of identity pro- 
 pounded at the beginning of the lecture ? As 
 far as concerns Modern and Mediaeval Welsh, or 
 Medisevaland Old Welsh, there can be no question 
 at all, and we need not hesitate to assume the 
 identity of the Welsh language of the 9th century 
 with that of the 19th ; that is to say, the former 
 has grown to be the latter. Nor is there any 
 occasion at present to prove its identity in the 1st 
 and 6th century, though, it must be admitted, that 
 would, owing to the scantiness of our data, be only 
 less difficult than to establish the negative. At 
 any rate, we may wait until the latter has found 
 an advocate ; for it is not just at this point that 
 the chain of continuity has been suspected : the 
 links that are now and then challenged occur 
 between the 6th and' 9th centuries, and it is to 
 them that our attention must now be directed. 
 
 Here precedence may be granted to the difficulty 
 of those writers who fail to see how a language 
 once possessed of a system of cases could get to 
 lose them and appear in the state in which we find 
 the Old Welsh of the 9th century, which hardly 
 differed in this respect from the Welsh of our day. 
 These may be dismissed with the question. What 
 has become of the cases of Latin in the languages 
 of the Romance nations of modern times, such as 
 
150 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Italian, French, and Spanish, or how many of the 
 five or six cases formerly in use in English are 
 current in Modern English ? 
 
 Then there are those who will have it, that 
 Welsh can never have had cases, because it is, as 
 they imagine, nearly related to, or immediately 
 derived from Hebrew, which also has no cases. 
 Neither do literary ostriches of this class deserve to 
 be reasoned with, at any rate until they have taken 
 their heads out of the sand and acquainted them- 
 selves with the history of the philological world since 
 the publication of Bopp's Comparative Grammar. 
 As matters stand, it would in all probability be use- 
 less to tell them that Welsh has nothing to do with 
 Hebrew or any other Semitic tongue. It is, how- 
 ever, not a little satisfactory to read, from time to 
 time, in the English papers, that this Hebrew 
 nightmare, which has heavily lain, some time .or 
 other, on almost every language in Europe, seems 
 to be fast transforming itself into a kind of spirit 
 of search impelling gentlemen of a certain idiosyn- 
 crasy to turn their thoughts to the .discovery of 
 the Lost Ten Tribes of Israel. 
 
 Not to dwell on the fact that Semitic scholars 
 are satisfied that Hebrew itself once had cases, or, 
 rather, that it never lost them altogether, it may 
 be interesting to notice that even the Welsh we 
 speak may be made to yield us evidence of the use 
 
LECTUKE rV. 151 
 
 of a system of cases in the language during the 
 earlier periods of its history. But before we pro- 
 ceed to this we may for a moment consider what 
 traces of the cases of Latin remain in the Welsh, 
 words which our ancestors borrowed from that 
 language. Well, if you look through a list of 
 these loan-words, which amount in all to no less than 
 500 Latin vocables, you will find that some show 
 traces of the Latin nominative, as for instance, 
 lendith, ' a blessing,' ffnrn, ' an oven,' pabell, ' a 
 tent,' from benedictio,fornax,papilio, respectively, 
 while others are supposed to be derived from 
 accusatives, such as cardod, ' alms, charity,' ciw- 
 dod, ' a tribe,' j)ont, ' a bridge,' from caritatem, 
 cimtatem, and pontem: compare lorddonen, 'Jor- 
 dan,' and Moesen, ' Moses,' from 'lopBdvrjv and 
 MouvffTJv. Lastly, it may be left undecided whether 
 tymp, ' a woman's time to be confined,' comes 
 from tempus nominative or tempus accusative, and 
 so of corf, ' a body,' from corpus, but tymmhor, 
 ' a season,' must have come from temporis, tempori, 
 or tempore, and so of the corffor in corj^ori, ' to in- 
 corporate,' and in corjvroedd, an obsolete plural 
 of corj^, for which we now use cyrf. Now, have 
 we any such traces in Welsh words of Welsh 
 origin ? No doubt we have ; and they are to be 
 detected by comparison with other languages, 
 especially Irish. The following are found to be 
 nominatives : — 
 
152 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 bru, ' womb : ' compare 0. Ir. nom. bru, gen, 
 
 brond. 
 car, ' a friend : ' compare 0. Ir, nom. cara, gen. 
 
 carat, 
 ci, ' a dog : ' compare 0. Ir. nom. cu, gen. con. 
 gof, ' a smith : ' compare 0. Ir. nom. goba, gen, 
 
 goband. 
 llyg, ' a field-mouse : ' compare 0. Ir. nom. luch, 
 
 gen. lochad. 
 tan, ' fire : ' compare 0. Ir. nom. tene, gen. tened. 
 
 In other instances the comparison shows us 
 that the Welsh forms are not nominatives, but 
 probably accusatives, as in the following, pointed 
 out to me by Mr. Stokes : — 
 
 bon (in henfon), ' a cow : ' compare 0. Ir. accus. 
 
 boin, nom. bo. 
 breuan, ' a handmill : ' compare 0. Ir. accus. 
 
 broinn-n, nom. broo, equated by Mr. Stokes 
 
 with the Sanskrit grdvan, the Rigveda word 
 
 for the stone used in sq;ueezing out the- soma 
 
 juice. 
 breuant, ' the windpipe : ' compare 0. Ir. accus. 
 
 brdigait-n, nom. brdge. 
 dernydd, ' a druid : ' compare 0. Ir. accus. 
 
 druid-n, nom. drui {drym would seem. to be 
 
 the Welsh nominative). 
 
LECTURE IV. 153 
 
 emi7i, ' a nail of the hand or foot : ' compare 0. Ir. 
 
 accus. ingin-n, nom. inge. 
 gorsin, ' a door-post : ' compare 0. Ir. accus. 
 
 ursain-n, nom. ursa. 
 Iwerddon, ' Ireland : ' compare 0. Ir. accus. 
 
 Herenn, nom. Hiriu, 
 mis, ' month : ' compare 0. Ir. accus. mis-n, nom. 
 
 mi. 
 pridd, ' earth, soil : ' compare 0. Ir. accus. creid-n, 
 
 nom.- cri. 
 
 Add to these the word nos, ' night,' a nominative 
 for nots = noct-s : compare Latin nox, gen. noctis. 
 If Welsh had a case with the stem noct as in 
 Latin noctis, noctem, nocti, it would have to be- 
 come noeth in "Welsh, and this actually occurs in 
 trannoeth, ' the following day,' literally ' over^ 
 night,' and in trannoeth the word noeth must he an 
 accusative, which is the case tra governed, as may 
 he learned from the fact that its Irish counterpart 
 tar always governs that case. Beunoeth, ' every 
 night,' is also an accusative, and so probably is 
 the 0. "Welsh form henoith (written henoid in the 
 Juvencus Codex), ■ superseded later by heno ' to- 
 night,' which seems to be a shortened form of 
 he-nos: compare he-ddyw, ' to-day.' 
 
 So far of nominatives and accusatives : as to 
 the other cases, it is exceedingly hard to distin- 
 
154 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 guish them from accusatives or from one another 
 now that their distinctive endings have been dis- 
 carded. We have, however, undoubted genitives 
 in ei, ' his,' ei, ' her,' and eu ' their,' which 
 have already been mentioned. The dative next: 
 years ago attention was called by Mr. Norris to 
 the pT/n in er-k/n, ' against,' as the dative of pen, 
 ' head.' Now erbi/n is in Irish letter for letter 
 arckiunn, composed of the preposition ar and ciunn, 
 the dative of cenn, ' head : ' the latter is, however, 
 separable, admitting pronouns between the pre- 
 position and the noun, as in armochiunn " ante 
 faciem meam, coram me ; " and so the 0. Cornish 
 er y lyn would suggest that in Welsh also one 
 might at one time say er ei lyn, where we now 
 have to say yn ei erbyn, or Vw erbyn, ' against him, 
 to meet him.' Mr. Stokes has pointed out another 
 similar dative in 0. Cornish in such a phrase as 
 mar y lyrgh (= Welsh ar ei ol), ' after him :' the 
 nominative is leryk. Lastly, we have one certain 
 instance of an ablative, namely, that of pmy, 
 ' who,' in the particle po, of the same origin as 
 Latin quo. You will notice also that the same 
 use is made of them in both languages in such 
 sentences as Po anhawddafy gwaith, mwyaf y clod 
 oH gyflawni, " quo difficilius, hoc prseclarius." 
 
 Now that we are hurriedly picking up, as it 
 were, a few fragments of the time-wrought wreck 
 
LECTURE IV. 155 
 
 of our inflections, you may expect a word about 
 the Welsh genders. I need not prove that Welsh 
 once had three genders, that is, not only the mas- 
 culine and the feminine, but also a neuter, of 
 which we have a familiar relic in the demonstra- 
 tive hjn^ as in hyn o Mysc, ' this much learning,' 
 hyn win, ' this much wine : ' add to this the 0. 
 Welsh pad = Lat. quod, quid. But more interest 
 attaches to the feminine : put together, for in- 
 stance, merch, ' a daughter,' and tlms, ' pretty,' 
 and they have to become merek dlos, ' a pretty 
 daughter.' Now, why is the t of the adjective 
 reduced into d? Well, if you remember what 
 was said on another occasion, it can only be be- 
 cause merch once ended in a vowel, and I hardly 
 need state -that that vowel was probably a or a. 
 Thus merch dlos represents an earlier merca tlos or 
 rather merca tlossa, for the a of the adjective is 
 even more certain than that of the noun, seeing 
 that it is to the influence of that a on the timbre 
 or quality of the vowel in the preceding syllable 
 we owe our having still two forms of the adjective, 
 tlws in the masculine and tlos in the feminine. 
 Tlws and tlos belong to a class of adjectives", 
 already noticed, which conform to the same rules, 
 and you may take the pair llym, mas. Hem, fern. 
 ' sharp,' as typical of another, and as supplying 
 us with the principle which guides us in distin- 
 
166 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 guishing the gender of monosylla'bic nouns : thug 
 if you propose to a monoglot Welshman any 
 monosyllabic nouns with which he is not familiar, 
 he will treat those with ro or y as masculines and 
 those with o or e as feminines, and in so doing he 
 thinks he is guided by instinct. This is probably 
 not the only habit of later growth which has been 
 mistaken for instinct ; and if you wish to find the 
 key to it, you have to trace it back in the language 
 to a time when the latter was on a level, so to 
 say, with Latin and Greek as regards the inflec- 
 tion of its substantives, while the origin of the 
 same habit must be sought thousands of years 
 earlier, when neither Celt nor Teuton, Greek nor 
 Roman, had as yet wandered westward from the 
 cradle of the Aryan race in the East. 
 
 Perhaps it is even more surprising to find in 
 later "Welsh traces of the dual number, seeing that 
 the very oldest specimens of its inflections which 
 the Aryan languages afi'ord us look weather-worn 
 and ready to disappear. But to give you an in- 
 stance or two in Welsh : we meet in the Mabinogi 
 of Branwen Verch Llyr with deu rcydel uonllmn, 
 that is, in our orthography, dau Wyddel fonllwm, 
 ' two unshod Irishmen ' (Guest's Mabinogion, iii. 
 p. 98). Now in the singular we should have 
 Gnyddel bonllrmn, and in the plural Gmyddyl bon- 
 Uymion ; so it may be asked how it is that we have 
 
LECTURE IV. 157 
 
 bonllwm made in our instance into fonllmm. There 
 is only one answer : Gwyddel must in the dual have 
 once ended in a vowel, and a glance at other 
 related languages which have the dual, such as 0. 
 Irish, Greek, and Sanskrit, would make it pro- 
 bahle that the vowel in question must have been 
 the ending of the nominative or accusative dual ; 
 but instead of guessing which the vowel or vowels 
 were in which the dual ended in Early Welsh, 
 perhaps the best thing would be to ask you to take 
 a look at that number in Greek in which our 
 instance might be literally rendered : hvo avviro- 
 Si]T(a ToiBe\e. Instances are not very rare in Med- 
 iaeval Welsh, but I will only mention one or two 
 more : in the Mabinogi of larlles y Ffynnawn 
 we meet with deu was penngrych wineu deledwiv:, 
 " two youths with beautiful curly hair " (Guest's 
 Mab., i. p. 35). A still more interesting instance 
 occurs in William's " Seini Greal," p. 91, where 
 we read of deu deirw burwynnyon, ' two pure- white 
 bulls.' In Modern Welsh there is one instance 
 which is well worth mentioning. The Carnarvon- 
 shire heights, called by English tourists " The 
 Rivals," have, from the Carnarvon side, the ap- 
 pearance of three peaks forming two angles or 
 forks between them : hence their Welsh name is 
 Yr Eifl, which has been supposed to be plural ; but 
 were it so, it would be, not Yr Eifl, but Y Geifl or 
 
158 LBCTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Y Gq/lau, the singular being ffo/l, ' the fork.' So 
 Tr Eifl means, I cannot help believing, the two 
 forks, and might be rendered into Greek Tw "Ayxr], 
 but that we should thereby lose the connotation of 
 the Welsh name, which in this instance, as ia 
 so many other Celtic place-names, turns mainly 
 on a metaphorical reference to the configuration 
 of the human body. 
 
 Interesting as the foregoing instances may be 
 to us, as persons whose language is the Welsh, 
 you must not suppose that they enhance materi- 
 ally the certainty with which glottologists regard 
 the former inflections of Welsh substantives ; for 
 they are satisfied that Welsh is near of kin to 
 Irish, and that Irish had the inflections in ques- 
 tion, not developed in the course of its own history, 
 but inherited from of old from an older language 
 which was the common mother of Irish and Welsh. 
 The discovery in Welsh of a few such remains 
 as have just been pointed out, they would have 
 thought uot improbable beforehand, but suppos- 
 ing, on the other hand, that that did not occur in a 
 single instance, they would not have felt in the least 
 dismayed. Where, then, seeing that Welsh still 
 shows traces of at least five cases, three genders, 
 and three members, does the improbability lie of 
 its having retained the endings indicative of some 
 of them — say the nominative and genitive singular 
 
LECTUKE IV. 159 
 
 masculine — as late as the 7tli century ? Nowhere, 
 it seems to me. But as the transition of a lan- 
 guage from the inflectional to the positional stage 
 is an importalit one, which could not help register- 
 ing itself in its literature, let us turn our atten- 
 tion for a moment to this point. For our purpose 
 the difference between an inflectional and a posi- 
 tional construction admits of easy illustration. In 
 Latin there is no material difference of meaning 
 between rex Romm and Romce rex, that is, if we 
 put N. for nominative, and G. for genitive, both 
 sequences, N. G. and G. N. are admissible in that 
 language, while in Welsh we have to be contented 
 with N. G. only, and say brenhin JRhiifain, as 
 Rhufain hrenhin would not convey the same mean- 
 ing. Probably, however, when Welsh had case- 
 endings, it could have recourse to both N. G. and 
 G. N. ; but when the former were discarded one of 
 the latter had to be given up — that turned out to 
 be G. JH'. But the sequence JS^. G. could not 
 have beaten the other off the field in a day, and we 
 have to ascertain if any survivals of G. JST. occur 
 in the Welsh literature which has come down to 
 our time. A perusal of the poems attributed to 
 the early bards would convince you that such do 
 occur : I will only quote (in modern orthography) 
 a few at random from Skene's Four Ancient Books 
 of Wales : — cenedl nodded, " the nation's refuge '' 
 
160 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 (ii. p. 7) ; huan heolydd wrfnAdd, " bold as the sun 
 in his courses " (ii. p. 20) ; Cymmerau trin, " the 
 conflict of Cj'mraerau " (ii. p. 24) ; rhiain garedd, 
 " delight of females " (ii. p. 93) ; and " Gorchan 
 Cynfelyn cylchwy nylad,^^ " Gorchan Cynfelyn, to 
 make the region weep " (ii. p. 96). Now, with 
 such survivals as these and others of a different 
 nature, which could be pointed out in the poems 
 alluded to, before our eyes, the conclusion would 
 seem natural that Welsh may well have retained 
 case-endings in common use as late as the 7th 
 century. On the other hand, it has, it is true, 
 been argued that the original composition of the 
 poems in question took place long before the 12th 
 century. But what concerns us here is the fact 
 that the evidence they give us, taken for what it 
 is worth, affords a presumption that one is right 
 in supposing case-endings to have been in use in 
 our language as late as the 7th century ; and the 
 outcome of all this is, that thus far we have not 
 met with any prima facie reason whatever for 
 thinking that the old Celtic monuments still ex- 
 isting in Wales were not intended to commemo- 
 rate persons who spoke our language, or a language 
 which has, by insensible degrees, grown to be that 
 which we speak. 
 
 Now we move on to meet those who claim some 
 of our inscriptions as belonging, not to the Welsh, 
 
LECXUKlli 1> . lO-l 
 
 but to the Irish. You will find their views advo- 
 cated, though not without eliciting opposition, by 
 some of the writers who contribute to the Arclimo- 
 logia Cambrensis. It is by no means irrelevant to 
 our case that you should know that they are men 
 whose study is archaeology rather than the Celtic 
 languages. For though the belief in the Irish origin 
 of inscriptions found here may have originated in 
 the discovery that seme of them are written in 
 Ogam, a character once supposed to be exclusively 
 Irish, it now rests mainly on other arguments, 
 which can have no weight in the eyes of any one 
 who has enjoyed the advantage of a glottological 
 training. Thus, whenever an early inscribed stone 
 is discovered here bearing a name which happens 
 to be known to Irish annalists, it is at once as- 
 sumed that the inscription containing it is of Irish 
 origin. But this, it requires no very profound 
 knowledge of the Celtic languages to perceive, is 
 perfectly unwarrantable. For as Welsh and Irish 
 are kindred tongues, and as their vocabularies of 
 proper names of persons must, at one time, have 
 been identical, the occurrence of the same Celtic 
 names in Wales and Ireland is just what one is 
 entitled beforehand to expect. Neither, supposing 
 a name, to put the case still stronger, forming part 
 of an early inscription in Wales not to be trace- . 
 able in later Welsh, while it happens to occur in 
 
 L 
 
162 LECTUEES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGT. 
 
 Irish 1)00118, can the inscription be claimed as Irish : 
 besides, it would warrant our advancing similar 
 claims. For instance, we might say, If onr 
 stones with the name Decceti on them are Irish 
 because we have not as yet succeeded in tracing it 
 in Welsh books, whereas it is thought to be de- 
 tected in Irish ones, then on precisely the same 
 grounds we claim the Irish stone bearing the name 
 Cunacena until the latter can be shown to occur in 
 later Irish, as we have it in the successive forms 
 Cunacenni, Concenn, Cincenn, and Kyngen, this 
 side of St. George's Channel. The one claim is 
 as good as the other, and neither deserves a hear- 
 ing; for the question as to which Celtic names 
 have survived in Wales and in Ireland respec- 
 tively belongs to the chapter of accidents, and the 
 wonder, perhaps, is that the instances are so nu- 
 mferous as they are of the same ones having come 
 down to the Middle Ages or to modern times in 
 both countries. 
 
 If you were to press the advocates of the Irish 
 claim for their reasons, the answer would be of 
 the following type, which I copy from the Archceo- 
 logia Cambrensis for 1873, page 286 : " Were I 
 to find on the shores of Wexford or Waterford a 
 sepulchral inscription to Griffith, ap Owen, I should 
 be fully as justified in claiming it to be Irish as 
 Mr. Rhys is in claiming Maccui Decetti [szc] to 
 
LECTURE IV. 
 
 163 
 
 be Welsh." This is d propos of an Anglesey 
 inscription reading: Hie lacit Maccu Decceti. 
 Now this involves the fallacy of assuming that the 
 difference between Welsh and Irish has always 
 been so great as it is in modern times. If there 
 is anything I have especially endeavoured to im- 
 press on your minds in the previous lectures, it is 
 the fact that the further back we trace the two 
 languages, the more strongly are they found to 
 resemble one another. There is one word in par- 
 ticular which Irish archaeologists, with a turn for 
 what may not inappropriately be termed simple 
 inspection, have made a great deal of — I mean the 
 word maqvi, the genitive of the word for son. 
 This, it is said, is the Irish mace or mac, ' a son,' 
 genitive maicc or maic, and it is held to settle the 
 question. The truth, however, is that it contri- 
 butes nothing at all to the settling of it ; for, as 
 all Oeltists know, the Kymric languages syste- 
 matically change qv into p, so that the 0. Welsh 
 map, now mab, ' a son,' is as regularly derived in 
 Welsh from maqv-i as mac is in Irish. What 
 would have been to the point would be to prove 
 that the Kymric change of qv into p was obsolete 
 before the period of the inscriptions whose origin is 
 in question. This the writers whose views we 
 are discussing would, I feel confident, find to be 
 an impossible task to perform, and the attempt 
 
164 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 would, moreover, be likely to take them out of the 
 beaten path of simple inspection, one of the most 
 recent outcomes of which may here be mentioned, 
 as it will answer the purpose of a reductio ad ah- 
 surdum of this way of appreciating old epitaphs. 
 In the churchyard at Llanfihangel y Traethau, 
 between Harlech and Portmadoc, there is a stone 
 bearing an inscription apparently of the 12th 
 century : one line of it reads Wleder matris Odeleu, 
 whence we find elicited totus, teres atque rotundus,, 
 the full-grown Irish name Dermot O'Daly : this, 
 3'ou will be surprised to learn, was not meant as a 
 joke — see the Archceologia Camhrensis for 1874, 
 page 335. 
 
 Though the reasoning which seems to have led 
 to the conclusion that our early inscriptions are 
 Irish will not for one moment bear examination, 
 that conclusion may, nevertheless, be the only 
 one warranted by the facts of the case ; hence it 
 is clear that we must not dismiss it until we have 
 considered how it deals with them. Well, the 
 first thing that strikes one here is the arbitrari- 
 ness of a theory which, from a number of inscrip- 
 tions, would select some as being Irish without pre- 
 dicating anything of the remaining ones, or assign- 
 ing the principle on which the selection is made. 
 You might perhaps expect that those written in 
 Ogam would be the only ones claimed as Irish, 
 
LECTURE IV. 165 
 
 and at one time it was so ; but eventually it was 
 found convenient to cross that line ; and no 
 wonder, for, as you must have noticed, there is 
 no essential difference between those partly 
 written in Ogam and those written in Eoman 
 letters exclusively. So Welsh antiquaries could 
 hardly have been taken by surprise by a sweeping 
 statement of the Irish claim, such as we meet 
 with. in the Arch. Camhrensis for 1873, p. 285, 
 in respect of the names Vinnemagli and Senemagli 
 in a Denbighshire inscription. There we read, 
 '•' Both of the names in question are Irish, as 
 are most, if not all, the names found on those 
 monuments hitherto known as Romano-British." 
 This you will keep in mind as a concession on 
 the part of our Irish friends of the fact that the 
 nanfes in our inscriptions are of a class, and do 
 not readily admit of being separated into such as 
 are Irish and such as are not. 
 
 Then, by supposing some of the epitaphs to be 
 commemorative of Irish pagans of a very early 
 date, they involve themselves in difficulties as to 
 the crosses to be frequently met with on them. 
 This, however, may be a mere instance of chrono- 
 logical extravagance not essential to the theory, 
 but it would not be so easy to take that view of 
 an assumption to which few would be found to 
 demur, namely, that the pagan Irish did not use 
 
166 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 the Roman alphabet. We observe, therefore, with 
 some curiosity how they extricate themselves from 
 the difficulty arising from the fact that almost all 
 our inscriptions are partly or wholly in Roman 
 letters. As to those which are exclusively in the 
 latter, the oracles have not yet spoken ; at any 
 rate, I cannot find their utterances. But in the 
 case of stones bearing inscriptions in both charac- 
 ters, if the one is not a translation of the other, 
 then the Roman one owes its presence on it to a 
 Romanised Briton having seized on the monument 
 of a Gael to serve his own purposes, there being, 
 it would seem, a great scarcity of rude and un- 
 dressed stones in those days. If, on the other 
 hand, the one merely renders the other, the 
 explanation offered is somewhat different. The 
 following, which I copy from the Arch. Cambrensis 
 for 1869, p. 159, relates to the bilingual stone 
 at St. Dogmaels, near Cardigan, reading Sagrani 
 Fili Cunotami, and in Ogam Sax/ramni Maqvi 
 Cunatami : — "The story of the stone looks like 
 this ; that it was erected as a memorial over some 
 well-known chief of the invading Gaedhal, who for 
 a long period occupied South Wales, and that at 
 some period after, when thelanguage of the Gaedhal, 
 and the use of Ogham were dying out, some patriotic 
 descendant of the hero, to perpetuate the memorial, 
 re-cut the inscription in the Roman characters then 
 
LECTURE IV. 167 
 
 in use; the monument is of great antiquity, the 
 Eoman inscription alone, on the authority of Mr. 
 Westwood, being referable to a date ' not long after 
 the departure of the Romans.' " Ah uno disce omnes. 
 A still greater difficulty presents itself in the fre- 
 quent occurrence on the stones in question of names 
 which to most men would seem to be Latin, while 
 it is, on the other hand, acknowledged that the 
 Goidelic race was never conquered by the Romans, 
 and that they would otherwise have been too proud, 
 as we are told, to adopt Roman names. How this 
 difficulty is disposed of as a whole I do not know. 
 However, I find that Turpilli and Victor are made 
 out to be pure Irish ; but whether the same fate 
 awaits such names as Justi, Faternini, Paulini,. 
 Vitaliani, and the like, remains to be seen ; for the 
 possibilities of O'Reilly's dictionary of Modern 
 Irish are many. Unfortunately, such is the 
 reputation that work enjoys, and such are the 
 discoveries to which it helps men ignorant of 
 Old Irish, that an appeal to it on their part has 
 the charm of the last straw that broke the camel's 
 back. 
 
 The foregoing are a few of the difficulties attend- 
 ing the claim made to our inscriptions. Now, I 
 would call your attention to particular instances of 
 them, which cannot, I think, be Irish : — 
 
 (1.) We will begin with a stone at Penmachno, 
 
168 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 in Carnarvonshire, which reads : Cantiori Hie Jacit 
 Venedotis Give Fuit Consobrino Magli Magistrati. 
 Despite the waywardness of the Latin, it un- 
 doubtedly shows that the person commeniorated 
 was a man of importance, and a Venedotian citizen, 
 whatever that may exactly mean. ' The Venedotians 
 are not generally supposed to be of the Goidelic 
 race, and, as they are not likely to have made a 
 foreigner a citizen of their state, the conclusion is 
 unavoidable that the inscription is not of Irish 
 origin. It is much in the same way that one may 
 look at another which reads : Corbalengi Jacit Or dous. 
 The stone stands on an eminence overlooking the 
 Cardigan Bay, between the convenient landing- 
 places of Aberporth and Traethsaith, in Cardigan- 
 shire ; but I am inclined to think that Ordous 
 means that the person buried there was one of 
 the Ordovices of North . "Wales. If so, whether 
 he came there as an invader or as an ally, the 
 position of the stone, which seems to occupy its 
 original site, explains why it was thought expedient 
 to specify his tribe on his monument. So this also 
 could not well be Irish. 
 
 (2.) The inscription at Llangadwaladr, not far 
 from Aberffraw in Anglesey, reads Catamanus 
 Rex Sapientisimus Opinatisimus Omnium Regum. 
 It is right to state that it is not in Roman 
 capitals, but in what may be called early 
 
LECTURE IV. 169 
 
 Hiberno- Saxon characters, and that it is as- 
 cribed by archaeologists to the 7th centnry. 
 There are, however, other reasons for ranging it 
 with those of the Brit- Welsh, rather than with 
 later ones. It is probable that this Catamanus 
 was the Catmaa or Cadfan whom Welsh tradition 
 mentions as the father of Cadwallon and the 
 grandfather of Cadwalader, who is usually called 
 the last king of the Britons ; Cadwallon died, 
 according to the Annales Cambrice, in the year 631, 
 and the year 616 has been given by some Welsh 
 writers as the date of Cadfan's death. However 
 that may be, we are pretty safe in assigning it to 
 the 7th cetitury, and the inscription commemora- 
 tive of him dates, probably, not long after his 
 death. Whether Catamanus and his name are 
 likely to be claimed as Irish I do not know, but 
 the latter undoubtedly bears a family likeness to 
 several of those contained in our early inscriptions 
 so claimed. The same likeness is also observable 
 in the names of the kings of the Britons to 
 whom Gildas, writing not later than the middle 
 of the 6th century, undertook to give a good 
 scolding. They are the following, all except the 
 first in the vocative: — Constantinus (king of 
 Damnonia), Aureli, Vortipori (king of the Dime- 
 tians), Cuneglase (rendered by Gildas into Latin 
 as Lanio fulve), and Maglocune, supposed to be 
 
170 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Maelgwn, the king of Grwynedd, who, according 
 to the Annales Cambrice, died in the year 547. 
 Now these, as well as Catamanns, must be sur- 
 rendered as Irish, if our early inscriptions are 
 rightly claimed as such. 
 
 (3.) An instance, which has already supplied us 
 withauame of interest, occurs on a stone near Whit- 
 land, Carmarthenshire, which reads Qvenvendani 
 Fill Barcuni. Now in Irish genealogies one finds 
 the name Qvenvendani matched most exactly by a 
 Cenjinnan, to which a parallel is offered in the Four 
 Masters' Annals of Ireland in a name Ceandubkan. 
 These would be, in Mod. "Welsh, Penmynnan and 
 Pendduan, but as far as I know they do not occur. 
 However Penmynnan has its analogy in Carn- 
 Tcennan, ' Arthur's dagger ; ' but Cenjinnan is a 
 derivative from a still more common Irish name, 
 Cenfinn, which would be in Welsh Penwyn, 
 ' Whitehead : ' it occurs more than once in the 
 Record of Carnarvon, and we read of a lorwerth 
 Tew ap y Penwyn in Edward the Third's time 
 {Arch. Cam. 1846, p. 397). The portion of 
 our Qvenvendani (shortened probably from Qven- 
 navendani) represented by Penwyn and Cen- 
 finn is Qvenvend-, which accordingly contains 
 curtailed forms of the words for head and white, 
 that is, gven- and vend-. The modern forms are, 
 Welsh pen, Ir. ceann, ' head,' and Welsh ywy«. 
 
LECTURE IV. 171 
 
 ' white,' feminine gwen, Ir. Jinn. You will here 
 notice the change of i into e before a complex of 
 consonants in the Welsh vend-. The i would re- 
 main in Irish, as we see ixoxsxjinn and Ptolemy's 
 BovovivBa, that is Buwinda, ' the Boyne : ' so in the 
 case of Gaulish names such as Vindos and Vindo- 
 magus ( = Welsh Gwgnfa, as in Llanfihangel y' 
 Ngnynfa in Montgomeryshire ; Irish, Finnmhagh, 
 'the white or fair field'). This makes it probable 
 that not only Qvenvendani cannot be' Irish, but also 
 Vendoni, Vendumagli, Vendubari, and Vendesetli in 
 other inscriptions. Still more decisive is the evi- 
 dence of Barcuni, which, I have no doubt, is the 
 same name as the Irish Berchon in Ui-Berchon, 
 Anglicised into Ibercon, and meaning literally the 
 descendants of Bercon ; but it is now applied, as 
 frequently happens to such names in Ireland, to a 
 district in the county of Kilkenny. This informa- 
 tion I derive from the entry for the year 851 in the 
 Annals of Ireland. In a note the editor, 0' Dono- 
 van, observes, that within the district alluded to 
 there is a village known as Rosbercon, anciently 
 called Eos-Ua-mBerchon. Now the Ixish Berchon 
 may be the genitive of Berchu, involving the 
 word cu, ' dog,' genitive con. So. the nominative 
 corresponding to Barcuni, which itself stands pro- 
 bably for an older Barcunis, may have been Barcu. 
 Barcu and Barcuni would now be in Welsh, if they 
 
172 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 ouly occurred, Berchi and Berchwn respectively. 
 If you compare with the Irish Berchon our Barcuni 
 or Berchwn, you will observe that there is a pho- 
 nological discrepancy between them ; for Ber- 
 chwn or Barcuni ought to be in Irish Bercon, and 
 not Berchon. In other words, the Irish Berchon 
 could not be derived from Barcuni, but from a 
 longer form, Baracuni. Here, then, we have a 
 difference between the two languages which makes 
 itself perceptible elsewhere in such instances as 
 Welsh gorphen, ' to finish,' for morqvenn, and 
 Mod. Ir. foirckeann (also Scotch Gaelic), ' end, 
 conclusion,' for woriqvenn or woreqvenn. This, 
 you see, makes it highly improbable that Barcuni 
 is Irish ; hence it would follow that here we have 
 an early inscription of Welsh origin, in which 
 the place of later jo is occupied by qv, which in the 
 case of maqvi has been made so much of by Irish 
 archseologists. 
 
 (4.) The next pair of instances bears on de- 
 clension : the text is supplied in part by a stone 
 at Trallong near Brecon — it reads Cunocenni 
 Filius Cunoceni Hie Jacit. Here you see that as 
 we have a nominative Cunocenni and a genitive 
 Cunocenni (for we may venture to supply the 
 omitted n), the name must be one the stem of 
 which may be regarded as ending in i. Now 
 glottology teaches us that in the common mother- 
 
LECTURE IT. 173 
 
 tongue of the Aryan nations /-stems ended in 
 the nominative in -is, and in the genitive in 
 -ajas. The latter was variously contracted in 
 the various languages derived from it : thus 
 Sanskrit nom. avis, ' a sheep,' gen, ave^ or 
 avyas, Grreek ttoXk, gen. ttoXjos or TroXeto?, 
 Lithuanian akis, ' eye,' gen. ak'is. In very early 
 Welsh and Irish, or in the language from which 
 both have branched, we may suppose the ending 
 of the genitive of this declension to have been jas 
 (with ^' =r y in yes) , but not perhaps to the exclu- 
 sion of the longer -ajas. The names, then, in our 
 inscription may be restored thus : nom. Cunacennis, 
 gen. Cunacennjas, of which the latter seems to 
 have undergone contraction into Cunacennis ; so 
 that when the language began to drop final Sj they 
 became nom. Cunacenni and gen. Cunacennl, a 
 distinction which may not have been lost at the 
 time when the inscription was cut on the Trallong 
 stone. Let us now turn to the other side, and see 
 what would become in Irish of a Goidelo-Kymric 
 genitive of the form Cunacennjas. Clearly, if we 
 are to be guided by the ordinary rules of Irish 
 phonology, the j would disappear, which would 
 give us Cunacennas, and when the s followed the 
 example of the j, the word would be found reduced 
 to Cunacenna, which actually occurs written Cuna- 
 cena on an Ogam-inscribed stone found at Dunloe, 
 
174 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 in the county of Kerry. It is, however, right 
 that I should tell j'ou, that in some of the earliest 
 Irish inscriptions both the s and the J (written ?) 
 appear intact ; for instance, on a stone found at 
 Ballycrovane, in the county of Cork, reading 
 Maqvi Decceddas Ami Toranias — the word awi 
 means grandson, and becomes in Old Irish manu- 
 scripts due, or, with an inorganic k, hdue. Lest 
 you should thiuk that all this has been excogitated 
 to suit my views, those of you who read German 
 — and I hope that by and by their number will 
 be considerable — will find that Ebel and Stokes 
 inferred genitives of this declension in -ajas and 
 Jos for Early Irish in the first volume of Kuhn's 
 Beitrcege, published in 1854, and that, most 
 likely, without having heard of the inscription 
 alluded to above. 
 
 (5.) If it should seem to you that too much is 
 here built on a single word, there remains one or 
 two other instances which cannot be passed over. 
 On the Anglesey stone already noticed we meet 
 with Maccudeeceti, which one might venture to 
 write Maccu-decceti, as forming one name, although 
 consisting probably of a noun governed in the 
 genitive by another. Compare also Maccodecheti, 
 on a stone now at Tavistock, in Devonshire. That 
 Decceti and Decheti are in the genitive is certain, 
 but our "Welsh data could not enable us to ascer- 
 
LECTURE IV. 175 
 
 tain the declension to which they belong ; so we 
 have to resort to Irish inscriptions in which the. 
 name in question occurs. The following are re- 
 ported : Maqvi Decceddas Ami Toranias, already 
 mentioned ; Maqqvi Decedda, found in the parish 
 of Minard, co. Kerry, now in the Museum of the 
 Eoyal Irish Academy in Dublin ; Maqvi Decceda 
 Hadniconas, found at Ballintaggart, with six 
 others ; Maqviddeceda Maqvi Marin, found at Kil- 
 leen Cormac. Now Welsh Decceti and Irish 
 Deccedas taken together prove that we have here 
 to do with an J-stem ; so the genitives may be 
 restored to the forms — "Welsh Deccetjas, Irish 
 Decceddjas or Deccedjas, for Irish seems to have 
 hesitated between the provected ddj or d'J and the 
 non-provected dj. The forms which occur in the 
 two languages give us the three stages Deccedjas, 
 Deccedjas, and Deccetjas, which require some notice 
 before we proceed further. In Welsh I know of 
 no closer parallel to tj for dj than that of llj 
 (mostly reduced to II) in such words as arall, 
 ' other,' Iv.araile, from a stem ar-alj-, to be com- 
 pared with Latin alius; oil, ' all,' Ir. uile, from 
 ol^-; pebyll, 'a tent,' now 'tents,' from Lat. 
 papilio, ' a butterfly, a tent : ' to these may per- 
 haps be added an instance from one of our early 
 inscriptions, namely, Turpilli, on a stone near 
 .Crickhowel in Brecknockshire. This, no doubt. 
 
176 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 stands for an earlier Turpilji, once the pronuncia- 
 tion, Welsh or Eoman, or both, of Turpilii, the 
 genitive of the Roman name Turpilius: compare 
 also jilli for filii or rather jilji. The provection 
 would lead to the inference that Decceti was ac- 
 cented Deccdti, whence it is clear that Vitaliani 
 on another stone need not have followed suit. In 
 point of fact, it seems to have become Guitoliaun, 
 which occurs in a MS. of Nennius, where we read 
 of Guitmd fill Guitoliaun, as though it had been 
 Viialis fili Vitaliani. As to the Irish provection 
 into dd, we find a good parallel to it in the U- 
 declension, which is thought to have once ended 
 in the nom. in -us, and in the gen. in -awas or 
 -was. Thus Mr. Stokes, in the volume just re- 
 ferred to of Kuhn's Beitrcege, p. 450, traces two 
 Irish genitives, tairmchrutto, " transformationis," 
 and crochta, " crucifixionis," to tarmicru^ejas and 
 cruca^ijas respectively : compare also such genitives 
 as Lugudeccas, Rettias, Anawlamattias, said to occur 
 on early inscribed stones in Ireland. "What has 
 been hinted as to the phonology of Decceti is a 
 mere conjecture, to which I would add another, and, 
 perhaps, a better — namely, that the Welsh and 
 the Irish forms, taken 'together, may be regarded 
 as pointing to the still earlier ones Dencendis, 
 genitive Dencendjas. In case this hits the mark, 
 the word is to be referred to a root dak or dank. 
 
LECTURE IV. 177 
 
 whence we have Greek ZeUvvjii, Lat. dicere, Ger- 
 man zeigen. But, not to take up any more of 
 your time with these .details, the outcome of 
 them, as far as we are here concerned, is that 
 Cunocenni, Decceti, and Decheti are Welsh, while 
 the Irish forms are Cunacena, Deceddas^ and the 
 like. Consequently the inscriptions in which 
 the former occur cannot be Irish. We are 
 now enabled to return with greater certainty to 
 Corhalengi, which being a nominative, is likely to 
 be of the J-declension. Hence it .would also follow 
 that Evolengi and Evolenggi are of that declension, 
 which cannot in Irish make i in the genitive, as 
 these do; so it is unnecessary to say that the 
 inscriptions containing them cannot be Irish. The 
 same observations would seem to apply to those in 
 which the names Vinnemagli, Senemagli, or Seno- 
 magli, occur in the genitive ; for that these forms 
 belong to the /-declension is suggested by the 
 fact that we have Brohomagli in the nominative 
 in an inscription reading Brohomagli Jam Ic Jacit 
 Et Uxor Ejus Caune. Add to the foregoing, that 
 although the Early Welsh base whence our cad, 
 ' battle,' must have been caiu, of the ^/-declension, 
 we have the compounds Rieati nominative, and 
 Dunocati genitive, .while the Mod. Irish is iDonn- 
 chadh, genitive Donnchadha ; which makes it im- 
 possible that Dunocati could be Irish. This is 
 
 M 
 
178 LBCTUKES ON WELSH PHIEOLOGT. 
 
 the way I would reason, if I felt certain that the 
 case-endings here in question are not mostly Latin 
 rather than Celtic. The more I scrutinise them, 
 the more I am inclined to treat them as Latin, 
 especially such genitives as Dunocati, and such 
 nominatives, as Corbagni and Ctmnoceni, for Cor- 
 bagnis and Cunoeennis.. But it is to be noticed 
 that this only makes our case against the Irish 
 claim still stronger, and that one has only to regret 
 that so many of the inscriptions are less valuable 
 than could be wished as materials for the history 
 of Welsh inflections. As the allusion to Cunocenni, 
 Corbagni, and Dunocati as Latinised nominatives 
 may appear scarcely intelligible to those who are 
 acquainted only with the Latin ordinarily taught 
 in our schools, it is right to explain, that from the 
 time of the Gracchi or thereabouts the ending is 
 appears not infrequently instead of ius; as, for 
 instance, in Anavis, Ccecilis, Clodis, Ragonis, and 
 the like. Further, it is a rule in our Early In- 
 scriptions to leave out s final: the same thing 
 frequently happened also in Roman ones, so that 
 such nominatives occur in the latter as Claudi, 
 Minuci, and Valeri. For more information on this 
 point, see the second edition of Corssen's great 
 work on Latin, i. pp. 289, 758; ii. p. 718; also 
 Eoby's Latin Grammar (London, 1871), i. p. 120. 
 (6.) Besides the numerous nominatives made to 
 
LECTURE IV. 179 
 
 end in our Early Inscriptions in the Latin termina- 
 tion us, and the possible Latinity of some or all' of 
 those in i, there is an instance or two where the 
 former appears as o for the old Latin nominative 
 ending os. One of these comes from Carnarvon- 
 shire, and reads : Al/iortus Eimetiaco Hie Jacet. 
 The other is at Cwm Grloyn, near Nevern in Pem- 
 brokeshire : it reads in Ogam Witaliani, and in 
 Eoman capitals Vitaliani Emereto, of which I can 
 make nothing but nominatives, the Welsh having 
 perhaps never stopped to consider whether there 
 existed such a Latin name as Vitalianius to be 
 transformed into Vitaliani. Emereto would be for 
 Emeretos, or, as it would appear in our dictionaries, 
 emeritus. Similarly we have consobrino for the 
 fuller nominative consobrinos in the inscription 
 already noticed as reading: Cantiori Hie Jacit 
 Venedotis Cive Fuit Consobrino Magli Magistrati. 
 (7.) To the foregoing it should be added that 
 feminines making their nominatives in e, such as 
 Caune, Tunccetaee, and the like, are also probably 
 indebted for that e to the usage of somewhat late 
 Latin, which, in its turn, is supposed to have 
 borrowed it from Greek. In the Roman inscrip- 
 tions of the time of the Empire the names of 
 Greek slaves and freedwomen appear in abund- 
 ance, such as Agapomene, Euehe, Theophile, and the 
 like : after them were modelled Cassiane, Juliane, 
 
180 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Sabiniane, written also with ae for e, whence even 
 suah genitives as dominaes, vernaes, annonaes, were; 
 formed. Nominatives of the kind in question were 
 also not unknown in Eoman Britain. I have come 
 across the following in Hiibner's collection already 
 alluded to: — Aurelia Eclectiane, Hermionae, 
 lavolena Monime, Julia Nundinae (in the mu- 
 seum at Caerleon), and Simplicia Proce. On the 
 question of Latin nominatives in e and genitives in 
 es or aes, see Corssen, i. p. 686, and Roby's Latin 
 Grammar, i. p. 12L It is hardly necessary to re- 
 peat that the Latinisation here pointed out is 
 incompatible with the Irish claim as it has hitherto 
 been put. 
 
 (8.) In Early Irish the Z7-declension made its 
 genitive singular in os, liable to be reduced to o ; 
 and in the Early Irish inscriptions, of which 
 accounts have been .published, amounting to 120 
 or more, not a single genitive in u occurs, while 
 those in os, o, appear in due proportion. In our 
 inscriptions, on the other band, the same genitive 
 is either o or u. So far, then, as one can judge 
 from this, our inscriptions containing the genitives 
 Nettasagru and Trenagusu cannot be Irish. 
 
 (9. ) Maccu -Decceti and Macco -Decheti have been 
 mentioned together, and it may appear strange that 
 one has cc and the other ch. The explanation is 
 simple enough : in the interval between their dates 
 the language may have begun to change cc into ch, 
 
LECTURE IV. 181 
 
 and probably also tt, pp, into th, ph. Here may 
 be mentioned the inscription already cited as 
 reading Brokomagli Jam Ic Jacit Et Uxor Ejus 
 Caune, which is in much the same style of later 
 letters as the Tavistock Stone with Decheti, There 
 is an apparent inconsistency in Macco- retaining 
 its cc unmodified ; but the cc in Macco- represents 
 an earlier ng or ngh, and it would be contrary to 
 rule if it passed into ch in Welsh. In Brokomagli 
 the h was undoubtedly sounded like our modern 
 ch ; for in 0. Welsh the name was Brochmail, later 
 Broehuail. The same remark applies to the h 
 in the epitaph reading Velvor Filia Broho, which 
 seems to be of the same date as the other two. In 
 Broho and Brohomagli the syllable broh, that is 
 broch, probably represents an earlier brocc, as in 
 Broccagni, a name said to have been read on a 
 stone at Capel Mair near Llandyssul, which has 
 since been effaced by a bucolic Vandal. Broccagni 
 is familiar in the form Brychan, and is precisely 
 the Irish Broccdn borne by the author of a hymn 
 in praise of St. Brigit contained in the Liber 
 Hymnorum in the library of Trinity College, Dublin. 
 But how does this bear on our argument ? Simply 
 in this way :" the change from cc into ch is unknown 
 in Irish, whence it is impossible that the inscrip- 
 tions containing Decheti, Brohomagli, and Broho 
 should be of Irish origin. 
 
182 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Now that the Irish claim has been shown to he 
 untenable, we might he asked to show how the 
 details of the inscriptions, in so far ^s they are 
 Celtic, fit into the history of "Welsh inflections ; 
 but this is rendered an impossible task by the 
 meagreness of our data. However, we have at 
 least one inscription which seems to belong to the 
 transition period preceding the total disuse of cases 
 by the Welsh: I allude to one of the stones at 
 Clydai, in Pembrokeshire, which reads in debased 
 capitals Etterni Fill Victor, and in Ogam Ettern 
 
 W[ic]tor. Here Victori (iox Victoris) is out 
 
 of the question, but the discarding of the case 
 termination was in this instance favoured by the 
 fact that the nominative was Victor, while the 
 genitive might be Victor. The inorganic doubling 
 of t in Etterni is a feature common to it and the 
 Old Welsh of the Capella Glosses. I cannot leave 
 this point without noticing in a few words the 
 fate of the vowel, more conveniently than correctly 
 called the ' connecting vowel,' as, for instance, 
 the in Dunocati, which has been completely lost 
 in its modern representative Dinyad, pronounced 
 Dir^gad. That the connecting vowel in compounds 
 was sometimes obscurely pronounced even in Early 
 Welsh is proved, as has already been pointed out, 
 by such pairs of instances as Cunotami and Cuna- 
 tami; but when did it altogether disappear ? In 
 
LECTURE IV. 183 
 
 the last-named instances it cannot have done so 
 until the t had begun to be softened towards o?, 
 otherwise we should have Cunatam-i, Cuntam 
 yielding Cynnhaf, whereas the modern form is 
 Cyndaf. Moreover, in a few instances, the 
 number of which could no doubt be increased by- 
 careful reading, the vowel comes down in manu- 
 script. The place known to Welsh tradition as 
 Catraeth is called by Bede Cat&racta; in the 
 Juvencus Codex, the Latin word frequens is ex- 
 plained by the Old Welsh word Ut'imaur, which, 
 were it still in use, would now be lUdfawr, 
 with Hid- as iu erlid, ' to pursue,' and might be 
 expected to have nearly the same meaning as 
 gosgorddfamr, ' possessed of a large retinue or 
 following : ' in Gaulish it occurs as the proper 
 name Litumara (G*luck, p. 120). In the oldest 
 MS. of the Annates Cambrice we have not only 
 Chtenedote to compare with the later Gmyndyd, 
 ' North Wales,' but also a mention, under the 
 year 760, of Dunnagual filii Teudubr, more cor- 
 rectly Dumn-Agual or JDuvn&gual. Later he is 
 called Dyfnwal, a name which in Early Welsh 
 would have been Dumnoval-i or Dubnoval-i. In 
 the Saxon Chronicle, under the j'ear 1063, we 
 meet with Rhuddlan, called Rudelan, a spelling 
 which is supported by the Doomsday forms Rothz- 
 lanum, and, with the soft dental slurred over, 
 
184 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Ruelan.- Lastly, Giraldus Oambrensis writes 
 Eudkelan, Bledkericus (Bledri), Rodkericus 
 (Rhodri), Ythewal (Idwal), Landinegath (Llan- 
 dingad). I place no implicit faith in Giraldus' 
 spelling, but it seems certain that the connecting 
 vowel continued to be pronounced, however lightly, 
 for a long time after the Welsh had given up the 
 habit of representing it in writing, and that there 
 can have been no break in this respect between 
 the pronunciation of the Welsh of the Early In- 
 scriptions and that of the 9th century glosses. 
 
 This is also the place to call attention to the 
 fact that the ordinary formula of our Early Inscrip- 
 tions, such as Sagrani Fill Cunotami, came down 
 to later times. Thus, for instance, an elegy to 
 Geraint, the son of Erbin, in which the Welsh 
 poet, as an eye-witness, describes Geraint's deeds 
 of valour in the battle of Llongborth, is headed 
 Gereint Fil Erbin in the Black Book of Carmar- 
 then as published by Skene, ii. p. 37. This Geraint 
 is probably the Welsh king who, according to the 
 Saxon Chronicle, fought against Ine of Wessex in 
 the year 710. 
 
 Lastly, supposing, per impossibile, the foregoing 
 reasoning to be inconclusive, we still have a weighty 
 argument in the fact, for such it seems to be, that 
 the Kymric race has occupied Wales, Cornwall, 
 Devon, and other parts of England, from the time 
 
LECTURE IV. 185 
 
 of the Roman occupation to oar own day, excepting 
 in so far as their territory has been encroached upon 
 by the English nation and language. It follows, 
 then, that the onus probandi remains with the 
 advocates of the Irish claim, and that they are not 
 at liberty to attempt to prove any of our inscrip- 
 tions to be of Irish origin until they have made 
 out that the same cannot be explained as Welsh. 
 Let it first be shown that they cannot be Welsh, 
 then they will have a right to make them out to 
 be Irish if they can, and, logically speaking, not 
 before, as we have a priority of claim, which 
 stands whether they attribute the inscriptions to 
 Croidelic invaders, or regard them as proofs that 
 the Goidelic race occupied this country before the 
 Kymry. For, in either case, the knowledge of 
 letters may be presumed to- have reached the 
 former, whether in Ireland or in the more inacces- 
 sible parts of the west of Britain, through the 
 latter, who must have learned (if they had occa- 
 sion for it) from the Romans how to honour their 
 dead with inscribed tombstones. That the Kymry 
 should have taught this to the Gaels and so far 
 forgotten it themselves as to leave us no monu- 
 ments, while the Gaels are alleged to have left 
 so many, is incredible. 
 
 Allusion has just been made to a theory which 
 not only makes the Goidelic race the first Celtic 
 
186 • LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 inhabitants of Wales, but tries to prove tbeir oc- 
 cupation of most of North Wales to have lasted 
 down to the 4th or the 5th century. As .it is 
 supposed that the Irish claim to our inscriptions 
 derives considerable support from this theory, it 
 is necessary to examine it briefly before we have 
 done with this question. 
 
 From .what has been said on the classification 
 of the Celts in a previous lecture, it is already 
 clear that the Goidelic Celts cannot be said to 
 have inhabited Wales before the Kymry, but it 
 will, nevertheless, be desirable to ascertain what 
 this theory has to recommend itself, especially as 
 it is put forth on excellent authority. In the 
 first place, it is founded, to a considerable extent, 
 on Welsh traditions which are supposed to refer 
 to the expulsion of Gaels from different parts of 
 Wales in the 6th century ; but the same tradi- 
 tions are admitted, be it noticed, to speak of them 
 invariably as invaders. However, it derives most 
 of its support from Welsh place-names, which are 
 supposed to commemorate the sojourn of the Gael 
 by their containing the word Gwyddel, ' an Irish- 
 man,' plural Gwyddyl or Groyddelod: such are 
 Gwyddelwern, Llan y Gwyddel, Forth y Gwyddel, 
 Twll y Gwyddel, and the like. But it is not at 
 all clear to me how any such names can go to 
 prove the priority of the Gael over the Kymro in ' 
 
LECTURE IV. 187 
 
 "Wales. For a certain number of the places con- 
 cerned have surely received their names within 
 this or the last century, particularly on the coast 
 and- wherever Irish workmen have been employed. 
 A good many more, probably, of them date during 
 the long interval between the last century and the 
 end of the 12th. Then, if any of them date still 
 earlier, they may possibly be accounted for by the 
 various descents made on our coasts in the 10th, 
 11th, and 12th centuries by Irishmen or Irish 
 Danes, and by the return of Welsh exiles, such as 
 Gruflfudd ab Cynan and Rhys ab Tewdwr, at the 
 head of a following of Irishmen. If, perchance, 
 any of them are older than the 10th century, it 
 would be natural to trace them to Irish saints, 
 Irish traders, and Irish invaders who visited this 
 country ; but none of these last or of the fore- 
 going would help to prove that Wales was wrested 
 by the Welsh from the Gael. Then there are 
 other deductions to make from the list; for many, 
 probably the majority, of the names adduced have 
 nothing whatever to do with Irishmen, there 
 being another word, gnyddel, plural grcyddeli (for- 
 merly, perhaps, also gwyddyV), which is a deriva- 
 tive from gmydd, ' wood.' The identity of form 
 between it and the word for Irishman is only 
 accidental, as the Early Welsh form of gwyddel must 
 have begun with a «? or «?, while the initial of that 
 
188 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 of Gwyddel was g, which is proved by the Old 
 
 Irish Gaedel, Goidel, Modern Irish Gaoidheal, 
 
 with a silent dh, which has led to the simplified 
 
 spelling Gael. The common noun gwyddel, which 
 
 is no longer in use, means a brake or bush, as in 
 
 one of Englynion y Clywed, which runs thus {lolo 
 
 MSS.,^.2m):— 
 
 " A glywaist ti chwedl yr Enid 
 Yn y gwyddel rhag ymlid ? 
 Drwg pechawd o'i hir erlid." 
 
 In Dr. Pughe's dictionary, under the word erdd, 
 this is rendered : " Hast thou heard the saying of 
 the woodlark in the brake avoiding pursuit? — 
 bad is sin from long following it." Under the word 
 gTuyddelawg _ he gives tir gwyddelawg as meaning 
 " land overrun with brambles," and he rightly 
 renders gwyddelwern " a moor or meadow over- 
 grown with bushes." In the same way no doubt 
 Gmyddelfynydd is to be explained. So in the bulk 
 of instances like Mynydd y Gwyddel, Gwaun y 
 Gwyddel, Gwern Gwyddel, Nant y Gwyddel, Pant y 
 Ghfoyddel, Twll y Gwyddel, and the like, the word 
 gwyddel may be surmised to have no reference to 
 Irishmen. The outcome of this is, that after mak- 
 ing the deductions here suggested from the list, 
 there can be few, if any, of the names in question 
 which could be alleged in support of an early occupa- 
 tion of Wales by the Gael. They would undoubtedly 
 
LECTURE IV. 189 
 
 fall far short of the number of those with Sais, ' an 
 Englishman,' plural Saeson, such as Hkyd y Sais, 
 Pont y Saeson, and the like, of which a friend has 
 sent me a list of thirty instances : by a parity of 
 reasoning, these ought to go some way to prove 
 the English to have occupied Wales before our 
 ancestors. 
 
 It is- needless to repeat, that even were one to 
 admit the Gaels to have been the early occupiers of 
 this country, it would by no means follow that our 
 inscriptions belong to them and not to the Welsh. 
 On the other hand, as it cannot have been so, 
 our priority of claim to them remains untouched. 
 Lastly, it would not be exactly reasoning in a 
 circle to call attention, in passing, to a fact which 
 has an important bearing on the question of the 
 classification of the Celtic ■ nations, namely, that 
 the controversy as to the origin of our inscriptions 
 rests entirely on the close similarity between Early 
 Welsh and Early Irish. Had they been less like 
 one a.nother, and had the primeval difference be- 
 tween them not been altogether imaginary, it could 
 never have arisen. 
 
 So far nothing has been said of the. pre- 
 historic period mentioned in the scheme laid 
 before you of the chronology of the Welsh 
 language. What happened to it during that 
 period can only be inferred, not to say guessed. 
 It is, however, by no means probable that the 
 
190 LECTURES OS WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Celtic immigrants into these islands found them 
 without inhabitants, or that they arrived in suffi- 
 cient force to exterminate them. Consequently it 
 may be supposed that in the course of ages the 
 conquered races adopted the language of their 
 conquerors, but not without introducing some of 
 their own idioms. The question, then, is who 
 these prEe-Celtic islanders' were, and whether the 
 Celtic languages still have non-Aryan traits which 
 may be ascribed to their influence. In answer to 
 the first of these questions, it has been supposed 
 that the people whom the Celts found here must 
 have been of Iberian origin, and nearly akin to the 
 ancient inhabitants of Aquitania and the Basques 
 of modern times. In support of this may be 
 mentioned the testinaony of Tacitus in the 
 11th chapter of his Agrieola, where, in default of 
 other sources of information, he bases his state- 
 ments on the racial differences which betrayed 
 themselves in the personal appearance of the 
 British populations of his day. Among other 
 things, he there fixes on the Silures as being 
 Iberians. The whole chapter is worth reproducing 
 here. " Ceterum, Britanniam qui mortales initio 
 coluerint, indigense an advecti, ut inter barbaros, 
 parum compertum. Habitus corporum varii: 
 atque ex eo argumenta. Namque rutilte Cale- 
 doniam habitantium comse, magni artus, Ger- 
 
LECTURE IV. 191 
 
 manicam originem adseveraut. Silarum colorati 
 vultus et torti plerumque crines, et posita coBtra 
 Hispania, Iberos veteres trajecisse easque sedes 
 occupasse, fidem faciunt. Proximi Gallis et 
 similes sunt; seu durante originis vi, seu procur- 
 rentibus in diversa terris, positio coeli corporibus 
 habitum dedit. In universum tamen asstimanti, 
 Gallos vicinum solum occupasse, credibile est. 
 Eorum sacra deprehendas, superstltionum persua- 
 sione : sermo baud multum diversus, in depos- 
 cendis periculis eadem audacia, et, ubi advenere, 
 in detrectandis eadem formido. Plus tamen fero- 
 cise Britanni prseferunt, ut quos nondum longa pax 
 emollierit. Nam Gallos quoque in bellis floruisse 
 accepimus : mox segnitia cum otio intravit, 
 amissa virtute pariter ac libertate. Quod Britan- 
 uorum olim victis evenit : ceteri manent, quales 
 • Galli fuerunt." 
 
 Accordingly, some of the non-Ayran traits of 
 Welsh and Irish may be expected to admit of 
 being explained by means of Basque. Unfortu- 
 nately, however, that language is not found to 
 assist us much, as it is known only in a com- 
 paratively late form. So we turn to other 
 prse-Aryan languages still spoken in Europe, 
 namely, those of the Finnic groups. These last 
 show a number of remarkable points of similarity 
 with the Celtic languages. Hence it may be sup- 
 
192 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 posed — and comparative craniology offers, I believe, 
 no difficulty — that the British Isles, before the 
 Celts came, were occupied by distinct races of 
 Iberian and Finnic origin respectively, or else, in 
 case it could be made out that Basque is related to 
 the Finnic tongues, by a homogeneous Ibero-Finnic 
 race forming the missing link, as the saying is, 
 between the Iberians and the Finns. That some 
 such a race' or races once inhabited all the west of 
 Europe is now pretty generally believed. 
 
