Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924023230331 
 
Cornell University Library 
 DS 745.R82 
 
 The origin of the Chinese people ■ / 
 
 3 1924 023 230 331 
 
THE 
 
 ORIGIN OF THE 
 CHINESE PEOPLE 
 
 BY 
 
 The Rev. JOHN ROSS, D.D. 
 
 Resident in Manchuria for Thirty-eight Years 
 
 author of 
 
 " The Original Religion of China " 
 
 "Missionary Methods in Manchuria," Etc. 
 
 WITH A PREFACE 
 
 HERBERT A. GILES, M.A., LL.D. 
 
 Professor of Chinese Language and 
 Literature at the University of Cambridge 
 
 [Rights of Translation Reserved] 
 
 OLIPHANTS LD. 
 
 ioo PRINCES STREET, EDINBURGH 
 21 PATERNOSTER SQUARE, LONDON, E.C. 
 
 MCMXVI 
 1 
 
CDS 7«Y£f 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Bishop & Sons, Ltd. 
 
 Central Printing Works 
 
 Nicolson Square 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Preface .... 
 Notes by Professor Giles 
 Introduction 
 Important Dates 
 Errata .... 
 
 PAGE 
 V 
 
 vii 
 
 ix 
 
 xvii 
 
 xviii 
 
 Section I.— CHINESE PEOPLE AUTOCHTHONOUS, 
 
 i. Semi-Mythical Age i 
 
 2. Emperor Shun 9 
 
 3. Chow Dynasty ... . . . 11 
 
 4. Chin Dynasty . 28 
 
 5. Han Dynasty 47 
 
 6. Objections 52 
 
 7. Conclusion 57 
 
 Section II.— EDUCATION. 
 
 1. Theory of Education . 
 
 2. Confucius, Sketch of Life 
 
 3. Confucius, Religion 
 
 4. Early Books .... 
 
 5. The Sage .... 
 
 6. The Noble Man 
 
 7. Origin of the Script of China 
 
 Section UL-. REPRODUCTION OF SCRIPT 
 1. Inscription on Vessels 
 Fuhj 
 Shang Dynasty 
 
 Chow, Early . 
 
 Chow, Later 
 
 Chin 
 
 Han 
 
 Tablet of Yu 
 
 Man . 
 
 61 
 
 72 
 86 
 
 99 
 104 
 108 
 "3 
 
 131 
 139 
 141 
 
 152 
 156 
 165 
 172 
 182 
 187 
 
PREFACE 
 
 By H. A. Giles, LL.D., Professor of Chinese 1/mguage 
 and Literature at the University of Cambridge. 
 
 THE death of Dr Ross was a distinct blow to the ad- 
 vancement of Chinese studies. His work, especially 
 in connexion with Manchuria and Korea, needs no 
 bush : had he lived, he would no doubt have added to this 
 volume a prefatory note, which I have now been asked to 
 supply. 
 
 In his researches into the origin of the Chinese people, 
 Dr Ross would have nothing to do with the fantastic and 
 unsubstantiated theory which traces the civilization of China, 
 and particularly her script, to the ancient inhabitants of 
 Accadia. His sober judgment claimed that the quest should 
 be carried out among the voluminous records which China 
 herself has to show ; and from such sources he derived many 
 forcible arguments, which he has marshalled with con- 
 siderable skill. 
 
 The period here covered begins with the semi-mythical 
 age, some forty-six centuries before Christ, and ends with 
 the Han dynasty, down to about one hundred years before 
 the Christian era. Numerous illustrations of former Chinese 
 
The Origin of the Chinese People. 
 
 rulers and sages, taken from early sculptures, lend an ex- 
 ceptional interest to the book, as also an exhaustive survey, 
 with plates, of the development of the Chinese script. 
 
 Dr Ross declares (p. 50) that " we are justified in con- 
 cluding that the Chinese people are autochthonous, and 
 their civilization indigenous." In this important statement I 
 entirely agree with him ; but it must not be further assumed 
 that I accept all Dr Ross' conclusions, or even admit the 
 strict accuracy of every detail. A few points raised will be 
 found, as specimens, on the following page ; such discrepancies, 
 however, do not seriously mar the general value of 'the book. 
 
 VI 
 
Notes by Professor Giles. 
 
 Page 26, last line, " Mother of Tsengtsu exhorting her son." 
 This should read, " Mother of Mencius snapping the 
 thread of the woof, and showing her son that work 
 without continuity is of no avail." 
 
 Page 28, heading and elsewhere, for Chin read Ch'in. 
 [Aspirates are insufficiently marked in other places ; 
 the aspirate is specially important here, as there 
 is another dynasty which is Chin.] 
 
 Page 30, line 8, and note. It has been satisfactorily estab- 
 lished that " Si-wang-mu " was the Greek goddess 
 Hera. 
 
 Page 36, Illustration. The meeting of Confucius and Lao 
 Tzii has no historical basis. 
 
 Page 96, line 21. "Consistently — synonymous" cannot be 
 substantiated. 
 
 Page 104, line 4. The symbol rendered " king " is not 
 " king " at all, but quite a different symbol, though 
 like in form. This vitiates the sense thus derived 
 by analysis. 
 
The Origin of the Chinese People 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 THE Chinese are a people so unique in their character 
 and in the prolongation of their existence that the 
 investigation of their origin presents a study of 
 singular fascination. Where is the site of their origin ? 
 What are their affinities with and differences from other 
 peoples ? Is their descent traceable to any other nationality ? 
 How came they to form a separate nation ? They possess a 
 remarkable form of civilization ; how came it to exist, and 
 how was it developed ? Not a few writers have attempted 
 the solution of these questions, but as the attempts have 
 been mostly guess-work, the solution is yet to find. The 
 isolation of the Chinese people has been so complete that 
 their own literature is the only source where correct solutions 
 can be found. Hence the present attempt to dig a little into 
 that mine. No form of civilization has yet been found which 
 has sprung, Minerva like, at one bound from the depths of 
 savagery to perfect order. Such a change is conceivable only 
 when one people borrows the civilization already existing 
 among another people. The process of attaining to civiliza- 
 tion from its lowest beginnings resembles the process universal 
 in nature, from the bud to the ripening fruit. In the case 
 of a people like the Chinese, so isolated and differentiated 
 from others, this slow process is to be looked for. 
 
The Origin of the Chinese People. 
 
 Of the condition called civilization there may be endless 
 varieties. Whatever raises a set of human beings above the 
 life of the " birds and beasts " is a degree of civilization. 
 From the savage life there are many degrees before we arrive 
 at the highest form of Christian life. And these degrees may 
 not inconceivably differ from each other. Manners, customs, 
 government, literature, religion, are all involved in civiliza- 
 tion. These forms may differ in different countries. Minds 
 of a parochial type can perceive only one sort of civilization 
 — that of their own parish. One such mind whose civilization 
 consists mainly in military order calls another a barbarian 
 becauses it refuses to be ridden by him ; the other calls the 
 military type barbarian because he seeks to ride on him. 
 Both are civilized, but the civilization of each is incomplete. 
 The civilization of even the foremost nations of the west has 
 not yet attained the ideal. It is not difficult to imagine a 
 world, every man and woman in which shall be the equal 
 of the best who has ever appeared, and possess talents as 
 notable as the greatest of the past. It is conceivable that the 
 world shall rise to a civilization as superior to the present as 
 the present at its best is above the Middle Ages. 
 
 Though the Chinese are denied the possession of a civiliza- 
 tion on the same plane as that of the west, yet their form of 
 civilization, manifested in their social institutions, is worthy 
 of serious attention. An acquaintance with that civilization 
 is all the more desirable when we consider that China has 
 entered on a new phase of life which cannot fail to exert a 
 profound influence on the future of humanity. If her civiliza- 
 tion differs little from that of her neighbours, it is because 
 neighbours have imperfectly borrowed hers, who has borrowed 
 from no one. This independence adds a further element of 
 interest to the study. 
 
 The civilization of China is the outcome of a set of com- 
 plex ideals, beginning with a lowly origin, stimulated, streng- 
 thened, and broadened during the course of many centuries by 
 
Introduction. 
 
 the efforts of a long succession of able men in many districts. 
 These ideals embrace the method of government, the system 
 of ethics, which conditioned their social life in all its relations, 
 the theory of education, and the development of their script. 
 
 Now, the only satisfactory means of understanding the 
 origin and development of this civilization is by the careful 
 examination of Chinese Records. Theoretical comparison 
 with the rise of civilization in the west is untrustworthy. To 
 secure accuracy in this examination, one* must bring a recep- 
 tive and unbiassed mind, so as to discover the actual contents 
 of the records, and to draw conclusions from them, instead 
 of interjecting one's own opinions into them. One examining 
 Chinese literature with preconceived theories bends to these 
 theories with more or less violence the contents of the text. 
 The translation becomes coloured by the views of the trans- 
 lator. 
 
 It has been contended that the Chinese people and script 
 are traceable to Babylon, and their philosophy to India. 
 
 It need surprise no one that among peoples, the origin of 
 whose script consisted of more or less accurate outlines of 
 the object indicated, there should to a certain extent occur 
 a small proportion of resemblances in the forms of their 
 script. The same is true of approximations in monosyllabic 
 names such as have been traced between Chinese, Hebrew, 
 and Celtic. But the wholly monosyllabic character of the 
 Chinese language differentiates it from all others, Turanian 
 no less than Aryan. The language has enlarged its vocabulary 
 to an enormous extent, but has retained unchanged its original 
 character and grammatical construction. It is consistent 
 with the other features of Chinese civilization that the tradi- 
 tional diagrams in straight lines by Fuhi may have been the 
 beginning of Chinese writing. But the most ancient characters 
 incontrovertibly known to literature are those on the first 
 bronze vessels which were made by the Shang dynasty for 
 sacrificial purposes forty-six centuries ago. 
 
 xi 
 
The Oeigin of the Chinese People. 
 
 The reproductions at the end of this book of the ancient 
 forms of Chinese script from the time of the eight diagrams 
 of Fuhi, through the Shang, Chow, and Chin dynasties to 
 the times of Han, may be possibly considered to occupy too 
 much space. But apparent redundancy in presenting the 
 evidence of the beginning and development of the Chinese 
 script has been adopted as preferable to a possible inadequacy. 
 Careful comparison will show that the script of the early 
 Chow was a gradual evolution out of the pictorial Shang; 
 that the later Chow was equally an evolution from the early 
 Chow; that the Chin, though professedly a new system, is 
 simply a continuation of the late Chow, and that the Han 
 continued the Chin. From the beginning there was a slow 
 growth, an evolution but no revolution. During those twenty 
 odd centuries there was a regular though slow growth out of 
 the old roots ; there is no evidence at any point of Chinese 
 history of an entirely new system of script. From first to 
 last there is a close family likeness despite the lapse of time, 
 the increase of words, and the minor changes thereby made 
 necessary. The pictorial forms of Shang were largely adopted 
 by the early Chow. They were gradually eliminated, and 
 other forms introduced better adapted to more rapid writing. 
 But even after the picture had completely disappeared, its 
 outline could be frequently traced in the new form of the 
 word. 
 
 It will be noticed that the script of Fuhi was in straight 
 lines, that of Chow, Shang, and Chin in curved lines, and that 
 of Han was a reversal to the straight line. Though the 
 contour of a word and the number of lines may differ, the 
 new form can be seen to have been evolved out of the ancient. 
 From the earliest of the Shang to the present time there has 
 been no breaking away from the spirit of the Chinese script, 
 though from various causes changes have been introduced 
 in the mode of writing. The writing and grammatical con- 
 struction are alike throughout characterised by a family 
 
Introduction. 
 
 resemblance. These characteristics as well as the language 
 itself are unique among the languages of mankind. 
 
 The Han script differs chiefly in abandoning, probably 
 for ornamental reasons, the curved lines and in reverting to 
 the straight lines of Fuhi. By skilful ingenuity, the characters 
 are made to balance symmetrically on both sides of the per- 
 pendicular middle of the word. From the time of Han to 
 the present this method has been followed in the making of 
 seals of all sorts, from those of the emperor down. In the re- 
 production of the circle of characters round the mirror of 
 Han, it will be noted how the late forms of the seal character 
 approximates to the common square one. 
 
 The resemblance between Chinese dualism and Zoro- 
 astrianism is slight and superficial. Zoroastrian dualism is 
 one of antagonistic forces. The dual powers of nature in 
 Chinese philosophy, though radically different, are comple- 
 mentary and necessary to each other and to the existence of 
 all living organisms. King Wen developed his yang and yin 
 dualism in his native kingdom west of the Yellow River, in 
 the south-east of what is now Shensi. This happened in the 
 twelfth century B.C., several hundred years before Zoroaster 
 was born. In the end of the twelfth century, the Chow crossed 
 the Yellow River and introduced that dualism into China. 
 This dualism and its antecedent monotheism are fully ex- 
 plained in the " Original Religion of China." 
 
 In addition to their special purpose, the chapters on the 
 rise of the Chow and Chin dynasties are intended to show 
 the process and causes of the change of dynasty in China. 
 
 Examination for a period of many years of Chinese ancient 
 literature, and familiarity with the various theories on the 
 origin of the Chinese and their civilization, preclude the belief 
 on my part in the possibility of the derivation from any region 
 west of the Yellow River of any portion of that civilization. 
 Prior to the third century before the Christian era there is 
 no evidence of any intercourse between China which was east 
 
The Origin of the Chinese People. 
 
 of the Yellow River and any part of Central Asia. Early 
 Chinese history shows how masses of the nomadic races to 
 the north and immediate west were expelled westwards, who 
 found their way in after centuries into eastern Europe. 
 There is no evidence of any such migration from the west 
 eastwards into China. By all available testimony we are 
 driven to the conclusion that the Chinese people are autoch- 
 thonous, their script and every form of their civilization 
 indigenous. 
 
 The various sections of this work, though in no part 
 exhausting the information available, provide material 
 adequate to enable the careful reader to form his own 
 decided opinion. 
 
 A brief account of him who was the principal agent in 
 systematising and popularising the combination of the govern- 
 ment and ethics of China will help both to comprehend the 
 combination and to understand its influence on the preserva- 
 tion of the nation. It seems, indeed, to the writer to be all 
 but axiomatic that lack of a clear understanding of that 
 combination is the chief reason why the mind of the Chinese 
 has been so long unknown in the west. A clear understanding 
 will adequately explain not only the continued existence, but 
 also the growing importance of the nation, despite occasional 
 ebbings in the flowing tide. Though an account of the 
 government and ethics is essential to the complete under- 
 standing of Chinese civilization, the space demanded for an 
 adequate statement is such as to preclude its appearance in 
 this volume, which is confined to the history of the origin of 
 the people and of their education. 
 
 Face to face with the present condition of Europe, one 
 essential difference between the ancient governments farther 
 west and that of China must be mentioned here, for it is worthy 
 of serious consideration. The nemesis attending the esta- 
 blishing as a standard the law of the wild forest is manifest 
 in Europe. It produced its extreme logical effect in ancient 
 
 xiv 
 
Introdtotioic. 
 
 Babylon and Assyria. Those western powers trusted for 
 authority and influence to martial prowess, and paid little 
 attention to ethical principles. From its beginning China 
 reversed this order. Her history reveals many practical 
 relapses from her own ideal, but they invariably brought their 
 own retribution. In the west the soldier was set above the 
 teacher ; in China the scholar was placed above the man of 
 war. Those nations which trusted the sword perished by the 
 sword ages ago. China, whose greatest and most honoured 
 men trusted chiefly to moral force, continues to exist and 
 even to expand. 
 
 The Beings anciently worshipped, the modes of that 
 worship, the sacrifices offered and the design of them, and 
 of the religious services connected with them, are minutely 
 described in the " Original Religion of China," published by 
 Oliphant, Anderson, & Ferrier, Edinburgh. The reader is 
 respectfully referred to that work for what is known or know- 
 able of the religion of China. The remarks in the present 
 work on the Religion of Confucius are necessary, for religion 
 is an essential though unobtrusive element in his character. 
 Without a knowledge of it one cannot understand him. 
 
 The Chinese works on which this book is founded are the 
 Shu, or history compiled by Confucius ; the Tuug-chien- 
 kang-mtj, by Chu Futsu ; the Yi-chth-ltj ; the imperial 
 TtrNG-cmEK-KANG-MTj ; the Li-tai, an epitome of history and 
 geography, and the Li-tai-tung-chien-yi-lan. The latter 
 four are general histories published at different times and for 
 various reasons by the Manchu Government, to the order of 
 the Emperor by companies of competent scholars. The 
 Yuen-chien is a great encyclopaedia forming a storehouse of 
 information on all subjects from the earliest times. The 
 dictionary Shwo-wen gives the earliest, and that of Kang-hi 
 the latest investigations on Chinese script, on the sources of 
 which, however, the only satisfactory authorities are the 
 Po-Kxr-Ttr, the Si-chtng-ktt-chten, and the KrN-sm-so. These 
 
The Origin of the Chinese People. 
 
 three important works are described in the section on 
 Education. 
 
 The pictures of human subjects throughout the work are 
 copied from the Kin-shi-so, which has an abundant variety 
 reproduced from the walls of temples, etc. They were work- 
 manship on stone in the middle of the Han dynasty. This 
 pictorial work was executed within the two first Christian 
 centuries. We are not to assume that the facial representa- 
 tions are a true likeness of the persons nominally represented. 
 Yet they are all interesting as indicative of the clothing and 
 manners at the beginning of the Christian era in China. 
 
IMPORTANT DATES 
 
 Fuhi, B.C. 2957 ; capital, Chun, near modern Kaifeng, 
 in Honan. 
 
 Shen-nung, b.o. 2737 ; first capital, Chu-fu, south-west of 
 Shantung ; second, Chun. 
 
 Whang-ti, b.o. 2597 ; capital, Cholu, now Pao-an-chow, in 
 south Chihli. 
 
 Shao Hao, capital, Chufu. 
 
 Chuen-hu, B.C. 2513 ; capitals, Ku-hien and Kao-yang, 
 both in Honan. 
 
 Ku, father of Yao ; capital, Hao, now Yen-shih-hien, in 
 Honan. 
 
 Yao, B.C. 2356 ; capital, Ping-yang, of Shansi. 
 
 Shun, B.C. 2255 ; capital, Pu-fan, now Puchow, of Shansi. 
 
 Yu, B.C. 2205 ; capital, Pingyang, founded Hia dynasty, 
 same capital, 2205-1767. During last reign of Hia, " Accom- 
 plished " Tang was ruler of the small state of Shang. He 
 founded the dynasty of 
 
 Shang, B.C. 1766-1123. 
 
 B.C. 1184-1134, Wen reigned in the kingdom of Chow, 
 west of Yellow River. 
 
 In 1 135 king Wu succeeded king Wen, and in 1 122 became 
 ruler of China. 
 
 B.C. 1325, Tan Fu founded the kingdom of Chow. 
 Chow, B.C. 1122-249. 
 
 Chin State occupied kingdom west of river ; Prince Cheng 
 began to reign in 249. 
 
 Chin, b.c. 221, Prince Cheng became Whang-ti, or first 
 emperor of China. 
 
 b.c. 206, Chin ceased to exist. 
 
 Han, B.C. 206 to a.d. 220. 
 
 From b.c. 2205 to B.C. 256 the title of the ruler of China 
 was Wang, or king. 
 
 In B.C. 221 the style was changed to Whang-ti, which 
 continued till the Manchus were dethroned. 
 
 xvn 
 
E R RA TA. 
 
 Page 59, line g. for " Is " read " It." 
 
 Page 62, line 35, for " thier " read " their." 
 
 Page 67, line 17, for " other " read " <me." 
 
 Page 115, line 15, for "comment-explanation" read "in- 
 version." See Encycl. Britt., nth edn., vol. VI, 
 p. 219, art. China, § Language, by H. A. 
 Gillies'] and L. Qi\les\. 
 
 „ line 27, insert " classes " after " simple." 
 
 „ line 28, insert " classes of " after " compound." 
 
 Page 117, Ziraes 19 awd 20, /or " /» <Ae sixth century a.d., 
 wwder tffee Liang dynasty " read " In the second 
 century a.d., under the After- Han dynasty.'" 
 
ORIGIN OF THE CHINESE PEOPLE. 
 
 Section I. — Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Semi-Mythical Age. 
 
 The design of the Book as compiled by Confucius was to 
 delineate by historical references a form of government based 
 on high moral principles. All traditions purely speculative 
 were ignored. At the point where the History begins, China 
 had already attained a high degree of civilisation. The be- 
 ginnings of that civilisation are not mentioned nor the various 
 stages in its progress. Other writers, both before and after 
 him, who were less rigorously utilitarian, more curious, or more 
 imaginative, ventured to peer into the darkness of the pre- 
 historic ages. Though able critics of the Sung dynasty 
 cautioned their readers against implicit faith in these tradi- 
 tional stories, some of them are too interesting to be left un- 
 noticed. 
 
 A period of 2,267,000 years was computed to have inter- 
 vened from the beginning of heaven and earth to the year 
 480 B.C. This period was divided into great sections, each with 
 its own characteristics. Preceding that period were countless 
 ages of one unbroken black night and the profoundest gloom. 
 The universe consisted of Breath or Gas, which was a homo- 
 geneous unit without form. Out of this limitless chaos came 
 the Great Limit, or Beginning. Then the grosser particles 
 of the universal gas fell down and became Earth, the finer 
 
Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 ascended and became heaven. This was the beginning of 
 heaven and earth. These two in the course of many thousands 
 of years produced the four greater Bodies — sun, moon, planets 
 and constellations ; and the four lesser Bodies — water, fire, 
 earth, and stone. Then was the eternal stillness terminated. 
 
 Mrs Funi. 
 
 (The serpent tail indicates wisdom.) 
 
 Puhi. 
 
 The interaction of these various bodies produced transforma- 
 tions, first of a simple then of a more complex kind, till they 
 finally culminated in the production of man. 
 
 Though man was the most intelligent of all beings, many 
 ages elapsed before the earliest rudiments of civilisation 
 appeared. Some of the remote ancestors of the Chinese dwelt 
 
Semi-Mythical Age. 
 
 in caves, and wandered without fixed abode till one of their 
 number devised a kind of dwelling, which put an end to cave 
 homes. People of another tribe were naked, except for a small 
 covering of plants before and another behind. One of them was 
 a sage who cut wood into slices so thin that they could cover 
 the body like fish scales and protect it from the winds and 
 the frosts. He taught them to plait their hair so that the 
 heaviest rain would drop off their head. Another tribe had 
 no officials and no trouble. They lived together promiscuously 
 like flocks of quails, and drank together like fledglings. Every 
 one knew their mother ; no one knew his father. They could 
 neither plead nor flatter. Their dead were suspended on 
 trees till dried up by the wind. 
 
 The Nesting People were so called because they made for 
 themselves nests for protection. Before their time, mankind 
 lived among the beasts, with which they were on friendly 
 relations. When men were clever enough to develop trickery, 
 the inferior animals became their enemies. Against tooth, 
 claw, horn, and poison, men were defenceless. Their sages 
 taught them to combine pieces of wood to make a nest among 
 the branches of trees and thus escape their foes. They could 
 neither sow nor reap. They ate the kernels of nuts and the 
 seeds of grass. They drank the blood of beasts and fowls, and 
 ate the uncooked flesh of wild beasts with the hair on. With 
 a piece of skin they covered themselves in front, and their 
 back with another. In summer they found safety in the 
 branches of trees, and dug deep pits wherein to shelter from 
 the cold in winter. 
 
 The use of fire was discovered by the Fire People. From 
 the bright stars above and the elements around them they 
 inferred that there was in space such a thing as fire. When 
 rubbing wood to polish it, they found that heat was evolved. 
 When boring through wood, fire was actually produced. They 
 learned how to use this fire for cooking food. Trees were 
 divided by them into five varieties, according to their utility 
 in making fire. They burnt elm and willow in spring, the 
 date and apricot in summer, mulberry and pomegranate in 
 mid-summer, oak and hornbeam in autumn, and in winter 
 the locust tree and the beech. They were ignorant of letters, 
 but recorded events by making knots on cords. Small knots 
 
Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 were used to record minor, large for important events. They 
 established markets for barter, and thus cultivated friendly 
 relations. 
 
 In connection with these stories, the north of Honan is the 
 only district mentioned. There, one listening to the notes of 
 
 SEUlTNUirG. 
 
 singing birds composed songs adapted to the voice of man 
 to express the joyfulness of his heart. 
 
 The first historical name mentioned by Confucius is Fum. 
 He was said to have been miraculously born. In his time, 
 thirty centuries B.C., the people lived promiscuously with- 
 
Semi-Mythical Age. 
 
 out marriage or family life. The only clothing known 
 was the skins of animals killed for food. Fuhi instituted 
 marriage and formal betrothal by means of a pre-nuptial 
 present consisting of a deer skin, for then there was 
 cloth neither of cotton nor of silk. He is credited with the 
 first attempt at writing. From the various combinations 
 of four long and four short lines, he formed the eight dia- 
 grams by means of which knotted cords fell into disuse. He 
 also made the first attempts at chronology, by observation 
 of the movements of the heavenly bodies. As appears in the 
 chapter on Education, we cannot allow him the credit of 
 instituting the Chinese script. His various institutions and 
 improvements were the rude beginnings of a State. His 
 capital was Chun, in the neighbourhhood of the modern Kai- 
 feng, in Honan. Shunnung succeeded him in Chun, and 
 removed subsequently to Chufu, in Shantung. He was so 
 successful in growing the " five grains and hundred grasses " 
 that he was elevated to the dignity of the god of Agriculture. 
 He was followed by Whangti, who had become noted by his 
 invention of wheels. The notion of rotary motion was sug- 
 gested to him by the weeds he had seen whirled about by the 
 winds. He constructed a chariot. His capital was in King- 
 shan, also in the neighbourhood of Kaifeng. He discovered 
 copper, and commanded an official to cast twelve bells. He 
 ordered another to make clothing, the outer garment black to 
 represent the heavens, the inner yellow to represent the earth. 
 Another was entrusted with the manufacture of earthen vessels. 
 One of his wives was ordered to feed silkworms and to make silk 
 cloth. Carts were constructed and boats built. A palace was 
 erected, a portion of which was dedicated to the worship of 
 Shangti, where sacrifice was offered. He divided the land 
 into districts, and mapped out the territories occupied by the 
 barbarians. He had many wives, and left twenty-five sons, 
 of whom one succeeded him in Chufu. The following ruler 
 was in Hao, now Kweite of Honan. The great Yao was in 
 Pingyang of Shansi. By his time the various grades of officials 
 were determined and social customs established. 
 
 From Fuhi to Yao a period of six centuries had elapsed. 
 The names of the rulers are problematical, and the events 
 recorded largely the product of a vivid imagination, though 
 
Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 they exhibit a slow process of improvement which is probable. 
 To us who are in search of the origin of the Chinese, the most 
 interesting portion of the ancient stories is the list of names of 
 the places given as the capitals of the earliest civilised life of 
 China. These are all confined to the bank of the Yellow 
 River, in the north-east of Honan and south-west of Shantung. 
 
 Yao. 
 
 Yao is the first name dissociated from that region. His 
 capital was in the south of Shansi, on the north bank of the 
 same river. All historical evidence points with unerring: 
 finger to the neighbourhood of the Yellow River on its eastern 
 
Semi-Mythical Age. 
 
 course along the northern border of Honan as the cradle of the 
 Chinese people, and the place where originated its civilisation. 
 All Chinese literature excludes the possibility of any connec- 
 tion between that origin and any land west of the Yellow 
 River. 
 
 Not only was the original country of China confined to 
 that narrow strip, it was surrounded on all sides by the rudest 
 forms of barbarism. The beginnings of social change were of 
 trifling extent. We are not shut up to infer that they were 
 mostly the results of the energy of one man, or all evolved 
 in one locality. Similar conditions of barbaric life existed 
 over a vast extent of country. Where people were sparse and 
 communication difficult, similar changes might co-exist in 
 many places and arise independently and simultaneously. 
 They depended on the appearing of a " sage," a man of un- 
 usual innate ability, able not only to devise but to influence 
 others to adopt improvements. 
 
 The original moves in the civilisation of China were in the 
 north-east of Honan. Geographically and socially, here was 
 the Middle Kingdom. The surrounding inhabitants were bar- 
 barians, not because they were of a race differing from the 
 Chinese, but because they refused to adopt the civilisation 
 which was being evolved by a small community of their race. 
 The various articles mentioned in the preceding pages — the 
 grains, the trees, the fuel, the cotton and silk — were indigenous 
 to that region. Farther south they could not all grow as the 
 heat was too great and the cold was too severe farther north 
 to mature them all. The Chow and the Chin dynasties are 
 examples in historical times of peoples rising from barbarism 
 to an equality of civilisation with the Chinese, and then raising 
 the Chinese to a higher stage of civilisation than they had 
 ever known. 
 
 The numbers quoted in the Mythical Age are unmistak- 
 ably Chinese, but the terms describing the condition of the 
 universe prior to the " opening of heaven and earth " bear a 
 family resemblance to the first chapter of Genesis. 
 
 The terms explanatory of chaos can be traced to the com- 
 mentators of the Sung dynasty. Now, in the seventh century, 
 the Nestorian churches were widespread and their teaching 
 influential over a great part of China, and especially prevalent 
 
8 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 in the capital, Sian-fu. After some centuries, their power had 
 much diminished, and their number decreased. But they 
 continued to exist, and became again influential under the 
 Mongol dynasty. The Nestorians were familiar with the 
 Chinese language, both literary and popular. It is but reason- 
 able, therefore, to suppose that their teaching on the Creation 
 was known to and pondered over by the scholars of Sung, who 
 could adopt what would fill up the blank in their own classics 
 on the subject of chaos. 
 
Emperor Shun. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Emperor Shtjn. 
 
 Shun, the second of the trio of rulers eulogised by Con- 
 fucius, was born in the twenty-third century b.c. Yao, whose 
 father had been chief of a small state south of the Yellow 
 River, was then ruling over the tiny Middle Kingdom. His 
 capital was in the south of Shansi, where Ping-yang now stands. 
 Mencius states that Shun was an Eastern barbarian. His 
 birthplace was in the depths of the mountains of Shantung. 
 He lived surrounded by woods and rocks, and wandered among 
 the deer and the swine. Shantung was then, with the ex- 
 ception of its south-west corner, entirely occupied by bar- 
 barians, of whom came Shun. His mother having died, his 
 father married again. She bore a son, in whose interest the 
 father desired to kill Shun. He fled westwards and made 
 a settlement at Lishan, where he began farming and fishing. 
 In bis first year a crowd resorted to him. Next year the 
 place became a township, and in the third year it was made 
 the capital of a " kingdom " called Yu, which became a cog- 
 nomen of Shun. It was located between the rivers Wei and 
 Rui, in Hotung-hien of Hochung-fu. It was in Shantung. 
 Shun differed in no respect from the wild men among whom 
 he had lived. But when he heard a good word or saw a good 
 deed, his joy resembled an overflowing river. Far removed 
 from the influences of the civilised Middle Kingdom of the 
 time, he received no instruction. But his personal character 
 and his public life acquired for him a reputation which made 
 him the successor of Yao and a model for all future rulers of 
 China. This character he acquired by the faithful manner in 
 which he uniformly conducted his life according to the innate 
 disposition which Heaven confers on every man. In this he 
 resembled Yao. 
 
10 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 Sailing up the river from the land of Shun, along the west 
 frontier of Shantung, we come upon Chufu and Chun, the 
 cradle of the Chinese. Then sailing west on the north of Honan 
 we come to the south-west corner of Shansi. Here we come 
 to Ping-yang. On the west of the river is the land called 
 Shensi. It was, from time immemorial, the dwelling-place 
 of the ancestors of the Huns and Mongols. They did not 
 cultivate the soil, but possessed herds of cattle and horses 
 and flocks of sheep. Among these Western barbarians was 
 bom Wen, who was one of them. His birthplace was 1000 li 
 from that of Shun, and his birth 1000 years after. He too wa» 
 a man who diligently cultivated his inner disposition, so that 
 his character resembled that of Shun so perfectly that they 
 were like the " two halves of one seal." 
 
 Though the Mythical Age and the history of Shun prove 
 the Chinese people to be autochthonous, yet on King Wen 
 and his circumstances must be laid the heaviest end of the 
 burden of proof. 
 
Chow Dynasty. 11 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 Chow Dynasty. 
 
 By the dynasty of Chow was consummated all that was 
 great and good in China. Preceding dynasties initiated the 
 rudimentary forms of civilisation, but laws, customs, cere- 
 monial, ethics, and the first definite forms of the written 
 character all trace their real beginning to Chow. The story of 
 its rise and progress, is, therefore of more than ordinary in- 
 terest. This story, as related by the historians of the later 
 period of the dynasty is in its entirety incredible. Certain 
 facts recorded are, however, not only credible but yield a 
 probable account of the earliest beginnings of the civilisation 
 which has guided China to the present. Examination of 
 the historical dawn of Chow presents us, moreover, with valu- 
 able information as to the probable origin of the Chinese 
 people. There exists both in the prose and poetical literature 
 much that is mythical, more that is problematical, but not a 
 little that bears the stamp of probability, and in this there is 
 much to help us in our search. 
 
 The Chow historians assert that their people were the 
 descendants of Howchi, founder of agriculture and minister 
 of Yao. The narrative makes a great leap of six centuries 
 from Howchi, and connects him with one law, who lived under 
 the last king of the Hia dynasty. By this king, noted for his 
 cruelty and vice, he suffered such persecution for some un- 
 known reason that he fled from China, going westwards across 
 the Yellow River to seek refuge among the nomadic inhabitants 
 of Shensi. There, in B.C. 1796, he took up his abode at the 
 foot of Mount Pin, where he commenced agricultural opera- 
 tions. These he conducted with such intelligence and in- 
 dustry, labouring day after day early and late, that he produced 
 abundance of grain. With a wise liberality he secured the 
 
12 
 
 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 goodwill of his roving neighbours. His prosperity was so 
 great that many of the natives abandoned their nomadic life 
 and betook themselves to farming. They acquired herds of 
 
 Kino Wen and Wipe. 
 
Chow Dynasty. 13 
 
 cattle and stores of grain, had enough for themselves and to 
 spare for the wayfarer. His bounty was so freely given that 
 his reputation spread widely, and men resorted to him from all 
 quarters. His operations extended to the rivers Chi and Chu, 
 affluents of the Wei, whose products he annexed. The people 
 confided in his protection, relied on his faithfulness and sin- 
 cerity, and praised his generosity. So many followed his 
 example that he became head of a considerable community. 
 Thus did he lay the foundation of the Chow kingdom. 
 
 After the lapse of four and a half unrecorded centuries, 
 Tan Fu is said to have been head of Mount Pin settlement. 
 His name appears in B.C. 1327 as descendant and successor of 
 Liw. He was troubled by the nomadic barbarians who sur- 
 rounded him on all sides. Mencius states that he lived among 
 the Ti barbarians, who desired to "swallow him up." He offered 
 them skins and cloth, which did not satisfy them. He presented 
 horses and dogs, but they were not appeased. Pearls and 
 jade did not purchase peace. Then he summoned the elderly 
 men of his settlement, and said that what the Ti wanted was 
 the cultivated land. There was a proverb to the effect that 
 men should not injure others for the sake of those things 
 intended for the use of man. There was no ruler in the land, 
 therefore he suggested that he should leave that place and 
 search out another situation for a new settlement. He then 
 abandoned Pin and went south to Mount Ki, a distance of 
 about eighty miles. The men of the Pin " kingdom " saying 
 that he was a good man, followed him to the number of two 
 thousand, like riders going to a fair. 
 
 In his new kingdom he speedily acquired so excellent a 
 reputation that the people from neighbouring kingdoms ad- 
 hered to him. To the new settlement he gave the name 
 Chow, signifying plenty. He was apparently satisfied with 
 the change. The lessons of the past were not lost upon him. 
 He introduced changes. He erected a fort, built houses, 
 with rooms in which to live. The wall was surrounded by a 
 moat. Within a year the houses inside that wall were com- 
 pleted, and in another year the fort became a " capital." He 
 instituted five officials, one to oversee his followers, another 
 to superintend the horses, a third to have charge of vacant 
 ground, a fourth of cultivated lands, and the fifth to superin- 
 
14 
 
 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 tend criminal affairs. His people praised him, and his re- 
 putation was widely extended. The exuberant poetical 
 rhetoric connected with these two founders of the Chow 
 
 Sons of Kino Wen. 
 
 dynasty may be read in the " Original Religion of China," 
 pages 100-102. 
 
 To Tan Fu were born three sons. The youngest was Chili, 
 
Chow Dynasty. 15 
 
 who had a son Chang, or Illuminator. This child exhibited 
 promise of capacity so great that his grandfather prognosti- 
 cated for him the possibility of raising Chow to be a great 
 State. So unmistakable was the desire of the grandfather for 
 Chang to be his successor, that the two older sons agreed to 
 renounce their rights. They adopted the name of one of the 
 nomadic tribes south of them. On the death of their father 
 they retired to that tribe, assumed their dress and manners, 
 and became subjects of their chief. 
 
 Chili succeeded to a kingdom considerably enlarged. This 
 was probably due to the security of a walled town, and the 
 permanency of dwelling-houses, by which the number and 
 cohesion of his people were naturally increased. He was more 
 aggressive than his predecessors. He and his people were 
 necessarily more attached to the land on which their houses 
 were built and the soil which they cultivated than were the 
 jiomads to the soil on which their tents were pitched for a brief 
 season. He even marched beyond the land from which his 
 father had been driven away, and defeated the Yung west of 
 the river Lo. The king of Shang granted him the title of 
 Mushi, or " Pastor." After he had defeated three other Yung 
 kingdoms, he was made Si Po, or " Count of the West." The 
 insignia of this office bestowed upon him were a stone sceptre, 
 a, cup, and fragrant herbs to mingle with strong drink when 
 offering sacrifice. A few years thereafter he died, leaving a 
 much enlarged kingdom to his son Chang. 
 
 TOPOGRAPHICAL. 
 
 At this stage it is advisable to explain clearly the topo- 
 graphy of the cradle of the Chow dynasty. The Yellow River 
 has for unknown ages divided the lands of Shansi and Shensi. 
 It is laden with the detritus worn by atmospheric action from 
 the sides of thousands of mountains, and carried by countless 
 streams into the great river. The river in flood spread over 
 immense areas of country, depositing its mud in all the hollows 
 and forming plains of level lands of the richest soil. In the 
 twenty-fourth century B.C. Yao made his capital in the south- 
 west of Shansi, on the east bank of the river. There he and 
 the small kingdom of which he was head cultivated the soil 
 in a rude fashion. Ping-yang and its neighbourhood con- 
 
16 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 tinued to be the most civilised portion of eastern Asia for 
 almost six centuries. Across the river, directly west from the 
 kingdom of Yao, was a boundless extent of country, chiefly 
 mountainous, inhabited by nomads. They were big-boned, 
 hardy, and fierce men, who disdained to defile their hands 
 with labour in the soil. They dwelt in tents, possessed herds 
 of cattle, flocks of sheep, and were rich in horses. They were 
 of the Turanian race and speech. Their kingdoms were 
 tribes, larger or smaller according to the wisdom or the prowess 
 of the chief. Each puny kingdom had its own title, which 
 was changed with a change in the ruling family. In the time 
 of Yao the most powerful family in his neighbourhood was 
 called the San Miao, which for a few centuries challenged the 
 Middle Kingdom for supremacy. Other names occur at various 
 periods, but all indicate the fierceness of their character. In 
 the early Chow period the names were Yung (brutal) and Ti 
 (violent), both names indicating the same fierce and lawless 
 disposition. Other names occur in the story of Wu Wang. 
 Each community under its own chief possessed its own grazing 
 ground, which was jealously defended against encroachment 
 by others. They were occasionally combined by the energy 
 and skill of a great leader into a formidable army, such as 
 that of the Huns, Turks, and Mongols. Each of these in turn 
 fought with China before the Chinese began to traverse the 
 far west. 
 
 LIW THE REFUGEE. 
 
 It was among the Yung west of the river that Liw sought 
 a hiding-place from the wrath of the last king of Hia, who 
 reigned east of the river. The capital of this king was not far 
 removed from the river, and the place selected by Liw was 
 near to the western bank. There, in the midst of a nomadic 
 population, he began the life of strenuous devotion to agri- 
 culture in which his prosperity was so notable that his reputa- 
 tion became wide spread. A large community adhered to him^ 
 following the same occupation, and of such numbers as made 
 it impossible that he could remain hidden. The success of 
 this community in changing a wide extent of uncultivated 
 land into numerous fruitful farms could not fail to be reported 
 in Ping-yang. Had he desired to secure secrecy he would have 
 
Chow Dynasty. 17 
 
 been safer in some remote part of the agricultural lands of 
 China than in the midst of a boundless country of nomads. 
 Further, had he sought a hiding-place he would not have 
 selected a point near his native land, where hiding was im- 
 possible. Had he fled farther west and adopted the manner 
 of life in the country, his hiding-place would be safe against 
 the least sign of recognition. If the man Liw therefore ever 
 existed, it is impossible to accept the story that he was a 
 fugitive from China, who, to avoid his king, took up his abode 
 in the nomad country at no great distance across the river. 
 That some one among the nomads adopted the life of the farmer 
 from his observation of the Chinese, life on the east side of the 
 river is probable and reasonable, but that he was a refugee 
 Chinaman is improbable. The large community of farmers 
 forming the " kingdom " of Pin were nomads converted into 
 farmers, and it is reasonable to infer that the first to adopt 
 the agricultural life was himself one of the aboriginal nomads 
 of the region. 
 
 The interval of four and a half centuries between Liw and 
 Tan Fu is too great a blank to permit us to accept without 
 question the family connection claimed between the two. The 
 story of Tan Fu approaches near enough to the historical time 
 of Wen Wang to enable us to accept it as probable. He estab- 
 lished at the foot of Mount Ki a small compact kingdom of 
 nomadic barbarians transformed by agriculture to civilised 
 life. Exposure to plundering irruptions by their uncivilised 
 neighbours compelled him to devote considerable attention 
 to the art of war and of defence. He left an enlarged territory 
 and extended influence to his son, who increased the territory 
 and attained a military efficiency which defied attack. To 
 this kingdom Chang the Illuminator became heir. 
 
 In the story there is no hint of the introduction of any 
 Chinese individual or influence, though the nearness of more 
 experienced agriculturists must have made its mark to a 
 certain extent. Indeed, the governing power of China had by 
 that time fallen to so low an ebb that it had little which it 
 could teach any one. The Chinese possessed a written language, 
 but of so limited an extent that the young state of Chow could 
 afford to ignore it. Nor did the conditions of that state make 
 literature, or even writing, a pressing need. Chow was ab- 
 
18 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 solutely without letters, and we must remember that Mencius 
 declared Chang to have been a western barbarian as Shun 
 had been a member of the east barbarians. He, his people 
 and his lands, were all of the nomadic race, who had been trans- 
 formed into a civilised people by the cultivation of the soil 
 and the possession of a permanent home and location. 
 
 Duke Chow. 
 
 The diligence, the wisdom, the justice, and the benevolence 
 of Tan Fu congregated and welded together a large com- 
 munity of the Yung and the Ti barbarians, and laid the founda- 
 tions of the Chow dynasty A fortunate succession of similarly 
 
Chow Dynasty. 19 
 
 minded men converted the neighbourhood of Mount Ki into 
 an independent and strong state. This was all the more easy 
 as the ruler of China was king in name only. It was in King 
 Wen, however, that all the good qualities of the founders of 
 Chow combined to make a character of such elevation that he 
 to this day is regarded as the real founder of the civilisation 
 of the Chinese nation. 
 
 WEN WANG. 
 
 Four and a half centuries before Tan Fu, the execrable 
 character of the last of the kings of Hia, the descendants of 
 Yu, combined with the brutality of his government, roused 
 universal hatred against him. South of the river, in Honan, 
 was a small state called Shang, whose ruler was famed for the 
 excellency of his private life and the wisdom of his government. 
 He was hailed as the avenger of the people of the empire, and 
 established the dynasty called Shang. This long-lived dynasty 
 moved its capital repeatedly in the north of Honan and the 
 south of Shansi. It occupied as its kingdom a narrow strip of 
 land on both sides of the Yellow River. The south of Shansi 
 and of Chihli, the south-west of Shantung, and the north of 
 Honan, embraced the entire extent of China in those days. 
 The dynasty decayed in wisdom and consequently in power 
 as the centuries glided by. On the occupation of a city called 
 Yin as capital, the dynasty assumed the title Yin. From this 
 capital its barbarian neighbours of the east, aggressive in 
 proportion to the weakness of China, drove it northwards 
 across the Yellow River, where a new capital was made at 
 Feiwei of Chihli. There the Yin dynasty was reigning when 
 Chang succeeded his father as Chief of Chow in the remote 
 west. His father, because of his military prowess against the 
 barbarians in the west, had been ennobled by the Yin dynasty 
 as count of the West. The title was hereditary, and Chang 
 became Si Po, or Count of the West, when he succeeded his 
 father. He continued to live in Ki as capital, and devoted 
 himself entirely to the welfare of the State. He formulated 
 laws ; he instituted tithing of the produce of the land as 
 income for the government ; he made office hereditary. To 
 meet the necessities of aged men and widows, the solitary who 
 were without means of support, and young orphans, all of 
 
20 
 
 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 whom were the most helpless of the community, he enacted 
 ordinances of benevolence. He commanded his followers to 
 bury carefully the bones of dead men found in the wilds. The 
 report of this incident spread over the whole empire, producing 
 a most favourable impression, for if he so cared for the bones 
 of the dead, how much more would he consider the needs of 
 the living. He was polite to men of the lowest ranks if they 
 were known to be men of good character. During daytime 
 he ate sparingly that he might be able to attend at all times 
 to any business. Ultimately the officials of Shang resorted 
 to him when their advice was rejected by their own king. His 
 
 King Cheng. 
 
 position was so strong that the king commanded him to oppose 
 the Kunyi barbarians to the west, and the Hienyun to north 
 of him. These names were prefixed by the word for " dog," 
 because of the ferocious and intractable nature of their dis- 
 position. Their descendants were known as the Chuen Yung, 
 and the Hiwngnu — " dog " Yung and Huns. 
 
 The experiences of his ancestors compelled him to recog- 
 nise the possibility of encroachment by his nomadic neighbours. 
 To prevent calamitous wars in his own territories, he took all 
 necessary precautions, by the closer cohesion and consolidation 
 of his people. By their laborious diligence in cultivating then- 
 fields, they had gained an energetic and powerful physique. 
 
Chow Dynasty. 21 
 
 Military training soon made them an effective check on the ] 
 roving hordes. Ere long he made an expedition to Pin, 
 whence his grandfather had been driven away, and took 
 possession of it. 
 
 The last king of Yin was Chow Sin. In his first year he 
 became notorious for extravagance and excessive drinking. 
 He was the first to use ivory chop sticks. Censuring this 
 extravagance, Kitsu, one of his ministers, said that " to-day 
 it was ivory chop sticks, to-morrow it will be jade cups. The 
 eating of bears' paws will follow. Such extravagance and 
 covetousness will bring the empire to ruin." This incident 
 reveals the economic condition of that time. The viciousness 
 of Chow Sin developed rapidly, till, in his eleventh year, he 
 was reported guilty of the wildest excesses, and the most 
 brutal of murders. He had discarded every good and noble 
 quality. Over the reports of such unnatural cruelty, the 
 Count sighed in secret. His sentiments were known to his 
 neighbouring chief, the Lord of Tsung, who accused him to 
 the king of harbouring rebellious designs. He was seized and 
 imprisoned for two years. 
 
 During his imprisonment he studied the eight diagrams 
 of Fuhi, and extended them to sixty-four. In course of his 
 studies he produced the Yi Ching, or Book of Transformations. 
 By it he introduced the Dual System into China, which had 
 till that time been monotheistic. He had ample opportunity 
 for making the acquaintance of the few written characters 
 evolved in China. The method of his deliverance is interesting. 
 
 His ministers were grieving over his imprisonment. One 
 of them adopted a method accordant with the character of 
 the King. From a tribe of the Yung he procured a young 
 woman of uncommon beauty, piebald horses, a quartette of 
 sets of chariot horses of a rare variety, each set consisting 
 of four. These, with various other curiosities, he presented to 
 the King to purchase the liberty of his lord. The King received 
 the gifts joyfully, and set the prisoner free. The Count in 
 his gratitude offered to the King the lands west of the river 
 Lo, which was the first part of Shensi annexed to China. The 
 King was so pleased that he granted to the Count a bow, arrows, 
 a headman's and a battle axe, emblems implying the right of 
 making war. He also granted the prayer of the Count for the 
 abolition of branding. The Count's political creed is said to 
 
22 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 have involved the criminality of rebellion of what wickedness 
 soever the King may have been guilty. This creed was not 
 modified by his imprisonment. He restored to the King some 
 " kingdoms " which had revolted. 
 
 In the year after his liberation, two Chiefs who could not 
 agree as to their boundaries appealed to the Count. The two 
 were named Yu and Eui, names of places now known as Pingliw 
 and Ruicheng-hien of Yungping-fu. When they crossed the 
 frontier of Chow they noticed the farmers yielding to each 
 other on points affecting their property. Travellers going in 
 opposite directions obligingly yielded the right of way. En- 
 tering the city, they saw men and women walking each in their 
 own street without jostling or pushing. Inside the Court, 
 lower officials made way for the higher, and the higher for 
 ministers. The Chiefs were charmed with the order everywhere 
 prevailing, and confessed themselves unworthy to enter the 
 palace of the noble man. They agreed to yield to each other, 
 and made the land which had been subject of dispute neutral 
 ground. They finished the business by acknowledging the 
 Count as their feudal superior. The story was widely re- 
 peated, and forty " kingdoms " followed their example and 
 submitted to the Count. 
 
 In his fifteenth year he attacked the " dog " Yung to his 
 west, and annexed three other barbarian kingdoms to his 
 domain in the three following years. In his nineteenth year 
 he attacked the Chief of Tsung, who had calumniated him to 
 the King, and took his territory. Here he erected a new 
 capital, which he called Feng, situated to the west of the Feng 
 river. In the new capital he built an observatory, which was 
 called the Wonderful. It was erected for taking observations 
 of the sun, moon, stars, and any celestial phenomena. Next 
 year he died. 
 
 Though history magnifies his wars and annexations, 
 mentioning the number of kingdoms which he amalgamated, 
 yet Mencius declares that the extent of his kingdom was 
 barely a hundred li square. It was wholly west of the Yellow 
 River. His possessions were confined to the lands of the 
 Yung and the Ti, who formed the population of his kingdom. 
 That kingdom at its best was but a corner in the south-east 
 of Shensi. 
 
 After he had established a reputation for wise and just 
 
Chow Dynasty. 23 
 
 rule, prominent men who had abandoned the corrupt Chinese 
 Court acceded to him. Mencius mentions two principal of- 
 ficials who left the wicked Chow Sin in disgust. One found 
 a retreat on the shore of the north sea, the other on the shore 
 of the east sea. They had heard the great name of the Count, 
 and the manner in which he treated old men, and betook 
 themselves to his Court. They possessed all the learning then 
 known to China, and in time became the most notable men in 
 the land. The accession of such men added lustre to his Court, 
 and by increasing his knowledge made his influence still 
 greater. From them he completed his knowledge of all the 
 written characters of the Chinese, and the principles on which 
 they were constructed. His land, his resources, his laws and 
 ordinances, the friends who had been attracted by his char- 
 acter, the army, which he had thoroughly trained, formed 
 the entire power with which his son went to wrestle for the 
 throne of China. 
 
 The Count of the west, afterwards known as King Wen 
 (literary), was buried at Pin, and at his tomb was performed 
 the newly fixed Chow Ceremonial. He was succeeded in the 
 kingdom and title of West Count by Fa, his oldest living son, 
 who was even then an old man. He had married a daughter 
 of Lu Shang, one of the prominent Chinese scholars who had 
 joined his father. She bore one son. This Count was known 
 as Wu Wang, or the Martial King. 
 
 Four years after his accession, this Wu Wang, when offering 
 sacrifice on Mount Pin, saw in the distant east soldiers exer- 
 cising at Mengchin, the Ford of Meng. A fish leaped on board 
 his boat when in mid-stream crossing the river. On shore a 
 fire descended from heaven into his room, where it changed 
 to a flesh-coloured bird. The special significance of these 
 omens we are unable to fathom. Of more importance was 
 the revolt to him of eight hundred feudal princes, who had 
 till then remained faithful to Chow Sin. They assembled 
 at Mengchin, and unanimously declared that on account of 
 his unparalleled wickedness, Chow Sin should be deposed. 
 To this opinion the Count replied that without clear indica- 
 tion of the will of Heaven one could not say whether war 
 should be declared. 
 
 The kingdom of Li (Licheng-hien of Lu-an-fu), east of the 
 river, was attacked and seized by Wu, because of aggressive 
 
24 
 
 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 w 
 o 
 
 ■4 
 n 
 s 
 
 'A 
 
 m 
 O 
 
Chow Dynasty. 25 
 
 trouble. The officer in charge fled to Chow Sin in terror to 
 report. The king replied that his fate was at the disposal of 
 Heaven, and refused to listen to any advice. He had de- 
 graded the minister Weitsu for admonishing him. For ex- 
 postulation, Kitsu was imprisoned. Pikan, his uncle, blamed 
 him for sentencing a minister to slavery and was put to death. 
 The wicked folly of his Court was beyond imagination. Weitsu 
 fled to Wu, taking with him the sacrificial vessels belonging 
 to royalty. His cry that Chow Sin should be no longer tolerated 
 brought matters to a crisis, and Wu decided for war. 
 
 He summoned to a Council of War all his men and the 
 princes who adhered to him. He offered sacrifice to inform 
 Heaven and Queen Earth* of his resolution. He sacrificed 
 to the Spirits of the great mountains and notable rivers as 
 he passed (for full description see " Original Religion of China"). 
 In the first moon of the thirteenth year of his reign, he made 
 his headquarters at Mengchin. There he administered the 
 oath to the princes, the high ministers, the officials, the heads 
 of soldiers, and the chiefs of the Yi and Ti who accompanied 
 him from the west. By this oath he secured order and union 
 in the heterogeneous mass. Next moon he drew up his army 
 on the plain of Muye. It totalled 60,000 men. The Yung 
 tribes contributed 300 chariots, and the princes 700. Eight 
 nomadic kingdoms were represented under their chiefs. They 
 were Yung, Shu, Chiang, Nei, Mao, Lung, Feng, and Pu. 
 These were kingdoms located west and south-west of Chow, 
 embracing eastern Thibet, and were of the racial divisions of 
 Yung, Man, Ti, and Chiang. Chow Sin marched against 
 him with a great army, which, because of the character of the 
 king,, did not wish his success. Many fled from the field, not 
 a few joined the enemy, and those who remained refused to 
 fight. Chow Sin, finding himself betrayed, fled and clothed 
 himself in splendid array. In garments glittering with s hinin g 
 jewels and pearls, he mounted a tower and burnt himself to 
 ashes. 
 
 The year was proclaimed the first of King Wu and of the 
 Chow dynasty. It was B.C. 1122. Feng was abandoned as 
 capital. A new one was established eight miles east of Feng, 
 called Hao. Next month he made his numerous brothers 
 feudal princes of the various states of his new kingdom. The 
 
 The dual form Heaven and Earth is here introduced for the first time. 
 
26 
 
 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 officials who had revolted to him retained their former offices. 
 The nomadic chiefs were made high officials of China. He 
 introduced many innovations, but had much spade work to 
 do in the way of civilising his new subjects. In the following 
 summer, all officials of the late dynasty presented them- 
 selves to acknowledge the new sovereign, and were rein- 
 stated in their former position. 
 
 Mother of Tsbnotsu exhorting her Son. 
 
Chow Dynasty. 27 
 
 The above are the more important facts connected with 
 the origin and establishment of the Chow dynasty. Special 
 attention is drawn to the fact that the most reliable part of 
 the army of Wu was formed of the barbarians inhabiting 
 the regions west and south-west of his own kingdom of Chow. 
 It was by this army the Chow dynasty was put and was kept 
 on the throne of China. Their chiefs were made high officials 
 of China. The men were enrolled in the ranks of the Chinese. 
 In a couple of generations they were not only amalgamated 
 with, but became indistinguishable from, the Chinese. The 
 inferences deducible from the history of the rise of the Chow 
 dynasty are exemplified in that of the Chin, which succeeded 
 the Chow, and which, under its patronage, rose from nothing 
 to greatness, as will appear in the following narrative. 
 
28 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 Chin Dynasty. 
 
 After the Chow dynasty had introduced order into their 
 new kingdom, enlarged its horders, increased its population 
 hy the assimilation of their nomadic followers and themselves, 
 they unified the language, improved it, established schools 
 to teach it, and got it into general use. They raised China 
 to a position of power, influence, and education, to which it 
 had never attained before. Having mounted to their zenith, 
 they, after a few centuries, began to decline. They were 
 ultimately supplanted by the Chin dynasty, the story of whose 
 rise has an important bearing on our subject, as it illustrates 
 the various steps in the progress from barbarism to civilisa- 
 tion, and also the manner in which one dynasty succeeded 
 another in China. The story of the beginnings of this dynasty 
 may not be generally interesting, yet an outline is necessary 
 in order to understand its relation to the original people of 
 China. This outline shall be as brief as is compatible with 
 intelligibility. 
 
 As the dynasty of Chow traced their ancestry back to a 
 famous personage of remote ages, the Chin could not be satis- 
 fied with an ancestry less illustrious. They claim descent from 
 Chwan Su, grandson of Whang ti (2597). Nu Siw, grand- 
 daughter of Chwan Su, was weaving one day, when a black- 
 bird dropped an egg, which she picked up and ate, with the 
 result that she bore a son, who was called Daye. To him 
 was born a son Dafei, who assisted Yu in clearing away the 
 waters of the great flood. On the completion of the work, 
 the Emperor conferred on Yu a black jade sceptre. When 
 accepting it, he said that Dafei had been an excellent second, 
 without whose aid he could not have finished the job. The 
 sovereign then gifted Dafei with a black sceptre, second only 
 to that of Yu, and said that his descendants would also attain 
 
Chin Dynasty. 
 
 29 
 
 to great fame. Dafei had two sons, one called Da-lien-shi- 
 niao-su-shih, the other was Yomushifushih. Their descen- 
 dants lived partly among the Chinese, partly among the Yi 
 and Ti barbarians. 
 
 One section was devoted to the Shang dynasty. Feilien 
 was attached to Chow Sin. He had a son of prodigious strength, 
 
 King Chin 
 
 who was killed when Chow Sin perished. He had another 
 «on thereafter, Meng Tseng, who secured the favour of King 
 
30 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 Cheng (1115-1079). His grandson, Tsao Fu, was passionately 
 fond of horses and of driving. King Mu made him charioteer. 
 The chariot was drawn by four famous horses named after 
 their colour. 
 
 In 985 the King drove westwards in his chariot, 2960 li from 
 his capital, to the mountain Kunlun, near Sochow. When he 
 arrived at the mountain he saw the mother of the west King, 
 Si-wang-mu,* in her queenly state. In the mountain was a 
 stone chamber. What with its pearls rounded and irregular, 
 the carvings on the tower, the marvellous ornamentation, the 
 place seemed the abode of deity. This was the Hall of the 
 Mother. He was so overwhelmed at the sight that he forgot 
 the business for which he got there, and returned. The 
 author who gives that story relates a more reasonable cause 
 for the King's return. The prince of Hu, a province on the 
 extreme east of the kingdom, taking advantage of his lord's 
 absence, rebelled against him. Tsao Fu, eager to see his master 
 home to quell the rebellion, drove him back at the rate of 
 1000 li per day. As a reward the city of Chaocheng, east of the 
 river, was gifted to him. He and his family were afterwards 
 known as the Chao clan. The fifth generation from him was 
 Feitsu, with whose name historians usually begin the story 
 of Chin. 
 
 Apart from the genealogy of Chin, there is no historical 
 foundation for most of the preceding statements. The name 
 Chwan Su emerges in literature later than the time of Confucius. 
 In the story of Yu there is no mention of such an one as Dafei ; 
 the names of his two sons are certainly not Chinese. One is 
 of six syllables, the other of five. They may have been handed 
 down by tradition, as names connected with the beginnings 
 of Chin. The Chao and Chin families are stated to have known 
 the name of their mother, but not the name of their father. 
 The statement coincides with what the Mythical Age calls the 
 life of the " birds and beasts." The Chao lived among the 
 nomads of northern Shansi, the Chin among those west of the 
 river. The Chao became a powerful family, and were formid- 
 able rivals to the Chin. Neither was acquainted with the style 
 of writing of the rude and simple kind used in the Middle 
 
 * This story is of more recent date than the Chin Dynasty. Com- 
 pare Richard's " Mission to Heaven," p. 64. 
 
Chin Dynasty. 
 
 31 
 
 Kingdom. What we are most interested to know is that the 
 two were of nomadic, not of Chinese ancestry. 
 
 The point at which we have arrived demands more credence 
 and claims more attention. Feitsu lived in Chwenchiw. He 
 delighted in tending horses and cattle, which fattened rapidly 
 under his care. King Hiao (909) heard of him, and com- 
 manded him to feed the royal horses in the district between 
 Chien and Wei rivers. He was so gratified with the condition 
 of the horses that he made their herdsman Superintendent of 
 Horse, reviving in his person an old family name Ying, and 
 
 Archers. 
 
 gifted him an estate Chin (a kind of rice). Thus did the king 
 of Chow lay the foundation of the Chin family in B.C. 897. 
 It was laid, not on the basis of agriculture, but on that of 
 cattle raising. It was in the territory of the original Chow. 
 
 Sixteen years after that date, the king of Chow, Li, was so 
 oppressive a ruler, that the princes rebelled against him. The 
 
32 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 West Yung destroyed his palace, slew the family of Feitsu, 
 and took possession of Chwenchiw. When Ring Huen as- 
 cended the throne (827), he created Chin Chung, grandson of 
 Feitsu, an official of China, entrusting him with the duty of 
 punishing the Yung. He, being the first of his race to be ele- 
 vated to office, set up chariots and horses, and adopted some 
 of the ceremonial and music of China. He was slain by the 
 Yung before he had collected forces adequate for attack. He 
 had five sons, the oldest of whom succeeded him as " duke " 
 Chwang. To him and his brothers the King gave a joint 
 commission with 7000 meri to attack the Yung. They were 
 successful, and recovered Chwenchiw. He was elevated to be 
 high official of Sicbui. The second of his three sons succeeded 
 him as Duke Siang. He removed his capital to Chienchang 
 (near Lungchow). 
 
 In the second year of this duke, King Yow of Chow (781- 
 771) disinherited his heir in favour of the son of his favourite 
 concubine, Paoszu. The feudal princes rebelled, and, with the 
 aid of the Yung and Chuen Yung, slew the King. Duke Siang 
 marched to aid his King, and fought valiantly but unsuccess- 
 fully. He escorted the new King, Ping (770), to a new capital 
 in the east of the kingdom, which had been divined to be a 
 lucky place for a refuge against the formidable Yung of the 
 west. Then did China become the Middle Kingdom, by re- 
 treating to the neighbourhood of the seat of the ancient 
 dynasties. For his services the duke was created a feudal 
 prince, and awarded the right to take possession of Feng and 
 Ki, the original kingdom of Chow, which had been seized by 
 the wild Yung. 
 
 Up to this time, the Chin could not use the ceremonial of 
 the Chinese in their marriage forms. His rank as prince en- 
 titled Siang to the full Chinese ceremonial. He could also 
 drive a chariot drawn by red horses with black manes. He 
 erected a West Terrace as altar whereon to offer sacrifice to 
 Shangti. He sacrificed three oxen and three he-goats. This 
 proclaimed his rank to the world. He erected a palace called 
 Sichi-hien after the altar. In the twelfth year of his reign 
 he fought against the Yung, drove them out of Ki, occupied 
 it, and died. 
 
 His son, Duke Wen, erected a palace in Sichi-hien. He 
 
Chin Dynasty. 33 
 
 marched east to the junction of the Chien and the Wei with 
 700 men, on a hunting expedition. Divination proved this 
 place, which had been gifted to his forefathers, as most ap- 
 propriate for a capital. He built a fortified town there, which 
 he called Meihien, by which name it continues to be known. 
 He erected two altars in different places. He set up three 
 prisons, there having been none before. He also appointed 
 a Writer, whose duty it was to take note of national affairs. 
 From this event dates the beginning of a gradually increasing 
 civilisation. After he had cleared the Yung out of all the old 
 lands of Chow, he promulgated a set of laws defining the crimes 
 against the three relationships (parents, brothers, and one's 
 family, or father, mother, and wife). He died in the fiftieth 
 year of his reign, was buried in Sishan of Sihien. He was 
 succeeded by his grandson duke Ning (715), who removed his 
 capital to Pingyang, west of Kichow, annexed two small king- 
 doms to the westward and died. He was buried in Sishan, 
 which came to be known as the Chin Tombs. 
 
 He left three sons, the oldest of whom was set aside and 
 the second enthroned, but speedily murdered, when the oldest 
 was recalled. He was known as Duke Wu (698). One of his 
 first acts was the execution of his brother's murderer. He 
 built a palace in Pingyang, and instituted the office of Cheng- 
 siang, or Councillor. He converted two of the Yung settle- 
 ments into the two first Hien cities, calling them Kwei and 
 Ki. Two others he established in the east of his kingdom. 
 He died and was buried in Pingyang. For him first were 
 men slain to accompany him into the spirit world. Sixty-six 
 were killed and buried with him. Duke Te, his successor 
 (677), made his capital in Yung cheng, where he built a great 
 palace. On one of the altars he sacrificed three hundred 
 bullocks. From that time his kingdom extended rapidly. 
 He instituted the periods called " Fu " in the great heat. In 
 the Fu periods sickness was prevalent and death frequent. 
 The evils were believed to be the work of bad spirits, whose 
 nature was of the Yin principle. To counteract the mischief 
 dogs were sacrificed. Their spirits are of the Yang principle, 
 which, when thus liberated would destroy the other. After 
 this institution, he died, leaving three sons, the oldest of whom 
 succeeded as Duke Huen. 
 
34 
 
 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
Chtn Dynasty. 35 
 
 He erected an altar near the river Wei, making the fifth 
 altar in the kingdom, each to a separate deity. He died after 
 a reign of twelve years, most of which was spent in warring 
 against the State of Tsin, his nearest neighbour east of the 
 river. One of his nine sons succeeded him, followed by 
 another in 660 as Duke Mu. 
 
 The Chow sovereign had long ceased to be real ruler, and the 
 States were in a condition of perpetual internecine war. The 
 princes of many States were murdered by men who seized the 
 throne. Chin, being outside of China, was beyond the reach of 
 the danger zone, and benefited accordingly. 
 
 In 658 the State of Tsin was afflicted with a grievous famine. 
 The ruler appealed to Chin for help. His ministers recom- 
 mended the duke to take advantage of the weakness of their 
 enemy to destroy him. One minister protested against such 
 a policy, for though the ruler of Tsin was their foe, that was 
 no reason why the innocent people should suffer the calamity 
 of starvation. The duke adopted this advice, and sent across 
 the river abundance of grain. It so happened that three 
 years thereafter Chin was suffering from famine, and pleaded 
 with Tsin for help. Tsin adopted the unanimous advice of 
 his ministers to attack Chin while helpless from lack of food. 
 When the heavy rain of late autumn had converted the land 
 into deep mud in which the chariots sank to the hub, Tsin 
 crossed the river and surrounded the Chin army. The duke 
 was wounded, and the hunger-bitten soldiers were hard 
 pressed, when a sudden attack was made on the Tsin forces 
 .with such fury that they were compelled to retreat. 
 
 Before that time, the choice horses of Chin were grazing 
 on Mount Ki. A lot of wild men, numbering about three 
 hundred, seized, killed, and were in the act of eating these 
 horses when they were caught and brought before the duke, 
 who was urged to put them to death. He replied that it was 
 commonly said that it was unhealthy to eat horse flesh raw with- 
 out some spirits to drink with it. This drink he ordered for 
 the hungry men. The thieves were from the neighbourhood 
 and were probably of his own kin. Their gratitude was un- 
 bounded, and they offered to become his soldiers. As he 
 was on the point of being overwhelmed by Tsin, they appeared 
 to help their benefactor. So impetuous was their attack, 
 
36 
 
 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 and unexpected, that not only was the duke delivered, but the 
 ruler of Tsin was made prisoner. In the following winter he 
 was liberated and sent to his own capital. This generosity he 
 repaid by handing over to Chin all the lands belonging to him 
 on the west side of the river. 
 
 CoNrocitrs. 
 
 LA.OT7.tT. 
 