 Proceeding on the supposition that p was foreign 
 to the idioms of the insular, or, as they had now 
 better be called to avoid confusion, the Goidelo- 
 Kymric Celts, one may by means of names con- 
 taining it point out certain localities in the British 
 Isles . occupied by tribes which were not of a 
 Goidelo-Kymric origin. These fall into two groups, 
 with which we may begin from the north-west and 
 the north-east respectively. Ptolemy, who lived in 
 the time of Adrian and Marcus Aurelius, and 
 wrote a geography, calls one of the islands be- 
 tween Scotland and Ireland Epidium, and the 
 Mull of Cantyre ^E-n-iBiov axpov, apparently from 
 the people, whom he calls Epidii, and locates airo 
 Toi) E-TTiBiov aKpov (»s Trpos avaToXw;. Further, he 
 gives a town of the Novantae the name Lucopibia: 
 it is supposed to have stood near Luce Bay, in 
 Wigtonshire. All these names together with 
 
LECTUEE IV. 193 
 
 Mons Granpius may well be supposed to refer 
 to localities to which the unabsorbed remnants 
 of a prse-Celtic race may have been driven by 
 the Celts. In the next place, he mentions a 
 people in Ireland called the Manapii, and a town 
 called Manapia, supposed by some to be the site of 
 Dublin. As to this side of St. George's Channel, 
 he calls St. David's Head ^OKTairiTapov aKpov, and 
 the old name of St. David's seems to have been 
 Menapia, whence Menevia, Welsh' Mynym. Now 
 it is known that there were also Menapii on the 
 coast in the neighbourhood of the Ehine, but 
 although they were a maritime people, it is hardly 
 probable that they had sent out colonies to Ireland 
 and Pembrokeshire. So I conclude that these names 
 are vestiges of a non-Ayran people whom the Celts 
 found in possession on the Continent and in the 
 British Isles. Nor have I mentioned all, for it is 
 hard to believe that none of the following names 
 also is of the same origin : Welsh Manaw, ' the 
 Isle of Man,' which Pliny calls Monapia and 
 Ptolemy MomoiSa; Mona, Welsh lf<?ra, 'Anglesey ;' 
 the Menai Straits or Meneviacum Fretum ; Welsh 
 Mynwy, ' Monmouth,' on the Monnow, in the terri- 
 tory of the ancient Silures; and possibly also 
 Manau Gododin in the North, and Momonia, 
 Mumhain, or Munster in Ireland. 
 As the outposts of the other group may be men- 
 
 N 
 
194 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 tioned the Corstopitum or Corstopilum of the 
 Itinerary of Antoninus, which is supposed to have 
 received its present form in the latter part of 
 the 3rd century : it is believed that the site is 
 that of Corbridge in Northumberland. The next 
 is Epiacum, mentioned by Ptolemy as a town 
 of the powerful tribe of the Brigantes : it is 
 identified by some with Hexham, by others with 
 Lanchester, and by others, with more probability, 
 with Ebchester. Whether these two places were 
 ■Giaulish or Teutonic it is not easy to say, for they 
 cannot be very far from the district where Tacitus 
 detected a Teutonic population; but whatever 
 settlements there may have been on the coast from 
 the Tweed to the Humber, the Brigantes are said 
 by Ptolemy to border on the North Sea. Proceed- 
 ing south, we come next to Petuaria, the town of 
 the Parisi, on or near the Humber : it has already 
 been surmised that this was a G-aulish position. 
 We now «ome to the Iceni in Norfolk, who had 
 a king whose name, according to Tacitus, was 
 Prasutagus. Next we have Ptolemy's ToUapis, 
 supposed to be Sheppey, and his Eutupice, identified 
 with Eichborough in Kent. More inland we meet 
 with a people whom he calls KaTvev^(Xavol ol kclI 
 Ka-Tj-eXdvoi, possessing the towns of Verulamium 
 or Old Verulam near St. Alban's, and Salinse, 
 which has been sought for in Bedfordshire 
 
LECTURE IV. 195 
 
 and South Lincolnsliire. More to the west and 
 north, we find in the Itinerary of Antoninus a 
 place bearing the distinctly Gaulish name Penno- 
 crucium in the territory of the Cornavii, who may, 
 therefore, be concluded to be Gauls : the site is 
 identified by some with Peukridge in Stafford- 
 shire, and by others with Stretton. Add to these 
 vestiges of the Gaul the fact that we have Gauls 
 in the Belgse, who counted among their towns 
 AquEe Salis or Bath, and in the Atrebatii located 
 between them and the Thames. Compare also 
 what Caesar says on this point in the 13th chapter 
 of his fifth book. From these indications it 
 seems to follow that rather more than one half of 
 what is now England belonged in Csesar's time to 
 tribes of Gaulish origin ; that is to say, all east 
 of the Trent, the "Warwickshire Avon, the Parret, 
 and the Dorsetshire Stour, excepting a Kymric 
 peninsula reaching as far as Malmesbury, and 
 widening perhaps towards the south to take in 
 Warehara in Dorsetshire, where, it is said, there 
 are inscriptions of Kymric origin. Against this 
 may be set the Cornavii, whose territory consisted 
 of a strip of land running from the Avon along 
 the east of the Severn and stretching to the mouth 
 of the Dee. If you want the assistance of a 
 map, turn to Mr. Freeman's Old English History 
 (London, 1873), where you will find one of 
 
196 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Britaia at the beginning of the 7th century. 
 According to that, the tract of country which the 
 English- then ruled over south of the Humber 
 coincided almost exactly with the boundary of the 
 Gaulish portion of Britain which has here just 
 been roughly defined. This apparent recognition 
 of Celtic landmarks by the later invaders is a fact 
 the historical and political significance of which I 
 leave to be weighed by others. 
 
 This view of th'e extent of Gaulish Britain, 
 which, it hardly need be said, is a mere theory, 
 derives some confirmation from the river-names of 
 England, which contains, for instance, important 
 rivers of the name of S>tour in Kent, Suffolk, 
 Dorset, Warwickshire, and Worcestershire. Simi- 
 larly we have others bearing the name of Ouse, 
 such as the Sussex Ouse, the Great Ouse, with its 
 tributary the Little Ouse, and the Yorkshire 
 Ouse which meets the Trent on the borders of 
 Lincolnshire. Lastly, we find a Stratford Avon, 
 a Bristol Avon, a Little Avon in Gloucestershire, 
 a Hampshire Avon flowing past Salisbury, and 
 an Avon: entering the sea near Lymington. But 
 these last rivers are supposed to bear an undoubted 
 Kymric name. It is, however, an easy matter to 
 show that it is not so. In the Itinerary of Anto- 
 ninus we seem to meet with Avon in the form of 
 Ahona; the Modern Welsh for a river is afon, 
 
LECTURE IV. 197 
 
 ■whicli we pronounce avon, and this stands for an 
 earlier abona or amona, whicli would in the course 
 of phonetic decay have to becorae our a/on. Now 
 it happens that it was probably not a rule of Welsh 
 phonology to change b or jre into v till about 
 the 8th century : so it remains that we should 
 suppose this softening to have taken place in 
 English, or in the language of the British Grauls, 
 whom the English found in possession of the 
 country drained by the Avons. Possibly another 
 and an earlier instance occurs in the vn, or, as 
 it is usually printed, un of such Gaulish names 
 as Cassivellaunus, Vercassivellaunus, Segovellauni, 
 Vellaunodunum, as well, perhaps, as Alaunus, 
 Genauni, Icaunus, Ligaunus, and the like. 
 Welsh tradition has, it is true, made Cassivel- 
 launus into Caswallawn, and Caswallon, which 
 naturally takes its place by the side of Cadwallon, 
 Idwallon, and Tudwallon ; but it is by no means 
 usual for early aun to make awn, on in Modern 
 Welsh, whence it is possible that only the mall 
 of the Weigh names just mentioned is to be 
 equated with the veil of such Gaulish ones as 
 Cassivellaunus, and that the terminations are 
 completely different. In that case Cadwallon and 
 Cassivellaunus should be considered as standing 
 for Catuvelldn- and Cassivellamn-, the latter con- 
 taining a vellamn- which I would identify with 
 
198 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Walamn-i, a name which occurs on an Irish tomh- 
 stone now in the British Museum ; two of its 
 edges read Maqvi Ercias and Maqvi Walamni: 
 we farther seem to have the Gaulish equivalent 
 in VALLAVNiTS ou a stone at Caerleon. It 
 is needless to add that mn remained intact both 
 in Early "Welsh — witness Sagranmi — and in Old 
 Welsh, as, for instance, in the Juvencus Codex 
 in the verb scamnhegint, " levant," from scamn, 
 now yscafn, ' light, not heavy.' The softening 
 of m into v is not the only instance of Gaulish 
 outstripping Welsh in the path of phonetic decay. 
 Another familiar one of a different order occurs in 
 the of petorritum for ua or mo, still represented 
 in full by wa in the Modern Welsh pedwar, ' four.' 
 
( 199 ) 
 
 LECTUEE V. 
 
 " Y mae Uythyraetli y Gymraeg yn fater lied ddyrys ; ao y tnae 
 Uawer o ysgrifenwyr, yn enwedig y rhai ieuainc, yn Uawer rhy 
 fyrbwyll a phenderfynol yn ei gylcli, ac yn dueddol i feddwl eu bod 
 yn ei amgyffred yn drwyadl, pan y maent hwytliau, yn rhy fynych, 
 heb gymmaint a deal! elfenau cyntaf y petli y maent yn eu hystyried 
 eu hunain yn athrawou ynddo." — Daniel Silvan Evans. 
 
 In this lecture it is proposed to give a brief sketch 
 of the fortunes of the Roman alphabet among the 
 Kymry, and to follow it through the successive 
 modifications which it has undergone among us 
 down to the present day. For the sake of not 
 breaking on the continuity of its history, what I 
 have to say respecting the Ogmic system will be 
 reserved for another occasion ; for the same reason 
 also I have thought it advisable to omit a number 
 of details, otherwise highly interesting, as well as 
 all reference to the improved methods of dealing 
 with pronunciations inculcated with so much suc- 
 cess by Mr. Ellis, Mr. Melville Bell, and Mr. 
 Sweet. 
 
 The Eoman capitals found in our Early Inscrip- 
 tions are A, B, 0, D, E, F, G, H, I, L, M, N, 0, 
 P, Q, E, S, T, V, X. As to their formation, they 
 are mostly more or less debased, as arch^ologists 
 
200 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 term it: — As in Eoman inscriptions, the letter D 
 is to be found occasionally reversed with or without 
 prolonging the perpendicular, so as to give it the 
 look of our minuscule d ; N and S also occur re- 
 versed, and the I, when final, is frequently placed 
 in a horizontal position, but in the genitive fili 
 it forms now and then a short stroke tagged on 
 to the short bar of the F and the end of the L ; 
 these are, however, by no means the only instances 
 in which it is of a smaller formation, as in Roman 
 inscriptions, than the other letters. Ligatures 
 are not at all unusual ; on the other hand, abbre- 
 viations are rare in our inscriptions of the earliest 
 class, and in this they strongly contrast with 
 Roman ones, as in fact they might be expected to 
 do, seeing that they are the work of a people who 
 was, to say the least of it, less given to writing 
 than the Romans were. A general survey of our 
 ancient monuments would convince one that the 
 style of the letters used was subject to a steady 
 change, which by the end of the Brit-Welsh period 
 had reached such a point that they could no longer 
 be conveniently called Roman letters. Hence it 
 is that they are variously termed Anglo-Saxon, by 
 those who are familiar with the use made of them 
 in Old English, and Irish by others who are better 
 acquainted with the Irish language, which is to 
 this day written in them ; while of late it has 
 
LECTURE V. 201 
 
 been usual to make a compromise between the 
 English and the Irish by manufacturing for them 
 the adjective Hiberno-Saxon. But all this tends 
 to conceal their real origin ; for though this style 
 of letters became naturalised among our neighbours 
 in Ireland and England, it was among the Kymry 
 that it was developed and invested with an in- 
 dividuality of its own. Under the circumstances, 
 we are entitled to speak of it as Kymric, and to 
 call the individual characters Kymric letters. The 
 following are the forms in which they appear in 
 printed Irish : <^bctiep5hilmTiop4p-ircux. 
 The change from the capitals of the Eoman 
 period to the corresponding characters used by the 
 Welsh in the 9th and 10th century of course 
 did not, as has already been suggested, happen in 
 a day, and our inscriptions supply us with most 
 of the intermediate steps. But I could not hope 
 to make this perfectly clear to you without the aid 
 of good drawings or photographs of the inscrip- 
 tions themselves ; a deficiency which has quite 
 recently been met by the publication of them in 
 an easily accessible form by Dr. Hiibner of Berlin, 
 in a work entitled " Inscriptiones Britannias 
 Christianas (Berlin and London, 1876). A still 
 more elaborate work on the same subject is pro- 
 mised by the English palaeographer. Professor 
 Westwood, under the auspices of the Cambrian 
 
202 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Archaeological Association. To ascertain the re- 
 lative dates of our inscriptions, that is to say, to 
 arrange them chronologically, is the one leading 
 problem to the solution of which all investigations 
 into Kymric epigraphy ought to contribute : a 
 first rude attempt at this might be based on the 
 style and form of the letters to which your atten- 
 tion has been called. Thus all our non-Ogmic 
 inscriptions down to the beginning of the 12th 
 century or thereabouts might be classed as follows : 
 (a) Those cut exclusively in Roman capitals ; {b) 
 those in which some of the letters are found to 
 assume the Kymric minuscule form ; and {c) those 
 which consist entirely of Kymric letters. How- 
 ever, another step in the same direction would 
 probably bring one to modify and correct, by 
 means of grammatical and historical indications, 
 this very rough classification, with some such a 
 result as to distribute (a) between the Roman 
 and the Brit- Welsh period, leaving (fi) entirely to 
 the Brit- Welsh period and (c) mostly to that of 
 Old Welsh. 
 
 The next place must be given to a short account 
 of the values of the characters which have been 
 thus far occupying us, and for the present it 
 will be convenient to treat the inscriptions of 
 the Roman and Brit-Welsh periods as though 
 they were all entirely written in Roman capitals. 
 
LECTURE V. 203 
 
 unalloyed and undetased. Generally speaking, 
 the letters may also be regarded as having the 
 same values as in Latin ; but in a few instances 
 that statement requires to be explained or 
 qualified. 
 
 H. In occasionally writing oc and ic for hoc and 
 hie, the Welsh seem to have only imitated the 
 Romans, who, as early as the time of Augustus, 
 sometimes pronounced the aspirate and sometimes 
 not ; later the confusion became still more com- 
 plete : see Corssen's work already alluded to, i. 107. 
 Some difficulty is offered by the occasional use of 
 h for the guttural spirant ch ; for not only is 
 the sound of h known to become ch in Welsh, and 
 vice versa, but it seems certain that in Broho and 
 Brohomagli, the letter h represents the ch of the later 
 Brochmail and Brochmel, a sound we find so written 
 in Decheti for an earlier Decceti. It had also pro- 
 bably the same value in Alhorttcs. But how came 
 the Welsh to write h for ch ? It is probable that 
 h represented both the aspirate and the guttural 
 spirant in Old English, and it might be said that 
 we owe this use of it in our inscriptions to early 
 English influence ; but even could it be allowed 
 that all the instances in question date after the 
 beginning of the 7th century, that would hardly 
 seem probable. We have, therefore, to fall backj 
 perhaps, on the fact proved by Corssen (i. 97-99), 
 
204 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 that the old guttural spirant ch, which the Italian 
 nations began at a very early date to reduce to h, 
 lingered on a considerable time in the Latin lan- 
 guage, which, however, assigned it a very inferior 
 part, and took no trouble to distinguish it in writ- 
 ing from the aspirate ever encroaching upon it. 
 It is possible that h pronounced ch continued in 
 popular Latin even later than Corssen would have 
 admitted, and that it is to this pronunciation con- 
 tinuing in the country after it had been given up 
 by the more genteel rerum domini in the city of 
 Eome, that the often-cited words of Nigidius 
 Figulus, a contemporary of Cicero, originally 
 referred : " Rusticus fit sermo, si aspires per- 
 peram." However that may be, if the guttural 
 spirant continued in vulgar or rustic Latin down 
 to the time of Julius Agricola — and Italy is a 
 land where dialects have always thriven — it could 
 hardly fail to have reproduced itself in the pro- 
 vincial Latin of Britain, and this would explain 
 how our ancestors came to represent it in writing 
 by h, and not by ch^ in words belonging to their 
 own language. But in what words would the 
 latter be likely to give them occasion to use it 
 before the departure of the Romans ? Not in 
 such as Brohomagli, for here the spirant only 
 came in some time after as the continuator of cc ; 
 it was late, also, no doubt, that initial sw became 
 

 . LECTUEE V. 205 
 
 ho; whence we have now hw in S. Wales, and 
 dm in N. Wales. There remain two combina- 
 tions where they may have had it — namely, in 
 words where we now have eh or h corresponding 
 to Irish ss (also written s), mostly for an original 
 hs, as in Welsh dehav, (also decheu, and even 
 detheu), ' right, south ; ' 0. Ir. des ; it is to this 
 origin I would refer the spirant represented by k 
 in Alkortu. The other is where we have t/i, with 
 vowel compensation, answering to Irish cki, as in 
 Welsh taitk, 'a journey;' 0. Ir. teckt, 'to go;' 
 Welsh 7w/tk, ' eight ; ' 0. Ir. ockt. The original 
 of this was kt, which the Goidelo-Kymric Celts 
 seem to have modified into ckt, and that possibly 
 before their separation into Kymric and Goidelic 
 nations. However, after weighing all the. diffi- 
 culties which beset this question, I am inclined 
 to think that though our ancestors may possibly 
 have heard k pronounced as cA in a few Latin 
 words, the use of k for c/i by them in writing 
 their own language is to be traced to the influence 
 of the Ogam alphabet, the discussion of which 
 will give me an opportunity of returning to this 
 point. 
 
 L. On the stone at Llanfihangel ar Arth, we 
 have Fivs clearly cut instead of filivs. This spell- 
 ing is, however, to be traced to a Latin source : 
 see Corssen's work already referred to, i. 228, 
 
206 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 where such instances as _fiae foTjilim, Corneius for 
 Cornelius, and the like, are cited. 
 
 JS'c, Ng. On one stone we have Tunccetace and 
 on another Evolenggi, while the same name occurs 
 also as Evolengi. The digraphs nc, ng, were pro- 
 bably meant to represent the nasal gutturals, surd 
 and sonant respectively. Such forms as nuncquam, 
 conjuncx,juncxit, extincxit, and the like, occur in 
 Roman inscriptions of the time of the Empire. 
 Names in agn, such as Ereagni and Maglagni, ap- 
 pear later as Erehan and Maelan; so -agn must 
 haye passed into -angn towards the close of the 
 Brit- Welsh period, though the spelling in the in- 
 scriptions in point gives us no clue to the change : 
 later angn was simplified into an. Had the lan- 
 guage followed suit with the Irish, which has re- 
 duced -agn into -an, we should have had not 
 Erehan and Maelan, but Erehaen and Maelaen ; 
 possibly in some instances -angn may have yielded 
 -awn by a change of ng into w, which occasionally 
 occurs : see the Revue Celtique, ii. 192. 
 
 Np occurs, if I may trust my last attempt to 
 read the Cynffig stone, in the name Punpeius, 
 more commonly met with in books in the form 
 Pompeius. It was not unusual, Corssen (i. 263) 
 tells us, in Latin inscriptions of the 3d, 4th, 
 and 5th centuries, to write not only np, nb, but 
 also mt, md, the reason being, as he thinks, that 
 
LECTURE V. 207 
 
 neither n nor m was clearly pronounced in such 
 positions : they seem to have served merely to give 
 a nasal effect to the vowel going before them, and 
 they were, accordingly, often left altogether un- 
 represented in writing. From 0. Latin Corssen 
 quotes as instances Poponi, Seproni, Noubris, 
 Decebris, and from late Latin cupare (= compare), 
 incoparabile, exeplu, Novebres: It is curious to 
 find that the epitaph just alluded to has Punpeius 
 rendered in Ogam hy a form beginning with Pope — 
 the rest of the word is now illegible, but it would 
 seem to have been Popei, for Pompei. 
 
 S. Final s is frequently omitted in our Early 
 Inscriptions, as, for instance, in the Latin words 
 cive, Ccelexti, Eternali, Nobili, Vitali, for cives, 
 Ccelextis, Eternalis, Nobilis, Vitalis. The same is 
 the case with nominatives singular of the second 
 declension when the vowel used is o, as in conso- 
 brino, Eimetiaco, Emereto, for consobrinos, Eimetia- 
 cos, Emeretos. But in case the vowel chosen was 
 the later u, the s is written as in Curcagnus, 
 Ordous, Saturninus, and even in Eoman inscrip- 
 tions nominatives in us and o are, as far as I can 
 ascertain, more numerous than those in u and os. 
 No nominatives in is for ius (see Corssen, i. 289, 
 758) retain their final s in our inscriptions, except- 
 ing Venedofis, which I take to mean Venedotius, 
 on one of the Penmachno stones. In popular 
 
208 LECTUEES ON -WELSH PHILOLOGY, 
 
 Latin final s probably dropped out of the pronun- 
 ciation at an early date, whence it naturally fol- 
 lowed that men who nevertheless had an idea that 
 some forms had a right to it, occasionally inserted 
 it in the wrong place : among other instances, 
 Corssen (i. 293) gives the genitives meis, Mercuris, 
 Saturnis, and the ablatives Antios, domus, junior es. 
 We seem to have an instance of the same kind in 
 the Ti'efgarn inscription, reading Nogtivis Fill 
 Demeti. 
 
 X. The combination xs for x is exceedingly 
 common in Roman inscriptions, and we meet with 
 it on the Trefarchog stone in the Latin word uxsor, 
 which, however, occurs written uxor on the Voelas 
 Hall stone. At a comparatively early date x, that 
 is cs, had got to be frequently pronounced ss or s, 
 whence a good deal of confusion between x and s 
 in writing. Such instances as vis for vix, visit 
 for vixit, and ye lis tor Jelix, are to be met with, 
 and vice versa one finds milex for miles, and xancto 
 for sancto (Corssen i. 297, 298). The only instance 
 of this kind which we have is Ccelexti, for Ccelestis, 
 on the Llanaber stone, near Barmouth. But that 
 the reduction of x into ss or s cannot have been 
 general in Latin before the Romans came in con- 
 tact with our ancestors, is proved by the fact of its 
 yielding in Welsh words borrowed from Latin, not 
 s simply, but s preceded by vowel compensation 
 
LECTURE V. 209 
 
 in cases where a; followed close on the tone-vowel, 
 
 as for instance in the three words which follow : 
 
 coes, ' a leg,' from coxa, ' the hip,' llaes, ' slack, 
 
 long,' from laxus, and pais, . formerly pels, ' a 
 
 coat, a petticoat,' from pexa, that is pexa testis or 
 
 pexa tunica, though a somewhat different meaning 
 
 is usually ascribed to pexa in Horace's words,. 
 
 when he says : — • 
 
 " Si forte subucula pexse 
 Trita subest tunicse vel si toga dissidet impar, 
 Rides." 
 
 J. A word, in the next place, as to the semi- 
 vowels j' and V. The Romans at one time used to 
 write eiis, Gaiius, peiius, Pompeiius, and to sound 
 them ej^us, Gajjus, pejjus, Pompejjus with _; (= y 
 in the English word yes or nearly so) ; but that 
 does not help us much with our inscriptional 
 forms Lovernii, Seniargii, and Ma..ani, where the 
 n can hardly have meant i or ij, but either _/z or iji. 
 Another curious case is that of mvliiek, for mulier, 
 on the Tregaron stone at Goodrich Court. Here 
 the second I may be due to thoughtlessness on the 
 inscriber's part, but I see no reason to think so. 
 It may be looked at another way : possibly it was 
 his intention to represent correctly his pronuncia- 
 tion of the Latin mulier as a trisyllable, so that 
 what he meant was mulljer ; but that is hardly 
 probable, as the inscription seems to be by no 
 means one of the earliest, and as it would have- been 
 
 
 
210 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 more in accordance with the habit of our ancestors 
 to have treated mulier as muljer. So it remains 
 that we should regard the pronunciation intended 
 as being muljjer, and ihejj as a parallel to the ww 
 of Ilwweto written in Ogam on the Trallong stone, 
 near Brecon. 
 
 V. Latin v was probably pronounced like 
 English w, and the combination vu was frequently 
 reduced to u in the popular Latin of the time of 
 the Empire : among the instances given by Corssen, 
 i. 321, are aus,Jlaus, noum, for avus^Jlavus, novum. 
 We seem to have an instance of this on the Penbryn 
 stone in Ordous, which probably means Ordovus, 
 whence Ptolemy's plural OpSovtKe?. We have the 
 V doubled on the Glan Usk stone in pvteri for 
 pueri, and so in ntvinti at Cynwil Caio. They 
 are probably to be pronounced puweri and Nuwinti, 
 with the former of which compare povero men- 
 tioned by Corssen, i. 362, 668, as well as Italian 
 rovina as compared with ruina, and other cases 
 of the same kind. In Anglesey we meet with 
 ORVViTE, which may mean Oruwite or Ormwite. 
 If the preference be given to the latter, as I am 
 inclined to do, the spelling Orwite must be 
 regarded as dictated by the same cause as IlToweto 
 and muliier. Probably both jj and vv or rem 
 represent peculiarities of pronunciation which 
 cannot now be correctly guessed, and it is worth 
 
LECTURE V. 211 
 
 Doticing that the semi-vowel in pvveei, orvvite, 
 and Ilwveto occupies just those positions where 0. 
 Welsh would give us ffu {—gw). So had we in- 
 stances of initial w or ww, nothing would be want- 
 ing to convince one that the digraph represented the 
 phonetic antecedent of our gu, gm. It is curious 
 to observe that pvveei has its exact parallel on one 
 of the few bilingual stones known in Ireland : I 
 allude to devvides on the Killeen Cormac stone 
 in the county of Kildare. 
 
 The doubling of consonants took place as in 
 Latin, especially where it was warranted by pro- 
 nunciation and etymology : this would be the case 
 in accented syllables. Even when the doubling 
 dictated by the etymology of the word was not 
 favoured by the presence of the accent, it seems 
 nevertheless to have been the rule, but it was 
 liable to be forgotten by the inscribers, as for 
 instance in Enabarri for Ennabarri, Fanoni related 
 to Fannuci, Qvenatauci for a name I should con- 
 sider more correctly written Qvennatauci, Tovisaci 
 for Tovissaci, and Trihni for Trilluni. Towards 
 the end of the Brit-Welsh period we meet with 
 opinatisimus and sapientisimus, and altogether s is 
 seldom doubled, but IVenegussi occurs so written, 
 while the Pgam gives it as Trenagusu. It is 
 possible that the nominative Cunocenni was 
 paroxytone, while its genitive Cunoceni was a 
 
212 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 perispomenon ; but no ingenuity could discover 
 reasons for the spelling Vendubari as compared 
 with Barrivendi and Enabarri, nor can Sagrani be 
 defended except as a defective spelling of Sagranni, 
 the Ogmic form being indubitably Sagramni : the 
 reduction of mn to nn was familiar in Latin as 
 early as Cicero's time, as when cum nobis and etiam 
 nunc were pronounced cun nobis and etian nunc : 
 see Corssen, i. 265. 
 
 A. A word now as to the vowels : short a at 
 the end of the first part of a compound appears to 
 have acquired an obscure pronunciation. In 
 Ogam it is always written a, as in Cunatami, 
 Cunacenniwi, Nettasagru, Trenagusu; so also in 
 the Latin version of the names Catamanus, Corba- 
 lengi, Enaiarri, Qvenatauci, Trenacatus. Advan- 
 tage seems to have been taken of the obscurity of 
 the vowel in question to give the compounds some- 
 what more of the appearance of Latin formations; 
 so we find it written o and e, as in Cunocenni, 
 Cunotami, Evelengi, with which compare the Irish 
 Evacattos, of doubtful reading, it is true, Seno- 
 magli, Senemagli, and Trenegussi. The o of 
 Catotigirni, tholigh probably of the same obscure 
 sound, is of a different origin, standing as it seems 
 to do for an earlier u: similarly the e of Anatemori 
 possibly represents an earlier i or ja, if one is to 
 analyse the name, not into Ana-temori, but Anate- 
 
LECTUEE V. 213 
 
 mcri, with anate representing what is in Mod. Welsh 
 enaid, ' soul,' and to regard the compound as mean- 
 ing eneid-fawr, magnanimus, fieyaXo'^lrv^o?. 
 
 E. According to Corssen, i. 325, short e had 
 two sounds in early Latin ; one of them ap- 
 proached that of i as in the words fameliai, 
 Menervai, mereto, tempestatebus. This may be 
 seen, he thinks, from the fact that in the lan- 
 guage of the educated it passed later into i, while 
 that of the people retained the old sound. This 
 twofold value of Roman e explains to some extent 
 the hesitation which the early Welsh' display in 
 the spelling of such names as Catotigirni, Teger- 
 nomali, Tegernacus, from a word tigern-, now 
 teyrn, ' a lord or monarch,' all from tig-, now ty, 
 ' a house ; ' compare, however, our Qvici and the 
 Qweci of an Irish epitaph. As to Emereto on the 
 Cwm Gloyn stone, it is not Emeritus changed hy 
 the Welsh into Emereto, but written by them as 
 they learned it from Eoman mouths. Similarly 
 does, which occurs more than once for civis in the 
 Roman inscriptions of Britain, proves that we 
 owe the e in dve, for cives, on the Penmachno 
 stone, to no caprice of the inscriber. And it can 
 hardly be doubted that it was from this country 
 that the same pronunciation of Latin found its 
 way into Ireland, where it appears on the Killeen 
 Cormac stone already alluded to. To pass by the 
 
214 LECTURES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Ogam on it, which, according to .the last account 
 of it, kindly sent me by Dr. Samuel Ferguson of 
 the Eoyal Irish Academy, should he read Uwanos 
 Awi Ewacattos, the Latin version is ivvene 
 DRTViDES, for iwENES DEVViDES, to he construed 
 in the genitive as meaning Lapis Sepulcralis 
 Juvenis Druidis. Of Latin genitives in es for is 
 Mr. Stokes has found traces in Irish manuscripts; 
 he mentions os turtores for qs turturis, in an old 
 Irish commentary at Turin ; see Kuhn's Beitraege, 
 V. p. 365, and compare our Res patres for Ris 
 patris, to be noticed later. 
 
 0. As in the case of e, so also o had two sounds 
 in early Latin (Oorssen, i. 342). The one was a 
 clear o, the other approached u, and passed in the 
 dialect of the educated into u, while popular Latin 
 retained the older sound. Not to go further than 
 the Eoman inscriptions of Britain, as edited by 
 Dr. Hiibner in the volume already more than once 
 referred to, it may be noticed that the more 
 formal and carefully executed of them follow the 
 rule of literary Latin; but when we come to the 
 names of tradesmen as stamped on their wares, 
 the struggle between o and m reappears, as in the 
 following names, which are all in the nominative 
 case singular : Cocuro, also Cocurus, Dometos, 
 Julios, usually Julius, Malledo, also Malledu, 
 Malluro, also Mallurus, Mercios, and Viducos, 
 
LECTURE T. 215' 
 
 also twice Viducus, whence it would seem that- 
 the fashion tended to the use of u when the s was 
 retained, and o when it was not. That this hesi- 
 tation hetween o and u was bequeathed by the 
 Komans to their Kymrlc pupils is certain: witness 
 the following instances — consobrino for conso- 
 brinus, Emereto for Emeritus, servatur and amator 
 on the same stone ; and Punpeius for Pumpeius, 
 in ordinary letters, accompanied by Pope- for 
 Pompe-, in Ogam, on another stone. In the 
 same way as consobrino and Emereto, I would 
 also treat the early Kymric names Eimetiaco, in 
 ALHORTVSEiMETiAco, OQ the Llanaclhaiarn stone, 
 and Cavo, in cavoseniaegii, on the stone in 
 Llanfor Church, near Bala. This, unfortunately, 
 does not materially help us in deciding whether 
 the vowel which is written u and o in maccu and 
 macco, and in genitives of the U declension, such 
 as Trenagusu, was long or short, as an inter- 
 change of 5 with u is not out of the question. 
 
 A. Where we have aw in Mod. Welsh, the lan- 
 guage had at an earlier stage a with a pronuncia- 
 tion to be compared probably with that of a in 
 the English word hall or am in draw. This 
 would be the sort of vowel to occasion some hesi- 
 tation, in writing, between a and o. We have 
 it, accordingly, written a in Eimetiaco, Senacus, 
 Tovisaci, Tegernacus, Veracius, and £> in Cone- 
 
216 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 toci and Anatemori, where mor-i is perhaps the 
 prototype of our marm' ' great,' while the a appears 
 unchanged in Cimarus on one of the Caerleon 
 stones of the Roman period, and invites comparison 
 with such names as Indutiomarus, Segomarus, and 
 the like. The same sound it is perhaps that meets 
 us in Daari, the syllable daar in this name being 
 probably of the same origin as the Greek Sa>pov, ' a 
 gift:' compare JtoSa)/jo9, 'HXi,oSa>po<;, 'AiroXKoBeopo?, 
 and the like. The doubling of the vowel was an 
 early expedient used by the Romans when they 
 wished to indicate thatitwas to be pronounced long, 
 but no trace of it appears in the Roman inscriptions 
 of this country. However, it is an expedient 
 which might suggest itself to anybody, and besides 
 in Daari we have it in a name beginning with 
 Cuur in an epitaph of a considerably later date on 
 a stone now in Llangaffo Church in Anglesey : 
 the same method of indicating long vowels was 
 also sometimes adopted by the Irish. It would 
 not be safe to compare Lovernii, Seniargii, and 
 the like. 
 
 E. The confusion of cs with S and even e was 
 common in late Latin : we have a good instance 
 of this in one of our inscriptions in the words 
 Servatur Fidcei Fatrie\_que\ Amator. Your atten- 
 tion was called in another lecture to the pro- 
 bability of feminine nominatives in e owing that 
 
LECTURE V, 217 
 
 ending to a Latinising tendency. The most 
 trustworthy instances occur in the following in- 
 scriptions : — 
 
 1. Tunccetace Uxsor Daari Hie Jacit, 
 
 2. Evali Fili Dencui Cuniovende Mater Ejus. 
 
 3. Hie In Tumulo Jacit E...stece Filia Patef- 
 nini Ani xiii In Pa. 
 
 4. Brohomagli Jam Ic Jacit Et Uxor Ejus 
 Caune. 
 
 5. Culidori Jacit Et Orvvite Mulier Secundi. 
 
 Besides these we have a fragment reading 
 Adiune; and another stone, the reading of which ' 
 is extremely difficult, seems to yield us the 
 feminine nominative Cunaide. Then there re- 
 main two names in e' which it would be hazardous 
 to regard as feminine. The one is a genitive 
 occurring on the Llanwinio stone, which I read, 
 with considerable hesitation, Bladi Fili Bodibeve. 
 Here, if one treat Bodibeve as . a feminine, the 
 anomaly of the mother being mentioned instead 
 of the father has to be accounted for : so there 
 seems to be no alternative but to suppose Bodibeve 
 to be the father's name. The other instance is 
 Nogtene in Ogam, and accompanied in Eoman 
 capitals by Nogtivis Fili Demeti on the Trefgarn 
 stone. There seem^ to be no reason to expect a 
 Latinised form written in Ogam, so that Nogtene 
 
218 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 •would appear to be, not a feminine nominative, 
 but a genitive like Bodibeve. If so, the final e in 
 both is perhaps to be regarded as a by-form of 
 the i of the genitive of the /-declension, just as 
 we have o and u in that of the £/-declension. 
 Here it should be mentioned that we have at least 
 one Early Welsh name containing e which later 
 yielded oe : I allude to Vennisetli on the Llansaint 
 stone — the name occurs later as Gnynhoedl and 
 Gwennoedyl, which, teach us that our hoedl, ' life, 
 lifetime,' was in Early Welsh setl-. 
 
 A 
 
 V. Early Welsh u must have had at least two 
 sounds, that of long u in Italian, German, and 
 English in such words as rule, food, and another 
 sound resembling French u, or our modern u=^ ii, 
 or perhaps intermediate between them; but this 
 will require some explanation. Many languages 
 have shown a steady tendency to let u (and some- 
 times m) gradually pass into i. Physiologically 
 speaking, this seems to mean that the pitch of the 
 resonance chamber formed by the mouth in pro- 
 nouncing u is gradually raised by shortening the 
 mass of air extending from the vocal chords to 
 the lips, in order to let them settle nearer their 
 position of rest, and reduce the tension of the 
 muscles called into action when the mouth has to 
 be maintained at its greatest length, as measured 
 from the vocal chords to the lips. When u passed 
 
LECTURE V. 219 
 
 into i no break is likely to have happened in the 
 transition ; it will, nevertheless, be convenient to 
 fix on one or two intermediate stages correspond- 
 ing to the sound of French u or Greek v, which 
 nearly resembled French u and will here be used 
 for it, and our Mod. Welsh u, which comes near 
 German ii, which may here represent it. We 
 have thus the series u, v, ii, i, or perhaps better 
 still, u, 0, V, ii, i. As instances may be men- 
 tioned the following : Aryan au had been reduced 
 into '§, sounded like French u, in 0. English, and 
 by the 13th century it had so closely approached i 
 as to be confounded with it in writing. Or take 
 the case of Greek, in which <tv, for instance, 
 Doric TV, ' thou,' stands for tuam, as may be seen 
 from the Sanskrit form which is tvam ; but in 
 Mod. Greek the vowel v is further narrowed so as 
 to be pronounced now like i, excepting in the 
 Spartan dialect, where the old sound still seems 
 to be usual, a characteristic which the Greek who 
 pointed it out to me considered modern and vul- 
 gar ! In the same way Latin io has regularly 
 yielded its much narrower French representative, 
 and in German the sound written ic is to French- 
 men's thinking frequently pronounced i. Lastly, 
 Early Welsh 5 or m has given us our modern u 
 (= u), which is mostly pronounced i in South 
 Wales : this may be most readily exemplified in 
 
220 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 the case of words borrowed from Latin, such as 
 durus, ' hard,' and labor, laidris, ' labour,' which 
 have given us our dur, ' steel,' and Uafur, ' labour, 
 tillage,' pronounced in S. "Wales dir and llajir 
 respectively. Curiously enough the same process 
 had gone on in Welsh at an earlier stage in its 
 history, namely in those words where Mod. Welsh 
 has i corresponding to Irish u: it was complete 
 about the end of the Brit- Welsh period, as hardly 
 a trace of the older vowel is to be met witb later. 
 This vowel perhaps never represented an Aryan 
 long u, but an u which became long in the course 
 of phonetic decay, as for instance in the case of 
 Mod. Welsh ci, '.a dog,' Irish cu, which stands 
 for a nominative cuans, as may be seen from the 
 cognate forms Greek Kvtav, Sanskrit qvd, Eng. 
 hound: so in Welsh ti, Irish tu, Lat. tu, Greek 
 axj, Sanskrit tvam, Eng. thou ; and so in another 
 group of words, which must here be mentioned at 
 somewhat greater length, namely Welsh din, 
 dinas, ' a fort, a town or city,' Irish dun, 0. Eng. 
 tun, Mod. Eng. town, which point to a Celto- 
 Teutonic base duan of the same origin, perhaps, 
 in spite of the aspirate, as the Sanskrit verb 
 dhvan, ' to cover one's self, to shut' There can 
 hardly be any doubt as to the identity of our 
 modern Dingad with Dunocati on the stone in 
 Glan Usk Park, whence it is highly probable that 
 
LECTURB V. 221 
 
 the u in that name was .sounded towards the close 
 of the Brit- Welsh period more like our i than 
 our w. The change, however, in the direction of 
 i would seem to have commenced after the time of 
 Ptolemy the geographer, who gives the prototype 
 of our din, Irish dun, the form Sovvov (with Greek 
 ov = Latin u, or English u in rule), and that 
 whether the names in point reached him from 
 Wales, Ireland, or Gaul : witness the following — 
 from Wales, MaptSovvov, our modern Caerfyrdd- 
 in, ' Carmarthen ; ' from Ireland, the name of 
 a town which he gives as Aovvov ; and from Gaul, 
 AvyovardBovvov, Aovy^ovvov, Ov^eXKoBovvov, and the 
 like, all of which end in Latin in dunum. The 
 two Welsh series of u passing into i were not' 
 confounded, because they were not contempora- 
 neous, as will be seen on comparing our tud, for- 
 merly tut, Ir. tuath, ' a people or nation,' with 
 Gaulish names such as Toutissicnos, Toutiorix 
 (Welsh Tutri), and the Gaulish word toutius, 
 supposed to mean * a citizen or one of a tribe,' 
 and found written toovtiov<!, where Greek ov, as 
 standing for the sound of Latin u, made it neces-. 
 sary to write oov to represent the Gaulish diph- 
 thong ou ; it is very probable that Gaulish ou was 
 represented by ou or ou or some nearly related 
 diphthong also in the 'common language of the 
 Goidelo-Kymric Celts before their separation. 
 
222 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Eouglily speaking, then, the two series stood thus 
 as far as concerns their relative dates : — 
 
 Goidelo-Kymric. Early Welsh. Old Welsh. ModernWelsh. 
 U V or u i i. 
 
 Ou u OT V OX u u and i. 
 
 We have possihly a trace of the old spelling of 
 Bingad in Dwncat, in the lolo MSS., p. 96, but 
 better attested is Gurcu for the name otherwise 
 written Gurci. Whether the u in Dencui, Dinui, 
 and Sagranui is of the kind here discussed, it 
 will be impossible to say until one or more 
 of these names have been identified in a later 
 form. 
 
 Ai. We have no satisfactory instances of this 
 diphthong; for Vailathi and Genaius, both from 
 Cornwall, are somewhat late and highly obscure. 
 Besides these, Cornwall offers us a name of far 
 greater antiquity on the stone at Hayle, which I am 
 inclined to read Cunaide; but others have been in 
 the habit of reading it Cunaido or Cunatdo in the 
 masculine. Supposing Cunatdo to be improbable, 
 we should in Cunaide or Cunaido have a compound 
 of the pretty familiar cun- of our early names, and 
 of the word which appears later in Welsh in the 
 form of udd, explained in Dr. Davies's diction- 
 ary as meaning dominus : it would seem to be 
 matched in Irish by the old name Oed-a (genitive). 
 
LECTURE V. 223 
 
 later Aedh, Aodh, Eaodh, Anglicised Hugh, and 
 the late Mr. Stephens of Merthyr Tydfil was pro- 
 bably right in regarding the Aedd of Mod. Welsh 
 tradition as a Goidelic importation from North 
 Britain — see the Arch. Cambrensis for 1872, p. 
 193. If, then, Cunaide (or Cunaido) is the correct 
 reading we have here an instance of ai before it 
 was reduced to u. 
 
 Au. It is probable that this diphthong in Early 
 Welsh, or at least towards the close of that period, 
 consisted of a plus the sound of the narrow u al- 
 ready described, which would not be very far from 
 our modern au. The reason why I think so is 
 that I fancy that I find it later only as ei and ai. 
 The cases in point are Caune, Cavo, Qvenafauci, 
 Vedomaui, and Mauoh... To begin with Caune, 
 it can hardly be doubted that this is the name 
 which later appears in the form of Cein, now Gain, 
 and as an ordinary adjective cain, ' fair, beautiful,' 
 of the same origin as Gothic skauns, Ger, schon 
 ' beautiful, handsome, fair,' — our ceinach, '■ a 
 hare,' is not related, its cein- being, as pointed 
 out by Mr. Stokes, the continuator of ca{s)in, 
 of the same origin as Sanskrit gaga, 0. Prussian 
 sasin-, Ger. hase, Mod. Eog. hare. Our next in- 
 stance Cauo can hardly but be the prototype of 
 the well-known Welsh name Cei, later Cai, which 
 possibly comes from the same source as Cain. It 
 
224 LECTUBES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 is right, however, to add that Welsh tradition 
 mentions a Cau or Cam, but he is generally men- 
 tioned as coming from Prydyn in the North. 
 Against this should he balanced the facts that, 
 while Welsh hagiology mentions only one Cau or 
 Caw, we find allusions to at least three persons of 
 the name of Cei or Cai, that Cai yields the deri- 
 vative names Caiaw or Caio, and Caian the name 
 of one of Caw's many sons who settled in Wales, 
 and that not many miles from Llanfor Church, 
 wherein is the stone bearing the name Cavo, is the 
 site of Caergai or Cai's Fort. So it seems that 
 the Welsh was Cei or Cai, while Cau or Cam not 
 only comes from the North, but also represents, 
 not Cavo or Cavus, but a name which in its 
 Latin form is found given as Caunus. Qvena- 
 tauci has not been identified, but the leading 
 element in the name is already familiar to you, 
 and tauc-i is possibly to be equated with Teic-an, 
 a name which occurs in the Liber Landavensis, 
 p. 201. Similarly in the case of Vedomaui and 
 Mauoh.., it is probable that mau-i and mau-o 
 are of the same origin as mai in Gwalchmai, and 
 we seem to have them .in the name Mei and its 
 derivative Meic in the same collection, pp. 199, 
 221, 260, 261. In Latin words the sound of au 
 was difi"erent, as that makes in Welsh successively 
 ou, eu, au, as in Welsh aur ' gold ' from aurum. 
 
LECTURE V. 225 
 
 and Foul, Feul, Paul from Paulus—i\i& natu- 
 ralised Paul, with, u^ii, has been expelled in 
 Mod. Welsh in favour of Paul pronounced Pol, an 
 attempt to imitate the English : the Paulinus of 
 our inscriptions should yield in Mod. Welsh Peulin, 
 but I am not aware that it occurs, but we have a 
 Welsh derivative from Paulus, and that is PeulaUy 
 as in Llanbmlan, the name of a church in Anglesey. 
 It is to be regretted that Carausius is n-ot to be traced 
 in any later form known to Welsh literature. 
 
 EL We find ei in Eimetiaco, and its occur- 
 rence in Punpeius seems to indicate that it was 
 sounded not very differently from ei in Mod. 
 Welsh. Provisionally Alhortus Eimetiaco may be 
 rendered Alhortus ^re-hastatus, the Early Welsh 
 ei being the equivalent of Latin <es, genitive ceris. 
 In 0. Welsh we seem to trace it in the name 
 Ejudon, probably for Ei-judon, on a stone in the 
 neighbourhood of Llandeilo in Carmarthenshire ; 
 and it is probably the same name, in a still shorter 
 form, that meets us in the Mabinogion, ii. 206, 
 as Eidon, which was then probably pronounced 
 Eiddon. Further we have the same ei taking 
 the form ei and ai in haiarn, ' iron,' keiarnaidd, 
 ' like iron,' However, I could not now enter 
 into the details of the history of these forms, 
 as they would take up more of your time than the 
 importance of the single vocable Eimetiaco could 
 
 p 
 
226 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 justly claim in this lecture (see the remarks on the 
 Welsh names of metals at the end of the volume). 
 If now we review the ground which we have 
 just travelled over, everything seems to indicate 
 that, although the polite Latin of Eoman litera- 
 ture made its way, no doubt, into the families 
 of natives of rank in this country, the ground it 
 gained here was very inconsiderable as compared 
 with the conquests made by the Humble and 
 motky dialect of the legions of imperial Eome, 
 and those who followed in their train. This kind 
 of vernacular, so far as we know it from the marks 
 of potters and other tradesmen, may be said, both 
 as regards language and lettering, to pass imper- 
 ceptibly into the Latinity of our inscriptions of 
 the Brit- Welsh period. Consequently those who 
 try to estimate the date of the latter by the ex- 
 tent to which they have been debased, in point of 
 language or lettering, as compared with the com- 
 paratively faultless official inscriptions emanating 
 from the Eoman army and its officers, cannot help 
 incurring the risk of dating the Brit- Welsh ones 
 all too late. For it is not an unusual thing to 
 find that a debased letter, for instance, which 
 does not appear in official inscriptions, was, never- 
 theless, in common use among the tradesmen of 
 the time, Had Tacitus had to write of the later 
 history of the Eoman occupation, he would pro- 
 
LECTUEE V. 227 
 
 bably have given more room to questions of .lan- 
 guage than he does in his account of Agricola's 
 successful policy, when he says in the twenty-first 
 chapter of that work : " Jam vero principum filios 
 liberalihus artibus erudire, et ingenia Britan- 
 norum studiis Gallorum anteferre, ut, qui mode 
 linguam Eomanam abnuebant, eloquentiam con- 
 cupiscerent. Inde etiam habitus nostri honor et 
 frequens toga. Paullatimque discessum ad deli- 
 nimenta vitiorum, porticus et balnea et convivio- 
 rum elegantiam. Idque apud imperitos humanitas 
 vocabatur, cum pars servitutis esset." 
 
 Another point worthy of notice here is the fact 
 that our inscriptions seem to prove, beyond all 
 doubt, that Latin continued to be one of the lan- 
 guages used by our ancestors for a long time after 
 the departure of the Eomans, and after the British 
 Church had acquired strength enough to secure it 
 against speedy extinction. Eventually no doubt 
 the vernacular of the Eoman tradesman passed 
 into a kind of ecclesiastical Latin ; but from the 
 1st century to the 10th its history in the west of 
 Britain probably knew no entire break, and Bede's 
 words cannot perhaps be quite irrelevant, when he 
 says that the island was in his time, the earlier 
 part of the 8th century, divided between five peo- 
 ples, the English, the Britons, Scots, Picts, and 
 Latins. This brings us down to the 0. Welsh period. 
 
228 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 The alphabet in use in the specimens of Old 
 Welsh extant consisted of the following letters in 
 their Kymric form : a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i, 1, m, 
 n, 0, p, r, 8, t, u. X occurs in Nemnivus's alphar 
 bet; 5 and }) only occasionally appear, and m is 
 to be met with only in proper names in Asser's 
 Latin writings. 
 
 B. The leading value of this letter was no 
 doubt the same which we still assign it. But 
 the Eomans began as early as the 2nd century to 
 write b for v, and from the beginning of the 4th 
 century on their archives are said to show in- 
 stances of this in abundance : witness such forms 
 as Flabio for Flavia, Balentiniano for Valentiniano, 
 Nerha for Nerva, and salbus for salvus. This 
 habit of course found its way among the Welsh, 
 hence we find properabit for properavit on a cross 
 at Margam, and lob in the Ovid Glosses for what 
 was later written lou, now Jau, 'Jove.' But the 
 use of b for v by the Kymry in 0. Welsh and in 
 Latin must have been far more common than 
 these two instances would suggest, otherwise it is 
 difficult to see how it could have been regularly 
 adopted in 0. Irish in such words ■ as fedb, Welsh 
 gweddw, ' a widow ; ' tarb, Welsh tarw, ' a bull ; ' 
 serbe, Welsh chwerwedd, ' bitterness.' The confu- 
 sion of b and v in writing makes it very hard to 
 ascertain when b began to be reduced to v in 
 
LECTUEK V. 229 
 
 Welsli pronunciation. That such a reduction had 
 beguij very early in the 0. Welsh period is ren- 
 dered probable by the fact, that the labial is 
 occasionally elided in our earliest specimen of 
 manuscript Welsh, the Capella Glosses, as for in- 
 stance in tu, ' side,' for tub, tuv, 0. Ir. toib, and in 
 luird, i.e. luirth, ' gardens,' for lubgirtk, the plural 
 of a word now written lluarth, Mod. Ir. lubhghort. 
 C has never had the sound of s in Welsh. 
 Ch mostly had its present value of a guttural 
 spirant : occasionally it is found written he, and 
 sometimes the h is not written at all. It is to be 
 noticed that once it is written for gh, namely, in 
 inhelcha, " in venando," in the Capella Glosses ; 
 but it does not follow that it was then pronounced 
 as gh, it being possible that gh had been dialecti- 
 cally provected in pronunciation into ch in this 
 instance. 
 
 D, d, t, th, dd, 8, J). The chief use of d in 0. 
 Welsh was np doubt to represent the same sound 
 as in Modern Welsh, Besides that, it had also 
 to stand for the consonant we now write dd and 
 Englishmen th (as in this), but probably only where 
 that consonant had taken the place of an original 
 _;. At any rate we have no indication that d 
 began to be reduced into this sonant spirant until 
 towards the close of the period. In one instance 
 the Welsh borrowed the 0. English «? with a stroke 
 
230 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 through the stem (S) to represent the sound of 
 our dd, namely, in the Lichfield Codex in }n ois 
 oisou^ " in sseculum saeculorum," — this is now yn 
 oes oesoedd. Mr. Stokes identifies our llawenydd, 
 'joy,' 0. Welsh leguenid with 0. Ir. Idine, and 
 suggests as a possibly related word the Lavinia 
 of Eoman legend, all of the Ja-declension : so -id 
 in the following stanza, which occurs in the 
 Juvencus Codex, stands for zS : — 
 
 " Na mereit mi nep leguenid — henoid 
 Is discnir mi coueidid 
 Dou nam riceus unguetid." 
 
 Further, as d could represent our sonant spirant 
 dd, for which we may also use S, it came, by a 
 little sacrifice of accuracy, to be occasionally used 
 for the corresponding surd th, as in luird, for luirth, 
 and papedpinnac, for papetkpinnac, ' whatsoever,' 
 in the Capella Glosses. This confusion points to 
 English, in which the uncertainty as to the use of 
 d, S, th, and J) has given rise to much discussion. 
 The last mentioned character, a D with the 
 stem prolonged both waysj was also occasionally 
 borrowed by the Welsh to do duty for the digraph 
 th, as in joej) in the Juvencus Glosses, and once 
 in the Oxford Cornish Codex we find S used for 
 th in lai^-mer, Mod. Welsh llaeth, 'milk.' Now 
 as (^ = S could do duty for th, so vice versa, th 
 could be used for a? = S, and further, as th was 
 
lECTUKE V. 231 
 
 used by some as a mere equivalent for t — more 
 strictly speaking it meant an aspirated t, as in 0. 
 Welsh hanther, 'half,' from a manuscript which also 
 shows jomjo^e^, 'fifth' — especially in writing Latin, 
 we find t also occasionally standing for the spirants 
 th and 8, as for instance in the Ovid gloss gurt, for 
 jurth, ' against;' and in the tract on weights and 
 measures in the earlier Oxford Codex we have 
 both petguared part and petguared pard for pet- 
 guare'6 parth, now pedwerydd parth, ' fourth part ; ' 
 but still more interesting is the marginal gloss in 
 the Juvencus Codex, which is read issit padiu itaw 
 gulat, and should be treated as iss iS pad iu i'Sau 
 gulat, meaning literally, est id quod est illi patria : 
 the words meant to be explained form the relative 
 clause in the following : — 
 
 " Cunctis genitoris gloria vestri, 
 Laudetiir, celsi thronus est cui regia caeli." 
 
 But elsewhere in the sanae manuscript we have 
 
 irkinn issid crist, ' what Christ is,' with d for S. 
 
 Accordingly the Welsh stanza just- mentioned 
 
 would be a little more accurately written thus : — 
 
 Na mereit mi nep legueniS — iienoith. 
 
 Is discnir mi coueithi^ , 
 Dou nam liceus unguefcS. , 
 
 The habit alluded to of treating t and th as 
 equivalents is plentifully illustrated by Giraldus 
 Cambrensis in the way he transcribes Welsh 
 
232 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 names such as his Thaph or Tapfi, ' the river 
 Taf,' Llandinegath for Llandinegat, ' Llandingad,' 
 Rothericus for Eotericus, ' Ehodri,' and the like ; 
 but he was so far impartial that he occasionally 
 also wrote ck for c as in Gueneloch, ' Wenlock,' and 
 Oscka, ' the Usk : ' similarly Uicemarch in his life 
 of St. David writes Theibi for Teibi, now Teifi,^ 
 ' the river Teivi.' The same habit is conspicuous 
 in the Cornish Vocabulary printed at the end of 
 the Grammatica Cdtica. We trace it still earlier 
 in Contkigirni, now ' Cyndeyrn,' in the oldest 
 manuscript of the Annates CaTnbrice, the writer of 
 which more frequently, however, asserts the equi- 
 valence of th and ^by writing t and c for the spirants 
 th and ch, as in Artmail and Brocmail for Arthmail 
 and Brochmail. The latter is also written without 
 h, as is likewise Eutychius, in Bede's Historia 
 Ecclesiastica, where, on the other hand, we have • 
 Meilochon, a form of the name Maglocunus inter- 
 mediate between it as used by Gildas and our 
 modern Maelgwn — in fact the person referred to 
 by Bede is called by Irish annalists Maelcon (see 
 Keeves' edition of Adam-man's Life of St. Columba, 
 pp. 148, 371). Add to this Cluith and Alcluith, 
 which Bede so writes for Cluit and Alcluit. In 
 all these instances and the like, ck, tk, pk were 
 either aspirated c, t, p, as in brick-house, pent- 
 house, and uphold, or simple c, t, p. 
 
LECTURE V. 233 
 
 F would seem to have had the same soimd in 
 
 0. Welsh as our jf now. It occurs mostly in words 
 horrowed from Latin,' and as the initial of Welsh 
 words which originally must have begun with sp : 
 take for instance ^er, 'the ankle,' Greek a^vpov, 
 
 Jraetk, 'eloquent, loquacious,' Ger. sprechen, 0. 
 Eng. spr^can, now speak. 
 
 G had the value of our modern g, which is 
 never that of Eng. J. It had besides that of the 
 corresponding spirant, as heard in some of the 
 dialects of North Germany in such words as sagen, 
 lage, and the like : possibly also that sometimes 
 heard in the German words liegen, degen, and the 
 like. To avoid mistakes I should further specify 
 that the sounds I mean are those technically written 
 j/^ and y respectively by the German phonologist 
 Briicke and his followers, and g^ andj by Sievers 
 in the Bihliothek Indogermanischer Orammatiken 
 (Leipsic, 1876). That g between vowels or after 
 
 1, r had been pretty generally reduced to a spirant 
 in 0. Welsh is rendered highly probable by the 
 fact, that later it disappeared altogether in those 
 positions, and that in the oldest manuscript Welsh 
 it is sometimes written and sometimes omitted. 
 Thus we have telu (for teglu), now teulu, •' a family,' 
 as well as nerthheint, "armant," by the side of 
 scamnhegint, " levant," all three in the Juvencus 
 Codex ; and te (in dolte), now tai, ' houses,' in- 
 
234 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. 
 
 stead of teg, the plural of tig, now ty, ' a house/ in 
 the Capella Glosses, among which we meet also 
 with paulloraur, a kind of collective plural ex- 
 plaining pugillarem paginam, and appearing with- 
 out the g of the h&tm pugillares, ' writing- tablets.' 
 But in this last case it would perhaps be more 
 correct to suppose that a y or g/i (=y^ —3^) 
 has become u just as we have had to point out in- 
 stances of another g ov gk (=g^=j) becoming^ in 
 such words as arjdn and Morjen : for more in- 
 stances of u for g see the Revue Celtique, ii. 193, 
 iii. 87. Gh is actually once found so written in 
 Ovid's ArtofLove, namely, mhelghati, "venare,"for 
 helgha ti, now helja 'di, hela di, or hel di, ' do thou 
 hunt.' Mention has already been made of the 
 spelling helcha, to which a kind of parsiUel is offered 
 by the Latinised form Pembroehia, whence pro- 
 bably the English Pembroke : the 0. Welsh must 
 have been Penbrog or Penbrogk, which is now, of 
 course, Penfro. 
 
 H. This was, no doubt, the representative of 
 .the aspirate in 0. Welsh as it is in Mod. Welsh ; 
 but was it also used for ch in 0. Welsh? We 
 meet certainly with the words hui and suh, of which, 
 however, the latter is Cornish, as it comes from 
 the later Oxford Glosses : in the Juvencus Codex 
 it is duly spelled such, " vomis," and as Cornish 
 was in the habit later of eliding h—ch, it is not 
 
LECTURE V. 235 
 
 at all certain that it was intended to pronounce suh 
 as if it had been -written such. Then as to hui, the 
 probability is that in 0. "Welsh it was pronounced 
 with A, and that the latter has since been pro- 
 vected into ch, as the word is now chwi, ' you.' 
 The reason for such a change would be the pneu- 
 matic pressure alluded to in connection with initial 
 ffh passing into ch. But chmi, for 0. Welsh hui, 
 is exceptional in that it belongs to all Wales, 
 while in most other instances cAw is confined to 
 N." Wales, and km holds its ground' in S, Wales, 
 Eeturning, then, to the use of h as the exponent 
 of the aspirate in 0. Welsh, I may here cite a re- 
 mark made by Mr. Ellis in his work on Early 
 English Pronunciation, ii. p. 598 — it is to the 
 following effect: "Uneducated speakers, espe- 
 cially when nervous, and anxious not to leave out 
 an h, or when emphatic, introduce a marked k in 
 places where it is not acknowledged in writing or 
 in educated speech." Now this, especially the 
 allusion to emphasis, although written with re- 
 gard to the treatment of k in English, calls 
 attention to a principle which has played a part of 
 some importance in the formation of words in our 
 own language, seeing that it loves to aspirate the 
 accented vowel in the middle of a word, as for in- 
 stance indihdreb, ' eb^voyevh,' diarhdbol, 'proverbial.' 
 Some, it is true, wish to ignore this k in writing. 
 
236 LECrUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 and believe it to be the outcome of a modern cor- 
 ruption ; but that seems to be a mistake, for 
 cuinhaunt, ' deflebunt/ nerthheint, " armant/'scawM- 
 hegint, " levant/' are as old as the Juvencus Codex, 
 and nobody perhaps would now object to glanhau, '■ to 
 cleanse,' eyfjawnhau, ' to justify,' although the h in 
 them also is merely the accessory of the stress-ac- 
 cent, while such words as coffdu, ' to call to memory, 
 are altogether left out of the reckoning, although 
 their ^ only stands for an earlier y>^, so that coffdu 
 represents eqfhdu. The case is the same where the 
 accent has since retreated, as when we have coffa 
 instead of coffdu, or lloffa, ' to pick up with the 
 hand, to glean,' for llof-hd, from llof—Uaw, ' hand,' 
 as in llofrudd, also Uawrudd, ' a murderer,' literally 
 ' red-handed.' Still older, perhaps, is the case of 
 pedol, ' a horseshoe,' from the Latin pedalis, ' a 
 slipper,' which appears in the Welsh of the 12th 
 century as pedhaul, that is, ped-hdul, whence later 
 petaul and pedol. By the side of pedol may be 
 ■^l&c&A. paradmys, 'paradise,' which in that case 
 cannot, be derived from -n-apaBeiao?, but from a 
 Latin paradlsus, if the latter may be supposed to 
 have been pronounced paradeisus by those from 
 whom the Welsh borrowed the word. But for the 
 h evolved by the accent, we should now have not 
 pedol and paradnys, but peddol and paraddwys. 
 And it is as the accompaniment of the stress-accent 
 
LECTURE T. 237 
 
 that I would regard the aspirate in the following 
 words : — Casulheticc, "penulata," in the Capella 
 Glosses, where we have also ellesheticion, "mela," 
 where the writer had perhaps at first intended only 
 to write elleshetic, and afterwards added a syl- 
 lable on finding that mela was plural — at any rate 
 that this enigmatic word was accented ellesMticion 
 is in the highest degree improbable. The Juvencus 
 Codex has crummanhuo, " scropibus," ceroenhou, 
 . " dolea " (which suggests that plurals in ou were 
 formerly oxy tones), and apassive T^\\i-ra\planthonnor, 
 " fodientur," as well as the cuinkaunt, nerthheint, 
 scamnhegint already mentioned. Among the Ovid 
 Glosses we have guorunhetic, " arguto." The 
 later Oxford Codex (Cornish) offers us brachaut 
 {=^brac-hdut') as well as Irracaut, " mulsum," and 
 Ainkam, ' oldest.' The effects of the same ac- 
 centuation is, perhaps, to be traced in the y of its 
 Mod. "Welsh equivalent hynaf, as well as in the 
 surd mutes of the degrees of such adjectives as 
 teg, ' fair : ' at any rate, until a better explanation 
 offers itself, I would regard teced, ' as fair,' tecacA, 
 ' fairer,' tecaf, ' fairest,' as standing for teg-kddr, 
 teg-hdch, teg-hdf, though the latter do not occur, 
 and the former are only known in Mod. "Welsh as 
 paroxytones. It is in the same way, no doubt, 
 forms of the so-called future perfect should be 
 analysed, such as gwypo, (' that he) may know,' 
 
238 LECTCEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 and bythoch or bothoch, in books byddoch, (' that 
 you) may be.' Among 0. Welsh words which have 
 never been very satisfactory explained, and some 
 of which may contain an k of the origin here indi- 
 cated, may be mentioned anbitkaul, bemhed, dig- 
 uormechis, nemhe, roenkol. 
 