 Then for the first time did the frontier of Chin touch the 
 Yellow River. The duke, in his thirty-third year, attacked 
 Tsin, and was so completely defeated that, to save himself, 
 he fled to the Yung, whose chief sent him home under the 
 escort of Yow Hu, a man who had fled to the Yung from Tsin. 
 To him the duke expatiated on the palaces, houses, and stores 
 
Chin Dynasty. 37 
 
 which he had prepared after Chinese style. When the in- 
 spection was over, Hu said that the care of looking after 
 these things was a heavy burden. At this sentiment the 
 duke expressed surprise, and said, " The Middle Kingdom 
 possesses the Odes, the History, Ceremonial, and Laws to 
 conduct the Government, yet there is lawlessness. How 
 without these can the Yung guide their State ? " Hu laughed 
 and said, " Those books and regulations are the root out of 
 which have grown the troubles of China. Through them the 
 superiors rule and domineer over the inferiors, who repay 
 with a spirit of envy and revenge. Thus the classes are 
 mutually opposed. The Yung are different. Superiors treat 
 inferiors with gentleness and virtue, inferiors serve superiors 
 with faithfulness and truth. Thus the entire nation is like 
 one body." Hu was invited to a feast, at which he was plied 
 with questions on the political position of the Yung. It 
 transpired that the Chief was indolent, and paid little atten- 
 tion to public business. Hu remained in the service of Chin. 
 He was afterwards employed by Chin to attack the Yung, 
 whom he drove westward a thousand li. When this duke 
 died, one hundred and seventy-seven men were slain to follow 
 him. Among them were three of conspicuous ability, deeply 
 mourned by the people. To express their grief, an Ode was 
 composed, which is still extant. 
 
 Mencius stated that by accepting the guidance of a Chinese 
 Councillor, Duke Mu became the greatest prince of his day. 
 Of his forty sons, the oldest became Duke Kang (621). During 
 his reign of twelve years, a condition of constant war prevailed 
 between Vrim and Tsin. Though victory varied, the battle- 
 field was always on the soil of Tsin. 
 
 In the time of Duke Whi (500), Confucius was wandering 
 over the state of Lu. In the twelfth year of his successor, 
 Confucius died. In the twenty-fourth year of the reign of Li 
 Chi, who began his reign in 476, the people of Tsin murdered 
 their ruler, and the state was divided between the three 
 states of Wei, Han, and Chao. Strife including murder in the 
 reigning family of Chin produced anarchy, which terminated 
 only in 415, under Duke Chien, who introduced the wearing of 
 the sword. 
 
 Duke Hien began to reign in 385. He abolished the custom 
 
38 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 of putting men to death to follow the dead. He erected a new 
 capital at Liyang. He died after a reign of twenty-four 
 years, throughout which war was incessant, and many scores 
 of thousands of men were slain. His son Hiao succeeded in 
 361. China east of the river was then broken into six large 
 and twelve small kingdoms. Chin was outside these. Its 
 neighbour to the south was Chu, and across the river was 
 Wei, which had absorbed Tsin. Wei began to build the Great 
 Wall, to protect the land from the incursions of the Huns to 
 his north. 
 
 In his third year, one Yang from Wei was employed at 
 court. He recommended improvement of the laws, greater 
 attention to laws, a code of punishment, and the adoption of 
 rewards and punishments, by which soldiers would be stimu- 
 lated to fight to the death. The recommendations were ap- 
 proved by the duke, opposed by the officials, and resented by 
 the people, who, after experiencing the improvements effected 
 in three years, changed their minds, called him a great leader, 
 and all but worshipped him. The duke erected a new capital 
 at Hienyang, where he set up a recording office, in which to 
 preserve a history of the kingdom. He began the concentration 
 of the people into large centres, which he called Hien, of which 
 there were forty-one, each with 12,500 families, under an 
 official called Ling. Roads were made from west to east, 
 and from north to south. Fields were carefully marked off 
 with boundaries. He instituted levies for the army, and 
 changed the method of taxation. For all these improvements 
 he was made a Count. He died in the twenty-fifth year of 
 his reign, throughout which Yang proved himself a great 
 warrior. His son, prince Whi Wen, succeeded him, and 
 immediately put Yang to death. When Yang was introducing 
 his new methods, the heir had declared that he would not 
 submit to them. Yang retorted that the law must be obeyed. 
 If the heir disobeyed he would be the first to feel the severity 
 of the law. The heir set up a royal family establishment, 
 every member of which hated Yang. As soon as the heir be- 
 came Count, Yang was put to death. The Count was soon 
 made a Wang, or Prince. In his twelfth year he instituted a 
 royal hunt, like his suzerain. He changed his fourteenth year 
 into the first of a royal style, in the fifth of which he marched 
 
Chin Dynasty. 39 
 
 north to the bank of the river at Lingchia chow, where he 
 touched the river for the first time. From the beginning of 
 his reign there was a state of intermittent war with Wei, in 
 which large numbers were slaughtered on many battlefields, 
 and in taking numerous cities. He defeated with fearful 
 slaughter a combined army of five states, augmented by Hun 
 troops. He took Taiyuen, the capital of Chao, overran Shu 
 in the south, assisted Wei against Yen, made his power felt 
 in all directions, and died the first Prince of his house. 
 
 Prince Wu succeeded. The representatives of five great 
 States called to pay their respects. He appointed two Coun- 
 cillors — Left and Right. After great successes in war, he 
 died. 
 
 Prince Wu had married a lady of Wei, who was queen but 
 had no son. The son of a woman of Chu was nominated heir. 
 He was a hostage at the Court of Yen. At his father's death 
 he was escorted home. He became prince Chao Siang. A 
 comet appeared in his second year, and great trouble fell on 
 the royal house. The high officials, the royal family, the 
 feudal princes, were put to death as rebels. The widows of 
 preceding rulers were slain or fled. War was continuous. 
 Chao was incorporated into Chin, after losing 400,000 men. 
 The power of Chin had become so unquestioned that the 
 weak lord of Chow, suzerain of all the States, sent to him the 
 nine tripods which had been fashioned at the beginning of 
 the Chow dynasty as emblematic of the entire empire. The 
 owner of the tripods was acknowledged lord of the land. This 
 prince died in 251, the fifty-sixth year of his reign. 
 
 Prince Chwang Siang followed in 249, and proclaimed a 
 general amnesty, but war raged against those States which re- 
 fused to acknowledge him. In the twenty-sixth year of his 
 reign he assumed the title of Chin Shi Whang, the first 
 emperor of the Chin dynasty. He extended the bounds and 
 consolidated the power of the empire, established a central 
 government, and unwittingly laid the foundation of a homo- 
 geneous people. He professed and practised a creed which 
 reversed the ideals taught by previous thinkers and pro- 
 fessed by preceding dynasties. His creed was the rule of phy- 
 sical force now so prominently to the fore in Europe. Cen- 
 turies of fighting by his family had secured for him the throne. 
 The sharp edge of a sword, always naked, laid the foundation 
 
40 
 
 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 Careiaob op Confucius. 
 
Chin Dynasty. 
 
 41 
 
42 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 of a dynasty, which, by the same method, was to live for a 
 thousand years. He died after a reign of thirteen years. A 
 stormy reign of two years killed his son and terminated his 
 dynasty. Such is the brief outline of the origin and rise of the 
 Chin dynasty, after whom China is probably named. 
 
 From this summary the various steps in the rise of the 
 dynasty may be gleaned. Feitsu, the founder, lived at no 
 great distance from the original home of the Chow. He was 
 so notably successful in feeding horses and cattle that the king - 
 of Chow ordered him to take charge of the royal horses and 
 cattle. The king was so charmed with the progress of his 
 beasts that he made Feitsu Superintendent of Horse. In 
 897 B.C. he gifted him an estate which he called Chin, giving 
 himself the clan name of Ying. Both names referred appar- 
 ently to successful cattle feeding. For generations he and 
 his successors tended the royal herds. All the records testify 
 to the conclusion that he was a member of the nomadic abor- 
 igines, whose entire wealth consisted of cattle, horses, and 
 sheep. The " Epitome of History " states that Chin originated 
 on the south of the Yen River, in the north of Shensi, somewhat 
 to the north of the home of Chow. The two great families 
 sprang from the same race. For five centuries Chin continued 
 in friendly relations with their royal patrons, who had treated 
 them with generosity. 
 
 The surrounding nomads, designated Yung, from whom 
 the Chin had sprung, continued their old life, as their descen- 
 dants, the Ordos, do to this day. They sometimes acknow- 
 ledged, sometimes defied, the royal authority. History re- 
 lates that when the sovereign ruled well, the barbarians were 
 peaceable, but rebellious when the rule was bad. The, reason 
 for this is understood when we reflect that the sovereign, 
 solicitous for the well-being of his subjects, took care that 
 their frontier was suitably guarded. When the aim of his life 
 was private pleasure his subjects were neglected. The nomads 
 attacked only when a chance of success presented itself. 
 
 Chin Chung received a new rank, which entitled him to set 
 up a more ceremonious style than his fathers could assume. 
 He procured a chariot and horses, and adopted to a limited 
 extent the ceremonial and music of Chinese States. He was 
 killed while preparing to discharge the commission entrusted 
 to him. His sons were more successful. The Yung were 
 
Chin Dynasty. 43 
 
 driven out of the Chin home, and the victor was rewarded 
 by a higher Chinese rank. After the lapse of another half 
 century, Duke Siang escorted the new king Ping from the 
 neighbourhood of the terrible Yung to a new capital in the 
 extreme eastern end of the empire. For this he was created 
 a Prince, and became entitled to use the complete Ceremonial 
 of the Chinese. Being barbarians, his forefathers could 
 not use Chinese etiquette. He provided a princely chariot, 
 erected an altar to Shangti on which he offered sacrifices by 
 which he could proclaim his rank to the world. He was 
 authorised to seize all the lands formerly the kingdom of 
 Chow, which, according to Mencius, were a hundred li square. 
 This fact, together with the frequency with which one capital 
 was abandoned, and the facility with which another was 
 erected, shows the small extent of the kingdom, and the 
 poverty of the people at that stage of history. 
 
 Under the guidance of Confucius, we must concede to King 
 Wen the possession of much wisdom and great learning. His 
 prison leisure had been devoted to literary research. He 
 mastered the rude characters which did at that time exist 
 in the Shang dynasty. The early Chow made considerable 
 additions to Chinese script. Knowledge of it became general 
 under the authority exercised by the central government. 
 The various States, at the head of which were members of the 
 family or relatives, perceived the utility of this script, and 
 adopted its use. But the relaxation of the central authority 
 tempted these States to assume a semi-independent position. 
 They saw fit to adopt each its own special style. Old char- 
 acters received a new meaning, some were modified in writing, 
 others were disused and more invented. The writing of 
 Chinese became confused, and was no longer universally 
 intelligible. This literary anarchy was remedied a century 
 before the Chin became a state. One systematic style was 
 promulgated, though it was still limited in extent. 
 
 Up to this point, Chin was outwith China. In its semi- 
 barbarian condition its affairs were of so trifling a nature 
 that they did not require a system of writing. But when it 
 became a State under a prince, its affairs were of permanent 
 importance. A Writer was therefore appointed in 750 to 
 record national affairs. From this date literature was studied, 
 and the " people became greatly civilised." The backward- 
 ness of Chin civilisation may be inferred not only from its lack 
 
44 
 
 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 of letters, but from the fact that prisons were then established 
 for the first time, and a set of simple laws was drawn up. Even 
 then the kingdom consisted of but a portion of the original 
 Chow west of the river. The stimulus of the new civilising 
 influences produced a greater cohesiveness in the people, 
 which enabled them to drive the Yung beyond all the lands 
 
 Disciples of Confucius. 
 
 formerly belonging to Chow. The lands of Ki and Feng were 
 attached to Chin. A place of sepulture for their deceased 
 rulers was selected. 
 
 At the death of Duke Wu, the practice was introduced of 
 killing men to accompany the deceased ruler. For that pur- 
 pose sixty-six men were killed, and at the death of Duke Mu 
 
Cms Dynasty. 45 
 
 the number was one hundred and seventy -seven. The prac- 
 tice continued for three centuries, till a ruler arose who 
 abolished it. Among the purely Chinese dynasties there is no 
 trace of this barbarous practice, but it continued to exist 
 among the Huns and the Kitan in Manchuria centuries after 
 the extinction of the Chin dynasty. Now the Kitan, from 
 whom comes the Russian name for China, were descended 
 from the same race as the Chin and Chow. Probably the 
 practice of burning paper money, horses, houses, etc., is a 
 reminiscence of the ancient barbarism. 
 
 For many centuries the kingdom of Chin was confined to 
 the ancient home of Chow. Kingdom after kingdom, west, 
 north, and south of them was annexed. When Mu crossed 
 the river eastwards, it was noted as a memorable event. 
 Gradually the whole province of Shensi, which had never in 
 its entirety been connected with Chow, was absorbed by 
 Chin. Before they crossed the river eastward, their kingdom 
 west of the river was considerably larger than was ever that 
 of Chow. 
 
 Yet even with their much enlarged country, they still failed 
 to attain the amount of civilisation which the Chinese had 
 acquired. The story of famine relief by Chin in 652 inplies 
 that whether they still retained the cattle-feeding habits of 
 their ancestors. or not, they did to a certain extent cultivate 
 the ground. That cultivation was, however, both limited 
 and rude, for, among the radical innovations recommended 
 by the Chinaman Yang in 359, that of agriculture was the 
 most important. His recommendations were adopted, with 
 the result that land became more valuable, necessitating steps 
 for the more exact definition of the boundaries of each man's 
 farm. This of itself was evidence of a higher social order. 
 
 The laws were lax, and military discipline far from strict. 
 Under the instructions of Yang, these defects were remedied. 
 Up to that period every new ruler set up a new capital, evi- 
 dence of the flimsy nature of the buildings, which could be 
 so lightly abandoned and replaced so easily. The various 
 capitals were all in the neighbourhood of Ki, and west of the 
 river. With the concentration of the people, this frequent 
 change of capital became impossible. By the more intelligent 
 attention to agriculture, the more detailed and exact laws, the 
 tightening of social ties, the stricter discipline, the progress 
 
46 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 of the State became more rapid. The complete adoption of 
 Chinese methods, wedding discipline to the natural hardihood 
 of the Chin people, formed the source of that power which was 
 able so speedily to annex State after State, till the whole 
 empire of China was absorbed. From that point there was no 
 resilience. 
 
 In the nomadic condition of life, literature is of little 
 practical importance. To an agricultural life, settled homes, 
 cities, and the diversified needs and possessions of a growing 
 civilisation, written deeds and accounts are indispensable. 
 A Writer was required in 750 to record important events. A 
 Councillor was appointed in 697. A Recording Office was 
 established in 350. Additional learned officials were super- 
 added as the State increased in extent and influence. The 
 nomadic races occupying the north of Shansi, the west of 
 Shensi, the east of Szuchen, were all incorporated in the king- 
 dom of Chin. Those regions with their inhabitants became 
 & part of the Chinese empire, when Chin Shi Whang took his 
 seat on the Dragon Throne. By Chin the process of converting 
 nomads into agriculturists, begun by Chow, was much ex- 
 tended. Additional millions of barbarians became civilised 
 Chinese. A large proportion of the cities of north-west China 
 retain now one syllable which was the name of the barbaric 
 kingdom in that locality when Chin took possession. From 
 the history of the Chin dynasty we are driven to the conclusion 
 derived from the history of Chow. And the history of both is 
 clear evidence of the manner in which the earliest forms of 
 Chinese civilisation may have been self evolved. The history of 
 Manchuria for the past three thousand years unfolds repeated 
 examples of barbaric peoples elevated to the highest forms of 
 contemporary civilisation by individuals of their own number 
 who had wisdom and force of character sufficient to adopt, 
 and to lead others to adopt, agricultural pursuits and a 
 settled home. 
 
Han Dynasty. 47 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 Han Dynasty. 
 
 The Chow and Chin dynasties of barbarian origin intro- 
 duced millions of non-Chinese among the Chinese people, 
 with whom they became so perfectly united that there is 
 traceable no greater distinction than there exists among the 
 different peoples in Britain or any other European nation. 
 Yet the work of the dynasty of Han in this respect is greater 
 than all that went before. This dynasty was purely Chinese, 
 and sprang up in the neighbourhood of the cradle of the Chinese 
 civilisation. 
 
 East of the city of Kaifeng fu is a small city, Tangshan 
 Men. North of this town is Mangshan hien. Between the two 
 stretches an extensive swamp on the west side of Feng hien. 
 Near Feng is a town, Pei hien, where was born, in the beginning 
 •of the Chin dynasty, one Liw Pang. His occupation was that 
 of keeper of a lodging-house near the swamp. Lodging-houses 
 at a distance of three and a-half miles apart, had been 
 planted by Chin Shi Whang all over the empire. They were 
 prepared for the accommodation of travellers, but the keeper 
 had to take note of the character of the inmates. When the 
 times were so much out of joint, disbanded soldiers and rest- 
 less young men found roving and robbing the easiest and 
 most profitable kind of life. 
 
 Liw Pang was a tall man, well proportioned, with a promi- 
 nent nose. He loved humanity, and delighted in deeds of 
 charity. He was of comprehensive mind, and penetrating 
 judgment. He would not selfishly provide by partiality 
 undue wealth for his relatives. An official perceiving his re- 
 markable physiognomy and figure, gave him his daughter to 
 -wife. An important part of his duty was to guide travellers 
 who desired to go to Lishan, where was an imperial tomb. 
 Those who ventured to go alone were in danger of getting 
 lost in the swamp. They went usually into his booth and had 
 a rest and a drink. 
 
48 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 On one occasion, when a number of rowdies had gradually- 
 collected, Liw said that those who wished to cross the swamp 
 should go all together, and he would conduct them. He gave 
 them liberally to drink, and while it was yet dark about a 
 dozen volunteered to go under his guidance. When they 
 were mid-way across they found a great serpent lying athwart 
 the narrow path. Liw drew his sword and beheaded it. 
 Immediately an old woman wailed and cried, " My son, the 
 son of the white emperor, who had been changed into a serpent, 
 has been killed by the son of the red emperor." She dis- 
 appeared suddenly. 
 
 In the ninth moon of the year 209 B.C., Liw assumed the 
 title of duke of Pei. China, in its hatred of the Chin rule, was 
 in disorder. About twenty " kingdoms " struggled for ex- 
 istence and ultimate dominion. A Chin force sent against 
 Liw was defeated. In the first moon of 208, Chang Liang was 
 leading a band of over a hundred young men to join the king 
 of Chu, who was living not far from Pei. While on the road 
 he encountered Duke Pei, who engaged him as an officer. 
 They went to the King, who engaged Pei to fight Chin. He 
 was defeated, but took the city of Tang, whose garrison of 
 6000 men joined him. Though he now commanded 9000 
 men, he failed in an attack on Feng. 
 
 Duke Pei continued fighting. In the spring of 207 he was 
 joined by Peng Yu, who had been a fisherman in the swamp. 
 Several hundred young men had united to call him leader. 
 They were undisciplined, and many hung back when engaged 
 in fight. He told them that those who held back were too 
 many to kill, but he would note the last man and put him to 
 death. They all laughed, but he kept his word. The hind- 
 most man was killed. The men were afraid, and henceforth 
 obedient. Over a thousand wandering soldiers joined him, 
 and the entire company went over to Pei. In the autumn 
 the governor of Nanyang city revolted to Pei, who entered 
 the pass of Wukwan. Just then the Chin emperor was mur- 
 dered by one of his own officials. Later, Pei took Lantien 
 kuan, a place fortified by Chin Shi Whang, in the neighbour- 
 hood of Lantien hien. 
 
 In the winter of 206, when Pei was at Pashang, a few miles 
 east of Changan, the young emperor of Chin submitted and 
 presented to him the imperial sceptre and regalia. On entering 
 
Han Dynasty. 49 
 
 Hienyang, the capital of Chin, he was astonished at the splen- 
 dour of the city, its palaces, and precious furnishings. To 
 prevent looting, he sent his army back to Pashang. His 
 thoughtfulness greatly delighted the people, as did his pro- 
 clamation that he would treat them all as his own people. 
 Their joy was boundless. They brought unlimited supplies of 
 oxen, sheep, all sorts of edibles and spirits. He refused to ac- 
 cept the style of Prince Chin, but adopted that of Prince Han. 
 He nominated princes for the various States, even for those 
 which had given no sign of adhesion. His principal officials 
 were notable scholars, and when he returned to Loyang he 
 was welcomed by the officials there, as one victorious because 
 of his virtue. Confucianism was permitted again to speak. 
 Next year he set up a temple dedicated to Ancestors, and 
 another for Land and Grain. In his fourth year he was still 
 in Loyang capital, after several campaigns against the States 
 still opposing him. In the following year he assumed the 
 title of Emperor Han. This was in B.C. 202. Next year ht> 
 proclaimed an amnesty, having disbanded his soldiers, and sent 
 them to their homes and farms. 
 
 Throughout the course of their history, Chin had been in 
 a state of war with the Yung and the Ti on all sides of them, 
 who had at that time adopted the name of Huns. Those of 
 them who chose the gipsy life of their forefathers retired 
 westwards and north beyond the Yellow River. With the 
 change of dynasty they mustered courage to march south- 
 wards across the river to the land of their fathers, which had 
 become occupied by farmers. From that time forward for 
 many years they were constantly attacking or attacked. 
 They frequently inflicted and often suffered terrible losses. 
 Their power to inflict serious injury was great as long as the 
 Han emperor was securing order in China proper. With the 
 completion of this duty, he was able to pay more attention 
 to his western and northern frontiers. 
 
 His capital in Loyang was in the eastern extremity of the 
 empire, and far from the centre of disturbance by the nomads 
 In B.C. 199 he visited Changan, and resolved to make it the 
 capital. It was a small town, not far removed from Hienyang, 
 the capital of the late dynasty, and situated in the south-east 
 corner of the former kingdom of both Chow and Chin. He 
 
50 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 died before accomplishing his design. His successor, to the 
 great satisfaction of the people, devoted himself to breaking 
 up unoccupied lands around Changan. In 193 he had com- 
 pleted the north-west portion of the fort of Changan. The 
 great city was completed in B.C. 190. It was selected, doubt- 
 less, because of its vicinity to the sources of greatest dis- 
 turbance. Many years of fighting were occupied in breaking 
 the power of the Huns ; but this was at length successfully 
 accomplished. The Huns moved westwards into central Asia, 
 whence in due course they were a disturbing element for 
 centuries in western Asia and eastern Europe. 
 
 In that prolonged warfare the armies of Han penetrated 
 into central Asia. Traces of this irruption of the Chinese into 
 the remote west were found by Stein in Khotan. It is im- 
 portant to note that this was the first time in which Chinese 
 found their way so far to the west. 
 
 During the Han dynasty the provinces of Kansu and Szu- 
 chuen on the west, those of Chihli and Manchuria on the north, 
 those of Shantung and the sea-coast on the east, were ab- 
 sorbed into the government of China. Ultimately the Yang- 
 tsu was crossed, and the boundaries of China proper were made 
 practically what they are to-day. Many of the inhabitants 
 of those widely spread regions chose to retain the social con- 
 dition in which they and their fathers had lived. Many fled 
 north and west ; many retired into the mountains separating 
 the various provinces along the north, the west, and the 
 south of China. 
 
 But most preferred to remain in the country with which 
 they were familiar, and submitted to Chinese dominion. 
 They adopted the speech, customs, and modes of life of the 
 Chinese, were numbered with and soon became indistin- 
 guishable from them. The lands on the south-east and 
 across the Yangtsu adopted Chinese dress, education, litera- 
 ture, customs, and mode of life, while remaining differentiated 
 in speech. 
 
 From what is recorded of the Mythical Ages, of the Chow, 
 the Chin, and the Han dynasties, we are justified in con- 
 cluding that the Chinese people are autochthonous, and their 
 civilisation indigenous. With the expeditions of the Han to 
 the west, we come in touch with the first reference to contact 
 
Han Dynasty. 51 
 
 by the Chinese with any people west of the Yellow River, 
 other than their nomadic neighbours. 
 
 It is true that at a remarkably early period of their his- 
 tory, they were under the influence of a clear and practical 
 belief in One Supreme Ruler who reigned over heaven and 
 earth and all things.* The harmonious motions of the worlds 
 above, the wonderful manifestations and infinite forms of life 
 on earth, with their marvellous adaptations, appealed to the 
 same mental powers in eastern China as they did in western 
 Asia, or in eastern Europe. The harmony could exist 
 only from Unity, the existence of visible forces and their con- 
 trol implied Power irresistible, and despite the wild theories 
 of ancient or of modern times, the mind of normal humanity 
 must find a cause in perfect wisdom for the concurrence of 
 means with ends, so apparent in the countless forms of 
 adaptation. 
 
 The Chinese were, therefore, not a homogeneous race. 
 They were not descended from an unmixed race. Hundreds 
 of barbarian kingdoms, as conquerors or as conquered, came 
 under the moulding influence of the tiny Middle Kingdom, 
 which was born in, and developed from, the north-east corner 
 of Honan. 
 
 Yet more remarkable than would be the homogeneity of 
 race is the mental homogeneity of the people. Though in then- 
 racial origin and their physical constitution they are an amal- 
 gam of a score of nationalities, they resent the notion that 
 they are not one race. They read the same books ; they 
 perform practically the same ceremonial ; they affect the 
 same religion ; they think the same thoughts. To the world 
 at large they are an indivisible people. The manner in which 
 the Boxer madness spread over the entire land affected every 
 class of society, and but for a few men, would have involved 
 every province and every hamlet in the clamour for the blood 
 of the foreigner— demonstrated to all the world the solidarity 
 of the Chinese people. 
 
 See " Original Religion of China." 
 
52 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 Objections. 
 
 It may be objected that both the physique and the speech 
 of the Chinese militate against the above theory. With little 
 differences in height the Chinese appear to be all alike, and 
 though there are dialects in their speech, it seems practically 
 the same everywhere. These two points require consideration. 
 
 When travelling to China across America, our train was 
 stopped near a hill on a Sunday in June 1872. The sun was 
 brilliant, and the day one of perfect calm. We pulled up 
 before the farthest west town east of the Rockies. On the 
 preceding day a waterspout had washed down a hillside. 
 Rocks, trees, and earth covered the railway track for miles to 
 the depth of several feet. Till this debris should be cleared 
 away we were prisoners. After some hours it was reported 
 that several Chinese had arrived from Sacramento to clear the 
 road. Another gentleman and myself walked up the line to 
 see the kind of people to whom I was going out as missionary. 
 Several small groups were passed of boys, all working as 
 though they were machines like the spades they wielded. At 
 length we encountered a tall man of the western race. We 
 inquired where the Chinese men were, as we had seen nothing 
 but boys. " That's all we've got for men," was the reply, in 
 a good Irish brogue. The discovery that the Chinese were so 
 puny a race was a disappointment. In Yokohama we came 
 across Chinese again. They were tall, handsome, well-dressed, 
 and with a smart, keen air went about all business places, banks, 
 customs, wherever there were transactions involving money or 
 valuables. Instead of the down-trodden look of the coolies, 
 they moved about with erect head as though they were masters 
 of the place. They were all of good medium height, lithe, 
 active young men. The impression made east of the Rockies 
 was obliterated. 
 
Objections. 53 
 
 Even the cursory glance of the passing traveller cannot fail 
 to note the difference between the physique of the people of 
 the south and those of the north. The regions south of the 
 Yangtsu and those on the east coast were annexed to China 
 immediately before and after the beginning of the Christian 
 era. The people of those regions are not the same race as the 
 Chinese. They are a small people. From them went the 
 boys whom we saw on the American railway. Their kindred 
 are still to be found among the wild mountains between the 
 various southern provinces, where they lead a more or less 
 independent life. The southern Chinese have for twenty 
 centuries been living a life mentally and physically different 
 from the hillmen, who have retained the habits of their ancient 
 forefathers. They became Chinese by education. 
 
 The inhabitants of the Yellow River region are of a totally 
 different race. They belong to the tall races, as are the people 
 inhabiting Mongolia and Manchuria. The difference in phy- 
 sique of Mongol and Chinese is explicable by their different 
 mental and physical pursuits. They differ more in facial 
 outline and expression. Chinese are agricultural, and by 
 their strenuous life develop their muscles and bodily energies 
 to the utmost. The nomadic races lead a sedentary life, their 
 most violent exercise being on horseback. These diverse 
 bodily exercises in the course of generations produce facial 
 changes. Labour in a vitiated atmosphere deteriorates the 
 bodies of those who come from the country. Health and 
 proper development depend largely on the location and nature 
 of one's occupation. But more especially is life intellectual 
 and literary, influential in modifying facial development. As 
 in Europe so in north China, facial differences are the product 
 of similar causes. Confining attention to these facts, the 
 physique of the peoples of at least north China points naturally 
 to the conclusion that they are fundamentally one. 
 
 Diverse customs and differing languages do undoubtedly 
 point to another conclusion. Asia displays a general uni- 
 formity in style of dress. The long, loose robe of dignified 
 leisure is all but universal. Variety in details of shape or 
 ornamentation are accounted for by difference in climate, of 
 education, of taste, so that the style of clothing is no criterion 
 whereby to decide differences of race. Even now the Chinese 
 
54 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 are changing the style of their costume, on account of changes 
 introduced into their mode of life. 
 
 Speech presents a more difficult problem. Yet the con- 
 dition of the South Sea Islands proves that speech, when free 
 from the trammels of letters, is capable of undergoing great 
 changes. To the changes in the South Sea Islands there is 
 a close analogy in the south of China, where the verbiage 
 and pronunciation differ so materially from those of the 
 north that they have not been reduced to Chinese writing. 
 But the language in the neighbourhood of the Yellow River 
 has been uniform. The idiom, the grammar, the verbiage 
 have continued practically the same from ancient ages. A 
 change has been introduced lately into the pronunciation. 
 Throughout the whole of north China it was formerly what 
 it is now in Shantung, where the pronunciation of the Ming 
 dynasty is retained. The Manchus have exercised a softening 
 influence, which has produced the Pekinese dialect. By the 
 Manchu and other northern officials, who spread themselves 
 over the country, that pronunciation has diffused itself over 
 many parts of south China. But notwithstanding such 
 modification in pronunciation, the written form has prevented 
 any radical divergence from the ancient language. 
 
 Now this language differs essentially from those of the 
 nomads, who in all directions speak a language similar in 
 construction to Mongol or Turkish. How, then, could the 
 Chinese people be composed largely of transformed nomads 
 whose posterity possess no trace of their ancestral poly- 
 syllabic tongue ? A probable explanation can be found in 
 the present condition of China. 
 
 The Manchus, who lived for centuries in the game-stocked 
 valleys east of Mukden, spoke a polysyllabic language, pos- 
 sessing neither alphabet nor literature. They and the Koreans 
 are traceable to a common ancestry who in the remote past 
 inhabited part of northern Manchuria. With the lapse of 
 centuries, their languages have become absolutely distinct, 
 while both are essentially different from Chinese. Like that 
 of the Mongols, both are polysyllabic and Turanian. When 
 the Manchus entered China they possessed a language reduced 
 to writing by the adaptation of Mongol letters. Their power 
 raised their language to a place of honour. Their pride of 
 
Objections. 55 
 
 conquest made it natural to retain in their language the evi- 
 dence of their racial bravery. They took measures to make 
 that language an official and a classical one. Dictionaries 
 were prepared and other books, whereby Chinese could learn 
 Manchu and Manchus preserve their own tongue. Schools 
 were established, and able teachers appointed. By a generous 
 liberality in the employment of these methods, they perfected 
 their language, making it highly respectable and thoroughly 
 grammatical. They had every inducement to keep themselves 
 apart as a people. They adopted whatever forms of literature 
 tended to secure this design. Every important State document 
 written in Chinese was duplicated in Manchu, and carefully 
 preserved in the Archives. Yet within two centuries the 
 conquering Manchus had forgotten their own national tongue 
 and spoke only the monosyllabic language of the conquered 
 race. A comparatively small number of young Manchus of 
 more than average ability were set apart as writers of Manchu 
 documents. With accuracy and great beauty of penmanship 
 they discharged this duty efficiently. But the speech of even 
 these men was Chinese. With not a few of these scholarly 
 Manchus I was acquainted who could not speak the Manchu 
 language, and who, still more strangely, were unable to pro- 
 nounce properly some letters of their own original tongue, 
 but pronounced them as Chinese do the same letters of the 
 west. 
 
 If Manchus who had every inducement to retain the dif- 
 ferentiation afforded by their original language, adopted 
 under moral or social compulsion the Chinese language, literary 
 and spoken, it is not surely difficult to understand how a 
 similar result could arise from circumstances which were much 
 more favourable to such a change. 
 
 For three thousand years from the time of Tan Pu, tribes 
 to the north and west of China abandoned their nomadic life 
 for the settled life of the Chinese. The number of nomads 
 who from first to last fell within the circle of Chinese life 
 and influence amounted to many millions. They necessarily 
 occupied an inferior position. This would compel them 
 instinctively to adopt whatever means would most speedily 
 obliterate all traces of their origin, and assimilate them most 
 completely to the Chinese. As the Manchus had serious reasons 
 for the retension of their distinctive language, these nomads 
 
56 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 had equally serious reasons to forget theirs. To remain 
 isolated was the Manchu policy ; to become absorbed in the 
 main body of the Chinese was that of the nomads. With 
 avidity they adopted Chinese speech, Chinese education, 
 Chinese modes of clothing, of preparing and eating food, of 
 manners and customs. The second generation would be 
 indistinguishable from the Chinese. When foreigners of any 
 race as conquerors or as conquered, entered the land of China, 
 they were speedily assimilated to the Chinese. 
 
Conclusion. 57 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Conclusion. 
 
 Investigation of the anthropological facts available leads 
 the student to the inference that north-eastern Europe and 
 the high latitudes of Asia were in the remotest known times 
 inhabited by peoples of the Turanian race. The inhabitants of 
 eastern Asia were of kindred race, with the possible exception 
 of the hairy Oinos of northern Manchuria. The peoples of 
 the high latitudes were of the tall nations of the world, as 
 were those of China down to latitude 25°. Farther south 
 the people were of similar type, but of smaller size. They 
 were all of a low stage of civilisation, varying, however, from 
 the rudest savagery to nomadic tent-dwellers. From among 
 these a small community began on the south bank of the 
 Yellow River to cultivate grain in a crude fashion. This life 
 necessitated a permanent abode and personal possessions. 
 Thus and here was the embryonic beginning of China. 
 
 From the chapter on the Mythical Age we learn that the 
 Chinese trace their ancestors back to a condition of savagery 
 in pre-historic time. Some made their home in nests on trees 
 to escape the teeth and the venom of wild beasts. Others 
 lived beneath the shade of great pine trees in summer and 
 in deep pits in winter. They ate the seeds of grasses, the ker- 
 nels of nuts, and the flesh of wild beasts with the hair on. 
 They were ignorant of cooking, for they did not know the 
 use of fire. They lived together promiscuously like the birds 
 and the beasts. They covered their nakedness with the 
 skins of animals slain for food. 
 
 Thirty centuries B.C., Fuhi is said to have taken the first 
 step out of that purely animal existence, by the institution 
 of marriage. This implied the division of society into separate 
 families, involving some sort of dwelling. Cloth did not 
 then exist of either cotton or silk. Whether the dwelling was 
 made of the branches of trees, or out of the semi-clayey soil, 
 the story sayeth not. 
 
58 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 Compared with that stage of existence, the nomadic tribes 
 exhibit marked superiority. They possessed flocks of sheep, 
 herds of cattle and of horses, of the origin of which there is no 
 record. Their beasts could live only where water was found, 
 and where grass grew. These conditions governed the mode 
 of life of their owners. A permanent place of abode was 
 impossible. A dwelling was provided of woven hair. It was 
 movable, easily erected, and speedily pulled down when 
 water failed or grass was exhausted. This life involved the 
 right to move about in an extensive tract of country, which, 
 however, was strictly limited by the grazing grounds of neigh- 
 bouring tribes. They came to know the use of fire, by which 
 they smelted metals, and fashioned weapons wherewith to 
 master the lower animals and protect themselves from prowl- 
 ing enemies. They were illiterate, rude, and cruel. These 
 conditions still exist largely in Asia. Their illiteracy was 
 ended by the Nestorians, who also had a hand in modifying 
 their cruelty, along with Buddhism and Mahommedanism. 
 
 In that section of the populace which grew into the kingdom 
 of China, one devoted himself to the cultivation of some of 
 the grasses, the seeds of which had been eaten in their wild 
 state. Some varieties of these still grow wild in north China. 
 The attention given to the cultivation of the soil improved 
 the quality of the grasses, and the cultivator established for 
 himself an imperishable name. 
 
 The cultivation of the soil necessitated a fixed abode, 
 and produced a more compacted state of society, the various 
 relations of which had to be adjusted so as to secure the peace 
 and smooth existence of the community. As long as all were 
 equally toilers in the fields, life continued simple. Varying 
 degrees of intelligence and diligence resulted in unequal 
 degrees of possessions ; for there is no evidence of commun- 
 istic life. By the lapse of time and increase of population, 
 the relations of the people became more complicated. Trades 
 and professions rose automatically out of the needs of the 
 people. These were mutually complementary, but their 
 interests were ofttimes antagonistic. The interaction of 
 these various elements gave occasion for the introduction of 
 regulations which became stereotyped into laws. Certain 
 forms of authority were established with power to decide 
 between conflicting claims and interests, and, if need be, to 
 
Conclusion. 5& 
 
 restrain and to punish. To protect their property and lives 
 from surrounding barbarians always ready to plunder, means 
 had to be devised and weapons provided of a more deadly 
 nature than were required to meet the dangers arising from 
 wild beasts or internal troubles. 
 
 When men's needs were few and possessions scanty, their 
 affairs could be all trusted to memory. Numerous posses- 
 sions and varied, demanded a permanent record. Writing 
 appears to have been at first pictorial. Is soon became 
 abbreviated to mere outlines. The outlines of two or more 
 pictures were combined to represent general terms, as the 
 combination of sun and moon to describe brightness, physical 
 or mental. Thus did the art of writing originate. 
 
 All these changes took place in the nucleus formed 
 among the savages in north-east Honan, who were the embryo 
 of the Chinese nation. When Yao began to reign in Pingyang, 
 the various departments of a well-regulated state were all 
 in good working order. The people of Yao and their pre- 
 decessors were the founders of the polity and language of 
 China. In the succeeding generations their descendants in- 
 creased largely on lands which were very fertile, and in circum- 
 stances which were favourable. Yet they could be the parents 
 of not a tithe of the population of the China of to-day. The 
 population of the China of to-day, as to at least nine-tenths 
 of their number, are the descendants of those tribes and king- 
 doms who, in the time of Yao, were the uncultivated bar- 
 barians of the lands all around. Except in the south-east 
 corner of China, there is no evidence visible to the eye of any 
 racial distinction between various parts of the Chinese empire. 
 All are equally the descendants of the same Turanian race, 
 brought at different times under the influence of an indi- 
 genous civilisation. We have traced the cradle of the Chinese 
 people and the origin of the race. But the region of the 
 origin of their Turanian predecessors remains an unknown 
 problem. 
 
 The late Dr Legge, than whom there has been no greater 
 Chinese scholar, declared at the close of a long life that after 
 his many years' study of Confucius, he could see nothing 
 which would entitle him to be called a great man. Yet the 
 homogenity of so mixed a people as the Chinese is the work 
 of Confucius. The sword had much to do with binding other 
 
60 Chinese People Autochthonous. 
 
 nations to China with chains, the teaching of Confucianism 
 alone has constituted China a unit. That was the furnace 
 which melted the heterogeneous masses and made them an 
 indivisible whole. They resemble no other nation.- The ethics 
 of Confucius constitute their ideal morality. His ceremonial 
 guides their lives. The mutual regulations of society are 
 regulated by his rules. The principles laid down by him for 
 the government of the nation are regarded as infallibly 
 correct, and are conthiually and -universally appealed to. Is 
 there any other system of philosophy or of ethics which can 
 compare in the extent of its influence with Confucianism ? 
 Chin Shi Whang would not have devoted so much expense and 
 energy to unearth and to destroy every scrap of Confucianism 
 had it been merely a system for literary research. Dynasties 
 subsequent to him were wise enough to learn the lesson. 
 Many of them were no better than he, but no one was ever 
 bold enough to make a public confession of his creed, even 
 when following his practice. We see one such in Europe, 
 and see also the outcome. It was to make his system of 
 government the more easily carried out that he took such 
 savage measures to 'extirpate the ethical teaching of Confu- 
 cius. His sword was broken in cutting up those books. His 
 name is execrated to this day by the best and most thought- 
 ful minds of China, while that of Confucius is glorified and shall 
 always be held in honour. The teaching which has already 
 raised so large a proportion of mankind from savagery to a 
 high plane of civilisation shall in the future, when imbued 
 with the active spirit of Christianity, raise them still higher 
 for the good of a new China, on which will depend much of 
 the welfare of the world. 
 
Section II. — Education. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Theory of Education. 
 
 The value of Confucianism as a method of controlling the 
 life and guiding the thought of the people has been depreciated 
 both by Chinese and by foreigners. For this depreciation 
 one of two possible causes may have been responsible. One 
 is ignorance of the essential teaching of the system, another is 
 the contempt for all learning which is not based on physics. 
 Chin Shi Whang, whose rule was the embodiment of brute 
 force, exerted his utmost to exterminate Confucianism. He 
 persecuted to the death those devoted to the system, and 
 committed to the flames all books containing any portion of 
 it. This fact of itself affords abundant evidence of the nature 
 of the teaching. That government based on brute force came 
 to a speedy close. Resuscitated Confucianism became more 
 influential as the years glided by. If it has failed to make 
 China an ideal kingdom, it is because, like Christianity in 
 Europe, it has never been permitted to exert to its full extent 
 its proper influence over the private life of the individual, or 
 the public life of the nation. The correct test of its value is 
 its adaptability to the mental condition of the people, and 
 its moral influence upon them. To ennoble them by adapting 
 itself to their characteristics, the special form of Confucianism 
 represented by the books now known had its origin and its 
 prolonged existence. When we reflect that to it the Chinese 
 largely owe their unique position among the nations, and their 
 ability to act as teachers to all surrounding Asiatic peoples, 
 we are driven to conclude that the system contains potent 
 influences for good, which are worthy of our serious consider- 
 ation. And further, history proves that it has elevated a 
 larger number of millions, over a wider area, for a longer 
 
€2 Education. 
 
 period than any other philosophic system known among 
 mankind. It has been the moral teacher not of China only, 
 but of all the neighbouring countries, every one of which owes 
 to it the best features of their social life and public institutions, 
 both of which would have been much improved by a more 
 thorough devotion to the practical application in ordinary 
 life of the ethical principles of the system. Nor should the 
 fact be overlooked that the observance of those principles, 
 imperfect though it has been, is the main element in the 
 marvellous continuity of the national existence of the Chinese 
 people, and of the comparatively high form of civilisation by 
 which they were enabled to assimilate the huge masses of 
 barbarians who became one with themselves. The theory of 
 education on which that system is based is, therefore, worthy 
 of more examination than it has received. 
 
 It is worthy of particular attention that the Confucian 
 philosophy and teaching are based on Reverence. They aim 
 at the development of character, and the attainment of real 
 culture, rather than of the knowledge which consists of a mere 
 accumulation of facts. Its intention is to lead the people 
 to become nobler men and better citizens. Confucius and 
 Mencius, the two great teachers, craved for no renown by 
 publishing startling innovations and novel theories. They did 
 not expect riches from their teaching. They had no sect, large 
 or small, to glorify. Their mental activity and bodily labours 
 were laid on the altar of service for their country. They 
 sought to rectify the wrongs in, and establish peace and con- 
 tentment throughout, their distracted land. Their method was 
 the " instruction which lays out in orderly arrangement the 
 Way which develops to its fullest extent the nature given to 
 man by Heaven." Mencius affirms that humaneness is the 
 heart of man, and integrity his path. He deplores the calamity 
 of him who misses the path and does not desire to regain it ; 
 who loses his heart and does not wish to find it again. Men 
 lose thier fowls and dogs and search for them ; they lose 
 their heart and have no wish to seek for it. The true aim of 
 learning is to find the lost heart. The heart is the disposition 
 I given by God to all mankind. 
 
 This definition of education points out its sphere and its 
 limitations. Its sphere is the mind of man. Its office is to 
 unfold the talents, the abilities, the feelings and desires in- 
 
Theory of Education. 63 
 
 herent in the heart or mind, as originally constituted by its 
 Creator. The work of education is to guide the entire life 
 in accordance with that original constitution. All speculation 
 in regard to the beginnings of man or of things, all baseless 
 theorizings about their nature, all that cannot be the subject 
 of real knowledge, is rigorously excluded. Human nature as 
 known to or knowable by man, together with the duties of 
 human relationships, embrace the entire field and scope of 
 education. By the development of his original nature, educa- 
 tion establishes man's character, and thus fits him to be a 
 useful member of society, able to discharge all duties de- 
 volving on him as a member of the community and a subject 
 of the State. Ethics and politics were the warp and the 
 woof of man's life and conduct. The severance of these two 
 produced disaster to both. This education is practical through- 
 out, labouring solely for the amelioration of the lot of man- 
 kind in all its classes and without exception. Statesmen or 
 rulers who paid no special regard to the public well-being 
 were unworthy of their position, and should not have been 
 permitted to occupy it. The ideal which inspired these 
 teachers was to create a renewed people, a moral nation. 
 They did not strive to have a set of fine phrases inserted on 
 the statute book. They sought to change the warped disposi- 
 tions and renew the aberrant heart of men. They desired to 
 produce men whose goodness would, by the influence of their 
 example, change or modify the wickedness of a nation. The 
 man properly educated became the noble man. His char- 
 acter was stable, so that he could be universally trusted. He 
 would die rather than offend against the right. His know- 
 ledge was full and clear on the facts and principles bearing 
 on the life of man in all his relationships. He was the man 
 of culture who knew how to live his life faultlessly and thus 
 show to others the way in which they ought to go. 
 
 By instruction, Confucius did not mean literary accomplish- 
 ments exclusively. Though the knowledge which produced 
 culture was his chief, it was not his sole object. Passing 
 through the kingdom of Wei, a disciple drew his attention 
 to the density of the population, and asked, " What should be 
 done for them ? " " Enrich them," was the answer. " And 
 what after that ? " " Instruct them in letters," he said. On 
 another occasion he said that ceremonial and ritual are sub 
 
64 Education. 
 
 sequent to the acquisition of the necessaries of life, as painting' 
 in colour follows the preparation of the plain and solid surface 
 on which the painting is done. A young man should learn 
 to be filial in his own house, and respectful to the seniors he 
 meets. He should be sincere in his conduct and diligent in 
 his business. After these primary duties are fulfilled, he 
 should devote himself to the study of literature. Thus, 
 though demanding first the solid qualities of character and 
 the physical necessities of life, he was no less insistant on the 
 claims of culture. According to his own figure, if the plain 
 ground is prepared, it is necessary for perfection that colour 
 be superimposed. 
 
 To attain a cultured mind, two lines of study are indis- 
 pensable. First comes the study of words, and then that 
 of literature. The use of words is to express clearly to the 
 hearer what is in the mind of the speaker. If his definition 
 differs from that of the astute French statesman, it is because 
 he was a teacher whose aim in the use of words was to make 
 his meaning clear, while the statesman sought to hide his 
 meaning in a cloud of words, as the cuttlefish hides in its own 
 sepia. Words, therefore, or names, should be perfectly under- 
 stood by the speaker, and used with such accuracy as to 
 prevent any misunderstanding in the hearer. The first re- 
 quisite in good government is the correct use of names, so that 
 speech cannot mislead the hearer. If speech be misleading, 
 affairs cannot be properly conducted, the proprieties, polite- 
 ness, and music cannot flourish, punishment cannot be justly 
 administered. All this breeds uncertainty in the minds of 
 . the people, who know not how to act. The art of government 
 1 consists in the correct use of words. When the father is 
 (father and the son is son, each knows and executes his own 
 \proper duties. 
 
 Next to the correct use of words comes the study of litera- 
 ture, by which can be unlocked the treasury wherein repose 
 the intellectual and moral jewels of former generations. Of 
 the extant literature he regarded the Odes as pre-eminent. He 
 recommended his only son to study them, because without a 
 knowledge of the Odes he was not worth talking to. Students 
 of special ability were put to study the Odes, because these 
 stimulated the mind, explained the nature of sociability, 
 and the occasions when anger was justifiable. They teach 
 
Theory of Education. 65 
 
 how to serve one's parents in private life, and one's sovereign 
 in public. They give the names of beasts, birds, and plants. 
 Politeness came next to the Odes, for knowledge of it made 
 one's character stable. He lectured much on the Odes, the 
 Book of History, the duties of propriety and politeness. The 
 chief burden of his lectures was, however, letters, conduct, 
 faithfulness, and truth, the two last being the foundation of 
 his system. He lectured frequently on Human Nature and the 
 Way of Heaven, which his students were unable to under- 
 stand. A very few fragments remain, which were memorable 
 on account of their special application. 
 
 Each line of study was supposed to produce its own specific 
 influence on the character. Study of the Odes was calculated 
 to improve the stupid, of History to correct error, of Music 
 to prevent extravagance. The Yiking counteracted the ten- 
 dency to incur risks. Propriety is the antidote to worry and 
 annoyance ; and a knowledge of the Spring and Autumn 
 Annals would prevent social disorder. 
 
 Self-cultivation should be the aim of every one, beginning 
 with the sovereign. This forms the root of all culture, no 
 part of which can flourish if it be neglected. The Great 
 Learning was prepared to publish notable virtue. It teaches 
 how a people can be renewed in character, how they can 
 attain the perfection of virtue, with anything short of which 
 they should not be satisfied. It sets forth that Heaven is 
 the source of all truth, which cannot be changed, and whose 
 substance is found in the mind, and must not be abandoned. 
 Careful introspection will preserve and nourish it. Self- 
 examination will discover the principles of truth in the mind 
 of the student, and the embodiment of them in practice will 
 make brm strong to repel every temptation from without 
 alluring him to selfishness. Acquaintance with the attain- 
 ments of ancient worthies will stimulate him to do well. He 
 shall thus be guided to the realisation of perfect goodness. 
 Of all this, self-cultivation is the root. 
 
 Though the form of teaching differs from, and its design, 
 scope, and limits bear striking resemblance to, those of the 
 teachings of Socrates a century later, in both systems good con-! 
 duct is represented as the outcome of knowledge, and evil as the ! 
 fruit of ignorance. The wise acquire knowledge, and know- 
 
66 Education. 
 
 ledge increases wisdom. Knowledge is one with wisdom, 
 and is the result of study and learning. The wise are there- 
 fore students not for a few years at school, but for life. While 
 retaining with firm grip all the knowledge already possessed, 
 they add continuously to their stock. This ceaseless learning 
 increases their knowledge, their knowledge enlarges their 
 wisdom, and their wisdom guides them into a growingly nobler 
 and higher, because a more useful, life. Adequate knowledge 
 will prevent all forms of evil conduct. 
 
 Ignorance being the mother of every kind of evil, the first 
 duty of education is to teach each man his ignorance. True 
 knowledge is to know when you know, and to know when you 
 do not know. When one is able to teach others clearly, it is 
 evidence that he knows his subject. To know in a general 
 way is ignorance. If the extent of one's culture does not fully 
 reach up to the level of his original talents, the result is rude- 
 ness ; if one's culture is in excess of those talents, he becomes 
 puffed up with affectation. When culture and talents blend 
 in proper proportions, the result is the noble man. 
 
 But mere knowledge is not sufficient. Admiration for ex- 
 cellent precepts is of no practical use without the application 
 of them to the reformation of character. There is little hope 
 of the man who expresses delight in fine sentiments, but who 
 fails to guide the actions of his life by them. Learning was 
 essential to the production of a well-balanced mind. Without 
 it there are six excellences of character which become degraded 
 into vices. The love of humaneness degenerates into stupid 
 simplicity, the love of knowledge leads to mental dissipation, 
 the resolve to be truthful begets recklessness, the determination 
 to be straight results in rudeness, the love of bravery becomes 
 insubordination, and the man who will be firm is insolent. 
 
 Confucius and Plato were of one mind in regarding educa- 
 tion to be vitally important as a means of securing the safety 
 of the State and the well-being of the individual. In the 
 system of Confucius there was no place for class distinctions. 
 There were no helots in China. The benefits of education 
 were accessible to every member of the community capable of 
 receiving them. The system was absolutely democratic. 
 Confucius accepted students of all ranks and conditions. He 
 took fees, but would not turn away the young man who could 
 
Theory of Education. 67 
 
 present only a bundle of dried fish. He selected his students 
 by tests of his own, rigorously applied. These tests were not 
 based on rank or wealth or previous knowledge, nor did he 
 seek any certificate of character. His test was based on the 
 natural abilities and diligence of the student. He took the 
 student on his own professions, and speedily discovered his 
 characteristics. Those who passed his test were all taught in 
 the same fashion. It so happened that the poorest of them, 
 who could barely clothe himself, and who lived on the very 
 edge of want, was held up by him as an example to others, 
 both for quickness of apprehension and for readiness to apply 
 to practise what he had learned. He gave no guarantee to any, 
 but imparted his instruction with equal earnestness to all. 
 
 It was his wish to have as students men of exceptionally 
 good life, but he had to deplore the difficulty of finding such 
 as could perfectly observe the " mean." Next to these he de- 
 siderated those who, on the other hand, were ardent, or who, 
 on the other, were cautious. The ardent would push ahead, 
 the cautious would fall into no error. The scholar should be 
 earnest and eager among his friends, bland and kindly among 
 his brethren. A high standard of intellect was indispensable. 
 To those who manifested no eagerness he would not expound 
 his doctrines. " If, when I unfold one corner of my subject, 
 my hearer fails to infer the other three, I do not repeat my 
 lesson. To men of a superior mind, subjects of a high order 
 may be expounded ; to men of inferior capacities, they may 
 not." 
 
 Mencius was asked how he could accept as students men 
 of whose past life he was ignorant. He replied that there 
 was no man who had not in his heart an antipathy to some 
 kind of wrong. If that man be so trained that he learn to 
 apply that antipathy to other forms of evil which he had 
 tolerated, the result would be humaneness. He who is taught 
 to apply to his entire life his wish to abstain from some forms 
 of injurious conduct, will learn to exercise an all-embracing 
 integrity. His philosophical hypothesis was that whatever 
 be the character of a man at a given time, he had originally aj 
 good nature. However battered and torn that nature may 
 have become by evil conduct, it always retains at bottom a 
 permanent appreciation of that which is good. It is therefore 
 
68 Education. 
 
 possible to lead him back to the right, however far he may 
 have wandered in the way of error. He could therefore, with 
 a clear conscience, admit into his company all sorts of men 
 irrespective of their past, with the assurance that under his 
 instruction the original good nature would re-assert itself. He 
 was optimistic, not because he had found all men good, but 
 because he believed in the possibility of all men becoming 
 good. 
 
 Intelligence, diligence, and the sincere desire to discover 
 truth were the qualifications sought in their students by those 
 great teachers. Their demands were heavy and stringent. 
 That student who was ashamed of poor food and mean clothing 
 was not worthy to be taught. He who was always hankering 
 after comfort was unworthy of the name of student. Study 
 should be conducted with the anxiety of one stimulated by 
 dread of failure, or of one afraid to lose what he had already 
 attained. Good paths are made on the hillside when much 
 grass is trodden down. But the unused path becomes choked 
 up with weeds. So does indolence choke up the mind of the 
 careless student. To learn humaneness demands unfaltering 
 determination, earnest inquiry, diligent introspection. One 
 must realise daily what he is lacking, and never forget what 
 he is capable of doing. To know how to sprinkle and sweep 
 the floor, to answer questions without hesitation, to acquire 
 perfectly the way of advancing and retreating gracefully, are 
 but tiny branchlets of learning. The noble man goes deeply 
 into it. He makes it the habitation of his mind. He lays hold 
 of it with both hands, and is eager to attain to perfection, not 
 only for his own sake, but in order that he may be able to teach 
 others in brief and simple language. Confucius was a student 
 so eager in pursuit of knowledge that he forgot his food ; so 
 joyful over a discovery that he forgot his sorrow ; and so 
 engrossed in his search that he was unconscious of the ap- 
 proach of old age. 
 
 The acquisition of knowledge is not sudden. Flowing 
 water advances only after it has filled up the hollows, and the 
 earnest student progresses step by step. Study also requires 
 devoted attention. Chess is an art which demands no great 
 ability. To the instruction on the game by a teacher two men 
 are listening, one with undivided attention, the other with 
 
Theory of Education. 69 
 
 a mind distracted by the question how he can set his bow to 
 shoot an approaching swan. The latter will not learn as well 
 as the other. Though continuous effort is indispensable in 
 order to build up the character of the noble man, the result 
 of effort, even when equally constant, is not always the same 
 in all cases. There are differences in the kind of effort ; there 
 are differences in the capacity and the moral character of the 
 students who are equally diligent. Hence will result in the 
 case of every student a difference in the amount of knowledge 
 acquired, in the kind of education, in the influence over mind 
 and life. Sometimes a plant sprouts but does not flower. 
 Sometimes it may produce flowers but grows no fruit. Students 
 may come to be equal to, or even to excel their teachers, but 
 if a man reach forty and do nothing remarkable he is not 
 worthy of respect. The scholar carries a heavy burden over 
 a long way. His burden is the perfection of humaneness. Is 
 it not heavy ? His race is finished only at death. Is it not 
 a long one ? In addition to all this, it must not be forgotten 
 that learning without thinking is waste of energy, and thinking 
 without learning is dangerous. 
 
 Only the wise who need not, and the stupid who cannot 
 receive it are incapable of improvement. Some men know 
 truth ; others know and admire, but those are best who know 
 and practise it. Some men are affected by this knowledge 
 like the fertilising influence of seasonable rain. The natural 
 abilities of others are enlarged and developed. The doubts 
 and mental difficulties of others are dissipated. Still others 
 are stimulated to correct and cultivate themselves in private. 
 The wise man desires to acquire all knowledge, but pursues 
 most zealously the most important. He uplifts the virtue 
 of his original nature to its greatest height and widest intelli- 
 gence, and uses it to spread its greatest possible influence. 
 He can then become the teacher of others. He can cultivate 
 himself in a spirit of reverence, and thus give peace to his 
 neighbourhood, and even extend that peace over the whole 
 empire. Such are the noble men who can observe the mean, 
 and lead others to do likewise. Yet it should be understood 
 that the instructed who do observe the mean, and who refuse 
 to company with those who cannot, are in no real way superior 
 to these. The will of Heaven in producing man is that those 
 
70 Educatiok. 
 
 who are first to know shall teach those who come after, and 
 that those who understand shall instruct the dull. 
 
 Mencius employed various methods of instruction. If he 
 rejected as a pupil one who applied for admission, the very 
 rejection was a method of instructing both the rejected and 
 all who knew of the rejection. To one who asked why he 
 should not modify the demands of his teaching, which, though 
 beautiful and noble, were unpractical as scaling the heavens, 
 he replied that the expert artificer would not change the 
 marking line for the sake of a stupid workman, much less dis- 
 card it altogether. They will follow who can. 
 
 The early dynasties of China regarded the education of 
 the people of prime importance. By means of this education 
 each individual knew his own duties and could perform them. 
 The relation of father and son should be regulated by affec- 
 tion ; of sovereign and minister by faithfulness ; of husband 
 and wife by their relative duties ; of old and young by seni- 
 ority ; of friends by sincerity. Good government induces 
 fear, good instruction begets love. Good government may 
 obtain the people's wealth, good instruction gains their heart. 
 
 It is interesting to compare the state of ancient Greece 
 with that of contemporary China. Confucius was born in 
 551 B.C., Socrates about 469, Plato in 427, and Mencius in 
 372. Greece was divided into mutually hostile kingdoms, 
 China into the Fighting Kingdoms. Socrates declared that 
 vice was the product of ignorance, and virtue the fruit of 
 knowledge. It was therefore the duty of every man to acquire 
 intelligent knowledge of himself and of his duties. To stimu- 
 late him to learn he must recognise his own ignorance. The 
 philosopher of Plato is the noble man of Confucius. Plato's 
 ideal ruler is absolutely just, and this justice involves the 
 same principles as the humaneness and integrity of the ruler, 
 according to Confucius. Knowledge is good, but its importance 
 lies in its application to the guidance of life. It is never 
 perfect, therefore the search for it persists as long as life en- 
 dures. Plato attaches most importance to the guidance of the 
 State ; Confucius to the endeavour and example of the in- 
 dividual. The aim of both is one. It is to secure good men 
 and citizens in a well ordered State. This aim is attainable 
 by such an education as shall clearly display the wickedness 
 of all selfish vice, and the excellence of all goodness. When 
 
Theory of Education. 71 
 
 men clearly understand the difference, they shall voluntarily 
 forsake the evil and do the good. 
 
 There has never been any religious difficulty to clog the 
 wheels of the educational chariot in China. Only among 
 Europeans have the Chinese seen such hindrances. In this, as 
 in some other matters, the Chinese teach us a lesson. It is 
 surely possible to teach in our schools the excellence of a good 
 and pure life, to teach reverence for every person and thing 
 that is noble and worthy, to show the meanness of selfish- 
 ness and the discord rising inevitably out of all undue self- 
 seeking, to teach the mutual duties of men and women to 
 each other and the State, without dropping into their young 
 minds the corrosive poison of sectarian strife. Considering 
 the nature of the religion with which we have been dowered, 
 the theory of Confucian education should be the goal of 
 ours. 
 
72 Education. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 CONFUCIUS, SKETCH OF LIFE. 
 
 The student finds it impossible to dissociate Confucius 
 from the character of Chinese civilisation. He refused the 
 title of Sage, claiming to be but a transmitter of the ancient 
 doctrine. King Wen and Duke Chow were universally acknow- 
 ledged to be Sages. They knew and formulated the Doctrine, 
 but after their death the teaching of it fell into abeyance for 
 six centuries, till Heaven was pleased to call Hm to propagate 
 it. Though he was no Sage, he and he only represented those 
 two Sages. Subsequent ages have corroborated this estimate 
 of his knowledge and capacity, and have accorded him the 
 name of Sage. He did resuscitate, enlarge, and popularise 
 the Doctrine, and made it a power a hundredfold greater than 
 ever it was. In his hands it became the instrument chiefly 
 responsible for the China of the past two thousand years. 
 His person cannot therefore be ignored. 
 
 It does not lie within the scope of the present work to deal 
 exhaustively with all the information existing about him, but 
 it is necessary to attempt a true estimate of his character 
 in some of its outstanding characteristics. This can be done 
 properly only by studying the literature connected with him. 
 This study should be free from the influence of prejudice or 
 preconceived notions, or any bias against himself or religion. 
 The only satisfactory method in which this can be done is by 
 taking the text of the books representing him and make them 
 tell their own tale. Thus can be given an unbiassed judgment, 
 and any conclusions from the text bear their evidence on the 
 face of them. 
 
 Not a few writers who might be supposed to investigate 
 all documents calculated to illustrate the subject, call him an 
 agnostic, and deny him the possession of any religion. Though 
 his politico-ethical system has had to be excluded from this 
 
Confucius, Sketch of Life. 73 
 
 work, the section following gives evidence as clear as 
 any reasonable man can desire of his religious nature and 
 deep piety, and explains how this religion of his came to 
 be questioned. He was born in the town of Chufu, in Chang- 
 ping, of the kingdom of Lu, which was in the south-west of 
 Shantung, east of the Yellow River. His father was an old 
 man with a grown-up family, when he married a very young 
 lady that he might have a worthy son. This son was born in 
 B.C. 551 . Soon after his birth his father died, leaving widow 
 and child in straitened circumstances. The family name 
 was Kung, whence comes the first syllable of his name. His 
 own name was Chiw, and he assumed for title Chung-ni. As 
 a child he was particularly fond of acting. His play con- 
 sisted in placing sacrificial vessels — tow and tsu — in their proper 
 order, and in assuming the attitudes proper to the ceremony 
 of sacrificing. At the age of fifteen, in 537, he went to school. 
 Five years thereafter his son, Bai Yi, was born. He was then 
 made Inspector of Weights and Measures and Overseer of 
 Cattle. In 522 he went to the capital, where he is supposed 
 to have seen Laotsu. That same year he returned to Lu, 
 which in 517 was thrown into confusion. The Duke was 
 compelled to flee to the State of Chi, his northern neigh- 
 bour. Confucius went to the same state. He was offered 
 a government post ■ which he refused, as he was regarded 
 with suspicion. He returned to Lu. 
 
 ^ Even prior to that date, his scholars had become numerous. 
 In 509 the Duke was acting so arrogantly that his ministers 
 rebelled. Confucius refused to accept office. He retired into 
 private life, and, surrounded by a large number of students, 
 devoted himself to studying and editing the Odes, History, 
 Ceremonial, and Music. In 501 he was made Magistrate of 
 Chungtu, where the reforms initiated by him became so not- 
 able that he was promoted to be Minister of Crime. In 498 
 he was made Director of the Affairs of the Kingdom. Under 
 the guidance of his counsels the Government soon restored 
 the country to order. Observing the change in the condi- 
 tions of Lu, and dreading corresponding personal loss, the 
 ruler of Chi and his officials devised the plan of sending a 
 company of beautiful young women with music to the re- 
 forming Duke. He accepted the gift, and neglected the advice 
 
74 Education. 
 
 of his counsellor, who felt conscientiously compelled to resign. 
 He left the country and went to the State of Wei. From this 
 State he intended to go to Chen. On the way he had to pass 
 Kwang, where he was taken for Yang Hu, an oppressor of the 
 people. The people of Kwang threatened him with death. 
 He had to return to Wei, where, in 496, he was invited 
 to meet the famous Nantsu. In the following year he went 
 to the State of Tsao (south-west of Shantung). From 
 Tsao he sought to go to Chen. On this journey, when passing 
 Sung, Whan Tui, who was chief official of that State, threat- 
 ened to kill him. Three years thereafter he returned to Wei. 
 where Duke Ling was unable to employ him. He was invited 
 to go to the Court of Tsin, but though willing, was prevented 
 by circumstances. He went west to the Yellow River to the 
 State of Chao. Thence he returned to Wei, whose duke sought 
 to gain from him information on the military condition of 
 Chen. This he refused to give, and departed. In 491 he 
 went to Tsai. 
 
 Just then the ruler of Lu happened to be seriously unwell. 
 Driving in his chariot, he observed with grief the condition 
 of the city. He said to his son, Kangtsu, that he had the 
 opportunity at one time of making Lu a prosperous city, but 
 had driven away Confucius, whom he now recommended his 
 son to summon as his counsellor. By his advice Lu would 
 certainly become prosperous. When he died his son was 
 unable, from the opposition of the other ministers, to call 
 Confucius to his side, but he invited a disciple, Ran Chiw. 
 This was in 489, and Confucius went to Ke. When he was 
 formerly in Chen he was offered a considerable landed estate 
 if he went to be minister in Chu. He was ready to go, but 
 hearing that serious opposition was offered to the grant of 
 land, he did not go, but went to Wei instead, whose duke had 
 meantime died. His son invited him to remain. 
 
 It so happened that just then Ran Chiw had obtained a 
 great victory over the forces of Chi, and ascribed the credit 
 to the instructions of Confucius, whom Duke Kangtsu im- 
 mediately invited to Lu. He went, but no proper post was 
 available. He refused whatever offered, and retired to his 
 private studies. He edited the Shu, transmitted the Li Ki, 
 compiled the Odes, corrected the Music, and made a preface 
 
Confucius, Sketch of Life. 75 
 
 for the Yi king. He exhausted the Diagrams and improved 
 the written characters. His disciples numbered 3000, of whom 
 seventy-two were proficients in all the Six Arts. He had been 
 fourteen years absent from his native State. The literary 
 work mentioned occupied five years. His one original historical 
 work, the Chunchiw, was completed in 481, and in 479 he 
 died. When the Chunchiw was finished, a Lin was caught 
 in the west of Lu. This became a noted date. His body was 
 buried in Weisze, north of the city of Lu. There the whole of 
 his disciples mourned for him during the customary three 
 years. But Tsu Kung remained for other three years, living 
 in a hut, when he too departed. The son of Confucius died 
 before his father. He had left a son Chi, named Tsuszu, 
 who compiled the Chungyung. 
 
 PERSECUTION. 
 
 Chin Shiwhang, after his family had been fighting for cen- 
 turies, welded China into one kingdom in B.C. 221. In 214 
 he built the Long Wall to protect his northern frontier against 
 the attacks of the fierce and restless Huns. 
 