 In late Latin it was not unusual to write Ihesu 
 for lesu, eontroversikis for controversiis, and the 
 like. The same expedient was adopted in the 
 Cornish Glosses in such forms as bakell, "securis" 
 (but laubael, 'a hand-hatchet'), later Cornish 
 boell, Mod. "Welsh bwyall, ' an axe ; ' deleAid, 
 ' a door-fastening,' Welsh ' dylaith ; guillihim, 
 " forceps," Welsh gnellaif, ' shears ; ' and gurehic, 
 ' a woman,' Welsh gToraig. In instances of this 
 class the h was probably quiescent, but its use 
 was by no means confined to 0. Cornish, for we 
 find immotiMou, " gesticulationes," in the Capella 
 Glosses, and Jutkahelo (elsewhere Judhail, Ithael 
 ItheV) on a cross at Llantwit Major in Glamorgan : 
 the same abuse _ of the letter h is also abundantly 
 illustrated in the Venedotian versions of the Laws 
 of Wales. And now we may attack some of the 
 Breton forms in the Eutychius Glosses, such as 
 mergidhaham, '' evanesco." Here the first k seems 
 to be the accompaniment of the accent, while the 
 second looks as if it had been intended to stand 
 between the two as after the elision of the g, 
 
LECTURE V. 239 
 
 which mtist have belongetJ to the word in an 
 earlier form mergidhagam, with which one may 
 compare the 0. Welsh scamnhegint, " levant," 
 later yscafnheynt ; or else the pronunciation in- 
 tended was mergidhdm, with a long and, perhaps, 
 jerked or perispomenon. The other instances in 
 the manuscript in question appear with only one 
 of the two /j's : thus etncoilhaam, " auspicio aus- 
 pex," lemhaam, " acuo," but datolakam, ' I select.' 
 "With a few reservations, already indicated, one 
 may say that the best collections of 0. Welsh 
 words, namely, the glosses on Martianus Capella 
 and those in the Juvencus Codex, are on the 
 Tvhole accurate as far as conce'rns the letter k : 
 the latter, it is true, shows h once misplaced in 
 hirunn, for irhunn, now yr Awn, ' who,' and once 
 omitted in anter for hanter, ' half.* But the 
 writers of the glosses in the other codices, be- 
 sides indulging in an occasional heitham (for 
 eitham, now eithaf, 'utmost'), which seems to 
 point to the Grwentian dialect of parts of Glamor- 
 ganshire and Monmouthshire where no h is now 
 pronounced by the uneducated, either in Welsh or 
 English, unless it be in the wrong place, show 
 a decided objection to beginning certain particles 
 with vowels : thus they write mostly, but not 
 exclusively, ha for the expletive a before verbs ; ha, 
 hac, for a, ac, ' and, with ' — the h is still written 
 
240 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 in Breton ; hai for a'z, ' and his ; ' ham for a^m^ 
 ' and my ; ' hi for i, '' his, her ; ' hin for in, nowyw, 
 ' in ; ' ho for o, ' from ; ' hor for dr, ' from the.' 
 How they arrived at the idea of adorning these 
 monosyllables with an h, a habit which extended 
 itself even more indiscriminately in O. Irish, I 
 cannot guess, unless it was the result of being 
 used to write h, after it had ceased to be heard, in 
 the frequently-recurring Latin words hie, hcec, hoc, 
 and the forms immediately connected with them. 
 
 1. This letter stood in 0. "Welsh as in Mod. 
 Welsh both for the vowel i and the semi-vowel, 
 which, for the sake of distinction, is here written 
 _;'. In one instance, damcirehineat, " demorator," 
 in the Capella Glosses, we have eat substituted, in 
 Old English fashion, for iat, that is, jaf. At any 
 rate there is no reason to think that the termina- 
 tion in question formed two syllables then any 
 more than its modern representative jad does in 
 our own day. One cannot be certain that the e 
 in the Latin word dolea, for dolia, in the Juvencus 
 Codex, is due to the same influence, for dolea is 
 known to occur elsewhere ; but no doubt attaches 
 to Margeteud for Margetjud, now Meredudd, on 
 the Carew Cross in Pembrokeshire. 
 
 L, II. 0, Welsh I had probably the same sound 
 which it has still, but in the former it is pro- 
 bable that it admitted of being aspirated when 
 
LECTURE V. 241 
 
 it occurred as an initial or in contact with a pre- 
 ceding n and, possibly, r : at any rate, that seems 
 to have been the case in 0. Cornish, and I am 
 inclined to think 0. Welsh followed suit, though 
 it is the equivalent of II, and not Ih, that we seem 
 to have in the Capella gloss mellhionou, "violas,", 
 Mod. Welsh meilljon, ' clover, trefoil.' In 0. 
 Cornish It had become lit, and the t had been 
 assimilated, as proved by such forms as celleell 
 from cukellus, Mod. Welsh cyllell, ' a knife,' with 
 which compare the French couteau : similarly 0. 
 Cornish elin, " novacula," stands for ellin, Mod. 
 Welsh ellyn, ' a razor,' Irish alfan. . But besides 
 these 0. Cornish had initial M as in hloimol, 
 " glomerarium," and we have probably the same 
 hi or Ih in ehnlinn, which I take to mean enhlhinn : 
 the Mod. Welsh is enllyn, already alluded to. If 
 0. Welsh as well as 0. Cornish had both U and Ih, 
 then it follows that II has since extended its 
 domain in Welsh at the expense of Ih, which is 
 unknown in the language now, excepting perhaps 
 when yn mho, le, ' in quo loco ? where ? ' is dialec- 
 tically cut down into ymhli ? mhle ? or hie ? which 
 is also liable to become lie. That the spirant surd 
 which we write II existed in 0. Welsh, has been 
 shown in a former lecture ; but it is probable that 
 it was confined to words in which it represented 
 earlier l-l, or where it preceded t. In the latter 
 
 Q 
 
242 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 combination it was perhaps always written It, as 
 that could not lead to any confusion, and as lit 
 wanted etymological support : I can recall only one 
 instance in point in 0. Welsh, guogaltou, "fulcris," 
 which occurs in the Capella Glosses. But con- 
 fusion might arise if II and I between vowels or 
 at the end of a word were not distinguished in 
 writing ; accordingly our authorities are as a rule 
 accurate in this respect, with the exception of the 
 Oxford Cornish Glosses, where about one-third of 
 the instances lack an I each, and that of the stanzas 
 beginning with Niguorcosam in the Juvencus 
 Codex : in them no consonant is doubled. Thus 
 they offer us ealmir for callaur, nouel for nouell, 
 patel for patell, and, to rhyme with the latter, a 
 conjectural ■canel for canell, possibly of the same 
 origin as the French cannelle, ' cinnamon : ' irre- 
 spective of this the number of the loan-words in 
 these stanzas is remarkabl-e. 
 
 M had probably the same value as at present. 
 In one instance, da.uu, " cliens," in the Ovid 
 Glosses, it seems to have been reduced to v, that 
 is dauu is to be read dauv, possibly with a nasal 
 twang imparted, as in Breton and Irish, to the 
 vowel by the m before it passed into v; but, 
 whether or no, the nasal is lost to Mod. "Welsh. 
 The modern forms of the word are daw, ' a son- 
 in - law,' plural dawon, but also dawf, plural 
 
LECTURE V. 243 
 
 dojjon, which is not to be confounded with dofjon 
 the plural of dof, '■ tame ; ' for the latter implies an 
 earlier dam-, Aryan dam-, while daw, dawf stands 
 for dam- of the same origin as the Sanskrit forms 
 ddmd, -ddma, ddman, ' a band, bond, fetter, tie.' 
 This enables one to account for what would now 
 appear a curious use of the word daw, in Brut y 
 Tyrcysogion (London, 1860), p. 118, where we 
 meet with the words y daw gan y chwaer, or, as we 
 now write, ei ddaw gan ei chwaer, ' his connection 
 by his sister,' that is in other words ' his brother- 
 in-law : ' compare the Ger. schnur, ' a cord, twine, 
 tie,' and schnur, ' a daughter-in-law,' which glot- 
 tologists, it is true, are in the habit of regarding, 
 for reasons not very evident to me, as in no way 
 connected. So much of the word dam: my 
 account of its origin in Kuhn's Beitraege, vii. p. 
 231, is utterly wrong. Whether the u of 0. 
 Welsh arm or enu, now enw, 'a name,' was arrived 
 at by reducing m into a nasal vowel, or by an 
 exceptional substitution of w for m, is by no means 
 clear : the Irish forms corresponding to 0. Welsh 
 anu, plural enuein are anm, plural anmann. 
 
 Ng, in 0. Welsh, as in Mod. Welsh, represented 
 the guttural nasal. The digraph got this value 
 all the more firmly attached to it when, in the 
 course of phonetic decay, nd, mb became nn, mm, 
 and lyg or ng-g in the same way lost its mute. 
 
244 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Previously the guttural nasal was mostly repre- 
 sented by the n in ng^ and so it continued in nc. 
 You will remember, however, our meeting with 
 Evolenggi and Tunccei;ace in surveying the previous 
 period. As a matter of writing the n is not 
 always found expressed at all in 0. Welsh : 
 thus we meet with cibracma in an entry in the 
 Lichfield Gospel for cibrancma, which probably 
 meant ' a place of battle,' from cibrane, now 
 cgfranc, ' a battle ; ' and in the Cornish Q-losses 
 we have torcigel, " ventris lora," for torcingel. 
 This would seem to have originated in the habit 
 of saving trouble in writing by omitting one or 
 more letters in a word, and indicating the place 
 of the omission by a touch of the pen above the 
 line : of course the latter was not infrequently 
 forgotten by careless writers, and, in the case of 
 "Welsh ng, this became, perhaps on the whole, the 
 custom ; for when original g non-initial regularly 
 disappeared, and when c had as yet not been com- 
 monly reduced to g, no great confusion could arise 
 from writing g for ng. It is thus that g is also 
 to be read in the Luxembourg Folio, which shows 
 no ng at all, in the words drog, " factionem," 
 mogou, " comas,'.' rogedou, " orgiis," igueltiocion, 
 "in fenosa." Drag also occurs there written 
 drogn, where the influence is visible of gn, pro- 
 nounced ngn in late Latin in such words as mag- 
 
LECTURE V. 245 
 
 nus, signum, and the like ; in fact, we have signo 
 written singno on the cross on Caldy Island. 
 But as to the habit of writing g for ng, it was 
 once so common, that one or two words of learned 
 borrowing from Latin must have been permanently 
 misread : I allude to the Latin Jlagellum, which 
 the Welsh treated as Jlangellum, and thence de- 
 rived the modern forms fflangell, ' a scourge or 
 whip ; ' another of the same kind was legio, 
 treated as lengio, whence our Biblical lleng, ' a 
 legion.' This was, of course, impossible in the 
 familiar name Castra legionum, which duly be- 
 came Caerlleon, ' Chester, Caerleon ; ' we have also 
 places called Carreg y Lleon and Hafod y Lleon in 
 the- neighbourhood of Bettws y Coed. 
 
 Ph had the same sound as at present, but it 
 seems to have been rarely used, f being preferred. 
 In a few instances p is written for ph, as in the 
 name Gripiud, for Griphjud, now Gruffudd, 
 ' Griffith,' in the Lichfield Gospel. 
 
 jR had no doubt the sounds of our r a,nd of our 
 rA initial or following n, and the habit of writing 
 rh as if it were simply r will explain the spelling 
 of Hir-hoidl, as Hiroidil in the Gwnnws inscrip- 
 tion, which must be reckoned as belonging to this 
 period. The earliest written evidence to the exist- 
 ence of initial rh is perhaps the name Hris in the 
 Saxon Chronicle (in a manuscript marked Cott. 
 
246 LECTURES OK WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Tiber. B. i. in the Master of the Eolls' edition) 
 under the year 1052. In 0. Welsh Rhys is writ- 
 ten Ris and Res, but that the pronunciation of 
 the initial is correctly given in the 0. Englisli 
 spelling cannot for a moment be doubted ; for 
 0. English hi and hr initial had probably the 
 same sound as in Mod. Icelandic, and I fail to 
 detect any difference between Icelandic hr and 
 our rh: my Icelandic friends can pronounce the 
 consonants in my name just as natives of North 
 Wales do. 
 
 U represented, besides the vowel u, also the 
 semi -vowel which we write and sound like 
 English w, as in gnyn, ' white,' and wyneh, 
 'face.' In a few instances it represents v, as 
 we have already noticed in connection with the 
 letter m. . 
 
 Before leaving the consonants it should be 
 mentioned that in the Capella Glosses not only 
 m, n, r, s are frequently doubled, but also the 
 mutes c, t, p, especially when they happen to be 
 final. Ifepp and hepp, now neb, ' any, anybody,' 
 and heb or eb, ' quoth,' were alluded to in a former 
 lecture, and to them I should have added Cor- 
 mac's brace, as proving, beyond doubt, that brdc 
 was the pronunciation in 0. Welsh of the word 
 which we now write bragi, ' malt,' and pronounce 
 brag. 
 
LKCTURE V. 247 
 
 In speaking of the vowels as they appear in 
 writing, you will have to bear in mind that their 
 sounds have undergone modifications, in point of 
 quantity, depending on the nature of the conso- 
 nants immediately following them. "With this 
 reserve you may, on the whole, regard 0. Welsh 
 a, e, 2, 0, ii as pronounced like our modern a, e, i, 
 0, w. Among the points which require to he 
 dealt with a little more in detail are the follow- 
 ing : — (1.) 0. Welsh ? would seerfi to have had, 
 as far as concerns quality, the same sound as our 
 y in hyr, ' short,' and dyn, ' man.' This sound 
 of i may, for the sake of distinction, be called 
 broad i, and it would appear to have been hardly 
 such as could be easily distinguished from that of 
 e and i already noticed as sometimes indiscrimi- 
 nately written in inscriptions of the Brit- Welsh 
 period. Hence, perhaps, it is, that it was writ- 
 ten in 0. Welsh not only i but also e, as, for 
 instance, in the prefix cet, now cyd, in the Juven- 
 cus Codex in the stanzas beginning with Niguor- 
 cosam ; prem, now pryf, 'a worm,' in Cormac's 
 Glossary ; Res patres, for the genitives Ris patris, 
 ' of his father Rhys,' and speretus on a stone at 
 Llantwit Major. With Res patres compare what 
 was said in reference to cives for civis. Besides 
 speretus we have also speritus, namely on a stone 
 at Merthyr Mawr; both seem to be the echo of 
 
248 LKCTUEES ON -WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 a Latin pronunciation continued from Eoman 
 times. Lastly, it is to be noticed that the Bretons 
 continue to write e where we use y, pronounced 
 like our u or German u. 
 
 (2.) While the broad % continued to be written i or 
 e., it underwent, in unaccented syllables, a weaken- 
 ing into the obscure or neutral sound of oury when 
 it is pronounced like u in the English word hut ; for 
 y is regarded as standing alone among the letters of 
 our Mod. Welsh alphabet in its representing two 
 sounds, the one just referred to of English u in hut, 
 and that of Welsh u or German u — the Welsh do 
 not usually regard i vowel and i semi-vowel (that 
 is J), or w vowel and m semi-vowel as distinct 
 sounds. That the former, the obscure or neutral 
 vowel, existed in O.Welsh, was proved by Professor 
 Evander W. Evans in the Archceologia Cambrensis 
 for 1874, pp. 113-116. As o and u were liable also 
 to be reduced to the same obscure vowel sound, 
 this led the way to the use of i or e for e, I, o, u 
 without distinction of origin, a confusion, however, 
 which offers us a clue as to where the accent in 
 0. Welsh was not. As to the alternative sym- 
 bols z> e, the former is the one mostly used in the 
 Capella Glosses as in cimadas, now cyfaddas, ' suit- 
 able,' immottihiou, " gesticulationes," an enigma- 
 tical form nearly related, no doubt, to our modern 
 ymmod, ' movement, stir,' and in the proclitics in, 
 
LECTUEE V. 249 
 
 now yn ' in,' ir, now yr ' the,' is, now ys ' is,' mi, now 
 /y ' my.' So in the Juvencus Codex, the Lichfield 
 Gospel, and the earlier Oxford G-losses. On the 
 other hand, O.Cornish gives the preference to e,as in 
 the following instances in the later Oxford Glosses : 
 celleell, Mod. Welsh cyllell, ' a knife,' creman. Mod. 
 W. cryman, 'a sickle,' 0. Welsh crummanhuo, "scro- 
 pibus," delekid, Mod. W. dylaith, ' a door-fastening,' 
 heueild], Mod. W. hywaith, 'docile,' modreped. Mod. 
 W. modryhedd (also modrabedd), ' aunts,' peteu, 
 Mod. W. pydeu, 'a pit,' from the Latin puteus, 
 treated, it would seem, as though it had been 
 accented putdus. But this use of e for the neutral 
 or obscure vowel was by no means confined to 
 0. Cornish, for we find it in that capacity fre- 
 quently also in the Venedotian versions of the 
 Laws of Wales. Lastly, it is curious to observe 
 that in the two words in point in Cormac's Glos- 
 sary the vowel in question is rendered by ui : I 
 allude to muin, Mod. W./y, ' my,' or myn (in oaths), 
 and cuisil. Mod. W. cysyl, ' consilium,^ and one may 
 regard it as an instance of the same thing when 
 Irish writers, call Mynyw, or St. David's, Kilmuine. 
 (3.) However we have an exception to the ob- 
 scuring of « or M into i in 0. Welsh in the enigmatic 
 gloss crummanhuo already cited from the Juvencus 
 Codex, and a good many more in the names in the 
 Liber Landavensis, and other old manuscripts, 
 
250 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 such as Congual, now Cynwal, Dubricius, in Mod. 
 "Welsh Dyfrig, Houel, now Hywel, Rutegyrn, later 
 Ekydeyrn. Add to this that Cormac always calls 
 the Welsh language Comhrec, or more correctly 
 Combrdc, never Cimbrec. But it is in 0. Breton 
 that we find the retention of the o to be the rule : 
 witness the prefixes com, do, ho, ro, which are in 
 Mod, Welsh cyf, dy, hy, rhy, as for instance in 
 comtoou, " stemicamina " (but cun in cuntullet, 
 " coUegio "), dodocetic, " inlatam," doguoren- 
 niam, " perfundo " (compare our modern dyoddef 
 ' to suffer '), koleu\_ ] " canori[ca]," roluncas, 
 " guturicavit." These instances, to which others 
 might be added, come from the Luxembourg 
 Fragment, which supplies also the following : — 
 bodin, Mod. Welsh byddin, ' an army,' cronion. 
 Mod. W. crynjon, ' round, globular,' euonoc. Mod. 
 W. ewynog, ' foamy,' golbinoc. Mod, W. gylfinog, 
 ' having a beak or bill,' from gylfin, gylf, ' a beak,' 
 O.'Welshgilbin, "acumine," 0. Cornish ^z75, "fora- 
 torium," Irish gulba. In Mod. Breton the prefixes 
 com, ho, ro are kev, he, ri, and the commencement 
 of the change may be traced even in 0. Breton, 
 namely, in the Eutychius gloss helabar. Mod. Welsh 
 hylafar, ' of fluent speech,' 0. Irish sulbair. In 
 most of these instances the original vowel seems 
 to have been u, which was liable to be modified 
 into 0, and of the existence of the latter in 0, 
 
LECTUKE V. 251 
 
 Welsh with its sound unohscured we have one in- 
 dubitable item of evidence : I allude to the word do, 
 meaning ' yes ' in connection with the past, as when 
 we say : Afuefe yma ? Do, " Has he been here ? 
 Yes." Here the answer do is elliptical, standing 
 for what must once have been dobu, which would 
 now be dyfu, had it not at an early date become 
 the rule to omit the verb and retain the particle. 
 Having thus become an independent word, doing 
 duty as it were for an entire sentence, it was of 
 course proof against any further phonetic decaj'^, 
 whereas in those cases where it still served as a 
 prefix it eventually yielded that one which we write 
 dy. It is possible that we have the still earlier form 
 in the Capella Gloss dubeneticion, " exsectis," the 
 plural of dubenetic in Mod. Welsh difynedig, ' cut up, 
 dissected,' and not, as might be expected, dyfyr^dig, 
 which only means ' cited, summoned ' : it is right, 
 however, to state that considerable confusion as to 
 the use of the prefixes dy and di prevails in Mod. 
 Welsh. 0. Welsh du-, our do ' yes,' the prefix 
 dy, and 0. Welsh di, ' to,' which has, through an 
 intermediate ddi, matched in Cornish by dki ' to,' 
 yielded our smooth-worn i ' to,' — all these forms 
 on the one hand, and the Irish preposition du, do, 
 'to,' on the other, point to a common Celtic du of 
 the same origin as the English to, Ger. zu, which, 
 like the Welsh dy-, is extensively used as a prefix. 
 
252 LECTDEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 (4.) It is hardly probable that the neutral vowel 
 ■written i in 0. Welsh and e in 0. Cornish differed 
 much in quality from what must have been the 
 sound of the irrational vowel, whereby is meant a 
 vowel which is metrically of no account, as, for 
 instance, in Hiroidil for Hirhoidl on the Grwnnws 
 Cross : of course the irrational vowel, when it hap- 
 pened to be pronounced a little more distinctly, 
 was always liable to echo the sound of a neigh- 
 bouring vowel as in this instance and in the 
 0. Welsh Capella G-loss guoceleseticc, " titillata," 
 now gogleisjedig, ' tickled,' the Juvencus gloss 
 lobur, " anhela," now Uofr, the feminine of llwfr, 
 * cowardly, not brave,' and Cormac's dobar and 
 dohorci now dwfr, ' water,' and dyfrgi, ' a water- 
 dog, i.e., an otter.' In S. Wales this is a rule at 
 the present day, and the irrational vowel is fully 
 pronounced like any other vowel, such words as 
 llafriy * a blade,' cefn, 'the back,' dnfn, 'deep,' femi- 
 nine dofn, being made into llafan, cefen, dwfwn, 
 and do/on. But it was the rule not to write the 
 irrational vowel in 0. Welsh and 0. Cornish : we 
 have, however, a few exceptions, such as the fol- 
 lowing : in Cornish it is written e in tarater, Mod. 
 Welsh taradr, ' an auger or borer,' from the late 
 Latin tarairM?w,"terebra" and in cepister "camum," 
 Mod. Welsli cebystr ' a halter,' from Latin capis- 
 trum ; in the 0. Welsh in the Juvencus Codex it is 
 
LECTUEB V. 253 
 
 i in guichir, *' effrenus" (once also guichr, " effera," 
 and so in Nemnivus's Alphabet), Mod, Welsh 
 grcychr, ' valiant,' shortened and desynonymized 
 into gmych, ' hrave, good,' in centhiliat (also centh- 
 liat), " canorum," which would now be cetkliad, 
 ' a singer,' but I do not know the word, and in 
 lestir (written several times lestr in the Capella 
 Glosses), now llestr, 'a vessel;' and so in the 
 Ovid gloss cefinet, which would now be edned, but 
 that edn now makes in the plural ednod, ' birds or 
 any winged things.' There was, further, not much 
 difference probably between the irrational vowel 
 and the thematic or connecting vowel in com- 
 pounds : so, as the former was not usually written, 
 it would be vain to expect to find the latter treated 
 differently, and it is worth noticing that it is the 
 Juvencus Codex which gives us guichir, centhi- 
 liat, lestir, and lobur, that also treats us to an 
 interesting instance of the connecting vowel ex- 
 ceptionally attested in litimmir " frequens." 
 
 (5,) 0. "Welsh u was probably nearly as narrow 
 in sound as our modern u, and must have 
 very closely resembled the sound of broad l, 
 but their difference of quantity might have pre- 
 vented any confusion between them, but the re- 
 organisation of the Welsh vowel system made 
 narrow u liable to be shortened, and broad i liable 
 to be lengthened. Thus narrow u (short) and 
 
254 LECTUEBS ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. 
 
 broad t might be possibly confounded witb one 
 another, or narrow u with broad i. (long). In 
 Mediaeval and Modern Welsh there is no lack of 
 such cases, and one or two are to be found in the 
 glosses: thus the Juvencus gloss scipaur, ''horrea" 
 is now yscubor, ' a barn,' and the Capella gloss crun- 
 nolunou, " orbiculata," gives us olunou, " wheels," 
 the singular of which is written olin, " rota," in the 
 Ovid Glosses — the modern form olvyyn coincides 
 with neither. On the other hand, the tract on 
 weights and measures in the earlier Oxford Codex 
 gives us ovxpump, 'five,' and pummed, ' fifth,' in 
 the form ot pimp &nA. pimphet with the i retained, 
 to which they had an etymological right not to 
 be invalidated by the 0. Irish form of the same 
 numeral, namely, coie, where the lengthening of 
 the diphthong is due to the suppression of the 
 nasal, and the <? is a relic of the v of the common 
 Celtic form which must have been qvinqvin or 
 qvinqven. At first sight Gaulish would seem to 
 show a similar trace of the v retained as o or m in 
 the well-authenticated Poeninus and Puoeninus 
 of the numerous votive tablets nailed in old 
 times to the walls of the Alpine temple of the 
 deity Perm or Jupiter Poeninus (Revue Celtique, 
 iii. 3), whence we might be tempted to conclude 
 the Celtic stem implied by the forms Poeninus, 
 Penninus and Ilevvo-ovivBo';, the Early Welsh Qven- 
 
LECTURE V. 255 
 
 vendani, and our modern pen, ' a head or top,' 0. 
 Ir. cenn, to have Lean qvenn-, but the form Puoeni- 
 nus compels one to assume the Gaulish to have 
 been, at least dialectically, a dissyllable pu-inn- 
 from a common Celtic qvu-enn- representing a 
 prse-Celtic qvup-enn~ or qvapartja-s of the same 
 origin as Lat, caput (for cvaput like canis for 
 cvanis), Gothic Aaub-ith, Mod. H. Ger. kaup-t, 0. 
 Eng. hedf-od, Aedf-d, Mod. Eng. hea-d: besides 
 qvup-dnn-, the Kymry must have had a diminutive 
 qvu(j>)-ic-, qvu-ic-, qu-tc, qvic-, which has become 
 our modern feminine pig, ' a point,' and in Early 
 Welsh we seem to detect it in the proper name 
 Qvici referred to in another lecture. But to return 
 to u and broad i, there can be no doubt as to their 
 having had nearly the same sound in 0. Welsh, 
 but how soon they became identical I am unable 
 to say : in Mod. Welsh at any rate there is no 
 difference between u and one of the sounds (that 
 of broad i) now written y, so that kun, ' a sleep,' 
 and ki^n, ' older,' cannot any longer be distin- 
 guished in pronunciation, and the words efe a lysg 
 y cerbydau a than (" he burneth the chariot in the 
 fire:" Psalm xlvi. 9) have ere now been cited as 
 explicitly foretelling the invention of locomotive 
 steam-engines. 
 
 As to the diphthongs of 0. Welsh, it is pro- 
 bable that ai, ei, eu, iu, ui had much the same 
 
256 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 sound as our modern ai, ei, ew, irv, rmf, though it is 
 to be remembered that our ai and ei are not the 
 continuators of 0. Welsh ai and ei, these last 
 being now ae and ai respectively in monosyllables. 
 0. Welsh ou is now eu and au, both in books 
 and the pronunciation prevalent in N. Wales, but 
 in the Dimetian and Gwentian dialects of S. 
 Wales, it is frequently ou with u as narrow as a 
 Northwalian u, or even {, as, for instance, in dou, 
 ' two,' and Jioul, 'sun,' for dau and haul. What, 
 then, was the value of 0. Welsh ou ? We have 
 no means, as far as I know, of ascertaining, but I 
 am inclined to think that it was not ow, but a 
 nearer approach to the Dimetian ou of the present 
 day. The 0. Welsh diphthong au still remains to 
 be noticed. In our pronunciation of its modern 
 representative aw, both a and w are distinctly and 
 clearly heard, but the 0. Welsh pronunciation 
 was probably am, in which the w was far less promi- 
 nent. This would come very near the guttural 
 pronunciation of d in Mod. Irish, and would pro- 
 bably account for the 0. Welsh hraut, 'judgment,' 
 taking the form hrdth or Iraath in Cormac's Glos- 
 sary, where we meet also with the 0. Welsh 
 bracaut, ' bragget,' in the form braccat — the author 
 probably meant braccdt. But we dare not use 
 here the naturalisation of the same word in Irish 
 in the form brocoif, later brogoid (= braccoti), or 
 
LECTURE V. 257 
 
 the corruption of an earlier form of hraut into 
 hroth (given also as hrof) in the traditional form 
 of St. Patrick's oath, muin doiu hraut : both date, 
 in all probability, too early for our purpose, and 
 should rather be placed by the side of Bede's 
 Dinoot, noticed in a former lecture. 0." Cornish 
 had au as in 0. Welsh, but it is remarkable that 
 the Breton Glosses in the Luxembourg Folio show 
 no trace of it, but always o, even where the diph- 
 thong appears later ; whence it seems that the 
 glosses in question were compUed at a time when 
 the diphthongisation was incomplete or not dis- 
 tinctly heard in Breton : perhaps something is 
 also due to the orthographical conservatism of the 
 scribe. However, we find an instance in the Euty- 
 chius Glosses in the mouosyllable laur, " solum," 
 which is in Mod. Breton leur, Mod. Welsh 
 llawr, Irish Idr, Eng. Jloor ; and the same manu- 
 script at first sight appears to ofier us an instance 
 also of eu, the later form of Breton au, in the 
 gloss, eunt, " asquus." But this is not conclusive, 
 as the modern form of the word is eeun or eun, 
 which Le Gonidec explains as meaning : " Droit, 
 qui n'est ni courbe, ni penche ; juste ; equitable ; 
 direct ; directement ; tout droit," while the- Mod. 
 Welsh is jamn, ' right, correct,' whence unjawn, 
 ' straight,' and jawnder, ' equity, justice,' all of 
 which would find their explanation in a prse- 
 
 B 
 
258 LECTUEES OJr WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Celtic form ipana or apana of the same origin as 
 Eng. even, Grer. eben, Gothic, ibns, ireBtvoi, ibnas- 
 sus, tcroTi;?. 
 
 We have already had varions occasions to notice 
 the influence of English on Welsh orthography, 
 but the advent of the Normans into Wales may be 
 said to mark an era in its history. Among other 
 things, the old Kymric style of writing was given 
 np at the end of the 11th century in favour 
 of another more in harmony with a Norinan 
 model : Mr, Bradshaw, University Librarian, Cam- 
 bridge, kindly informs me that one of the last 
 instances known of the use of the Kymric hand- 
 writing in Wales is a copy of St. Augustine De 
 Trinitate, written by Johannes, son of Sulgen, 
 Bishop of St. David's, and brother of Ricemarch, 
 also Bishop of St David's — the copy bears evi- 
 dence to its having been made at various times 
 between the years 1079 and 1089. Other in- 
 stances of Korman and English influence will 
 appear as we go through the alphabet, noticing 
 those letters which require it : — 
 
 C, k. C and k, which was introduced from 
 England, came to be used promiscuously, and- 
 continued so down to the latter part of the 16th 
 century. 
 
 D, t, tk. These continued to be used indiscri- 
 minately in the same confused manner as in 0. 
 
LECTUKE V. 269 
 
 Welsh, and dh, which was introduced probably 
 for S, only served to enhance the confusion. But 
 dh never appears to have gained a firm footing 
 in "Welsh any more than in English : had it 
 been adopted in English, Welsh would probably 
 have followed suit, As far as this state of the 
 orthography may be said to have simplified itself, 
 the result, to judge by the old manuscripts extant, 
 was to use t, d, th to represent the sounds which 
 we write . so still, and to express S by means of 
 d or t.: on the whole, d seems to have been more 
 generally employed in this last capacity than t, 
 and even in manuscripts where t for 8 is the rule, 
 we find (^ = S occasionally cropping up. At 
 length the difficulty as to a symbol for S was met 
 by the awkward expedient of writing it dd, to 
 which the false analogy of II and^ may have led 
 the way. Zeuss in the Grammatica Celtica, p. 
 139, notices the use of dd as early as the 14th 
 century, and instances from manuscripts which 
 are perhaps not very much later, occur in docu- 
 ments printed in the first volume of Haddan 
 and Stubbs's Councils and Ecclesiastical Docu- 
 ments Relating to Great Britain and Ireland (Ox- 
 ford, 1869). Thus in a form of agreement made 
 between Richard, Bishop of Bangor, and Llywelyc, 
 Prince of Wales, by Anian, Bishop of St. Asaph, 
 and others as arbiters in the year 1261, we have 
 
260 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 (p. .491) Keywannedd, " habitatio," which can, 
 however, only be explained on the supposition that 
 it is the result of a copyist mixing up an earlier 
 kewanned with a later and marginal spelling ky- 
 vannedd; also (p. 550), in a grant by Edward I. 
 to Bishop Anian of Bangor and the Offeyriat Teulu 
 in the year 1283, we have Penmynydd so given, 
 and in a grant by him of the patronage of Rhudd- 
 lan to the Bishop of St. Asaph and his succes- 
 sors in the year 1284, Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs 
 give (p. 680) Ehuddlan as spelled once Ruddlan, 
 and once Ruthlan. It is by no means improbable 
 that dd had been some time in vogue among the 
 Welsh before it could frequently force its way into 
 official documents. But it does not, however, 
 seem to have got into general use before the latter 
 part of the 15th century, or the" beginning of 
 the 16th. About the middle of the latter cen- 
 tury, William Salesbury regretted to find it too 
 firmly established to be superseded by dh, and 
 about the same time Griffith Roberts, who pub- 
 lished his Welsh Grammar, the first ever printed, 
 at Milan in 1567, acknowledges that the usual 
 spelling was dd, though he made use of d with a 
 point underneath it,, an expedient he- employed 
 also in the case of II and m. 
 
 F for V, and _ff for ph were used in Mediaeval 
 Welsh much the same as they are now, excepting 
 
LECTURE V. 261 
 
 that in tlie Black Book of the 12tli century, jff was 
 also frequently used iQ^f=- v. However the re- 
 spective domains of ff and fh were by no means 
 accurately defined, and u (also v and n>) continued to 
 be optionally used instead of _/ = v. Here it may 
 be asked how_/ came at all to be used to represent 
 the sound written v in English. The answer which 
 at once suggests itself is that_/= pA was reduced in 
 the course of phonetic decay to the sound of w, while 
 the old symbol was retained unchanged : in that 
 way V would come to be considered as having the 
 value ofy". In Welsh, however, such a reduction 
 is conspicuous by its absence, while in the Teutonic 
 languages and, among them, in English, the his- 
 tory of y and that of v are, so to say, inseparable : 
 so we turn to English for our answer. Now 0. 
 English words like heafod, ' head,' keo/on, ' heaven,' 
 ncefre, ' never,' had their / pronounced v, and 
 sometimes it was also written u or v, and not 
 /. Farther, we are told by Mr. Ellis {Early Eng. 
 Pro., ii. 572) that, in English manuscripts of the 
 13th century and later, ^was used for the sound 
 of ph, and he gives extracts from Orrmin dating 
 from the end of the 12th century. Prom the 
 latter it is clear that he observed the same sort of 
 distinction between/ and ^ as we do in "Welsh: 
 his / between vowels was mostly v, while his ff 
 was, of course, /=^/^. Neither is it altogether 
 
262 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 irrelevant that the pronunciation of y as v was 
 most prevalent in the West of England, and that 
 it survives extensively in Somerset and Devon. 
 Salesbury noticed it in his time ; his words are : 
 " I my selfe haue heard Englysh men in some 
 countries of England sound f, euen as we sound 
 it in Welsh. For I haue marked their maner of 
 pronounciation, and speciallye in soundyng these 
 woordes : voure, vine, disvigure, vish, vox : where 
 they would say, foure, fine, disiigure, fysh, fox," 
 &c. (Ellis's Early Eng. Pro., iii. 752-). In the 
 Black Book, of the 12th century, and in the Book 
 of Aneurin, partly of the 13th century, _/ initial 
 did duty for the sound of ph and between vowels 
 for that or », but when a little more consistency 
 became the rule, -ph was usually confined to the 
 mutation of p, which we still so write, while the 
 same sound was elsewhere written ff, not except- 
 ing when it happened to begin a word. How 
 early _/" began to be used as an initial in Welsh 
 I cannot say, but it appears in that capacity in 
 the Book of Taliessin of the 14th century. That 
 the Welsh should have so used it at all is not 
 surprising, seeing that they had before them 
 the analogous case of II, as well as probably 
 the very same use of ff in English, which 
 would explain how it came to be sometimes re- 
 garded as a mere equivalent for a capital F. 
 
LECTUKE-V. 263 
 
 Later we find Salesbury also treating R and rr 
 in the same way ; and perhaps in some of the 
 proper names written with ff, such as Ffoulkes, 
 Ffrench, and the like, the digraph is neither 
 Welsh nor modern. It is worth adding that 
 English manuscripts of the 13th and the 14th 
 century show instances of ss, initial as well as 
 medial, for sh, and that Welsh dd has also been 
 traced back into the 14th century, 
 
 G continued to be written for g and very 
 commonly for ng : so ngc was reduced in writing 
 to gc or gk as in Jreigk for F/reingc, ' Frenchmen.' 
 However the omission of the n does not seem to 
 have ever been the invariable rule, and it reappears 
 in the 15th century. 
 
 LI medial remained in use as in 0. Welsh, and 
 not only that but it appears as an initial in the 
 12th century in the Black Book and the Venedotian 
 Laws of Wales. This extension of the domain 
 of II took place possibly in consequence of a change 
 of pronunciation, that is from initial Ih to II. 
 
 R and rh were used in Salesbury's time much 
 in the same way as they are now. But how much 
 earlier rh came into use I am unable to say. In 
 North Wales rr and R were used for it, and 
 Salesbury himself indulges in all three as the 
 initials of Welsh words now written with rh 
 only. 
 
264 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. 
 
 I,y,y. In the latter part of the 11th century 
 we find y coming into optional use for i in the 
 Welsh names in the Historia Brittonum of 
 Nennius, and in the oldest manuscript of the 
 Annates Cambrice; but in them it is all but con- 
 fined to the diphthongs, especially oy and ey for oi 
 and ei. This is as nearly as possible the case also, 
 with y in the 13th century specimens of Norman 
 French, published by Mr. Ellis in his Early 
 Eng. Pro., ii. pp. 434-6, 500-4. But in Welsh 
 manuscripts of the 12th century y knows no such 
 limits, and here we discover a point of contact 
 with English rather than Norman French. For 
 in the earlier part of that period of Old English, 
 which is commonly called Anglo-Saxon, y was 
 used to represent a sound which is supposed to 
 have been nearly identical with that of French m, 
 which is considerably broader than Mod. Welsh u ; 
 but the 0. English vowel was gradually narrowed, 
 which went so far that, as Mr. Ellis tells us (ii. 
 580), it was used from the 13th to the 16th 
 century indiscriminately with { as of precisely the 
 same meaning. Thus, at a certain stage in its 
 history, it must have sounded precisely like one 
 of the values of i in Old and early Mediaeval 
 Welsh, and this, I think, is the reason why its 
 English symbol y was so readily adopted by the 
 Welsh. At first sight, however, its introduction 
 
LECTURE V. 265 
 
 wonld seem to have only created more confusion 
 than already existed, y and i being apparently 
 nsed indiscriminately for all the four values of 
 Welsh i. These last were — (1) the semi- vowel 
 j ; (2) the narrow i, formerly i, as a rule, but 
 liable, since the reorganisation of the Welsh vowel 
 system, to become l ; (3) broad i, formerly always 
 short, but li&ble since the reorganisation to become 
 long in monosyllables ; and (4) the neutral vowel 
 sounded like m in the English word but. To pass 
 by the Venedotian versions of the Laws of Wales 
 in which i is not a favourite letter, and in which 
 other peculiarities of orthography are noticeable, 
 not to mention the fact that in the Record Office 
 edition of them the manuscripts have been diligently 
 mixed np instead of printed in parallel columns, 
 the materials before us range from the end of the 
 11th century to the 14th, and is mostly contained 
 in the Black Book, the Book of Aneurin, and that 
 of Taliessin, as printed in the second volunie of 
 Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales. Now a 
 careful examination of these three books in which 
 the confusion of y or y with i is at its worst, 
 would, I am inclined to think, show that con- 
 fusion to have never been complete : in a majority 
 of instances i forj and for narrow i would seem to 
 have held its ground against y or y, while y and i 
 indiscriminately represented the broad i and the 
 
266 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 neutral vowel. This is on the whole the tendency 
 of the spelling in the Ked Book of Hergest, sup- 
 posed to have been written at various times from 
 the earlier part of the 14th to the middle of the 
 15th century, and it suggests beforehand the 
 simplification which "Welsh orthography eventually 
 underwent in this particular, namely, the restric- 
 tion of I to represent only^' and the narrow i, and 
 of y to stand only for the broad i (^= ii) and the 
 neutral vowel (= Eng. m), the values which they 
 still have. However it could hardly be called an 
 accomplished fact till the 17th eentury, for in the 
 1 6th we still find rather a free use made of y, as 
 for instance in some of Salesbury's writings. But 
 the 17th century was just a time when the Eng- 
 lish limited their use of y (Ellis's Early Eng. Pro., 
 ii. 580), and on the whole there is little reason to 
 doubt that the English confusion of y and i was 
 one of the main causes of the spread and continu- 
 ance of the same in Welsh, where there was, at 
 any rate in the beginning, no cause for it-: the 
 English, on the other hand, had their historical 
 excuse for it in the fact of their old y having 
 in the course of phonetic decay got to be sounded 
 like their i. Lastly, as to the point over the y it 
 was usual in Old English and Norman French 
 manuscripts, so we naturally find it in the Black 
 Book of Carmarthen and the Book of Aneurin, 
 
LECTURE V. 267 
 
 but we miss it in the Book of Taliessin and the 
 Red Book of Hergest of the 14th and the 15th 
 century, as well as in all later manuscripts. 
 
 U, V, w. In Old Welsh we found u represent- 
 ing Old Welsh u and m (vowel and semivowel), 
 but very rarely the sound of v, whereas in the 
 Black Book this appears as one of its ordinary 
 values. Add to this that the letter v comes in 
 as a mere graphic variety of u: later another 
 variety resembling 6 was used, especially in the 
 Book of Taliessin and the Red Book. Further, 
 w (written also vv) was introduced from English, 
 though not in the time of Asser, who used it in 
 the spelling of Welsh names in his life of Alfred. 
 It appears in the Black Book for v, u, and the 
 semivowel, whereas in English it was eventually 
 confined to the semivowel and the diphthongs. 
 However Mr. Ellis prints wde, ' wood,' in the 
 Cuckoo Song, dating from the year 1240 or there- 
 abouts, and Chaucer has such forms as wilm, 
 ' willow,' yolm, ' yellow,' sorm, ' sorrow,' and 
 morm, ' morning.' In all the confusion already 
 suggested u appears in the majority of instances 
 to have retained the right of representing the 
 sound of Old Welsh u, as it still does, and by 
 the end of the 15th century w occupied much the 
 same position as at present, while 6 had gone out 
 of use and the struggle between v and/ for the 
 
268 LBCTtJKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 representation of the sound of v continued a good 
 deal later. 
 
 We have now lamely got over the ground from 
 the beginning of the 12th century to the 16th, and 
 reached a period of considerable literary activity 
 in Wales : some of that activity, you will find, 
 was directed into the channel of Welsh grammar. 
 Foremost among the Welshmen who demand our 
 attention at this point is William Salesbury, who 
 published, among other works, an improved edition 
 in 1567 of his treatise entitled : " A playne and 
 a familiar Introduction, teaching how to pronounce 
 the letters in the Brytishe tongue, now commonly 
 called Welshe, whereby an Englysh man shall not 
 onely wyth ease reade the sayde tonge rightly ; 
 but marking the same wel, it shall be a meane for 
 hym wyth one laboui: to attayne to the true, pro- 
 nounciation of other expedient and most excellent 
 languages. Set forth by VV. Salesbury, 1550. 
 And now 1567, pervsed and augmented by the 
 same." The Welsh alphabet, as he there gives it, 
 is the following : — A, b, c, ch, d, dd, e, f, ff, g, 
 h, i, k, 1, 11, m, n, o, p, r, s, t, th, v, u, w, y. He 
 sanctions the use of c and k : his m (also vv) an- 
 swers the same purposes as ours, and his u as our 
 u, excepting that he continued to use u, v, f 
 loosely for the sound of », oury. His uncertain- 
 ties and inconsistencies were gradually eliminated 
 
LECTURE V. 269 
 
 by the publication of Bishop Morgan's Bible in 
 1588, and of the Welsh Homilies in 1606 : so when 
 Dr. John Davies of Mallwyd came to publish his 
 Welsh Grammar, which was printed in 1621 under 
 the title (as given in the second edition of 1809) of 
 " AntiqusB Linguae Britannicae Nunc Communiter 
 Dictae Cambro-Britannicae, A Suis Cymraecae, Vel 
 CambricEe, Ab Aliis Wallicae, Eudiinenta," he found 
 in use the alphabet we still use : A, b, c, ch, d, dd, e, f, 
 ffj S, °g» ^, h Ij llj m> ^, o, p, ph, r, s, t, th, u, w, y. 
 
 ' Here you will notice the exclusion of ^ and v, and 
 the insertion of n^, not after n, but after ^, which 
 had so often done duty for it in the Middle Ages. 
 
 . In his grammar, as reproduced in the second edi- 
 tion, Dr Davies distinguishes between the two 
 sounds of Welsh y by slightly varying the printed 
 form of that letter ; but that he confines to his 
 alphabet, and the Welsh instances quoted in the 
 course of that work. 
 
 Lastly, in 1707, Edward Llwyd published his 
 Archceologia Britannica, a work devoted to the 
 grammar and vocabulary of the Celtic languages, 
 in which he makes use in his Welsh test of an 
 alphabet of his own. In the latter he avails 
 himself of the Irish 6 for our dd ; and that, formed 
 
270 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 This is, perhaps, the only trace left in Mod. Welsh 
 of the influence of the learned labours of the 
 greatest philologist the Kymry can hoast of. 
 
 Here as we hare now come down to the last cen- 
 tury, a word must be said of the letter j. In that cen- 
 tury and the two preceding ones, it occurs as a mere 
 graphic variety of i, especially when that letter hap- 
 pened to stand for the semivowel at the beginning 
 of a word. But, on the whole, it does not seem to 
 have been very consistently or extensively used, ex- 
 cepting in Biblical names such && Jacob, Job, Joseph, 
 and the like, in which the. character survives, while 
 the fashion of trying to reproduce the English pro- 
 nunciation has given it the value of dsy, and be- 
 queathed to our Sunday schools such monstrosities 
 as Dsyacop, Dsyob, Dsyoseph. This unfortunate 
 imitation of English, where it least deserved it, 
 must have greatly disqualified the letter 7 for use 
 .as the representative of i semivowel, a capacity 
 in which it is sorely missed by strangers desirous 
 of learning to read Welsh : the analogous case of w, 
 used for both vowel and semivowel, occasions them 
 far less difficulty, as it does not occur so often. 
 
 This meagre account of the Welsh alphabet 
 and spelling must be regarded as entirely tenta- 
 tive, nor would it be reasonable to expect any- 
 thing very satisfactory on the subject, until all 
 Welsh manuscripts dating after the end of the 
 
LECTURE V. 271 
 
 10th century have been more carefully studied 
 and chronologically arranged. As it is, one has 
 to be content -with a rough guess as to the date 
 of the principal changes, which have taken place 
 in "Welsh spelling, without being always able to 
 say what led to them or to give other details 
 respecting them which it would be interesting 
 to have. I have to add that most of these 
 remarks had been put together before Mr. Brad- 
 shaw had convinced me by means of the paleeo- 
 graphical evidence he adduces, that the Luxem- 
 bourg Fragment and the Eutychius Glosses are 
 of Breton origin, and not Welsh. It has .not, 
 however, been thought expedient to omit all refer- 
 ence to them, as they serve purposes of compari- 
 son between Old Welsh 'and Old Breton. For 
 the same reason use has frequently been made 
 of the later Oxford Glosses which are in Old 
 Cornish. The fact of these three collections not 
 being Welsh does not seriously diminish their 
 value even for the student of that language, 
 while it undoubtedly rids him of a good many 
 difficulties which would remain puzzles and incon- 
 sistencies had he still to accept them as Welsh. 
 
( 272 ) 
 
 LEOTUEE VI. 
 
 "The circumstance, that genuine Ogham Inscriptions exist both in 
 Ireland and "Wales, which present grammatical forms agreeing with 
 those of the Gaulish linguistic monuments, is enough to show that 
 some of the Celts of these islands wrote their language hefore the 5th 
 century, the time at which Christianity is supposed to have been intro- 
 duced into Ireland."— Whitlbt Stokes. 
 
 As monuments in Ogam are known only in the 
 British Isles, we seem to be warranted in pro- 
 visionally regarding them as invented in them ; 
 but in which of them, in Great Britain or in 
 Ireland ? If we may venture to follow the sup- 
 posed westward course of civilisation, the answer 
 must be m Great Britain. • And assuming that, 
 one must admit that it was some time before 
 the coming of the Eomans, as it is highly im- 
 probable that after the introduction of the Roman 
 alphabet into the island, another and a far 
 clumsier one should not only have been invented, 
 but brought into use from the Vale of Clwyd to 
 the south of Devon ; not to mention that in that 
 case it would be hard to conceive how it came to 
 
LECTURE VI. 273 
 
 pass that it betrays no certain traces of Eotaan 
 influence. 
 
 The Ogam, as given in Irish manuscripts of the 
 Middle Ages, runs thus : — 
 
 I II II I i-iii m il ' " ' " "" '"" - 
 
 b, 1, f, s, n; h, d, t, c, q; 
 
 I II III nil Hill I II Ml im iiw 
 
 m. g, ng, ^. r; a, o, u, e, i. 
 
 Here the continuous line merely represents the 
 edge or ridge of the stones on which the Ogams 
 are found written ; for as a rule they are not con- 
 fined to one plane excepting when represented in 
 manuscript. As to the values of the digits, the 
 following points have to be noticed : — the presence 
 of -•-, -j-j-j-, and jjj-j- in inscriptions cannot, unfortu- 
 nately, be said to be a matter of certainty. There 
 is, however, no reason to doubt the accuracy of 
 Irish tradition in attributing -j-j-j- the power of ng ; 
 but as to jjj-j, it is more commonly given as st (or 
 sd) by our Irish authorities, which is, however, the 
 result of the Irish habit of treating z as st in the 
 Middle Ages and earlier ; thus the letter itself is 
 called steta, and such spellings as Elistabeth and 
 Stephyrus for EUzaieth and Zephyrus are to be 
 met with in Irish manuscripts. So on the ground 
 of tradition the conclusion' seems warranted that 
 the early value of j-jjj was that of z. But where, 
 
274 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 it may here be asked, would Irish or Welsh have 
 occasion for a z? As it is a consonant not sup- 
 posed to have belonged to the parent-speech 
 whence the Celtic languages are derived, it can 
 only be expected as a reduction or weakening of s. 
 Clearly this is not to be looked for at the begiii- 
 ning of a word, and as a final the sibilant has 
 completely disappeared in Early "Welsh inscriptions, 
 while in Irish ones it is sometime retained, some- 
 times not ; thus we have Decceddas and Deccedda, 
 but not Decceddaz. However, in one instance, be- 
 side Dego, a form is found to occur, which, accord- 
 ing to one reading, would be Digoz, but according 
 to another Digos. Perhaps on the whole the posi- 
 tion of a final consonant is not the most favourable 
 to the reduction of s into z, and we turn to try 
 the position which is known to be such, namely, 
 between two vowels. You will remember that 
 while Gaulish is found in one or two instances to 
 have retained the sibilant between vowels, the 
 Goidelo-Kymric languages, as far back as they are 
 known, show no trace of it. Now it is hardly in 
 keeping with the teachings of phonology to think 
 that the s was elided without having been first 
 reduced to z. But this would imply a consider- 
 able length of time and ample scope for the use of 
 the Ogam for z. Moreover, it would explain how 
 it is that it ceased to be used and became a mere 
 
LECTURE VI. 275 
 
 matter of tradition, at the same time that it would 
 confirm the view already stated as to the antiquity 
 of the alphabet. 
 
 When Irish tradition ascribes -•■ the value of h, 
 this also requires explanation. For in Irish h is 
 mostly inorganic and devoid of all claim to be 
 regarded as known to the language in its earlier 
 stages. Turning to Welsh, where its footing is 
 not so precarious, we find h to be of a threefold 
 origin. (1.) It is evolved by the accent in the 
 tone-syllable ; this kind of h may be traced back 
 into 0. Welsh, (2.) Initial h for an earlier s may 
 be traced back as far probably as the 6th cfentury, 
 but hardly further. (3.) But we are here only 
 concerned with h for ch, and first of all, where 
 that ch itself has replaced cs, reduced in Irish by 
 assimilation into ss, s. The date of the change of 
 cs, ss, into eh cannot be assigned, but it is pro- 
 bably anterior to the Eoman occupation, as it 
 never happens in words borrowed from Latin, such 
 as coes ' leg,' llaes ' long, trailing,' and pais ' pet- 
 ticoat,' from coxa, laxus, and pexa (tunica) respec- 
 tively. Similarly the English, who, as West 
 Saxons, must have first become known to our 
 ancestors not later than the 6th century, are 
 called not Sachon but Saeson or Seison. The 
 change of ch into h, much better known in the 
 Teutonic languages, would also seem to have begun 
 
276 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 tolerably early in "Welsh, as may be inferred from 
 the fact that the h is not infrequently elided. 
 Thus in the case of dehau, ' right, south,' we have 
 also de, and in S. Wales, deche, liable to become 
 detke, which may also be heard in N. Wales ; in 
 the case of eo/n, ' fearless,' we have, in S. Wales, 
 .echon, hut ehqfn or ekon I have never heard, though 
 the "former was usual at one time. All these forms 
 stand for ecs-omn or ecs-ohn, and the 0. Irish form 
 was esomun, with which the Gaulish name Exobnus 
 or Exomnus has been equated : in other cases the 
 prefix retains no trace of either ch or h; so eang, 
 ' spacious,' is the only form of that word now used. 
 There is, then, reason to think that the leading 
 value of J- was ch, a sound which may have dated 
 from the Goidelo-Kymric period, in both Irish and 
 Welsh, in words where Irish has cht matched in 
 0. Welsh by ith, to which I have referred in 
 another lecture ; but as the sphere of usefulness 
 of this character can never have been very large 
 in Early Welsh, it is probable that it was the one 
 used in writing, even in those cases where the pro- 
 nunciation gradually passed into h. This acquisi- 
 tion of the two values of ch and k by the one 
 Ogam -•- is rendered almost certain by the fact that 
 ch is found written h in inscriptions in Eoman 
 letters, as in Broho on a stone at Llandyssul, and 
 Brohomagli at Voelas Hall near Bettws y Coed. 
 
LECTURE VI. 277 
 
 Neither is probably much later than the 6th century, 
 and the latter was never pronounced with h, as 
 may be seen from the later form Brockmail. As 
 we may suppose the Ogam alphabet had only one 
 symbol for ch and h, it was quite natural for the 
 Ancient Kymry when using Eoman capitals to 
 make h stand for ch, especially as Latin could not 
 help them out of their difficulty, Latin ch being 
 not their spirant, but merely an aspirated c like 
 English ch in public-house. The nearest sound to 
 this last in Early Welsh must have been that of 
 cc as in Decceti, and this is probably one reason 
 for the. later spelling Decheti. So when, towards 
 the end of the Brit- Welsh period, the cc passed 
 into our spirant ch, the digraph ch continued to 
 represent it j so in the case of th, and ph had to 
 follow suit. 
 
 There is another ch which must have occasionally 
 yielded h : for instance, our word croen, ' skin,' 
 must have gone through the steps crochen, crohen, 
 before assuming its present form, as may be seen 
 from the Breton hrochen, Ir. crocenn " tergus," 
 croicend " pellis," of the same origin probably as 
 0. Norse hryggr, gen. hryggjar, 0. H. Ger. hrucci, 
 Mod. H. Ger. rilcken, 0. Eng. hrycg or hrycc, 
 Mod. Eng. ridge. The book-word creyr, ' a heron,' 
 retains its history better : in N. Wales it has 
 become cryr, crydd, and cry, while the Southwalian 
 
278 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 form is crychydd ; so it would seem that creyr 
 must have come from crehyr, crechyr. These 
 words are of the same origin as 0. English hrAgra 
 'a heron,' and Ir. ceirce 'a hen.' But as both 
 croen and creyr, if traced still further back, appear 
 to come from curcenn and carcir, it would seem 
 that the ch owes its presence to the well-known 
 law of Welsh phonology that I ot r preceding a 
 surd mute changes it into the corresponding 
 spirant — except the case of It. If so, that law 
 must have begun to obtain somewhat earlier than 
 one would be led to suppose from the inscriptional 
 forms in point, such as Bareuni, Curcagni, Ercilivi, 
 Ercilind, Marti, Martini, Ulcagni, TJlcagnus. How- 
 ever, one could not venture to say that any of these 
 are much later than the 5th century, excepting 
 perhaps Marti on the Oapel Brithdir stone. On 
 ttie other hand, an inscription in letters which 
 can hardly be later than the 7th century at 
 Llanboidy reads 
 
 Mavoh . . . 
 Fill Lunar 
 hi Cocci. 
 
 r 
 
 Unfortunately the end of the stone is damaged, 
 and the second name may have been Lunarhi, 
 Lunarchi or Lunarthi, which could now be only 
 Llunarch or Llunarth. Cocci is the prototype no 
 
LBCTtTRE vr. 279 
 
 doubt of our coch ' red,' which is also used as an 
 epithet after proper names : so this inscription 
 probably indicates that re (or rf) had become rch 
 (or rtK) at a time when cc had not yet became 
 a spirant ch : about the same time that re became 
 reh no doubt le also became leh. But whether 
 this reaches sufficiently far back to explain the 
 Ih on the Llanaelhaiarn stone is still doubtful. 
 The inscription is : 
 
 ALHORTVSEIMETIACO 
 HIC lACET. 
 
 It is remarkable as the only instance which has 
 icieet so written, and not iacit, and as showing a 
 Latinised nominative in o for the more usual us. 
 If the supposition that oHh here stands for an 
 earlier ale should turn out to be inadmissible, it 
 may be regarded as represei^ting ales of the same 
 origin as a\e^- in such Greek names as !4A.efai/S/)o?, 
 'AXe^ifievvv, and the like. According to some, 
 the name is to be read not Alhortus but Ahortus. 
 This is less probable, but easier to explain ; for it 
 would be ' the prototype of our adjective ehorth 
 or eorth ' active, assiduous.' In any case, the 
 value of the H seems to have been that of ch 
 spirant. 
 
 The sum of all this is, that though ch was in 
 all probability the original and only value of ^, 
 
280 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY, 
 
 it acquired also that of h before the end of the 
 Brit-Welsh period, or, more exactly speaking, 
 before the date of the inscriptions showing Broho 
 and Brohomagli ; so that Irish tradition is correct, 
 as far as it goes, in giving ■•■ the value of h., seeing 
 that the Welsh themselves, when using Eoman 
 letters, wrote h for both the Welsh spirant ch and 
 the Latin h. 
 
 It is next to be observed, that the value of 
 j-yj given as / is peculiar to Irish, and the result of 
 a phonetic change whereby initial m in Irish 
 passed through v into f. Thus in Irish we have 
 fin, ' wine,' corresponding to gmin in Welsh, both 
 borrowed probably from the Latin vinum : so also 
 in native words, e.g. 0. Ir. fnn ' white,' Welsh 
 gwi/n, and many more of the same kind. The 
 Irish y is found in the oldest manuscript Irish, 
 that is, of the 8th or the end of the 7th century, 
 but at that time the pronunciation may possibly 
 have been as yet that of English v, though in 
 later Irish it was no doubt that of / or pk. 
 Adamnans Life of St. Columba gives us Virgnous 
 (Fergna) and Vinniano (Finnian). But in our 
 inscriptions we have no trace of such a change ; 
 ' for in them the Ogam in question -y-pp is invariably 
 treated as the equivalent of Latin v, as for 
 instance on the stones at Pool Park, Clydai, and 
 Cwm Gloyn. But what was the value of Latin 
 
LECTURE vr. 281 
 
 V consonant ? After weighing with some care a 
 good deal written on the subject lately in this 
 country, I am persuaded that it must have been 
 that of w as in the English words war, work, well, 
 and the like : the next sound in the order of 
 probability would, I think, be that of u in the 
 German words quelle, quick. 
 
 As to -LLLU-, which is given as q, it is to be 
 noticed that this is commonly treated as though 
 u were to be supplied ; but that cannot be correct, 
 and -LLLLi is the full representation of the sounds 
 which in Roman letters are always written Q F in 
 our inscriptions, and never Q only as sometimes 
 happens in Roman documents. So we have 
 Qvenvendani, Qvenatauci, Maqveragi, Maqvirini. 
 The Irish seem to have begun rather early to 
 drop the v, and so to confound qv with c, which 
 became the rule in all later Irish. Thus Irish 
 inscriptions give us not only the correct genitive 
 Cunagussos, but also a later Qunagussos, which 
 cannot be correct, as is proved by the 0. Welsh 
 equivalent Cinust. By way of exception, an Irish 
 inscriber who, perhaps, wished his i-LLU- not to be 
 read as though it were a -'-'-'-'-, took care to write 
 after it a jjj in the name mn m 1111 H" l llll , 
 i.e., Qweci, which seems to be the same which occurs 
 as Qvici on the stone taken from Fardel in 
 Devonshire to the British Museum. This last has 
 
282 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 on it three inscriptions, two in debased Eoman 
 capitals reading Sagranui and Fanoni Maqvirini 
 and one in Ogam reading 
 
 .^.^_+.iIllL.mil.+^.im.++^ I . ^_ C Swaq^oi 
 
 The Irish archaeologists, who read -p-p always as 
 f, find some trouble in dealing with their Qweci 
 and our Swaqqvuci, though the latter rightly 
 treated offers no difficulty, as sm is the regular 
 atitecedent of Southwalian hw, the Northwalian 
 chw of book- Welsh ; and smaqqv- would seem to be 
 related to the words hwaff and hmap used in S. 
 Wales as adverbs meaning ' quickly, instantly.' 
 The syllable uc meets us elsewhere in the forma- 
 tion of derivatives, such as Fannuci (related, no 
 doubt, to Fanoni) on a stone at Cheriton in 
 Pembrokeshire. Other Celtic names such as 
 Caratucus, Nerucus, Viducus might be added. 
 But what was the value of liiH-iilli ? I have 
 ventured to transcribe it qqv, and it is well known 
 that qv has resulted in the Kymric tongues eventu- 
 ally in the single sound p, so it might perhaps be 
 urged that qv represented here one single sound ; 
 but as I cannot ascertain what that sound was 
 like, I prefer regarding qqv as the best rendering 
 of the ten digits of the Ogam. It need not be 
 identical with cqv, for it is probable that c and 
 
LECTUEE vr. 283 
 
 the q in qv differed to a considerable extent, the 
 one being palatal and the other guttural or 
 velar, as it is sometimes termed. This would 
 be one reason why a separate symbol for 
 qv was adopted : another reason would be, 
 that, possibly, the sound which followed q 
 occurred nowhere but in this combination, as is 
 the case with the u in quelle and quick in some of 
 the Grerman dialects — to indicate that it was 
 probably neither +++ nor jjj I write it v. I am 
 not sure but that I should go further, and say 
 that the German u in quelle, quick, is historically 
 identical with our v in qv. For German qu 
 stands for pree-Teutonic gv, which in the Goidelo- 
 Kymric languages, probably before the separation 
 of the Welsh and the Irish, yielded h as the result 
 of the V occasioning the replacing of g by 
 the labial. So it is probable that the v of qv, 
 which produced a precisely similar result ending 
 in the replacing of qv by p in Gaulish and, later, 
 in Welsh, was exactly the same sound. The 
 reason why it effected the labialisation of gv 
 sooner than of qv is that the weaker consonant, 
 the sonant g, could not offer so much resistance 
 to its influence as the surd in the other com- 
 bination. 
 
 The sum of the foregoing remarks is that the 
 values of the letters of the Ogam alphabet, as 
 
284 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 once used in Wales, must have been the fol- 
 lowing : — 
 
 .,-__^^_ I II III Mil nil I 
 
 I II III MM lllll 
 
 b, 1, w, 8, n ; [c]h, d, t, o, qv ; 
 
 HMi-mi-iii ii I I I iM ni l +W+ 
 
 m, g, ng, z, r; a, o, u, e, i. 
 
 Here it will be noticed that no provision is 
 made for p, probably because it was not a sound 
 current in Kymric before qv became p. However 
 in the epitaphs of Britons who had adopted Roman 
 names in which p occurs, it was found necessary 
 to have a character for it. This is met with 
 twice, on the Glan Usk Park stone where it has 
 the form X , and on the one at OynfSg where it is 
 made into a broad arrow l\\. 
 
 How early occasion arose for an Ogam for th 
 depends on the date at which rt began to pass 
 into the rth already alluded to. But as th in 
 other positions seems to date later it is hardly 
 probable that in the meantime a special character 
 for th should have been provided, the Ogams for 
 rt being written probably as though the pronun- 
 ciation had not undergone change. Nor is the 
 case of rt in inscriptions in Roman capitals, as in 
 MARTI and MARTINI, cnough to prove that the pro- 
 nunciation may not have been that of our later 
 rth ; for even in 0. Welsh rth was not always so 
 
LECTUKE VI. 285 
 
 written : so long a time did it take ch, th, ph to 
 lose their Latin values of aspirated mutes, and to 
 become the regular symbols for our spirants so 
 written. 
 
 The case of _/ is different, as it occurred initially 
 in Brit- Welsh naines such as fanoni and fannvci. 
 Now Welsh _/ is of threefold origin; it stands for 
 p preceded by r, and it is sometimes the product 
 of jojo; in both cases it dates after the transition 
 of qv into JO, and is now mostly written ph. Else- 
 where, that is, when used as an initial, it represents 
 an Aryan sp, which the Irish have reduced into s ; 
 thus from the same origin as 0. Norse spjot, 0. H. 
 Grer. spioz, Mod. H. Ger. spiess, ' a spear,' Mr. 
 Stokes derives our woTd^on, " baculus, hasta," Ir. 
 sonn, ' a stake,' the chief difference between the 
 Celtic and Teutonic forms being that the latter 
 come from spud, while the former postulate a 
 nasalised spund. The simplest account I could 
 give of the Celtic treatment of sp would be the 
 following : Aryan sp became in Celtic s^, which 
 was further reduced into ^, whereby is here meant 
 a spirant surd differing from f only in its being 
 pronounced by means of the two lips and not the 
 teeth and lower lip. In Gaulish it appears asy" 
 in the supposed Gaulish name Frontu ; in Welsh 
 it has been changed into the labiodental y, which 
 we now write ^, while in Irish it has yielded s. 
 
286 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 But this s iu Irish dates after the Irish borrowed 
 such Latin words as /rSnum, 'a bridle/ which they 
 have made into srian, and so in other cases. The 
 sound of ^ or y was at best a rare sound in the 
 Celtic languages, and we look in vain for it in our 
 few inscriptions cut in Ogam ; so we do not know 
 how it was expressed in that system. However, 
 it is almost certain that there was no Ogmic symbol 
 for it, and it may have been represented, when 
 there was occasion for it, by j, the Ogam for b, or 
 else a quasi-Ogmic symbol such as those used for 
 p may have been invented for it. 
 
 It will be noticed that in estimating the values 
 of the Ogam characters, we have relied on Irish 
 tradition almost entirely in two instances, namely 
 those of /// and ////; in three others the tradition 
 required to be explained; in the remaining fifteen 
 its accuracy is vouched for by the monuments them- 
 selves, especially those of Wales and Devon. The 
 Ogmic monuments in our island are not confined 
 to the West, for others are known in Scotland, 
 especially in the counties of Fife, Aberdeen, and 
 Sutherland, and in the Shetland Isles; but hitherto 
 very little success has attended the interpretation 
 of the latter : some of them will, possibly, turn 
 out to be of Teutonic origin. Those of Ireland 
 have not been chronologically arranged by Irish 
 scholars : so, although they count by scores, they 
 
LECTURE VI. 287 
 
 have not been as yet made to yield us the results 
 which their numerical force would lead one to ex- 
 pect. On Kymric ground it is otherwise ; here 
 only twenty-three are known, of which twenty-one 
 are still legible to a greater or less extent ; but, on 
 the other hand, their date is far easier approxi- 
 mately to ascertain ; for while only two of the 
 Irish ones are known to be accompanied by legends 
 in Latin, only two of ours are without such legends, 
 some merely rendering more or less freely the 
 Ogmic ones, and others standing, as far as one can 
 now see, in no immediate relation to them, while 
 in one instance the Ogam and the ordinary letters 
 seem to form but one inscription. The forms of 
 the Kymric letters used in this last would seem 
 to warrant our assigning it, roughly, to the 9th 
 century : I allude to the Llanarth Cross in Cardi- 
 ganshire. In another instance, namely, the cross 
 in the Chapel on Caldy Island, the person who wrote 
 on a stone already bearing an inscription in Ogam, 
 leaves it to be inferred that he recognised the 
 Ogam as writing : this would also be about the 
 9th century. But reasons of language and palaeo- 
 graphy appear to point to the 5th and 6th centuries 
 as the period to which most of them are to be 
 ascribed. If this guess is wide of the truth, it 
 probably errs in dating them too late rather than 
 too early. It appears highly probable, for in- 
 
288 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 stance, that the Cwm Gloyn stone of Vitaliani 
 Emereto dates soon after, if indeed not before, the 
 departure of the Eomans from Wales. As still 
 earlier may be regarded the Loughor altar with 
 its Ogmic inscription, now almost wholly illegible. 
 Thus our Ogmic monuments may, roughly speaking, 
 be said to range from a date perhaps anterior to the 
 departure of the Eomans to the end of the 9th 
 century or thereabouts. As to their distribution, 
 it is to be noticed that only one is known in North 
 "Wales, two in Devonshire, and one in Cornwall ; 
 all the rest belong to South Wales. In Ireland 
 acquaintance with Ogmic writing held out much 
 later than in Wales, but it is my impression that 
 the oldest Irish Ogams hitherto deciphered will 
 turn out to be, to say the least of it, not earlier 
 than the oldest Kymric ones to which allusion has 
 just been made. Whether the Gauls ever practised 
 Ogmic writing it is impossible to say, as they had 
 adopted the Greek alphabet from the Greek colony 
 of Massilia before Caesar's time. Their inscriptions 
 show them using both Greek letters and some of 
 the Italian alphabets, which may therefore have 
 been introduced into the Gaulish portions of 
 ' Britain anterior to the Eoman occupation, though 
 we have no reason to think that either they or the 
 Kymric Celts cut letters on stone until they were 
 taught it by Eoman example. It is this, perhaps. 
 
LECTURE VI. 289 
 
 together with the more complete ascendancy of 
 Latin in the same portions of the island during 
 the Roman occupation, that naturally accounts for 
 the absence of inscriptions in Ogam in most of 
 England excepting Devonshire. 
 
 For the benefit of those who may wish to study 
 the subject of Ogams for themselves, I may here 
 mention that on those of Ireland they will have 
 to consult the Transactions of the Royal Irish 
 Academy, and the Journal of the Kilkenny Archceo- 
 logical Society. The Scotch Ogams figure in 
 Stuart's Sculptured Stones of Scotland, and in the 
 proceedings of various antiquarian societies. The 
 "Welsh ones will be found discussed in the Archceo- 
 logia Cambrensis, a journal started in 1846; they 
 also find their places in Dr. Hiibner's work on 
 our Christian inscriptions, and Prof. Westwood's 
 forthcoming work entitled Lapidarium Wallice. 
 In the meantime the following brief account of 
 them will be found useful : — 
 
 1. Denbighshire. — The first stone to be noticed 
 stands in front of the house at Pool Park, near 
 Ruthin : it is said to have been brought thither 
 from a barrow on Bryn y Beddau, ' the hill of the 
 graves.' The Latin legend is perfectly legible, 
 excepting the first three characters of the first 
 line : — 
 
290 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 S MILINI 
 
 TOVISACI. 
 
 I should like to read svmilini, but the word looks 
 more like saimilini, excepting that the curve over- 
 topping the 5 is like no letter I know, but may, 
 with the s perhaps have been meant for a kind of 
 A. If the /be taken conjointly with the M, one 
 might possibly read savmilini. The Ogam is im- 
 perfect, which is the more to be regretted as it is 
 the only one known in North Wales : — 
 
 rnr i 1 1 '" " ii i ii " 
 
 S b— 1 i no 
 
 I I I I "" I N I I "" "III 
 
 The syllable to is altogether gone from the edge, 
 which must have originally read Towisaci, before 
 it was damaged near the ground, as the stone now 
 stands. On the other edge two of the vowel 
 groups are illegible : I guess them, from the 
 length of the spaces, to have been u and e, which 
 would give us Subelino, or, possibly, Saobelino. 
 
 2. Cardiganshire. — Near the ruins of an old 
 mansion called Llanvaughan, near Llanybydder, 
 or, as it is more commonly written, Llanybyther, 
 there lay in 1873, when I visited it, a stone 
 reading : — 
 
 "^ lllil ni l mil I "" '" II I I 
 
 n 
 
LECTURE VI. 291 
 
 This is one of the best-preserved Ogams I have 
 seen ; but some of the letters forming the Latin 
 legend are rather faint — the latter reads : 
 
 TEENACATVS 
 10 lACIT FILIVS 
 MAGLAGNI. 
 
 3, On a cross-inscribed stone at Llanarth, near 
 Aberayron, we read -'-'-'-'- on the left arm of the 
 cross, and down its shaft the name Qurhir(e?)t in 
 the ordinary Kymric letters nsual from the 8th to 
 the 10th century. If one reads the Ogam down- 
 wards with the name, we have C. Gurhiret, possibly 
 meaning Croc Gurhiret or Gr.'s Cross : if it is to 
 be read upwards we have S. Gurhiret, which sug- 
 gests Sanctus Gurhiret ; but I confess I have never 
 heard of such a saint. 
 
 4. At Oapel Mair, in the parish of Llangeler, 
 not far from Llandyssul, there used to be a stone 
 bearing two inscriptions. The Ogam has been 
 described to me as reading Deccaibanwalbdis, and 
 the Latin as being Decabarbalom Filius Brocagni : 
 the first name has also been given as Decapar- 
 beilom : but not one of these versions is, probably, 
 quite correct. The stone is supposed to have 
 been wilfully effaced by a farmer, who thought it 
 induced visitors to trespass ; however that may be, 
 the stone shown me showed no trace of letters of 
 
292 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. 
 
 any kind, but I doubt that I have seen the right 
 one. 
 
 5. Pembrokeshire. — A stone now lying in the 
 Vicar's grounds at St. Dogmael's, near Cardigan, 
 reads :* — 
 
 Mi l I /////// I / M i ll i Nii / I '"" mil 
 
 Sag r a,mn iMaqv i 
 
 + I' l l 1 11 m i l 1 III I / Mill 
 
 C u n atam i 
 
 The Latin legend is : 
 
 SAGEANI FILI 
 
 CVNOTAML 
 
 Every letter is legible, although the stone has ' 
 been used as a gate-post, and fractured right 
 through the middle. 
 
 6. A stone standing in Bridell churchyard, 
 about a mile from Cilgerran, is almost singular 
 in its bearing no Latin inscription ; however one 
 side is inscribed with a small cross contained in a 
 circle. The Ogam reads :■ — 
 
 t^-^^-^-+tttW/-/////-^/-^-^-+^ 
 
 N e ttasag|,r uMaqv i 
 
 + /-fH-L'-L'-fl-fH-H -H-H-l l ll 11 1 II 
 
 M u CO i (br?) e c i 
 
 The only letters, which. I consider doubtful, are 
 
 * Where an Ogam continuously written is too long to be printed 
 in one line a -f is prefixed to the second part, as here. 
 
LECTURE VI. 293 
 
 those enclosed in parentheses : they may possibly 
 be br, mr, or si ; gr has also been proposed. 
 
 7. A stone in the churchyard at Cilgerran reads 
 in Ogam, which is now very faint : — 
 
 ^^-SW//-++++-iTm-+-//-w-rm-w-/-+-^-^ 
 
 Tr e nagusuMaqv i 
 
 + /-+-mTT-++w-^- ///// II I ll -Il l I I mil 
 
 Maqv i tr e n i 
 
 The Latin legend, which is in mixed capitals and 
 Kymric letters, is 
 
 TRENEGUSSI FILI 
 MACUTRENI HIC lACIT. 
 
 8. In Clydai churchyard, in the neighbourhood 
 of Newcastle Emlyn, there is a stone with a 
 double inscription, but owing to its top having 
 been trimmed off to receive a sun-dial the Ogam 
 is incomplete — what is left of it reads : — 
 
 mi-^-^-im-m-TTm- ■ ■ • -jrr-^-^-m 
 
 E t t e r n V 1 o r 
 
 This, no doubt, stands for Etterni .... Victor, 
 probably Etterni Maqvi Victor; for the Latin 
 reads : — 
 
 ETTERNI FILI VICTOR. 
 
 9. A stone at Dugoed Farm, near Clydai, Las 
 on it in Roman capitals : — 
 
 DOB .... I 
 [f]ilivs evolengi. 
 
2.94 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 The Ogam is very hard to make anything of, but 
 it seems to begin with Dohl- : this is all I can 
 make of it : — 
 
 II II . , III I 111 
 
 D ob 1- — t — c B — 
 
 The spaces would seem to indicate Doblaiucisi, 
 Dohlotucahi, or the like : so it would seem that 
 the name intended in the Latin legend must have 
 lieen Dohlati or Dobloti : however the final i is 
 horizontal and rather doubtful, and so according 
 to some readings is the i of Evolengi, which I 
 thought I detected as a slight horizontal stroke 
 in the bosom of the G. Others think the Ogam 
 begins with Dow-, which requires the same 
 number of digits as Dobl- : the latter is preferable, 
 as it is supported by the Latin version. In the 
 Ogam we seem to have the name of the deceased 
 with an epithet attached, while the Latin omits 
 the epithet and gives the father's name. 
 
 10. A stone used as a gate-post on the farm of 
 Cwm Gloyn, near Nevern, has, in Roman capitals, 
 the legend : — 
 
 VITALL4NI 
 EMEKETO. 
 
 And in Ogam it reads : — 
 
 I II mi l '" I II mil I iM i i m il 
 
 W i tal ian i 
 
 This is preceded by some marks which I did not 
 
LECTUEE VI. 295 
 
 take to mean anything ; but whether I was right 
 or not, the reading Witaliani is certain. 
 
 11. A stone recently described by Mr. J. K. 
 Allen in the Arch. Cambrensis (1876, pp, 54, 55), 
 and since examined by me under rather unfavour- 
 able circumstances, is used as a gate-post near the 
 farm-house called Trefgarn Fach (pronounced in 
 English Truggarn, for Trewgarn, a form to be 
 compared with Trewdraeth for TrefdraetK), about 
 a mile and a half from Trefgarn Bridge on the 
 Fishguard and Haverfordwest road. The capitals, 
 make the following legend : — 
 
 HOGTIVIS FILI 
 DEMETI. 
 
 The Ogam consists of one name only, which seems 
 to be 
 
 m i l II // '" III! mil 1 1 " 
 
 N o g t e n e 
 
 However, it is right to add that I supply the 
 Ogam for n from a rubbing taken by Mr Allen, 
 and that I was not convinced that I could detect 
 it^on the stone when I looked at it; but even in 
 the rubbing the five digits, which were certainly 
 there, were so faint that Mr. Allen did not think 
 himself warranted in reproducing them in his 
 woodcut in the Arch. Cam. Further, I read the 
 H of the ' Latin version as N, as in some other 
 instances : thus two readings are possible of these 
 
296 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 inscriptions : Nogtivis Fill Demeti, and in Ogam 
 Nogtene ; and Hogtivis Fill Demeti, and in Ogam 
 Ogtene. I have given the preference to the former 
 over the latter, in which the h would have to be 
 regarded as inorganic and useless : the same thing 
 has already been suggested with respect to the s. 
 The stone indicates no more definite a connection 
 between the two inscriptions than that Nogtene 
 and Nogtivis are the names of persons who be- 
 longed to the same family. According to the 
 analogy of Ercilivi and Cunacenniwi, Nogtivis, if 
 it is not a compound, should mean the son of 
 Nogt- or Nogten- ; but it is conceivable that such 
 a name might get to be more loosely used, or that 
 it referred to an eponymus of the family. 
 
 12. An Ogmic inscription has recently been dis- 
 covered by Dr. Haigh of Erdington on the base 
 of a cross now in the churchyard at St. Florence : 
 in what remains tolerably legible he thinks he can 
 read Maqveragi, a name which has also been read 
 in Roman capitals on one of the stones now at 
 Dolau Cothy. The most curious thing about the 
 St. Florence inscription is, that it is written on 
 the face of the stone and not on the angle. 
 
 13, The remains of an Ogmic inscription are 
 to be seen on the upper part of a stone placed in 
 the wall of the chapel on Caldy ; but owing to 
 the position of the stone I could not read them. 
 
LECTURE VI. 297 
 
 On the face of the stone there is a cross under 
 which stands the following inscription in some- 
 what early Kymric letters : — et singno crucis in 
 illam fingsi : rogo omnibus ammulantihus ibi ex- 
 orent pro anima catuoconi. Lately Dr. Haigh 
 has had the stone removed from the wall, and 
 he finds the Ogam to have read upwards on 
 both angles near the top of the stone. He 
 supposes the legend to have been the following ; 
 but he acknowledges it to be, however, far from 
 certain : — 
 
 / I // Ml I I Mill '" im I I ///// 
 
 Magol i t eBar 
 
 II II 
 
 H-f- 
 
 ' I nil 
 
 — c e n e 
 
 On the other face there are crosses, and on the 
 shaft of one of them there are sundry notches or 
 marks, which remind one to some degree of the 
 cross on the Dugoed stone near Clydai : in both 
 instances their meaning is unknown. It would 
 be a matter of no great difficulty to offer an ex- 
 planation of the names suggested by Dr. Haigh, 
 but it is not so easy to say in what relation the 
 two inscriptions stand to one another. But it 
 would not be too much to say that the inscriber 
 of the Latin recognised the Ogmic digits as 
 writing, otherwise one cannot see why he began 
 with et. 
 
298 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 14. Carmarthenshire. — At Llandawke, near 
 Laugharne, there is a stone which was lately 
 used as a threshold in the entrance to the church 
 in spite of its haying on it a double inscription. 
 The Latin legend is : — 
 
 BAEEIVENDI 
 riLlVS VENDVBAEI 
 EIC lACIT. 
 
 The top of the stone is broken off, probably to 
 make^it fit as a threshold ; but it seems to have had 
 Ogams at one time all round its upper part and 
 down the whole length of its right edge. The 
 latter I cannot make much of, but it seems to 
 
 have digits and spaces for taqvoledemu b — , 
 
 which is, however, highly uncertain. But near 
 the top on the left edge there is a clear maqvi 
 followed by another word beginning apparently 
 with m: the rest is broken off; and so is the 
 other side, so that taqvoledemu is just as likely to 
 have been caqvoledemu or qvaqvoledemu, for any- 
 thing one can now guess. Dr. S. Ferguson would 
 read both edges upwards. 
 
 15. Quite recently Mr. Roberts, vicar of New- 
 church, detected traces of Ogams on a stone 
 known as Y Garreg Lwyd and Carreg Fyrddin in 
 the neighbourhood of Abergwili, near Carmarthen ; 
 but nothing intelligible or continuous can be 
 made out of them now. 
 
LECTURE vr. 299 
 
 16. A stone from Llanwinio was lately traced 
 by Mr. Eoberts to Middleton Hall near Llanarth- 
 ney, where I have since seen it. The Eoman 
 letters are very hard to read, but they seem to 
 make the following legend : — 
 
 BLABI 
 
 FILI BODIBEVE. 
 
 Various other readings of the first name have 
 been proposed, and fili has been read aci and 
 AVI. The Ogam is incomplete owing to the top 
 of the stone having been cut off and lost : from 
 what remains I infer that it reads up the two front 
 edges, and commemorates individuals of the Bevi 
 family — this is what remains of it : — 
 
 1 II I III mil I I I "" mil T^ 
 
 Aww i bodd i b... 
 
 ^^TTT^-W 
 
 B e w w . . . 
 
 The doubling of the w and d is exceptional, but 
 compare Etterni on one of the Clydai stones : it 
 is, however, right to say that one would not 
 think of reading -I-'-'-'- as dd but for the d in the 
 Latin legend. Now bod would in later Welsh be 
 either bodd or budd, both of which occur in proper 
 names : the other element occurs in Con-bev-i, 
 which is in Mod. Welsh Cynfyw. The word ayemi 
 or ami occurs in Irish Ogam in the sense of grand- 
 son, 0. Irish due. Whether the first line of the 
 
300 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Ogam on the stone now occupying our attention 
 is to be regarded as making one name Awwiboddib- 
 or Awwi Boddib-, it must mean ' Nepotis Bodi- 
 bevi.' The only thing which prevents me from 
 reading the whole thus : Bewwlf] Awwi Boddi- 
 blewwi], " B. nepotis Bodibevi," is the fact that 
 it is not usual to begin with the right edge ; 
 but that is perhaps not a sufficient reason for 
 not doing so here. This remarkable stone, 
 then, commemorates either two or three distinct 
 persons, who are shown, however, to have be- 
 longed to the same family by the name-element 
 bev or bewm. 
 
 17. Brecknockshire. — A stone now standing 
 near Sir Joseph Bailey's residence in Glan Usk 
 Park, near Crickhowel, reads in Ogam : — 
 
 ' " 1 1 1 /////x I I -n II I II I =- 
 
 T u rpil... ...1 u n i 
 
 which may be restored as meaning Turpilli [maqvi] 
 Trilluni, seeing that the Latin reads Turpilli Ic 
 Jacit Puveri Triluni Bunocati. 
 
 18. A stone preserved in Trallong Church in 
 the neighbourhood of Brecon reads in Ogam : — 
 
 Cuuace n n i wi 
 
 + +^+H-7T-T^-T^^^^^^-^-++ 
 
 I 1 w w e to 
 
LECTURE VI. 301 
 
 The Latin reads : — 
 
 CVNOCENNI FILIVS 
 CVNOCENI HIC lACIT, 
 
 whence it would seem that Cunacennini is a kind 
 of patronymic meaning C. filius C, and that 
 Ilwmeto is an epithet. The broader end of the 
 stone hears a cross enclosed, excepting the shaft, 
 in a circle. 
 
 19. Glamorganshire. — On the roadside between 
 Margam and Cynffig stands a stone which reads : — 
 
 PYiTPEIVS 
 CARANTORITS. 
 
 The Ogam begins near the top on the right 
 edge and reads : — 
 
 P[o]p e ... 
 
 which appears to make Pope; but one cannot go 
 further with any certainty of being right, as the 
 original number of vowel notches terminating the 
 name cannot now be determined ; but they seem 
 to have been between seven and ten, and it may 
 be supposed that the name was Popei or Popeu. 
 Both Popei and Punpeius are forms of the more 
 usual Pompeius, and the explanation of them is to 
 be sought in Latin, as was pointed out in the 
 previous lecture. The character here guessed to 
 
302 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 mean p has not been met with elsewhere. The 
 Ogam occupying the length of the right edge is 
 too far gone to be deciphered ; it seems, read 
 downwards, to show the digits standing for 
 — r — I — sm — qv — II — ?z..., which, if read up- 
 wards, would make ...c — dd — n — mc — d — r.,.. 
 On the whole I am inclined to think that all the 
 Ogams formed one inscription continued round 
 the top of the stone, where now, it is true, there 
 is no trace of a letter. The stone now stands 
 erect, but it has not always been so, if I am right 
 in thinking that what is now the top has been 
 worn smooth by the tread of feet. 
 
 20. The Eoman altar at Loughor, the Cas 
 Llychwr of the "Welsh, and, according to some, 
 the Leucarum of the Eomans, bears an Ogmic 
 inscription which is, unfortunately, almost entirely 
 illegible, excepting the last two groups' of digits, 
 which make ic. Various guesses may be given, 
 the two extremes of which would be Lekuric and 
 Vehomagic, or, as I would put them, Lehuri C. 
 and Vehomagi C. If the c stood for a word, the 
 inscription was probably in Latin ; but the altar 
 shows no trace of any other letters than Ogams. 
 
 21. Devonshire. — A stone taken from Fardel, 
 near Ivybridge, and deposited in the British 
 Museum, has on it three different inscriptions, 
 two in Eoman capitals more or less debased, and 
 
LECTURE TI. 303 
 
 one in Ogam, to which repeated reference has 
 been made — it reads upwards on both edges : — 
 
 nil III! 'I' ll III I I I! mil - 
 
 Swaq qvuc i 
 
 / I mil inn m" mi l n" i ii ii -^ 
 
 M a qv i Qv i c i 
 
 The Koman letters on the face bounded by these 
 edges read : — 
 
 FANONI 
 MAQVIRINI. 
 
 The third inscription is on another face, and con- 
 sists of the name Sagranui in letters which are 
 considerably later than the foregoing ones, the r, 
 especially, being of the early Kymric type and the 
 n formed like an h. 
 
 22. One of the three tombstones at Tavistock 
 was brought thither from a place not very far off 
 called Buckland Monachorum : it reads in Eoman 
 capitals : — 
 
 DOBVNNI 
 FABEI FIl[l?]i 
 ENABARRI. 
 
 This explains the only portion of the Ogmic in- 
 scription still legible : 
 
 -rnrr-^n-^ ///// ///// 
 
 n aba r r 
 
 23. Cornwall. — A stone on Worthyvale farm, in 
 
304 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 the neighbourhood of Camelford, shows traces of 
 an Ogmic inscription ending in 1 1 1 1 1 , i: the pre- 
 ceding letter is rather doubtful, but it may be an 
 r. The other inscription is in debased- Eoman 
 capitals with one or two Kymric letters inter- 
 mixed, especially s and m : — 
 
 LATINI 10 lACIT 
 FILIUS MA...ABII, 
 
 Let us now return to the Ogam alphabet and 
 try to force it to tell its own history. In one of 
 the Irish alphabets, which have evidently been 
 based on it, the letters had the following names, 
 which I copy from O'Donovan's Irish Grammar, 
 p. xxxii. : — 
 
 B ieith, the birch. M muin, the vine. 
 
 1 luis, the mountain ash. g gort, ivy. 
 
 f fearn, the alder. ng ngedal, the reed. 
 
 s sail, the willow. st or z straif, the sloe-tree. 
 
 n nion, the ash. r ruis, the elder. 
 
 H huath, the hawthorn. A ailm, the fir-tree. 
 
 d duir, the oak. o onn, furze. 
 
 t tinne (unknown). u ur, heath. 
 
 c coll, hazel. e eadhadh, the aspen. 
 
 q queirt, the apple-tree. i idkadh, the yew. 
 
 This is the Bethluisnion alphabet, so called from 
 its first letters : in another the letters are called 
 after Biblical names, of which the first two are 
 Bobel and Loth, whence it is called the Bobelloth 
 alphabet. Consider now for a moment the cha- 
 
LECTURE VI. 305 
 
 racter of the four groups into which Irish tradition 
 was wont to divide the letters : — 
 
 i- i II III nil m il 3, 7 // /// //// m 
 
 B, 1, w, s, n. M, g, lig, z, r. 
 
 2. I II III nil Hill 4. +^- 1 1 1 nil I W+ 
 
 Ch, d, t, o, qv. A, o, u, e, i. 
 
 It is highly improbable that this grouping can be 
 as old as the alphabet itself ; for it is not much of 
 an attempt to classify the sounds indicated, while 
 it is a classification of the symbols used. The 
 sort of arrangement which it presupposes was, I 
 conjecture, the following or some other one nearly 
 resembling it : — 
 
 I I ' / II 11.," // III III ' " / / / UN - 
 
 a, b, chjin, o, 1, d, g, u, w, t, Dg, e, 
 
 MM "" ////m i l m il '"" ///// 
 
 s, c, z, I, n, qv, r. 
 
 This conjecture is, I must tell you in passing, the 
 most important of a good many which I am going 
 to submit to you in this and the next lecture, and 
 with it would fall most of my conclusions with 
 respect to , the origin of Ogmic writing. If this 
 is borne in mind, it will be needless for me to 
 repeat it as we proceed. ' 
 
 If you look again at the different kinds of digits, 
 the question may occur to you, why the long ones 
 are not allowed to cross the edge of the stone 
 written upon at right angles. Now it is not im- 
 
 u 
 
306 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY, 
 
 probable that, at one time, tbe vowels were of the 
 description here suggested and not mere notches.* 
 It is so at ^ny rate in one class of Irish Ogams, 
 which are not, it is true, attested by the oldest 
 monuments : still it may be that this peculiarity 
 they show comes down from much earlier times. 
 In them a would be not + but |, which would 
 render it necessary to write m -f, and so with the 
 other four. All this points to the conclusion that 
 the oblique group is of later date than the other 
 three, and the order last given may be allowed to 
 give way to the following : — 
 
 I , 1 II ,11 I II ,,, III nil ,,,, nil 
 
 ' I " II "I III I'" III! 
 
 a, b, ch, o, 1, d, u, w, t, e, s, o, 
 
 m il Hil l '"" III III nil mil 
 
 1, n, qv, m, g, ng, z, r. 
 
 There are other reasons for supposing the oblique 
 group merely supplementary to the others : thus 
 /// for ng dates probably after -f-j; g, and is 
 formed from it by adding a score ; but it must 
 have been settled before ///// was hit upon for r, 
 otherwise nobody would have thought of repre- 
 senting by means of the most cumbrous symbol in 
 the alphabet the consonant which of all others is 
 the one most frequently used in Welsh ; and it is 
 hardly otherwise in the case of the other Celtic 
 
 * It is right the reader should know that the Ogams for the 
 vowels in this volume are represented as much longer than, in strict 
 proportion to the consonantal digits, they should be.^ 
 
LECTURE VI. 307 
 
 tongues. Hence it follows that ng, z, r, only got 
 to be written j-j-j-, -j-fjj, ///// by way of addition to, or 
 readjustment of the alphabet as previously used. 
 Further, as the Ogam in one of the orders it 
 admits of begins with + («), j (b), which may be 
 treated as the equivalents in it of aleph, beth, 
 or a, /3, we may go further and assume -'- {ch) to 
 be, for some reason or other, the Ogmic equivalent 
 of gimmel or y : this is confirmed by the fact of g 
 appearing as -fj- in the later group, which suggests 
 the same sort of relation between -•- and jj- as 
 between the Latin letters C and G. Now, treat- 
 ing +, ■]-, -•-, as the historical equivalents of aleph, 
 beth, gimmel, the Ogmic alphabet may be said 
 to have coincided with the Semitic alphabet in its 
 first three letters, excepting that the Irish group- 
 ing does not enable us to decide which of the six 
 sequences — a, b, ch : a, ch, b : b, a, ch : b, ch, a : 
 ch, a, b : ch, b, a — was the one adopted in the 
 Ogmic system. 
 
 Is this coincidence, it may be asked, purely 
 accidental, or does it tend to prove that the framers 
 of the Ogam were acquainted with some one or 
 more alphabets of Phoenician origin ? The answer 
 to this question is to be sought in the number of 
 combinations, as mathematicians term it, which 
 the letters of the Ogam alphabet admit of when 
 taken three and three together. But as the long 
 group does not appear to have belonged to the 
 
308 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 alphabet in its earliest form, we can only calcu- 
 late on the remaining fifteen letters. Now the 
 number of permutations which fifteen letters 
 admit of when taken by threes is 2730, which, 
 divided by six, gives us the number of combina- 
 tions as 455 ; that is, the chances against the 
 coincidence being accidental are 454 to 1. But, 
 to be on the safe side, let us discard -LU-Li, qn^ 
 as being possibly a later addition to complete the 
 scheme. The letters then are fourteen, which, 
 taken by threes, admit of 364 combinations ; and 
 this reduces the chances to 363 to 1. But some 
 writers appear to believe that it is, somehow, 
 natural for alphabets to begin as the Semitic ones 
 are found to do. Now these last begin with aleph, 
 a consonant which a European would probably not 
 have honoured with a place in an alphabet at all. 
 If, however, it is our European a that nature in- 
 tended to take the lead, the Shemites failed to 
 obey the promptings of nature on this point : the 
 same applies with still more force to the Irish, 
 when they put together the Bethluisnion alpha- 
 bet, and the Teutons, whose Kunic alphabets are 
 found to begin withy, m, th, a, r, k, although the 
 symbols for them were borrowed from the Latin 
 alphabet, which did begin with A. Thus the 
 facts within our reach seem to warrant our leav- 
 ing out of the reckoning the alleged naturalness 
 in question, so that, when it is found that the 
 
LECTURE VI. 309 
 
 chances are over 300 to 1 against the coincidence 
 being accidental, it is highly probable that the 
 framers -of the Ogam alphabet were acquainted 
 with the Phoenician or some one deriyed from it. 
 This being so, it is also probable that the sequence 
 of the first three letters in the Ogam was no 
 other than a, 6, ch, as in the trial alphabet men- 
 tioned above : — 
 
 I , I I I ,, II III ,,, III nil ,,,, Mil 
 I I II II III III i"i nil 
 
 a, b, ch, 0, 1, d, u, w, t, e, s, c, 
 
 M il l inn ' "" I II lli ll ll mil 
 
 i, n, qv, m, g, ng, ^ 
 
 A little further scrutiny of this last arrange- 
 ment leads one to observe the apparently artificial 
 quartering of the vowels in places 1, 4, 7, 10, 13. 
 So, to get at the sequence which preceded this, 
 we should, among other things, have to expel the 
 vowel from its present position, which would 
 admit the d to advance and the m to return from 
 the supplementary group to the place which it 
 probably occupied before it was relegated there. 
 We should then have the following : — 
 
 I I " III III ' " ' I II 
 
 a, b, ch, d, 1, m, u, w, t, e, 
 
 I II iini 
 
 II 1 1 III" II 1 1 1 
 
 a, e, i, n, qv. 
 
 Thus we seem to get a glimpse into the history of 
 the changes which the Ogam alphabet has under- 
 
310 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOftT. 
 
 gone, at the same time that, by restoring d to 
 what was probably its old place, we nearly triple 
 our former estimate of the probabilities of the 
 case, the chances now being (without taking the 
 sequence I m into account) exactly 1000 to 1 in 
 favour of the supposition that the Ogam alphabet 
 is connected with the Phoenician. 
 
 So far as we have gone, the connection seems 
 to amount to this : — 1. The framers of the Ogam 
 alphabet did not take up all the Phoenician letters, 
 but only about 14 or 15 of them. 2. These they 
 took in their order in the Phoenician alphabet. 
 3. They translated the Semitic characters into 
 straight lines, probably because they found them 
 easier to cut on wood, which, it may be presumed, 
 was the material which they mostly used to write 
 upon, but chiefly, perhaps, because they may have 
 already been in the habit of cutting scores re- 
 sembling Ogmic digits on wood, horn, or bone. 
 Such scoring, considered as mere scoring or carv- 
 ing, and without reference to its meaning, has been 
 traced so far back in Europe as the quaternary 
 period and the end of the mammoth age : a speci- 
 men from the sepulchral cave of Aurignac is de- 
 scribed by M. FranQois Lenormant in the second 
 edition of his Essai sur la Propagation de V Al- 
 phabet PMnicien dans VAncien Monde (Paris, 
 1875), i. 7, 8. So far no attempt has here been 
 
LECTURE VI. 311 
 
 made to show with which of the Phoenician alpha- 
 bets, that is the Phoenician alphabet properly so 
 called, or some one of those of Greece or Italy 
 which have been traced to it, the Ogam is con- 
 nected. History and geography do not encourage 
 ■one to expect to find any immediate connection 
 between the Ogam and the alphabets of Greece : 
 the ordinary Roman alphabet hardly suits, as it 
 has only the one symbol v for u and ?», not to 
 mention other reasons which might be adduced : 
 similarly we might go on excluding the Etruscan 
 and Runic alphabets. For the present, then, we 
 shall rest content with the bare fact, that the 
 Ogam is in a manner derived from the Phoenician 
 alphabet, without proceeding to attempt to trace 
 the connection between them step by step. The 
 rest of this lecture will, accordingly, be devoted to 
 a brief mention of some of the Goidelo-Kymric 
 traditions bearing on the origin of writing among 
 the Celts. 
 
 The allusions in Irish literature to the Ogam 
 are various and numerous, and a succinct account 
 of the grammatical treatises, which deal with it, 
 will be found in the following paragraph quoted 
 from an abstract of a paper read before the Royal 
 Irish Academy in 1848 by Prof. Graves, now 
 Bishop of Limerick : — " The Book of Leinster, 
 a MS. of the middle of the 12th century, contains 
 
312 LECTURE,S ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 a passage in which it [the key to the Ogam] ia 
 briefly given. The Book of Ballymote, written 
 about the year 1370, contains an elaborate tract, 
 which furnishes us with the keys to the ordinary 
 Ogham, and a vast variety of ciphers, all formed 
 on the same principle. The Book of Lecan 
 (written in the year 1417) contains a copy of the 
 Uraicept, a grammatical tract, perhaps, as old as 
 the 9th century, in which are many passages re- 
 lating to the Ogham alphabet, and all agreeing, 
 as regards the powers of the characters, with what 
 is laid down in the treatise on Oghams in the 
 Book of Ballymote. Dr. O'Connor, indeed, speaks 
 of a manuscript book of Oghams written in the 
 11th century, and once in the possession of Sir 
 James Ware. Mr. Graves has ascertained that 
 this is merely a fragment of the above-mentioned 
 Ogham tract. It is now preserved in the library 
 of the British Museum, and does not appear to 
 have b,een written earlier than the 15th or 16 th 
 century." Some valuable extracts from, and 
 fac-similes of the Ballymote tract have lately 
 been published by Mr. G. M. Atkinson in the 
 Journal of the Kilkenny Archceological Society 
 (vol. iii. pp. 202-236), to which we shall have 
 occasion to refer more than once. There, in answer 
 to the question, " By whom and from whence are 
 the veins and beams in the Ogaim tree named ? " 
 
LECTURE TI. 313 
 
 we have the curious reply : — " Per alios. It came 
 from the school of Phenius, a man of Sidon, viz., 
 schools of philosophy under Phenius throughout 
 the world, teaching the tongues (he thus employed), 
 in numher 25." But, to pass by the other tradi- 
 tions respecting this early Fenian, we come to 
 Ogma, who is said to have been the inventor of 
 the Ogam, and from whom it is called Ogam, also 
 Ogum, and, in later Irish, Ogham with a silent gh. 
 Ogma is described as the son of Elathan of the 
 race of the Tuatha de Danann, whence it is clear 
 that he is as mythical a personage as Irish legend 
 could well make him. And from his being called, 
 as appears from Mr. Atkinson's paper, Ogma 
 the Sun-faced, it seems probable that he was of 
 solar origin. Ogma being much skilled in dialects 
 and in poetry, it was he, we are told, who invented 
 the Ogam to provide signs for secret speech only 
 known to the learned, and designed to be kept 
 from the vulgar and poor of the nation. . For not 
 only was a system of writing called Ogam, but also 
 a dialect, or mode of speech, bears that name. Of 
 this O'MoUoy, cited in the preface to O'Donovan's 
 Irish Grammar, p. xlviii., says : " Obscurum lo- 
 quendi modum, vulgo Ogham, antiquariis Hiberniae 
 satis notum, quo nimirum loquebantur syllabizando 
 voculas appellationibus litterarum, dipthongorum, 
 et triphthongorum ipsis dumtaxat notis." O'Dono- 
 
314 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 van further quotes an entry in the Annals of 
 Olonmacnoise to the following effect, as translated, 
 in 1627, by Connell Mageoghegan :— " a.d. 1328. 
 Morish O'Gibelan, Master of art, one exceeding 
 well learned in the new and old laws, civille and 
 cannon, a cunning and skillfull philosopher, an 
 excellent poet in Irish, an eloquent and exact 
 speaker of the speech, which in Irish is called 
 Ogham, and one that was well seen in many other 
 good sciences : he was a canon and singer at 
 Twayme, Olfyn, Aghaconary, Killalye, Enagh- 
 down, and Clonfert; he was official and common 
 judge of these dioceses ; ended his life this year." 
 To pass by, for the present, the motive attri- 
 buted to Ogma in his invention, we seem to find 
 him here in the character of the man of letters, 
 and this is quite in harmony with the only trace of 
 his footsteps which has been discovered on Kym- 
 ric ground, namely, in the Welsh derivative ofydd, 
 which probably stands for an earlier omUS = ogmi^, 
 and seems to have formerly meant a man of 
 science and letters ; now it is defined to be an 
 Eisteddfodic graduate who is neither bard nor 
 druid, and translated into ovate. Thus, perhaps, 
 it would be no overhasty generalising to infer 
 that with the insular Celts Ogma's province was 
 language as literature, as the record of the past 
 and the repository of knowledge. The Gauls, on 
 
LECTURE VI. 315 
 
 the other hand, looked at their Ogmius, accord- 
 ing to Lucian's account, from the point of view 
 of language as the means of persuasion ; for they 
 represented him as an extremely old man drawing 
 after him a crowd of willing followers by means of 
 tiny chains connecting their ears with the tip of 
 his tongue. Otherwise, be it observed, he seems 
 to have had the ordinary attributes of Hercules, 
 whence it would seem that he, like his Goidelic 
 namesake, was of solar origin. It is probable, 
 therefore, that his influence over the crowds who 
 rejoiced to follow him was in the first instance 
 due, not to his oratorical skill, the sweetness of 
 his voice, or his power of persuasion, but to the 
 contents of his words, to the wisdom he had to 
 impart, and the wonderful experiences he could 
 relate. . How could it be otherwise in the case of 
 one — to borrow the words applied in the Odyssey 
 to the sun — 
 
 "^0? TravT e<j)opa km iravr eiraKovei? 
 
 The Irish were perhaps alone in attributing to him 
 the origin of letters and the cultivation of a dia- 
 lect not understood by the people : at any rate Welsh 
 tradition would seem to point in quite another 
 direction. But it is hardly necessary to state that, 
 owing to the Ogam having got out of use in the 
 West of Britain as early as the 8th or 9th century. 
 
316 LECTURES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 the allusions to it in Welsh literature are exceed- 
 ingly faint and nebulous. It may possibly be 
 proved that those about to be here mentioned do 
 not in any way refer to the Ogam ; but the point 
 I wish to insist upon is that they agree with Irish 
 tradition in placing the origin of writing — whether 
 Ogmic or other — before the Christian era. In the 
 lolo MSS. (pp. 20'3-206), there are a few para- 
 graphs on the Welsh alphabet from manuscripts 
 supposed to be traceable to the possession of 
 Llewelyn Sion, a Glamorganshire bard and collector 
 of antiquities, who died in the year 1616. Certainly 
 there seems to be no reason to think that they are, 
 in the shape in which we find them, of an earlier 
 date ; but that does not prove them not to contain 
 a slender element of ancient tradition beneath the 
 incrustations of later times, and in spite of their 
 evident reference, in the first instance, to the 
 bardic alphabet called Coelbren y Beir.dd, which may 
 be briefly characterised as the form the Eoman 
 alphabet took when carved on wood by the Welsh 
 in the 15th century: see Stephens's essay on the sub- 
 ject in the^rc^ Cambrensis for 1872, pp. 181-210. 
 One of these paragraphs runs thus : " In the time 
 of Owain ap Maxen Wledig the race of the Cymry 
 recovered their privileges and crown : they took to 
 their original, mother- tongue instead of the Latin, 
 which had well-nigh overrun the Isle of Britain, 
 
LECTURE VI. 31 
 
 and in Welsh they kept the history, records, an 
 classifications of country and nation, restoring t 
 memory the ancient Oymraeg, their original wore 
 and idioms. Owing, however, to their forgettin 
 and misunderstanding the old orthography of tl 
 ten primary letters they fell into error, and thi 
 arose a disagreement as to [the spelling of] severs 
 ancient words." The writer goes on to give ir 
 stances which show that the latter part of tl 
 passage is a mere corollary to the preceding par 
 and applicable to nothing earlier than the numeroi 
 foibles of Welsh orthography in the Middle Age 
 Another of the paragraphs alluded to is to the fo 
 lowing effect : " Before the time of Beli the Gres 
 ap Manogan there were but ten letters, and the 
 were called the ten awgrym, namely, a, p, c, ( 
 t, i, 1, r, 0, s : afterwards m and n were discoverec 
 and afterwards four others, so that now being sij 
 teen they were established with the publicity an 
 sanction of state and nation. After the coming ( 
 the faith in Christ two other letters were adde( 
 namely, u and ^, and in the time of King Arthi 
 there were fixed twenty primary letters, as at pr( 
 sent, by the advice of Taliesin Benbeirdd, Urie 
 Rheged's domestic bard. It was according \ 
 the alphabet of the eighteen that was arrange 
 OIU, that is, the unutterable name of God : b< 
 fore that system it was 010 according to the si2 
 
318 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 teen. Of principal awgrymau there are not to the 
 present day more than twenty letters or twenty 
 awgrymy The writer dwells on the repeated 
 additions made to the alphabet, and the numbers 
 he gives at successive stages are 10, 12, 16, 18, 
 20, which are clearly not all to be taken au pied 
 de la lettre ; for national sanction is not men- 
 tioned by him till we come to the alphabet of 
 16; and to what Aryan alphabet could 10 and 
 12 apply ? He has supplied us with the key to 
 his blundering in the word awgrym (now 'a hint 
 or suggestion,' plural awgrymau), which is simply 
 the 0. English word awgrim, augrim, algrim, bor- 
 rowed. Now the Craft of Algrim was arithmetic 
 (on the history of the word, see Max Miiller's 
 Lectures^ ii. p. 300, 301), and it is clear that he has 
 set off his account of the alphabet by a strange 
 attempt to base it on the decimal system of 
 numeration. It is not to be forgotten that 
 Llewelyn Sion had probably heard of the 
 algebraists and arithmeticians Vieta, Harriot, 
 Wright, and Napier. Perhaps it is in the same 
 direction we should look for the explanation of 
 the mystic 010. 
 
 In another version the arithmetical and alpha- 
 betical elements are kept somewhat more apart, 
 the former showing an inveterate tendency 
 to secrecy, which is not so evident in the 
 
LECTURE VI. 319 
 
 case of tlie latter : " la tine principal times of 
 the race of the Cymry the letters were called 
 ystorrynau [supposed to mean cuttings; but if 
 cuttings, ^hj jaot fractions Pi : after the time of 
 Beli ap Manogan they were called letters, and 
 before that there were only the ten primary 
 ystorryn, which had been a secret from everlast- 
 ing with the bards of the Isle of Britain for the 
 preservation of record of country and nation. 
 But Beli the Great made them sixteen, and sub- 
 ject to that arrangement he made them public, 
 causing that thenceforth -there should never be 
 secrecy with regard to the knowledge of the 
 letters, subject to the arrangement which he had 
 made touching them, while he left the ten 
 ystorryn under secrecy. After the coming of the 
 faith in Christ the letters were made eighteen, 
 and afterwards twenty, and so they were retained 
 to the time of Geraint Fardd Glas, who fixed 
 them at twenty-four." 
 
 The next extract is from a document on Bardism 
 cited by Mr. D. Silvan Evans in Skene's Four 
 Ancient Books of Wales (ii, 324) : he assigns it 
 to the end of the 15th century, and gives refer- 
 ences which will here be utilised. The passage 
 in point is not very lucid, but it seems to mean 
 this : " The three elemeiits of a letter are /|\, since 
 it is in the presence of one or other of the three 
 
320 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 a letter consists ; they are three beams of light, 
 
 and it is of them are formed the sixteen ogyrvens, 
 
 that is, the sixteen letters. Belonging to another 
 
 art also there are seven score and seven ogyrvens, 
 
 which are no other than the symbols of the seven 
 
 score and seven Welsh parent-words, whence every 
 
 other word." The /|\ would be a correct analysis 
 
 of the letters of nations who habitually wrote 
 
 on slips of wood, as the nature of that material 
 
 would compel one to avoid the use of curves and 
 
 horizontal lines : thus it would apply to Ogams 
 
 and Eunes as well as to the Coelbren y Beirdd, 
 
 which the writer decidedly had in view. The 
 
 three beams of light was an after-thought, or a 
 
 bit of another tradition ; but what mostly interests 
 
 me in this extract is the word ogyrven. The 
 
 sixteen ogyrvens are evidently the same as the 
 
 sixteen letters of the previous extracts ; but the 
 
 seven score and seven seem to refer to some 
 
 theory of root-words, and their number was not, 
 
 as might be expected, very definite; for, to go 
 
 still further back, in a passage in the Book of 
 
 Taliessin, a manuscript of the 14th century, they 
 
 are given as exactly seven score (Skene, ii. 132, 
 
 325) :— 
 
 "^eith vgein ogyruen 
 , Yssyd yn awen" 
 
 i.e., there are in awen [muse, poetry] seven score 
 
LECTUKE VI. 32 
 
 Ogyrvens. The two kinds of Ogyrvens woul 
 seem to matcli the Ogam alphabet and the Ogai 
 dialect of Irish tradition, but what is more remart 
 able is that Ogyrven is the name of a person, an 
 a person not a whit less mythical than Ogmj 
 He is variously called Ogyrven, Ogynven, Ogyrfai 
 and (with the prefixed g of late Welsh) Gogyrfai 
 as in a popular rhyme referring to bis daughte 
 Gwenbwyfar, Arthur's wife : — 
 
 " Gwenliwyfar f ercli Ogyrfan gawr, 
 Drwg yn feohan, gwaetli yn fawr." 
 Gwinevere, giant Ogyrvan's daughter, 
 Naughty young, more naughty after. 
 
 He is better known in Welsh poetry in connec 
 tion witb Ceridwen, the lady who owned tl 
 cauldron of sciences (jpair gwybodau), and whos 
 inspiring aid Welsh poets are still supposed t 
 invoke : thus in two of the poems in the Blac 
 Book of Carmarthen, a manuscript of the 12t 
 century, we meet with a formula of invocation i 
 which she is called (Skene ii. 6, 6) Ogyrve 
 amhad, which is supposed to mean " Ogyrven 
 offspring." They are also associated in severs 
 poems in tbe Book of Taliessin (Skene ii. 15' 
 156), and in one of the instances Ceridwen 
 cauldron is called Ogyrven's : — 
 
 " Ban pan doeth o peir \ig[ When up the Muses three 
 Ogyrwen awen teir:" ) ' ( From Ogyrven's cauldron can 
 
 X 
 
322 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGr. 
 
 However, Mr. Silvan Evans translates it " High 
 when came from the cauldron the three awens of 
 Qogyrwen." The difference is immaterial here, 
 as he calls attention to a poem of Cynddelw's 
 where Ceridwen and Ogyrven are associated by 
 the poet — he flourished in the 12th century — 
 who calls himself a " bard of the bards of 
 Ogyruen," with, probably, the same meaning as 
 though he had said " of Ceridwen:" see the Mi/v. 
 Arch, of Wales, p. 167 of Gee's edition (Denbigh, 
 1870). 
 
 To project this on the solar myth theory, 
 Gwenhwyfar and Ceridwen are dawn-goddesses, 
 and their father Ogyrven must be the personifica- 
 tion of night and darkness ; and this is confirmed 
 by the etymology of the word Ogyrven, which 
 would have been in 0. . Welsh probably Ocrmen, 
 divisible into Ocr-men. The first element ocr 
 seems to have been meant in the Luxembourg 
 Folio, where atrocia is" glossed arotrion, which 
 appears to be a clerical error for arocrion, if that 
 indeed be not the correct reading. Now, just as 
 Welsh ac, oc, ' and, with,' stand with respect to 
 such words as Greek ayxa>, Latin angustus, Ger- 
 man eng, so ocr, ogr, stand to the words which 
 Fick, in his dictionary^ (p. 9), derives from 
 anghra, such as Zend angra, ' evil,' anra, ' evil, 
 bad : ' for a few parallels see the Eevtie Celtique, 
 
LECTURE VI. 323 
 
 ii. 190, The other part occurs also in tynghed- 
 fen, a word which is used as a synonym of the 
 simpler tynghed, 'fate, destiny.* The former was 
 probably at one time meant to express the per- 
 sonification more clearly than the latter, though 
 it does so no longer. The men (mutated fen or 
 ven) in question can hardly be of a different 
 origin from the English verb to mean and its con- 
 geners, among which may be mentioned Greek 
 fievos, Sanskrit manas, ' courage, sense,' manyus, 
 ' courage, zeal, anger, rage,' Zend mainyu, ' spirit, 
 sky.' This last qualified by anra, ' evil, bad,' 
 makes in the nominative anro mainyus (Justi), 
 ' the evil spirit par excellence, Ahriman, or the 
 devil of the Persians and the great adversary of 
 Ormuzd.' Thus our Ogyrven seems to be almost 
 the literal counterpart of Ahriman, and might be 
 rendered the evil spirit: Ogyrwen, if not a mere 
 phonetic variation, would be he of the evil smile, 
 while Ogyrfan shows the same element fan (for 
 man) as in Cadfan, on an early inscribed stone 
 Catamanus. In both it is probably of the same 
 origin and meaning as the English word man, 
 so that Ogyrfan would have meant the evil man, 
 and even now we call the devil y gwr drwg, ' the 
 bad man.' His attributes are, unfortunately, so 
 weather-worn that Welsh literature hardly enables 
 us to make them out, which is, perhaps, partly 
 
324 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 due to His having been dethroned by the devil of 
 
 the Bible, and partly to his connection with 
 
 Ceridwen and Gwenhwyfar. But a clue to them 
 
 appears to be oifered us in another form of his 
 
 name : in Gee's Myv. Arch, of Wales, p. 396, it 
 
 is Ocurvran, that is in later spelling Ogyrfran, 
 
 which would mean the evil crow, and suggests a 
 
 community of origin with the Irish Badb : see 
 
 Mr. Hennessy's article on the latter in the Revue 
 
 Celtique, i. 32-57. The Badb is described as 
 
 having the form of a crow and as a bird of ill 
 
 omen, confounding armies, impelling to slaughter, 
 
 and revelling among the slain. This will serve 
 
 as a provisional key to the meaning of a reference 
 
 to Ogyrven in one of the poems in the Black 
 
 Book already alluded to : the lines are very 
 
 obscure and run thus (Skene, ii. 6) : 
 
 " Ry hait itaut. rycheidv y naut. rao caut gelin. 
 Ey chedwis detyf. ry chynis gretyw. rac llety w ogyrven.'' 
 
 The meaning is by no means clear, but " rac 
 
 caut gelin^'' which cannot but mean " against the 
 
 insult of an enemy," suggests that its parallel in 
 
 the following line, rac lletyw ogyrven, must be 
 
 "against a sinister fate," or something nearly 
 
 approaching it, as indicated by the adjective 
 
 lletyw, now written lleddf. Similarly we are 
 
 enabled to guess what Cynddelw meant {Myv. 
 
 Arch, of Wales, p. 154) when he praises a certain 
 
LECTUEB VI. 32 
 
 man as being " a hero of the valour of Ogyrfan, 
 
 gwron gnryd Ogyrfan, where Ogyrfan seems 1 
 
 mean war and slaughter, probably personified. 
 
 In support of this view of Ogyrfen, we hav( 
 
 besides tynhedfen, a third compound, namely Aei 
 
 fen, which, as aer is battle, war, must mean 
 
 spirit or divinity concerned with war : it is, accorc 
 
 ing to Dr. Davies's Welsh-Latin Dictionary, foun 
 
 used in the feminine and applied to the riv( 
 
 Dee, which need not surprise you, as the De 
 
 Deva, probably means ' the goddess,' and as tl 
 
 river is still called in Welsh Dyfrdroy, ' the wat( 
 
 of the divinity : ' Giraldus calls it Deverdoeu, tl 
 
 full spelling of which would now be Dyfrdwyw i 
 
 Dyfrdroyf, whereby he upsets the popular et; 
 
 mology, which explains the word as meaning tl 
 
 water of two {rivers). On river-names of th 
 
 class see M. Pictet's paper in the Revue Celtiqu 
 
 ii. 1-9. However, the word occurs also in tl 
 
 sense of war or battle generally, as in Englynion 
 
 Gdrugiau {lolo MSS. 263), where we read : — 
 
 " Goruc Arthen ap Arth Hen 
 Rhag ffwyr esgar ac asgen, 
 Llafn ynghad ynghadr aerfen ; " 
 
 i.e., Arthur ap Arth Hen against foeman's attai 
 and injury made the blade (for use) in battle, 
 stout war. 
 
 But why should the origin of letters have bei 
 
326 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 connected with Ogyrven, whose character was from 
 the first that of a dark and concealing heing? 
 One might answer that it was for the same reason 
 which made the Irish attribute the motive of 
 secrecy to Ogma, though that ill agreed with his 
 solar origin : both versions, it may be, merely 
 reflect the feeling with which the ignorant many 
 would regard the language, whether written or 
 spoken, of the learned few. On them the im- 
 pression of mystery and awe produced by the 
 sight of certain characters cut on wood may easily 
 be conceived to have led them to call them the 
 un\gogyrven ar bymtheg, that is, as though we 
 called them ' the sixteen devils.' Later, however, 
 a solar patch was, so to say, sometimes sewn on 
 the tradition, in the shape of a reference to the 
 three sunbeams /|\, which still hold their place 
 as a sacred symbol or talisman at the head ' of 
 Eisteddfodic announcements. But perhaps the 
 question as to the relation in which Ogyrven 
 stood to letters is best disposed of by asking 
 another, namely. How it is that there exist even 
 now people who think that knowledge and science 
 are of the devil? In former times this was, no 
 doubt, very much more commonly the case than it 
 is now. 
 
 The cryptic view taken of writing by the igno- 
 rant, and incorporated in the Irish tradition touch- 
 
LECTURE VI. 32 
 
 ing the Ogam, has sometimes led Irish archaeolc 
 gists into the error of thinking that the Ogam wa 
 really a cryptic contrivance. It is true that in i1 
 last days it may have fallen into the hands ( 
 pedants, but it still remains to be shown that eve 
 a single Ogmio monument of respectable antiquit 
 in Ireland can in any sense whatever be said to I 
 of a cryptic nature. It is, of course, but naturs 
 that writers, who have no wish or no time to stud 
 the laws of phonetic decay, should find in earl 
 Irish names merely disguised forms of the: 
 modern continuators. Their view is also suppose 
 to derive support from a passage in Comae's Gloi 
 sary, which explains the Irish word fd as " 
 wooden rod '• used by the Gael for measurin 
 corpses and graves, and this rod was," we ai 
 told, " always in the burial-places of the heather 
 and to take it in his hand was a horror to ever 
 one, and whatever was abominable (adetche) f 
 them, they used to put in ogham upon it 
 {^i6ke&' Three Irish Glossaries, p. Iv.). Here it ha 
 been supposed that we have an allusion to 
 cryptic fashion of recording the sins of a decease 
 person ; but it is difficult to see anything crypti 
 in the whole proceeding, unless it be the act ( 
 leaving the/"^ in the burial-place, which, in thE 
 case, may have been meant to suggest, in a del; 
 
328 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 cate manner implying no ignoring of tlie faults 
 and shortcomings of the departed, that thence- 
 forth his name would have the full benefit of the 
 
 maxim : 
 
 " De mortuis nil nisi bonum." 
 
( 329 ) 
 
 LECTURE VII. 
 
 " Nous nous sommes efforcfi jnsqu'3. present de reconstituer les 
 etapes successives qui couduisirent depuis la premidre origiue de 
 I'art d'6crire jusqu'^ rinvention dSfiuitlTe de I'alphabet. Nous avons 
 vu combien cette graude et f6conde inTention, qui aiuena recriture a 
 son dernier degre de perfection et en fit un instrument completement 
 digne de la pensee humaine, fut lente El se produire, combien p^ni- 
 blement elle se dggagea, par une marche graduelle, de I'ideograpbisme 
 originaire. Nous avons vu comment pour y parvenir il avait fallu la 
 combinaison des efforts successifs et des gSnies varies d'un peuple 
 philosopbe, les Egvptiens, qui sut con9evoir la decomposition de la 
 syllabe et de I'abstraction de la consonne, puis d'un peuple pratique et 
 marchand, les Pheniciens, qui rejeta tout Element id€ographique et 
 reduisit le phonetisme, demeur6 seul, k I'emploi d'une figure unique 
 pour representor chaque articulation. Mais aussi cette invention, 
 qui demeurera I'etemelle gloire des fils de Chanaan, ne fut faite qu' 
 une seul fois dans le monde et sur un seul point de carte, et, une fois 
 accomplie, elle rayonna partout de proche en proche." 
 
 — Pbakjois Lenoemant. 
 