 Next year he caused every particle of the writings which 
 treated of the Confucian method of government to be de- 
 stroyed. He believed, with a long line of predecessors, in 
 force, and had little faith in moral suasion. Like most men 
 who do not believe in a higher form of spirituality, he was a 
 believer in magical methods, and hoped to obtain the pill of 
 immortality, the only immortal feature connected with which is 
 the search for it. He died, succeeded by his son, who came to 
 a speedy end. The Han dynasty took possession of the throne 
 in 206. It was universally known that the late dynasty hated 
 the teachings of Confucius, and had, by its treatment of that 
 teaching, roused the detestation of the better class of Chinese, 
 and had therefore fallen in little more than a dozen years after 
 its establishment. The new dynasty was wise enough to learn 
 the lesson. Measures were taken to show their admiration 
 for Confucius. The first emperor in b.c 195 went to Lu, 
 where he offered the Tailao, or greatest sacrifice to Confucius. 
 Many old men could repeat whole passages from the forbidden 
 books. Some books were restored in their entirety from 
 safe hiding-places. The essentials of the doctrine in its original 
 
76 Education. 
 
 setting were recovered. The name and influence of Confucius 
 were resuscitated. The second Emperor in 190 built Changan 
 as the capital, east of the river, on the west side of which was 
 the capital of Chin. For many years the Huns had been 
 powerful and aggressive, and so continued long after the Han 
 had cleared them out of Shensi. In A. n. 24 Changan was seized 
 and soon after retaken. It was seized a second time, and, 
 like the Chow in similar circumstances, the Han emperor, to 
 secure peace, removed the capital east to Loyang, which he 
 fortified in 25. A temple had to be erected there to his an- 
 cestors, and other business to be transacted which could not be 
 delayed. But in 29 the Emperor visited Lu, and sacrificed 
 at Tai Shan, which had been always associated with imperial 
 worship. On his return to Loyang, he went to inspect the 
 New College, which had just been completed. In 175, the 
 reigning emperor ordered the company of scholars to collate 
 the books then known and to correct the text. When the 
 work of revision was ended, they were commanded to engrave 
 the text of the Five Classics on stone slabs, that the cor- 
 rected version might be handed down to future generations. 
 This was done in three different characters : (1) the Ancient 
 Style, which had been discovered in the wall which had been 
 broken down in the house of Confucius ; (2) the Seal Style 
 invented by Chin Shiwhang ; (3) the Square Style invented by 
 his Minister of Crime. For this purpose forty-six stone tablets 
 were engraved and set upright in front of the college in the 
 capital of Loyang. This immense labour was to ensure perfect 
 accuracy in the transmission of the Classics. 
 
 TITLES. 
 
 It may be of some interest to trace the manner in which 
 Confucius was regarded by successive generations of Chinese 
 rulers. In the fifth century B.C., Duke Ai of Lu styled him 
 Father Ni. In a.d. 1 the Han emperor styled him " Father Ni 
 the Universal." In 486 the title was " The Accomplished Sage 
 Father Ni." The Tang emperor in 637 styled him " Father Ni, 
 the Universal Sage." In 666 the Emperor, returning from 
 Tai Shan, worshipped Confucius at Chufu. In 733 his style 
 was " the Accomplished Universal Prince." In 905 Abaochi, 
 chief of the nomadic tribe of Kitan, in the south-west of 
 Manchuria, assumed the title of Whangti, rejecting the former 
 
Confucius, Sketch op Life. 77 
 
 title of Kokhan, or Khan. The Emperor received his rank 
 from Heaven, and acknowledged the fact by offering special 
 sacrifices to Shangti. Abaochi consulted his ministers as to 
 the manner in which he should make his acknowledgments. 
 They recommended him to acknowledge Buddha as Supreme. 
 His heir objected that Buddha was not a Chinese religion, 
 that Kung Futsu was the great Sage honoured by ten thousand 
 generations. The Emperor was overjoyed, and ordered a 
 temple to be erected in honour of Confucius. It so happened 
 that a temple was then being built for Buddha, and another 
 for Taoism. The three were finished simultaneously. The 
 Emperor worshipped in that to Confucius, his Heir and the 
 Empress in the other two. In 952 the lord of the kingdom of 
 Chow went to Chufu to pay his respects at the temple of 
 Confucius within the city. When about to worship, his 
 minister attendants expostulated, saying that Confucius was 
 worthy to be a high official, but it was not right that the Son 
 of Heaven should worship him. He replied that Confucius 
 was the teacher of the emperors of a hundred generations, 
 and he dared not abstain from worshipping. He then wor- 
 shipped, and repeated it a second time. A descendant of 
 Yen Yuen, the favourite disciple of Confucius, was resident 
 in the city. He was nominated a magistrate of the city and 
 K*corder. The Mongol emperor who was reigning in 1308 
 extended the title to the " Great Complete, Most Sage, Accom- 
 plished, Universal Prince." The Ming dynasty which followed 
 styled him the "Incomparable Teacher," inscribing on his 
 tablet the words, " Honoured of all, the Original and Perfect." 
 The tablet was afterwards called the " Divine Tablet of the 
 Most Sage, Incomparable, Learned, All-Pervading Confucius." 
 In 1645, next year after the occupation of Peking by the 
 Manchus, the title was the " Divine Seat of the Most Wise, 
 Incomparable Sage Confucius." 
 
 While honour to Confucius has been universal by all 
 the dynasties, and published to all men by the worship in 
 every city, the Chinese have never fallen into idolatry in 
 connection with this honour. The incongruity of an image of 
 Confucius or his disciples, with the spirit of their teaching, 
 may have preserved the country from the degradation con- 
 nected with image worship. The Buddhist has fallen into this 
 incongruity. He has multiplied his images against the precept 
 and example of the founder. More strangely have Christians 
 
78 Education. 
 
 dared to make an image to be worshipped of Him whose whole 
 life consisted in proclaiming the spirituality of worship. The 
 Confucianist deserves credit for consistently abstaining from 
 making an image to be worshipped of their great teacher, 
 though ascribing to him the attributes which properly are 
 divine. 
 
 Though Chinese regard Confucius as the incomparable 
 teacher, they have learned to place on an equality with him 
 the Sage of the west, Jesus. They see that Europeans not 
 only reverence Jesus as they reverence Confucius, but worship 
 Him as the Son of God. Intelligent agnostics resent this 
 superiority. The resentment is natural on the part of agnostics, 
 who see no distinction between a Teacher and a Saviour. It 
 was probably on this account that the late able Viceroy, 
 Chang Chihtung, never rested till he persuaded the Empress 
 Dowager to set Confucius on a spiritual pedestal on which he 
 could be worshipped as a deity, and receive the honour of 
 sacrifice by the Emperor when worshipping Heaven. There 
 was no hint of an image. Now that the Revolution has 
 swept away many superstitions, which had lingered in public 
 life after all belief in them had died down, there can scarcely 
 be retrogression. It is to be hoped that while the name of 
 Confucius, as representing the best of Chinese thought, will 
 be always held in reverence, the Chinese will avoid the stupidity 
 of forming an image of him to be worshipped in any degree. 
 
 CHINESE ESTIMATE. 
 
 Though the Chinese mind differs from the western in its 
 critical judgment, it is scarcely consistent with the highest 
 judicial fitness to exclude the estimate by Chinese literary 
 men of what is greatest and best in their own country, and for 
 their own people. There has been in China no man whose 
 teaching was so influential while the teacher was alive, and 
 whose name after his death was so highly honoured and his 
 influence so widespread as those of Confucius. Of his suc- 
 cessors, none exceeds Mencius in clearness of penetration and 
 depth of judgment. 
 
 He flourished two centuries after Confucius, and knew 
 much about his disciples, through whom he had received the 
 Confucian doctrines. His opinion of them was that they were 
 men, all of whom would have attracted thoughtful minds to their 
 court, yet not one was like their master. Three of them had 
 
Confucius, Sketch of Life. 79 
 
 seen and acknowledged the incomparable greatness of their 
 teacher. But, able though they were and good, yet " from the 
 beginning of mankind till now there has been none who can 
 compare with Confucius." Speaking of ancient ministers, he 
 mentioned two who were prominently distinguished, yet they 
 had done some things which Mencius would not have copied. 
 But his chief desire was to imitate Confucius in every detail 
 of his life. Other sages were notable, some for one thing, 
 some for another, but Confucius was like a " full pitched 
 concert." 
 
 When Confucius was passing a certain country he was 
 visited by an official who, after prolonged conversation, left 
 saying to his disciples, " Why do you grieve that your Master 
 is not in public office ? The country has lost the Way, and 
 Heaven is using Confucius to proclaim it, as the public crier 
 makes proclamation by beat of drum." 
 
 At the death of Confucius, his disciples mourned for him 
 throughout the full period. When they packed up their 
 belongings to go home, Tsu Kung decided to remain in a hut 
 for other three years. Bidding him farewell, the others 
 wailed till they had no voice left. This betokened no ordinary 
 teacher. Tsu Kung was himself no common man. Some com- 
 pared him to Confucius, when he replied that he was like a 
 five-foot wall, but Confucius was a wall of scores of feet, over 
 which no one could see. 
 
 The books containing the principles of Confucius were very 
 much alive for centuries after Mencius had passed away. 
 Did those Classics contain merely incidents and sentiments 
 transmitted from the past to satisfy the curiosity and meet 
 the criticism of subsequent ages, the first Emperor of China 
 would not have incurred the trouble, expense, and hostility 
 involved in hunting and casting into the flames all the copies 
 on which he could lay hands, and putting to death numbers 
 of the best men in China who refused to surrender their books. 
 The principles embedded in those books were opposed alike 
 to his method of acquiring power and his methods of admin- 
 istration. They were his most dangerous enemies, whose in- 
 fluence would seriously prejudice his government. They were 
 esteemed not as theory only, but as the practical rule of life 
 and government. Therefore they had to be destroyed. Had 
 the dynasty established by Chin Shi Whang honoured to a 
 certain extent the moral principles of Confucianism, the 
 
80 Education. 
 
 dynasty could have survived a dozen years for every year of 
 its actual existence. 
 
 The Confucian books were no sooner re-established than he 
 was again set upon his pedestal. It may have been policy no 
 less than admiration which induced the Han dynasty to adopt 
 this attitude. It was a wise policy, and by it the dynasty 
 continued to reign for centuries. To this day the Chinese 
 people pride themselves on being the " children of Han." 
 Since then his supremacy has been unquestioned. Succeeding 
 ages made it more prominent. Since his time the Chinese have 
 had great thinkers, men of exceptional talent, of critical minds, 
 whose judgment no student can afford to ignore. All without 
 exception agree in doing homage to him, the one man of China. 
 
 One reason which may partly account for depreciation of 
 him is that he left no writing worthy of the name. His dis- 
 ciples pleaded with him to dictate to them in his own 
 language the doctrines which he taught them orally. This 
 he refused for some reason to do. The only original 
 work of his is the " Spring and Autumn Annals," which 
 has absolutely no style. It is as flat as a street of 
 Caithness paving-stones. The age was an evil one. He put 
 on record some public events concerning the State of Lu, 
 covering a period of more than two centuries. The events 
 recorded bore on the morality of government and were ex- 
 pressed in the briefest possible number of words. Yet this 
 little volume is said to have made a great impression on the 
 rulers of the period. The style of Mencius is good, and his 
 mode of reasoning will compare with that of the philosophers 
 of the west. The style of Szema Kuang in his voluminous 
 history reminds one of the stately and voluptuous measure 
 of Macaulay. But Chinese have never hesitated to place those 
 as well as all other works on a plane beneath that of Con- 
 fucius. Yet he wrote no treatise, elaborated no system, left 
 no materials even to form an authoritative foundation for a 
 philosophical work. 
 
 NO SPECULATION. 
 
 His work was that of editor. The principles of his editing 
 are exemplified in what he omitted, perhaps even more sug- 
 gestively than in what he has recorded. He has ruthlessly 
 excluded, without apology, the loads of mythical story with 
 which the ancient history of China introduces the beginnings 
 
Confucius, Sketch of Life. 81 
 
 of things. He does mention a few semi-mythical names, but 
 each story has a moral for the rulers and the people of his 
 time. It would be ungenerous to insinuate that he colours 
 with his own ideas much of what he ascribes to the heroes of 
 the olden time, but we must ascribe to him the design of re- 
 cording, for the purpose of providing examples to be followed 
 or beacons to be avoided, the incidents of the very early times 
 with which Ms history begins. In the exclusion of the my- 
 thical we have a clue to his system of teaching. This clue is 
 No Speculation. He will have nothing but facts, and only 
 such facts as speak out their clear message to men in their 
 relationship as social beings. He disclaimed the r61e of keen 
 visioned prophet who could penetrate the future. He would 
 not soar on the wings of speculation to surprise or to dazzle 
 his contemporaries. His character was that of the diligent 
 and earnest student of the past to learn its lessons for the 
 present. In his literary work he had one aim. That aim 
 was Utility. 
 
 There is a school whose motto is " Art for Art's sake." 
 Art is an end in itself, and has no business to inquire what 
 the results are on the moral, mental, or physical condition of 
 man. They forget that Art, when indifferent to morality, is 
 unmoral, if not immoral, and that it terminates in the de- 
 cadence of those influenced by it as in ancient Greece and 
 " modern instances." Again, criticism for the sake of criticism 
 degenerates into the display of cleverness. If in literature 
 there be found writings whose tendency is to debase the moral 
 nature of man, to emasculate his mind, to deprave his tastes, 
 degrade his manners, or to brutalize his conduct, the over- 
 throw of such literature is a boon to humanity. But in the 
 case of a literature whose lessons are ennobling, whose ideals 
 always urge men ever upward and onward in the way of liberty, 
 of progress in all that tends to mental or physical improve- 
 ment, the critic who exercises his skill or ingenuity to under- 
 mine the influence of it is guilty of injuring the human race 
 just in proportion to his success in enfeebling the lessons and 
 destroying the ideals. Literature cannot be neutral. 
 
 For what is the end of literature ? The answer sometimes 
 is that literature is style, and applicable not to the matter, 
 but to the manner of writing. Style in literature is like 
 colour in Art. Colour is applied, according to Confucius, only 
 after the ground is prepared. Colour in Art and style m 
 
82 Education. 
 
 writing are of that sort of beauty which is said to be skin deep. 
 Beneath the skin is the substantial body in accordance with 
 whose lines and nature beauty is more or less lasting. Literary 
 form is important only in proportion to the value of the sub- 
 stance enclosed in the form. The noblest effect of literature 
 is not to amuse, but to instruct ; the former is a passing 
 cloud, the latter a fertilising shower. Confucius was parti- 
 cular as to the language he employed, for the "skin of a 
 tiger or leopard divested of its hair is like the skin of a sheep 
 or a dog with its hair off." Good literature provides one of 
 the great pleasures of life, but the real purpose of literature 
 is the improvement of mankind. The more agreeable its form 
 the better it is adapted to its purpose. Confucius believed 
 the best form to be that which sets forth most clearly and 
 unmistakably the meaning of the writer. His own editorial 
 work was to record the thought and action of the past for the 
 use of the present and the future. It was not in order to em- 
 balm the memory of the dead, but by the lessons from the 
 dead to exhort the living. The past can be seen in a com- 
 pleted form ; we see the beginning, the course, and the ending 
 of action as we cannot see it in contemporary events. From 
 history we are able to infer how a given course of action is 
 likely to terminate. Conduct of a similar character is likely 
 to produce similar results. This is the key to the attitude of 
 Confucius on literature. He was as insistent on studying the 
 best in the literature of the past in order to attain the highest 
 possible development of human nature, as the most ardent 
 apostle of culture in our own day. On the necessity for polite- 
 ness he was more emphatic than modern culture-worshippers. 
 In this respect his words and example have exerted a potent 
 influence upon the literary men of China from his time to the 
 present. There more perhaps than in other lands has culture 
 been made the standard of life. In no other country can the 
 influence of culture apart from living religion be more ad- 
 vantageously studied, for there it has produced the best that 
 man can attain by his own innate and independent powers. 
 The culture of the west has borrowed its altruism, its morality, 
 and most of its vital teaching from Christianity. When 
 examined apart from the prejudices common to all uncultured 
 people coming in contact with a civilisation different from 
 their own, culture has no reason to be ashamed of its fruits 
 
Confucius, Sketch of Life. 83 
 
 in China. Independently of Christianity, no system of philo- 
 sophy can anywhere show results comparable to what culture 
 has done for China. The lessons of her great teacher of culture 
 demand therefore a sympathetic hearing from the cultured 
 folk of other lands. The man of culture will be the first to dis- 
 cover by the careful study of those teachings the reason why 
 Confucius is to this day regarded as the incomparable teacher 
 by all the learned of the most populous kingdom in the world. 
 
 SUBJECTS OF LECTURE. 
 
 If he wrote no treatise on the subjects on which he taught, 
 his speech enforcing and explaining them was endless. His 
 method of instruction was lecturing. On some matters he 
 refused to lecture. These were four : — (1) The Strange ; (2) 
 Physical Force ; (3) Disorder or Anarchy ; (4) The Spirit World. 
 On five subjects his speech was endless : — (1) Humaneness ; 
 
 (2) Integrity ; (3) Propriety ; (4) Knowledge ; (5) Truth. 
 In connection with (3) were the duties inherent in the Five 
 Relations : — (1) Sovereign and Minister ; (2) Father and Son ; 
 
 (3) Husband and Wife ; (4) Elder and Younger Brother ; (5) 
 Friends. The systematic collection of his teaching was not 
 his work ; it was done long after his time by disciples who 
 had heard the discourses. These groups of words were, 
 however, the texts on which was based the teaching of his 
 life. No connected discourse exists on any of these subjects. 
 What remains is but an infinitesimal portion of what he taught. 
 It consists of terse, epigrammatic, or antithetic gems in isola- 
 tion, phrases or sentences wrenched out of their context and 
 embalmed in the memory by their own intrinsic force, beauty, 
 or novelty. The phrases retained were not only memorable, 
 but clearly understood from the circumstances in which they 
 were uttered. One of his ablest disciples has recorded that 
 his numerous discourses on Human Nature and the Decree of 
 Heaven were beyond the comprehension of the hearers. These 
 are completely lost, except a few fragments made prominent 
 by the circumstances in which they were spoken. This acknow- 
 ledgment of ignorance indicates, however, that he was not 
 so reticent on the subject of Religion as he is sometimes re- 
 presented. 
 
 That bis lectures and expositions were of an exceptional 
 
84 Education. 
 
 character is evidenced by the impression produced on his 
 contemporaries. His disciples adored him. Kings and 
 princes honoured him while he was alive and worshipped 
 him after his death, even when they did not accept him as 
 guide. Every succeeding age of scholars has acknowledged 
 the unique character of the man. Discarding speculation, 
 and disclaiming the name, or fame of novelty in philosophy 
 or political principles, he had one aim in life. He dug deep 
 in the annals of the forgotten past and unfolded principles of 
 ethics and politics most surely believed by- the great and good 
 whose names were the heritage of the Chinese people. The 
 principles were not novel, as the human relations were not 
 new ; but the phraseology employed and the illustrations 
 used to explain and enforce them were new, or they would 
 not have been so impressive. 
 
 Thus have we traced four elements characteristic of his 
 teaching : — (1) his remarkable knowledge of antiquity, from 
 the time of the Hia dynasty ; (2) his familiarity with all 
 details of Ceremonial bearing upon Propriety ; (3) his uncom- 
 promising integrity ; (4) the keenness of his intellect in revealing 
 the fundamentals of ethics and politics, and his ability to apply 
 them practically for the wellbeing of all classes of the com- 
 munity, privately and socially, in the establishment and 
 administration of laws, in the exposition and proper discharge 
 of the relative duties. For all forms of duty he found a basis 
 in Reverence. He was notably free from the superstitions 
 of his time and country. He was said to be without prejudices, 
 foregone conclusions, obstinacy and egoism, willing and able 
 to learn from the most humble individuals. He did not claim 
 the superhuman abilities and excellences which his country- 
 men have ascribed to him. He did not pretend to have intui- 
 tive knowledge of his doctrines. On the contrary, he claims to 
 have derived them from hard study. He was not a Sage nor 
 a man of Humaneness, though he strove without weariness to 
 attain that character. He did claim to be the equal of any 
 man in literature, but did not presume to be a " noble " man, 
 able to embody his knowledge fully in his life. He regretted 
 his inability to do always what was virtuous, to follow the 
 right and correct the wrong. He could not serve in perfec- 
 tion dukes and high officials in public, nor his father and elder 
 
Confucius, Sketch of Life. 85 
 
 brother at home. He was unable to exert his utmost in 
 mourning, to treasure up knowledge in silence, to learn without 
 fatigue, or to instruct without weariness. 
 
 To Music he attached great importance. The Odes arouse 
 the mind, Propriety makes it steadfast, but Music completes 
 character. When in the kingdom of Chi he heard the music 
 called Shao. Its perfection was such that for the following 
 three months he was unable to eat meat. The music called 
 Kwanswi was joyous but not licentious, mournful without 
 excessive grief. He disliked the light music of Ching. Good 
 government should cultivate the Shao, and banish the Ching, 
 along with glib-tongued men. The songs of Ching were 
 licentious, and glib-tongued men dangerous. After his return 
 from Wei he paid considerable attention to the music of Court 
 and people, editing and amending both. 
 
86 Edttcatiok. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 CONFUCIUS, RELIGION. 
 
 So great was the importance attached by Confucius to 
 Ceremonialism as emblematic of and conducive to order in 
 public government and in private life, that some students 
 suppose him to have been agnostic on all religious subjects. 
 The scanty references to Religion in his recorded teaching lend 
 some authority to this inference. On the other hand are 
 students who make his system one of Three Religions accepted 
 by Chinese. This opinion is based on an erroneous translation. 
 The word translated " Religion " should be translated " In- 
 struction." The system to the teaching of which he devoted 
 his life is purely Politico-ethical. To discover his attitude 
 towards Religion one has to dig beneath the surface, but it 
 is a matter which demands and repays thorough research. 
 
 Among the great teachers of mankind, Confucius seems to 
 me to stand in a category by himself. In Greece, in India, 
 in Arabia, philosophic teachers reasoned on ethics and politics, 
 but in their practical teaching there was in every instance a 
 mixture of unsubstantial speculation on matters invisible. 
 /Confucius, on the contrary, rejected everything savouring of 
 speculation. Scraps from his teaching on all subjects were 
 eagerly treasured by his disciples. But they never caught 
 him tripping, even informally, in the ways of opinions which 
 he could not substantiate. " No speculation " is the prin- 
 ciple underlying every one of his expressed sentiments. Yet 
 a thinker so powerful, of such untiring diligence, must have 
 had his times of indulging in speculation, especially as his 
 mind was essentially analytic and inquisitive. But these specu- 
 lations he kept strictly locked away in the darkest corners of 
 his mind. One aphorism of his bears on this characteristic. 
 At is, closely translated, " to know that you know, and to know 
 that you do not know, that is knowledge." This conception 
 
Confucius, Religion. 87 
 
 of knowledge excludes everything unsupported by indisput- 
 able fact, or incontrovertible reasons. Mere guess work, or 
 theories based on mental clouds, he disdainfully ignored. 
 This principle of "no speculation " is exemplified in and 
 explanatory of the Lunyu, or " Selections." If the principle 
 is understood it becomes a key to open the door into his mind 
 on Religion. 
 
 He was free from preconceived prejudices. From the 
 time when he began to learn with intelligence to the end of 
 his life he was continually bent on the acquisition of know- 
 ledge, and believed it no disgrace to ask for information from 
 all sorts and conditions of men, though they might be his 
 inferiors intellectually and by education. When the subject 
 under investigation became clear beyond the possibility of 
 question, he knew that he knew it, and felt thenceforth free 
 to teach it. 
 
 In the remarkable passage in which he informed his dis- 
 ciples of his gradual growth in learning, experience, and know- 
 ledge, he said that the love of study took possession of him 
 in his fifteenth year. Then he began to learn the characters 
 in which were entombed the great past of his forefathers. 
 He began to meditate and inquire, making the acquisition of 
 knowledge the one overmastering aim of his life. He began 
 to use his eyes with discrimination. At first he believed 
 every man's word. As he grew older he became more in- 
 quisitive, critical, and sceptical. He learned to look for 
 conduct corresponding to words. He noticed human life 
 around, with all its complexities, its wants and their gratifi- 
 cation. He meditated on what he read and on what he saw 
 in social life. He observed the wonderful variety combined 
 with harmony of living beings on earth. He saw the goodness 
 and wickedness of human life, with its mixture of happiness 
 and misery. At thirty the amount of his digested knowledge 
 was such that on many subjects he had no mental hesitancy. 
 But instead of resting satisfied, he was the more eager to make 
 further inroads on the domain of those subjects which he 
 knew he did not know. His thirst for knowledge was no less, 
 but he had come to learn that action was at least as import- 
 ant as accurate knowledge, or the investigation which secured 
 it. From that time he endeavoured to guide his life in accord- 
 
88 Education. 
 
 ance with the knowledge which he had acquired. He re- 
 solved to embody in practice what he had concluded was 
 right. Such was his progress that at forty he was free from 
 doubt or hesitancy. He saw truths not as isolated fragments, 
 but as separate entities connected by underlying principles, 
 which tended to unify them. At length all his perplexities 
 came to an end. At fifty he came to the definite conclusion 
 that all happens by the Decree of Heaven. He discovered 
 that behind the apparent diversities and contradictions in 
 human affairs, in terrestrial and celestial phenomena, there 
 was, invisible to the thoughtless, a Divine purpose, silently, 
 unostentatiously but surely, rough hewing all events to one 
 intelligent and righteous end. He recognised that all beings 
 and all affairs are completely under the control of Almighty 
 and All-knowing Heaven. No event happens by chance. 
 Nothing great or small occurs without the directing will and 
 control of Heaven. This outcome of his studious life brought 
 him into line with the basis of the Original Religion of China, 
 viz., that everything depended on the Decree of Heaven. 
 
 When passing through the State of Wei, the Duke sought 
 his advice on the Art of war, which was then chronic between 
 the States. He replied that from his youth he had applied 
 himself to study the meaning of the sacrificial vessels, and had 
 not studied the Art of war, on which he could not, therefore, 
 express any opinion. He refused to give positive answers to 
 questions on the abnormal, on force, on anarchy, and on the 
 spirit world. He spoke of the common, not the abnormal; 
 of virtue, not of force ; of orderly government, not of anarchy ; 
 of man, not of the spirit world. To the question how one 
 could best serve the spirits of the dead, he replied, " If you 
 fail completely to fulfil your duties to the living, how can 
 you serve the spirits ? " These instances suffice to illustrate 
 his principle of " no speculation." The subject must be 
 cloudlessly clear in his mind before he was satisfied that he 
 knew and could teach it. The movements, imaginings, and 
 questions, unsubstantial, incapable of logical demonstration, 
 or lacking the evidence of facts in the underground depths of 
 his mind, he would voice not even to his favourite pupil or to 
 his son. This principle is adequate explanation of much 
 that was enigmatical or seemingly unreasonable in his refusal 
 to reply to some grave questions. 
 
CoNi-trcitrs, Religion. 89 
 
 Of these the most important were about the condition of 
 man after death, and of the spirits, whether of ancestors or 
 of heroes, worshipped by the people. The Odes were largely 
 composed of descriptions of sacrifices offered to these. They 
 entered fully into the life of the people. He was familiar 
 with the beliefs and practices of the ancients in connection 
 with them. The book of Odes was his favourite study. The 
 few statements made by him regarding the spirits prove that 
 he had thought deeply on the subject. The Odes teach that 
 the spirits of ancestors exist, that they come and go, that 
 they are now in Heaven, anon on earth, now present and again 
 absent. But though the views and practices of the ancients 
 are to him sacred, he had failed to attain full conviction of 
 the actual existence of spirits, and of their presence among 
 men. He therefore refused to answer questions regarding 
 the spirit world. He would not publish opinions for dogmas, 
 nor unsettle the minds of others by the doubtings of his own. 
 His teaching was uncompromisingly utilitarian. He con- 
 tinued, however, the ancient custom of pouring out a libation 
 to the spirits when about to partake of food, and to offer the 
 sacrifices handed down from ancestors, though he professed 
 ignorance of their significance. This homage to ancient custom 
 was no evidence of belief. He did not object to serve the 
 spirits by sacrifice, provided such offerings did not interfere 
 with the routine of the duties of normal life. The mutual 
 relations of man to -man were always with us, and always 
 insistent on attention. If spirits did take an intelligent in- 
 terest in the doings of their descendants, they could not be 
 displeased with those descendants if, while not neglecting the 
 customary offerings, they were careful to discharge the duties 
 devolving on them towards the living. His principles and 
 practice would oppose such customs as exist in the Greek and 
 Roman Catholic Churches connected with the numerous 
 saints' days which claim so many days of idleness in the 
 year. 
 
 But, though deprecating as unwise much mental dis- 
 traction, devotion of time or sacrifice of means in service to 
 the unseen spirits, he demanded the retention of the ancient 
 ceremonial and devout sincerity in whatever services were 
 rendered. The ruler of a State offered officially a sheep at 
 
90 Education. 
 
 the tomb of his ancestors on the first day of the twelfth moon. 
 Confucius in his teaching did not give as much prominence as 
 the ancients to the service of the spirits ; his disciples may 
 therefore have concluded that he considered it a matter of minor 
 importance. One of them expressed the opinion that the 
 offering of a sheep was a useless waste. Confucius rebuked 
 him, because he made the sheep of more consequence than 
 the ceremonial. 
 
 But no man had any business to offer sacrifices to the 
 ancestors of other people in the hope of obtaining extra bene- 
 fits. This was a work of officious supererogation. More 
 serious still was the offence of him who offered sacrifice to the 
 spirits of the ancestors of men of higher rank than himself. 
 Contrary to this rule, an official, Li, had offered sacrifice to 
 the god of the mountain, Tai Shan. This sacrifice was the 
 special prerogative of the emperor, or of the ruler of Lu. 
 Confucius denounced the crime as so serious that the offender 
 could find no place for prayer, for he had offended against 
 the Decree of Heaven, which had bestowed on emperor and 
 duke their rank and office. 
 
 In every sacrifice rendered to the spirits, Sincerity was 
 indispensable. Though not without some appearance of incon- 
 sistency between some of his own conduct and his teaching, 
 he insisted that sincerity was an essential element, leavening 
 the whole of a good man's life. One without sincerity was 
 useless as a cart without a yoke. So much importance did he 
 attach to it, that he declared the sacrifice to be no sacrifice 
 if offered by deputy when the descendant of the object of 
 worship was able to discharge the duty himself. He also de- 
 manded that whatever the belief of the worshipper, his offer- 
 ing must be made as devoutly, and the ceremonial observed 
 as completely, as though he knew for a certainty that the 
 spirits were present. In all this there was a mental hesitancy 
 so decided that we can quite understand why, acting on his 
 fundamental principle, he declined to answer questions of mere 
 curiosity concerning the spirits of the unseen world. The 
 same process of reasoning explains his reticence on theories 
 regarding death. 
 
 That he avoided all dubiety and speculation in his oral 
 teaching is further attested by the nature of the subjects which 
 
Confucius, Religion. 91 
 
 he commonly and emphatically did teach. These are men- 
 tioned as a series of subjects on which the " noble " man 
 thinks cautiously and acts with deliberation. There are nine 
 subjects which claim his whole-hearted attention : — (1) he 
 seeks clearness of vision in what he sees ; (2) to understand 
 what he hears ; (3) to be gentle in manner ; (4) to regard 
 others with respect ; (5) to be truthful in speech ; (6) to be 
 reverent in serving ; (7) to think of difficulties when angry ; 
 (8) to investigate when in doubt ; (9) to think of righteous- 
 ness when gain presents itself. These subjects are so univer- 
 sal in their application that every man is everywhere and 
 always affected by them. On these he had meditated so that 
 he knew that he knew them. They were the subjects of his 
 ordinary teaching. 
 
 HEAVEN. 
 
 But the reasoning which explains his refusal to discuss 
 ancestral spirits and death does not apply to what seems to 
 be his intentional neglect of dogmatic instruction on the 
 Decree of Heaven and on Religion. The statements quoted 
 below show how full-hearted was his faith in the relation of 
 man to, and his dependence upon, the invisible over-ruling 
 Power called Heaven. For the guidance of his own private 
 life he accepted in its entirety the dogmatism of the Original 
 Religion of China concerning Heaven and the Decree of Heaven. 
 The careful study of these statements leads to the conclusion 
 that it was no mental hesitancy which caused him to abstain 
 from dogmatic teaching regarding the All Ruler. 
 
 When Confucius visited the State of Wei, he was invited 
 to interview the wife of the duke who was reputed to be living 
 a disorderly life. He accepted the invitation. One of his 
 disciples blamed him because it was improper for him to visit 
 such a woman. To him the visit seemed probably one purely of 
 ceremony. He replied that if his visit had been contrary to the 
 principles of propriety, and in contravention of the Way, 
 Heaven would forsake him. This statement justifies the 
 supposition of a commentator that he may have had some 
 hopes of winning the woman to a better life, for why if un- 
 willing to change should she have sent for him whose character 
 and opinions were universally known. To us the incident is 
 
92 Education. 
 
 valuable as an indication of his belief in the continuous wit- 
 nessing presence of the Supreme, and in His intelligent and 
 just reward of every act. 
 
 On one occasion, when he was unwell and supposed to be 
 dying, one disciple nominated another to be an official, so that 
 should their master die, his obsequies would be those of a 
 high official. On recovering he rebuked his too zealous 
 disciples, asking how they had dared to lie in treating him 
 who was no great official as though he were one. Whom did 
 they attempt to deceive by their action ? Could they cheat 
 Heaven ? Heaven knew all things, and man in all things 
 should be true. To an exclamation of his that no man knew 
 him, one responded, " What, not know Confucius ? " He 
 replied that he understood the affairs of men below and in- 
 vestigated the principles of Heaven above. In all this no man 
 understood him, but, he added emphatically, " Heaven under- 
 stands me." He did not always succeed in getting his own 
 way, which he believed to be the right way, yet he did not 
 murmur against Heaven, who had thwarted him, nor blame 
 men when they differed from and opposed him. This, 
 however, was no cause of grief to him, because Heaven 
 knew him. 
 
 The noble man entertains fear regarding three things. 
 He fears the Decree, the Law, and the Sayings of the Sage. 
 The fear of the Decree was not an empty dread. It is the fear 
 of trespassing in any way against the will of Heaven, or of 
 neglecting to meet its claims. If he oppose or fail to observe 
 it, he turns his back on Heaven, and Heaven will cast him off. 
 His fear makes wilful disobedience impossible, and acts as a 
 stimulus to exert his utmost in observing the principles which 
 are binding always and everywhere. But it is the noble man 
 who is influenced by this fear. The " mean " man may know 
 about the Decree and the principles, but he will not fear it 
 nor observe them. 
 
 A disciple was lamenting the fact that while all the others 
 had brothers, he had none. His fellow-disciples checked him, 
 saying, " Don't you remember the master saying that ' Birth 
 and death are by Decree, wealth and honour are the gifts of 
 Heaven ? ' " If birth is by Decree, it follows that the Decree 
 precedes the birth, and if decreed the birth cannot but follow. 
 
Confucius, Religion. 93 
 
 If not decreed, there can be no birth. Knowing this, the noble 
 man will honour and submit to the will of Heaven and re- 
 frain from murmuring. If birth and death are by Decree as 
 well as all the conditions between these extremes, the noble 
 man shall guide his life according to this belief . His conduct 
 will be always reverent. He will be respectful to man, and 
 act consistently with the dictates of propriety. Then shall 
 all men within the limits of the four seas be his brethren. 
 He can have no reason to grieve that he has no brothers. 
 