 This lecture will be devoted mainly to conjectures, 
 and tlie facts adduced, it may as well be admitted 
 at the outset, will be few and far between. Of 
 the latter, the principal one is the Phoenician 
 alphabet, for which, however, we have to use the 
 Hebrew version, as giving us the order of the 
 letters, and also their names in a form which 
 cannot be materially different from that which 
 they had in Phoenician. The other leading fact 
 is the Ogam system as attested by the oldest 
 monuments extant in Wales and Ireland. Given 
 
330 
 
 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 these two facts together with the connection be- 
 tween them, which it was attempted to establish 
 in the last lecture, our task is to trace the succes- 
 sive modifications whereby the Phoenician alpha- 
 bet could have yielded the Ogam as known to us. 
 The first thing, then, is to try to ascertain 
 which were the fourteen or fifteen letters of the 
 Phoenician alphabet which the inventors of the 
 Ogam took into account. This was begun in the 
 last lecture, and the results then obtained stand 
 as in column ii. in the following table, which will 
 help to mark the steps we take at this stage in 
 the' inquiry : — 
 
 
 i. 
 
 ii. 
 
 iii. 
 
 iv. 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 aleph 
 beth 
 
 a 
 b 
 
 a 
 b 
 
 a 
 b 
 
 1 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 gimel 
 daleth 
 
 ch 
 d 
 
 ch 
 d 
 
 oh 
 d 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 he 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 
 6 
 
 waw 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 
 7 
 
 zain 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 
 8 
 
 cheth 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 
 9 
 
 ieth 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 
 10 
 11 
 12 
 
 yod 
 
 caph 
 
 lamed 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 13 
 
 mem 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 6 
 
 14 
 
 nun 
 
 
 n 
 
 u 
 
 7 
 
 15 
 
 saxaech 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 
 16 
 
 ain 
 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 8 
 
 17 
 18 
 
 pe 
 tsade 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 s 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 19 
 20 
 
 koph 
 resh 
 
 
 c 
 r 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 11 
 12 
 
 21 
 
 shin, sin 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 13 
 
 22 
 
 taw 
 
 
 t 
 
 t 
 
 14 
 
LECTURE VII. 331 
 
 It appears accordingly that the Semitic letters 
 from 4 to 12 were altogether discarded, and that 
 we have now to set out from mem: consequently 
 one cannot help referring n, c, r, t in the Ogam, 
 to nun, koph, resh, taw respectively. Further, as 
 he, maw, yod had been passed over, the only re- 
 maining letter which could be treated as a vowel 
 was ain, which the Greeks made into o. It looks 
 as though this was treated at first as u in the 
 Ogam and written -|-[-j-, that character having pro- 
 bably only acquired later the value of w in order 
 to differentiate it from +++• If this is right, then 
 samech is to be regarded as thrown out, for the 
 Ogam leaves it no room between ^ and -'-'-'■. The 
 result so far as we have gone is shown in column 
 iii. : still we have only 11 letters for the 22 of 
 the Phoenician alphabet, while the Ogmic scheme 
 offers room for 15, so we take in the remaining 
 ones which have not been excluded, and the result 
 is column iv., which, arranged Ogmically, gives us 
 the following trial alphabet : — 
 
 1- I I ' II II " III III '" 'III nil "" mil mi l 
 
 a, b, ch, d, 1, m, n, u, p, s, c, i, B, t. 
 
 Here, it will be observed, we have two sibilants, 
 namely, from tsade and sin respectively : in trying 
 to make these square with the details of our hypo- 
 thesis, one is led to conclude that the latter was 
 
332 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 set apart for z: the alphabet will then stand 
 thus : — 
 
 2- 1 I ' 'h i " i iii ii ' " i i iii ii i ""in i ii iiii 
 
 a, b, oh, d, 1, m, n, u, p, B, c, t, i, t. 
 
 The next point to be noticed is that this shows 
 only two vowels, a and w ; even so it had the ad- 
 vantage in this respect over the Semitic alphabets, 
 which had none. Now if the Ogam is connected 
 with the Phoenician alphabet the values of ff , +++, 
 ' WW, +++++, would seem to have been at first d, n, 
 s, z, while their only attested values are found to 
 be 0, u, e, i respectively. It follows that the con- 
 sonants must have been ousted by the vowels ; 
 but as this does not appear to have been done at 
 once or methodically, one must infer that at one 
 time the symbols in question had two values each, 
 the one consonantal and the other vocal : accord- 
 ingly -H- had the values of d and o. This I would 
 write shortly do, without, however, giving the 
 Ogam +1 the value of the syllable do, but the 
 separate values of d and o ; and so with the others, 
 thus : — 
 
 I I I I I ni l mil 
 
 do, nu. Be, zi. 
 
 That the vowel values are here of later date than 
 the consonantal ones, is also probable from the 
 regular intervals at which they occur in the 
 arrangements suggested and presupposed by the 
 
LECTURE VII. 333 
 
 grouping of the Irisli Ogam, wliicli has already 
 been referred to in connection with its leading 
 letters b, h, m, a, and the permutations they admit 
 of. But how did the vowels get into these posi- 
 tions, and how were the consonants dislodged? 
 We seem to have a clue to the answer in the case 
 of nu, which one cannot help regarding as sug- 
 gested by the letter-name nun : similarly zi, for 
 si, is to be referred to the name sin. The case of 
 ++, do, looks as if the spelling daletk of the Hebrew 
 name of the fourth letter did not exactly give the 
 pronunciation, which the first Ogmists learned to 
 give the word as they heard it. Was the latter 
 more nearly doleth, which approaches, I am told, 
 the Arabic pronunciation of the word as used for 
 the letter and for door at the present day, or are 
 we to assume rather that they translated the word 
 into their own language, that is into an Aryan 
 equivalent beginning with do, such as would, for 
 instance, be Welsh dor, and drws (for dams'), 
 Irish dorus, all with dor for dvor, 0. English dor, 
 ' door ' ? Lastly, the vowel e was probably as- 
 sociated at first with the name pe or resk; but 
 sooner or later the analogy of +, ++, +++, f|-l4+, would 
 naturally lead to the use of fH-F or se with the 
 values of s and e, and perhaps even to the modifi- 
 cation of its name into a form more nearly ap- 
 proaching sede than tsade. Of course, if one could 
 
334 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 assume that the Phoenician pronunciation of the 
 word had e and not a in its first syllable, a shorter 
 path to the same result would lie open. In case 
 it should appear more satisfactory to bring on the 
 scene a deas ex Tnachina and to suppose a system- 
 atic modification of the alphabet by a grammarian, 
 it is to be observed that such a modification must 
 have been confined to giving some or all of the 
 Ogams new names instead of the Semitic ones. 
 The former in the cases in question would have 
 to be regarded as either beginning with, or con- 
 sisting of the syllables do, nu, se, zi, or else od, 
 un, es, iz, or some of both sets. For our present 
 purposes, however, the ambiguities of the Ogam 
 at this stage may be represented as follows : — 
 
 3- I I ' I I II " III II I ' I I "" IIHIll l l l 
 
 a, b, ch, do, 1, m, nu, u, p, Be, c, r, zi, t. 
 
 The answer to the other question as to how d, 
 n, s, z were dislodged, will offer itself as we go 
 on : the next step in advance which seems to 
 have been taken appears to have been the filling 
 of the cadre of the Ogam by the addition of a 
 symbol for qv, thus : — 
 
 4. I I ' I I II I ' I I I I I I III nil n i l 
 
 a, b, oh, do, 1, m, nu, u, p, se, c, 
 
 "" II i i r -^ 
 
 I-, Zl, .t, qv. 
 
 The further working of the same sense of system 
 
LECTURE VII. 335 
 
 seems to have sooner or later occasioned c and r 
 to change places, so that c and qv should stand 
 side by side : — 
 
 f\ 1 I I I II III III 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 
 
 0. 1 I -" II II " 111 111 iiii nil 
 
 a, b, ch, do, 1, m, nu, u, p, se, r, c, 
 
 "" IIII! 
 
 zi, t, qv. 
 
 So far the ambiguities in our versions of the 
 Ogam alphabet have been left standing. Now 
 the symbols in places 1, 4, 7, 10, 13, have through- 
 out retained the vowel values here attributed to 
 them, while the consonantal values of those in 
 4, 7, 10, 13, are unknown to the Ogam system, as 
 attested by our monuments. Hence the simpli- 
 fication was effected by providing other symbols 
 for the four consonants in question. Let us 
 begin with ++, do, and see how matters will then 
 look. If one leaves ++ to represent o, how is d to 
 be written ? Three courses suggest themselves : 
 d may be written ^ and a new symbol invented 
 for m; it may be written jj-, which would neces- 
 sitate a new symbol for I; or lastly, a new symbol 
 may be provided for d without disturbing any 
 other letter. The last would seem to recommend 
 itself in point of simplicity, but it has against it 
 the circumstance that m is, as a matter of fact. 
 
336 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 represented by / in the oblique group : the course 
 adopted then was as follows : — 
 
 6-^1 ' II II " Ml II I '" I'll n il "" 
 
 a, b, ch, 0, 1, d, nu, u, p, Be, r, c, 
 
 ^^ m il ' "" / 
 
 zi, t, qv, m. 
 
 Now the foundation had been laid of a new 
 group : the first addition was a symbol for g, 
 "which had been left unprovided for when ch took 
 the place oi gimel: — 
 
 7 I , I II ,. II III ... Ill nil Mil 
 
 /. I I ' II II III III III! MM 
 
 a, b, ch, 0, 1, d, nu, a, p, se, r, c, 
 
 + 11 1 ' IIMI - ' "" /// 
 ZI, t, qv, m, g. 
 
 The next addition was, naturally enough, to pro- 
 vide for ng : — 
 
 8- I I ' II II " III III '" I 'll MM "" 
 a, b, ch, o, 1, d, nu, u, p, se, r, c, 
 
 + IIII mi l '"" ////// 
 
 zi, t, qv, m, g, ng. 
 
 The next step was to dispose of zi: this was done 
 by relegating z to the new group : — 
 
 Q I I I I M ,1 1 m MM mi 
 
 y. +■■ I II .11 III 111-'" iin-im 
 
 a, b, oh, o, - 1, d, nu, u, p, se, r, c, 
 
 'I'll mil '"" ////////// 
 
 i, t> qT, m,g, ng, z. 
 
 The case of se seems to have been dealt with 
 
LECTURE VII. 337 
 
 differently, s being written jjjj, and r rele- 
 gated to the new group : — 
 
 10. I I ' II II 11 111 I II I I ' M i l ,111 nii 
 
 a, b, ch, o, 1, d, nu, u, p, e, s, ■ c, 
 
 mil iii i i '"" I II III nil Hill 
 
 1, t, qv, m, g, ng, z, r. 
 
 The symbol for p was found to be useless as 
 such, owing to that sound not being used in the 
 languages of the Celtic nations : its place was 
 utilised for t, whereby d and t were brought near 
 one another : — 
 
 n. I I I II II II III I II II I M i l 11 ,1 I'll 
 
 a, b, ch, o, 1, d, nu, u, t, e, s, o, 
 
 mil M ill ' "" III III nil IIIII 
 
 i, — qv, m, g, ng, z, r. 
 
 The way was now open for nu to be disposed of, 
 so the consonant was placed in the place vacated 
 by t : nu was allowed to stand so long, probably, 
 because -j-p]- was available for u : — 
 
 J2. I I I M ,1 " III 1,1 "I MM 11,1 "" 
 a, b,cli, 0, 1, d, u, u, t, e, s, o, 
 
 m il M i l l ' ^ ^ ^' J -H- lll nil IIIII 
 
 i, n, qr, m, g, ng, z, r. 
 
 The anomaly of having two symbols for u in the 
 alphabet was disposed of by setting jjj apart for 
 m, Latin v. Otherwise the Celts have never 
 shown themselves anxious to distinguish in writ- 
 
 T 
 
338 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 ing between the semi-vowels and the correspond- 
 ing vowels. After this final touch the Ogam 
 alphabet stood as follows, from which we set 
 out: — 
 
 13. +-H-^f-Tr^^4 l II I I N Mil nil i l M 
 a, b, oh, 0,1 1, d, u, w, t, e, s, c, 
 
 mil mil ' "" hll HI nil mil 
 
 1, n, qv, m, g, Dg, z, r. 
 
 Let US here pause to look around us and try 
 to ascertain whether they are not mistaken who 
 regard the Ogmic alphabet as an isolated pheno- 
 menon in Europe. We fail in the direction of 
 Greece and Eome, so let us look nearer home, 
 to the Teutonic nations, especially as there is 
 reason to believe that the last word has not yet 
 been said on the history of the Eunic alphabets, 
 which they formerly used. Fortunately for one 
 who is not at home in Scandinavian languages 
 and antiquities, an important work has lately 
 been published on the origin and development of 
 Kune-writing in the North, by Dr. Wimmer, a 
 Danish scholar who is well known in the philo- 
 logical world, and who has opportunities of per- 
 sonally examining the most important Eunic monu- 
 ments of the North (JRuneskriftens Oprindelse og 
 Udvikling i Norden of Ludv. F. A. Wimmer : 
 Copenhagen, 1874). 
 
LECTURE VII. 339 
 
 Kunic monuments may be roughly said to have 
 been found in all countries inhabited by nations 
 of Teutonic descent, but the oldest of those 
 monuments cannot be regarded as dating before 
 200 A.D. There are two chief varieties of the 
 Runic alphabet, one consisting of 16 letters 
 and the other of 24. Dr. Wimmer undertakes 
 to show that the former is derived from the 
 latter, which is arranged into three groups, as 
 follows : — 
 
 1. f, u, Ip, a, r, k, g, w — 8. 
 
 2. h, n, i, y, eu, p, z, s — 8. 
 
 3. t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o, d — 8. 
 
 The Eunes representing most of these letters turn 
 out to be the capitals of the Roman alphabet of 
 23 letters, borrowed from the Romans during the 
 Empire not long after the time of Julius Osesar. 
 The others are later additions formed by modify- 
 ing some of the earlier ones ; and they are the 
 Runes for y, w, y, eu, ng, d. Thus for the form of 
 the remaining 18 Runes one can account by the 
 direct means of the Roman alphabet, while it 
 leaves their arrangement a question which Dr. 
 Wimmer, like those who have written before him, 
 cannot answer. This, then, is our next great fact, 
 namely, that the Teutons must, in all probability, 
 have had a prae-Roman alphabet of 18 letters, 
 
340 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 which at the time when they were induced to 
 adopt the Eoman characters instead of their own 
 stood as follows : — 
 
 1. f, u, p, a, r, k — 6. 
 
 2. h, n, i, p, z, s — 6. 
 
 3. t, b, e, m, 1, o — 6. 
 
 The fact of the Eunic alphabet or the Futhark, as 
 it is called from its first letters, being from the 
 first arranged into groups, appears to be a distinct 
 indication that it is the outcome of some such a 
 system of writing as the Ogam. So I venture to 
 proceed to show how it can be connected with the 
 alphabet which has served as a key to the history 
 of the changes which the Ogam may have under- 
 gone at the hands of the Celts. But before be- 
 ginning to do so, it is to be noticed that the 
 Celtic 6, cA, d have to be translated into_/, h, J) in 
 order to comply with the usual way of transcribing 
 the Futhark : and for its earlier history the change 
 here implied is very little more than this, as will 
 be made clear later. Our first three alphabets as 
 given in the foregoing series will accordingly stand 
 thus : — 
 
 i. +-T-i-H-n-^- w-TTT-^-tw-rrrr ^^ i ' ' 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 
 
 a, f, h, Jj, 1, m, n, u, p, s, k, r, a, t. 
 
 a, f, h, J), 1, m, n, u, p, s, k, r, z, t. 
 
LECTURE VII. 341 
 
 iii. +.^-L++.^-il.+++.^ill.^+.^.iiil.+^.^^^ 
 a> f, ^, fo. 1. m, nu, u, p, se, k, r, zi, t. 
 
 The systematising tendency confined the vowels to 
 one kind of characters, and -p|-|- ceased to be used 
 for u:— 
 
 iv. +-T-L++-^-li-+f|-^-iii.+^.^.lLU.+^^.^^ 
 a, f,li,]jo, 1, m, nu, — , p, se, k, r, zi, t. 
 
 This allowed r to move one place forward and to 
 enter another class : — ■ 
 
 V. +-^i-++-^ii-+H-^-Li^-++++-TnT-^-+++++-nm 
 
 a, f, h, j)o, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k, — , zi, t. 
 
 Now it was possible to separate the two values of 
 ■mn thus : — 
 
 vi. +-^i-^-^-ii-+++-^-iii-+^-^-iiii-++m-ymT 
 
 a, f > ^, Jjo, 1, m, h", '•> p. se, k, z, i, t. 
 
 The next step seems to have been the invention 
 of a new symbol for t: let us suppose it to have 
 been an oblique score : — 
 vii. i-pl-ii-^li-ni-pp^-LU- 1 1 1 1 ,1 1 1 -Ull.fH^.y! 
 a, f , h, Jio, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k, z, i, t. 
 
 This naturally became the commencement of a new 
 group : the fitst addition was a character for 6, 
 which had previously been expressed by the same 
 means asy.- — 
 viii. I I ' II II " IH"||| '" III! 
 
 a, f, h, yo, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, 
 
 nil "" mil /// 
 
 k, z, 1, t, b. 
 
342 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 The next step taken seems to have been to separate 
 the values of ])<?. This was done by writing Jj 
 either jj or ^, and that hesitation rendered it 
 necessary to have new symbols for I and m: — 
 
 ix. I I I II II II III III I" nil 
 
 a, f, h, o, J>, }), nu, r, p, se, 
 
 nTT-^-+4+H^ // /// //// 
 k, z, i, t, b, m, 1. 
 
 Why m should precede I in the new group I cannot 
 say, and it should be borne in mind that the 
 Runic alphabets are by no means uniform as to the 
 sequence of m and I: Dr. Wimmer (pp. 190-196) 
 thinks, it is true, that the sequence was at first 
 invariably m I, but I am not quite convinced by 
 his reasoning that that o{ I m may not be equally 
 old. Eventually ^ ceased to be used for J), and be- 
 came available for the consonantal power of nu : — 
 
 X. + I I II II II III II I III nil 
 
 a, f, h, o, J), n, u, r, p, se, 
 
 n i l ' " 1 1 II nil mil 
 
 k, z, 1, t, b, m, 1. 
 
 Now a new symbol was invented for s, which 
 should stand by the side of that for the nearly- 
 related sound of z : — 
 
 xi. I I I I I II II I ll -Ill II I I II ! 
 
 1, f, t, 0, J), n, u, r, p, e, 
 
 Ti ll " " mi l ' "" //////.//// 
 
 k, z, i, B, t, b, m, 1. 
 
 Here we have an alphabet, which I would call a 
 
LECTUBE VII. 343 
 
 Teutonic Ogam, consisting of four kinds of digits 
 admitting of being grouped as follows : — 
 
 xii. 1. a, 0, u, e, i — 5. 
 
 2. f, }), r, k -4. 
 
 3. h, n, p, z, s — 3. 
 
 4. t, b, m, 1 — 4. 
 
 And tbis is, in fact, precisely the order of tbe 
 consonants in tbe tbree groups of tbe pra3-Roman 
 alphabet of tbe Teutons as proved by tbe Futbark ; 
 and we migbt stop bere. For tbe dispersion of 
 tbe vowels among tbe consonants in tbe latter 
 creates no difficulty wbicb we are bound to 
 account for. It probably only marks another 
 step in advance, when the Teutons gave up writing 
 their Ogam on two conterminous planes, and took 
 to tbe laths or planed rods of historical times, 
 wbicb make it hopeless now to find an early 
 specimen, and with regard to wbicb Dr. Wimmer 
 quotes the words of Venantius Fortunatus in tbe 
 6th century: — 
 
 " Barbara fraxineis pingatur runa tabellis, 
 
 Quodque papyrus agit, virgula plana valet." 
 
 It may be supposed that it was found inconvenient 
 to distinguish four kinds of digits on one surface, 
 and that this led to one of them being given up. 
 On what principle the vowels were distributed in 
 the other groups it is not easy to see ; but the 
 
344 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 broad vowels a, u, are placed in the i^-group, the 
 narrow vowel i in the ZT-group, and in the remain- 
 ing one the transition vowels e and o, which were 
 once supposed not to have existed in the early 
 stages of the Teutonic languages ; but that theory 
 is now exploded :. — 
 
 xiii. 1. f, u, ]j, a, r, k — 6. 
 
 2. h, n, i, p, z, s — 6, 
 
 3. t, b, e, m, 1, o — 6. 
 
 These were the letters for which the Teutons 
 adopted the Eoman characters ; a single instance 
 will suffice to show how additions were made to 
 this Futhark. The Eune for k was the Latin C, re- 
 duced into straight lines, thus <: two of these 
 placed thus x were invented to represent y, and 
 appended to the J'-group by the side of the Eune 
 for k: somewhat similarly was formed the Eune 
 for ng, which was placed in the T-group. The 
 number of the Eunes in the ^ET-group was kept on 
 a level with the other two by the invention of one 
 for y (as in Mod, English ye. Old Eng. ge), the 
 place of which was settled by its affinity for the 
 vowel i: — 
 
 xiv. 1. f, u, ]), a, r, k, g — 7. 
 
 2. h, n, i, y, p, z, s— 7. 
 
 3. t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o — 7. 
 
LECTUEE VII. 345 
 
 Then Eunes for w and d seem to have heen added 
 to the first and third groups respectively : — 
 
 XV. 1. f, u, y, a, T, k, g,w — 8. 
 
 2. h, n, i, J, p, z, s —7. 
 
 3, t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o, d — 8. 
 
 To make the second group of the same number of 
 Eunes as the other two, and of the same number 
 of vowels in particular, the doubtful expedient was 
 resorted to of inserting a diphthong in it : — 
 
 xvi. 1. f, u, \), a, r, k, g, w — 8. 
 
 2. h, n, i, y, eu, ]>, z, s — 8. 
 
 3. t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o, d — 8. 
 
 It is to be observed with respect to the shorter 
 Futhark of sixteen letters which Dr. Wimmer 
 derives from the longer one, that, while it has 
 dropped three of the eighteen original Eunes and 
 modified the values of some of the others, it in- 
 cludes only one of the six post-Eoman ones ; so 
 that it may still perhaps be questioned whether 
 the other five ever got all into general use. But 
 this and many other points, on which I should 
 like to have dwelt, do not affect the order in 
 which the Eunes are grouped, and by means of 
 which the prse-Eoman alphabet of the Teutons 
 seems to prove itself to be of the same origin as 
 the Ogam of the Celts. 
 
346 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Here is the place to call atteation to the 
 direction of the writiDg : the Ogam is, as a 
 rule, written from right to left, and as to 
 the Eunes, Dr. Wimmer concludes "that they 
 were originally so written too, but that, as they 
 very readily lent themselves to the contrary direc- 
 tion, the latter also was at times adopted with 
 the former, giving rise to ^ovarpo^Bov writing 
 of the ordinary kind. There was, however, a 
 simpler Bustrophedon which he calls snake-twisted 
 (slangedrejet), in the course of which the person 
 writing turned the object he wrote upon round, or, 
 where that was not feasible, as in the case of a large 
 stone, shifted his own position : the writing would 
 then run thus : — 
 
 A, b, c, d, e, f, g, ^ 
 
 C— I. 
 
 •oig 'd 'o 'u 'm \ ^\ 
 This you will have noticed was one of the ordi- 
 nary methods pursued by the writers of the Ogmic 
 monuments of Wales. In the case of the Eunes, 
 Dr. Wimmer admits that it is common enough 
 on the later monuments, whereas- he has found it 
 only on one from the older Iron Age, and then in 
 conjunction with the common or inverted Bustro- 
 phedon. Nevertheless, if Eune-writing is but a 
 continuation of the Ogmic system, it can only be 
 
LECTURE VII. 347 
 
 an accident that it has not been more frequently 
 met with on the older monuments. The inverted 
 Bustrophedon is to be met with in some of the 
 oldest Greek inscriptions, and occasionally in 
 Etruscan ones, whereas the simpler one is rarely 
 detected in Greece or Italy, and its appearance in 
 Wales. and Teutonic countries is a point in favour 
 of the view that the Runes and the Ogam are con- 
 nected with one another. Why both were written 
 mostly from left to right, while the Phoenicians 
 wrote from right to left is a question which I am 
 not prepared to meet ; but the answer is perhaps 
 to be sought in the fact, if such I am right in 
 thinking it to be, that when cutting a series of 
 scores or notches on a piece of wood, one is able 
 to work with more ease and neatness by beginning 
 at the end nearest one's self than at the other. 
 
 Assuming that it has been shown to be probable 
 that the Ogam and the prae-Runic alphabet of 
 the Teutons are connected, one may ask how they 
 may be connected ? that is, are we to regard one 
 as derived from the other, or both as independently 
 derived from the Phoenician alphabet, whether 
 directly or indirectly? Clearly one has no busi- 
 ness to try the latter alternative, unless the other 
 turn out inadmissible : then our first business is 
 to try to ascertain whether the Teutonic alphabet 
 is derived from the Celtic one or vice versa. Not 
 
348 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY, 
 
 to depart from the order we have hitherto followed, 
 we shall in the first place suppose the Celtic en- 
 titled to precedence. In the absence of historical 
 data the question must be settled on phonological 
 ground. We have a ready test in the Ogmic ch : 
 how is it that, while betk and daleth yielded Ogmic 
 h and d, gimel on the other hand yielded ch, and 
 not g ? To this the Celtic languages can give no 
 answer, but the Teutonic ones can, which compels 
 us to suppose the Celts to have had their Ogam 
 alphabet from the Teutons, and derives confirma- 
 tion from the fact that the sound of ^ or _/ re- 
 mained withoujt being provided for, at least by a 
 strictly Ogmic symbol. This leads me to consider 
 very briefly some points in the phonology of the 
 Teutonic languages, which, I feel assured, you 
 will consider no hardship, seeing that the English 
 we are at this moment using is one of them, and 
 that it is nearly related to our own Celtic ver- 
 nacular. 
 
 When it is said with regard, for instance, to the 
 words irrepdv and feather that the y of the latter is 
 the p of the former subjected to provection, this 
 assigns only the limits of the change : at any rate 
 one of the latest writers . on the subject would 
 place between p and Teutonic / the intermediate 
 steps of b and v : I allude to Mr. Henry Sweet in his 
 History of English Sounds (pp. 76-81), and in an 
 
LECTDKE Vn. 
 
 .349 
 
 appendix to his edition of King Alfred's West- 
 Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care (pp. 
 496—504). The conclusions he draws in the latter 
 may be tabulated thus : — 
 
 Aryan 
 Parent-speech. 
 
 Teutonic. 
 
 Stage i. 
 
 Stage ii. 
 
 T 
 D 
 DH 
 
 d 
 
 t 
 dd 
 
 dh (th). 
 d. 
 
 P 
 B 
 BH 
 
 b 
 
 v(f). 
 
 P- 
 b. 
 
 K 
 G 
 GH . 
 
 gg 
 
 kh, h -. 
 k. 
 
 g- 
 
 If this is nearly correct, as I suppose it to be, one 
 would have to suppose the Teutons to have got 
 their Ogam at a date corresponding to the first 
 Teutonic stage in this scheme, that is after they 
 had reduced Aryan t into d, but before the latter 
 had been reduced to dh (= th in this), whence 
 later th (as in thin). Here it will be observed 
 that the guttural surd was subjected to more 
 changes than the corresponding dental and labial. 
 *' The explanation must be sought," Mr. Sweet 
 thinks, "in an important phonetic law: general 
 weakening tendencies attack the strongest articula- 
 
350 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 tions first. Accordingly we find that while original 
 d and b [our Teutonic stage i.] have only passed 
 through one stage of weakening, original initial g 
 has passed through no less than three : gh, kh, 
 and h, in the last reaching the extreme of phonetic 
 decrepitude " (Appendix, p. 502). That is, the 
 changes in question would stand somewhat as 
 follows if we regard only their chronological 
 order : — 
 
 Phoenician . . h(eth), g(imel), d(aleth). 
 Teutonic 1 . . b, g, d. 
 
 ,, 2 . . b, gh, d. 
 
 ,, 3 . . b, kh, d. 
 
 „ 4 . . V, h, dh. 
 
 From this it appears that Teutonic phonology 
 fully meets the difficulty which presented itself in 
 our former supposition, and that we have, there- 
 fore, to abide by the other, namely, that the Celts 
 got their Ogam from the Teutons, and the latter 
 directly or indirectly from the Phoenicians. 
 
 Now we are in a position to bring our supposed 
 Teutonic Ogams into more complete harmony with 
 the history of phonetic decay and change in the 
 languages of that name. The first would be more 
 correctly written thus : — 
 
 I. I I II I II I I I II III III n i l nil "" 
 
 a. b, g, d, 1, m, li, u, p, B, k, r, 
 
 H-m- 
 
 nrr 
 t. 
 
-LECTURE VII. 351 
 
 In No. II. we should have to recognise the change 
 of g into gh^ thus : — 
 
 II. I I I II I I II I II i ii-iH I II I ! 
 
 a, b, gh, d, 1, m, n, u, p, 8, k, r. 
 
 mil 
 
 rmr 
 
 z, t. 
 
 In the next we have to suppose a further change 
 of gh into kk or ch : — 
 
 III. 1 I I II II I' I I I I II III nil ni l 
 
 a, b, kh, do, ], m, nu, u, p, se, k, 
 
 "" IM II mr 
 
 /, Zl, t. 
 
 This is now the stage in which the Teutonic alpha- 
 bet must have been when the Celts became ac- 
 quainted with it and borrowed it, if, as I believe, 
 we are right in thinking them to have done so. 
 Alphabets IV., V., VI., VII. will now stand thus: — 
 
 IV. +^^- 11 II II III I I I '" MM i m- 
 
 a, b, kh, do, 1, m, nu, — , p, ae, k, 
 
 III! inii 
 
 ll'll-jiill 
 r, zi, t. 
 
 V. I I ' II II " I I I I I I I'l nil n i l 
 
 a, b, kh, do, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k, 
 
 "" mil ii iii 
 
 ZI, t. 
 
 VI. -I-T-M+- II II III I I I III M i l nil 
 
 a, b, kh, do, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k. 
 
 1 1 " n i l 
 
 i, t. 
 
352 LEOTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 ^"- n ,' ' " N " '" IN '" "" II" 
 a, 0, kn, do, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k, 
 
 I ' ll m i l -/ 
 
 z, i, t. 
 
 At this stage one finds reasons to conclude that b 
 had been reduced to v (as in vat), but not so uni- 
 versally as to make a character for b unnecessary : 
 on the contrary alphabet No. VIII. provides for it: — 
 
 VIII. I I I I I I , I I II I I I I I I I nil n i l 
 
 a, V, kh, do, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k, 
 
 i i ' i mil / // 
 
 z, i, t, b. 
 
 Alphabets IX., X., XL, XII., and XIII. will then 
 run thas : — 
 
 IX. I I I I I II Ill III n i l n i l 
 
 a, V, kh, o, d, d, rni, r, p, se, k, 
 
 "" iNii I II iii -m 
 
 z, 1, t, b, m, 1. 
 
 X. +-^^ 11 I I II III III ' " nil nil 
 
 a, V, kh, u, d, n, u, r, p, se, k, 
 
 "" I'M I II III nil 
 
 z, 1, t, b, m, 1. 
 
 XL ^T^+i- n II 11 1 III '" II " mi "" 
 
 a, V, kh, 0, d, n, u, r, p, e, k, z, 
 
 I ' '" I II III nil 
 
 i, B, t, b, m, 1. 
 
 XII. 1. a, 0, u, e, i — 5. 
 
 2. V, d, r, k —4. 
 
 3. kh, n, p, z, 6 — 5. 
 
 4. t, b, m, 1 — 4. 
 
LECTURE VII. 353 
 
 XIII. 1. V, u, d, a, r, k — 6. 
 
 2. kh, n, i, p, z, s — 6. 
 
 3. t, b, e, m, 1, o — 6. 
 
 Now we have come somewhere near ths time 
 when the Teutons translated their Ogmic digits 
 into the letters of the Eoman alphabet ; and it is 
 found among other things that kk had been so 
 far modified in sound, that is as an initial, and 
 especially perhaps as the initial of its own name, 
 as to allow of its being represented by Latin H, 
 whence the Rune for it. D got to be represented 
 by the Latin Z>, whence the Rune p, which is 
 merely D with the perpendicular prolonged ; and 
 Dr. Wimmer thinks he recognises in the Rune 
 for the sonant sibilant the Z of the Roman alpha- 
 bet. It is not very clear why F was chosen to 
 stand for j : was it that F represented the Latin 
 consonant which most nearly approached Teutonic 
 V, or was it that even then the latter, as an initial, 
 had begun to assume the sound ofy as in English 
 and German at the present day ? The foregoing 
 alphabet will- now stand thus : — 
 
 XIV. 1. f, u, J), a, r, k— 6. 
 
 2. h, n, i, p, z, s — 6. 
 
 3. t, b, e, m, 1, o — 6. 
 
 At this stage it is probable that the S'-Rune stood 
 not only for k but also for cA and y, until at 
 
354 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 length the last-mentioned consonant got to he 
 thought of as more nearly related to k, and a 
 symbol for it invented from the ^-Rune as in 
 alphabet XIV. :— 
 
 XY. 1. f, u, J), a, r, k, g— 7 
 
 2. h, n, i, y, p, z, . s— 7. 
 
 3. t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o — 7. 
 
 The last addition of importance to the Futhark 
 was a Eune for d, which was formed by joining 
 together two J)-E.unes. The necessity for this 
 arose from the fact that the sound represented by 
 ]) underwent, more or less generally, a change 
 from d into _dh (liable under certain circumstances 
 to be further modified into th in some of the 
 Teutonic languages). Not only were these the 
 last changes to which the Futhark bears testi- 
 mony, but it seems doubtful whether they have 
 ever been gone through by some of the languages 
 in question. Mr. Sweet, however, is inclined to 
 think otherwise: his words are — "At first sight 
 we are tempted to assume retention of an older 
 pronunciation, at least in the case of Dutch and 
 German, where the d appears in the earliest 
 documents, but the non-occurrence of an analo- 
 gous h for the actual w or _/ makes it almost 
 certain that the d in Dutch and German, like the 
 corresponding stop of the Scandinavian languages 
 
LECTUEE VII. 355 
 
 has arisen from earlier dh " (App. p. 499). The 
 Fathark, then, in its complete state is the follow- 
 ing, which has already been more than once 
 mentioned : — 
 
 XVI. 1. f, n, ],, a, r, k, g, w— 8. 
 
 2. h, n, i, y, en, p, z, s — 8. 
 
 3. t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o, d — 8. 
 
 It is right, however, to state that some Futharks 
 lack some of the additional Eunes alluded to, 
 while others have several more than have here been 
 mentioned; moreover, while the latter are placed 
 at the end, there is, as might be expected, some 
 -difference as to where the former are inserted in 
 the Futharks containing them. Thus on a knife 
 found in the Thames in 1857, and guessed to date 
 about the year 700, the order is as follows : — 
 
 1. f, u, J), a, r, k, g, w— 8. 
 
 2. h, n, i, y, eu, p, z, s — 8. 
 
 3. t, b, e, ng, d, 1, m, o — 8. 
 
 It will here be observed that the Eunes for ng and 
 d have been inserted next each other after e, but 
 without inverting their order, in the third group, 
 which is otherwise highly interesting as giving us 
 the variant sequence I, m. 
 
 Before proceeding further a word may not be 
 here out of place as to the number of changes 
 crowded into our conjectured history of the Ogam, 
 
356 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 whether Celtic or Teutonic. In the first place, 
 then, that crowding is more apparent than real, 
 as the Ogam seems to have been many centuries 
 in use before the oldest specimens known to us 
 were produced. On the other hand it is not to 
 be overlooked, that an alphabet like the Ogam, 
 which is composed of scores and groups of scores 
 would naturally change much faster than if it were 
 not so, as a change in respect of one symbol would 
 naturally induce other changes, which need not 
 take place in an alphabet consisting of symbols 
 the individuality of which depends on their differ- 
 ence of form. 
 
 Now I shall have to say something on the diffi- 
 cult question of the names of these letters ; but I 
 can only call your attention to a few of the leading 
 facts, passing by many points which I cannot pro- 
 fess to deal with. Any one, however, who wishes 
 to make a special study of this subject will have 
 to consult Mr. George Stephens's massive work on 
 The Old Northern Runic Monuments of Scandinavia 
 and England (London and Copenhagen, 1866-67). 
 Perhaps I could not here do better than place side 
 by side a certain number of the alphabets in point 
 for your inspection. The names in column i. are 
 from an alphabet contained in an old English 
 manuscript ( Cotton. Otho. B. 10) now lost : it has 
 been hesitatingly assigned to the 9th century by Mr. 
 
LECTURE vn. 357 
 
 
 f^ 9 9 
 
 ,£> 
 
 •5 » ,S -2 3 9 s -3 So S a S s ° -o 3 g S 
 
 1 1 =• 'I '1"^ " s,'E, ■ '1=3 1 g.^ = - ■ &i g ^ 
 
 
 H o 
 
 i^ a^ 
 
 3 .JO, . : ; : • : : : , 
 
 S^-3 rfi,>o2j« se JH.2 aS" BS 
 
 
 s '. f-* '. Oil ;«343 :: e— ";dc3 
 
 _, fl cio JS : *2 t4 "Sots t, itj : d h ^ 
 
 1 i . I i r.-s g life g-'i'U Jll. =^ I |l 
 
 >M MS 3 2 ,a.-i3 <8 h,J^35»!*S^ c.« p,N n*3 « 0) Srf o 
 
358 LBCTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Stephens, whose No. 5 it forms : a copy of it is 
 also given in fac-simile by Dr. Wimmer, p. 79. 
 Column ii. is taken from an alphabet in a Vienna 
 MS. {Codex Salisb. 140) which Grimm supposed 
 to be a transcript from an English original brought 
 to Germany towards the end of the 8th century: 
 the transcript is considered as dating from the end 
 of the 9th century or the beginning of the 10th by 
 Dr. Wimmer, who gives a fac-simile of it by the 
 side of the one just mentioned. Column iii. is 
 from the so-called Abecedarium Nordmannicum of 
 a St. Gall manuscript of the 9th century : it 
 forms Stephens's No. 6, and is given in fac-simile 
 by Wimmer, p. 191. Column iv. is copied from 
 Stephens's No. 46, and comes from a Yienna 
 manuscript ( Cod. 64) : it appears to be of High 
 German origin. Column v. is from Wimmer's 
 names of the letters of the shorter Futhark as he 
 finds it used in the later Iron Age in the North, 
 p. 153. Column vi. is the same, as given in the 
 Book of Ballymote, an Irish MS. of the 14th 
 century, extracts from which have been published, 
 with tracings of the original, by Mr. G. M. Atkin- 
 son in the Journal of the Kilkenny Archaeological 
 Association for 1874, pp. 205-236 : ar for ur is 
 due possibly to a clerical error, and the abbre- 
 viated name of the 5- Rune is perhaps to be read 
 bergann. Column vii. is from the alphabet attri- 
 
LECTURE VII. 359 
 
 buted to Nemnivus in a manuscript of "Welsh 
 origin, now in the Bodleian, and dating from the 
 9th century. Stephens's No. 53 seems to be a copy 
 of it, though not a very exact one. The account 
 given in the original of the history of this alphabet 
 is more curious than correct : " Nemniuus istas 
 reperit literas uituperante quidam [sic] scolasticus 
 saxonici generis quia brittones non haberent rudi- 
 mentum at ipse subito ex machinatione mentis 
 suae formauit eas ut uituperationem et hebetitu- 
 dinem deieceret gentis suae." Then follow the 
 Runes, which Nemnivus cannot have invented ; 
 so that nothing remains to be attributed to his 
 inventiveness excepting perhaps some of the "Welsh 
 names of the letters, and that only in a very 
 qualified sense. Columns viii. and ix. are taken 
 from the extracts already referred to as made by 
 Mr. Atkinson from the Book of Ballymote. The 
 names here given to the letters are those of trees 
 and shrubs ; and column ix. does not materially 
 differ from the letter-names already cited from 
 O'Donovan's Irish Grammar, excepting that the 
 spelling in the former is older. 
 
 Beginning with the first six or Teutonic columns, 
 we have feoh, ^orn, os, rod, ceriy hcegl, nyd, peorfS, 
 eolhx, sigel, tir, man, lagu, occupying positions 
 where some traces of the Semitic names might be 
 expected. It is, however, clear at a glance that 
 
360 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 we have here to do with several which are beyond 
 all doubt Teutonic. Thus hcegl and its congeners 
 are the Teutonic words for hail, chosen probably 
 with a view to their suggesting the two sounds of 
 the Ogam ^, namely kh (or K) and g. '0. Norse 
 sol means sun, and 0. English sigel or sygel ap- 
 pears to have had the same signification. Eolhx or 
 ilcs was, according to Dr. Wimmer, p. 119, in an 
 earlier stage elhyaz, elMz (Scandinavian elMr, 
 owing to the change of z to r), containing the 
 Z-sound as its final, because ■ it did not occur 
 initially: compare the case of ing. The name, 
 however, led to confusion and misunderstandings 
 as to the value of the Rune, which I need not 
 enumerate. Lagu in 0. English meant law and 
 lake, with the latter of which the 0. Norse logr 
 appears to agree ; but in the St. Gall Abecedarium 
 we have the Rune called lagu the leohtu, which is 
 duly rendered in Nemnivus' alphabet by louber, 
 i.e., lleufer, ' a light, a luminary.' Neither have 
 the extant names of the old ^l-Rune anything to 
 do with the Semitic name of aleph, as they are 
 supposed to go back to an earlier Teutonic form, 
 ansuz, which, becoming in the course of phonetic 
 decay ans, os, &c., led to various modifications of 
 the old Rune : one of these had the name aac, 
 ac, ' oak,' another asc, asch, ' ash.' In passing it 
 may be mentioned that somewhat similar changes 
 
LECTURE VII. 361 
 
 occurred in connection with the (5-Eune, and that 
 in the Scandinavian languages Ger, Yer, or Ydr, 
 the name of the y-Rune was, in consequence of 
 another process of phonetic decay, reduced to dr, 
 which supplied the North with another yl-Eune. 
 The reason why the name of the y-Rune is mostly 
 given as beginning with g is the same why ye 
 and yes are in 0. English written ge and ges, 
 which cannot be here dwelt upon. 
 
 Now there remain to be traced to Semitic origin 
 the Rune-names feoh, Qorn, rad, cen, nyd, pear's, 
 tir, man, namely to beth, doleth (for daleth), resh, 
 koph, nun, pe, taw, mem. Now, supposing the 
 Teutons to have adopted these names with their 
 knowledge of letters, directly or indirectly, from 
 their Semitic teachers, they would, in compliance 
 with a law which obtained in Teutonic at a very 
 early date, curtail them (see Schleicher's Com- 
 pendium,^ pp. 338-340) into be, dol, re, co, nu, me, 
 leaving pe intact, and probably treating tarn as 
 tau. Later they would seem to have completed 
 these syllables into words with definite meanings, 
 apart from their being names of the letters. 
 Thus be, passing into ve, fe, was extended 
 into feoh, fech, whence also feu and other short- 
 ened forms, all of which are phases of the word 
 which in Mod. H. German is written vieh, ' a 
 beast.' i<!e was made into some -such a word as 
 
362 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 rceda: rad and rat with the vowel a owe that 
 vowel only to the intimate connection between a 
 and ee in Teutonic declensions : compare the case 
 of man, to be noticed shortly. Other forms of 
 the Rune-name not given in the table are r^, 
 rehir, rehrt. One finds a trace of the name ko 
 (from kopK) in kaun, chaon, con, and chon, some 
 of which have in some alphabets been appropriated 
 by q: besides cen, it is found that chen and che 
 are given, suggested perhaps by ce, the Latin name 
 for c ; but it is far more likely that the vowel e 
 was selected to indicate that the consonant had 
 a palatal sound, and to distinguish it from the 
 corresponding velar sound, for which it is said an 
 English Rune called kalk was used: see Moller's 
 Palatalreihe (Leipsic, 1875), pp. 18, 27. Nu 
 (from nun) is more regularly represented in nyd, 
 naut, naud, not, 'need.' Pe is lengthened into 
 peor^S, peord: pert, perd, peoih also occur, but as 
 to perc and perch they seem to be provections of 
 here or beorc, the name of b, for which accordingly 
 other names, such as birith and the like, were 
 provided. Tare treated as tau appears to have 
 naturally led into the Teutonic forms correspond- 
 ing to Greek Zev'i, Vedic Dyu, represented in 
 English by Tues-day for Tiwes-dmg : the 0. Norse 
 name of the same divinity in the Edda is given 
 as Tyr, genitive Tys, accusative Ty ; the 0. H. 
 
LECTUKE vir. 363 
 
 German forms are Ziu or Zio, genitive Ziwes. 
 In most of the alphabets where dceg, dag, is pro- 
 vected into toe, the T-Eune becomes Ziu. How 
 tir and ti stand with respect to Tyr and Ziu is not 
 clear. Me extended into men would lead into the 
 declension of man, which would then naturally- 
 become its name, as will be seen from the foUow- 
 insr: — 
 
 0. English. 
 
 0. Norse. 
 
 Singular. 
 
 
 Nom. man, mon. 
 
 mannr, maSr. 
 
 Gen. mannes. . 
 
 manns. 
 
 Bat. men. 
 
 manni. 
 
 Ace. man. 
 
 mann. 
 
 Voc. man. 
 
 
 Inst. men. 
 
 
 Plural. 
 
 
 Nom. men. 
 
 menn, mennr, me8r. 
 
 Gen. mannk 
 
 manna. 
 
 Dat. mannum. . 
 
 monnum. 
 
 Ace. men. 
 
 menn. 
 
 Voc. men. 
 
 
 Inst, mannum. 
 
 
 The presence of n also in wen, uyn, the name of the 
 1^-Rune, would seem to indicate that the length- 
 ening of the Rune-names into significant words 
 belongs mostly to a time after the Teutons had 
 adopted the characters of the Eoman alphabet. 
 The thorny case has been reserved to the last : 
 the name of the Rune in question occurs variously 
 as \orn, dorn, "pur, pars, purs, doro, and derhu. 
 
364 LEOTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 The shortest form to be inferred from these 
 appears to be dor or Jjor, which, not being do or 
 J)0, agrees well with the supposition that we have 
 to set out fronj doleth. On the other hand, I have 
 no reason to give for the change of I into r. 
 Join to this the difficulty as to the vowel, and it 
 must be admitted that the history of the names of 
 this Rune is far from satisfactorily made out. 
 This does not, however, materially affect the fore- 
 going theory : for as far as regards the supposi- 
 tion that the Ogam ++ acquired the two values of d 
 and by reason of its name one might, had one 
 adopted a different arrangement, argue backwards 
 from '^orn, ^ors, instead of the other way from 
 daleth. 
 
 Let us now turn to the Welsh and Irish 
 columns of the table. The Welsh words cusil, 
 guichr, hull, iechuit, traus may, for anything one 
 can now say to the contrary, be the ones which 
 suggested themselves to Nemnivus on the spur of 
 the moment : braut, rat, parth, muin, louber are 
 also Welsh words, but a glance at the Teutonic 
 and Irish names of the corresponding letters 
 makes it highly improbable that the choice made 
 of them was altogether accidental. Dexu, nihn, 
 surg, egui are obscure; but dexu reminds one of 
 derhu in Stephens's alphabet 47, nihn of Irish nin, 
 and egui of eh and eho : ieil was borrowed probably 
 
LECTURE Til. 365 
 
 from a Teutonic source, and so undoubtedly was 
 jich. Not only were the writers of the medieval 
 tracts on Irish Ogam well acquainted with Eunic 
 alphabets, but most of the points of similarity 
 between the Celtic names, whether Welsh or Irish, 
 and the Teutonic ones point to the direct influence 
 of the Runes, more especially after the coming of 
 the Northmen and their settlement in Ireland. 
 This circumstance greatly diminishes the value of 
 the evidence afforded by the Celtic alphabets cited. 
 In two or three instances, however, we seem to 
 detect in them traces of an earlier tradition coming 
 down possibly from the time when the Celts 
 adopted the Ogam from the Teutons. To this 
 category I would refer "Welsh alar and Irish 
 ailm, as reflecting, hardly by mere accident, the 
 first syllable of aleph. Similarly Irish dwr, also 
 duir and dair, 'oak,' are remarkable for their 
 agreement with Teutonic thur^ thor-n, thor-s : pos- 
 sibly dexu is a clerical error for deru, now derw, 
 'oak,' As to beitk, beithi, bethi, 'birch,' it may 
 be that we have here only a translation of beorc, 
 ' birch,' or else forms of much older standing, 
 being the Irish extensions of the Semitic beth, 
 borrowed from the Teutons before they had dis- 
 carded the final consonant of the word. However 
 this may be, the position of beith at the head of 
 the Irish alphabet was probably what led to the 
 
366 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. 
 
 unlucky freak of giving all the other letters 
 the names of trees and shrubs. The reason why 
 the names of the three letters in question should 
 have escaped the later influence of the Runic 
 alphabets, would be that the Runes originally cor- 
 responding to them had in the meantime changed 
 their values, that for a having become o or o, and 
 that for b having acquired the value v, _/, and that 
 for d the value of dh, th. 
 
 Not to pursue this subject of the names of the 
 Runes further, it may be said that some of them 
 appear to favour the view that the latter are 
 descended from the Phoenician alphabet, which is, 
 however, only a portion of the theory which I have 
 endeavoured to set forth in this and the previous 
 lecture. Its chief points are the following : — 
 
 The Ogam alphabet is of a double origin, form- 
 ing a sort of compromise between the East and 
 the West. 
 
 The characters used, if considered merely as 
 writing and without reference to their meaning, 
 are European and traceable to the quaternary 
 period : the same may probably be said of the 
 direction of the writing from left to right. 
 
 The order of the letters, on the other hand, and 
 some of their names, admit of being traced to a 
 Phoenician origin. 
 
 The Celts appear to have got their Ogams from 
 
LECTURE VII. 367 
 
 the Teutons, who seem to have used an alphabet 
 of that description before they adopted the cha- 
 racters of the Eoman alphabet. 
 
 Here I stop, leaving unanswered such questions 
 as the following, which the foregoing conjectures 
 naturally suggest : — Were the Teutons the original 
 framers of the Ogam alphabet, or did they merely 
 adopt it from another nation in more direct com- 
 munication with the East? "Was it based on 
 some prehistoric version of the Phoenician alpha- 
 bet in use in Italy or Greece, among Slavonians 
 or Scythians, the latter of whom Eustathius men- 
 tions as in the habit of writing on small boards or 
 wooden tablets (o-av/Ses) ? Could the Teutons have 
 come in direct contact with the Phoenicians on the 
 coast of Thrace, or on the Danube ? Had they a 
 trade-route connecting Germany and the Baltic 
 with the Euxine or the Bosphorus ? It is enough 
 for our present purpose to find that there is no 
 reason to think it impossible for a knowledge of 
 letters of Phcenician origin to have reached Ger- 
 many in very early times ; and even the mythical 
 history of the Greek alphabet brings Cadmus not 
 only into Greece, but also into Thrace and in con- 
 tact with the lUyrians. 
 
 There can be no objection to these attempts to 
 divine the history of Ogmic writing being ended 
 where they were begun, namely, with the mention 
 
368 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 of a few points which seem to favour the con- 
 jecture that the Irish adopted it from the Kymry. 
 In the last lecture it was suggested , that if we 
 might venture to follow the supposed westward 
 course of civilisation and culture, we might assume 
 the Ogam to have made its way from Britain to 
 Ireland : in support of this application of that 
 generalisation, we may appeal to the analogous 
 case of the introduction into Ireland of the Kymric 
 way of forming the letters of the Eoman alphabet, 
 whether as debased capitals or as the still further 
 modified characters which have ever since been 
 used in writing and printing Irish : nay, I would 
 go further, as will presently be seen, and suggest 
 that it was the very same men who taught the 
 Irish to cut Eoman letters on stone who also 
 taught them to do so with the Ogam, whether they 
 were previously acquainted with the use of it on 
 slips of wood or not. An early specimen of the 
 more modified form of the Roman letters or, as I 
 would term them, early Kymric letters, occurs on 
 a stone at Inchaguile in the county of Galway, 
 which reads in mixed capitals and Kymric minus- 
 cules Lie Luguaedon Macci Menueh; and we 
 meet with slightly debased capitals on the Killeen 
 Cormac stone reading iwbne drwidbs, with NE 
 conjoint and the S reversed. The view here 
 advocated is supported also, as far as it goes, by 
 
LECTURE vir. 369 
 
 the fact that the Ogmic method of writing fell 
 into disuse and ohlivion much earlier in Wales 
 than in Ireland. The same thing -would also 
 follow from the supposition that the Celts did 
 not invent the Ogam but adopted it from the 
 Teutons, who may be thought to have more 
 readily come in contact with the Celts of Britain 
 than with those of the sister isle, whether 
 directly, or indirectly through the Gauls of the 
 Continent. 
 
 Of Irish epitaphs in Ogam those where we meet 
 with full case-endings form, in all probability, 
 the oldest class. One of these is the Killeen 
 Cormac stone, reading Uwanos Ami Enacattos, 
 and in Latin Juvene Druvides in Roman capitals 
 as already stated. Here the presence of the two 
 inscriptions strongly reminds one of those of 
 Wales, not to mention the fact pointed out on 
 another occasion, that the Latinity is such as 
 might have been learned in Wales. Altogether 
 one is tempted to attribute the whole to some 
 Irish ecclesiastic who had studied in South Wales, 
 or at home under an Irish teacher who had derived 
 his ideas of Latin from some such a source. In 
 any case it dates, no doubt, after the introduction 
 of Christianity into Ireland. 
 
 Perhaps the most interesting stone in Ireland 
 
 2 A 
 
370 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 is that on Brandon Mountain, said to read on 
 one of its angles, 
 
 lim^y^.^+H+-/-+fH+^-++W ///// ///// I l-TTTT 
 
 i.e, Qwimitirros, in whicli Irish archaeologists 
 rightly recognise the genitive of a word which 
 meant priest. Later it appears as cruimter, hut 
 most commonly cruimther and cruimhther, genitive 
 cruimtkir : it is repeatedly written crubthir in 
 the Latin life of St. Oybi published in the 
 Cambro-British Saints, pp. 183-187. An inter- 
 esting article occurs on cruimther in Cormac's 
 ■ Glossary, which is rendered thus by Mr. Stokes : — 
 " Cruimther, i.e. the Gaelic of presbyter. In 
 Welsh it is premter : prem ' worm ' in the Welsh 
 id cruim in the Gaelic. Cruimther, then^ is not a 
 correct change of presbyter : but it is a correct 
 change oi premter. The Britons, then, who were 
 in attendance on Patrick when preaching were 
 they who made the change, and it is primter that 
 they changed ; and accordingly the literati of the 
 Britons explained it, i.e. as the. worm is bare, 
 sic decet presbyterum, who is bare of sin and 
 quite naked of the world, &c., secundum eum qui 
 dixit ego sum vermis, &c." The literati of the 
 Britons are proved by the allusion to prem, now 
 pryf, ' worm,' to have been men of considerable 
 etymological resource, but their attempt to connect 
 
LECTURE VII. 371 
 
 premier with it must be declared a failure, the 
 word being in fact merely the form taken in Welsh 
 by the Jja,tin prcebitor, ' giver, supplier, purveyor.' 
 The following hexameters quoted by Ducange under 
 prcebendarius are to the point: — 
 
 ■" Praebitor est, qui dat pisebendas : suscipiens has 
 PrsBbendariua est, sicut legista docet nos." 
 
 And prcebendarius was otherwise called proven- 
 darius — " qui provendam sen praehendam percipit," 
 whence the Cornish proundeir, pr outer, ' a priest or 
 parson.' If we look at the Latin praebitor it is 
 probable that the O. Welsh form, here given as 
 premier Oind. primter, would have been, more cor- 
 rectly reproduced, premitr, or, with the irrational 
 vowel expressed, premitir or premiter, which had 
 it not become obsolete would now be prefydr or 
 possibly prefydwr — the equivalence of m and b has 
 already been instanced in the case of the bilingual 
 stone at Pool Park near Euthin. From premitr 
 the Irish would appear to have formed Qvrimiterr, 
 and the modification of i into u in cruimtker and 
 crubthir must be due to the influence of the v in 
 qv; compare the case of 0. Irish coic, ' five.' Thus 
 the genitive Qvrimitirr-os, later cruimthir is an 
 equivalent of the Latin prcebitor-is, whence it 
 would seem that the genitive ending of impari- 
 syllabic nouns in Irish was as corresponding to 
 
372 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOOr. 
 
 Latin -is, G-reek -o?, Sanskrit -as, which is also 
 the way Mr. Stokes would explain Uwanos as 
 the equivalent, on the Killeen Cormac stone, of 
 ivvene[s] for Juvenis. But what interests one 
 most is the qv which we find here for Latin p ; and 
 this raises the question as to who effected the suhsti- 
 ttltion — was it the Irish or was it the Welsh ? If 
 the latter they must have done so when they had 
 as yet no p in their language, and when qv was 
 the nearest approach they could make to it : in that 
 case the Irish adopted the initial as they heard the 
 word from Patrick or his followers, and in Welsh 
 itself the qv here, as everywhere else, would in the 
 course of phonetic decay be modified back again 
 later into p. But the substitution of qv for p is 
 a greater change than the facts of the case seem 
 to warrant us in supposing — the usual assumption 
 that the Irish substituted c for p ignores them 
 altogether and is out of the question. By qv I 
 mean the combination written qu in German, that 
 is a velar k followed by a w pronounced by means 
 of the lips and without the assistance of the teeth, 
 which, on the other hand, take part in the pro- 
 nunciation of English v, Welsh _/; accordingly, as 
 Early Welsh qv has yielded p, and as the language 
 may be supposed to have proceeded in this in- 
 stance, as elsewhere, gradually and not by leaps or 
 ' strides, I would assume the steps to have been 
 
LECTURE vir. 373 
 
 successively §•», joo, p. Now supposing the Kymry 
 to have borrowed Latin words with jo at a time 
 when their qv had become jow, a combination which 
 may be heard in such French words as puis, and 
 when they had no other jo in their language, nothing 
 would seem more natural than that they should 
 unconsciously substitute their pv for Latin p and 
 make such a word as prcebitor into pvrebitr or 
 pwemitr : when the Irish came to adopt the latter 
 from their Celtic neighbours, they, as not being 
 used to the sound of p, would probably be forced 
 to change pv into qv, which is a much smaller 
 change than the substitution of qv for p. This 
 seems to have been also the history of the words — r 
 0. Ir. clum, Welsh pluf, ' plumage,' 0. Ir. corcur, 
 Welsh porphor, ' purple,' Ir. caisc, Welsh pasc, 
 ' Easter,' Ir. eland, Welsh plant, ' children,' from 
 Jjatinpluma, purpura, pascka, and planfa, to which 
 one might possibly add Irish j^dckell from an early 
 form of the Welsh gmyddhwyll, ' chess or draughts : ' 
 the passage of these words and of pnsbitor through 
 or from Welsh into Irish I should assign, roughly 
 speaking, to the time between 450 and 650. Both 
 on account of the labialising of qv and of borrow- 
 ing proper names and other words from Latin, 
 which involved p the Kymry had occasion for a 
 special symbol for p in Ogam : we have met with 
 two such, and one of them was borrowed by the 
 
374 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGTi 
 
 Irish to represent the later Irish p produced by the 
 provection of h, as in poi already alluded to as 
 occurring in an epitaph reading Broinioonas poi 
 netat Trenalugos. But this appears to have been 
 the result of acquaintance with the last addition 
 to the Kyniric Ogam rather than a matter of 
 orthographical necessity as poi continued to be 
 written also boi '^fuit or qui fuit:'''' for instances 
 of p and h in the Irish verb ' to be ' see the Gram- 
 matica Celtica,^^^. 491—501. After the Irish had 
 developed the sound oi p in their own language in 
 the way alluded to, there was, of course, no reason 
 why they should modify it when they came to 
 borrow ecclesiastical terms involving it from Latin 
 in the 8th and 9th centuries : such is, probably, the 
 origin of the majority of the words which show p 
 in later Irish. 
 
 The stone on which Qvrimitirros occurs is 
 inscribed with a cross ; the same is the case with 
 the one reading Tria maqva Mailagni, and pro- 
 bably with many more, but I have no adequate 
 information on this point. So, taking all things 
 together, I should be inclined to ascribe the 
 earliest Irish monuments in Ogam to the 6th 
 or the latter part of the 5th century, and there 
 seems to be no reason why the Ogmic method of 
 writing may not haive been first introduced into 
 Ireland by Kymric missionaries or by Irish ieccle- 
 
LECTTTKE VII. 375 
 
 siastics who had been educated in Wales. There 
 is, however, a notion abroad that the Ogam was 
 essentially pagan, but in reality it was no more so 
 than the Roman alphabet : the only distinction 
 we find made between them was simply this — 
 when Latin was written, the characters used were 
 the letters of the Roman alphabet more or less 
 modified, but when Early "Welsh was to be written 
 the Ogam was resorted to. Change the scene to 
 the sister isle and one would expect to find the 
 monuments of that country consisting of Latin 
 in Roman letters and Early Irish in Ogam : it 
 turns out to be so, excepting, of course, that the 
 former are very few in number, as knowledge of 
 Latin was probably rare as yet in Ireland — the 
 case must have been somewhat different later when 
 that country no longer received missionaries from 
 other nations, but sent her own sons forth in that 
 capacity to all parts of the west of Europe. The cor- 
 rectness,' however, of the view here suggested must, 
 to some extent, depend on the answer which Irish 
 history and archaeology can give to the question, 
 whether there are traces of any religious estab- 
 lishments of Kymric origin in the south of 
 Ireland, from which as centres the practice of 
 writing epitaphs in Ogam might have extended 
 itself to those parts of the island where Ogmic 
 monuments have been found. 
 