 Whan Tui, chief minister of the State of Sung, plotted to 
 kill Confucius when he was teaching his disciples under the 
 shade of a tree. Because of that hostility, the disciples urged 
 him to flee. He replied, " This talent was given to me by 
 Heaven, what then can Whan Tui do to me ? " Heaven 
 having imposed upon him a duty which was intended for the 
 well-being of mankind, would not fail him while he was in the 
 way of discharging it. If Heaven did not wish to destroy it, 
 what foe could injure bim ? This was his way of saying that 
 he was immortal till his work was done. A belief such as 
 this is conducive to peace of heart, says a commentator, 
 but does not nullify the duty of exerting oneself to avoid 
 danger. 
 
 On the death of Yen Yuen, his favourite disciple, he cried 
 out in deepest grief, " Heaven destroys me ! Heaven destroys 
 me!" This disciple could from a few words deduce a prin- 
 ciple. When he understood any practical truth he applied 
 it with all diligence to his daily life. In learning, in natural 
 abilities, and in the practical application of his knowledge, 
 he was superior to his fellow-disciples. Confucius anticipated 
 that after his own death Yuen would carry on his work. He 
 was not anxious about the death of his body, but was deeply 
 concerned about the transmission of his doctrine, which 
 made for the well-being of humanity. Now that Heaven had 
 called away his young disciple, he became hopeless about 
 the future of that doctrine, and in anguish of soul cried out 
 that Heaven was destroying him. 
 
 An official in the State of Kwang was hated on account of 
 bis oppression of the people. When Confucius was travelling 
 in the neighbourhood of that State, he was taken for that 
 official, to whom he bore a remarkable resemblance. A band 
 
94 Education. 
 
 of men surrounded him for five days, threatening to take his 
 life. He encouraged his terrified disciples, saying that the 
 learning which embodied the true doctrine was once entrusted 
 to King Wen and Duke Chow. By Decree of Heaven it was 
 now in his possession. If Heaven had desired the destruc- 
 tion of the doctrine why was he put in charge of it ? If Heaven 
 desired the survival of that doctrine the men who were clam- 
 ouring against him could do no harm. 
 
 At another court a minister, Bai Liao, was persecuting the 
 doctrine. A follower angrily threatened to denounce the 
 persecutor in the public market and the magisterial court. 
 Confucius said, " If the doctrine is to succeed, its success 
 will be owing to the Decree ; if it is to perish, its fate will 
 depend on the Decree. With this Decree what has Bai Liao 
 to do ? " His belief implied that even if the persecution 
 should banish the doctrine from court, the success of the 
 persecution would have been already decided by the Decree 
 of Heaven. 
 
 His disciples were anxious to retain in writing an accurate 
 representation of his doctrine, and requested him to dictate 
 to them the exact verbiage which would most accurately em- 
 body the truth for permanent use. He objected, and to an 
 exclamation of surprise said, " Heaven does not speak." 
 They were allowed to ponder over the answer, and to discover 
 that without verbal utterance the principles of Heaven were 
 patent to every earnest thinker. The seasons revolve in 
 order, all sorts of beings are born, each at its own time and 
 its due season. Heaven speaks not, but is revealed by the 
 heavens above and the earth beneath, by the wonderful rule 
 of law in the infinite variety and fundamental harmony of 
 the working of nature. 
 
 One statement of his has been a perennial puzzle to the 
 materialistic commentators from the tenth century down. 
 Once when very seriously unwell a disciple asked his per- 
 mission to go in his name to pray for recovery by offering 
 sacrifices to the spirits of heaven and earth. He replied, 
 " My praying has been of old." Commentators have ex- 
 plained that his prayer consisted of a blameless life, which 
 required no prayer to deprecate the wrath, nor sacrifice to 
 secure the goodwill of, the spirits. Such an exposition could 
 
Confucius, Religion. 95 
 
 be satisfactory only to men ready to silence difficult questions 
 by a little bit of self-deception. What the significance was 
 of his " praying of old " is less enigmatical to those who 
 examine it in the light of the preceding sentences, which 
 show his faith to be undoubting in an all-powerful, ever- 
 present, all-ruling Providence. His trust in the interference 
 on his behalf of that same Providence is clearly evident. His 
 praying was of a kind unknown to and unseen by his disciples. 
 Prayer by the means of offerings through the medium of 
 ritual was to him no prayer at all. His praying had been unseen 
 of men because it was in sincerity of heart before Him who, 
 without the medium of words, reads the desires of the heart. 
 
 It seems clear from the preceding statements that he 
 entertained no shadow of doubt in the ceaseless and benefi- 
 cent activity of the Power that makes for Righteousness. 
 He was a convinced believer who trusted in God with devoted 
 reverence and unquestioning confidence in times of danger 
 as of peace. With this' unmistakable evidence of the re- 
 ligious character of Confucius, the question will still more 
 urgently press itself upon us, Why did he abstain from 
 teaching religious dogma to his disciples ? 
 
 There are two ways of answering this question. The first 
 is based on the fundamental principle of his teaching. The 
 Being and the character of God are not known in the same 
 sense as mathematical subjects are known. They cannot be 
 proved as it can be that two and two make four. The evi- 
 dence is circumstantial. It is based on probability. Hence, 
 though his mind was free from doubt, his reason could not 
 avoid some degree of that speculation which he had so com- 
 pletely rejected. To myself this is explanation sufficient. 
 
 But there is another more likely reason. It is traceable 
 not to him, but to his disciples. In the Four books we 
 have the memorabilia preserved because of some peculiarity. 
 On certain subjects he refused to speak. They were strange 
 phenomena, deeds of mere strength, rebellious disorder, and 
 supernatural beings, whether subordinate deities or spirits of the 
 departed ancestors. It is recorded that he lectured commonly 
 on the Odes, History, Propriety, and Ceremonial, of which lec- 
 tures the merest scraps remain from the teaching of a couple 
 of score years. He lectured much on general literature and 
 
96 Education. 
 
 culture, which the disciples understood. But they declare 
 that many lectures on Human Nature and the Decree of 
 Heaven they did not understand. This chink lets us into 
 the secret. Numerous lectures spread over many years are 
 completely lost because they were not understood. The 
 disciples could condense into crisp sentences what they under- 
 stood. The deeper subjects which they did not understand 
 could not be thus treated, and he refused their request to 
 dictate the very words which would express his teaching on 
 Human Nature and the Decree. Hence these great subjects 
 are represented by a few references which were made intelli- 
 gible by the circumstances in which they were uttered. If, 
 then, so little exists of his teaching about the Supreme 
 Ruler, it is simply because the disciples failed to understand 
 his speech. Did some of that unrecorded lore not pass 
 down to Mencius, who treated so fully and so clearly of human 
 nature ? We must also take into account, what is usually 
 ignored, that Confucius was responsible for the verbiage of 
 the Shu, which, for a period of over a thousand years, reveals 
 the purest monotheism (see " Original Religion of China"). 
 Consistently with the reverence which forbade him to name 
 his sovereign, he invariably uses the name Heaven instead 
 of the personal name Supreme Ruler. Throughout Chinese 
 history the two are synonymous. 
 
 Carelessness alone can claim Confucius as an agnostic. 
 It was no fault of his that the philosophers of the Sung dynasty 
 adopted agnosticism, to do which they had to misinterpret 
 the passages on the Decree of Heaven which stared at them from 
 out the Classics. 
 
 Confucius was not puzzled with the problem of Job. He 
 accepted life as it appeared. The bad man suffers and suffers 
 justly. The good man also suffers, but he will not say, like 
 Job, that he suffers unjustly. He leaves the unravelling of 
 the knot with God who is essentially good. There, too, Job 
 had ultimately to leave it. 
 
 Confucius and his disciples were travelling once when they 
 fell short of food. The disciples expressed surprise that 
 a good man should be allowed to suffer want. He replied 
 that a good man may suffer want, but if a mean man 
 suffered want he would become lawless. The bad man 
 rebels, the good man submits to the will of Heaven. In 
 
Confucius, Religion. 97 
 
 judging him, we must remember that Confucius is not only 
 imperfectly reported, but that he lived in the sixth century 
 B.C., and possessed the illumination only which came from 
 the founders of the Chow dynasty six centuries before his 
 time. 
 
 Collating the sentences commented on above, with much 
 cognate matter which has to be omitted in this book, we 
 may summarise the creed revealed by them as follows : — 
 God, or Heaven, is the Creator, personal, intelligent, all-wise, 
 just, good, long-suffering, ceaselessly caring for His creatures, 
 interfering to protect them from enemies however powerful, 
 witness of all events in the deepest darkness as at noonday. 
 In all this he was a man of faith, and because of all this he was 
 a man of prayer. His creed concerning himself was that God 
 made him, endowed him with certain qualities of mind and 
 body, bestowed upon him a nature which was essentially 
 good, for God being good could give him no other. God was 
 always with him, and would, while his life was of use to his 
 fellow-men, protect him from serious danger. His duty and 
 desire, therefore, were while he had a being to use the mind 
 and the body which God had given him with all their en- 
 dowments to carry out God's will among men. He believed 
 that will to be the moral and physical improvement of mankind. 
 His duty could be discharged by imparting to men the prin- 
 ciples the knowledge of which he had acquired. When his 
 task was completed God would, at His own time, call him 
 hence, where and when he could not discover, but left unhesi- 
 tatingly with the Supreme Ruler. We cannot refrain from 
 thinking that this noble soul, so richly endowed, with so exalted 
 an estimate of truth and duty, must have often pondered 
 over the passage in his favourite Odes : " King Wen is above 
 in the immediate presence of God." 
 
 But in the world on which had fallen moral and intellectual 
 blindness, and was guided by a spirit of materialism and 
 brute force, bis religion was a matter between bis secret heart 
 and God. It was manifested in the unceasing desire to regulate 
 his life so as to gain the goodwill of the Just One, who was 
 good and would tolerate no evil. His faith was shown not 
 in creed and ritual, but in the words and works of his daily life. 
 Out of thick darkness he appeared a comet, and the pale light 
 emitted by him has come down even to our time. Compared 
 
98 Education. 
 
 ■with his contemporaries in Canaan, may we not conclude 
 that he was one of those who " in every nation fearing God 
 and working righteousness are accepted of Him " ? Here 
 we have a man and a system so closely related to Christianity 
 that the missionary will find in them the most powerful lever- 
 age with which to raise the Chinese people into the blazing 
 light of the fullness of knowledge of God as the Father of 
 mercies, whose love is over all His works and underlies and 
 embraces all His character. 
 
Early Books. 99 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 Early Books. 
 
 Books are inseparably connected with letters. Of the 
 number of books in China and the subjects of them there is no 
 end. Here it is intended only to give the Chinese account of 
 the utility of books, and of the rise of, and reason for, some 
 of the classics which have been the study and the guide of 
 China, and reveal the secret of her civilisation and long per- 
 sistence. 
 
 When the illiterate Manchus entered Peking as conquerors 
 in 1644, they invited a company of eminent Chinese scholars 
 to join them in providing a Manchu translation of the prin- 
 cipal Chinese classics. To accompany this translation they 
 issued a " Complete Commentary " in 1735, for which they 
 drew up a good historical and explanatory preface. In it they 
 state that in the early days there were no errors. Truth was 
 was clear as the sun in a cloudless sky, so that books on ethical 
 subjects were not required. In the decadence of the Chow 
 dynasty learning was neglected, instruction despised, manners 
 and customs degraded. Then appeared Confucius, who made 
 it his life-work to unfold truth and to combat error. As no 
 ruler was at once wise and good enough to patronise him, 
 he was obliged to depend on his own unaided scholarship 
 and energy. By oral teaching and by editing of the good 
 literature of the past on law, customs, and ceremonial, he 
 provided a guide for all future ages. Nevertheless, though he 
 had taught three thousand students, his doctrines were, after 
 his death, in danger of falling into oblivion. One of his 
 disciples compiled a treatise founded on his lectures, which 
 he called the "Great Learning," or learning for men. 
 This disciple was the teacher of the grandson of Confucius, 
 in whose time errors were so boldly proclaimed that the 
 voice of truth could not be heard. To counteract this 
 
100 Education. 
 
 evil he issued a book, also based on the teaching of 
 Confucius, which he called "Chung Yung," or the " Invariable 
 Middle," the sole object of which was to proclaim truth. 
 His doctrines were caught up and widely proclaimed by 
 Mencius, after whose time the river of truth began again 
 to become muddy. Truth was all but annihilated, agri- 
 culture was ruined, disturbance was universal ; there was 
 no prospect of escape from national destruction. But in 
 the cycle of heaven there is no departure from which there 
 is no subsequent return. With the establishment of the 
 Sung dynasty learning revived, and rule and order were 
 restored. The two brothers Cheng appeared, the work of 
 Mencius was revived, and again became influential. The 
 teaching of the ancient worthies shone again resplendent in 
 the world. 
 
 Chutsu was a disciple of the brothers, and flourished in 
 1186. He introduced the " Small Learning," or learning for 
 little people. He mentions that in olden times the sons of 
 king, baron, and all high officials went to the Junior School 
 at eight years of age. They were instructed how to sprinkle 
 and to brush the room, the hall, and the schoolroom, to 
 respond and reply to parents, or their superiors in rank or in 
 age, and to advance and retire when receiving or escorting 
 guests. They were introduced to ceremonial, of which there 
 were twelve varieties connected with sacrifices on felicitous 
 and five for sad occasions ; there were five forms of ceremony 
 in the army and six at feasting. They were taught music, of 
 which there were six kinds ; archery, of which there were 
 five varieties ; and charioteering (driving a chariot of four 
 horses), of which there were five different ways. They began 
 reading books, which were in six varieties of characters, and 
 reckoning, of which there were nine kinds. At fifteen the 
 youth assumed the cap of manhood, and entered the High 
 School, where he was set to study the " Great Learning." 
 The time spent in the junior school devoted to the Small 
 Learning was supposed to have opened his mind to think. 
 
 In his preface to the Small Learning, Chutsu says that 
 though the book was destroyed by Chin Shi Whang, fragments 
 were found in other books which indicated that the contents 
 did not vary in their teaching from those of the other classics. 
 
Early Books. 101 
 
 Its opening sentence stated its object to be to show that the 
 " origin, permanence, prosperity, perfection of all beings 
 are the design and care of the constant Way of Heaven, 
 the self-originated and invariable Substance." The instruc- 
 tion received from the Small Learning re-establishes the heart, 
 and nourishes the virtuous disposition as the root of the tree 
 is strengthened. The Great Learning opens and expands the 
 understanding, so that the scholar lives in virtue and in- 
 creases in merit as a tree extends its branches. 
 
 THE GREAT LEARNING. 
 This book is a treatise based on recollections of the teach- 
 ings of Confucius. Its first sentence gives its text. This is to 
 " make known illustrious virtue, to renovate the people, and 
 to stop only when it has attained the highest perfection." 
 The underlying principle of its teaching is that this end is to 
 be attained, not by the institution of new laws, nor by changes 
 in the customs of the people, nor by the application of force, 
 but by the proper regulation of one's own conduct. When the 
 life of the ruler is in perfect harmony with the right, his family 
 shall follow his example, their influence again shall extend 
 to their neighbours, and thus the leavening process shall 
 gradually extend to the remotest parts of the empire. The 
 contents of the book are clustered around four catch-words : 
 (1) Humaneness or Benevolence, which is defined as gentle- 
 ness, harmony, pity, mercy, and love ; (2) Integrity or Right- 
 eousness, defined as judging, governing, deciding in strict 
 accordance to rule ; (3) Ceremonial or Propriety, defined as 
 the expression of reverence and honour ; (4) Knowledge or 
 Widsom, defined as the differentiation of right and wrong. 
 These embrace the entire ethical nature of man, and imply 
 his complete duty. Subsequently, when the number five 
 became fashionable, a fifth catch-word was added — Truth or 
 Sincerity. The book may be considered as an ethico-philo- 
 sopnical-treatise on government. It is one of the most logi- 
 cally-constructed of the classics. 
 
 CHUNG-YUNG, or EQUILIBRIUM. 
 
 In medio tutissimus. The Roman thought of safety. The 
 Chinese term is to a casual glance open to the same explanation. 
 
102 Education. 
 
 This is, however, a misunderstanding of which no student of 
 Chinese should be guilty. The literal translation of the two 
 words is " middle-constant." But they refer only to moral 
 conduct. The way of morality is a narrow and straight 
 path, on each side of which is a ditch of dangerous error. 
 Going in that path there must be no turning to right or left 
 hand, the way is straight on. It is the way of equilibrium 
 between two opposite errors. The kernel of the book is that 
 the " Decree of Heaven created the disposition or nature of 
 man. The Way is that which ' leads out ' or trains this nature. 
 Instruction is the method of keeping this way in repair." 
 The book is a collection of the sententious phrases of Con- 
 fucius, forming a dissertation, theoretical and practical, on 
 his ethical system. The grandson of Confucius strung these 
 together in a systematic treatise, such as Confucius himself 
 declined to emit. It forms one of the best books existing in 
 any language for the instruction of the young scholar in ethics. 
 
 LUN YU, or SELECTIONS. 
 
 This book is more characteristic of the teachings of Con- 
 fucius than any other. It was compiled by two disciples, 
 and is composed of disjecta membra, phrases pithy, epigram- 
 matic, independent, full flavoured of the Confucian mind and 
 manner. No translation can give a perfect rendering of it. 
 In the course of his many years' instruction, whether in formal 
 lectures or more familiar conversation, many thousands of 
 such aphorisms would have dropped from his lips which are 
 for ever lost. Those which have survived are such as by 
 striking phraseology or notable application made an indelible 
 impression on his disciples. 
 
 These books cannot be said to give an adequate repre- 
 sentation of the lessons imparted throughout his long life 
 by the great teacher. They provide no classification of his 
 ethics, nor do they attempt a systematic treatment of his 
 teaching. Careful examination leads to the inference that 
 we have in them but the bare statement of the themes on 
 which he lectured, or memorable phrases noted down from 
 his discourses. The verbiage from the themes and phrases 
 is probably his own. There is no example of the manner in 
 which they were discussed, nor of the reasoning by which 
 
Eably Books. 103 
 
 they were illustrated and enforced. They show us what he 
 taught, but not how he taught. Though they do not indicate 
 to us his methods, we are not to conclude that in his mind he 
 had no method. 
 
 The one overmastering design of his life was to raise good 
 rulers of good citizens. The art of good government handed 
 down the ages was the basis of his teaching. From this centre 
 radiated all the ethical qualities needful to make man virtu- 
 ous citizens of a peaceful nation. Not, therefore, the mutual 
 relationship of the virtues was his theme, but their particular 
 influence on his thesis. Though he had sympathetic hearers, 
 he had no elucidating Plato. The virtues regarded by him as 
 necessary to man are recorded by his disciples in the Lun Yu 
 in jerky sentences and a fragmentary manner. Yet by com- 
 paring the fragments we are able to form a fair conception 
 of the relationship between, and the relative importance of, 
 the more fundamental virtues. The conclusion is that in 
 Christianity alone do we find a system of ethics unquestion- 
 ably higher than his. Between the two there is a remarkable 
 affinity. The word we translate " humaneness " bears the 
 meaning and exerts the influence we ascribe to the Christian 
 " charity." As love is the perfection of the law, so out of the 
 root of humaneness grow up all moral excellences. 
 
 These books of Confucius, with the Odes and History 
 which preceded them, and the books of Mencius which followed 
 them, have taxed and trained the minds of the generations 
 since their time, and are all implied in what is called Con- 
 fucianism. 
 
104 Education. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 The Sage. 
 
 Thfi Sage stands above all other men, of whatever rank or 
 condition. The character which represents him in literature 
 expresses pictorially his relation to mankind. An "ear" 
 and a " mouth " stand over a " king." The king can pour 
 out his difficulties into the ear of the sage, who can unravel 
 them. He inculcates his duty or reprimands his errors. He 
 is super-eminent in natural endowments and in acquired 
 knowledge. Knowledge in the sage attains its highest devel- 
 opment, and is manifested in a life exercising the greatest 
 possible influence for good. Sages were the originators in 
 all improvements in social life, discovered new truths, or made 
 new applications of known truth. From the very earliest 
 period they were the agents in raising mankind in the various 
 stages of an ascending civilisation. One may be master of 
 all the knowledge embedded in the literature of the past, and 
 be able to explain all the difficulties which occur to the mind 
 of man, but if his life be not one of practical goodness, he is 
 not a sage. He may issue from the privacy of his study his 
 views and speculations about man. But however wise, these 
 do not constitute him a sage. Not because of what is in him 
 is he a sage, but because of what he can do for the benefit 
 of mankind. He is essentially a man of affairs. He guides 
 rightly not his own life only, but the life of others. When 
 his deeds correspond to his words, and his words to his deeds, 
 and these are of the highest and best, presenting an example 
 guiding men into goodness and comfort, then is he entitled 
 to the name of sage. The sages of the past in China are those 
 whose wisdom, knowledge, talents, and active goodness were 
 such as to make them men head and shoulders above all others. 
 They became rulers over the empire because they were best 
 
The Sage. 105 
 
 qualified to guide men in the way they should go, to protect 
 the good and to punish the evil, to procure general peace and 
 to provide universal content. 
 
 In the political confusion existing for centuries before and 
 after Confucius, the principles of the ancient rulers insisting 
 on peace might receive a respectful hearing, but they had no 
 influence over court or camp. Men who had been officials 
 and ministers resigned their posts because they could hold 
 them only in endless conflict with their principles. They 
 retired to remote villages and sequestered valleys, where the 
 intrigues of courts and the clashing of arms would not disturb 
 their souls or harass their feelings. They betook themselves 
 to agriculture and affected the life of the recluse, if not of the 
 ascetic. In his wanderings, Confucius came across some of 
 these who found shelter under the cloak of their self-isolation. 
 They were scholars as was he, but they refused intercourse 
 with him who went about from court to court endeavouring 
 to find some influential centre from which he could apply his 
 principles practically in the regulation of public affairs. They 
 declared that no man desiring to live the life of a sage could 
 remain in any court then existing. 
 
 He reasoned with his disciples on this matter. He could 
 not convince himself that it was consistent with his duty to 
 abandon all intercourse with his fellow-men and live for 
 himself alone. The more widespread and violent were the 
 evils of the time, the more clamant was the need for attempt- 
 ing their amendment. The sages and great men of old lived 
 among the people to further their well-being, moral and physi- 
 cal. While he lived, he would endeavour to follow that ex- 
 ample, and exert his utmost to reform and amend his genera- 
 tion. This he could do to a certain extent by ceaseless thought 
 on the ethical principles which were the foundation of all 
 good action, and by teaching these principles to the most 
 talented young men who sought his instruction. But his 
 hopes for a widespread reformation were centred on his be- 
 coming the " guide, philosopher, and friend " of the ruler 
 of some State. Not for his own sake did he crave that posi- 
 tion, but to obtain a coign of vantage wherefrom to exercise 
 the greatest possible influence for the improvement of the 
 condition of the people. 
 
106 Education. 
 
 After the wide experience of a long life among all ranks 
 and conditions of men, he declared that he had ceased to 
 hope to see one worthy the name of sage. He would be 
 content if he met one who could be called " noble." The 
 way of the sage is so great as to be all but unattainable. The 
 sage does always the right thing intuitively and without 
 effort. Living a life in perfect accord with the " mean," he 
 is content to remain unacknowledged by, and unknown to, 
 the world. He is able to understand without difficulty, is 
 of clear discernment and extensive knowledge, fitted to be 
 the ruler of the nation. He is liberal, mild, gentle, tender, 
 able to exercise forbearance ; ready, energetic, firm, and 
 steadfast, able to hold his own ; orderly, grave, correct, 
 walking in the mean, able to command reverence ; cultured, 
 distinguished, particular in details, searching, able to exercise 
 judgment. Wide and extensive is he in his character like 
 Heaven, deep and vigorous like a fountain from the abyss. 
 All who see revere him ; all who hear believe him. His 
 actions give universal pleasure. His fame overspreads the 
 nation, and reaches to the barbarians beyond. Wherever ships 
 go and carriages run and man's strength can penetrate ; 
 where the heavens overshadow and the earth sustains ; where 
 the sun and moon shine, where frosts come and dews fall, 
 there all who have blood and breath honour and love him. 
 Therefore is he called the " Associate " of Heaven. The 
 Sage and the Shen can transform the world. A favourite 
 disciple asked whether the man should be called humane who 
 would confer benefits on every individual in the kingdom. 
 Confucius replied, " Why mention humaneness in a case like 
 that ? Such a man would be a sage. Even Yao and Shun 
 could only strive to do so much." This shows conclusively 
 the wholly practical character attributed to the sage by 
 Confucius. 
 
 Entertaining so high an ideal of the sage, it is not sur- 
 prising that he disclaimed the name for himself. He did not 
 hope ever to attain to it. All he could do was to learn without 
 weariness and to instruct without fatigue ; and his life was 
 a ceaseless endeavour to attain to sagedom and humaneness. 
 The disciple responded that if he could learn without weariness 
 that showed his wisdom ; if he could teach without fatigue 
 
The Sage. 107 
 
 that implied his humaneness. And the man who was both 
 wise and humane possessed the character of the sage. In 
 an apostrophe of admiration, Confucius exclaimed, " Great 
 is the Way of the Sage ! Like a flood it overflows and nour- 
 ishes all things. In its height it reaches to heaven ; in extent 
 it is complete, embracing all the three hundred rules of pro- 
 priety and the three thousand of demeanour." 
 
 Exalted though the position be of the sage, Mencius declares 
 that we are all of the same category. All men possess the 
 natural endowments capable of leading them up to the lofty 
 height, if they would but develop those endowments in regu- 
 lating the thoughts of the heart and the deeds of their life. 
 All men are of the same nature. The difference between the 
 greatest sage and the ordinary man is that the sage is the first 
 to see, to understand, and to practise in their completeness 
 the principles inherent in every man. He is able to teach 
 others to follow his example. Lack of will and effort are the 
 sole obstacles to prevent any man from obtaining the position 
 of the sage. The same was taught by a disciple of Confucius 
 before Mencius was born. " Though the Tai mountain rises 
 above the hills, it is still of the same nature as they. The 
 Yellow River is greater than the stream in the valley, but it 
 is of the same character. So the sage, though standing out 
 conspicuous among men, is of the same nature as the common 
 people. But from the beginning of mankind there never was 
 so complete a man as Confucius." This disciple was probably 
 the first who sounded so emphatically the note of the super- 
 eminence of his master. 
 
 In the definition of Mencius the sage transcends the 
 noble man, and is but little inferior to the spirits of the sky, 
 which affect us, though they are not understood by us. 
 
108 Education. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 The Noble Man. 
 
 The term Chun is commonly used throughout the classics 
 to denote " Prince." But the term Chuntsu applies rather to 
 character than to rank. It is variously translated, a common 
 translation being " superior man." In its moral significance 
 it stands contrasted with the " mean man." Hence the 
 synonym adopted here is the " noble man." The ordinary 
 use of this term is connected with birth rather than with 
 merit. Happy the man to whom it can be applied in both 
 senses. By Confucius the " mean man " is constantly brought 
 forward antithetically with the apparent design of throwing 
 the noble man into sharper relief, as a black ground increases 
 the light of a bright picture. 
 
 Mencius gives an interesting list of ascending degrees of 
 character. The man whose principles are self-educed and self- 
 consistent is the Truthful man. He whose goodness is complete 
 is Excellent. He whose goodness is illustrious is the Great or 
 Noble man. He whose goodness is so great that it can influence 
 and mould men is the Sage. He whose sagedom is beyond 
 tbe understanding of man is Shen, or Spirit. The sage knows 
 intuitively, his very presence moves kingdoms to goodness. 
 He is rare in history as the phoenix. Next to him comes the 
 noble man, who resembles the sage in wisdom and goodness, 
 though to a lesser degree. His knowledge is acquired by 
 assiduous study, and his goodness by incessant and earnest 
 effort. His character is built up gradually, his reputation 
 grows and spreads an increasing influence. He is a Great man 
 who follows the great that is in him, and he is the mean man 
 who pursues the mean. Some parts of man are noble ; others 
 mean. He who nourishes the mean is a " small man." The 
 senses do not think, and are easily misled by external things. 
 
The Noble Man, 109 
 
 The mind thinks. Both mind and senses have been given by 
 Heaven. If man's nobler part be supreme, the inferior cannot 
 but follow. The man who is humane, loyal, and true, is the 
 noble of Heaven. The Duke, Marquis, and other ranks are 
 the nobles of earth. Such is the definition by Mencius of the 
 noble man. 
 
 Confucius usually defines the noble man by contrasting 
 to him the mean man. The noble man is affable but no 
 flatterer ; the mean man is a flatterer but not affable. He 
 is dignified without pride, the mean man proud without 
 dignity. He is easy to serve, but difficult to please, for what is 
 not right will not be pleasing to him. The mean man reverses 
 this character. He trusts in himself, the mean man in others. 
 He conceals his virtue though it becomes daily more brilliant, 
 the mean man seeks notoriety even when he is daily rushing 
 to ruin. He meditates on virtue, the mean man on land. 
 He thinks of law, the mean man on favours. He considers 
 integrity, the mean man profit. Continually he progresses 
 upward, the mean man downward. He is uniformly com- 
 posed, the mean man is always in fear. He is liberal, but no 
 partisan, the mean man is a partisan but illiberal. He may 
 be distinguished in small affairs but may be trusted with 
 great, the mean man may not be entrusted with great affairs, 
 and he will be revealed in small. He sometimes fails in 
 humaneness, the mean man never has it. He may happen to 
 be in want, if the mean man is in want he resorts to lawless- 
 ness. The south is notable for teaching forbearance and 
 gentleness, and demands no revenge for unreasonable con- 
 duct. This is the way of the noble man who sets righteousness 
 above all. Valour in the noble man without righteousness 
 becomes mutinous, in the mean man it leads to robbery. In 
 his aims and desires he waits on the will of Heaven, the mean 
 man risks danger to hunt after luck. He stands in awe of 
 three things : (1) the Decree of Heaven, (2) the Great man, 
 (3) the Sayings of the Sage. The mean man does not know the 
 Decree of Heaven, therefore he cannot fear it, he is disrespect- 
 ful to great men and he ridicules the words of the sage. 
 
 He is anxious about truth, not about poverty. He is care- 
 ful that the words he uses represent with the strictest accuracy 
 what he wishes to say, and that they correspond with his 
 
110 Education. 
 
 deeds. Even in private he is solicitous about his conduct. 
 He is cautious though he does not see, and earnest though he 
 does not hear. He is therefore watchful of himself when no 
 eye sees him. This self-cultivation of conduct is in reverence, 
 hence he can give peace to the near and the far. His caution 
 is not for a day, but for his entire life. Though but a country 
 clown he thinks of the example of Shun, and desires always 
 to rise to higher things. To him there is no such thing as 
 calamity. What is calamity to ordinary men is no calamity 
 to him, for his action is invariably in conformity with humane- 
 ness and propriety. It is indeed in this that he differs from 
 other men. Humaneness and propriety rule his heart. The 
 humane love men and the man of propriety respects men. He 
 who loves men is beloved, and he is respected who respects 
 pthers. 
 
 He knows neither grief nor fear. When self-examination 
 discovers nothing wrong, why should he grieve or fear ? He 
 does not murmur against Heaven, nor blame men. Though 
 unacknowledged by men he is not annoyed. He is vexed 
 because of his own lack of ability, not because men fail to 
 recognise him. He is mild, but immovable in principle. He 
 desires harmony, but is not facile. He is dignified, but will 
 not wrangle ; sociable, but will be no partisan. He will study 
 the fundamentals and apply them with all diligence to his 
 conduct, so that his words are consistent with his deeds, and 
 both in harmony with his position, whether it be low or high, 
 rich or poor. He will not flatter those above nor despise 
 those beneath him. While attending punctiliously to his 
 public duties he will not forget those to his relatives. Pursu- 
 ing human knowledge, he dare not neglect to learn to know 
 Heaven. 
 
 He exerts his utmost to rectify defects which appear in 
 his conduct, and to curtail excesses. He will not promote a 
 man because of his words, nor neglect the words because of 
 the man. He honours the worthy, is patient with all ; he 
 praises the good and pities the incapable. 
 
 One put the question, " If the noble man possesses and 
 practises the fundamentals, why should he trouble about 
 culture and literature ? " He answered that both culture and 
 literature were necessary and mutually helpful. The skin of 
 
The Noble Man. Ill 
 
 a tiger or leopard without its hair was just like the skin of 
 a sheep or a dog without its hair. He will use his culture to 
 gain friends, and his friends to increase humaneness. It is by 
 blending bis culture and his principles into perfect harmony 
 he becomes the noble man. He strives by intense study to 
 gain the Way and make it his own that he may be kept from 
 stumbling. Having made it completely his own, he makes it 
 the dwelling-place of his mind where he has unbroken peace. 
 He holds it with both hands, so that when others lose the 
 little difference which distinguishes them from the birds and 
 beasts ho is able to stand. The greatness of his sphere of action 
 will not increase his endowments, nor will poverty nor isola- 
 tion diminish them. Even for the space of eating a meal he 
 will not abandon virtue. When in haste he retains it, and in 
 danger he will not forsake it. While government is properly 
 conducted he will abide in office, but he will retire if it is bad. 
 On account of his truthfulness the people will undertake 
 labours which they would consider oppressive if ordered by 
 one whom they did not trust ; and the sovereign will listen to 
 advice which from another would be treated as libel. He 
 will not support or oppose anything till he knows its rights. 
 Even in face of death he will not change his principles. 
 
 He has his own special hates. He hates those who tattle 
 about the evils of other people, who slander their superiors, 
 and who display valour without propriety. If he is treated 
 with perversity without apparent reason, he examines himself 
 lest he may have given occasion for offence. He continues 
 humane, and is persistently courteous. If the other is still 
 obdurate he will conclude the case to be a hopeless one, that 
 of a man without propriety, like the birds and the beasts. 
 He will then decide to have no more to do with the fellow. 
 
 Though Confucius believed that all men possess the ability 
 to act the noble man, he confessed that he himself came short 
 of the ideal. The way of the noble man was easy to know, 
 difficult to practise. It was far-reaching, yet secret. Com- 
 mon people knew it, but its fullness passes the understanding 
 of the sage. Inferior people practise it, but its practice in 
 perfection transcends the powers of the sage. As to its great- 
 ness, the whole world cannot contain it. It is so minute the 
 whole world cannot subdivide it. 
 
112 Education. 
 
 The noble man has three things against which to guard : 
 when young and the passions not yet under control, he must 
 guard against lust ; when in vigorous manhood, against pug- 
 nacity ; and when old and failing, against covetousness. 
 Three things demand his particular attention : that his manner 
 indicate no violence or heedlessness ; that the expression of 
 his countenance be truthful ; and that no low or improper 
 words escape his tongue. Nine things demand his constant 
 care : that he see clearly when he looks ; hears accurately 
 when listening ; shows a pleasant expression of face ; be re- 
 spectful in manner; sincere in speech; devoted in business; 
 that he inquire exhaustively when in doubt; realise the 
 dangers connected with anger ; and think of integrity in pre- 
 sence of gain. 
 
Origin of the Scbjpt op China. 113 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 Origin of the Script of China. 
 
 The style of the literature of any country, and the character 
 of it, provide a fair criterion of the civilisation of that country. 
 Of the enormous dimensions of the literature of China it is 
 not proposed here to treat. Nor is it possible to attempt to 
 describe its character. But the script of China is so specially 
 unique, its wonderful construction indicates so remarkable 
 an inventiveness, and its combinations so much genius and 
 logical arrangement, that a description of its origin is worthy 
 of more attention than it has received in the west. Especially 
 is this true when we reflect that it is involved in so much 
 ignorance, and subject to so much misunderstanding, and 
 even misrepresentation. Forty thousand different characters, 
 representing as many words, all as distinctly different as the 
 numerals of the west, claim examination as a mental marvel — 
 or monstrosity if you will. But they enshroud the literature 
 of the greatest number of readers of any one language. Its 
 utility, as compared with the script of alphabetic letters used 
 for the literatures of the rest of the world, is not now under 
 consideration. 
 
 The principal authority on the forms and meanings of the 
 early written characters of China is the dictionary called Shwo- 
 wen, or Treatise on Writing. It was compiled in the After- 
 Han dynasty (25-250 a.d.). It was the work of a " forest " of 
 learned men under the superintendence of one Hu. It is 
 now published with an excellent commentary by the most 
 eminent scholars of the ages following its production. It is a 
 complete dictionary of all the ancient characters known. It 
 is corroborated by the inscriptions on sacrificial and other 
 vessels of bronze, specimens of which discovered in lakes, rivers, 
 and upturned earth exist in large numbers. These shall be 
 referred to later. 
 
114 Education. 
 
 Chinese historians divide ancient times into three : — 
 (1) Early Ancient ; (2) Mid-Ancient ; (3) Late Ancient. Fuhi 
 is said to have ended the early and begun the mid-ancient 
 in B.C. 2950. Being endowed with keen powers of observa- 
 tion, he examined the figures of the heavens above, and 
 noted the forms of things on earth. From the outlines of 
 these he constructed the foundation for Chinese script. A 
 tortoise with marvellous markings on its back and a horse 
 with remarkable lines on its body came out of a river. 
 He copied them carefully, and from them made up the eight 
 diagrams which have played so great a part in Chinese life. 
 Sh imm ing (2737) is credited with devising a method for re- 
 cording events by making knots of various sizes on cords. 
 Chinese critics agree that besides knotted cords there must 
 have been some other way of recording events before letters 
 were formed ; yet as letters were invented in the time of the 
 Five Emperors (2597-2205), how can Fuhi, they ask, be said 
 to have invented them ? Fuhi may be credited with the 
 formation of the eight diagrams by using long and 
 short lines, but, with the exception of such lines, he can 
 certainly not have discovered the method of writing the 
 Chinese characters. 
 
 After Fuhi, the name most prominently associated with 
 the invention of letters was Tsang Chie, secretary to Whang-ti 
 (2597). He is said to have studied the footprints made by 
 birds and beasts, the lines of feathers, of the human hand, etc. 
 By the combination of these he constructed the first char- 
 acters. These were of simple construction, and of limited 
 extent. There were two varieties, both self-explanatory. 
 The first was made by the relative positions of lines, as — 
 one, and = two ; T below and _L above. The second 
 
 class was pictorial, as © sun, ]) moon, <|=> cart. The 
 
 first sort were called Wen, or tracings proper, the term still 
 used for literature. The second was called Tsu, or letters. 
 When they were once introduced, the characters spread 
 with great rapidity. But these two simple forms, though 
 adequate to explain the needs of a very primitive and limited 
 humanity, became quite inadequate to meet the demands of a 
 growing population and a rising civilisation. The demand was 
 
Origin of the Script of China. 115 
 
 met by combining the simple into compound forms, whioh 
 provided for an indefinite supply. The characters thus 
 supplied are divided into four classes. On Mount Taishan 
 it was recorded that the complete evolution of the Chinese 
 characters occupied the attention of the ablest minds for 
 seventy-two generations, the last of whom was duke Chow. 
 These compound characters were of four classes. The 
 
 first was called " substance-sound," an example of which is ^T 
 
 the first part is " water," and the second kung, which merely 
 lends its sound, the whole being hiang, " river." The second 
 class is " combined-meaning." Here the two parts are 
 
 necessary to indicate the new term, as /<$, . The first half 
 
 is " man," the second is " word." A man standing beside 
 his word is sin, truth or sincerity. The third class is called 
 " comment-explanation." In this case the meaning of both 
 
 parts is akin, the combination is intensive, as xj/y ti, the first 
 
 half is " dog," the second " fire." The combined word was 
 the name of the ancestors of the ancient Huns, and was in- 
 dicative of the fierceness of their disposition. Sun and moon 
 placed side by side represented " brightness," physical and 
 mental. The last class is termed " borrowing." When a 
 character is required to express the name of a thing for which 
 no written character exists, characters are borrowed having 
 the same pronunciation, but with no reference to the mean- 
 ing, as the city Lingchang, represented by the characters for 
 ling, " command," and chang, " elder." The entire list of 
 40,000 characters is composed of the two simple and the four 
 compound characters. 
 
 As the list of words was based on so arbitrary a foundation, 
 confusion arose in course of time from variations in form or 
 significance, which became so great that king Huen in B.C. 
 868 ordered his secretary to compile out of the chaotic mass 
 a uniform system. It was known as Chwan characters, after 
 the name of the secretary. Because it was largely used on 
 seals, it came to be known as the " seal " character. Three 
 centuries thereafter, Confucius used this form of character 
 
116 Education. 
 
 for his writings. The Chun chiw of Tso Chiwming was written 
 in the same style. Not long after the time of Confucius, the 
 first dictionary, called Urya, was issued to define the various 
 characters. This was followed by many, of which the latest 
 and best is the Shwo wen. 
 
 Towards the end of the Chow dynasty, China was divided 
 into seventeen kingdoms, of which seven were of consider- 
 able extent. Though nominally subject to the suzerainty of 
 Chow, these kingdoms were continually quarrelling. Each 
 feudal prince adopted, discarded, modified the form, changed 
 the pronunciation and meaning of old, and added new char- 
 acters. This was done with the intention of creating con- 
 fusion and independence. With the same design they changed 
 the measures of length and capacity, the width of the cart 
 axle so that the war chariots of one kingdom could not run in 
 the ruts of another. Their hats and clothing were also made 
 different, to distinguish the various kingdoms. When, after 
 centuries of bloodshed among these Fighting Kingdoms, 
 Chin shi whang displaced the Chow on the throne of China, 
 welding the empire into a homogeneous whole, he introduced 
 what was called a simpler mode of writing. This was called 
 the " small seal." in contradistinction to the old, called the 
 " large seal." The new system was the arrangement of his 
 secretary, Li Szu. After the completion of this system, the 
 Emperor ordered the exclusion of every character inconsistent 
 with it. The use of the new system was made compulsory 
 throughout the empire. He then ordered the disuse and 
 destruction of all the old seal characters, and reduced to ashes 
 all the ethical and political works of Confucius, which were the 
 most formidable opponents of his methods of government. 
 His Minister of Crime was a particularly busy man. Even 
 the new seal character was to him a cumbersome method of 
 writing out his numerous legal cases. He therefore invented 
 another, which, from its form, was called the " square " form. 
 With it he could write more rapidly. It came into general 
 use, and is the character almost universally used to this day. 
 A much abbreviated form was introduced in the Han dynasty, 
 
Origin of the Soeipt of China. 117 
 
 which succeeded the Chin. It is called the " grass " character, 
 as it runs down cursively in a continuous line. It simplifies 
 considerably the square form. Between the fullness of the 
 square and the brevity of the grass writing stands the com- 
 mercial hand. Except the last, these various characters are 
 absolutely distinct, and require to be specially learned, as do 
 our printed and written letters. 
 
 In the century preceding the Christian era, Kung, sove- 
 reign of the kingdom of Lu, now Shantung, desired to en- 
 large bis palace. The house contiguous to the palace was 
 that which had been the dwelling-place of Confucius. He 
 purchased this house and pulled it down to extend the palace. 
 In one of the partition walls were found copies of the fol- 
 lowing works, written in the large seal. The books were the 
 Analects, Ritual, History, Chunchiw, Odes, and Filiality. 
 By this discovery the lost large seal character was restored. 
 
 The number of characters in the first collection made in 
 the ninth century before the Christian era was 3300. The 
 compilation of Id Szu numbered 5340. In the sixth century 
 a.d., under the Liang dynasty, the number had increased to 
 9353. Previous to that time, Examinations are supposed to 
 have been inaugurated. The man who knew 9000 characters 
 was appointed a Secretary of State, who had under him eigh- 
 teen assistant secretaries. The number of characters continued 
 to grow with the growth of the country, the increase of wealth, 
 of possessions, and of knowledge. The great dictionary of 
 Kanghi, called Tsuwhi, was published in 1699, and contained 
 33,179 words. And still the words went on increasing. In 
 1717 a completely new edition of that dictionary appeared. 
 It was called Tsutien. This was followed by other editions. 
 That in my possession has in round numbers 40,000 words. 
 
 The first books were made of bamboo slips six inches long 
 strung together. Chin Shi whang introduced the use of silk 
 as writing material. In his time books were divided into 
 eight varieties : (1) the ancient seal ; (2) the small seal ; (3) 
 bamboo slips ; (4) insect forms for flags and banners ; (5) 
 seals for stamping ; (6) office books and libraries ; (7) writings 
 
118 Education. 
 
 on war ; (8) writings on crime. Several centuries after- 
 wards, when the language was fairly well established, books 
 were divided into six classes : (1) the ancient seal, discovered 
 in the house of Confucius ; (2) ancient seal different from 
 the first, discovered in times more recent ; (3) small seal ; (4) 
 square character ; (5) seal for stamping ; (6) representations 
 of birds and insects for banners. 
 
 When the short-lived dynasty of Chin had passed away, a 
 strong re-action set in favouring the restoration of Confucian- 
 ism. This feeling was kindled to enthusiasm by the discovery 
 of his books in the demolished wall of his house. These 
 were deciphered within the century preceding the Christian 
 era by Kung Ankwo, a descendant of Confucius. The general 
 interest set men a-thinking, and some a-plotting. After the 
 destruction of those books, scholarly men who had committed 
 them to memory recited them, or portions of them, to their 
 descendants. Many characters differing in form were pro- 
 nounced the same. Others similar in form differed in pronun- 
 ciation. From both of these differences, errors arose in trans- 
 mission from father to son. These errors were unintentional, 
 and were not difficult to trace. Considerable confusion in 
 the writing of the classics resulted, which has provided abundant 
 occupation for able editors from that day to this. Many of 
 the errors were corrected by the discovery of the books in the 
 wall. In the fashionable craze after that discovery, clever 
 and unscrupulous men, who have existed in China as in other 
 lands, found their opportunity. And as handsome rewards 
 were offered to all who discovered new characters, not a few 
 books were discovered which had never existed, but were the 
 product of forgery. 
 
 In a rainless climate like that of Egypt, books of many 
 centuries old may be conserved, but in a rainy climate like 
 that of China this could not be rationally expected. The 
 Han dynasty made paper of grass, and subsequently paper 
 was made of the inner skin of the poplar tree. But it is in- 
 conceivable that books, either of bamboo, of silk, of grass, or 
 the poplar tree, if exposed to the weather or under the earth, 
 
Origin of the Script of China. 119 
 
 could have survived to the present day. Books nine centuries 
 old I have seen, but these were carefully preserved in human 
 habitations. In any book now existing we have therefore 
 only problematical evidence of the primitive forms of Chinese 
 writing. 
 
 But if we have not in books absolute proof, we have in 
 bronzes evidence galore. The only temples existing in early 
 days were those devoted to the worship of ancestors. The 
 reigning ruler, whether of the empire or of a state, was obliged 
 to possess such a temple. In these temples offerings were 
 presented at stated times to ancestral spirits of meat, fish, 
 fruit, grain, and libations of spirits. Each variety of offering 
 required a distinctive sort of vessel. This involved vessels 
 many in number and of great variety. At these offerings 
 feasts for the relatives of the dead, to whom the offerings were 
 presented, had to be provided and other sets of vessels, both 
 for eating and drinking, were required. It is recorded that 
 the earliest vessels were made of earthenware. These were 
 pricked all over with figures, each with special significance in 
 honour of the person to whom the offering was presented. 
 The next step was their manufacture in wood. Gold and 
 jade were also used. In the Shang dynasty (B.C. 1766-1123), 
 metal began to be used for these sacrificial vessels. The 
 offerings were presented to ancestors of the five preceding 
 generations. For a newly-deceased ancestor new vessels 
 were prepared. The first of the five ancestors was always the 
 founder of the family. The next was invariably changed 
 with every new addition, so that there were always five. The 
 sovereign used nine vessels of each kind, the feudal princes 
 seven, the high officials five, and other officials three. All 
 this makes it abundantly clear that after the introduction of 
 metal vesseLs the number in existence became very great. The 
 vessels of the sovereign were of gold, those of princes of silver, 
 those of high officials of copper, and those of other officials and 
 literary men of iron. In the palace of Mukden are specimens 
 of the Shang dynasty, but many more of the Chow. There 
 are also beautiful specimens made in the beginning of the 
 
120 Education. 
 
 Manchu dynasty of cloisonne after the pattern of the ancient 
 
 With every change of dynasty, there was a complete change 
 of the sacrificial vessels. It is thus readily understood how 
 in dynasties subsequent to those who had made the earliest 
 vessels, there were discovered in lakes, in rivers, in up-turned 
 earth, and on mountain sides large numbers of old, effete, 
 and discarded sacrificial vessels. The graceful lines and beau- 
 tiful workmanship of those vessels are remarkable and worthy 
 of notice. But for us the fact of greatest importance con- 
 nected with the vessels is that inscriptions in the contem- 
 porary script were engraved on great numbers of even the 
 oldest. 
 
 Of those ancient bronzes thousands of specimens remain. 
 Their inscriptions have been deciphered as far as the char- 
 acters were recognisable. Here we have the unquestioned 
 evidence of the ancient forms of Chinese characters, not from 
 books, which, because of frequent transmission, were liable 
 to change, but from the actual engraved words of thirty-six 
 centuries ago. For knowledge of the earliest forms of script, 
 we are indebted to the learned men of the Sung dynasty, many 
 of whom made these inscriptions the study of their life. With 
 singular ability and devotion, they deciphered and carefully 
 delineated the curious inscriptions. The results of their 
 learned labour were published in a.d. 1119. The noble work, 
 beautifully done, was in thirty volumes, and entitled " Po- 
 ku-tu," or " Investigation of Ancient Drawings." A copy of 
 the work was in my possession issued in 1529. With many 
 another old book, this was burnt by the Boxers. I was, 
 fortunately, able to replace it by another copy issued in 1603, 
 at which date the last edition of that particular work was 
 issued. In these volumes the vessels are represented in care- 
 ful outline. The inscriptions are in exact facsimile, with the 
 corresponding modern characters underneath. The date, di- 
 mensions, weight, and uses of the vessels are clearly detailed. 
 In this reproduction of the ancient script, we see the exact form 
 of writing in use centuries before Confucius. An important 
 
Origin of thb Script of China. 121 
 
 work supplementing the Po-ku-tu, and going over the same 
 period, is the " Si-ching-ku-chien," or " West Clear Mirror of 
 Antiquity." It is an imperial folio edition prepared and 
 printed for the emperor Kienlung. It too is a beautiful work, 
 done in the best style of Chinese art. It is of forty large 
 volumes, with two additional devoted to coins. As in Po-ku-tu, 
 the date, weight, and dimensions of the outlined vessels are 
 noted, but for their uses reference is made to Po-ku-tu. This 
 great work was gifted by the Emperor and his successors to 
 friends, or to men who were specially distinguished for im- 
 portant services to their country. A third work, " Kin-shi- 
 so," or " Records from Metal and Stone," was issued in 1822. 
 It supplies specimens of the very ancient vessels with their 
 inscriptions. But its chief value consists in the reproduction 
 of scenes and writings on metal, and especially on stone, the 
 production of artists of the Han period, about the beginning 
 of the Christian era. The scenes depicted are of peace and 
 war, of fishing and cooking, of driving and dressing, with 
 numerous illustrations of prominent historical figures. A 
 laughing imagination guided the pencil which originated, and 
 artistic gifts the chisel which sculptured, the figures. In these 
 three works there are specimens of the script of the Shang 
 dynasty, in not a few of which can be traced the original, out 
 of which were evolved the more elaborate characters of the 
 seal of Chow. 
 
 The characters on the vessels of Shang were frequently 
 but one, and always very few. They were largely composed of 
 a few strokes outlining an animal, or other object, emblematic 
 of the person in whose honour the vessel was made. The 
 number of characters was limited, and from their nature few 
 presented any difficulty to the deciphering skill of the Sung 
 scholars. But pictorial representation of words could not 
 fail to prove inadequate for the purpose of writing. 
 
 With the Chow dynasty a great change was introduced. 
 At first the Shang character continued naturally to assert 
 its influence. But in course of time the more elaborate seal 
 character took entire possession of the domain of the pen. It 
 
122 Education. 
 
 was both a complicated and an arbitrary system. But the 
 words were greatly multiplied. The inscriptions on the vessels 
 became enlarged, and sometimes gave historical incidents. 
 The Sung scholars found greater difficulty in deciphering the 
 seal of the Chow than the pictorial words of Shang. In the 
 longer inscriptions of Chow, many characters were beyond 
 the learned skill of Sung. The inscriptions are fully and 
 •carefully copied, but in not a few instances a cipher represents 
 a character which baffled the scholars. Specimens will illus- 
 trate this testimony to their honesty. 
 
 Two conclusions follow from the careful study of the in- 
 scriptions on those bronzes. The first is that whether a man 
 called Fuhi did or did not exist, whether he did or did not 
 take the first steps in raising the Chinese out of barbarism, 
 he certainly did not originate the Chinese written charac- 
 ters. By the use of long and short lines he may have formed 
 the eight diagrams, but whatever the utility might have been 
 of these, they have no affinity with Chinese ancient char- 
 acters. They are absolutely straight lines. Examination of 
 the specimens of Chinese characters of the oldest times will 
 show them to be essentially of curved lines. Between the time 
 ascribed to Fuhi and the Shang dynasty there were, as Chinese 
 writers think, probably other modes of recording events than 
 knotted cords. There may have been the crude beginnings of 
 writing by pictorial representation such as is characteristic 
 of Shang. In the middle of the Chow dynasty a collection 
 was formed of Chinese characters, and the number then in 
 use was 3300. We may rest assured that even of that limited 
 number, not one was known to Fuhi two thousand years 
 before. 
 
 The other conclusion is that the rise of the Chinese lan- 
 guage is, like that of the people, indigenous. The beginnings 
 of Chinese script were of the simplest and rudest, and they 
 were very few. From the few lines scratching a rude represen- 
 tation of a tiger, of a tree, or of growing grain to the evolution 
 of a universally recognised seal character in the middle of the 
 Chow dynasty there elapsed the period of a thousand years. 
 The original word pictorially indicating some object became 
 modified, sometimes beyond recognition, but its pronunciation 
 and significance remained practically the same as they do to 
 
Origin of the Script of China. 123 
 
 this day. It has to be noted, however, that no book was written 
 on pronunciation till a few centuries after the Chow dynasty. 
 But, as the formation of words and the grammatical con- 
 struction of the sentence was the same in the Chow and in 
 subsequent dynasties, it is legitimate to infer that both 
 pronunciation and meaning were practically the same in 
 both instances. 
 
 One peculiarity of the Chinese language is the manner in 
 which compound words are formed from simple, the various 
 compounds having a pronunciation and meaning different 
 from any of the simple factors, yet retaining sdme allusion 
 to them. Take as illustrations a few examples from the three 
 simple words "water," "wood," "fire" : — 
 
 Water, -yrC shui. Another form, j/ 
 
 Wood, /f^ mu - 
 
 Fire, N>C huo. Another form, • * " 
 
 Water duplicated, >4vT^ chui, water. 
 
 Water tripled, ^xrAs miao, vastness of the sea. 
 
 Water with wood, «v]n mu > to bathe. 
 
 Water with wood duplicated, ^^ ^ fr^Sf ™ "**" 
 
 Wood duplicated, 7|\/t\ iin > a forest. 
 
 -f- 
 Wood trebled, -fc -f- shen, overgrown with wood. 
 
 Wood with fire underneath, Pr- chie, a hero. 
 
 ti«i 
 
 Wood duplicated with fire, ^\ , /era, set on fire. 
 Fire duplicated, i. yen, flame, glorious, 
 Fire trebled, 'Ki yen, brilliant. 
 
 Fire duplicated with water, J^fc tan, watery, insipid. 
 
124 Education. 
 
 For other examples of the manipulation of one character 
 in order to produce an indefinite number of new words and 
 meanings, see in Section III. the character for " man." Thus 
 it is manifest that there is practically no end to the possible 
 combinations of Chinese words. 
 
 Except by two ancient kingdoms in Manchuria, and by 
 the Japanese, Chinese words have not, like Babylonian and 
 Egyptian, been used as letters or syllables. In Kanghi's 
 dictionary two words are used as phonetics, one to give the 
 beginning of the pronunciation of a new word, and the second 
 to give its termination. These two words have nothing to do 
 with the meaning of the new word. 
 
 Even among well-informed men, there exists a suspicion, 
 sometimes a belief, that between Sumerian and the Chinese 
 languages there is so close a resemblance that the former is 
 likely to have been the model on which the latter was based. 
 For the sake of my reading of Chinese literature it is, therefore, 
 necessary to examine that suspicion more minutely. 
 
 The oldest known script of Babylonia was in straight lines 
 representing parts of the human body, of animals, otplants, 
 natural and manufactured articles. These lines are traoeable 
 to an age supposed to have been about b.c. 6000. They re- 
 present a language which is Turanian like Turkish or Mongol. 
 It was the language of the oldest known residents of Baby- 
 lonia. It did not possess words for " horse," " Hon," " vine," 
 " fig," which are objects well known in Babylonia ; the in- 
 ference is that their forefathers went from some other land 
 into Babylon. This land was supposed to be Elam, for their 
 word for country is the same as for " east " and " mountain." 
 
 One section called Sumer occupied the marshy lands at 
 the head of the Persian Gulf. Those on the extreme north 
 of the plain were known as Akkads, from the name of their 
 capital, Agade. Though one people, they were usually two 
 Powers. Even at that early date, they possessed a highly 
 developed civilisation, which could have been attained only 
 as the result of a prolonged experience. Had they been 
 nomads in their original home, like the Chow and the Chin, 
 
Origin of the Script of China. 125 
 
 they might have wandered westwards into the rich plain of 
 Babylonia, and there have begun a life of agriculture, necessi- 
 tating, as in the case of China, a system of writing of some 
 kind. 
 
 In that rainless country they instituted irrigation by the 
 regulation of rivers, the cutting of canals, and the use of 
 pumping machines. By a marvellous system of canalisation 
 they, in the sixtieth century B.C., drained the pestiferous 
 marshes, and converted them into fertile lands. They built 
 fortresses, cities of brick, temples which were the centres of 
 population, made vases of clay, and invented a system of 
 writing on wood by pictorial outlines of the objects repre- 
 sented. When these words were written on clay, and subse- 
 quently baked, the lines became slightly changed, whence 
 arose the cuneiform or wedge-shaped lines. The change sim- 
 plified the manner and extended the use of the writing. The 
 pictorial words fell into desuetude except for theological and 
 legal writings. By the year B.C. 3800, when Sargon estab- 
 lished the first great Semitic kingdom, he adopted the cunei- 
 form writing, which had been perfected centuries before his 
 time, and the pictorial form was discarded. 
 
 For centuries before Sargon the Semites had made in- 
 cursions against Akkad. They were rude barbarians com- 
 pared to the Akkadians, whose civilisation they borrowed. 
 Akkad ultimately fell before these repeated attacks. Sargon 
 subdued them completely, annexing them to his own Semitic 
 people. He adopted to its full extent the civilisation of the 
 Sumerians, and extended it. Under him artistic talent pro- 
 duced articles of such beauty as has not been excelled. He 
 extended the bounds of his kingdom to the coast of the Medi- 
 terranean, and over the whole introduced the use of the cunei- 
 form letters. This form of writing was known even in Egypt. 
 He raised the Semitic kingdom to a high state of civilisation 
 and organisation. He set up judges and made good roads. 
 The people of Akkad were absorbed, and their language 
 became lost in the Semitic. In 2850 the last Akkadian had 
 disappeared. 
 
126 Education. 
 
 The name of Babylon had not then emerged. Its first 
 king set up his throne in 2450. The great Khamurabbi dates 
 from 2342. Thirty years thereafter, Sumeria on the south 
 was absorbed, and Babylon became one united kingdom. 
 The union was followed by a high state of civilisation, accom- 
 panied by great prosperity. 
 
 Contemporary with the Shang dynasty in China, the 
 Kassites, a rude people from Elam, with an agglutinative 
 language, became the rulers of Babylon. They adopted 
 the civilisation of the conquered. Thereafter the Sumerians 
 were completely amalgamated. Their language and nation- 
 ality were submerged, and the various races were welded into 
 one Babylonian people. As appears above, the Chinese people 
 and empire passed through a similar experience. 
 
 Sculptures subsequent to 4000 B.C. indicate two distinct 
 races in the land of Babylon. One was a long-headed, long- 
 bearded race, unmistakably Semitic. The other was a round- 
 headed, beardless race, with prominent cheek bones and shaven 
 crowns, represented as the conquered race. These latter 
 were the early inhabitants who had developed so remarkable 
 a civilisation. In Elam was another such race found, round- 
 headed and beardless, but destitute of civilisation till they 
 had borrowed from the Sumerians. The Finnish tribes, from 
 Finland, in north-eastern Europe, along the north of Asia to 
 the Samoyedes in the north-east, were of a similar race, and 
 spoke the same kind of language. The language of eastern 
 Turanians bore no trace of any other language than their own. 
 Not a particle of evidence exists to show any connection 
 between the Turanians, who occupied from the earliest the 
 lands of Shensi, and those in western Asia. That there may 
 have been some communication between the inhabitants east 
 and west of the Tienshan is probable, though there is no sort 
 of evidence. Eastern Thibet and Szuchen were in the most 
 ancient times known to the Chinese. They were then also 
 of the same race and language as the other Turanians. 
 
 The entire country from the Tienshan to the Yellow River 
 was inhabited by the nomadic barbarians. They were 
 
Origin of the Script of China. 127 
 
 divided into numerous kingdoms or tribes, all warlike, all 
 jealous of encroachment by neighbouring kingdoms or tribes, 
 all tending their own sheep, oxen, horses, and dogs, all within 
 their strictly-defined limits, on to which no other was per- 
 mitted to trespass. To the east of these were the Chinese 
 agriculturists, with physical characteristics similar to their 
 western neighbours, but with manners and modes of life of 
 quite another order. We may therefore infer that though 
 the Chinese differed socially they were of the same race as 
 the nomads. Therefore the whole population of northern Asia 
 were racially and linguistically probably of the same race as 
 the early inhabitants of Babylon. The only exception of which 
 we know anything were the hairy Oinos in the north-east of 
 Manchuria. 
 
 Thus we perceive that from the Yellow River at Shansi 
 westward into central Asia, numerous nomadic kingdoms and 
 fierce tribes presented a dead and impassable wall to the Chinese 
 if they should entertain any notion of going westwards. But 
 they were then a small nation, a poor people, occupied with 
 the incessant demands of their fields, and lacking opportunity 
 or desire to travel beyond their own cultivated property, and 
 glad if they could only have peace within their own borders. 
 They knew of no inducement, social, intellectual, or religious, to 
 leave their own land. There was nothing in the west to attract 
 them. It was after the absorption of the whole of nomadic 
 Shensi into the kingdom of Chin that westward movements 
 became possible to the rapidly growing people of China. It was 
 the Han dynasty, after many years of fierce fighting, which first 
 found its way through eastern Thibet into central Asia. The 
 Kitan nomads were driven by their kindred Huns from the 
 west of the Yellow River to south-west Manchuria, where, after 
 the lapse of centuries, they founded the kingdom of Liao. 
 This dynasty extended its sway over north China, embracing 
 all north of the Yellow River. They too penetrated by war 
 into central Asia, whither they themselves were finally driven 
 by the Kin dynasty, which took its rise in north-eastern 
 Manchuria. Even at so late a date, when knowledge had 
 
128 Education.. 
 
 increased, communication between China and the west was 
 of the most meagre and unfriendly description. Previous to 
 the full development of Chinese language, literature, and 
 civilisation, it was physically impossible for the Chinese even 
 to know of the existence of Babylon, far less possible was it 
 to have any sort of intercourse with it. And it must on the 
 other hand be remembered that Babylon had no concern with 
 anything east of Elam. The politically gravitating influence 
 on Babylon was not from the far east, but was in and from 
 the west, and centred in Egypt. 
 
 When the Sumerians were at the height of their civilisa- 
 tion, after they had discarded the pictorial for the cuneiform 
 writing, the ancestors of the Chinese were savages, living on or 
 under trees in summer, and in pits in winter to escape the 
 cold. Their food was uncooked. They were ignorant of the 
 use of fire and of clothing. Needless to say, they were not in a 
 position to think of letters, whether pictorial or other. These 
 savages were not one whit superior when Sargon in 3800 was 
 establishing his kingdom from the Tigris to the Mediterranean. 
 Long after the pictorial writing of the Sumerians had become 
 a thing of the past, the Chinese are said to have been re- 
 cording events by the use of knotted cords. And centuries 
 after the cuneiform had completely supplanted the pictorial 
 in Babylon, Fuhi was taking the first elementary steps in 
 the elevation from barbarism of the Chinese, and framing 
 his long and short lines into the eight diagrams. The first 
 attempt at the formation of Chinese characters is ascribed to 
 Whang-ti, if ever there was such a man. His date is given as 
 the twenty-sixth century B.C., thirteen centuries after Sargon, 
 in whose time the cuneiform alphabetic form had been the long- 
 established form of writing. If the Chinese writing began 
 then, it certainly did not begin any sooner. From the paucity 
 and rudeness of the characters in the early Shang dynasty in 
 the eighteenth century, it appears to me that the very earliest 
 attempts at writing intelligible words cannot have preceded 
 the Hia dynasty, or about the twentieth century B.C. Even 
 in the ninth century, when the first collection was made of 
 
Origin or the Script of China. 129 
 
 Chinese written words, there were only 3300 words constructed. 
 At least thirty centuries before that time the cuneiform was 
 a perfected system universally used from the Tigris to Egypt, 
 and the pictorial had been discarded. Had the Chinese been 
 in a position to borrow a system of writing in the twentieth 
 century, why should they adopt a few strokes or signs from 
 the pictorial system discarded twenty centuries before, and 
 refuse to adopt the perfected, alphabetic system then in 
 universal use in the west ? It should not be forgotten that the 
 Sumerian characters were written in straight lines, and those 
 of China in curves. Straight lines, or the square character, 
 came into existence in China under Chin Shi Whang, and any 
 document, book, or bone with square characters is of necessity 
 subsequent to that date. At the time when pictorial writing 
 was used in Sumeria, China could not go to the west and 
 Babylonia did not desire to come east. From the imprac- 
 ticability of intercourse arising from the physical difficulties 
 interposed by space, and the still greater difficulties inter- 
 posed by time, the theory of the Babylonian source of the 
 Chinese language is absurdly impossible, nor is it necessary 
 to discuss it further. 
 
 But the impossibility of that theory does not preclude the 
 possibility of some resemblance between the pictorial writing 
 of the Sumerians and that of China. The two peoples, though 
 separated by an interval of four thousand years, were alike in- 
 dustrious agriculturists working in rich soil. Both grew grain 
 of various sorts, were surrounded by water, by trees, and by 
 flora. They were acquainted with animals, domestic and 
 wild. They passed their life in practically the same circum- 
 stances. We should be surprised, therefore, not that there 
 should happen to be a few instances of similarity in their 
 pictorial languages, but that there should have been none. 
 In the preceding pages two principles are specified on which 
 the first characters were formed, one being the relative position 
 of strokes, the other a rude outline of the object signified. 
 The number of characters possible by this method is limited, 
 
130 Education. 
 
 and indicates the poverty of the people and the narrowness 
 of their possessions. 
 
 In Stein's " Kotan " are found numerous illustrations of 
 wreckage discovered in the ruins of the sand-covered cities 
 of central Asia. On both wood and paper are many examples 
 of Chinese writing, all of which are in the modern square and 
 cursive hands. There is no example of the old seal character, 
 nor of the older pictorial. There are illustrations of cash 
 discovered in the ruins. They are of the Tang and Sung 
 dynasties, without any specimen of the Han dynasty. One 
 coin had the legend wuchu in seal characters. The legend refers 
 to the weight of the coin. The first coin of this description 
 was minted in B.C. 118, the last in a.d. 713-741. During all 
 that period coins were issued with those two characters, 
 many of them showing variations, not one of which is 
 represented in the list from " Khotan." The date of that par- 
 ticular coin cannot, therefore, be decided. But the fact that 
 it wa3 found along with numerous Tang and Sung cash proves 
 that its presence there is no evidence of an age anterior to 
 Tang. Great quantities of Tang cash have been found in 
 Manchuria, left there subsequent to the expulsion by Tang of 
 the Koreans. The interesting discoveries in " Khotan " have 
 but a negative bearing on the relation between China and 
 Babylon ; but the inference derived is the negation of anj' 
 intercourse with central Asia before the Han period. In 
 " Khotan," accurate references are made to the statements 
 in Chinese history on the connection with the west. That 
 connection began with the Han dynasty. 
 
Suction III. — Reproduction of Script. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Inscriptions on Vessels. 
 
 In times antecedent to their written history, the Chinese 
 believed in, and evidenced great reverence for One Supreme 
 Being, whom they worshipped as Creator and Preserver of men. 
 But, strange to say, they have never had a temple dedicated 
 to His service. Even now the so-called temple in Peking is 
 an altar, not a temple. Beside this altar, and in connection 
 with it, is a magnificent platform open to the heavens on 
 which worship is performed. Being everywhere present, He 
 could be worshipped anywhere. As Abraham erected an altar 
 wherever he happened to sojourn, so the Chinese rulers in 
 remote history erected an altar to the Supreme Ruler where- 
 ever they happened to set up a camp. But nowhere through- 
 out the ages has there been a covered-in temple for the Supreme 
 (" Original Religion of China "). 
 