376 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 This leads to a short notice of a somewhat 
 different theory, based on the distribution of 
 Ogam-inscribed stones in Ireland : I allude to the 
 following words in a paper read before the Royal 
 Irish Academy, Nov. 30, 1867, and entitled " An 
 Account of the Ogham Chamber at Drumloghan, 
 County of Waterford, by Richard R. Brash, 
 M.R.I.A." (Dublin, 1868), pp. 14, 15:— "The 
 great majority, then, of our Ogham monuments 
 are found in the province of Munster, and princi- 
 pally in the counties of Kerry, Cork, and Water- 
 ford, embracing a large extent of the south and 
 west coast, from Tralee Bay, in Kerry, to Water- 
 ford harbour. As near as I can ascertain, the 
 following numbers of monuments have been 
 found :— in Kerry, 75 ; Cork, 42 ; Waterford, 26 ; 
 Limerick, 1 ; Clare, 1. These are all in the pro- 
 vince of Munster. All the rest of Ireland sup- 
 plies but 10; of these 5 are in the county of 
 Kilkenny, still a southern county; the others are 
 divided as follows : — 1 in Wicklow, 1 in Meath, 
 2 in Roscommon [where the remaining one is we 
 are not told] ; so that for the purposes of our 
 argument it may be fairly assumed that the three 
 southern counties named above form the Ogham 
 district. Again, it is worthy of remark that the 
 majority of these monuments are found on the sea- 
 board of the above-named counties — very many of 
 
LECTUKE VII. 377 
 
 them on the strands. The Drumloghan find is 
 within three or four miles of the sea, as are many 
 others of the Waterfor-d and Kerry Oghams ; those 
 found in the county of Cork are more inland." 
 Though the late Mr. Brash's conclusions were 
 seldom such as I could accept, he seems to have 
 been thoroughly acquainted with the Ogam dis- 
 trict, and I have no reason to doubt the substantial 
 accuracy of his figures, or to suppose that subse- 
 quent finds have materially modified the ratios 
 between them. His inference from them was that 
 the Ogam was not invented in Ireland, but intro- 
 duced by a maritime people, who landed on the 
 southern or south-western coast of the island: he 
 would identify them with the Milesians of Irish 
 legend, and suppose them, accordingly, to have 
 come from Spain, and originally from Egypt. 
 This last piece of extravagance, which he was 
 willing to accept, needs no discussion, but I would 
 not go so far as to say that Ireland was never 
 invaded from Spain, or that the Milesians went 
 forth from Britain, but I would suggest that the 
 Ogam- writing invaders of Ireland, if such are to be 
 postulated, for which, I must confess, I see no neces- 
 sity, are far more likely to have set sail from our 
 own shores, say from Pembrokeshire, which is the 
 leading Ogam county this side of St. George's 
 Channel, than from Spain. Supposing such an 
 
378 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 emigration to have happened in the 5th or 6th 
 century, one would naturally look for the primary 
 cause of it in the westward pressure exercised by 
 the English. 
 
(379 ) 
 
 APPEINTDIX. 
 
 A.— OUR EARLY INSCRIPTIONS. 
 
 Bepoee giving a list of our Early Inscriptions, a ■word is 
 necessary as to the nature of Aryan nomenclature. The sub- 
 ject has been lucidly treated by Dr. Fick in his recent work 
 on Greek personal names {Die griechischen Personennamen, 
 Gottingen, 1874). The materials which he has there brought 
 together clearly show that originally every Aryan name of 
 man or woman took the form of a compound of two single 
 words, and that this, more or le.ss modified, has come 
 down to historical times among the various Aryan nations 
 of Asia and Europe, excepting in Italy and Lithuania. 
 As instances may be mentioned such names as the San- 
 skrit Gandrardja, from catidra ' shining ' and rdja ' king,' 
 or the Greek @i6diasog, from ^eo's ' god ' and 33goi/ ' gift.' 
 The number of words used in this way does not appear to 
 have been at any time very great, but in many cases each 
 pair yielded two names, as in the following : Sanskrit 
 Deva-gruta, Cruta-deva, Greek Qio-bta^og, Awgo-^sos, Servian 
 Milo-drag, Drago-mil, 0. German Hari-herht, Berht-hari, 
 Early Welsh Barn-vend-i, Vendu-har-i, Mod. Welsh 
 Cyn-fael, Mael-gwn. From the older class of full names 
 most Aryan nations also formed eventually a number of 
 shorter ones by omitting one of the constituent parts, 
 the remaning one being used by itself, either. with or 
 
380 LECTTJEBS ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. 
 
 ■without a special termination, as in the case of Sanskrit 
 Datta from Beva-datta, Civa-daita, or the like, and Greek 
 N/xlas, N;z/a5, 'Slx.uv, together with a good many more, 
 from N/xo'-/ia^os, N/xo'-ffrjaros, or a sijnilar full name. 
 
 By way of classifying the contents of the following in- 
 scriptions, it may be premised that they contain about 160 
 different names, several of which occur more than once. 
 About 30 are either incompletely read, or, for other 
 reasons, difiScult to classify ; the remaining ones are partly 
 Celtic and partly Latin, in the proportion of about three of 
 the former to one of the latter. The Celtic ones are of 
 two kinds, namely, those which belong to the Aryan sys- 
 tem of names and those which do not. The latter are 
 comparatively few, and may have originally been epithets 
 or qualifying words appended to the full names : (a) some 
 nine or ten of them seem to be quasi-compounds, such as 
 Mucoi-breci and Maqyi-treni, while (fi) about half a dozen 
 are adjectives formed from common nouns by means of 
 the affix ac or oe, Mod. Welsh awg, og, such as Bodvoci, 
 Der^aci, Lovernaci, Senacus, Tegernacus, Tunccetace. The 
 former may be classified as follows : — 1. Considerably 
 more than one half of them are compounds made up of 
 two simple words, and of these last (a) the greater number 
 are of four syllables, such as Barri-vendi, Netta-sagru ; 
 others have been reduced to three syllables by the loss of 
 the connecting vowel, as in the case of Clotuali for Gluto- 
 vcdi. (j8) A few beginning with prefixes such as so- or 
 do-, as in So-lini, J)o-hunni, may be regarded as having 
 never been more than three syllables long, while, on the 
 other hand, we have no certain instance of a compound of 
 more than four syllables in length, excepting (y) those in- 
 volving tigirn or tegern, as Gato-tigirni and Tegerno-mali : 
 it is doubtful whether the e in Camelorigi be not an 
 irrational vowel, which would reduce the name to four 
 syllables. (3) To these must be added two derivatives 
 
APPENDIX. 381 
 
 from full names, namely, Cunacenniwi and Qvenvendani, 
 which imply Cunacenni and Qvenvendi respectively. 2. 
 Names of the type of Gwyn 'white,' Arth 'a bear,' are 
 not unusual in Welsh ; but to one looking at the meaning 
 of such words it is seldom apparent why they got to be used 
 as proper names, while the analogy of the nomenclature of 
 other Aryan nations makes it certain that they mostly 
 came to be so used, not so much by virtue of their fitness 
 in point of signification, as by way of abbreviation of full 
 names : thus Gwyn, for instance, stood originally for some 
 such a form as Gwyndaf or Penwyn, and Arth for Arthgen, 
 Arihfael, or the like. Our early inscriptions yield us the 
 following instance^ in point : Bandus, Bladi, Broho, Comne, 
 Cavo, Daari, Magli, Meli, Porius, Qvid, Tren, Valci, Vetta, 
 to which may be added Rialo-brani as probably involving 
 the Goidelo-Kymric name Bran qualified by an adjective : 
 compare English names like Littlejohn. 3. The shorter 
 forms are more usually met with in our Early Inscriptions 
 with special affixes appended to them. The most common 
 of these is -agn-i, as in Broccagni, Corbagni, Gurcagni, 
 Gurcagnus, Ercagni, Maglagni, Ulcagni, Ulcagnus, to 
 which must be added one in -egn-i, namely, Gunegni. 
 Besides these we have two in -mi-i, Fanoni and Vendoni 
 (twice) ; two in -uc-i, Fannuci and Swaqqvuci ; two in 
 -ic-i, Berici and Torrid; two in -iv-i or -iw-i, namely, 
 Ercilivi and Nogtivis, to which it is right to add the name 
 ending in -urivi on the stone lost at Llandeilo : this ter- 
 mination may, as was seen in the form Cunacenniwi, be 
 used in the case of a full name. The remaining deriva- 
 tives are few and various. 
 
 Besides the foregoing names we have about twenty 
 epithets or qualifying words attached to the former in our 
 inscriptions. Of these about two thirds are of Welsh 
 origin, while the rest is Latin. Altogether they are far 
 
382 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 more miscellaneous than the names they accompany : one 
 of them, Ordous, seems to refer to the tribe of the person 
 commemorated ; one, Gocci, ' red,' is an ordinary adjective, 
 and Tovisaci, 'having the lead, a leader or prince,' is a 
 noun of adjectival origin ; next comes Maqvirird, which 
 may be a quasi-compound. Then we have two adjectives 
 compounded of a noun and an adjective, as in many other 
 instances in Welsh — I allude to Anate-mori, ' soul-great,' 
 and Ei-metiaco, ' cere-Jiastatus.' Lastly, passing by Seni- 
 argii and Kedomavi as obscure, we come to Bwrgo-cavi, 
 Duno-cati, Il-wweto, and Monedo-rigi, which may be 
 guessed to mean ' city-guardian,' ' town-warrior,' ' much- 
 speaking ' and ' mountain-king ' respectively. 
 
 It is almost needless to state that Early Welsh names 
 hardly contain anything that does not find its continuation 
 or counterpart in those of later periods in the history of 
 the language ; but to do justice to this would, to judge 
 only from the materials I have already collected, probably 
 require a larger volume than this. It may, however, be 
 here pointed out that the printed books containing the 
 greatest number of Welsh names are the following : Liber 
 Landavensis, the - Camhro- British Saints, the Myvyrian 
 Archaiology of Wales, Annales Camhrice, Brut y Tywysog- 
 ion, the lolo Manuscripts, and t/ie Mahinogion. The best 
 collection of Breton names known to me is that in the 
 indexes to De Courson's edition of the Cartulaire de 
 I'Abbaye de Redon (Paris, 1863): a number of Cornish 
 names occur in the manumissions in the Bodmin Gospels, 
 published by Mr. Stokes in the Revue Celtique, i. pp. 
 332-345. For Irish names I have used the indexes to the 
 Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland by the Four Masters 
 (Dublin, 1856), the Martyrology of Donegal (Dublin, 
 1864), Reeves' Adamnan's Life of St. Columha (Dublin, 
 1857), and other books. Lastly, my references to Teu- 
 
APPENDIX. 383 
 
 tonic names are based on the first volume of Dr. Ernst 
 Fbrstemann's AUdeutsches iVaJwenSwc^ (Nordhausen, 1856). 
 
 A word now as to the formulae of the inscriptions. As 
 a rule they are of the simplest kind — occasionally, for 
 instance, the whole inscription consists of only one proper 
 name, but more frequently it is followed by that of the 
 father of the person commemorated, making A. films B., 
 or in the genitive A. fili B. with corpus or sepulcrum to 
 be supplied by the reader, to which one may add that 
 any personal name used may have an epithet or defining 
 word attached to it. In other instances we have hie jaeit, 
 but the adverb, written also ie, may be omitted, while, on 
 the other hand, we once meet with jam ic jadt and with 
 hie in tumulo jacit or in hoc tumulo iacit. And as to iacit 
 ioTJacet, it is to be noticed that it is the form regularly 
 used, there being only one certain instance in which iacet 
 is known. The substitution of -it for -et in this word may 
 possibly be altogether due to Welsh influence, as -it seems 
 to have been formerly the prevalent Welsh ending of the 
 third person singular of the present indicative of the active 
 voice, while -et was probably more usually associated with 
 the' imperative or potential mood. However, it is right to 
 add that Frohner, in his preface to his very handy little 
 book entitled Inscriptiones Terras Coctce Vasorum Intra 
 Alpes, Tissam, Tamesin Bepertce (Gottingen, 1858), cites, 
 p. xxvi., the forms habit, valiat, hahiant, porregerit { = por- 
 7-igeret), cessissit, a,nd potuissit. 
 
 Lastly a t is prefixed to every epitaph which happens 
 to be accompanied- by a cross of any kind on any part of 
 the stDne inscribed, as well as when the stone itself l^s 
 been fashioned into the form of a cross, which is seldom 
 the case. In a few instances the monogram of Christ 
 forms the heading, which is here indicated by prefixing 
 the Greek letters, XPI, which it implies. 
 
384 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGr. 
 
 ANGLESEY. 
 
 1. Hie Jacit Maccudecceti (Penrhos Lligwy). This name 
 may be treated as Maccu Decceti or Maccu-Decceti : as to 
 maccu see Appendix B., and as to Decceti and Decheti see 
 pages 174, 175, 176 180, 181, 203, 274, 277. 
 
 2 origi Sic Jacit (Llanbabo). I have not 
 
 seen the stone, and this is all I can guess with any approach 
 to certainty from the fac-similes of the inscription in Hiib- 
 ner's collection. The name intended is evidently of the 
 same formation as Gamelorigi and the like. 
 
 3. Culidori Jacit Et Orvvite Mulier Secundi (Llangefni). 
 Here mulier would seem to mean uxor. Culidori is a 
 name I cannot trace later, but Orvvite, on which see pages 
 210, 211, may be the early form of Erwyd in Ponterwyd 
 
 ■ in Cardiganshire, which druid-mad charlatans are some- 
 times pleased to transform into Pont-derwydd. The 
 formula of this epitaph stands alone. 
 
 4. Hie Beatu^s] Saturniiius Se\_pultus\ [J]aeit . Et Sua 
 Sa^ncta] Conjux . Palx] (Llansadwrn). The stone has been 
 damaged so that the inscription is incomplete : Hubner 
 makes svasa into Suasa, but such a name is quite un- 
 known to me, and as the line is incomplete I have ven- 
 tured to suggest SIM sancta as the full reading, but this is 
 only to await a better guess. 
 
 5. Gatamanus Rex Sapientisimus Opinatisimus Omnium, 
 Eegum (Llangadwaladr). Gatamanus occurs later as Gat- 
 man, Gadfan, and as to King Cadfan and his name see 
 pages 168, 169, 212, 323. 
 
 CARNAEVONSHIEE. 
 
 6. Meli Medici Fill Martini Jacit (Llangian). This 
 would seem to mean Gorpus Meli Medici Hie Jacit : Mel 
 occurs as the name of a disciple of St. Patrick, and first 
 bishop of Ardagh [Four Masters, under the year 487) ; it 
 
APPENDIX. 385 
 
 also enters into the composition of several proper names 
 of men, such as Melldeyrn. With medici here compare 
 fahri on one of the stones at Tavistocji. 
 
 7. Veradus Pbr Hie Jacit (Cefn Amwlch). There is 
 nothing to prevent our regarding Veradus as the same 
 name as Guroc in the Liber Landav., p. 170, if it be not of 
 Latin origin. 
 
 8. Senacus Prsb Sic Jacii Cum Multitudnem Fratrum 
 
 Prespiter . . . (Cefn Amwlch). Multitudine is 
 
 shortened one syllable, and ended in a silent m (see p. 
 208). Senacus would seem to consist of sen-, whence our 
 hen ' old,' Ir. sean, with the affix ac attached to it, and to 
 be exactly equivalent to the Irish name Seanach; however, 
 it is unusual to attach the affix ac to an adjective, and but 
 for the Irish name one might explain Senacus as meaning 
 Senacus from the sen- possibly implied by our Mod. Welsh 
 hoen ' vigour, liveliness.' 
 
 9. Jovenali Fili Eterni Hie Jacit (on the farm of Ty 
 Corniog in the parish of Llannor). The first name is 
 better known as Juvenal, and appears in the Liber Lan- 
 davensis (pp. 166, 259) as Jouanaul, a form which it 
 assumed, instead of the Jouenaid to be expected, probably 
 under the influence of the 0. Welsh Jouan ' John,' with 
 which it may have been popularly associated. The other 
 has survived in the name of Llanedern or Edern, still 
 borne by a neighbouring village. 
 
 10. Yendesetli (buried in the same place with the last 
 mentioned). The name survives as Gwennoedyl (Gambro- 
 Brit. SS., pp. 267, 268), Gwynhoedl {lolo MSS., p. 141), 
 Gwynoedl, Ghvynodl {Myv. Arch. pp. 741, 426) : the last 
 of these is borne by the neighbouring church of Llan- 
 gwynodl, now commonly curtailed into Llangvmodl or 
 Llangvmadl, the founder of which is supposed to have 
 lived in the 6th century : see the passages alluded to in 
 
 B 
 
386 LECTURES ON WiSLSH PHILOLOGr. 
 
 the Gamhro-Brit. SS. There can, I think, be little doubt 
 that the stone bearing the foregoing inscription was meant 
 for him. 
 
 11. Alhortus Eimetiaco Hie Jacet (JAs,TX&&\h.ai2icri). This 
 is the only instance perhaps, we have of jacet in its correct 
 Latin form. Alhortus is read also Ahortus ; see pages 205, 
 279. If the correct reading is Alhortus, it is probably to 
 to be analysed into Alhrort-, of which the syllable alh has 
 been mentioned page 279 ; the other, ort, may be the 
 same which occurs in the form Orth as a man's name 
 in Lewis Morris's Celtic Remains, p. 176': it may be 
 of the same origin as the Latin portare. As to Eime- 
 tiaco, see pages 179, 207, 215, 225, 279, and Appen- 
 dix C. 
 
 12. Fill Lovernii Anatemori (Llanfaglan). Here corpus 
 or sepulcrum is to be supplied, but even then it is not easy 
 to say how it is to be construed : it can hardly mean 
 Anatemori Fili Lovernii, for the arrangement of the words 
 is against that view, and Anatemori looks more like an 
 epithet than a leading name ; nor can I accept Hiibner's 
 reading it upwards — it stands thus : 
 
 FILI LOVEENII 
 
 ANATEMORI 
 
 So I am inclined to regard it as being FilinLovernii Anate- 
 mori, which, but for the inscriber's wish to show off his 
 Latin, would most likely have been left Maqvi-Lovernii 
 Anatemori : compare Maqvitreni in Ogam, and Maqyeragi 
 in Ogam and in capitals. As to other points connected 
 with this epitaph, see pages 209, 212, 216. 
 
 13. XPI. Carausius Hie Jacit In Hoc Congeries Lapi- 
 dum (Penmachno). I cannot explain the bad Latin of 
 this inscription as far as concerns gender, but with the 
 
APPENDIX. 387 
 
 s of congeries compare tlie case of Nogtivis, p. 208 ;. nor 
 can I find any trace of the name Caratisius in later 
 Wekh. 
 
 14. Cantiori Hie Jacit Venedotis Give Fuit \C'\ons6brino 
 Ma[g\U Magistrati (Penmaclino). Such genitives as ma- 
 gistrati were usual as early as the time of the Gracchi, 
 nor does the inscription contain a single fault which is not 
 justifiable on Latin ground: see pages 168, 179, 213, 215. 
 The c of consohrino is tolerably certain, and so is the g of 
 Magli, which appears later a,s Mael, and enters into the 
 composition of other names : the Irish form is mdl, said 
 to mean ' a noble, a prince, a king,' and not the maol or 
 mael of such Irish names as Maolpadraig or Maelpadraig, 
 'the tonsured servant of P.,' which is more likely to be the 
 formal equivalent of our moel ' bald, without hair, without 
 horns.' As to Cantiori, I would regard it as a nominative 
 standing for an earlier Cantiorix, and would treat the 
 whole as meaning — Cantiorix Hie Jacet : Venedotius Civis 
 Fuit, Gonsohrinus Magli Magistratus, which is tolerably 
 simple Latin, whatever may be said of its elegance. But 
 I should add that Professor Hiibner construes it thus : 
 Cantiori. Hie iacit, Venedotis cive(s) fuit, \e^nsohrino{s) 
 Ma[g]li magistrati. 
 
 15 oria Ic Jacit (Penmachno). This is a part 
 
 of an inscription probably commemorating a woman. 
 
 16. iSanct. . . . Filius Sacer[dotis . . . .] (Tyddyn 
 Holland, near Llandudno). The stone is described in a 
 book entitled " The History and Antiquities of the Town 
 of Aberconwy and its Neighbourhood, with Notices of 
 the Natural History of the District, by the Eev. Robert 
 Williams, B.A., Christ Church, Oxford, Curate of Llan- 
 gernyw" (Denbigh, 1835). At page 137 it is said that 
 the following inscription was copied from the stone in 
 question in the year 1731 : 
 
388 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 SANCT 
 ANVS 
 SACEI 
 ISIS 
 
 This convinces me that the epitaph was then as incomplete 
 as it is now, for I feel confident that what was then read 
 ANTS is the FiLivs of the above reading, which is, it is 
 true, far from certain. But since then the difficulties of 
 the inscription have been greatly increased by the fact 
 that the late occupant of the cottage close by undertook 
 to deepen some of the letters for the benefit of English 
 tourists. As it now stands, the ct of the old copy is a big 
 D reversed. I have failed to read isis, or to satisfy myself 
 that the line of which it formed a part was ic iacit. If 
 it formed an epithet to the father's name it would be use- 
 less to attempt to guess the original. The reaiiing of the 
 rest of the inscription was probably either Sanctus Filius 
 Sacerdotis or Sancti Filius Sacerdotis with Sancti for 
 Sanctis = Sanctius : one of these perhaps is implied in the 
 O. Welsh name Saith (Liber Landav., p. 200), and probably 
 also in Sant, the legendary name of St. David's father. 
 Or else it may have been Sanctanus or Sanctagnus Filius 
 Sacerdotis ; for, that Sanctagnus or Sanctagni occurred as 
 a name used at one time by Kymric Christians is rendered 
 probable by the Welsh derived form Seithen-in, and by a 
 passage in the preface to Saneldris Irish hymn in the Liber 
 Hymnorum which is thus rendered by Mr. Stokes : " Bishop 
 Sancton made this hymn, and when he was going from 
 Clonard westward to Mat6c's Island be made it. And he 
 was a brother of Mat6c's, and both of them were of 
 Britain, and Mat6c came into Ireland before Bishop 
 Sancton." According to another account they were grand- 
 sons of Muireadhach Mulndearg, king of Ulidia, who is 
 
APPENDIX. 389 
 
 stated to have died in the year 479 {Four Masters, ii. p. 
 1190): Matbc is most decidedly an early form of our 
 Welsh Madog. With Sanctanus compare Justanus, the 
 name of a bishop of St. Patrick's creation in Ireland. 
 
 DENBIGHSHIKE. 
 
 17. Broliomagli Jam Ic Jacit Et Uxor Ejus Caune 
 (Voelas Hall, near Bettws y Coed). Brohomagli and 
 Caune are nominatives : see pages 177, 179, 181, 203, 
 204, 223, 276. 
 
 18. Vinnemagli Fili Senemagli (Gwytherin). The 
 second name occurs also as Senomagli : it should in later 
 Welsh be Henfael, but it does not seem to occur, while 
 Vinnemagli duly appears as Gwenfael, in the lolo MSS., 
 p. 144, for an intermediate Vennemagli. 
 
 19. Saumilini Tovisad {in capitals) | (Pool Park, near 
 S — helino \To\wisaci {in Ogam) ) Euthin). 
 
 The difficulties of this inscription have been noticed 
 on p. 290 : Tovisad is undoubtedly the early form of our 
 tywysog ' a prince, a leader,' but as it is left untranslated, 
 it is likely to have been here regarded more as an epithet 
 than an indication of the man's rank. 
 
 FLINTSHIRE. 
 
 20. Hie Jacit Mulier Bona Nobili (Downing, brought 
 from Caerwys). Here mulier bona may possibly have 
 been meant as an equivalent for the Welsh gvireigdda 
 ' good wife,' and Nohili, for Nohilis, was, I am inclined to 
 think, her husband's name : if it is to be treated merely as 
 the ordinary adjective nohilis, the epitaph has no parallel 
 on Kymric ground. 
 
 MONTGOMERYSHIRE. 
 
 21. Hie \In\ Tumulo Jacit E\e\stece Filia Paternini 
 Ani XIII In Pa (Llanerfyl). The inscription is not alto- 
 
390 LEOTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 gether legible, and it is impossible to guess with certainty 
 the second letter of the first name ; but it was probably E 
 or 0. Ani stands probably for Annis, but the age look? 
 rather like an ixiii. 
 
 MEEIONETHSHIEE. 
 
 22. Oavo Seniargii (Llanfor). Others may prefer 
 dividing it into Gavoseni Argii : it is written like one 
 word, though it can hardly be one. As to Cavo, see pages 
 215, 223 : Seniargii is difficult to explain beyond the 
 fact that it probably stands for Senja-argii and not Sena- 
 argii, as the latter would have yielded not Seniargii, but 
 Senargii; it is further possible that -ii is the antecedent of 
 our modern termination ydd in personal nouns such as 
 cynydd ' a huntsman,' from cvm ' dogs,' dilledydd ' a tailor,' 
 from dillad ' clothes:' the same perhaps applies in the case 
 of Lovernii . see pages 209, 215, 216, 223. Lastly, it 
 should be mentioned that what I have here supposed to 
 be // should possibly be read H, which sometimes in 
 Roman inscriptions resembled ||j but it is hardly probable. 
 
 23. Porius Hie In Tv/mulo Jacit Homo Ghristianus 
 Fuit (Llech Idris, near Trawsfynydd). The first two 
 syllables of the adjective are represented by the Greek 
 abbreviation xpi : it is to be noticed that Porius stands 
 over jacit at the end of the second line, so that it is not 
 improbable that it is to be read after tumulo or jacit — in 
 the former case we should have a sort of a rude couplet 
 running thus : — 
 
 Hie In Tumulo Porius Jadt ; 
 Homo ChristianViS Fuit. 
 
 The name Porius survives as^ Pir in Mainour Pir 
 (Liber Landav., p. 117), now Manorbeer, in Pembrokeshire, 
 Pii'-o (pp. 14, 17), later Pyr. 
 
APPENDIX. 391 
 
 24. Ccelexti Monedorigi (Llanaber, brought from a farm 
 in the neighbourhood). On Ccelexti for Ocelestis, see pages 
 207, 208. Monedorigi seems to be an epithet composed 
 of monedo-, now mynydd ' mountain ' (compare the Sc. 
 Gaelic monadh ' moor, heath '), and rlgi, for ngis, the 
 genitive of what would have been in the nominative rl, 
 for an earlier rlx, now rhi ' king, lord ; ' so Monedorigi 
 probably meant ' mountain-king.' 
 
 25. Pascent. This is said to have been on a stone 
 which once existed at Towyn : the inscription is probably 
 incomplete, and the name meant was most likely written 
 Fascenti with a horizontal I. 
 
 26. Rec Jacet Salvianus Bwrsocavi Filius Gupetian. 
 This is reported to be the reading of a stone which was 
 found at Caer Gai, near Llanuwchllyn : it has long since 
 been lost, but the inscription may be conjectured to have 
 been Hie Jacit Salvianus Burgocavi Filius Oupetiani, also 
 with a horizontal I, which the antiquaries of former days 
 did not always copy, as they did not know what to make 
 of it. Salvianus and Cupitianus are Roman names which 
 are otherwise known in Britain : see Hubner's Inscr. Lat. 
 Brit, Nos. 986 and 887. Burgocavi, which is here a 
 nominative, evidently involves the name Gav-o, which we 
 have on the Llanfor stone in the same neighbourhood : 
 the common element in Gavo Seniargii and Burgocavi 
 very possibly implies the blood-relationship of the two 
 men meant, and it is natural to conclude that Gaer Gai, 
 which translated into an older form must have been Gastra 
 Gavi or Gavi Gastra, bears the name of some person of the 
 same family, perhaps of this very Burgocavi mentioned in 
 the lost inscription. S is very frequently misread for G 
 in our Early Inscriptions, and the name here in question 
 was probably Burgocavi, in which we sholild in that case 
 have the Welsh equivalent of hurgh, borough : horg was 
 
392 LECTDEES GN WELSH PHILOLOGy. 
 
 used by Cormac and others as an Irish word for town. So 
 Burgoeav-i would mean ' he who watches over, provides 
 for, or takes care of the town.' As to the origin of Cavo 
 and Caune, suggested at page 223, see Curtius' " Outlines 
 of Greek Etymology," No. 64, and compare the names 
 Ayii/iOxouv, 'iw'Troxotav, and the like. 
 
 CAEDIGANSHIRE. 
 
 27. t Bandus Jacit (Silian). The first letters of this 
 inscription are bisected by the shaft of a small cross hori- 
 zontally placed before the epitaph. 
 
 28. Corhalengi Jacit Ordous (Cae'r Felin Wynt, near 
 Penbryn). As to Ordous and the case of Corhalengi, see 
 pages 177, 207, 212. Corhalengi appears to be composed 
 of corba, of the same origin as the Irish corb, which Cormac 
 mentions as meaning ' a chariot : ' the Welsh words 
 related are corf, corof, corfan, carfan, whence corba in 
 Corhalengi may have meant ' a beam,' ' a frame-work,' or 
 ' a chariot.' The other element in Corhalengi. msLy be of 
 the same origin as the Irish lingim " salio ; " but I am 
 rather inclined to regard it as the Celtic equivalent of 
 Latin longus, English long, and this would harmonise with 
 Evolengi should that turn out to mean ' long-lived.' 
 
 29. Velvor Filia Broho (Llandyssul). It is not evident 
 whether the inscription is complete or not, but I am now 
 inclined to think it is. Broho we have already met with 
 in Brohomagli .- see pages 177, 181, 203, 204, 276. As to 
 Velvor, it is to be divided into Vel-vor, of which vel- stands 
 for val-, as in Clotuali and Cunovali, and represents a 
 pree-Celtip valpa, Gothic vulfs, English wolf, but why it 
 has e is not clear. Nay, in Forstemann's AUdeutsches 
 Nameribuch we have the exact Teutonic equivalent of our 
 Velvor in the feminine Wolf war from Salzburg. Eormally 
 the vor of Velvor is best explained by supposing it to be 
 
APPENDIX. 393 
 
 the antecedent of our gwr 'man,' plural gwyr; but gwr 
 is now only mascullDe, but that it was once feminine -or 
 common as to gender is possible — compare dyn ' a man,' 
 which, was habitually used in the feminine by the Welsh 
 poets of the Middle Ages. 
 
 30. Trenacatus Ic Jack Filius Maglagni, and in Ogam 
 Trenaccatlo (Llanfechan or Llanvaughan, near Llanybyther). 
 The syllable tren is represented in later Welsh by tren 
 ' impetuous, strenuous, furious : ' the other element is now 
 cad ' battle, war,' and Trenacatus means ' impetuous in 
 battle.' Of Trenaccatlo I can only make Tren ac Gatlo, 
 ' Tren and Catlo,' which would now be Tren a Chadlo. 
 Gatlo stands for Catu-lo with the same catu as in Trena- 
 catus and Catotigemi ; the meaning of lo is not so easy to 
 guess, but it may possibly be the Early Welsh equivalent 
 of Latin lupus, ' a wolf,' though the derived forms show 
 not o but ov, ou in Loverni, Lovernaci, and the Breton 
 louarn ' a fox.' Accordingly Catlo would mean ' the 
 wolf of battle : ' other names to be compared are Cynllo 
 and Trillo. Maglagni survives as Maelan in Garthmaelan, 
 the name of a place in Merioneth. For some account 
 of related forms see the remarks on the Llanfaglan stone, 
 Carnarvonshire, and the Merthyr stone, Carmarthenshire ; 
 see also pages 212, 290. 
 
 31. Potenina Muliier (Goodrich Court, near 
 
 Ross, whither the stone was taken from Tregaron). The 
 rest of the inscription is gone, the above being on a frag- 
 ment of the original stone. Above the first n there is a 
 small hollow, which if not a mere fray in the stone may 
 mean that one is to read nt, and to regard the name 
 intended as Potentina and not Potenina. The name Poten- 
 tinus occurs in a Roman inspription at Caerleon, and Poten- 
 tina is mentioned in Becker's collection, JDie romischen 
 Inschriften und Steinsculpturen des .Museums der Stadt 
 
394 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 BEECKNOCKSHIEE. 
 
 32. Rugnia — o \FiYi Vendoni (Devynock). The first 
 name has been read Pugniacio, but I read it evgniatto, 
 EVGNiAvio or EYGNIAVO, making into V, in the last-men- 
 tioned guess, what others have read as a sort of open 
 followed by /. The first part of the name is no doubt re- 
 presented by the later Run, Rhun, and JRugniavio or Rug- 
 niavo might be explained as belonging to that class of names 
 which end in jaw or jo, such as Oeidjo, Peibjo, and also 
 Teilo, which is the regular Southwalian continuator of the 
 O. Welsh Teljau, Teiljmi. In the Liber Landavensis 
 (pp. 31, 86, 96) it occurs also written Teliau-us and 
 Teliau-i, which come pretty near our Rugniavo ; but as this 
 is a genitive, the nominative must have been either Rvgn- 
 jus or Rugnjaus, and so in the case of Teilo probably, and 
 all names of the kind. The two first letters of Fili were 
 on a part of the stone which has been cut off, but I do not 
 think that there is a letter wanting at the beginning of the 
 first name, which, as it now stands, begins with a good R, 
 and there is no excuse for reading it P. The name Vendoni 
 occurs also on one of the Clydai stones, and seems to be 
 continued in the Welsh feminine Gwenonwy. 
 
 33 Filius Victorini (Scethrog, near Brecon). 
 
 The first name is hopelessly gone, owing to the stone having 
 been used as a roller : I have guessed it to be Nemni, 
 whence Nemnivus. 
 
 34. Dervaci Filius Justi Je Jacit (on an old Roman 
 road in the neighbourhood of Ystradfellte). If Dervaci be 
 a Latinised form for jDervacis, Dervaciiis, then the name 
 may be analysed into an adjective formed by means of the 
 affix -<Sc, from derv-, now derw, ' oak.' A Justus, traced by 
 some to Wales, assisted St. Patrick in Ireland. 
 
 35. Turpilli Ic Jacit Puveri Triluni Dunocati, and in 
 Ogam Turpil\li Tri\lluni (Glan Usk Park, 
 
APPENDIX. . 395 
 
 near Crickhowel). The Ogam notches for the first i are 
 gone, and the first I in Trilluni is somewhat doubtful. 
 Some think there are Ogams on the top of the stone after 
 Trilluni, but I can make nothing of them. On most of 
 the peculiarities of this inscription see pages 21, 167, 175, 
 176, 177, 178, 182, 210, 211, 220, 300. Triluni no 
 doubt stands for Trilluni, the first element in it being the 
 Welsh numeral for ' three,' which must have the I doubled 
 after it, as Trilluni would be the representative of an 
 earlier Tris-luni. The name may, therefore, be explained 
 as Triformis by identifying lun with our modern word 
 llun, 'shape, form ; ' but this can hardly be said to be con- 
 firmed by Lunar\c\hi on another stone. 
 
 36. t Gunocenni Filius Citnoceni Hie Jacit, and in 
 Ogam Cunacenniwi Ilwweto (Trallong, near Brecon). On 
 this epitaph see pages 30, 162, 172, 173, 177, 178, 211, 
 212, 296, 300, 301 ; and as to Ilwweto, see pages 210, 
 300. It may be added that the word is probably to be 
 analysed into Il-wwefo, whereof il is identical with ill in 
 Illtud, Illteym, and, probably, with el in the 0. Welsh 
 names Eljud, Elhearn, and the like — Illtud also occurs as 
 Eltvtiis : in Irish it is always il, which is an U-stem, mean- 
 ing ' much,' and of the same origin as Greek woXu?, Ger. 
 viel. The o of wweto would seem to be the ending of the 
 genitive, for an earlier -os, and the whole appears to be 
 identical with Fifho, the genitive of the O. Ir. name Feth 
 (Stokes's Goidelica,^ pp. 84, §5). Fetk and wweto come 
 perhaps from the same source as gwed in the Welsh verb 
 dy-wed-yd, ' to say, to speak : ' if so, Ilvrweto might be 
 explained as meaning ' much-speaking,' or possibly ' much- 
 spoken-of : ' compare TIoXu^riTtjs, UoXuptj/jLoc, and the like. 
 
 37. Adiune (Ystradgynlais). This is probably a frag- 
 ment, but Adiune seems to be a nominative feminine : see 
 page 217. 
 
396 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 38. Hie Jacit .... (Ystradgynlais). This is also a 
 fragment, but it is distinct from the preceding one. 
 
 39 «... curi In Hoc Tumulo \Jacii\ (Aber- 
 
 car, on the way from Merthyr Tydfil to Brecon). There is 
 no reason to think that this inscription is incomplete, but 
 the stone has been built into the wall of an outhouse at 
 Abercar. 
 
 40. Tir . . . Fili\u,s Catiri. This belonged to the 
 same neighbourhood but has been destroyed or lost ; the 
 first name is said to have been read Tiheriiis ; and Catiri, 
 also given as Catai, is otherwise unknown to me. 
 
 GLAMOEGANSHIEE. 
 
 41. Vendumctffli Hie Jacit (Llanillteym, near Llandafif). 
 This inscription is in early Kymric letters. Vendu in 
 Vendumagli is identical with the first part of Vendoni, 
 of Vendubari, of Vendesetli (otherwise Yennisetli), and of 
 Viniiemoffli, which is, in fact, the same name as Vendumagli 
 in spite of the difference of spelling. 
 
 42. Tegernactis Filius Marti Hie Jacit (in a field near 
 Capel Brithdir). The letters are very rudely cut, and the G 
 marks the transition from G to 3, being of the same form 
 almost as an inverted Z or an angulated *S^, and identical 
 with the g on the Inchaguile stone in the county of 
 Galway : some of the other letters are Eoman capitals, but 
 the early Kymric character prevails on both stones. 
 Tegernacus is now Teyrnog, Irish Tighearnach, Angli- 
 cised Tierney; Marti is probably the genitive of Martins. 
 I have found no other trace of it in Welsh nomenclature. 
 
 43. t Bodvoei Hie Jacit Filius Catotigirni Pron/epus 
 Eternali Vedomavi (on a mountain near Margam). Some 
 of these forms have been discussed pages 31, 92, 207, 212, 
 213, 223, 224. 
 
 The name Bodvoei is said to occur as Boduacus on a 
 
APPENDIX. 397 
 
 stone dug up at Nismes in France (see the Arch. Gamhren- 
 sis for 1859, p. 289). In that case I should treat Bodvoci 
 as a modification of Bodvaci, and analyse it, like Dervaci, 
 into Bodv-dc- or Bodv-oc-, with bodv- of the same origin as 
 in the Gaulish Boduo-gnatus and the \C'\aihv,'bodvae of a 
 Gaulish inscription, in which Mr. Hennessy recognises the 
 Badh-catha or war goddess of Irish mythology (see his in- 
 teresting paper in the Rev. Celtique, i. 32-55), which we 
 meet with as a man's name, Boducat, in the Cambro-Brit. 
 SS., pp. 105, 123 ; we trace bodv- also in the name which 
 is variously written Blbodtiffo, Elbodg, and Elhodu in the 
 Amiales Gambnae, pp. 10, 11. 
 
 44. Punpeius Garantorius, and in Ogam Pope 
 
 (Cynffig, near Margam). The first name does not seem to 
 appear elsewhere on Welsh ground, but Garantorius may 
 possibly be identical with the Gerentir-i, Gerennhir, Geren- 
 hir, Gherenhir of the Liber Landav.; pp. 175, 191, 202, 
 203, 228, 230. As to other points connected with this 
 inscription, see pages 21, 206, 207, 215, 301 of this 
 ■volume. 
 
 45. Macaritini Fili Beri\d\ (The Gnoll, near Neath, 
 whither it was brought from the parish of Llangadog). 
 There is some doubt as to the last letters of the father's 
 name : both that and the son's are otherwise unknown to 
 me. Macaritini stands probably for Maceratini, and is a 
 derivative from the name given as Macerati by Desjardins 
 in his Notice sur les Monuments Epigraphique de Bavai et 
 du MusSe de Douai (Paris, 1873), p. 136. 
 
 46. PavXi . . . Eili Ma ... (a fragment at Merthyr 
 Mawr, near Bridgend). These names may have been in 
 full Paulini and Maqveragi or the like. 
 
 47. . . . ic, in Ogam on the Loughor altar : the rest 
 is not to be made out with any certainty : see page 
 302. 
 
398 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 CAEMAETHENSHIEE. 
 
 48. Hie Jacit Ulcagnus Fius Senomagli (Llanfihangel 
 ar Arth). The first name occurs also in Cornwall, and in 
 an Irish inscription as Vlccagni : the nearest form which 
 survives in Wales is perhaps Ylched in Llechylched, in 
 Anglesey, and -wlch in the name Ammwlch, for Amb-ulc-, 
 in Cefn Ammwlch, in Carnarvonshire, and possibly in 
 Llanamwlch, near Brecon : see pages 205, 206. 
 
 49. Qvenvendard Fill Barcuni (Parcau, near Whitland) : 
 see pages 22, 23, 170, 254, 281. 
 
 50. Gurcagni Fill Andagelli (Gelli DywyU, near New- 
 castle Emlyn). Gurcagni survives in the form Circan in 
 the lAher Landav., p. 153, and on Irish ground both Corcan, 
 probably for Corcdn, and the shorter Gore are to be met 
 with as personal names : they may possibly, if standing 
 for score, be of the same origin as scale, " servus," in Teu- 
 tonic names. Andagelli in its first element reminds one 
 of the Gaulish forms Andecumhorius, Anderovdus, Ande- 
 camulum, &c. The other element gell- seems to meet us 
 in Gellan {Liber Landav., pp. 138, 146, 193, 195), and 
 it may perhaps be of the same origin as the verb gallu, 
 ' to be able ; ' but nothing certain could be said of the 
 composition of the word as long as no modern form of it 
 is known. 
 
 51. £arrivendi Filius Venduhari Hie Jacit, and in 
 Ogam . . . Magyi M . . . (Llandawke, near Laugharne) : 
 see pages 171, 212, 298. These names are in Irish 
 Bairrfhinn and Fimibharr, of which the former is in 
 Welsh Berwyn, and the latter would be Gwynfar, but I 
 am not aware that it occurs : the meaning of the former 
 is ' white-topped or white-headed.' 
 
 52. Mavoh .... Fili Lunar\c\hi Cocci (Llanboidy). 
 The first name is incomplete, owing to the end of the 
 stone having been broken ofi^, and it is possible that 
 
APPENDIX. 399 
 
 Lunarchi had no c. As to the former, it may have been in 
 iull Mavo-heni, for an earlier Mavo-seni dating before Welsh 
 s began to be changed into h: see pages 223, 224, 278. 
 
 53. . . . turn . . . This is all that is legible of another 
 inscription at Llanboidy : the stone now stands erect in the 
 churchyard, but it must have long lain in a very different 
 position, as it is worn smooth, the foregoing being the only 
 legible portion of an epitaph which probably contained the 
 formiila Hie In Tumulo Jacit. 
 
 54. t Bladi Fili Bodiheve, and in Ogam Awwi Boddih 
 .... and Bevrw . . . (stone found at Llanwinio, taken 
 to Middleton Hall, near Llanarthney) : see pages 217, 218, 
 299. The reading of Bladi is doubtful, but if it should turn 
 out to be Bladi, this would probably be found to be of the 
 same origin as hlavd in Anhlaud in the Camhro-Brit. SS., 
 p. 158. In Davies' dictionary hlawdd is quoted as mean- 
 ing " agilis, celer, gnavus, expeditus, impiger, properus,'' 
 and the compounds aerfiawdd, cadflawdd, cynjiawdd, gor- 
 flawdd, trablawdd are mentioned. Bladi cannot, I think, 
 be identified with blaidd ' a wolf.' 
 
 55. Gaturugi FUi Lovernaci (Merthyr, near Carmar- 
 then). The i of Gaturugi is horizontally placed, and 
 rather faint, but I think it is there. The name analyses 
 itself into catvr, identical with the cato- of Catotigerni, 
 Mod. Welsh cad ' battle, war,' Irish cath, the other ele- 
 ment, rug4, is not easy to identify, but it may be pre- 
 sumed to be the same which we find in a longer form in 
 Eugniavo, and if it be of the same origin as our modern 
 rhu-o ' to roar,' Latin rugire, Caturugi would mean he 
 who roars in battle ; but the older meaning of the root rug 
 seems to be to break, in that case the name would mean he 
 who breaks tlie battle. Lovernaci is of course of the same 
 origin as Lovernii, and both come from a shorter loverrin, 
 which, though lost in Mod. Welsh, occurs in Cornish as 
 
400 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 lowern ' a fox,' Bretoa louarn, the same, Irish Loam, Angli- 
 cised in Scotland into Lome. Traces of it occur in the 
 lAher Landav., pp. 135, 166, 251, in Gruc Leuyrn, Louern, 
 and Crucou Leuim, and several localities in Wales are still 
 known by the name of Llywemog, which would be formally 
 identical with Lovernac-i, but meaning probably ' abound- 
 ing in foxes,' whereas as a man's name it is more likely to 
 have meant ' foxy, or like a fox.' 
 
 Lovern- possibly stands for Za[p]-arK-, from the same 
 origin as Latin lupus ' a wolf ; ' the simple form perhaps 
 occurs as lo in Catlo and Cynllo, which last can be matched 
 by a Conlouern from the Liber Laiidav., p. 146 : see also 
 the remarks on Lovernii in No. 12. Others connect lovern- 
 with Laverna. 
 
 56. Gorbagni Filius Al . . . (Pantdeuddwr, near Aber- 
 gwili). The second name begins with A, followed, I think, 
 by an L, which suggested to me the name Alhorti. Gor- 
 hagni is a name which also occurs in an Irish inscription, 
 and I would identify it with Garfan in Llancarfan and 
 Nantcarfan, in the Liber Landavensis Nant Garban and 
 Vallis Carbani. As to the change of vowel, compare corfan, 
 ' a metrical foot,' with car/an as in car/an gwehydd, ' a 
 weaver's beam,' car/an gwely, ' a bedstead,' carfan o wair, 
 " hay laid in rows," which I copy from Pughe's dictionary, 
 where one meets with the followingquotation fromSalesbury: 
 "Eisteynt yn garfanau ofesur cantoedd, a deg adeugeiniau;" 
 " they sat down in rows of the number of hundreds and of 
 fifties." Hence it would seem that corfan and carfan are 
 desynonymised forms of the same word. See also the 
 remarks on Gorhalengi in No. 28. 
 
 5f. + Gunegni (Traws Mawr, near Carmarthen). This 
 name is singular in its being Gunegni and not Cunagni, 
 which is the form analogy suggests ; but it should perhaps 
 be regarded as offering us an early instance of a modulated 
 
APPENDIX. 401 
 
 into e by the influence of i in the following syllable, a 
 change well-known later in Welsh. In that case Cunegni 
 would be a variant of Cunagni, which is to be regarded 
 as the early form of the name which appears subsequently 
 as Gonan, Ginan and Cynanl 
 
 58. Severini Fili Severi (Traws Mawr). Severi occurs 
 in Cornwall also. 
 
 59. Regin . . . Filius Nu[v]inti (Cynwyl Caio). The 
 first name is now incomplete, but so much of it as can be 
 read corresponds to the later name Regin, Rein ; the v in 
 Nuvinti is also a matter of guessing, as it has disappeared 
 from the stone, and the name is otherwise unknown to 
 me, unless we have it in Ednywain. 
 
 €0. Talo\ri\ Adven\ti] Maqv[eragi] Filiu[s] (Dolau 
 Cothy). The parentheses enclose letters which are no 
 longer on the stone, but were formerly read on it. Whether 
 Adventi should not have been read Adventid = Adventicis 
 = Adventicius, which in late Latin meant advena, it is 
 now impossible to tell, nor can one say that Adventi = 
 Adventis = Adventius is out of the question : further, it is 
 difficult to decide whether it is nominative or genitive, and, 
 consequently, whether it or Magyeragi is to be regarded 
 as the epithet or surname. So, though I should treat 
 Talorl as a nominative standing for an earlier Talo-rix, I 
 have to leave it an open question whether the epitaph 
 means Talorix Filius Adventi Maqveragi or Talorix 
 Adventis Filius Maqveragi. As to Magyeragi, Dr. Haigh 
 thinks that he has found it also in Ogam on a stone at St. 
 Florence in Pembrokeshire. 
 
 61. Servatur Fidcei Patrieque Semper Amator Hie 
 Paulinus Jacit Cu[lt]or Pie[nfi]sim[us ^qui] (Dolau 
 Cothy). This Paulinus is supposed to have attended the 
 synod of Llanddewi Brefi some time before the year 569 : 
 see Haddan and Stubbs' Gouncils and Ecclesiastical 
 
 2 
 
402 LECTURES ON WELSH PHTLOLOGT. 
 
 Documents, i. p. 164. As to the peculiarities of the spell- 
 ing, see pages 215, 216. This epitaph forms a kind of a 
 distich : — 
 
 Servatur Fidaei Patriequ? Semper Amator, 
 Hie Paulinus Jacit Cultor Pientisimus Mqui. 
 
 62. Vennisetli Fill Ercagni (Llansaint, near Kidwelly). 
 As to Vennisetli, which is the same name as Vendesetli, see 
 No. 10. Ercagn-i occurs as Erchnn in the Liher Landav., 
 pp. 146, 191, and a farm in the neighbourhood of Aberys- 
 twyth is still called Rhoserchan ; we have also early forms 
 nearly related to Ercagni in Ercilivi and Ercilinci on the 
 Tregoney stone in Cornwall. Irish has the stUl simplei 
 form Ere, and in Welsh erch, erckyll, means 'terrible, 
 formidable, dismal.' 
 
 63 Jacet Cureagnus urivi Filius. 
 
 This is an inscription which Edward Llwyd, in a lettei 
 published in the Ar. Cam., for 1858, p. 345, gives as beinj 
 at Llandilo, but nothing is known of it now — his Jacet is 
 not likely to have been so written on the stone. 
 
 64. Decabarbalom Filius Brocagni, and in Ogaw 
 Deccaibanwalbdis : the stone is said to have been a' 
 Capel Mair, near Llandyssul, but it appears to be de 
 stroyed, and the foregoing cannot be an accurate copy of it 
 Brocagni, more correctly written, would have beei 
 Broccagni : it is the early form of the well-known nami 
 Brychan, and is in Irish Broccdn. See pages 181, 291. 
 
 PEMEEOKESHIEE. 
 
 65. Solini Filius VendQui (Clydai). The first name i 
 to be detected possibly in the Liber Landav. pp. 190 
 193, in the form Hilin, which would in that case be Hylk 
 or Hylyn if it occurred : this would exclude the possibilit; 
 of the name being the Koman S6linus. It would b 
 
APPENDIX. 403 
 
 interesting as giving us the early form so- of our prefix 
 hy-. See also page 171 and No. 32 in this list. 
 
 66. Etterni Fill Victor, and in Ogam Ettern\{\ .... 
 7[ic\tor (Clydai). See pages 182, 293. 
 
 67. t Dob . . . . i \F\ilms Evolengi, and in Ogam 
 DoM ...t..Ci.s.. (Dugoed, near Clydai). The final 
 i of EvoUngi is horizontally placed in the bosom of the 
 G, and is so faint that some maintain that there is no 
 such a letter on the stone. If leng- means, as has already 
 been suggested, ' long,' then Evo-leng-i may mean ' long- 
 lived or he of the long life,' as there is no obstacle to 
 our supposing evo- to stand for evo- and to be the Early 
 Welsh equivalent for Latin cevum and its congeners : the 
 Irish form is eva in Evacattos, and f roni the Continent 
 we have Evotalis given by Frohner, p. 42, as found 
 at Reinzabern. See also pages 206, 212, 244, 293, 
 294. 
 
 68. t Trenegussi Fili Macutreni Sic Jacit, and in 
 Ogam Trlnagusu Maqyi Maqvitreni (Cilgerran). As to 
 Trenagusu or Trenegussi, the syllable trerir is represented 
 in later Welsh by tren 'impetuous, strenuous, furious,' 
 and the other element appears in O. Welsh as gust in 
 Gingust, Irish Congus, Chirgust, Ir. Fergus, JJngust, Ir. 
 Oingus, Anglicised Angus: in Irish there are a good 
 nM,ny more of these compounds, and they all mal?e their 
 .genitives in o{s), as in Fergus, gen. Fergusso or Fergosso., 
 and an inscription offers the genitive Cunagussos, whence 
 it may be inferred with certainty that the Goidelo-Kymric 
 form implied in these names was gustus, genitive gustos, 
 formally identical with the Latin gustus of the f7-declen- 
 sion. But as the Welsh retains the st without reducing 
 it to ss or s it is likely that the nominative was shorn of 
 its termination at an early date : thus while a nominative 
 Trenaausius became Trenagust, the genitive- Trenagustos 
 
404 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 or Trenagustwos became by assimilation Trenagmsos, 
 Trenagusso, Trenagussu : the retention of the t was 
 favoured also by the accent falling in Welsh on gust 
 which we know must have been the case with Ghior- 
 gust, as it has passed through Gwrgwst, Gwrwst into 
 Grwst as in Llanrwst. The use of macu and magy-i as 
 synonymous in this inscription is to be noticed. See 
 pages 30, 180, 211, 212, 293, and Appendix B. 
 
 69. t Nettasagru Maqvi Mucoibreci (Bridell). This 
 is in Ogam only, and in Mucoibreci, which may be treated 
 as Mucoi-Breci or Mucoi Breci, Bred is very uncertain : 
 see page 292. Mucoi is the genitive of the word which in 
 the Cilgerran inscription appears as macu and elsewhere 
 as macco: as to the variation of the stem vowel see 
 Appendix B. 
 
 Nettasagru is to be analysed into Nettasagru, of which 
 netta occurs several times in Irish Ogam and is rendered 
 " propugnator " by Mr. Stokes. It probably stands for 
 iienta of the same origin as the O. H. Ger. ginindan ' to 
 take courage,' Gothic ana-nanthjan ' to take courage, to 
 venture,' 0. Eng. ne^an, ' to go on boldly, to venture, to 
 dare.' The other element sagr- comes down into later 
 Welsh in the verb haer-u ' to affirm,' and Haer, a woman's 
 name, in the lolo MSS., p. 21, and Lewis Morris's Celtic 
 Remains, p. 237. The Irish form is sdr 'very' (sdr 
 mhaith ' exceeding good '), saraghadk ' conquest, victory ' 
 [ag saraghadh ' exceeding ')— I quote from Edward Llwyd : 
 to these may be added Sdraid, the name of a lady who 
 figures in Irish legend — the genitive of the corresponding 
 masculine may be recognised in the Sagarettos of an 
 Irish Ogmic inscription. Among related words in other 
 languages may be instanced Sanskrit sah 'to hold, to 
 restrain, to resist, to overpower,' Greek 'ixi^, ^X"?"^' 
 o^uiog, but the most interesting are the Teutonic forms, 
 
APPENDIX. 405 
 
 among wHcli may be mentioned Gothic sigis, German 
 sieff ' victory ' : our sagr- takes the form sigl- or sigil- in 
 Teutonic names, so our Haer is matched by a fem. 
 Sigila, and the Irish Sdraid letter for letter by the 
 fem. Sihilinda, Sigilind: see Forstemann'a book, columns 
 1087, 1095. As applied to men sagr- and its equivalents 
 probably meant powerful, firm, victorious, but as applied 
 to women they, no doubt, meant firm, resisting, chaste, 
 which afibrds us an interesting glimpse into early Celto- 
 Teutonic morals. Both sig- and nand- enter extensively 
 into the composition' of Teutonic names, but the nearest 
 instance to our Nettasagru which Forstemann gives is 
 Siginand. 
 
 70. Sagrani Fill • Gunotami, and in Ogam Sagramni 
 Maqvi Cunatami (St. Dogmael's, near Cardigan). As to 
 Sagramni it is not easy to say how it should be analysed ; 
 at first sight it seems to be a sort of middle participle from 
 the early form of the verb haer-u, but analogy is in 
 favour of the view that it is a compound ; but of what 
 elements 1 It may be Sag-ramn-i or Sagr-amriri : in the 
 former case we should have sag- (whence the sagr-, sager-, 
 already discussed), and ramn which is not very easy to 
 explain. In the other case we should have sagr- and 
 amn-, which might possibly be a derivative from the root 
 am ' to attack, assail, injure ' (see Fick's dictionary,^ i. 
 p. 19) : the whole might then mean ' a powerful assailant.' 
 Teutonic names show an element resembling the latter part 
 of Sagramni in such names as Imino, Emino, Emeno, 
 Tmnus, Ymnedrudis, Imnegisil, Imnachar, &c. (Forste- 
 mann, 777, 779). Gunatami or Gunotami is in Mod. 
 Welsh Gyndaf, and is composed of cwre- and tamr: the 
 former of these is a common element in proper names, and 
 occurs as cune in Cuneglas-e and is explained by Gildas as 
 
 -« X — « <£ 1nni/^ " 'Fho /^fTiaf. aTTllaV»l.a invn. la nOt Of SUch 
 
406 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 extensive use, but it occurs besides in Eudaf, Gawrdaf, 
 Gwyndaf, Maeldaf, and more than one river in Wales is 
 called Taf — whether it is to be referred to the root tarn 
 or stahh is not clear (Fick's dictionary, i. 593, 821). As 
 to other points connected with this inscription, see pages 
 29, 182, 183, 184, 212, 293. 
 
 71. Yitaliani Mmereto, and in Ogam Witaliani (Cwm 
 Gloyn, near Nevern). See pages 167, 176, 179, 215, 
 288, 294. 
 
 72. t Tunccetace Uxsor Daari Sie Jacit (Trefarchog 
 or St. Nicholas). The name is to be analysed into 
 ,Tunccet-ac-e and would be now Tynghedawg or Tynghedog, 
 tunccet being now tynghed ' fate ' : thus it was probably 
 the exact equivalent in meaning of the Latin name For- 
 tunata. As to other points connected with this epitaph see 
 pages 206, 216,217, 244. To the remark on the doubling 
 of the a in Daari, p. 216, add the following instances 
 from the Continent, mentioned by Frohner, p. xxvii : — 
 Craaniani from Eiegel, Maiaanus from Luxembourg, and 
 JRicaamaariu from Paris ; also Vaaro, from Bingen,' cited 
 by Becker, p. 78. And, lastly, with Tunccetace compare 
 temppistataem for tempestatem, instanced by Frohner, p. 
 xxix. 
 
 73. Uvali Fill Dencui Cuniovende Mater Ejus (Spittal, 
 near Haverfordwest). If evo- in Evolengi means cevum, 
 then Evali may possibly have had the meaning of Etemalis 
 or Vitalis in other inscriptions. Dencui is obscure: it 
 may be either a compound Den-cui or Denc-ui, or else a 
 derivative, in which case we should probably compare 
 Dinui and Sagranui : it is to be remarked that the reading 
 of it is not certain. The vend- of Cunio-vende we have 
 already met with, but cuni-o is obscure : it would seem to 
 be derived from cun- as in Gurw,tami. 
 
 74. Clotorigi Fili Paulini Marini Latio (LlandysUio). 
 
APPENDIX. 407 
 
 Owing to the face of the stone having begun to peel off, I 
 am not certain whether the first name should be read 
 CLOTOKiGi or CLTjTOEiGi. Later the name became Glotri 
 and Clodri : the corresponding Teutonic forms in Forste- 
 mann's list are Chloderich, and Hlodericus. As to what 
 follows Paulini, it is hard to know what to make of it : 
 various ways of explaining it occur to me, but none of 
 them is satisfactory. On the whole I would suggest that 
 MAEiNiLATio should be divided into Mdrini, an epithet to 
 Paulini, and Latio, which would then have to mean ' from 
 Latium,' or ' from Litau, i.e., Armorica ' ; for Latium 
 and 0. Welsh lAtav,, now Llydaw, used to be confounded 
 — witness the Ovid gloss di Litau, ' to Llydaw,' intended 
 to explain the Latin Latio : the same thing happened 
 also in the case of Leiha, the 0. Irish equivalent of 
 Llydaw. 
 
 75. Euolenggi Fili Litogeni Hie Jacit (LlandysUio). 
 The letters are mixed Roman and Kymric, but there is no 
 excuse for reading the first name Euolenus : Evolengi 
 has already been mentioned : see page 399. As to Litogeni, 
 it is no doubt of the same origin as the Gaulish forms 
 Litugena, Litugenius, and partly as Litumara = O. Welsh 
 " litimaur frequens." See pages 183, 253. 
 
 76. Camelorigi Fili Fannud (Cheriton, near Pembroke). 
 The second element of Camelorigi requires no further ex- 
 planation, but the other is more obscure. The e may be 
 the irrational vowel which is omitted in Nettasagru as com- 
 pared with the Irish Sagareftos : in that case the name 
 might be written Camlorigi, which would conform better 
 with the analogy of the other Early Welsh names. It is 
 possibly of the same origin as the first part of the probably 
 Gaulish name Camalodunum : the root is ham ' to vault, to 
 bend, to envelop,' from which are derived xd/zivoi, xa/ioga, 
 vliLnsoc. xdaapos ; Lat,, camurus, camera ; Ger., himmel} 
 
408 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 ' sky, heaven, canopy, roof of a carriage ; ' and the Teutonic 
 names containing the same element are Himildrvd, HimU- 
 ger, Eimilvad, Berhthimil, while one might at first sight 
 be tempted to equate Eamalri, the name of the King of 
 France's steward mentioned in the Saxon Chronicle under 
 the year 1123, but this is perhaps not to be thought of, as 
 it is also written Amauri, and the h supposed to be inor- 
 ganic : see Forstemann, 77, 687. As to the affix mc in 
 Fannuci see page 282. The fann- we meet with in this 
 name is probably of the same origin as the German 
 verb ' spannen, to be stretched, to be in suspense,' Eng. 
 span. 
 
 77. t Maqveragi in Ogam (St. Florence) : see page 
 296. 
 
 78. t Magolite Bar . . . cene in Ogam (in the chapel 
 on Caldy) : see page 297. 
 
 DBVONSHIEE. 
 
 79. Bohwnni Fahri Filli Enaharri, and in Ogam .... 
 ndbarr .... (Tavistoclj:). I am not perfectly certain as to 
 the second I in filli ; see page 303, and No. 88 in this list. 
 The first name seems to be the same as that of the tribe 
 whom Ptolemy calls Ao^oimoi in South Wales. Enaharri 
 contains one element, harr-, which has already been noticed: 
 the other ena seems to be the same as the ene of Eneuin of 
 a much later inscription nowin the chapel at Goodrich Court. 
 It stands probably for enna = an earlier enda, which in Irish 
 occurs as a man's name, Enna, Enda : in modern Welsh 
 names it is of course reduced into en- as in Enfail, En- 
 ddwyn and the like, with which may be compared in the 
 Teutonic languages, Enda, Indgar, Indulf, or else Ando, 
 Andegar, Andarich, and the like. 
 
 80. Sahini Fili Maccodecheti (Tavistock, brought thither 
 from Buckland Monachorum). Sahini, which would be the 
 
APPENDIX. 409 
 
 genitive of SaMnus, a name well-known to epigraphists, is 
 perhaps to be read Sarini ; for owing to a hole cut in the 
 stone it is now impossible to say which is right. The form 
 Sabini would be identical with Hefln in the lolo MSS., 
 p. 108. As to Maccodecheii, see pages 163, 174-177, 180, 
 181, 203, 274, 277, and Appendix B. 
 
 81. (a) Fanoni Maqyirini : (b) Sagranui, and (c) in 
 Ogam Swaqqvud Maqyi Qvici (British Museum, brought 
 from Fardel, near Ivybridge). Fanoni stands probably 
 for Fannoni, of the same origin as Fannud. The meaning 
 of rin in Maqyirini is not evident, nor is one certain as to 
 the formation of the name Sagranui : the n is written like 
 an H, but it is not probable that it is to be read so ; more- 
 over, the H and the V are so placed as to suggest a con- 
 joint character for MN or NN : they are not quite joined. 
 Thus thepossible readings are Sagranui, Sagranui, Sagramni, 
 Sagrahui. This inscription is not on the same face as 
 that of Fanoni, nor in so early letters : see also pages 
 282, 303. 
 
 82. Valci Fili F . . . . aius (Bowden, near Totness). 
 I have not yet had time to visit the locality of this stone, 
 and I take the above from Hiibner's book — I have faUed to 
 guess the reading of the rest, though the epitaph seems to 
 be complete ; the fac-simile seems to come originally from 
 Gough's Camden. The first name would seem to be 
 identical with our gwahh in Gwalchmm. 
 
 CORNWALL. 
 
 83. Latini Ic Jacit Filius Ma : : arii, and in Ogam, traces 
 of an inscription ending in i (Worthyvale, near Camel- 
 ford). The father's name is partly illegible, and the final 
 i is horizontally placed and of an unusual length : see 
 also page 209. As Latini — there is no excuse for read- 
 in™ '*■ ^'»''''»«' — ia poinijnatiga i t Tirnba.b1v .sta nd.s for 
 
410 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Latinis = Latinius — see page 178 ; several instances of the 
 simpler form Latinus are cited by Frohner, p. 50, and one 
 of tliem seems to come from London. 
 
 84. Vlcagni Fili Severi (Nanscow, near Wadebridge). 
 These names we have already met with : one is Celtic and 
 the other Latin. 
 
 85. Vailathi Fili Vroclia : : i (Wilton, near Cardynham). 
 The reading of the one name is not very certain, and 
 the origin of both is obscure ; in any case the inscription 
 must be a comparatively late one, as proved both by the 
 spelling and the style of the letters, 
 
 86. Annicuri (Lanivet, near Bodmin). I have 
 
 not seen it, and I cannot explain the name, but the first 
 part anni is probably to be regarded as identical with 
 anda- in Andagelli : the rest coincides with the portion 
 read of a name on the Abercar stone, Brecknockshire: 
 see No. 39. 
 
 87. t Brustagni Hie Jacit Cunomori Filiws (The Long 
 Stone, near Fowey). The first name has been read 
 Cirusius, but what has been taken to be CI is an in- 
 verted D ; moreover, the ius of Cirusius does not account 
 for all the traces of letters on that part of the stone, 
 but my -agni is rather a guess than a reading. Brus- 
 tagni would be the early form of our Drystan ; compare 
 also the Pictish Brostan, Brosten, Brust, and other related 
 forms. Cunomori is composed of eun-, already noticed, 
 and mor- probably the prototype of our adjective mawj 
 ' great ' : the name is now Cynfor in Wales. 
 
 88. Bonemimori Filli Tribuni (Kialton, near St. Columt 
 Minor). The name which here occurs as Bonemimori is tc 
 be met with in a variety of forms, I am told, on th« 
 Continent : filli stands no doubt ioifilji or fillji, with whicl 
 may be compared fiUia, Julliacus, Julliani mentioned bj 
 
APPEND IS. 411 
 
 FroKner, p. xxix; also Turpilli on the Glan Usk Park 
 stone. Filli seems to be the spelling also on one of the 
 Tavistock stones. The father's name seems to be the Latin 
 trihunus used as a proper name. 
 
 89. Conetoci Fili Tegernomali (St. Cubert). The lettering 
 though clear, is rude and inclines to early Kymric, especially 
 the G which has the form of a J" being intermediate be- 
 tween the Capel Brithdir specimen and the ordinary 
 Kymric 3. Conetoci stands possibly for an earlier Cuna- 
 tad or Cunotaci, but whether that would be a derivative 
 with the suffix dc or oc, or a compound Guno-tdc4 is not 
 evident. In the former case Conetoci fpould imply a noun 
 conet, possibly of the same origin as connet in the Gaulish 
 name Gonconneto-dumnus, but more likely of the same as 
 our con in gogonedd or gogoniant ' glory/ whence Conetoci 
 might mean gloriosua or the Uke. Compare Tunccet-ae-e, 
 O. Welsh Marget-jud, and the Gaulish Orgeto-rix. As to 
 Tegernomali, see pages 31, 213 : it means 'king-like or 
 lord-like ' : the only other name of the same formation in 
 Welsh which occurs to me is Jonafal [Brut y Tywys. p. 
 28, Myvyr. Arch. p. 659, 692) : counpaie dihafal ' without 
 a like, unrivalled,' and Breton Hiaval. The author of a life 
 of St. Samson, who is supposed to have written in the 
 earlier part of the 7th century, addresses his preface " ad 
 Tigerinomalum Episcopum," where we have Tegemomalum, 
 spelled with an irrational i : the epitaph in question is 
 also in all probability to be ascribed to the 7th century. 
 
 90. Nonnita Erdlivi Jiicati Tris Fili Erdlind (Tre- 
 goney). Nonnita was a woman, though she and her two 
 brothers are here termed " tris ( = tres) fili : " it was the 
 name of St. David's mother, and has come down in Eglwys 
 Nunyd, that is, in Welsh spelling Eglwys Nynyd, the 
 name of an extinct church near Margam : otherwise in 
 Welsh tradition it usually takes the shorter form Non or 
 
412 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT 
 
 Nonn. Ercilivi and Ercilinci are of the same origin as 
 Ercagni already noticed : on the Trallong stone we -find 
 Gunocenni Filius Cunoceni called in Ogam Cunacennivd, 
 and the present instance is a fair parallel, Hrcil{mci) Filius 
 being made into Ercilivi, or, as it would be in Ogam, 
 Erciliwi. On the termination inc, now ing, see the Arch. 
 Camhrensis for 1872, page 302. Ricati probably means 
 king of battle : compare the Teutonic Rihlmd (Forstemann, 
 1047) ; however it does not appear that the Welsh name 
 is a compound, for were that the case we should expect to 
 find it assuming the form of Eigocati or the liie : so it 
 remains that it should be treated as consisting of a nomi- 
 native ri (for an earlier rix) and the genitive of the stem 
 catu, which would have been in Early Welsh catu or cato, 
 making the whole word into Eicato or Eicatu, which, 
 dealt with in the same way as Trenagusu, made into 
 Trenegussi in the Latin version, would yield Eicati and 
 retain at the same time quite as much of the appearance 
 of a nominative as the Ercilivi immediately preceding it. 
 
 91. t Vitali Fill Torrid (St. Clement's, near Truro). 
 This inscription is preceded by a group of very much 
 smaller letters which seem to make Isnioc, which has 
 never been explained. Vitali, for Vitalis, is a Latin 
 name which occurs in inscriptions of the time of the 
 Eoman occupation : see also page 176. It is not impro- 
 bable that Torrid, on the other hand, is Celtic ; as we 
 have the name Twrrog which would have been in Early 
 Welsh Turrac- or Torrac-. To this may be added from 
 the Lichfield Gospel a compound name Turgint with gint 
 as in Bledgint, now Bleddyn, which probably meant wolf- 
 child, as gint, seems to be our formal equivalent to Latin 
 gens, gentis, Lithuanian gimtis, ' race,' gentis, ' a relative,' 
 Ger. kind, ' a child.' But I would not be certain that 
 our torr in Torrid is the equivalent of tlm lfindin<T oioment 
 
APPENDIX. 413 
 
 in the Teutonic names, Thurismund, Tlmrismod, Thoris- 
 mutk, Thundnd (Forstemann, 1200, 1201). 
 
 92. OMuali' Morhatti (Phillack, near Hayle). Mor- 
 hatti, the composition of which is not very transparent, is 
 found in the Bodmin Manumissions in various forms, such 
 as Morhatho, Morhaiiho. The other name is easily ex- 
 plained : it is made up of clot, now clod ' praise, fame ' and 
 ual, that is wal, which stands for a prae- Celtic valpa Eng- 
 lish wolf : so that Clotual- is exactly matched in Fbrste- 
 mann's list by Ghlodulf, Clodulf, Hlvdolf, Mod. H. Ger. 
 LvdoVph : compare the case of Velvor in No. 29. 
 
 93. [ In Pa\ce Mul\ier\ Requievit n . . . . 
 
 Gunaide Hie [/m] Tumulo Jaeit Viscit Annas Xxxiii (Ka,yle). 
 The reading of this epitaph is, I fear, hopeless : as to 
 Gunaide see pages 217, 222. 
 
 94. Qvenatauci Ic Dinui Filius (Gulval, near Penzance). 
 Qvenatauci stands probably for Qvennatanci : see pages 
 211, 212, 224, 281. The name Dinui is obscure, and I 
 cannot find a trace of it elsewhere. 
 
 95. Rialohrani Gunovali Fili (Lanyon, pronounced Lan- 
 nine, near Penzance). Gunovali consists of elements which 
 we have already noticed : it is in Mod. Welsh Gynwal, and 
 in Irish Gonnell, see page 85. The exact Teutonic equi- 
 valent occurs as Sunulf or Sunolf (Forstemann, 762) : 
 similar instances are Gatgual (Liber Landav. p. 132) = Ir. 
 Gathal, Gurguol (p. 157), Bvdgual (p. 263), Tutgual, 
 Tudwal = Ir. Tuaihal, better known in its Anglo-Irish dress" 
 as Toole ; these are duly represented in Forstemann's list 
 by Hathovulf, Waraulf, Botolf, and Theudulf respectively. 
 The other name, Rialohrani, consists of hran, ' a crow,' 
 which occurs as a proper name among both the Welsh and 
 the Irish : in Rialohrani it would seem to be qualified by 
 an adjective rial-o-, which I should take to Ta.t3.-n. friendly 
 -J. — ,'«j,7^ frnm t.iip 1-nnt, nri ' to love. to em'ov.' whence 
 
414 LECTURES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 the English word /riered On Breton ground, however, it 
 occurs as an independent name in the form of Siol. 
 
 96. XPL Senilus Ic Jacit (St. Just in Penwith). The 
 inscriber left out the letters ni from Senilus and in- 
 serted them afterwards above the line. Whether the 
 name is Celtic or Latin is not easy to decide ; but 
 the termination us would seem to imply that we have 
 here to do with a form totally distinct from the Latin 
 Senilis. 
 
 SCOTLAND. 
 
 97 Hie Meinor Jacet Princ .... 
 
 Dumnoceni Hie Jacet In Tumulo Duo I'm . . Libe- 
 rali . . . (near Yarrow Kirk, Selkirkshire). The letters ap- 
 pear to be very far gone, and the reading of them, as here 
 guessed from Hiibner's book, to be of very little value, but 
 we seem to find in them one Celtic name and one or two 
 Latin ones. Dumnoceni begins with the same element as 
 Dumnorix or Duhrtorix, and the Mod. Welsh Dyfnwal, 
 Irish Domhnal, Anglo-Irish Donnell : the syllable cen, if 
 it is not to be read gen, stands probably for cenn, as in 
 Cunocenni. 
 
 98. In Oc Tumulo Jacit Vetta F[ilid] Victi (In Kirk- 
 liston Parish, between 7 and 8 miles from Edinburgh). I 
 have never seen the stone, and I am not convinced that 
 the father's name is complete as it now stands. Scotch 
 antiquaries usually treat Vetta as a man's name, and com- 
 plete the word following into filiw, but for no better 
 reason, it would seem, than that they think they detect in 
 Vetta the name of a warrior of the Hengist and Horsa 
 family. But to me the inscription appears to differ in no 
 particular from those of Wales and Cornwall ; but even if 
 a Teutonic Vetta were meant, analogy would lead one to 
 expect his name not to appear exactly in that form in this 
 inscription. However, the genitive masculine correspond- 
 
APPENDIX. 415 
 
 ing to our Veita is cited by Frohner as Vetti: in one 
 instance it comes from Xanten, and in the other from 
 Stettfeld. Supposing, however, that the doubling of the 
 t in Vefta is inorganic, the name would naturally connect 
 itself with the 0. Irish Feth and Ilrwweto in No. 36. 
 
 -^.-^MAGGU, MUGOI, MAQVI, MAGW7. 
 
 Lest difficulties should seem to be intentionally slurred 
 over, some remarks will here be made on the word maccu 
 and others related to it. The inscriptions most nearly con- 
 cerned are the following : — . 
 
 No. 1. Hie Jacit Maccu-Decceti (Anglesey), 
 No. 80. Sabini Fili Macco-Decheti (Devonshire). 
 No. 68. (a) Trenegussi Fili Macu-Treni ") (Pem- 
 
 (6) Trenagusu Maqvi Maqvi-Treni V broke- 
 No. 69. Nettasagru Maqvi Mucoi-Breci J shire). 
 
 Irish inscriptions offer us not only mucoi, but also m/iiccoi 
 and moco, and later Irish mocu and maccu, whence it ap- 
 pears that we may regard mucoi, in No. 68, as the genitive 
 of a form which the Kyfnry wrote indifferently macco, 
 maccu, maeu, or perhaps mucco, muccu, mticu. Moreover, 
 Mucoi-breci does not seem to be a compound, and the same 
 may be said of Maccu-Decceti in No. 1 ; but Macco-Decheti 
 and MoyCtirTreni have been treated as though they were 
 compounds, and their first element left without being 
 changed into the genitive, as it strictly should have been. 
 Irish enables us to analyse these forms into their con- 
 stituent parts : these are muc- or mace-, which we have in 
 Welsh in mag-u, formerly mac-u ' to nurse, to rear, to 
 bring up,' as in the proverb ' Gas gwr ni charo'r wlad a'i 
 i Htintnfnl '" ^ — -«tV./^ ^/^■.>r.I, Tir>f f>io lanri that rears 
 
416 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY, 
 
 him," and a word which in Irish appears as o ' a grand- 
 son, or descendant,' genitive ui — everybody is familiar 
 with it as the prefixed with a misleading apostrophe to 
 Irish names, as in O'Gonnell, O'Donovan, O'Mooney, and 
 the like. The nearest related Welsh word still in use is 
 w-yr ' a grandson,' but both have lost an initial p, and are 
 of a common origin with the Latin jnier ' a boy.' Mr. 
 Stokes, in the first volume of Kuhn's Beitrcege, takes 
 the meaning of maecu or mocu to be grandson or descend- 
 ant : he mentions the following instances, p. 345 : — " De 
 periculo Sancti Colmani Episcopi Mocusailni " (Adamnan's 
 Life of St. Columha, p. 29) ; " Silnanum filium Nemani- 
 don Mocusogin" (i6., p. 108); "Sancti Columbani Epi- 
 scopi mocu Loigse animam" (ih., p. 210), but there lay, 
 he says, six generations between this Columbanus and 
 Loigis ; " De Erco fure Mocudruidi " {ib., p. 77) — 
 we meet elsewhere with Maccudruad ; " Brendenus 
 Mocualti " {ib., 220) ; " Quies Cormaic abbatis cluana 
 Macconois" {Annals of Ulster, A.D., 751)— the abbey is 
 stiU called Clonmacnoise ; "Dubthach Macculugir" (Tirech. 
 13), which he finds transformed in the Liber Hymnorum 
 into " Dubtach mc. huilugair," i.e., " D. filius nepotis 
 Lugari" — the same would seem ,to have been the fate 
 of maccu generally in later Irish. In his Goideliea, Mr. 
 Stokes mentions two other instances, namely, MuircM 
 Maccumacktheni, p. 84 ; also, p. 62, a Macculasrius in a 
 Latin hymn for Lasridn, whence, he suggests, that maccu, 
 may be equivalent to the diminutival ending -dn. Since 
 the printing of the books alluded to, Mr. Stokes has com- 
 municated to me some further notes on maccu. Among 
 other things, he finds that in Irish it had the force of 
 " gens, genus," as, for instance, in the words " ad insolas 
 maccu-chor" {Booh of Armagh, 9, a. 2) j moreover, that 
 maccu or m.ocu had this meanins; is proved, he thinks, by 
 
APPENDIX. 417 
 
 its interchange with corca and dal, as in Mocu-Dalon = 
 CoTca-Dallan (Adamnan's Life of St. Columha, p. 220, in 
 Moeu-runtir = Bal-Ruinntir {ih., p. 47), in Mocu-Sailni = 
 Dal-Sailne (ih., p. 29), in Mocu-themne = Corcu-temne 
 {Book of Armagh, 13. b. 2), and Gorcii-teimnt (ib., 14. a. 1), 
 and in the fact that the phrase " de genere Euntir " appears 
 as a translation of Mocv^Runtir. Such instances as Col- 
 mani episcopi Mocusailni, and Goltimhani episcopi mocit, 
 Loigse, he regards as references to the Irish tribal bishops, 
 which should be rendered C. episcopi gentis Sailni, and C. 
 episcopi g&ntis Loigse. 
 
 Judging from our inscriptions, we have no reason to 
 think that the Kymry used maccu in a collective- sense, 
 and the meaning which seems to be suggested by the 
 origin of the word and its uses is ' reared offspring,' or, 
 perhaps, more strictly, ' offspring in the course of being 
 reared,' that is in the singular, let us say, a child, a boy, 
 or a young man who has not done growing, and ultimately 
 a young man without any further restriction of meaning. 
 This is confirmed by the fact that the same person seems 
 to be called Maeu-Treni and Maqvi-Treni in No. 68 — in 
 any case, the distinction between maccu and maqv-i cannot 
 have been so considerable that they could not, under cer- 
 tain circumstances, both be applied to the same person. 
 But we have other means of fixing the meaning of maccu ; 
 for the genitive mucoi, in its form of maccoi, has come 
 down bodily into Mod. Welsh as macwy, the significa- 
 tion of which will be evident from the following ex- 
 amples : — " Myned a wnaeth i'r maes a dau faccwy gydag 
 ef," ' he went to the field accompanied by two young men,' 
 quoted in Dr. Davies' dictionary from Historia Owein ah 
 Urien ; in the next quotation from Cynddpw in the 
 Myvyrian Archaiology (Gee's edition), p. 183a, the word is 
 
418 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 " Kan diffyrth Trindaut tri maccuy o dan 
 Tri meib glan glein ovuy." 
 A third instance, interesting also as being in the dual 
 number, may be added from the Mabinogion iii. 265 — 
 " deu vackwy -winenon ieueinc yn gware gwydbwyll," 
 'two auburn-haired young men playing at chess.' The 
 word was eventually degraded to mean an attendant or a 
 groom : compare the Greek iraibiov yielding us the French 
 and English page. 
 
 Eeturning to the phonology of the words in question, 
 we may notice that the oi of Early Welsh could but yield 
 wy or oe in Mod. Welsh ; and as to the retention of the 
 case vowel compare such instances as olew ' oil,' and pydm 
 ' a pit,' from oleum and puteus. This was secured by the 
 accent being on the ultima, which is proved to have been 
 its former position by the fact that the word is now macwy 
 and not magwy. Then as to the interchange of a, o, and 
 M, in the first part of these words, one is driven to compare 
 them with the Welsh ae or ag, formerly also oc 'and, 
 with,' agos, cyfagos 'near, neighbouring,' Irish agus 'and,' 
 O. Ir, ocus, occus, and comocus 'near.' It is tolerably 
 certain that these words come from the same origin as 
 Greek ay-^cv, &yx' 'near, nigh, close by,' Lat. angustm, 
 Ger. eng ' narrow,' all from a lengthened form of the root 
 agR, namely angh. Thus it appears that in our Celtic 
 forms the mute preceded by the nasal underwent provec- 
 tion into c or cc — other instances of the feame kind have 
 been briefly mentioned by me in the. Eeime Geltique, ii. 
 190-192, — and the nasal imparted to the vowel its obscure 
 timbre : perhaps one should rather say that the vowel was 
 nasalised, and came to be rendered by a, o, or u, while 
 both Irish and Welsh ultimately restored it to a clear a. 
 
 By a parity of reasoning the first part of our maccu 
 should be referred to a root mangh, but is there such a 
 
APPENDIX. 419 
 
 root! There is; but Fick gives it ^ only as a lengthened- 
 form of magh, ■whence he derives, among others, the fol- 
 lowing words : Sanst. mahant ' great,' Greek (Ji-rj^o; ' a 
 means, expedient, remedy,' Lith. magt)ju ' I help,' O. Bulg. 
 mogcH^ ' I can, am able,' Gothic magan, Eng. may. The 
 meaning which he ascribes to it oscillates between the 
 ideas of growing and causing to grow, of being able and 
 making able. It is to the same origin that one has to 
 refer our map, mob 'son,' Early Welsh' mxiqy-i, the 
 nominative corresponding to which must once have been 
 magyas. For Irish inscriptions show not only the 
 common forms, maqv-i, but also maqqv-i and moqv-i, 
 where the hesitation as to the vowel points to the same 
 cause as in maccu and mucoi. Thus tnaqvas, genitive 
 7naqv-i, analyses itself into maq-vors, that is mac-va-s or 
 mac-was : compare ebol ' a colt,' formerly epawl, a deriva- 
 tive from ep-, the Welsh representative of 0. Irish ech 
 ' a horse,' and Lat. equus, O. Lat. eqvas, for ec-vo-s, as 
 may be seen from the corresponding Sanskrit, which is 
 ag-va-s: the Greeks had both /T-rof and 'ikxos. On the use 
 of the affix va in the Aryan languages see Schleicher's 
 Compendium, § 218 : in Welsh, excepting where the v pre- 
 ceded by c, as in these two instances, has yielded qv, p, b, 
 it is now represented by w as in erw ' an acre ' (compare 
 Lat. arvum), malw-od ' snails,' carw ' a stag : ' compare 
 Lat. cervus. 
 
 Besides the foregoing forms which are to be referred to 
 the longer root marigh, we have also one from the shorter 
 magh, namely, meu in meudwy ' a hermit,' for meu-dwyw 
 = " servus Dei," in Irish cele-dS or Guldee. Meu- stands 
 for mag-: see page 13. The Cornish was maw ' a boy, a 
 lad, a servant,' Breton maovrez ' a woman,' Ir. mugh ' a 
 servant,' 0. Ir. mv^, gerdtive moga, Gothic magus ' a boy, 
 " " 1— H! aid. 
 
420 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 C— SOME WELSH NAMES OF METALS AND 
 AKTICLES MADE OF METAL. 
 
 The words I here propose briefly to discuss are the 
 following ; — alcam ' tin,' arj'an ' silver, money,' aur ' gold,' 
 hath ' a stamp, coin, money,' efi/dd ' copper,' elli/n ' a razor,' 
 grut- in the proper name Grutneu, haiarn ' iron,' together 
 with ei- in Eimetiaco, mwn, mwnai ' ore,' plwm ' lead,' pres 
 'brass, coppers, pence,' ystaen 'tin.' It is evident. at a 
 glance that these are not all of native origin, some being 
 the result of borrowing from Latin, and some from 
 English. 
 
 i. L The first to strike one as borrowed from Latin is 
 plwm, ' lead,' horn. plumhimi : there are in N. Cardiganshire 
 lead mines which are popularly supposed to have been 
 worked by the Eomans. The Irish appear to have 
 retained a native term of the same origin as English lead 
 or lode, in the Irish gloss luaidhe " plumbum." See 
 Stokes' Irish Glosses, p. 83. 
 
 2. In the next place there can be no doubt that our aur 
 ' gold ' is the Welsh form of aurum. For were aur simply 
 cognate with aurum, which, in all probability stands foi 
 ausum, it should be now not aur, but some such a form as 
 au or u. 
 
 3. As to arian, that is, arjan ' silver, money,' formerlj 
 arjant, Breton arc'hant or arc'hand, Cornish archans, 
 Irish arffaf, later airged, the case is not so easy to decide 
 I am inclined to think all these forms to have beei 
 borrowed from Latin. 
 
 4. It is much the same with ystaen, a dissyUabh 
 accented on the a ; as now used, it is neither more noi 
 less both in form and meaning than the English wore 
 «tom, but Dr. Davies in his dictionary sives stannum, ai 
 
APPENDIX. 421 
 
 its only Latin equivalent, whUe he explains ystaenio as 
 "maculare, m^culis conspergere." The Breton is stean, 
 Cornish stean, and Mr. Stokes gives the Mod. Irish as 
 sdan, whUe Edward Llwyd writes stdn. None of these is 
 such as to convince one that it is not to be traced to the 
 Latin stannum, or what is supposed to be the older form 
 of the word, namely stagnum. 
 
 5. To these may be added our hath or math commonly 
 used in the sense of ' a kind, species, the like of ' ; 
 formerly it meant also ' money, coin, treasure,' as in the 
 lolo MSS. p. 194, and this is the meaning which prevails 
 in the longer forms, iathu ' to coin or stamp money,' 
 hathodyn ' a medal,' and haihol ' coined or stamped.' 
 These words come, no doubt, from the same source as the 
 French hattre ' to beat,' as in battre monnaie ' to coin money.' 
 The French verb is traced by Diez {Etym. Worterbuch der 
 romanischen Sprachen ; Bonn, 1869) through an inter- 
 mediate latere to the classical batuere, ' to strike, beat, 
 hit,' at the same time that he quotes instances of the 
 former with ti, of which one at least dates from the 6th 
 century : Ducange gives battare, battere, and battire, 
 together with baptidere and baptire, as in baptire monetam 
 = nummos cudere ; but it would be useless to question or 
 define the connection between these forms and batuere 
 without examining the texts in which they are said to 
 occur ; but it may here be pointed out that the Welsh 
 words are best accounted for by battare, the participle of 
 which, battdtus, is implied in our bathod-yn ' a medal.' 
 The old meaning of bath or math, namely that of a stamp 
 or mark made by beating, is betrayed by the preposition 
 stUl sometimes used after it, as in math ar ddyn ' a kind 
 or stamp of man,' literally ' a stamp on man.' But as the 
 connotation of the word has been forgotten, it is becoming 
 ii._ j„-i .: — 4.„ — ;4.„ ~^^ti, „ A^-,,^ -nrViinii foiij pg exactly 
 
422 LECTUBES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 witli the English ' a kind or stamp of man.' Bath and 
 math are further interesting as being in a state of incipient 
 desynonymisation : thus one may say math o anifail ' a 
 kind of animal,' but not bath o anifail, and anifail o'i 
 hath hi would be ' an animal like her,' while anifail o'i 
 math hi would mean, if it occurred, 'an animal of her 
 species or genus,' with a more explicit reference to classi- 
 fication. Math in virtue probably of its meaning ' coin, 
 money, treasure,' has treated Welsh mythology to several 
 proper names — 'Compare the Greek -aXoZros ' wealth, riches,' 
 and Pluto or Plutus, the name of the god who guarded 
 the treasures of the earth. Thus we have a Math ah 
 Mathonwy with his headquarters near the lake of 
 Geirionydd, in Carnarvonshire, in a wild district by no 
 means ill chosen for a Cambrian Pluto : unfortunately, 
 but, perhaps, accidentally, the Mahinogion make no allusion 
 to the guardianship of the treasures of the subterranean 
 world d,s one of the duties incumbent on the weird king of 
 Caerdathl. But it is remarkable that one of the leading 
 personages in the Welsh myth which comes nearest to the 
 well-known story of the rape of Proserpine bears the name 
 of Matholwch, and in some other respects recalls the 
 classic Pluto, while one or two of the incidents mentioned 
 in the tale fall into striking agreement with a part of the 
 account of Gudrun : see Cox's Tales of ■ Teutonic Lands 
 (London, 1872), pp. 190-201, and the story of Branwen 
 Verch Llyr in Lady Charlotte Guest's Mahinogion, iii. pp. 
 81-140. 
 
 ii. 1. To return to the question of our names for tin, it 
 is to be noticed that the word now in common use 
 among the Welsh is none other than the English one. 
 In the Bible, however, and other books it is called 
 alcam, to which Pughe tried to give the more easily 
 explained form of alcan. But there_is_no i 
 
APPENDIX. 423 
 
 fact that it must be the outcome of a comparatively recent 
 borrowing from English : witness the use made of the 
 word alehymy by Milton in the lines — 
 
 " Toward the four winds four speedy cherubim 
 Put to their mouths the sounding alehymy, 
 By herald's voice explained ; the hollow abyss 
 Heard far and wide, and all the host of hell 
 With deafening shout returned them loud acclaim. " 
 
 2. To the foregoing may be added the word mwnai, 
 which Dr. Davies explains as moneta, nummus : the word 
 undoubtedly comes from the English money in its older 
 form of moneie, which is the Latin moneta introduced 
 through the medium of French : however the Welsh 
 word no longer means money but ore or metal, and so did 
 the shortened form mwn even in Davies' time as the only 
 meaning he gives it is quodvis metalhim fossile, which it 
 still retains. It is also frequently pronounced and written 
 mwyn : at any rate there is no satisfactory evidence that 
 this is an instance of confounding two different words. 
 
 3. Lastly must be mentioned pres, ' brass, pence,' which 
 seems to be a loan-word of older standing in the language, 
 as it comes from the 0. English hrees, ires, now brass ; 
 the change of the initial consonant occurs in other words 
 borrowed from English, not to mention Fluellen's^foocZ and 
 prains, which are probably too late to help us here. 
 
 iii. 1 . — Passing on to the remaining words, which are of 
 Welsh origin, one may begin with efydd ' copper,' O. 
 Welsh emid, " aes," in the Capella glosses. The Irish 
 equivalent umae with u for an earlier a, as in ubhal, ' an 
 apple,' Welsh afal, is, as Mr. Stokes kindly informs me, 
 either a masculine or a neuter of the Ja- declension. 
 Consequently it is probable that the d of emid had the 
 J „* n,„ ^^ nf nnr Ttindem efvdd and represented an 
 
 k^. 
 
424 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 an earlier semi-vowel j : for other instances see the Rev. 
 Celtique, ii. 115-118. The base would then have been 
 emija or rather amija, the a being modulated later into e 
 through the influence of the i following in the next 
 syllable. Further we have found m standing for an 
 earlier h, and, supposing this to be an instance in point, 
 amija may be restored to the form ahija. We have also 
 analogy for thinking abija to represent an earlier abisja, 
 and supposing the b here, as frequently, to stand for an 
 Aryan gv, we substitute for abisja an earlier form agvisja : 
 assuming this last to be also a word inherited by the 
 Teutons, one gets almost exactly the Gothic aqvizi, 
 genitive aqyizjos, English axe. I said almost exactly, for 
 aqvizi is feminine, while efi/dd is masculine, but the 0. 
 Welsh plural emedou " aera " in the Ovid glosses would 
 seem to come from a singular emed, which could hardly 
 fail to be feminine like the Gothic equivalent. This 
 equation can scarcely be of more interest to the glottologist 
 than the student of early civilisation and culture. 
 
 2. The word ellt/n, ' a razor,' and its congeners somewhat 
 reverse the relative positions which have just been assigned 
 Celts and Teutons. Ellyn is proved to stand for eltinn or 
 rather altinn by the Breton adten, earlier autenn, Irish 
 altan, all from a simple alt, which occurs in Breton as aot, 
 aod, ah " rivage de la mer, plage, bord de I'eau," Cornish 
 als " littus," where we should say glan y mor ' seashore,' 
 or min y mor ' the edge of the sea.' In Welsh the same 
 word is allt, also gallt, which is sometimes given as mean- 
 ing a cliff, but it does not so much mean that or the edge 
 of a hill, — for it need not have an edge, brow, or cliff, — as 
 the whole ascent of any rising ground, which may, there- 
 fore, be compared to the side of a blade, such, for example, 
 as that of a razor, regarded as forming an inclined plane ; 
 and this may have been originally the idea conveyed by 
 
APPENDIX. 425 
 
 the Irish alt, which Mr. Stokes translates 'a cliff or height.' 
 From alt were formed a masculine altinn whence Welsh 
 dlyn, O. Cornish elinn [read eUmn\ " novacula," and a 
 feminine altenn whence the Breton autenn, adten ' a razor.' 
 As to alt itself, it probably stands for a base alda or, let 
 us say, aid- : for other instances of the provection of 
 sonants into surds see the Jiev. Celtique, ii. 332-335. 
 Now we seem to detect aid-, but with r instead of I, in the 
 Greek word a.p8ig " the point of anything, as for instance 
 of an arrow," in the 0. Norse ertj'a " to goad, to spur on,'' 
 and in the Mod. H. German erz ' ore, brass : ' see Fick's 
 dictionary,^ i. 498. 
 
 3. It has already been pointed out that our aur is a bor- 
 rowed word, but the name Grudneu, which occurs in an 
 inscription of the O. Welsh period as Grutne, with its final 
 u cut off by the marginal ornamentation on the stone, 
 seems to put us on the track of a native word for the pre- 
 cious metal. The Greek word is x^uaog, which Curtius, 
 in his Outlines of Greek Etymology, No. 202, regards as 
 derived from a base ghartja, while gold and its Teutonic 
 congeners, together with the 0. Bulg. zlato ' gold,' imply a • 
 simpler base, gharta. Now the corresponding process to 
 that whereby ghartja yielded ■x^gvaoc, and gharta the Eng- 
 lish gold and 0. Bulg. zlato would result in giving gharta 
 or ghartja the form grut, grud, in Welsh ; so that we are 
 at liberty to equate Grutneu, Grudneu with the Greek 
 name Xouffoms'jj, in all respects excepting that of gender : 
 even this reserve is not to be made in the case of Grudyen 
 (Mabinogion iii. 98), for Grut-gen, and the Greek Xjuffoysujjs. 
 Besides these we have Grudlwyn {Mah. ii. 211); and in 
 the Myvyrian Archaiology Grudneu (p. 389) is also called 
 Grudnew (p. 404^, Gruduei ("p. 397^, Grudner (p. 412), of 
 which the two last may be real names distinct from Orud- 
 ^^■„ n-nA Yi^f -moroW TniHf.a.tpn rp.fl.dinffs of it. Before leav- 
 
426 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 ing these forms it is right to mention that the steps from 
 gharta or ghartja to grud would be gliart-, gorU, grot-, 
 grut, grud. The same is the history, for instance, of the 
 Med. Welsh drut ' a hero,' now drud, plural drudjon, as 
 in the name of the Denbighshire village of Gerrig y Drud- 
 ion, i.e., the stones of the heroes, which it is the habit 
 of the people who are diruid-mad to write Gerrig y Dmidion. 
 Now drUt, dried comes from dharta, whence also the San- 
 skrit dhrta, formed from the verb dhar ' to hold, to bear, 
 to support, to make firm, &c.' It would perhaps be more 
 in keeping with Celtic analogy to set out from ghardta oi 
 gharMja and dhar&ta : compare Welsh Haw, Ir. Idmh, from 
 pldma for an earlier pdlama, Greek •jraXd/ji.ri, ' the palm oi 
 the hand, the hand,' O. Eng. folm, folme, the same. 
 
 4. Before attempting the history of the word haiarn, 
 ' iron,' it will be necessary to analyse the epithet Eimetiaco 
 on the Llanaelhaiarn stone, which I propose to divide into 
 Eirmetiac-o, whereof the o is the ending of the Latin 
 nominative for -as = -us. Now metiac- probably means 
 as a matter of pronunciation metjac, which would later have. 
 ■ according to rule, to become metjauc, meitjauc, meidjawg. 
 meidjog, liable also to begin with 6 instead of m, as no rule 
 has hitherto been discovered as to the interchange of those 
 consonants. The word, however, only survives as a feminine 
 in the names of certain plants, of which three kinds are 
 distinguished by the adjectives, rhudd ' red,' llwyd ' grey, 
 glas ' blue.' 
 
 One finds the following synonyms in Dr. John Davies's 
 Welsh^Latin dictionary (London, 1632), and Hugh Davies'! 
 Welsh Botanology (London, 181.3) : 
 
 a. T feidiog rudd = [ranuticulus] "flammula" (J 
 D.), = "polygonum amphihium, amphibious persicaria" (H 
 D.). These are not the same plants. Those meant by Dr 
 Davies are of the tribe of the rwmnculus_Qi_raimiiculu 
 
APPENDIX. 427 
 
 flarnimda, called in English the lesser spearwort, by reason 
 of the spear-shaped appearance of the radical leaves of 
 the plant. Those alluded to by Hugh Davies agree better 
 in colbur with the Welsh description, and are also said to 
 be generally of an acuminate or speary character. 
 
 ^: Y feidiog Iwyd = "y ganwraidd Iwyd, llysiau 
 leuan, llysiau llwyd, Artemisia" (J. D.) = " artemisia 
 vulgaris, mugwort " (H. D.). Y ganwraidd, ' the hun- 
 dred-root,' is given by H. Davies simply as a synonym for 
 yfeidiog: llysiau llwyd and llysiau leuan are the same, 
 and are called in English St. John's wort. The com- 
 monest of these plants, artemisia vulgaris, or mugwort, 
 looks at a distance very spiry and acuminate, and the 
 shape of its leaves recalls the sharpness suggested by a 
 spear or lance ; and I find that some species of St. John's 
 wort also have lance-like leaves and a spiry or acuminate 
 growth. 
 
 7. Yfeidiog las = " mantell Fair, muntell y corr, palf 
 y Hew, Ghimilla, hedera terrestris, pes leonis, patta leonis, 
 stellaria" (J. D.) = " gleehoma Aederacea, gill, ground 
 ivy" (H. D.). Jlere we meet with hopeless confusion, 
 plants so different as the alchemilla, gleehoma, and stel- 
 laria being classed together ; but it is perhaps to be 
 accounted for by the overlapping of the characteristic sug- 
 gested by the term y ganwraidd, and that intended to be 
 conveyed by its synonym y feidiog. But none of the 
 plants alluded to under this head, excepting the stellaria, 
 suggests the idea of a spear or lance, which we find in the 
 case of the other two sets. The stellaria, or stitch wort, is 
 called tafod yr edn ' bird's tongue ' by H. Davies, its 
 leaves being remarkably like a bird's tongue both in form 
 and rigidity, and singularly sharp and lance-like in appear- 
 ance : this is proved by a specimen which lies before me 
 
 -j: il-. -J. 77 — .•„ /,„?«.< «« tr,-^ tit'^/.Ti +nrrof.'her with Other 
 
428 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 specimens, as well as plates, and a careful description of 
 all the plants here in question, I am indebted to the kind- 
 ness of Mr. Drane, fellow of the Linnean Society. 
 
 Thus, it seems, that we are at liberty to conclude that 
 all the plants which were originally called y feidiog owed 
 that name to their leaves or growth reminding one of a 
 spear : so h&djog, meidjog, or metjac- may be treated as an 
 adjective formed with the termination awg, og, E. Welsh 
 ac, which, to judge from the use generally made of it, 
 ■would give the word the meaning of ' having a spear or 
 lance, armed with the spear : ' so we might render it into 
 Latin by hastatus, and regard y feidiog as meaning (herha) 
 liastata ; similarly Beidauc rut, i.e., BeMjawc Evdd, the 
 name of a son of Emyr Llydaw in Englynion y Beddau 
 (Skene, ii. 31, 32), would be Hastatus JRufus, or Hastatus 
 the Bed. The word for spear or lance which metjac- may 
 be supposed to imply must have been, at least the base of 
 it, meti, metja, or possibly matja, if the influence of the J 
 may be supposed to have occasioned the a to become e; 
 its origin would probably be the same as that of the Welsh 
 verb medru ' to shoot or hit a mark ' {Mabinogion, n. 212), 
 now used only in the secondary senses of kennen and 
 komien, savoir and pouvoir, as that of the Gaulish mataris 
 ' a kind of spear or pike,' and as the Lithuanian metu ' I cast 
 or throw, O. Prussian metis (Fick) ' a cast or throw.' 
 There is, however, it should be noticed in passing, another 
 group of words to which it might possibly be referred, 
 namely, that represented in Welsh by medi ' to reap,' Latin 
 metere, Eng. muth. In the former case, to which I give the 
 preference, the weapon meant would be one for hurling or 
 thrusting, and in the latter one for cutting ; it is, however, 
 not necessary to decide between them as far as concerns 
 the qualifying syllable ei in Eimetiaco, which may naturally 
 be supposed to specify the material. And if that is so 
 
APPENDIX. 429 
 
 there can be no mistaking the word — ^it is our early equiva- 
 lent for Latin ces, genitive CBris, and Alhortus Eimetiaco 
 would in other words be Alhortus ^re-hastatus. 
 
 The same d seems to occur in the name Eiudon on 
 a stone at Golden Grove, near Llandilo, which dates no 
 earlier than the 0. Welsh period, and the question arises 
 how it is this ei had not by that time yielded the usual 
 diphthong oe or wy. The reason is probably to be sought 
 in the fact that it was originally not ei, but e plus the 
 semi-vowel j ; and this leads one back to consider the 
 cognate forms. The Latin appears as a monosyllable in 
 ces, but not so in Hen- or a/tem- in Ahenobarbus, ahenus 
 aenus, aheneus, aeneus, in which dJien- or aen stands for 
 ahes-n- as may be seen from the Umbrian ahesnes (Corssen 
 i. 103, 652). ^s and ahes- represent an Aryan original 
 ayas, which appears in Sanskrit as dyas ' metal, iron,' and 
 in Gothic as aiz, proved by its z (for s) to^have been once 
 a dissyllable accented on its penultimate : see Kuhn's 
 Zeitschrift, xxui. 126. But a word which in Gothic was 
 aiz must according to rule appear in 0. English as wr or 
 dr, Mod. Eng. ore. Our parallel to these is the ei in 
 question, and in the fact of its not passing in Welsh 
 into oi, whence m {wy) or oe, we have a proof of its 
 representing an early form ej tor aja or ajas. Analogous 
 instances offer themselves in ei ' his,' ei ' her,' and heidd, 
 now haidd, 'barley,' for forms which in Sanskrit are 
 asya, asyds, and sasya respectively. But the Goidelo- 
 Kymric Celts dropped the medial s so early, that for 
 our purpose one may set out from aja, ajas and saja 
 or sajja, modified in Welsh into eja, ejas, and seja: to 
 haidd may be added hlaidd, ' a wolf,' which enters into 
 Welsh names, and appears in the genitive as JBlai in Irish, 
 where also perhaps Blddn = our Bleiddan : the base would 
 v„ 7.7«o»v, trnyr\ -., rnnf irtyrng. whence Sa,nskrit gras ' to 
 
430 LECTURES ON WELSH I'HILOLOGT. 
 
 take into one's mouth, to seize with the teeth, to devou 
 One is also reminded of such Greek formations as riXin 
 and a\riSeia, from nXie-Jo-i and dM^ie-ja, by the WeL 
 derivatives in aidd or eiddj-, e.g., hen ' old,' henaic 
 ' oldish,' heneiddjo ' to grow old,' per, peraidd ' swee 
 pereiddjo ' to make sweet,' gwlad ' the country,' gwladau 
 ' countrified,' llew ' a lion,' llewaidd ' like a lion,' gwei 
 ' the look of a thing,' gweddaidd ' looking well,' that : 
 ' seemly or decent.' 
 
 5. How aj/as has been shortened has just been show 
 but it appears slightly dififerent in some of its derivativ( 
 namely, in the Latin ahenus, aJieneus, for ahesnus ahesnei 
 in the Gothic eis-arn, ' iron,' Ger. eis-en, ' ferrum,' eis-er 
 ' ferreus,' 0. Eng. is-en, ir-en, also is-ern, and an enigmal 
 irsem, Mod. Eng. iron, dialectically ire. These forms 
 rn are represented in the Celtic languages by Irish ia 
 and Welsh haiarn or haearn, ' iron.' Here it is interesti 
 to observe that as the Bronze Age preceded the Iron A{ 
 the idea of iron is not found conveyed by the shorl 
 European forms ces, aiz, cer, ore : that comes in only wi 
 the derivatives eisen, eisarn, isern, to which one may a 
 Welsh haiarn and Irish iarn. In eisarn, eisern, isern, t 
 simple form ayas has been contracted into eis-, is- : so 
 the^ common language of the Celts, probably before th 
 separation, whence (1) the Gaulish is-amo- in the pla 
 name Isarnodor-i, which must have meant the ' In 
 door,' while (2) the Goidelo-Kymric Celts dropping th( 
 reduced eisarn- either into ejarn-, which had to beco: 
 in Irish earn, iarn, in consequence of the elision o 
 usual in that language, or else into iarn-, which had 
 become in Welsh eiarn, haiarn or haearn. But what 
 we to make of the h in the latter? This, if orgai 
 should be matched in Irish by an s, whence it would, 
 first sight, seem that the two words cannot be connect 
 
APPENDIX. 431 
 
 a view, however, which one could not entertain without the 
 strongest reasons to back it. It has, accordingly, been 
 suggested that haiarn, stands for aiham with an h repre- 
 senting the s of eisarn-. But that seems to be inadmis- 
 sible, as vowel-flanked s probably disappeared in the 
 Goidelo-Kymric period, and that not by way of h, but of 
 z, for which the Ogam alphabet provided a symbol. My 
 conjecture is that haiarn does stand for aiham, but with 
 an h evolved by the stress-accent, and that, when later 
 the accent moved to the first syllable, the h followed 
 it, excepting in some parts of S. Wales, where the 
 word is now ham, which was arrived at possibly by 
 discarding the unaccented syllable of aiham . compare 
 such cases as that of dihdreb ' a proverb,' diarhebol 
 ' proverbial.' It is right, before dismissing the word 
 haiarn, to say that it is also found written haearn, 
 hayam, and hauarn, while in O. Welsh names it occurs as 
 haern and heam as in Haemgen {Lib, Landav., p. 197) 
 and Biuheam (lb., pp. 166, 169, 175). The 0. Breton 
 form is hoiarn, which, through an intei^mediate houiarn 
 (with oui = ui in the Italian word cui) has yielded the 
 Mod. Bret, houam; similarly the Cornish became hoem. 
 
 These curious forms seem to show that Breton and 
 Cornish continued to change e, ei, di, into oi, ui, later than 
 the Welsh, and all taken together throw light on, and receive 
 light from, the history of a class of words of which the 
 following may be taken as instances : — a. Glaiar, claear, 
 clauar 'lukewarm,' Mod. Bret, hlouar and, according to 
 Llwyd, Icloyar, with which it is usual to compare the 
 Greek ;^X*ajos, but that is hardly admissible, unless the 
 latter be the representative of an earlier exXiagig. ^. 
 JDaear, dayar, daiar, and poetically daer 'earth,' Mod. 
 Bret, dollar, Com. doer : the original form may have been 
 d(h)iar-, d(h)ipar-, or d(h)isar-, or else d(h)eiar-, &c. y. 
 
432 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Gaeaf, gayaf, gauaf, 0. Welsh (in the Lichfield Codes 
 gaem ' winter,' Mod. Bret, goal" or goO'v, but in the dialec 
 of Vannes gouicC^, Corn, goyf, O. Irish gaim, dugaim^iu 
 "ad hiemandum" (Stokes' Irish Glosses, p. 166), Lai 
 hiems, Greek %£//Hiuii. The root of all these forms is ghiair, 
 which, treated as ghjam and reduced to gam, is the origii 
 of our gafr, ' a goat ; ' the first meaning of that word bein, 
 probably ' one winter old : ' the same is the history o 
 ^Ifiagog, feminine %//ia/ga ' a goat,' and of O. Norse gymb 
 ' a one year old lamb : ' see Curtius' Greek Etymology, Nc 
 195. b. Graean, graian 'gravel, sand,' Mod. Bret, grcma; 
 may possibly belong here, but the nearly related word gr 
 points in another direction, e. Haiach, haeach, hayach 
 hayachen, haechen " fere " (Davies), " an instant, instantlj 
 almost, most " (Pughe), are also words the history of whic] 
 is obscure. But not so (Q traian, traean ' a third part, 
 Irish trian (E. Llwyd), which are undoubtedly of the sam 
 origin as tri ' three,' or rather derived from it. 
 
( 433 ) 
 
 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 
 
 p. 22. Y Penvyyn — I was not aware at th.^ time that 
 Peawyn occurs as a genuine proper name, that is, without 
 the article : several instances are to be met with in The 
 Record of Carnarvon. 
 
 P. 23. Not only qv has passed in Welsh into p, h, but 
 tv also, as is proved by the masculine termination ep, now 
 eh, which enters into the affix ineh, as in rhviyddineb, 
 " ease,'' from rhwydd, " easy,'' and into the affix tep, now 
 deb, as in purdeh, " purity," horn, pur, " pure," and undeb, 
 " unity," from un " one." In Old Irish undeb was 6enfu, 
 genitive 6entad or 6entath ; this affix has several forms in 
 Irish, which, together with the Welsh equivalent, postulate 
 an earlier -ndaiva. Compare the Sanskrit affix tva in 
 Schleicher's Compendium, § 227, and as to Welsh t, d an- 
 swering Irish U, t, d, ' it may, I think, be regarded as a 
 rule, that when ggf, dd, bb (whether produced by provection 
 or the assimilation of a nasal) become cc (c), tt (t), pp (p), 
 reducible in Modern Irish to ff, d, b, the" corresponding 
 consonants in Welsh are c, t, p reducible also to g, d, b. 
 Take, for instance, Welsh ac, ag, " and, with," agos, " near,'' 
 Irish ag, " with," agus, " and," from angh- ; Welsh map, 
 mab, " son,'' Irish mace, mac, from mangh- ; Welsh gwraig, 
 " woman, wife," plural gwragedd, Irish /race, from the same 
 origin probably as Latin virgo ; and Welsh cret, now cred, 
 " belief, faith," Old Irish creifem, " faith," Scotch Gaelic 
 
 2 B 
 
434 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 creid, "believe," from the same origin as Sanskrit gradda- 
 dhdmi, " fidem pono : " see pages 72 and 435. 
 
 P. 41. Where Welsh reduces c, t, p into g, d, h and 
 Irish into ch, th, ph, I am inclined to think that both 
 languages reduced them first to Cj, t^, p^, which were 
 further modified into g, d, h in Welsh and ch, th, ph in Irish. 
 
 P. 46. To the instances of analogous cases in other 
 languages mentioned on pages 46 and 47 might be added 
 the case of Danish, as to which Herr Sievers says, p. 126, 
 that its initial consonants are pronounced very forcibly and 
 strongly aspirated, while the same consonants, as medials 
 and finals after a vowel, are allowed to become spirants of 
 very little force or even to be altogether lost. Surd mutes, 
 when initial, are frequently aspirated in Modem Welsh, 
 and this must also be the explanation of the ch in chrotta 
 and the th in Thaph and the like : see pages 118, 232. 
 
 P. 48. As to nn for nd, the change is now proved to 
 have taken place rather early in the Early Welsh period 
 by the discovery of the Llansaint stone with its Vennisetli, 
 which is identical with a somewhat earlier Vendesetli on 
 one of the Llannor stones : so Vendumagli, which is in all 
 probability later than either, can only have been the old 
 spelling of what was then pronounced Vennumagli, a name 
 identical in fact with the Vinnemagli of the Gwytherin 
 stone : this last form is remarkable as the only instance 
 known of the retention of the i of vind- which elsewhere 
 appears as vend^ or venn-. 
 
 P. 66. Another way of looking at Welsh ith for ct is 
 suggested by an elaborate article, in the Memoires de la 
 Society, de Linguistique de Paris, iii. pp. 106-123, bearing 
 the title " Kemarques sur la phon^tique romane — i parasite 
 et les consonnes mouill^es en frangais : " the same appears 
 even more clearly in the second volume, pp. 482, 483, of 
 Dr. Johannes Schmidt's work entitled Zur Geschichte des 
 
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 435 
 
 indogermanischen Vocalismus (Weimar, 1875). There he 
 mentions a German dialect in which hnecht, recht, wechseln, 
 hexe become knaicht, raicht, waickseln, haicks : the i he 
 ascribes to the influence of the guttural becoming palatal 
 and imparting its i element to the vowel proceeding. This 
 applied to the Welsh instances would lead one to suppose 
 that noct- before yielding our noeth had to pass through 
 nocht-, noichth, noith- ; similarly (see page 209) peis, pais, 
 from pexa, and air, aer, from agr-, would imply as inter- 
 mediate forms peixa and aigr-. This view would compre- 
 hend also such cases as that of the i of doi, now doe, or 
 more fully as still used in South Wales y ddoe " the day, 
 i.e. jesteiday ; " the Breton is deat^h. 
 
 Same page, line 15, for " certainly " read " possibly : " 
 the n alone is doubtful. 
 
 P. 68. The principle attempted to be established on 
 pages 67, 68, and 69 is fully recognised, I find, by Sievers, 
 p. 134 of the work already alluded to. 
 
 P. 72. An excellent account of graddhd, (fee, by M. 
 Darmesteter, wUl be found in the Memoires de la Societe de 
 Linguistique de Paris, iii. pp. 52-55, where he shows that 
 ^raddadhdmi consists of grad, an indeclinable and obsolete 
 word for heart, and dadhdmi, " I set or place," so that the 
 compound means " I set my heart," both in the way of 
 confidence or trust, and of desire or appetite : similarly the 
 Latin credo, from which the Celtic forms cannot be derived, 
 as some have thought, is to be analysed into cred-do, with 
 cred- of the same origin as cor, cord-is, English heart. 
 Modern Irish croidhe, Welsh craidd,^ both of which pos- 
 tulate as their earlier form crad-ja of the same forma- 
 tion as the Greek x^adlij. 
 
 P. 91. The existence of several kinds of a in the parent- 
 speech has recently been proved in Curtius' Studien, ix. 
 — oa^ An>T 
 
436 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 P. 92, five lines from the bottom, for " Early " read 
 " Old." 
 
 P. 102. That the ch in buwch stands for an s is still 
 very doubtful : compare hwch " a sow,'' which as a river- 
 name is Hwch in Wales, Suck in Ireland, and Sow in 
 England. The next Article on Duw had perhaps better be 
 cancelled on account of the Old Welsh diu, genitive doiu 
 or duiv, in Cormac's Glossary, and so in Chiasduiu, of 
 which I take Guasduin and Guasdinu in the Liber Landav., 
 p. 267, to be misreadings, later it became Gwasdwy, which 
 is printed GwasMuy in The Record of Carnarvon, where 
 we have also Gwassanfreit and Gwasmyhangel : compare 
 Gwas Grist and Gwas Teilo, which occur elsewhere as men's 
 names, also meudwy, " a hermit," lit. " God's servant," for 
 meu-dwyw, and Giraldus' Deverdoeu, now Dyfrdwy, " the 
 Dee," see p. 325. Further, dwyw- occurs in dwywol, an 
 archaic form of dwyfol " divine," and in Breton doue is 
 God. 
 
 P. 109. To the instances of the reduction of diphthongs 
 in accented syllables add the following in unaccented final 
 ones : Gynfal, Deinjol, and Gwynodl for earlier Gynfael, 
 JDeinjoel, and Gwynhoedl, which prove that the accent has 
 here retreated from the last syllable to the penultimate. 
 In the same category one may include such words as 
 gde, " a leech," for geleu (compare Sansk. jaMka, " a blood- 
 leech," of the same origin as jala " water "), hore, " morn- 
 ing," for horeu; and all such plurals as pethe and peilia, the 
 two prevalent pronunciations of petheu or pethau, "things," 
 in colloquial Welsh, and so in other cases. ' I^^or is one to 
 exclude the innumerable modern instances which come 
 under the head of what Herr Sievers has happily termed 
 Eeciprocal Assimilation and briefly described, pp. 136, 
 137. This takes place, for example, when natives of 
 South Wales reduce such words as enaid, "soul," and 
 
ADDITIONS AND COKKECTIONS. 437 
 
 « 
 
 noswaith, "a night," into ened and nosweth; and it is 
 probable that the colloquial pronunciation of words like 
 araeth, " an oration," and cafael, " to have," as areth 
 and cafel is .thus to be traced to the older araith 
 and caffail rather than to the written araeth, caffael. 
 An interesting instance of older standing offers itself 
 in the proper name lihel, which represents Idd-hel, a 
 shortened form of Jtiddhael, written in Old Welsh Jud- 
 hael, and on one of the Llantwit, stones Juthahelo ; 
 it is composed of jtid-, " fight," and hael, " generous, a 
 generous man," and may possibly mean hello-murdficus. 
 The process is also the same when aw becomes o as in 
 serchog, " affectionate," for serchawg, and so in a host of 
 others, aw in unaccented final syllables being now as a 
 rule left to poets, and to bombastic speakers in public. 
 
 P. 119, line 4: from the bottom, except the case of 
 Vinneinagli, where the i of vind- is retained. 
 
 P. 122. The base w^ich the Celtic forms for name imply 
 was in the singular atiman, which has recently been shown 
 to have been the original form also of Latin ndmen, English 
 name, and their congeners : see Johannes Schmidt's article 
 in Kuhn's Zeitschrift, xxiii. p. 267, and Mr. Sayce's in- 
 augural Lecture on the Study of Comparative Philology 
 (Oxford, 1876), p. 28. 
 
 P. 123, line 11 from the bottom, the cognate forms in 
 other languages make it doubtful whether heddyw or heddjw 
 is the more original: see page 95. 
 P. 133. ;For ^ substitute'. 
 
 P. 134. For cloch, coch, read cldch, cdch, in line 8 from 
 the top. 
 
 P. 139. For " candela and haiina " read " candSla and 
 habena." 
 
 P. 153. Here should have been mentioned i)MW, "God," 
 Old Welsh nominative^diMj^ genitive duiu; and aU our com- 
 
438 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 paratives of inequality in -ach, iov -ass = Aryan, (J)ans, go 
 back to some one of the longer cases, as may be seen by 
 comparing them with the Sanskrit nominatives gariydn, 
 gariyas, accusative masculine gartyA^sam, " heavier ; " 
 Greek fni^oiii, f'ti^ov, genitive fni^ovog, Latin major, majus, 
 genitive' majdris ; but it does not necessarily foUow that 
 Welsh mwy, " more, greater," as compared with mwyach, 
 comes from one of the storter cases. Lastly, the attempted 
 explanation of heno, " to-night," as a shortening of henos, 
 which nowhere actually occurs, is less probable than that 
 it represents some such a form as he-nuga or he-noga, in- 
 volving the counterpart of the Greek w/^- in viix'oi, 
 " nightly,'' and ni;^a " by night." 
 
 P. 158, three lines from the bottom, for "members" 
 read " numbers." 
 
 P. 162. As a matter of fact I find that Cunacena does 
 occur in Irish literature, namely, as Coinehenn in The 
 Martyrology of Donegal. 
 
 P. 169. For " Cadwalader " read " Cadwaladr." 
 
 P. 176, last line, better dhang, whence German taugen 
 and its congeners: see Schmidt's Vocalismus, i. p. 172. 
 
 P. 177, four lines from the bottom, /or "compounds" 
 read " names." 
 
 P. 180. As to Genitives in o or it perhaps it would be 
 more correct to regard the former vowel as the mark of the 
 Early Welsh Z7-direction, and the o as standing for os = 
 Latin os, us, is, as in senatu-os, Vener-us, Yener-is, and 
 Greek og, as in vsxu-os and ipigoiT-o;. It appears to have 
 also been os in Early Irish, as in Uwan-os: see pages 371, 
 372. 
 
 P. 181. As to Decheti, it is to be observed, that if 
 eh was introduced as the equivalent in point of pronun- 
 ciation of Early Welsh cc, then there would be no proof 
 that ch in the instance in question was a spirant, which 
 
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 439 
 
 takes from the cogency of the argument in so far as it is 
 founded on Beckett. 
 
 P. 183, line 5 from the bottom, for " Dumnovali or 
 Duhnovali " read " Dumnavali or Bubnavali." 
 P. 194. For " Epiacum " read " Epeiacum." 
 P. 197. As to the. question of the v in Avon, Professor 
 Hiibner reminds me of a passage in the Annals, xii. 31, 
 where Nipperdey reads cwicta castris Avonam inter et 
 Sahrinam fluvios cohihere. The character of Nipperdey's 
 texts is too well-known to scholars to need any recommen- 
 dation, and I am glad to find that he has cast out of his 
 text the spurious form Caractacus, which should have been 
 in Modern Welsh Careithog, whereas the actual name is 
 Caradog, Irish Garthach, genitive Carihaigh, as in Mac 
 Carthaigh, Anglicised MacGarthy. 
 
 P. 205. For " AlhoHu " read " Alhortus." 
 P. 210. Asj did not pass into 8, but into %j, in which 
 the j may under certain circumstances disappear, jj is as 
 likely to have been the direct antecedent of ^j, as ivw or vv 
 of the ghw which yielded Modern Welsh chw and gw. 
 However, initial j does not appear to have ever become SJ, 
 but such a case as that of muliier, supposing it to mean 
 muljjer, would not be excluded ; for, as rj could become 
 ri, so Ij might be expected to become is, but the latter 
 would in Welsh have probably to pass into llth, whence 
 lit, liable to be reduced to II. We cannot say that this was 
 done in muljjer, as the word was not adopted into Welsh, 
 but it seems to have taken place in the case of Vergilius, 
 which (treated as if pronounced Fergilius) became in Welsh 
 Pheryll or Fferyllt, and the name of the famous Virgil of 
 'legend has given us a word for alchymy and chymistry, 
 namely, fferylljaeth or fferylltjaeth. The same thing hap- 
 pened in the case of the native word gallu, " to be able," 
 which has a i in some of its derivatives, such as galltofydd- 
 
440 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 jaeth or gallofyddjaeth, " mechanics, the science of forces 
 and machinery," and the Capella gloss gva-galtov,, "fulcris:" 
 it has already been suggested that gallu is of the same 
 origin as the Lithuanian galiii, " I can." Besides FferylU 
 there is another instance which seems to prove that j did 
 not become 'ij till the Koman occupation — probably it did 
 not happen much before the 8 th century, as no certain 
 trace of it appears in our Early Inscriptions. I allude to 
 Llanfaredd, the name of a chapel dedicated to St. Mary, in 
 the neighbourhood of Builth. Here faredd is the mutated 
 form of Maredd, which would be the exact representative 
 of Marija for Maria ; compare pedwerydd, " quartus," and 
 pedwaredd, " quarta." In the case of the many churches 
 in Wales called Llanfair, the form of the name imphed 
 is not Maria but Maria, and the churches themselves 
 possibly belong to a dijBferent period, perhaps a much 
 later one : see Kees' Essay on the Welsh Saints (London, 
 1836), pp. 26-35. 
 
 P. 212. For V in Evaeattos read w, and so in others. 
 
 P. 213. Instead of the words " with atiate representing 
 what is in Modern Welsh enaid, ' soul,' " read " with anate 
 of the same origin and meaning as the Modern Welsh 
 enaid, ' soul ; ' " and, further on, cancel the reference to 
 Qvici and Qwed — I am now inclined to regard them as 
 Qvid and Qwed : see page 255. 
 
 P. 218. With Vennisetli may be coupled the form 
 Vendesetli found on another stone, which seems to have 
 been the name of the identical man afterwards known as 
 Gheynhoedl : see page 385. 
 
 P. 230. Mr. Douse, in his recent work entitled Grimm's 
 Law: a Study (London, 1876), shows, p. 203, that ^ is 
 merely a graphic variety of ]», and not an independent for- 
 mation from the same origin. 
 
 P. 237. By teg-hedr it was meant to suggest that the 
 
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 441 
 
 Wekh comparatives of equality in ed are formally the 
 equivalents fff the Greek xoupors^os, yXuxiirejof, and the like. 
 Instances of the corresponding Irish forms, used as com- 
 paratives of equality, are mentioned in O'Donovan's Irish 
 Grammar, p. 120 ; but in Welsh the desynonymisation of 
 those corresponding to Greek comparatives in -n^og and 
 -lui respectively, is complete, and marked by the use of dif- 
 ferent particles, namely, a^, a, " as," and naff, na, "than," 
 ■while in Irish the former gradually dropped out of use. 
 
 P. 241. For Cornish elin read elinn. 
 
 P. 242. As to canell, Davies's canel, " cinnamomum," 
 must be a comparatively late and incorrect form. 
 
 P. 243. To the instance of daw in Brut y Tywysogion add 
 two in Williams' Seint Greal (London, 1874), pp. 21, 124. 
 
 P. 265, line 11 from the bottom, read " are " for " is." 
 
 P. 295. The Trefgarn stone has been omitted in the 
 Appendix. 
 
 P. 323. For the benefit of those who may have scruples 
 as to equating Ogyrven with Ahriman, it may be said that 
 drwg, which we use both as an adjective and as a noun for 
 evil, in the widest sense of the word, is beyond doubt of 
 the same origin as the Zend drukhs, and Sanskrit druh, as 
 to which Professor Max Miiller, quoting from the 
 Eigveda, says : " Druh, mischief, is used as a name of 
 darkness or the night, and the Dawn is said to drive away 
 the hateful darkness of Druh. The Adityas are praised 
 for preserving man from Druh, and Maghavan or Indra is 
 implored to bestow on his worshippers the light of day, 
 after having driven away the many ungodly Druhs " 
 {Lectures^, ii. pp. 498, 499). 
 
 P. 335. Instead of assuming c and r in alphabet 
 No. 5 to have changed places, one may suppose No. 9, on 
 page 336, to have taken, owing to a hesitation perhaps of 
 a local nature, the foUowing form : — 
 
442 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 I l l n il ,,,, I'll 
 
 a, b, oh, 0, 1, d, nu, u, p, e, s, s, 
 
 tw i.i ii i i ii 'ii I II III nil Hill Hill! 
 
 and that in time -LLLI- ceased to be used for s, wMch made 
 it available for e, wbether that had before been represented 
 by 1 11 1 1 1 or by the same symbol as r. Compare alphabet 
 No. ix. (page 342), in which ]> is supposed to have occu- 
 pied two consecutive places. 
 
 P. 368. As to the Inchaguile inscription, it is to be 
 noticed that in Menueh the h probably stands for ch, as in 
 Brohomagli and the like in Wales, unless the letter in 
 question should be read r. 
 
 P. 369. This beating about the bush would be un- 
 necessary if one might assume that the names of a few of 
 the Greek letters were at one time slightly different from 
 those handed down to us. In that case the Ogam Alpha- 
 bet could be derived directly from a Greek one, which 
 should then be substituted for the Phoeaician letters in 
 the table on page 330. 
 
 P. 379, line 4 from the bottom, the y of Cynfael as 
 compared with the stronger vowel, w, of Maelgwn, is due 
 to the fact that both names must have formerly been 
 oxytones. 
 
 P. 385, inscription No. 9. It is probable that Jovenali 
 is the Latin name borrowed, but I am now convinced that 
 Jouan, " John," and the later forms Jeuan, Jevan, Jewan, 
 Iwan, Ifan, Anglicised Evan, do not come from 'laanrn, 
 but that the latter was identified with a native name, 
 which in Old Welsh took the form Jouan, and in the 
 genitive in Early Irish TJwanos, for Juwan-os, which 
 is translated on the KiUeen Cormac stone into ivvene for 
 
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 443 
 
 Juvenis. All these forms are of the same origin as Welsh 
 jeuanc, ifanc, English young, Latin juvencus, while the 
 Irish is 6g, for 8c, owing to the rule-right elision of both j 
 and w, and the reduction of nc to c. On the other hand, 
 the Joan of the authorised Welsh version of the New 
 Testament is 'ladnrn but thinly disguised : it seems to 
 date no earlier than the Reformation, when it began to 
 supersede Jeaan. 
 
 P. 393. For e in Gatotigerni read i. 
 
 P. 398. Andagelli possibly survives in Annell, the 
 name of a stream between Llandilo and Carmarthen, to 
 which Mr. Silvan Evans has kindly called my attention. 
 
 P. 426. With drud, " a hero," compare Lith. drutas, 
 " firm," and Old Norse ihru%r, " strong," and see the 
 remarks on them and forms allied with them in the 
 second volume of Schmidt's Vocalismus, pp. 264, 458. 
 
 Lastly, the following, which may prove a contribution 
 towards the solution of the queistion as to the origin and 
 history of the Ogmic method of writing, reached me 
 too late to be placed in its proper place. Thanks to the 
 kindness of the author of Tlie Sculptured Stones of Scotland, 
 and Mr. Anderson, superintendent of the Edinburgh 
 Museum, I received a squeeze of an Ogam-inscribed stone 
 lately brought thither from St. Ninian's Isle, Shetland. 
 The stone, which has been broken at one end, was dug out 
 of the ground in an old burying-place, aud is in many 
 respects a very remarkable one. Among other things it is 
 to be noticed that the vowels consist of long strokes 
 crossing the edge of the stone at right angles, as surmised 
 on page 306 of this volume. Having in vain tried to 
 decipher the inscription by means of the ordinary Celtic 
 key, I ventured to apply to it alphabet xi. (p. 342), when 
 it was found to contain ttttt, which is not included in the 
 latter. This, however, does not prove its inapplicability, 
 
444 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 but rather suggests that before it yielded alphabets xii. 
 (p. 343) and xiii. (p. 344), it was developed into the 
 following : — 
 
 -T-^H I, " '" nil nil "" 
 
 a, f, h, o, ]>, n, u, r, p, e, k, 
 
 III! ' "" ////////// 
 
 i, w, rf, t, b, m, L 
 
 The reason, in that case, why no w appears in alphabet 
 xiii., consisting of Runes formed from the letters of the 
 Eoman alphabet, would be the fact that the latter 
 provided no separate character for it. 
 
 The direction in which an Ogmic inscription is to be 
 read can seldom be settled beforehand : so the present 
 instance, tried by means of the key here suggested, would 
 be either — ' 
 
 //// 111 1 I II II I I I / / I mil I m i l 
 1 e ppottasa s 
 
 + Mill mil I ' ll / "" III! ' 
 
 w w e t z e . . . 
 
 or elpe — 
 
 II 1 1 ,, , . / 1 1 1 1 II II I 1 1 1 II 
 
 niiii nil / nil iiiii 
 
 k t 
 
 w 
 
 + -+^TTT-^ / / I I III I II 1 1 1 1 //// 
 awattorr e L 
 
 The tt should perhaps be read h, but the question as to 
 whether either of these readings has any meaning, and 
 what that meaning may be, must be left to men who 
 have made Teutonic, philology their special study. 
 
IlfDEX. 
 
 A, Aryan long, seems in Early 
 Welsh to have acquired a gut- 
 tural sound, 97, 215 
 
 A short, modified into e, o, 29, 91, 
 212 
 
 Aihwmuwi, Sicilian, 57 
 
 Aherth, Welsh, 71 
 
 AUavireihe, Mention of, 37 
 
 Abcma, 196, 439 
 
 Accadian Language, The, 2 
 
 Accenniri, Sicilian, 57 
 
 Accent in Welsh, 53, 54, 70, 123, 
 124, 125, 127, 176, 235, 236 
 
 Addmrn, Welsh, 106 
 
 Aden, Welsh, 92 
 
 Adfer, Welsh, 93 
 
 AmniTB, 217, 395 
 
 Aer, aw, Welsh, 66, 136 
 
 ^tinet, O. Welsh, 253 
 
 Afcd, Welsh, 92, 134 
 
 AgotS, Sansk., 13 
 
 'A70S, 13 
 
 Agn, Names in, 30, 206, 381 
 
 Ai, The diphthong, 99, 222 
 
 Aipht, Yr, Welsh, 67 
 
 Airgead, Mod. Irish, 61 
 
 Alavmas, Gaulish, 197 
 
 ^icom, Welsh, 420, 422 
 
 Algrim, Craft of, 318 
 
 Alhortus Eimetiaco, 215, 225, 
 386, 429 
 
 All, in Welsh alltud, 92 
 
 Allor, Welsh, 174 
 
 AlU, Welsh, 424 
 
 Alphabet, An Irish, based on the 
 Ogam, 304 
 
 Alphabet, Allusions in Irish Liter- 
 ature to the Ogam, 311 ; in 
 Welsh literature, 316 
 
 Alphabet, A prse-Eoman, used by- 
 Teutons, 339 
 
 Alphabets, Comparison and ex- 
 planation of the names of let- 
 ters in several, 357, 359, 365 
 
 Alphabet, Connection of the Og- 
 mic with the Phoenician, 310, 
 330 
 
 Alphabet, The Bethluisnion, 304 
 
 Alphabet, The Ogmic, in Irish 
 Manuscripts, 273 
 
 Alphabet! The Boman, among the 
 Kymry, 199 
 
 Alphabet, The Runic, 338, 339 
 
 Alphabet, Theory as to the origin 
 of the Ogmic, 311 
 
 Allan, Irish, 241, 424 
 
 Am, Welsh, 48, 92 
 
 Ambi, O. Gaulish, 48 
 
 Amheramdyr, Welsh, 54 
 
 An, Welsh negative prefix, 48, 50, 
 92, 139 
 
 Anadovyinias, E. Irish, 29 
 
 Anatemobi, 212, 216, 382, 386 
 
 Anawlamattias, B. Irish, 176 
 
 AnbithoMl, O. Welsh, 238 
 
 Andaselli, 398, 443 
 
 Andecamulos, Gaulish, 29 
 
 Angyljon, Welsh, 139 
 
 Anifel, Welsh, 128 
 
 Anmann, Irish, 122 
 
 ANNionKi, 410 
 
 Anocht, Mod. Irish, 66 
 
 Anter for hanter, O. Welsh, 
 239 
 
 Antoninus, Itinerary of, 194, 195, 
 
 196 
 Anu, O. Welsh, 243 
 Amoiredd, Welsh, 139 
 
446 
 
 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Apati for abhati, 72 
 
 Aper, O. Welsh, 40, 71 
 
 Aqua, Latin, 20 
 
 Aquae Sulis, or Bath, 195 
 
 Ar, Welsh, 92 
 
 Araile, Irish, 175 
 
 Arall, Welsh, 175 
 
 Arch, Welsh, 92 
 
 Arc'hant, Breton, 61, 420 
 
 ArcJicBologia Britannica, The, of 
 
 Edward Llwyd, 269 
 Archiunn, O. Irish, 154 
 Ardren, O. Breton, 43 
 Arfertur, Utabrian, 71 
 Argant, O. Welsh, 61 
 Argat, O. Irish, 61 
 ^j-yaw, Welsh, 53, 61, 420 
 Aryan, Definition of term, 6 
 Aryan Languages, The, 1, 2, 3 
 Aryan Nomenclature, Dr. Fiok 
 
 on, 379 
 Assimilation, 40, 109, 116, 436 
 Asya, asyds, Sanskrit, 62, 429 
 At, Welsh, 125 
 Atebodd, Welsh, 71 
 Atrebatii, The, 195 
 Au, The diphthong, pronuncia- 
 
 -tions of, 101, 223, 256 
 Aue, O. Irish, 174, 299 
 Aur, Welsh, 224, 420 
 Aivreli, 169, 439 
 Avon, name of rivers in England, 
 
 196, 439 
 Aw, Evolution of, from d, 104 
 Awen, Welsh, 320 
 Awgrym, Origin of the Welsh 
 word, 318 
 
 B in Old Welsh, 228, written for 
 
 r, 228 
 Bahell, 0. Cornish, 238 
 Balch, Welsh, 134 
 Bakouni, 171, 398 
 Bardaul, Welsh, 124 
 Basque Language, The, 2 
 Bath, Welsh, 420, 421 
 Bedd, Welsh, 131 
 Bede, The Venerable, 130 
 Beidauc But, Welsh, 428 
 Beidjog, Welsh, 428 
 Bemhed, O. Welsh, 238 
 Bendith, Welsh, 151 
 
 Berchon, Irish, 171 
 
 Beunoeth, Welsh, 153 
 
 Bhrdtar, kc, 8 
 
 Bible, Bishop Morgan's, 269 
 
 Bioc'h, Breton, 106 
 
 Blddn, Irish, 429 
 
 Black Book of Carmarthen, 145, 
 
 184 
 Bledri, Welsh, 184; written by 
 
 Giraldus Bledhericus, 184 
 Bleiddan, Welsh, 429 
 Bloe^c, Welsh, 99 
 B6, Irish, 9, 152 
 Bodm, O. Breton, 250 
 BoDVOci, 380, 396 
 Bon, in Welsh henfon, 152 
 EONEMIMOKI, 410 
 Book of Ballymote, 312 
 Book of Lecan, 312 
 Book of Leinster, 311 
 Bos, /Sou;, &c., 9 
 Borau, Welsh, 139, 436 
 Bracaut, O. Welsh, 256 
 Brachaut, O. Cornish, 237 
 Braccat, O. Irish, 256 
 Brdge, Irish, 152 
 Braich, Welsh, 121 
 Braith, fem. of hrith, Welsh, 65 
 Bran, pi. brain, Welsh, 122 
 Brdth, Irish, 256 
 Braut, O. Welsh, 256 
 Brawd, Welsh, 8, 98, 135 
 Brechenjauc, Welih, 123- 
 Brenhines, Welsh, 120 
 Breton, A Celtic Language, 18 
 Bretons, The, are not direot're- 
 
 presentatives of the ancient 
 
 Gauls, 27 
 Breuan, Welsh, 152 
 Breuant, Welsh, 152 
 Brigantes, The, in Ireland, 33 
 Britain, Extent of, occupied by 
 
 Gaulish tribes in the time of 
 
 Julius Csesar, 195 
 Brith, Welsh, 65 
 Britons, Division of, after the 
 
 Battle of Chester, 141 
 Brivatiom, Gaulish, 29 
 Broccagni, 181, 291, .381, 402 
 Broccdn, Irish, 181, 402 
 Brochmail, Welsh, 181, 276 
 Brohomagli, 177, 276, 389 
 Br6o, Irish, 152 
 
INDEX. 
 
 447 
 
 Broterilis, Lith., 8 
 Brother, Eng., 8 
 Bru, "Welsh, 152 
 Srych, fem. brech, Welsh, 119 
 Brychan, Welsh, 181, 402 
 BraoooAvi, 382, 391 
 Buwck, Welsh, 9, 102, 436 
 Buwinda, B. Irish, 171 
 BwyaU, Welsh, 238 
 Byddin, Welsh, 250 
 Byr, fem. her, Welsh, 119 
 Byw, Welsh, 98 
 
 Gad, Welsh, 177 
 
 Cad/an, The name of a Welsh 
 
 Prince, 169, 323 
 Cadwallm, Welsh, 197 
 Cae, cai, Welsh, 136 , 
 Celexti, 207, 208, 391 
 Gaerlleon, Welsh, 245 
 Caled, Welsh, 92 
 Callaur, Welsh, 74, written cal- 
 
 aur, 242 
 Cam, Welsh, 48 
 Cambodunwm,, O. Gaulish, 48 
 Camelokigi, 380, 407 
 Can, Welsh, 93 
 Ganecosedlon, Gaulish, 29 
 Canel, O. Welsh, 242, 441 
 Ca/at, Welsh, 11 
 GantaUm, Gaulish, 29 
 CanwyU, Welsh, 48 
 Gar, Welsh, O. Irishlcara, 152 
 Cakausius, 386 
 Cardod, Welsh, 151 
 Garfan, 392, 400 
 Gamwennan, Welsh, 22 
 Ca/rreg y Lleon, Welsh, 245 
 , Cam, Sansk., 9 
 Case-endings- formerly used in 
 
 Welsh, 160 
 CasAvellaunus, 197 
 Casmillon, Welsh, 197 
 Gaaulheticc, O. Welsh, 237 
 Qata, Sansk., 11 
 Gatai>a/r, Irish, 29 
 Catamanhs, 29, 169, 323, 384 
 Gathl, Welsh, 51, note 
 Catotigibni, 31, 380, 393, 396, 
 
 443 
 Gatraeth, Welsh, 183 
 Gatteyrn, Welsh, 31 
 
 Caune, 223, 381, 389 
 Cado, 223, 390 
 Cavoseniabgii, 215, 390 
 Cead, Irish, 41, 56 
 Ceann, Irish, 42 
 Cebystr, Welsh, 252 
 Gedlinau, O. Welsh, 43 
 Gedlestneuiom, O. Breton, 43 
 Ceiljog, Welsh, 123 
 Geinjog, Welsh, 123 
 Gelicrwn, Gaulish, 29, 30 
 Gelleell, O. Cornish, 241, 249 
 Celtic Languages enumerated, 
 
 &e., 18 
 Celtic Languages, Non - Aryan 
 
 traits in, 190-192 
 Celts, The two divisions of, 
 
 19,25 
 Celts, The, preceded in these 
 
 islands by other traces, 190 
 Genedl nodded, Welsh, 159 
 Gennfinnan, Irish, 22, 170 
 Cenndubhan, Irish, 22, 170 
 Genthiliat, O. Welsh, 253 
 Genthliat, O. Welsh, 51, note, 253 
 Centum, Latin, 11 
 Gepister, Cornish, 252 
 Cernunnos, Gaulish, 29 
 Geroenhou, O. Welsh, 237 
 Get, O. Irish, 11, 41, 56 
 Gethir, O. Irish, 26 
 Cethf, Welsh, 51, note 
 Gh, in Ogam, 276 
 Chester, Battle of, 141 
 Ghiommo, Neapolitan, 57 
 Chrotta, 63, 118, 434 
 Ghw, Sound of, prevalent in 
 
 North Wales, 235 
 Chwaff, Welsh, 23, 282 
 Ghwannen, Welsh, 83 
 Ghwech, Welsh, 93 
 Chwertkin, Welsh, 83 
 Ghwerwedd, Welsh, 228 
 Chwi, Welsh, 235 
 Ghwiorydd, Welsh, 98 
 Gkwysigen, Welsh, 83 
 a, Welsh, 152, 220 
 Gia/ran, Irish, 24 
 Cimadas, O. Welsh, 248 
 Giwdod, Welsh, 151 
 Glaf, Welsh, 131 
 Gland, O. Irish, 373 
 Classification of Languages, 1 
 
448 
 
 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Classification of Welsh conso- 
 nants, 39 
 
 CUbene, Irish, 130 
 
 Cliab, Irish, 130 
 
 Clotokigi, 406 
 
 Clum, O. Irish, 373 
 
 Cnuwch, Welsh, 103 
 
 Cock, Welsh, 133 
 
 Gocuro, Oocurus, 214 
 
 Coed, Welsh, 100 
 
 Cod, Welsh, 100 
 
 CoeUiren y Beirdd, a Welsh alpha- 
 bet so called, 316 
 
 Coes, Welsh, 209 
 
 Goffau, Welsh, 236 
 
 C6ic, O. Irish, 41, 254 
 
 Coire, O. Irish, 9 
 
 ComHrSc, 250 
 
 Gomtoou, O. Breton, 250 
 
 Conhevi, Cornish, 299 
 
 CONETOOI, 216, 411 
 
 Congual, O. Welsh, 250 
 
 Connecting vowel, 182, 184 
 
 CONSOBBINO,168, 179,207 ,215, 387 
 
 Consonants, Doubling of, in Ca- 
 pella Glosses, 246 ; doubled in 
 accented syllables, 211 ; ety- 
 mologically equivalent, 16, 17 ; 
 flanked by vowels, 43 
 
 Constantinus, 169 
 
 Contextos, Gaulish, 29 
 
 Convalleorum populus, 85 
 
 CoKBAONi, 30, 178, 381, 400 
 
 OoRBALBNGi, 29, 177, 212, 392 
 
 Cm-cur, O. Irish, 373 
 
 Cm-ff, Welsh, 59, 151 
 
 Coifori, Welsh, 151 
 
 Corfforoedd and cyrph, pi. of 
 corph, Welsh, 59 
 
 Cormac's Glossary, 247, 249, 250, 
 256, 327, 370, 436 
 
 Cornish, a Celtic Language, its 
 literature, 19 
 
 Corp, Irish, 59 
 
 Corstopilum, or Corstopipam, 194 
 
 Cow, Eng., 9 
 
 pram, prdmya, Sansk., 14 
 
 pra/marM, Sansk., 14 
 
 Crann, Irish, 105 
 
 Craibdech, Irish, 13 
 
 Cri, O. Irish, 153 
 
 Cred, credu, Welsh, 72, 93, 433, 
 435 
 
 Crefydd, Welsh, 13 
 CVei/jiore, Welsh, 122 
 Creman, O. Cornish, 249 
 Creyr, Welsh, 277 
 Crispos, Gaulish, 29 
 Crocenn, Irish, 277 
 Crochta, Irish, 176 
 Crom, Welsh, 277 
 Croth, Welsh, 118, 133 
 Cruimiher, cruimhther, crubtMr, 
 
 Irish, 370 
 Crummanhiu), O. Welsh, 249 
 Crunnolunou, O. Welsh, 254 
 Crynjon, Welsh, 250 
 Cii, Irish, 152, 220 
 Cuisil, O. Welsh, 249 
 Cunacena, Irish, 29, 173, 438 
 Cunacennvm, 30, 212, 381, 395 
 Cunagussos, Irish, 29 
 Cunatami, CuNOTAMI, 29, 183, 
 
 212, 292, 405 
 CUNEGNI, 381, 400 
 CnffOCBNM, 29, 30, 178, 301, 395 
 
 CUNOMOEI, 410 
 
 CnNOVALi, 86, 392, 413 
 CuntiUlet, O. Breton, 250 
 CnRCAONi, 381, 398 
 Cuwch, Welsh, 103 
 Gyd-breiniog, Welsh, 121 
 Cyff, Welsh, 61 ■ 
 Gyghor, Welsh, 54 
 Cylched, Welsh, 120 
 Cyllell, Welsh, 74 
 Gymraeg, Welsh, 120, 250 
 Gyndaf, Welsh, 405 
 Cynddelw cited, 322, 418 
 Cyndeyrn, Welsh, 31 
 Gynfyw, Welsh, 299 
 Gyntefig, Welsh, 120 
 Oynud, Welsh, 101 
 Gymmal, Welsh, 86, 250 
 Cyrff, pi. of corff, Welsh, 59 
 CyssylUu, Welsh, 74 
 Cysyl, Welsh, 249 
 
 D, The letter, 200 : its use in 0. 
 
 Welsh, 229 
 Dd, Irish, 7 
 Daaki, 216, 381, 406 
 Baeareg, Welsh, 120 
 Dafydd ab GwUym quoted, 133 
 Dakshina, Sansk., 13 
 Dcden, Welsh, 120 
 
INDEX. 
 
 449 
 
 Dalligni, E. Irish, 30 
 
 Damdrchineat, O. Welsli, 240 
 
 Daniel, 121 
 
 Dannotali, Gaulish, 29 
 
 Dant, "Welsh, 56 
 
 Dam, Welsh, 134 
 
 Datolaham, O. Breton, 239 
 
 Dauu, daw, "Welsh, 242, 441 
 
 Dawn, "Welsh, 98 
 
 Dd, Use of, in "Welsh, 259 
 
 Deas, Mod. Irish, 12 
 
 Decceddas, Deccedda, Irish, 274 
 
 Decoeti, Decheti, 63 
 
 Dee, The river, 325, 436 
 
 Deg, "Welsh, 93 
 
 Dehau, "Welsh, 12, 94, 205 
 
 Delehid, O. Gomish, 238, 249 
 
 Demeti, 217, 295, 441 
 
 Den, Provencal, 57 
 
 Denoui, 406 
 
 Debvaoi, 380; 394 
 
 Derwydd, "Welsh, 152 
 
 Dess, O. Irish, 12 
 
 Det, Irish, 50 
 
 Deus, Latin, 12 
 
 Di- and Dy-, "Welsh prefixes. Con- 
 fusion of, 251 
 
 Dia, Irish, 130 
 
 Differences between "Welsh and 
 Irish, 35 
 
 Diguormechis, O. "Welsh, 238 
 
 Din, dinas, "Welsh, 124, 220 
 
 Dingad, "Welsh, 182, 220 
 
 Dinoot, Dunawd, The name of a 
 "Welsh abbot, 129 
 
 Diu, O. "Welsh, 12 
 
 Div, dyu, Sansk., 12 f 
 
 Do, The prefix, 251 
 
 Dohorcu, Irish, 252 
 
 DoBDNNl, 380, 408 
 
 Dodocetic, O. Breton, 250 
 
 Doe, "Welsh, 108 
 
 Dof, "Welsh, 96 
 
 Doguorenniam, O. Breton, 250 
 
 Doiros, Gaulish, 29 
 
 Dometos, 214 
 
 Dontawrios, Gaulish, 29 
 
 Door, Eng., 9 
 
 Dorus, Irish, 9 
 
 Draighen, Irish, 138 
 
 Drain, "Welsh, 138 
 
 Draoi, Irish, 32, 152 
 
 DrudUm, Gerrig y, 426, 443 
 
 Di-ui, 0. Irish, 152 
 
 Druid, Welsh and Irish for, 32 
 
 Druidism, Adoption of, by insu- 
 lar Celts, 32 ; introduction of, 
 into Gaul, 32 
 
 Dkustagni, O. "Welsh, 410 
 
 Druticni, Druticnos, Gaulish, 30 
 
 Drwg, "Welsh, 97, 441) 
 
 Drws, Welsh, 9 
 
 Du, The prefix, 251 
 
 Du, Lith., 8 
 
 Dual Number, Traces of, in 
 Welsh, 156, 157 
 
 Duheneticon, O. Welsh, 251 
 
 Duhricius, 250 
 
 Dunnagual, O. Welsh, 183 
 
 DuNOOATi, O. Welsh, 177, 178, 
 220, 300, 382, 394 
 
 Duo, Latin, 7 
 
 Dur, Welsh, 220 
 
 Dtttigirn, O. Welsh, 31 
 
 Duw, Welsh, 12, 102, 436 
 
 Dva, Sansk. and Zend., 8 
 
 Dvdra, Sansk., 9' 
 
 Dwfn, fem. dofn, Welsh, 97, 117 
 
 Dwyf, dwyv), "Welsh, 100 
 
 Dyuushpitar, Sansk. , 12 
 
 Dyfnwal, Welsh, 183 
 
 Dyfrdwy, Welsh, 325, 436 
 
 Dyfrig, Welsh, 250 
 
 DyUifh, Welsh, 238„249 
 
 Dyw, Welsh, 12, 95 
 
 E, for Aryan a in many Welsh 
 
 words, 93; two sounds of, in 
 
 Latin, 213 
 Hachtighearn, Irish, 32 
 Mol, Welsh, 94 
 Eclipses of consonants, 38, 50, 
 
 54 55 56 '' 
 
 'Edifeirjol, Welsh, 121 
 Ednod, Welsh, 253 
 Efydd, Welsh, 423 
 Ehnlinn, O. Cornish, 241 
 Ehorth or eorth, Welsh, 279 
 Ei, poss. pronoun, masc. and 
 
 fem., Welsh, 154 
 Ei, The diphthong, 225 
 Ei, Welsh, equivalent to Latin 
 
 as, 225 
 eXtov, 11 
 Eidon, Welsh, 225 
 
 2f 
 
450 
 
 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Eifl, Yr, in Caernarvonshire, 157 
 
 Eimetiaco, 215, 426 
 
 JEjudon, O. Welsh, 225 
 
 Minn, O. Cornish, 241, 425 
 
 Elin, Welsh, 128 
 
 Ellesheticion, O. Welsh, 237 
 
 Ellyn, Welsh, 241, 424 
 
 Empmn, Breton, 54 
 
 Emrys, Welsh, 123 
 
 Enabaeri, 29, 211, 212, 408 
 
 Enllyn, Welsh, 241 
 
 Ennyn, Welsh, 9 
 
 Enuein, 0. Welsh, 122, 243, 437 
 
 Enw, Welsh, 243 
 
 Eofn, Welsh, 276 
 
 Epeiacum, a town of the 
 
 Brigantes, 194 
 Epidium, The name of an island 
 
 between Scotland and Ireland, 
 
 192 
 Erlyn, Welsh, 154 
 Ekcagni, 206, 381, 402 
 Erchan, Welsh, 206 
 Eroilivi, 381, 411 
 Erlid, Welsh, 183 
 Esomun, O. Irish, 276 
 Etekni, 385 
 
 Etncoilhaam, 0. Breton, 239 
 Etruscan, Doubtful origin of, 4 
 Ettekni, 403 
 I.U, The diphthong modified into 
 
 au in Mod. Welsh, 137 
 Eu, Welsh pronoun, genitive 
 
 plural, 154 
 Eunt, O. Breton, 257 
 Euog, Welsh, 13 
 Euohoc, O. Breton, 250 
 Eutigirn, Welsh, 31 
 Evacattos, Irish, 29, 212 
 EVALI, 406 
 Even, Bug., 258 
 EVOLENGGI, EVOLENGI, 177, 206, 
 
 212 
 Ewin, Welsh, 153 
 Ewynog, Welsh, 250 
 Exobnus, Exomnus, Gaulish, 276 
 
 F, The letter sounded as^in O. 
 
 Welsh, 233 ; as v, 261, 262 
 F, The sound, its origin in 
 
 Welsh, 285 ; its Ogmic symbol 
 
 unknown, 280 
 
 Families of Speech, 1 
 
 Fanntjci, 381 
 
 Fanoni, 211, 282, 381, 409 
 
 Fechem, Irish, 130 
 
 Fedb, O. Irish, 228 
 
 Feidiog, Y, Welsh, 426 
 
 Feminine nominatives in e, 179 
 
 Ffer, 233 
 
 Ffetog, Gwentian Welsh, 45 
 
 Fflangdl, Welsh, 245 
 
 Fforch, Welsh, 118 
 
 Ffordd, Welsh, 118 
 
 Ffraeth, Welsh, 233 
 
 Ffrwyth, Welsh, 64 
 
 Ffunen, Welsh, 106 
 
 Ffwrch, Welsh, 118 
 
 iFfwrdd, Welsh, 118 
 
 Ffwm; Welsh, 151 
 
 Ffyrf, iem.fferf, Welsh, 120 
 
 Finch, Irish, 130 
 
 Fidchell, Irish, 373 
 
 Fin, Irish, 280 
 
 Finnmhagh, Irish, 171 
 
 Fius for Filius, 205 
 
 Foircheann, Irish, 172 
 
 FolcaAm, Insh, 59 
 
 Four Ancient Books of Wales 
 
 quoted, 159 
 Frater, Latin, 8 
 Fron, Provencal, 57 
 Futhark or Runic alphabet, 340 
 Furca, Latin, 118 
 Fy, fyn, fyng, Welsh, 52 
 
 G, Value of, in O. Welsh, 233 
 
 Gaedd, O. Irish, 188 
 
 Gaelic, Scotch, A Celtic language, 
 
 18 
 Gafr, Welsh, 432 
 Gair, Welsh, 122, 138 
 Gaoidheal, Irish, 188 
 Garlleg, Welsh, 76 
 Gatel, Gwentian Welsh, 46 
 Gaulish, A Celtic language, 179 
 Gaulish words extant, 19 
 Gdfr, pi. of gafr, Welsh, 136 
 Geill, Welsh, 122 
 Gen, Welsh, 94 
 Genaius, Cornish, 222 
 Genauni, Gaulish, 197 
 Gender in Welsh, 155 
 Genitives, Place of, in Welsh, 160 
 
INDEX. 
 
 451 
 
 Geraint, son of Erbin, 184 
 
 Oh, Sound of, 65 
 
 Gilhin, O. Welsh, 69 
 
 Gildas, the historian, 22 
 
 Glas, Welsh, 133 
 
 Glendid, Welsh, 120 
 
 Glomerarium, Latin, 78 
 
 Glosses, The Eutychiiis, of Breton 
 ori^n, 271 
 
 Glosses, The later Oxford, are 
 Cornish, 271 
 
 Glosses, Welsh, 146 
 
 Glottology, Historical value of, 8 
 
 Go, Sansk., 9 
 
 Goba, Irish, 152 
 
 Gqf, Welsh, 152 
 
 Goglei^'edig, Med. Welsh, 252 
 
 Goidel, 0. Irish, 188 
 
 Goidelic Celts, Theory of sup- 
 posed occupation of Wales by 
 the, 186 
 
 Golbinoc, O. Breton, 250 
 
 Golchi, Welsh, 59 
 
 Gorau, Welsh, 139 
 
 Gorphen, Welsh, 59, 172 
 
 Gorsin, Welsh, 153 
 
 Gosgorddfawr, Welsh, 183 
 
 GramMdeg, Welsh, 120 
 
 Grcm, Provencal, 57 
 
 Grian, grene, Irish, 130 
 
 Grimm's Law, 15 
 
 Gripjud for Griphjud, O. Welsh, 
 245 
 
 Grudnev,, Welsh, 425 
 
 Gruffudd ab Cynan, 187 
 
 Guaina, Italian, 82 
 
 Ghienedoie, 183 
 
 Guichir, O. Welsh, 253 
 
 Guillihim, O. Cornish, 238 
 
 Guitaulfili GuitoHawn, 176 
 
 GvXba, Irish, 69 
 
 G%ocelesetice, O. Welsh, 252 
 
 Guogaltou, O. Welsh, 242 
 
 Gvxrrunhaie, O. Welsh, 237 
 
 Gwrm, O.' Welsh, 222 
 
 Gurehic, O. Cornish, 238 
 
 6w, for the semi-vowel w, 82 
 
 Gv)ag, Welsh, 131 
 
 Gweddw, Welsh, 228 
 
 Gwellaif, Welsh, 238 
 
 Gwenfael, Welsh, 48 
 
 Gwentian dialect of Welsh, 45 
 
 Gwm, Welsh, 280 
 
 Gwinllan, Welsh, 77 
 
 Gvdr, Welsh, 99 
 
 Gwisc, Welsh, 10 
 
 Gwlan, Welsh, 10 
 
 Gwlyh,'iem. gwleb, Welsh, 119 , 
 
 Gwraig, Welsh, 238 
 
 Gwrtheyrn, 31 
 
 Gwych, fem. gwech, Welsh, 119. 
 
 253 
 Gwychr, Welsh, 253 
 Gwydd, pi. gwyddau, Welsh, 137 
 Gwyddbwyll, Welsh, 373 
 Gwyddel, 'an Irishman,' Welsh, 
 
 186 
 Gwyddel, 'a bush,' Welsh, 187, 
 
 188 
 Gwyddost, Welsh, 11 
 Gwyn, fem. gwen, Welsh, 119, 280 
 Gwyndyd, Welsh, 183 
 G-ayynfa, Welsh, 171 
 Gwynhoedl, Welsh, 218, 385 
 Gwynt, Welsh, 83 
 G^jlfin, Welsh, 69 
 Gylfinog, Welsh, 250 
 
 H, how used in the O. Welsh 
 Glosses, 239 ; its sounds, 203, 
 204, 205, 234, 235, 279 
 
 Had, Welsh, 93 
 
 Haf, Welsh, 93 
 
 Hafod y Lleon, Welsh, 245 
 
 Hahya, Zend., 9 
 
 Haiach, ffaeach, Hayach, Welsh, 
 432 
 
 Haiarn, Welsh, 426 
 
 Haidd, Welsh, 9, 429 ' 
 
 Halen, Welsh, 93 
 
 Handwriting, Last use of Kymric, 
 258 
 
 Haml, Welsh, 136 
 
 Head, Eng., 255 
 
 Heb, Welsh, 94, 131 
 
 Heddyw, Welsh, 123 
 
 Hdabar, O. Breton, 250 
 
 HeWia, O. Welsh, 61 
 
 Helghati, 0. Welsh, 61 
 
 Heli, Welsh, 120 
 
 Helmholtz, Professor, on the sen- 
 sations of tone, 109-136 
 
 Hen, Welsh, 94 
 
 Henoeth, henoid, Welsh, 66, 153 
 
 Hep, O. Welsh, 71 
 
452 
 
 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Siriu, Irish, 153 
 
 Hestaur, hestawr, hestoraid, hes- 
 
 torjou, "Welsh, 25, 124, 129 
 Heueiid), 0. Cornish, 249 
 Hinham, O. Cornish, 237 
 Mir, 'Welsh, 99 
 Jliraeth, "Welsh, 137 . 
 Mirunn, for irhunn, O. Welsh, 
 
 239 
 Eloimol, O. Cornish, 78, 241 
 Hoedl, Welsh, 218 
 Holeu, O. Breton, 250 
 HomOies, Welsh, mentioned, 269 
 Houel, O. Welsh, 250 
 Huar, Irish, 130 
 Hud, Welsh, 101 
 Hufen, Welsh, 101 
 Hundred, Eng,, 11 
 Hwaff, and hwap, 282 
 Hwn, fem. hon, "Welsh, 117 
 Hwy, Welsh, 100 
 Hwynthvry, Welsh, 55 
 Hylafar, Welsh, 250 
 Hysp, Welsh, 95 - 
 Hyviaith, Welsh, 249 
 
 I, Aryan, how represented in 
 
 "Welsh, 94 
 /, The letter, how used in Welsh, 
 
 200, 240, 248, 265 
 loaunus, Gaulish, 197 
 Iccavos, Gaulish, 29 
 Idwal, Welsh, 184 
 Idwallon, "Welsh, 197 
 lechyd, Welsh, 120 
 Igueltiocion, O. Breton, 244 
 Illteym, Welsh, 31 
 Ilwweto, in Ogam, 300, 382, 395 
 Im, Imm, Irish, 48 
 Immotihiou, O. Welsh, 238, 248 
 In, O. Welsh, now yn, 249 
 Inhher Domnonn, Irish, 33 
 Inchinn, Irish, 54 
 Indh, Sansk., 9 
 Inge, Irish, 153 
 Initial Consonants, Mutation of, 
 
 37,41 
 Inscriptions, Roman, in Britain, 
 
 214 
 lorddonen, Welsh, 151 
 Jot, Breton and Cornish, 9, 106 
 Jou, Welsh, for lau, 228 
 
 Tr, O. Welsh, now yr, 249 
 Is, O. Welsh, now ys, 249 
 1th, Irish, 9 
 Ith in place of chth, in O. Welsh, 
 
 64 
 Ithel, Welsh, 437 
 luhron, Gaulish, 29 
 Iwerddon, Welsh, 153 
 
 Jacit, 383 
 Jarll, Welsh, 76 
 Jdut, Lettish, 9 
 Jawn, Welsh, 257 
 Jiva, Sausk., 98 
 Joven, Proven5al, 57 
 JovBNALi, 385, 442 
 Julios, Latin, 214 
 Jupiter, Latin, 12 
 JUs, Latin, and its congeners, 9 
 Jdsti, 167 
 
 Juthahelo, O. Welsh, 238, 437 
 Juvencus Oodex, Stanzas from 
 the, 230, 231 
 
 Keywannedd, Med. Welsh, 260 
 Ki;/)t6s, 119 
 
 i, Sound of, In O. Welsh, 240 
 
 LAine, O. Irish, 230 
 
 Landinegath, "Welsh, 184 
 
 Ldr, Irish, 257 
 
 Latin cases. Traces of, in Welsh. 
 151 
 
 Latin, Rustic, amon? the Britons, 
 226 
 
 Lavinia, Latin, 230 
 
 Laws of Wales, Venedotian ver- 
 sion of, 64, 145, 265 
 
 Leguenid, O. Welsh, 230 
 
 Lejnhaam., O. Breton, 239 
 
 Lestir, O. Welsh, 253 
 
 Letters, Kymric, by what names 
 known, 200 
 
 Le<lr, Breton, 257 
 
 Ligaunus, Gaulish, 197 
 
 Litimaur, O. Welsh, 183, 253 
 
 Litogeni, O. Welsh, 407 
 
 LI in O. Welsh and Cornish, 77 : 
 sound of, 241 
 
 Llaes, Welsh, 209 
 
INDEX. 
 
 453 
 
 Llaeth, Welsh, 108, 230 
 
 Llafur, Welsh, 106, 220 
 
 Llaubeulan, Welsh, 225 
 
 Man y Gwyddel, Welsh, 186 
 
 Llathen, Welsh, 135 
 
 Llaw, Welsh, 129 
 
 Llwwenydd, Welsh, 139, 230 
 
 Llavm, Welsh, 98 
 
 Llawr, Welsh, 98, 257 
 
 Llawrudd, Welsh, 236 
 
 Lleiddiad, Welsh, 121 
 
 Llrnig, Welsh, 245 
 
 Llestr, Welsh, 253 
 
 Lletty, Welsh, 70 
 
 Lleyn, Welsh, 33, 109 
 
 Lloffa, Welsh, 236 
 
 Llofnidd, Welsh, 236 
 
 Llvarth, Welsh, 229 
 
 Lhiwch, Welsh, 103 
 
 Llwfr, fem. llofr, Welsh, 252 
 
 Hwm,f fem. llom, Welsh, 117 
 
 Llyg, Welsh, 152 
 
 Llym, fem. llem, Welsh, 119, 155 
 
 Lobar, O. Welsh, 252 
 
 Logograph, Description of, 80 
 
 LovERHACi, 380, 399 
 
 LOVEKNII, 209, 386 
 
 Lt,ld, Treatment of, in Welsh, 73 
 
 Lubhghort, Irish, 229 
 
 Imcopibia, The name of a town 
 of the Novantse, 192 
 
 Imch, Irish, 152 
 
 iMgudeccas. Irish, 176 
 
 Luird, O. Welsh, 229 
 
 LnNAB(o)Hi Cooci, 63, 398 
 
 Luxemhourg Fragment, of Bre- 
 ton, not Welsh, origin, 271 
 
 M, Value of, in O. Welsh, 242 
 Mob, map, 23, 135, 419 
 Mabinogion, The, mentioned, 54, 
 
 145 ; quoted, 156 
 Mac, Irish, 23 
 Macabitini, 397 
 Maecu, Macoi, Maqui, Macwy, 
 
 415-419 
 Maocudecoeti, 174, 180, 384, 409 
 Macht, Germ. , 64 
 Mae, Welsh, 137 
 Maelan, Welsh, 206 
 Maglagm, 30, 206, 381 
 Magli, 381 
 
 Maglocune, 169 
 Magolite in Ogam, 409 
 Mahts, Goth., 64 
 Mai, Welsh, 137 
 Mailagni, Irish, 30, 374 
 Mair, AVelsh, 121, 440 
 Malledo in a Eoman inscription, 
 . 214 
 
 Malluro, Latin, 214 
 Mdm, Sansk., 7 
 Mam, Zend., 7 
 Manapia, 193 
 Manaw, Welsh, ' Isle of Man,' 
 
 193 
 Mang", Lith., 7 
 Maneg, Welsh, 120 
 Maqveeagi, O. Welsh, 22, 408 
 Maqvi, 163, 415-419 
 Maqvi Ercias, Irish, 198 
 Maqvirini, 22 
 
 Maqvi-treni in Ogam, 293, 403 
 Maqvi Walamni, Irish, 198 
 Marcach, Irish, 59 
 March, Welsh, 59 
 Marchog, Welsh, 59 
 Margeteud, Welsh, 240 
 Maria, 121, 440 
 Math, Welsh, 421 
 Matdc, 388 
 
 Maurdluithruim, O. Welsh, 43' 
 Ma . . abii, 209, 409 
 Me, Lat., Irish, Eng., 7 
 Meddiant, Welsh, 56 
 Meibjon, Welsh, 122 
 Meilljon, Welsh, 241 
 Meirch, pi. of march, Welsh, 
 
 136 
 Meirchjon, Welsh, 123 n 
 Mel, Welsh, 94 
 Meli, 381, 384 
 Melldith, Welsh, 73 
 Mdlhionou, Cornish, 241 
 Meat, Welsh, 94 
 Mdyn, Welsh, 94, 119, 120 
 Menai Straits, The, 193 
 Mena/pia, 193 
 Menevia, 193 
 Merch, Welsh, 94, 155 
 Mercios, Latin, 214 
 Meredudd, Welsh, 240 
 Mergidhaham, O. Breton, 238 
 Meudwy, Welsh, 419 
 Mi, Welsh, 7 
 
454 
 
 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Mi, O. Welsh for/3/, 249 
 Mi, Irish, 153 
 Mis, Welsh, 153 
 Moch, Welsh, 96 
 Modryb, pi. modryhedd, O. Cor- 
 nish, modreped, 249 
 Mogou, O. Breton, 244 
 Momonia, 193 
 MONBDORIQI, 382, 391 
 'Monnow, the name of a river, 193 
 Morgen, Welsh, 61 
 Morten, Welsh, 61 
 Jlfucoi-ftrccJinOgam, 292, 380,404 
 Muin, O. Welsh, 249 
 Mumhain, Munster, 193 
 Musical tones, 110, 111 
 Mwnai, Welsh, 423 
 ■ Myllteyrn, Welsh, 31, 385 
 Myn, Welsh, 249 
 Myned, Welsh, 124 
 Mynwy, Welsh, 193' 
 Mynyddoedd, Welsh, 137 
 Mynyw. Welsh, 193, 249 
 Mysc, Welsh, 95 
 
 iV surd, 58 
 Nef, Welsh, 94 
 Nemnivus, his alphabet, 359 
 JSTerth, Welsh, 59 
 Nertlifawr, Welsh, 59 
 Nerthheint, O. Welsh, 233, 236, 237 
 Nertmdr,.0. Irish, 59 
 Nertomarus, Gaulish, 59 
 Nettalami, Irish, 29 
 Nettasagru, 29, 180, 212, 380, 404 
 Neuter gender in Welsh, Traces 
 
 of a, 155 
 Ng, The guttural nasal, 243, 273 
 Nliw, Welsh, 55 
 Night, Eng., 65 
 Noeth, Welsh, 66, 96, 434 
 Nogtene, ai7, 295, 441 
 NoGTivis, 295, 381, 441 
 Nos, Welsh, 96, 153, 438 
 Nouel, O. Welsh, 242 
 Np, Sound of, according to Cors- 
 
 sen, 206 
 Nyfjo, Welsh, 95 
 
 0, in some words for a, 95, its 
 ' two sounds in Latin, 214 
 
 0, "if," Welsh, 96 
 
 Och, Welsh, 133 
 
 Oc'hen, Breton, 8 
 
 Ocht, Irish, 64, 205 
 
 Octo, Latin, 64 
 
 Oen, Welsh, 67, 138 
 
 Oerllwm, Welsh, 76 
 
 Oes, Welsh, 108, 137 
 
 Ofydd, Welsh, 314 
 
 Og, Welsh, 96 
 
 Ogam alphabet, values of letters, 
 
 284, derived by the Celts from 
 
 the Teutons, 350, regarded as 
 
 a cryptic alphabet, 327, written 
 
 from left to right, 346 
 Ogam-inscribed stones in Ireland, 
 
 376; in Wales, Devon, and Com- 
 
 waU, 289-304 
 Ogma, The Irish tradition about, 
 
 313 
 Ogyrven, 320 
 Oid, O. Welsh, 137 
 Otda, 11. 
 
 Oio, The mystic, 318 
 Ois oisoud, O. Welsh, 137 
 Oil, Welsh, 76 
 Olwyn, Welsh, 254 
 One, Eng. , 101 
 Oppiamicnos, Gaulish, 30 
 Ordous, 207, 382, 392 
 dti, Gweutian Welsh, 45 
 Ouse, The English river-name, 196 
 
 P of Aryan parent speech omit- 
 ted in Celtic, 21 ; how Latin p 
 was dealt with in Ogam, 21, 
 284 
 
 Pa, Welsh, 93 
 
 Pabell, Welsh, 76 ,151, 175 
 
 Pair, Welsh, 9 
 
 Pais, pels, Welsh, 209, '435 
 
 Paradwys, Welsh, 236 
 
 Parisii, A Gaulish tribe, 26 
 
 Pas, Welsh, 93 
 
 Pose, Welsh, 373 
 
 Pascent, 21, 391 
 
 Fatal, O. Welsh, 242 
 
 Patjsknini, Latin, 21, 167 
 
 Patrick, St., Oath of, 257 
 
 Paulini, Latin, 167 
 
 Paulus, Latin, 225 
 
 Pawb, Welsh, 129 
 
INDEX. 
 
 455 
 
 Pedol, Welsh, 236 
 PedMar, Welsh, 20, 198 
 Pembroke^ Bng., 234 1 
 Pem, 'Welsh, 125, 255 
 -Pmfro, Welsh, 234 
 Pennocrucium, Gaulish, 195 
 newoouwSos, Gaulish, 23 
 Permyn, Welsh, 22, 170 
 Perllan, Welsh, 76 
 Peteu, O. Cornish, 249 
 Petguar, O. Welsh, 83 
 PethoM, Welsh, 139 
 Petorritum, Gaulish, 20, 198 
 Petuaria, a town of the Parisi, 
 
 194 
 Ph, Sound of, 245 
 Pib, Welsh, 131 
 Pictish Language, The, 19 
 Pig, Welsh, 255 
 
 Pimphet, O. Welsh, 49, 231, 254 
 Piran in the Sands, 24 
 Plara, Welsh, 134, 373 
 Plantheriruyr, O. Welsh, 237 
 Pluf, Welsh, 373 
 Po, Welsh, 154 
 Pobi, Welsh, 96 
 Pompeius, Latin, 301 
 Poulloraur, O. Welsh, 234 
 Pant, Welsh, 151 
 Porchell, Welsh, 75 
 Porfeydd, Welsh, 109 
 PoEius, 22, 381, 390 
 Porth y Gwyddel, Welsh, 186 
 POTENINA, 393 
 Prasutagus, Gaulish, 194 
 Pregetk, Welsh, 67 
 Prem, O. Welsh, 247, 370 
 Premier, O. Welsh, 370 
 Preon, Provenfal, 57 
 Pridd, Welsh, 153 
 Priddell, Welsh, 120 
 i'Ww, Welsh, 52 
 Prcmter, O. Cornish, 371 
 Prounder, O. Cornish, 371 
 Provection, Explantion of term, 
 
 67 
 Provection, Examples of, 69, 70 
 Pryf, Welsh, 247 . 
 Ptolemy's Geography, 192 
 Pvmp, pummed, Welsh, 254 
 PuNPEins, 301, 397 
 Puoenimis, Gaulish, 254 
 Pwdr, fem. podr, Welsh, 117 
 
 Pwy, Welsh, 100, 154 
 Py, Welsh, 95 
 Pydew, Welsh, 249 
 
 Qgv in Ogam, 282 
 
 Quatuor, Latin, 20 
 
 Queranus, the name of an Irish 
 
 Saint, 24 
 Qv changed into p, 20, 24, 
 
 371 ; in Ogam, 281 
 QvENATAUCl, 22, 211, 212, 224 
 QvENVENDANi, 22, 264, 381, 398 
 Qveci, 213 
 Qvid, 213, 381, 440 
 Qvrimitirros, Irish, 370 
 
 iJ, The sound of, 245 
 Bamedon, Gaulish, 29 
 Sask's Law, 15 
 Secht, Irish, 64 
 Rectum, Latin, 64 
 Red Book of Hergest, 266 
 Res patres, 247 
 Rettias, Irish, 176 
 Retws, Gwentian Welsh, 45 
 Rh, 76, 245 
 Rhaidd, Welsh, 121 
 Rhaith, Welsh, 64 
 Rheffyn, Welsh, 121 
 Rheibjo, Welsh, 121 
 Rhi, Welsh, 99 
 Bhodri, Welsh, 184 
 Rhudd, Welsh, 102 
 Rhuddlan, 183, 260 
 Rhuwch, Welsh, 103 
 BTiwd, Welsh, 97 
 Rhwyd, Welsh, 79 
 Rhydeym, Welsh, 30, 250 
 Rhys, Welsh, 246, 247 
 Rhys ah Tewdwr, 187 
 ElALOBBANl, 381, 413 
 EiOATl, 177, 411 
 Right, 'En%.,%i 
 Riglion, O. Breton, 43 
 Rodhericus, 184 
 Roenhol, O. Welsh, 238 
 Rogedou, O. Breton, 244 
 Roluncas, O. Breton, 250 
 Rudelcm, 183 
 EUOHIAVO, O. Welsh, 394 
 
456 
 
 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. 
 
 Eunes, 338-340 ; written from 
 
 right to left, 346 
 Rutegyrn, O. Welsh, 250 
 Butupice, or Eichborough, 194 
 
 S changed into h, 25 ; omitted 
 ■when final, 207 ; and when 
 flanked by vowels, 28 
 
 Sack, "Welsh, 61 
 
 Saeth, Welsh, 61 
 
 Sagbani, 212, 405 
 
 Sagkanui, 282, 303 
 
 Saeson, Welsh, 275 
 
 Sais, Welsh, 189, 275 
 
 Saith, Welsh, 25, 52 
 
 Salesirary, William, mentioned, 
 55, 260, 268 
 
 Salince, in Bedfordshire or South 
 Lincolnshire, 194 
 
 Samotalms, 29 
 
 Sanctdn, Irish, 388 
 
 Sasya, Sansk., 9 
 
 Satueninhs, 207 
 
 Satimilini, 290, 389 
 
 Scamnhegint, O. Welsh, 233, 237. 
 239 
 
 Schnv/r, Germ. , 243 
 
 Scipaur, O. Welsh, 254 
 
 Scribl, Welsh, 43 
 
 Seacht, Irish, 52 
 
 Segomari, Gaulish, 29 
 
 Segovellauni, Gaulish, 197 
 
 Semitic, The, Family of Langu- 
 ages, 1 
 
 Senaccs, 215, 380, 385 
 
 Smanui, Irish, 25 
 
 Sbhemagli, Senomagm, 30, 165, 
 177, 212, 389 
 
 Seniaegii, 209, 390 
 
 Ser, Welsh, 94 
 
 Serbe, O. Irish, 228 
 
 Serch, Welsh, 94 
 
 Seren, Welsh, 120 
 
 Sit, O. Irish, 56 
 
 Sbveki, 401, 410 
 
 Sevekini, 410 
 
 Seviros, Gaulish, 29 
 
 Sextarius, Latin, 25, 124, 129 
 
 Sir, Irish, 99 
 
 SUbib, Ii-ish, 130 
 
 Sliab, 130 
 
 SOHHI, 380 
 
 Sonants and surds, how distin- 
 guished, 40 
 
 St, in Ogam, 273 
 
 Stdn, O. Eng., 104 
 
 Stour, English river-name, 196 
 
 Suas, Irish, 130 
 
 Sulbair, O. Irish, 250 
 
 Surds and sonants, how distin- 
 guished, 40 
 
 Swaqqvuci, 23, 303, 381 
 
 Sych, fern, sech, Welsh, 120 
 
 Sympathetic resonance, 113 
 
 T, d, th, &c., 43, 229, 258 
 Tad, Welsh, 11, 131, 135 
 Tafod yr edn, Welsh, 427 
 Tai, pi. of ty, Welsh, 234 
 Tairmchrutto, Irish, 176 
 TcKth, Welsh, 205. 
 Tcdagni, Irish, 30 
 Tan, ' fire,' Welsh, 125, 152 
 Tant, pL tannau, Welsh, 11, 
 
 56 
 Tanti, tantu, Sansk., 11 
 Taradr, Welsh, 252 : tarater, O. 
 
 Cornish, 252 
 Twrb, O. Irish, 228 
 Tarbelinos, Gaulish, 29 
 Targe, O. Eng., 61 
 Tarjan, Welsh, 61 
 Tarvos, Gaulish, 29 
 Tarw, Welsh, 93, 228 
 Tdo-is, 11. 
 Tat, O. Welsh, 11 
 Tata, tdta, 11 
 Taw, Welsh, 137 
 Tawdd, Welsh, 135 
 Te, O. Welsh, 233 
 Teach, Mod. Irish, 31 
 Techt, Irish, 205 
 T^, O. Irish, 31 
 Tecbenacds, 213, 215, 380, 396 
 Tegeenomali, 31, 213, 380, 411 
 Teirthon, Welsh, 123 
 Teisterbant, 13 
 Tene, Irish, 152 
 Tit, O. Irish, 11, 56 
 Tiud, Irish, 56 
 Teulu, Welsh, 233 
 Teutonic Languages, Phonology 
 
 of, 348-350 
 Texel, 13 
 
INDEX. 
 
 457 
 
 Teyrn, "Welsh, 30, 31 
 
 Teymlluc, "Welsh, 31 
 
 Teymas, Welsh, 109 
 
 Tegmog, "Welsh, 31 > 
 
 Teyjiwn, "Welsh, 31 
 
 Tk, Use made of, 229, 258 
 
 Thiers, French, 31 
 
 Ti, "Welsh, 220 
 
 Tiern, French, 31 
 
 Tiemmael, Breton, 32 
 
 T^/, 0. Welsh, 31 
 
 TigerinomaZum, 32, 411 
 
 Tigemum, Tiern, Thiers, 31 
 
 Tigheamach, Irish, 31 
 
 Tir, Welsh, 99 
 
 Tlws, fern, tlos, Welsh, 153 
 
 T6ib, O. Irish, 229 
 
 ToUapis, supposed to be Sheppey, 
 
 194 
 Tojos, Greek, 11. 
 Torcigel, O. Cornish, 244 
 Torfeydd, Welsh, 109 
 TOKRICI, 381, 412 
 Toutiorix, Gaulish, 221 
 Toutissicnos, Gaulish, 30, 221 
 Ttmtius, Gaulish, 102, 221 
 ToviSACi, 211, 215, 382, 389 
 Tmim, Eng., 220 
 Traed, Welsh, 108 
 Trannoeth, Welsh, 153 
 Tren, 381 
 
 T3SENACATTIS, 29, 212, 393 
 Trenagusu or TBBNEGnssi,30,180, 
 
 211, 212, 403 
 Tria maqiia Mailagni, 29 
 Trilluni or Teiltoti, O. Welsh, 
 
 211, 394 
 Tnom, fem. from, Welsh, 117 
 Tu, Welsh, 101, 229 
 Tuath, Irish, 102, 221 
 Tud, Welsh, 102, 221 
 TudwaUon, Welsh, 197 
 TUn, O. Eng., 220 
 Turanian Languages, The, 1 
 TUEPILLI, 21, 167, 175, 394 
 Tutri, Welsh, 221 
 TwU y Gwyddel, Welsh, 186 
 Two, Eng., 8 
 Ty, Welsh, 31 
 Tymmhor, Welsh, 50, 151 
 Tymp, Welsh, 151 
 Tynghed/en, Welsh, 323 
 Tvraonnell. Irish, 86 
 
 U, Aryan, how represented 
 in Welsh, 96; derived from 
 Aryan di, 100 ; sounds of, 
 in Early Welsh, 218, 246, 
 267 
 
 Uchel, Welsh, 103 
 
 Ugain, Welsh, 53 
 
 Uile, Irish, 76 
 
 VTcshan, Sansk., 8 
 
 Ulcagni, Uloagnus, 30, 381, 
 398, 410 
 
 Ulcos, Gaulish, 29 
 
 Un, Welsh, 101, 126 
 
 Unbenndeth, Welsh, 123 
 
 Undeb, Welsh, 126 
 
 Unol, Welsh, 126 
 
 Urbgen, O. Welsh, 61 
 
 Urjen, Welsh, 61 
 
 Uma, Sansk., 10 
 
 Ursa, O. Irish, 153 
 
 Uwanos Awi Eioaccatos, 369 
 
 Uvid, Welsh, 9, 102 
 
 T, Pronunciation of, 210 
 "V"ailathi, 222, 410 
 Valoi, 0. Welsh, 381, 409 
 Vastra, Sansk., 10 
 Veda, Sansk., 11 
 Vedmi, Sansk., 11 
 Vedomavi, 224, 396 
 Vellaunodunum, Gaulish, 197 
 Vblvor, O. Welsh, 392 
 Vbndesetli, 171, 385 
 Vendoni, 171, 381 
 Vendubaki, 171, 212, 398 
 Vendumagli, 48, 171, 396, 434 
 "Venedotis, 207 
 Vbnnisetli, 218, 402 
 Vebaoius, 215, 385 
 VercassivellaunVfS, Gaulish, 197 
 Vernodiibrwm, Gaulish, 29 
 Vestis, Latin, 10 
 Vetta, 381, 414 
 VicTOK, Latin, 167, 403 
 Video, Latin, 11 
 Viducos, Latin, 214 
 Vilna, Lith., 10 
 Vindomagus, Gaulish, 171 
 Vindos, Gaulish, 171 
 ViNNEMAGLi, 165, 177, 389, 434 
 Vinniano, Irish, 280 
 Virgnous, Irish, 280 
 
458 
 
 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 
 
 VlTAUANI Emebeto, 179, 288, 
 294, 406 
 
 Tivus, Latin, 98 
 
 VlUna, O. Bulg., 10 
 
 Vortipori, the name of a Eing of 
 the Dimetians, 22, 169 
 
 Vowel, Irrational, not written 
 in O. Welsh, 252 ; now pro- 
 nounced fully in S. Wales, 252 
 
 Vowels, The, 90, 124, 212, 247 
 
 Vv, The combination, 210 
 
 Witaliani, 179 
 Woodbine, Eng., 56 
 Wool, Eng., 10 
 Wy, in Welsh for 8, 104 
 Wyth, Welsh, 64, 96, 205 
 
 X was frequently pronounced ss 
 or s, 208 ; xs used for x, 208 
 
 T used for i, 264 
 Ych, pi. ychen, Welsh, 8 
 Yd, Welsh, 95 
 Ymenyn, Welsh, 53 
 Ymennydd, Welsh, 54 
 Ymmod, Welsh, 248 
 Yn, a masc. termination, 120 
 Ynhw, ynhwy, Welsh, 55 
 Ysceijn, Welsh, 136 
 Yseuhor, Welsh, 254 
 Yspaid, Welsh, 121 
 Yspail^ Welsh, 123 
 Yspytty, Welsh, 70 
 Ystafell, Welsh, 75 
 Ystwyll, Welsh, 76 
 Ythewal, Welsh, 184 
 Yiis, y&sJia, Sansk. , 9 
 
 Z, in Ogam, 273 
 ZejJs, 12 
 ZeD irdrep, 12 
 
 THE END. 
 
 PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE, HANSON AND CO. 
 EDINBURGH AND LONDON