 The Chinese have always displayed a particular reverence 
 for parents, especially after their decease. The first duty of 
 the founder of a new dynasty was to erect a temple in his 
 capital to the memory of his parents and their preceding 
 ancestors to the fifth generation. This temple was more or 
 less ornate, and was always roofed to protect it from wind 
 and rain. In this, as at the altar, there was no image. In 
 commemoration and honour of the ancestors there were fixed 
 services at the beginning of each of the four seasons, besides 
 occasional services for all great public events, either already 
 consummated or proposed. 
 
 For these services special vessels, of which there was 
 great variety and large numbers, were prepared. The 
 
132 Reproduction of Script. 
 
 offerings consisted of all sorts of meat, of fish, of grain, 
 of vegetables, of fruit, and of liquor. For each kind 
 there was a separate vessel, distinctive in shape, size, 
 and number. The first vessels were said to have been of 
 clay. The Hia dynasty introduced the use of wood. These 
 vessels, cut to pattern, were pricked all over with figures 
 which indicated the person in whose honour the service was 
 held. The figures were partly arbitrary, but mostly of pic- 
 torial outlines, roughly drawn to represent some quality of 
 the deceased. A spear, a sword, a bow and arrow indicated 
 one famed in war. The four-and-half centuries during which 
 the Hia ruled were adequate to stereotype the fashion of such 
 outlines and to attach a particular meaning to each. Im- 
 provements were effected in the shape of the vessel and the 
 contour of the emblem. Their limited sphere in temple use 
 made the emblems familiar, and, whether they were merely 
 suggestive or pictorial, they were soon practically converted 
 into words. The plurality of persons honoured in worship 
 necessitated differentiating emblems, which were also in the 
 course of generations used as words with definite meanings. 
 Those best known and always used became less formal and 
 intricate, and gradually forsook the pictorial outlines. I 
 have searched in vain for authentic specimens of Hia inscrip- 
 tions. But we are justified in supposing that they are found 
 in the earliest inscriptions of the Shang. Among the pictorial 
 words in Shang are not a few which either never were pic- 
 torial, or had become so simplified as to suggest no picture. 
 
 The decadent dynasty of Hia passed away, and with it the 
 vessels of wood. The Shang dynasty replaced these by vessels 
 of metal. But though the material was changed, we are 
 distinctly told that in the vessels of Shang and of Chow we 
 behold the most ancient forms. As some of the earliest 
 inscriptions of Shang present elaborate words which are 
 decidedly not pictorial, we are justified in believing that the 
 process of developing pictorial into more formal words had 
 at least begun in the preceding reign. Whether it was in this 
 fashion or from the uncommon ability of Tang, it so happened, 
 
Inscriptions on Vessels. 133 
 
 that in the early Shang dynasty, there were not a few words 
 which bore no trace of the pictorial. Preceding generations 
 of reverential worshippers would have popularised many em- 
 blems of royalty which the newly established dynasty would 
 adopt. During the long period of six-and-a-half centuries 
 over which Shang reigned, there was ample opportunity and 
 many occasions for further development from the pictorial. 
 Of this development there is abundant evidence in the greatly 
 extended and more elaborate script of the early Chow as 
 compared with that of the early Shang. 
 
 One distinctive feature of the Shang is that the inscrip- 
 tions are particularly brief, frequently of only two characters, 
 and not seldom of but one. This feature is manifest in the 
 long list of Shang inscriptions reproduced below. The same 
 is said to have been true of the Hia. In the Chow dynasty 
 there is no instance of one or of two words, while there are 
 many instances of hundreds. Specimens are given below. 
 
 The later Chow script was as different from the early as the 
 early was from that of the Shang. The inscription on the 
 ting dedicated to king Wen by duke Chow is exactly like the 
 script of Shang. The modification, if any, is so slight as to be 
 inappreciable. There is, however, a rapidly increasing differ- 
 ence in style in the second century after the Chow had settled 
 down and devoted their attention to literature. Four centuries 
 after the enthronement of Chow, the method of writing became 
 more free, the use of pictorial emblems became more and more 
 limited, till they gradually disappeared. The number of char- 
 acters rapidly increased, and a great impetus was given to 
 writing. The bronze inscriptions became at once more literary, 
 more varied, and more full. Then began the real creation of 
 literature in China. 
 
 The sacrificial offerings were invariably accompanied by 
 a feast for all the members of the family then gathered to- 
 gether. The close association of sacrifice and feast was perhaps 
 the reason why, in the Shang period, the same vessels were 
 usable for both. The Chow made a sharp distinction between 
 the two, those for use at the sacrifices being regarded as more 
 
134 Reproduction of Script. 
 
 sacred. Hence the same sort of vessel was sometimes known 
 by different names according to the purpose for which it was 
 used. 
 
 When a novel and startling theory is announced which ap- 
 pears to be antagonistic to theories previously in vogue, incon- 
 trovertible proofs are demanded in its support. The facts and 
 reasons already adduced may be proof adequate to most readers 
 that the theory of this book has been fully established; but 
 destructive criticism may not be satisfied with reproductions 
 of supposed inscriptions on vessels purporting to be of the Shang 
 dynasty. To meet their claim, another line of proof may be 
 enunciated bearing on the authenticity of the Shang inscrip- 
 tions. The most conclusive evidence of age would be dates 
 recorded in the body of the inscription on the vessel. These 
 are common in the oldest inscriptions of the Chow dynasty. 
 On the Shang vessels I have been able to discover only one 
 date. The vessel isfdedicated to the memory *of an elder 
 brother, and is the only one of the kind. It is peculiar also in 
 the two final words. It is solitary in giving an unknown 
 historical allusion. In it occurs the phrase " ninth year of the 
 king." Now, the term^for " year " was different in different 
 epochs. King Yao called it " Tsai," Hia dynasty called it 
 " Swi," Shang called it " Szu," and Chow called it " Men." 
 The term used in the above phrase is " szu," proving it to have 
 been engraved in the Shang dynasty. Kwei was the term 
 always applied to the father of Tang, who was the founder of the 
 dynasty. It appears alone on one vessel, and in combination 
 with other words on others. In one instance a grandson of Fu 
 Kwei holds a spear. Kwei is several times represented as hold- 
 ing a spear. Such a vessel was made by a grandson, or other 
 descendant, while the first was made by Tang himself, as was 
 his duty on his attaining the throne. 
 
 The title Fu Ren provides a near approximation to a date. 
 Among the rulers was a Chung Ren whose son was Tai Kia, 
 and a Wai Ren whose son was Tsu Yi. 
 
 The vessel on which father Ren is engraved must have been 
 made either by Tai Kia or Tsu Yi. Tsu Sin, called the four- 
 
Inscriptions on Vessels. 135 
 
 teenth ruler of Shang, was son of this Tsu Yi, older brother of 
 Wu Kia, and father of Tsu Ting. He is represented as a man 
 holding wood or a spear, both of which were used in the dances 
 which accompanied the great sacrifices in the time of Shang and 
 the beginning of Chow. All these names are represented on the 
 vessels. They are all names of Shang rulers, and of them only, 
 and stand for a certain definite period in the dynasty. 
 
 The Shu, or Book of History, had obtained its final form 
 centuries before the recovered bronzes had attracted the atten- 
 tion of scholars to their remarkable inscriptions. It has been 
 mentioned that even after many years of study by the keen 
 minds of the learned men of Sung, there remained not a few 
 emblems untranslatable. Thus was manifested their great age 
 and also their desuetude. All this was equally true of the Chow 
 characters as of the pictorial words of Shang. But the person 
 to whom the vessel was dedicated was indicated on every 
 Shang vessel, even when the inscription consisted only of one 
 character. 
 
 Now, the Shu was chiefly if not entirely compiled by 
 Confucius, and contains a complete list of the twenty-eight 
 rulers of the Shang dynasty. It is worth while to give this 
 list in its chronological order : — The first is Tang, the Com- 
 plete, who founded the dynasty. He is known as Tien Yi. 
 The second is Tai Kia ; the third, Wu Ting ; the fourth, Tai 
 Keng ; the fifth, Siao Kia ; the sixth, Yung Ki ; the seventh, 
 Tai Mao ; the eighth, Chung Ting ; the ninth, Wai Ren ; the 
 tenth, Ho Tan Kia ; the eleventh, Tsu Yi ; the twelfth, Tsu 
 Sin ; the thirteenth, Wu Kia ; the fourteenth, Tsu Ting ; the 
 fifteenth, Nan Keng ; the sixteenth, Yang Kia ; the seven- 
 teenth, Pan Keng ; the eighteenth, Siao Sin ; the nineteenth, 
 Siao Yi ; the twentieth, Wu Ting ; the twenty-first, Tsu 
 Keng ; the twenty-second, Tsu Kia ; the twenty-third, Ling 
 Sin ; the twenty-fourth, Keng Ting ; the twenty-fifth, Wu 
 Yi ; the twenty-sixth, Tai Ting ; the twenty-seventh, Ti Yi ; 
 the twenty-eighth, Chow Sin. 
 
 Among the selections given below by reproduction of the 
 Shang inscriptions it will be noted that there is no instance 
 
136 Repboduction of Script. 
 
 of the first word in any of the above pairs, except the word 
 Tsu, which was at once a personal name and the Chinese for 
 " ancestor," in which sense it is used throughout the inscrip- 
 tions. But there are numerous instances of the second word 
 of the pair. The reason is that the first is the personal de- 
 signation and the second the title. The first is replaced by 
 the word " father," " mother," grandfather," or some other 
 personal relation. No name appears on the bronzes. The 
 person to whom the vessel is dedicated is indicated by the title 
 and the donor by his blood relationship. When the word 
 " father " is engraved on the vessel it is evident that it was 
 made by the son ; the name of the father does not occur. 
 When we have the title " father Yi " on the vessel, we know 
 that the title of the father was yi. But there are half-a-dozen 
 of this title. The affix yi was attached to six persons. The 
 first was Pao Yi, who was the fourth generation of the an- 
 cestors of Tang. The second was Tang himself, known as 
 Tien Yi. The third was Tsu Yi, the fourteenth generation 
 from Tang. Then came Siao Yi, Wu Yi, and Ti Yi. On 
 each of the vessels dedicated to all these the inscription would 
 be " Fu Yi " or " father " yi, without any distinguishable 
 difference to indicate the particular " father " referred to. 
 The various vessels were, however, different in their orna- 
 mentation. This was sometimes of clouds, sometimes of 
 thunder, sometimes of dragons, and sometimes of gluttony. 
 Probably the vessels could be distinguished at the time of using 
 them by their particular ornamentation. The inscriptions 
 Fu Kia and Fu Ting were equally numerous, and might repre- 
 sent any one of various individuals. 
 
 In the Shu there is the full name and title of all the Shang 
 rulers. On the vessel the name does not occur, but the final 
 word of the title is engraved. These final words are borrowed 
 from what are called the Ten Stems, and this borrowing is 
 characteristic of Shang and of no other dynasty. Each of 
 the rulers assumed one of the ten stems as his title. 
 
 The reproductions which follow are merely specimens; 
 there are many more inscriptions of the Shang dynasty of a 
 
Inscriptions on Vessels. 137 
 
 similar type. The selection given should afford proof adequate 
 of the authenticity of both the Shu, which records the public 
 history of Shang, giving the names, and of the unearthed 
 vessels which supply the titles of the rulers for a totally 
 different purpose and in an entirely independent form. The 
 two sources of information provide mutual corroboration 
 which is remarkable, and in which there is no possibility of 
 collusion. In these facts, from the combined evidence of 
 Book and Bronze, we have undoubted proof of authenticity. 
 
 The Ten Stems which had been adopted as part of their 
 title by the Shang rulers were used, from some period of the 
 unknown past, combined in pairs to indicate the five elements. 
 With the twelve Branches they formed pairs which numbered 
 successive days, and at the time of Han began to mark the 
 cycle of sixty years, making an accurate method of chronology. 
 The Ten Stems are :— First, Kia, a bud, the first ; second, 
 yi, a final particle, completion ; third, ping, bright ; fourth, 
 ting, adult, a person ; fifth, wu, luxuriant ; sixth, ki, self, 
 central ; seventh, keng, metal ; eighth, sin, acrid, pungent ; 
 ninth, ren, great ; tenth, kwei, consider. The odd numbers 
 are all yang and the even all yin. The first pair denotes 
 wood and the east, the second pair fire and the south, the 
 third pair earth, the fourth pair metal, the north-east, and 
 the west ; the fifth water and the north. 
 
 The twelve branches are : — Eirst, tsu ; second, chou ; 
 third, yin; fourth, mao ; fifth, chen ; sixth, szu ; seventh, 
 wu; eighth, wei ; ninth, shen ; tenth, yu ; eleventh, su ; 
 twelfth, hai. These divide the twenty-four hours thus : the 
 first, 12-1 a.m. ; second, 1-3 a.m. ; third, 3-5 a.m. ; fourth, 
 5-7 a.m. ; fifth, 7-9 a.m. ; sixth, 9-11 a.m. ; seventh, 11-1 
 p.m. ; eighth, 1-3 p.m. ; ninth, 3-5 p.m. ; tenth, 5-7 p.m. ; 
 eleventh, 7-9 p.m. ; twelfth, 9-11 p.m. 
 
 To produce the cycle of sixty years each of the ten stems 
 is paired with each of the branches, both in regular succession, 
 as tsukia, chou yi, etc., six successions of the stems and five 
 of the branches complete the cycle of sixty years and admit 
 of no confusion. 
 
138 Reproduction of Script. 
 
 The subjects covered by the numerous bronze vessels of 
 Shang are limited to sacrifice and feasting. Hence the inscrip- 
 tions are also limited. They are dedicated to family relatives 
 and some prominent officials. The terms " son," " grandson," 
 "ancestor," "father" occur continually. Those showing varia- 
 tions of form are given. While much material is omitted, 
 everything is presented which had any bearing on the con- 
 struction or development of the script. An explanation of 
 the inscriptions or of the shapes and uses of the vessels is 
 impossible in a work like this, which is devoted to the history 
 of the construction at its earliest known period of the Chinese 
 script. 
 
 The first duty of the founder of a dynasty having been to 
 erect in honour of his ancestors a temple with appropriate 
 sacrificial vessels, we are justified in believing that some of 
 the inscriptions date from the very beginning of the Shang 
 dynasty. The names of some of the kings associated with the 
 ten stems represent its concluding years. The lapse of six 
 centuries indicates little change in the outlines of the charac- 
 ters. Almost all the characters of the Shang inscriptions, 
 except the pictorial, are frequently repeated in long and 
 numerous inscriptions of the first century and half of the 
 Chow dynasty. 
 
Fum. 139 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 Fuhi. 
 
 Puhi is the most ancient name mentioned by Confucius, 
 and is the reputed originator of the first steps from barbarism 
 to Chinese civilisation. Chinese historians give him the credit 
 of laying the foundation of Chinese script. We may ascribe 
 to him the honour of instituting marriage and the rudiments 
 of social life. But from what appears above, in the examina- 
 tion of the origin of Chinese script, it is impossible to credit 
 him with the construction of even the beginnings of the written 
 characters of China. The eight diagrams in long and short 
 lines are ascribed to him. From two bronze vessels of the 
 Shang dynasty represented below, examples of the eight dia- 
 grams are proved to have existed before the Chow dynasty. 
 These differ from the set of diagrams usually represented, 
 but the difference is not radical. He may have used long 
 and short scratches to denote some sort of meaning. But the 
 significance attached to these in modern times never entered 
 the imagination of Fuhi or other leader of the people for a 
 thousand years after him. The yang and yin theory was 
 introduced into the philosophy of China at the end of the 
 twelfth century B.C. Though the straight line is an absolute 
 stranger to the earliest characters in the oldest bronzes, it will 
 do nobody any harm to consider the eight diagrams as the first 
 attempt to express some sort of meaning by written signs. 
 The eight diagrams were extended by king Wen to sixty-four, 
 which were by him made the basis of the curious book called 
 the Yi King, or Classic of Transformations. 
 
 The eight diagrams were supposed to be used to define the 
 interaction of the elemental forces of nature and the effects 
 of that interaction. The meanings attached to them by 
 fortune-tellers in modern times are appended to the diagrams. 
 The words immediately beneath them are their equivalent 
 in Chinese. 
 
140 Reproduction of Script. 
 
 Ill 
 
 CO .ffl- «* 
 
 in 
 
 -r\ 
 
 I 
 
 ,.l 
 
 HI - tg 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I! 
 
 Jl!« 
 
 s 
 
 o 
 
 s 
 
 !!l» 
 
 «,,--»* 
 
 III 
 
 -HI* 
 
 III 
 
 '* 
 
 < 
 
 w 
 
 
 U| P : go 5 a £- .«> 2> J -s u 
 
 r-H <N C3 Tj< W C© 
 
Shako Dynasty. 
 
 141 
 
 Kwei, 
 
 10th stem, 
 
 To consider, 
 
 representing Father 
 
 of Tang, 
 
 founder of Dynasty 
 
 (sole character on 
 
 Teasel). 
 
 Keng, 
 
 7th stem, 
 
 Metal 
 
 (sole character on 
 
 el). 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 Shang Dynasty. 
 
 With Modern Representative at left. 
 Tsu, 
 
 *£ 
 
 Fu, 
 
 Father, 
 
 Ting, 
 
 Adult man, 
 
 4th stem. 
 
 Fu, 
 Father, 
 
 Ti, 
 
 2nd stem, 
 
 Final particle, 
 
 Complete. 
 
 Fu Kwei. 
 
 Fu Kia, 
 
 1st stem, 
 Bud, first. 
 
 Ren, 
 
 Man 
 
 (note its form). 
 
 Kwei. 
 
 £ 
 * 
 
 A 
 
 T 
 
 Grandfather, 
 ancestor. 
 
 8th stem, 
 Acrid. 
 
 Hiung, 
 Elder brother. 
 
 Kwei, 
 
 r««, 
 
 r», 
 
 f«, 
 
 i2ew, 
 
 9th stem, 
 
 Great. 
 
 Keng, 
 
 Fu, 
 Keng, 
 
 **A 
 
142 Reproduction op Script. 
 
 Tsu ting, 
 
 Hiiing ting, 
 
 Fu sin, 
 
 Tsu, 
 
 Mu, 
 Mother, 
 
 Sin, 
 Bitter, 
 
 Kwa, 
 Diagram. 
 
 (Evidence that 
 
 the diagrams 
 
 antedated Chow.) 
 
 
 tk. 
 
 iaM. 
 
 «. i_ 
 
 I 
 
 Fu, 
 
 Chow, 
 Boat. 
 
 Yi, 
 
 Tsu, 
 Kwei, 
 
 Mu, 
 
 k 
 
 f '• #^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 S 
 
 Ting, ,7 
 
 1/ m H. t f 
 
Shang Dynasty. 
 
 143 
 
 SOH, 
 
 Grandson. 
 
 (This phrase continually 
 used for " posterity.") 
 
 Tsu. 
 
 Swun, 
 
 
 Hing, 
 Walking, 
 
 Tsu, 
 Swun, 
 
 CM, 
 To raise, 
 
 Ko, 
 
 (Spear standing upright, 
 Martial.) 
 
 <? 
 
 *K> 
 
 
 * 
 
 Grandson, 
 
 (Figure upside down.) 
 
 Che, 
 A cart, 
 
 Ping, 
 
 Grasp, 
 
 (A hand against 
 
 sheaf.) 
 
 Chung, 
 Middle brother, 
 
 Chung, 
 Middle, 
 
 Mu, 
 Wood, 
 
144 
 
 Reproduction of Script. 
 
 CM, 
 To raise. 
 
 Tau, 
 
 Swun, 
 
 Tsu, 
 
 Swun, 
 
 Ku, 
 Ancient. 
 
 (Grandson holding 
 sword). 
 
 Yen, 
 Words, speech. 
 
 Tien, 
 A field. 
 
 Shi, 
 
 A generation 
 
 (3 tens). 
 
 Mu, 
 
 Mother. 
 
 Hu, 
 Tiger. 
 
 Ho, 
 Growing grain, 
 (2 stems, 1 figure.) 
 
 Grandson with how. 
 
 Grandson holding 
 sword. 
 
 Fu, 
 Father. 
 
 Ting. 
 Tripod. 
 
 Ping, 
 
 Grasp. 
 
 (Hand holding sheaf 
 
 of grain.) 
 
 Chung, 
 Middle. 
 
 Unknown. 
 
Shang Dynasty. 
 
 145 
 
 Ko, 
 Upright spear. 
 
 Grandson. 
 
 Grandson. 
 
 Mother. 
 
 Chow, 
 Boat. 
 
 Bo, 
 If. 
 
 Man, grasping 
 wood. 
 
 Kung, 
 Bow. 
 
 Ti, 
 Completed. 
 
 Chow, 
 Boat. 
 
 Che. 
 Cart. 
 
 Chow, 
 Boat. 
 
 Lung, 
 Dragon. 
 
 Shi, 
 
 A generation, 
 
 (3 tens.) 
 
 Grandson. 
 
 Two grandsons. 
 
 Tsu, 
 Ting, 
 
 Chow, 
 A besom. 
 
 m, 
 
 Woman. 
 
 !QQi 
 
146 
 
 RBPBODTTOTIOir OF SCRIPT. 
 
 Che, 
 To record. 
 
 You, 
 
 Priend, 
 
 (Two hands). 
 
 Shi, 
 To serve. 
 
 Si, 
 Pewter. 
 
 Lai. 
 To rely on. 
 
 Pei, 
 Precious. 
 
 Chien, 
 To see. 
 
 Wu, 
 Negation. 
 
 Show, 
 Longevity. 
 
 Hu, 
 Tiger. 
 
 Grandson. 
 
 fFu, 
 City. 
 
 Shi, 
 Arrow. 
 
 Ancestor. 
 
 Show, 
 To receive. 
 
 Fu, 
 Hatchet. 
 
 Grandson with 
 spear. 
 
 (One of the 8 diagrams 
 incomplete on cover; 
 of vessel.) 
 
 One on body ofjjvessel. 
 (See p. 140.) 
 
Shang Dynasty. 
 
 147 
 
 Unknown. 
 
 Chung, 
 Middle brother. 
 
 Footprints, 
 
 Pronunciation 
 unknown. 
 
 Ting, 
 Adult man. 
 
 Er, 
 Ear. 
 
 Chi, 
 Lance. 
 
 Tut, 
 T3attle axe. 
 
 Grandson. 
 
 Father. 
 
 Sk4? 
 
 Shi, 
 
 Generation, 
 
 (3 tens). 
 
 K 
 
 A 
 
 Footprints. 
 
 ^4? 
 
 Tsu, 
 Foot. 
 
 «. 
 
 Mr, 
 Ear. 
 
 0< 
 
 Tsu, 
 
 Foot. 
 
 h 
 
 Grandson. 
 
 A 
 
 Ear. 
 
 4 
 
 Foot. 
 
 £_ 
 
 Grandson. 
 
 % 
 
148 
 
 Reproduction op Soeipt. 
 
 Mother. 
 
 Grandson 
 holding tree. 
 
 Wa, 
 Hollow. 
 
 Unknown, hand 
 holding goblet. 
 
 Sacrificial 
 animal. 
 
 Wang, 
 King. 
 
 Shi, 
 
 Generation 
 
 (3 tens). 
 
 Chang, 
 
 Brilliant, sun 
 
 and moon. 
 
 Rank, drinking 
 cup. 
 
 Ancestor. 
 
 Ren, 
 Man. 
 
 Grandson. 
 
 Ben, 
 
 Tsu, 
 
 Ting, 
 
 Hiung, 
 
 Ting, 
 
 Ta, 
 Great. 
 
 Chi, 
 Cock. 
 
 Poo, 
 Precious. 
 
 Tsun, 
 
 Vessel. 
 
 (Preceding 6 
 
 words form one 
 
 inscription.) 
 
Shang Dynasty. 
 
 149 
 
 Ting, 
 Sacrificial vessel. 
 
 Fei, 
 Negation. 
 
 Ancestor. 
 
 St 
 
 # 
 
 jB- 
 
 Keng, 
 7th stem. 
 
 Wu, 
 Mid-day. 
 
 Wang, 
 King. 
 
 Command. 
 
 Chin, 
 Sleep. 
 
 Miao, 
 Temple. 
 
 Chen, 
 Star. 
 
 Chien, 
 To see. 
 
 Pei, 
 North. 
 
 Tien, 
 Field. 
 
 Szu, Four. 
 
 Pin, Grade 
 (3 mouths). 
 
 Shi, Ten. 
 Er, Two. 
 
 Tue, Moon. 
 
 Tso, 
 To make. 
 
 
150 
 
 Reproduction of Script. 
 
 Wan, 
 
 Myriad 
 
 (Scorpion form). 
 
 -ffi 
 
 Mag staff. 
 
 M&Hl. 
 
 Moon, 
 
 Fish, 
 
 Foundation, 
 
 Complete 
 Inscription. 
 
 Chii, 
 To fear. 
 
 Ya, 
 
 (The square en- 
 closure, signifying 
 that the Teasel was 
 sanctified to temple 
 use. Within it is 
 the name Chao fit.) 
 
 Underneath is 
 
 Tsu, 
 Son. 
 
 Sin, 
 8th Stem. 
 
 Chao, 
 Call. 
 
 Fu, 
 A man. 
 
 Tau, Sin, 
 
 Yue, 
 Moon. 
 
 Unknown 
 character. 
 
 Ncti, 
 
 Also. 
 
 h 
 
 fi 
 
 O 
 
 5© 
 
Shang Dtkasty. 
 
 151 
 
 Complete in- 
 scription within 
 Ta:— 
 
 Chow, Boat. 
 
 Ting, Person. 
 
 Bo, If. 
 
 Kwei, Son 
 holding flag. 
 
 Yi, tsu, Foot. 
 
 ri./w, City. 
 
 Same 
 
 in 
 Modern 
 Chinese. 
 
 Ko, 
 Lance set up. 
 
 Chi, 
 Foundation. 
 
 Chung, 
 Middle. 
 
 Bo, 
 If. 
 
 Son holding 
 standard. 
 
 CM, «Sv^?' 
 
 Fear. ^— ' 
 
 Symbol 
 
 against 
 
 gluttony. 
 
 Chi, 
 A standard. 
 
 Grandson. 
 
 Unknown. 
 
 Unknown. 
 
 Hand 
 holding ear. 
 
 CM, 
 Fear. 
 
152 
 
 Reproduction of Scbipt. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 Chow, Early. 
 
 This inscription 
 of seven charac- 
 ters was made on 
 a sacrificial ves- 
 sel to King Wen 
 by his son Duke 
 Chow, who was 
 ruler of Lu, as 
 Shantung was 
 anciently styled. 
 There are many 
 examples of this 
 inscription on 
 numerous varie- 
 ties of sacrificial 
 bronzes. The 
 style is in no re- 
 spect dissimilar 
 from that of the 
 Shang dynasty. 
 
 Above in- 
 scription in 
 Modern Chin- 
 ese. 
 
 En, 
 Tiger. 
 
 Kwan, 
 
 Connected, 
 
 strung 
 
 together. 
 
 Kwan, 
 Connected. 
 
 Chao, 
 To call. 
 
 i 
 
 JL. 
 
 Elephant. 
 
 (Figure from 
 preceding 
 dynasty.) 
 
 f x Ru, or Nai, 
 £* Milk. 
 
 Chiw, 
 Nine. 
 
 Chien, 
 To see. 
 
 Show, 
 The head. 
 
 Chen, 
 Minister 
 
 P 
 
 "v 
 
 & a 
 
Chow, Eaely. 
 
 153 
 
 Tung 
 
 (Sun in the 
 
 trees), the 
 
 East. 
 
 Mu, 
 Wood, tree. 
 
 Chi, 
 Banner. 
 
 Tan, 
 Solitary. 
 
 Chiung, 
 A lattice. 
 
 Hu, 
 
 Tiger. 
 
 Siang, 
 
 Looking 
 
 among 
 
 trees 
 mutually. 
 
 Wu, 
 
 Negation. 
 
 (Note two 
 sides balanc- 
 ing = negation. ) 
 
 Ma, 
 Horse. 
 
 Nan, 
 South. 
 
 Kwo, 
 Kingdom. 
 
 Shan, 
 Mountain. 
 
 Kwan, 
 Connected. 
 
 
 V 
 
 X Jj 
 
 Unknown 
 character. 
 
 Fu, 
 City. 
 
 Two 
 
 grandsons. 
 
 Ma, 
 
 Horse 
 
 (various). 
 
 Wu, 
 Negation. 
 
 Liang, 
 Bounds. 
 
 Unknown. 
 
 m 
 
 1: 
 
 ffi 
 
154 
 
 Reproduction of Script. 
 
 Min, 
 People. 
 
 Tsin, 
 
 Name of 
 
 Kingdom. 
 
 Pang, 
 Feudal State. 
 
 Yue, 
 Moon. 
 
 Chun, 
 Prince. 
 
 To, 
 Many 
 
 Fu, Happiness, 
 good luck. 
 
 Tsun, Honourable 
 
 (vessel supported 
 
 by two hands). 
 
 Ting, 
 Sacrificial vessel. 
 
 Ohu, 
 A forest. 
 
 Siw, 
 Desist. 
 
 Tu, Earth. 
 
 Sheng, 
 
 Born, produced. 
 
 (Note growth out of 
 
 earth.) 
 
 *f 
 
 
 n J 
 
 % 1 
 
 £ 
 > 
 
 35 
 
 ?fcf$ 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 /^ 
 
 # 
 
 i i 
 4 I 
 
 ffo, 
 Grain. 
 
 Ho, 
 
 Grain. 
 
 Hing, 
 To walk, 
 
 Shi, 
 Business. 
 
 Numerals. 
 
 *- 
 
 * 
 
 /— 
 
 /o 
 
Chow, Eablt. 155 
 
 Shu, p±- QE> 
 
 Coarse grass cloth. «i/K >K 
 
 finions. »^ A /\ 
 
 9v 
 
 Two ancient forms of 
 
 Pet, 
 
 Precious. 
 
 Source. /& ^ 
 
 7t*en, — » /f© 
 
 Mountain. 
 
 04 4, 
 
 To walk. TJ ^ ^* 
 
 Kow, 
 Mouth. 
 
 Tue, 
 To speak. 
 
 Pu, 
 
 Negative. 
 
 Hien, 
 Manifest. 
 
 Hien, 
 Carriage roof. 
 Hia, 
 Below. __ 
 
 (When the shorter line In ■ 
 
 is above the meaning *"*" 
 
 ia "above.") 
 
156 Reproduction ok Script. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Chow, Later. 
 
 The Po Bell of Chow. 
 
 The Chow dynasty seems to have been the first to intro- 
 duce the bell as an instrument of music. The number of bells 
 cast by the dynasty and its subordinate States was consider- 
 able. These are interesting for their design and workmanship, 
 but especially for the inscriptions with which they were adorned 
 in contemporary script. The bell, whose inscription is here 
 reproduced, was called the Po, or large bell. It weighed 
 122J catties (about 1£ cwt.), and the inscription numbered 
 492 characters. They relate the institution of the State of Chi, 
 in the north-west of Shantung. King Wu, in the early morning 
 •of a day in the fifth moon, ordered the Marquis of Kiang 
 to march with his three armies of 3000 men to the eastern 
 frontier of his newly established State of Chi to defend it against 
 the wild men in the wilderness east of that frontier. His 
 headquarters became the capital of the kingdom of Chi, and 
 was situated where now stands the city of Lintzu hien, which 
 was at once the eastern frontier of Chi and of the kingdom of 
 <Chow. The inscription records the ancient ancestry of the 
 marquis and his marriage relationship. It states that he was 
 -cunning and brave as a tiger. The bell was cast by his admiring 
 ■descendants and used at sacrificial honours to his memory. 
 It is supposed that the bell was cast in the seventh century B.C., 
 when Chi was prosperous. This was a century after the chaotic 
 script had been reduced to order, and the one systematised 
 set of characters introduced into general use. This inscription 
 represents the script used by Confucius and after him up to 
 the third century B.C., when Chin Shi Whang superseded it 
 with a simpler, and when the square characters were devised 
 which are still in use. The State of Chi was founded in 1122 
 B.C., and was absorbed by Chin in the third century B.C. Most 
 of the ancient inscriptions on the vessels of the later Chow 
 reproduced in the Po-ku-tu and the Siching kuehien are of the 
 same style as that on the Po bell. 
 
Chow Later. 
 
 157 
 
 I 
 
 The Po Bell of Chow. 
 
158 
 
 Reproduction of Scbipt. 
 
 
 
 
 ^W(^ } 
 
 
 WM^tfftii| m - 
 
Chow Later. 
 
 159 
 
 
 
 "4> ; - uiiu 
 
 ^ T n\ o 7 t X ^ ^ ■'- ^ """'V M 7K 
 
 ^11 ,0m ,mr/ ^ \rtn/r ,^V v 7i Ak ^ r^ ^ 
 
 
160 
 
 Reproduction of Script. 
 
 
 jHMgM|eM!KMll^K^»aWSMBaM3W 
 
 
 'V 1 ^r 
 
 iJEffli 
 
 |-ti% 
 
 ■■•■ 
 
 Earcalul 
 
 
 
 tWfft^ft 
 
Chow Later. 
 
 161 
 
 •a 
 
 o 
 
 do 
 
 
162 
 
 Reproduction of Script. 
 
 Kuei. 
 The Kuei is a sacrificial vessel with 
 rounded corners to represent heaven, 
 ■which was believed to be circular. The 
 title reads, Chow How Kuei, a Kuei in 
 honour of How of Chow. The modern 
 characters beside the inscription are a 
 translation of the ancient. 
 
 CHOW 
 
 HOW 
 
 R^ KUEI. 
 
 Ancient 
 Chinese. 
 
 Modem 
 Chinese. 
 
 ft 
 
 1 
 
 J0O» 
 
Chow Latee 
 
 163 
 
164 
 
 Reproduction of Scbipt. 
 
 Fu. 
 
 The fu was a sacrificial vessel squared 
 at the corners to represent the earth, 
 which was supposed to be square. The 
 title reads, Chow Meng Chiang Fu, 
 a fu in honour of Meng Chiang of the 
 Chow dynasty. The style of the ancient 
 inscription is before the middle of the 
 Chow dynasty. The small circles in the 
 modem transliteration represent charac- 
 ters which were unknown to the Sung 
 Scholars. 
 
 CHOW 
 
 MENG 
 
 CHIANG 
 
 Ancient Chinese. 
 
 o O O .j^| 
 
 IS 2 %& 
 
 Modern Chinese. 
 
Chin. 
 
 165 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 Chin. 
 
 VI. 
 
 A few specimens are given of the seal character of Chin 
 to show that the small differences introduced are but slight 
 modifications of the Chow characters. The fame of Chin as 
 a literary reformer consists in the introduction of the square 
 character. 
 
 
 Jo 
 
 Wd 
 
 SET 
 
 * *fr *1 Sfc 
 
 & n * X 
 
 £ & 'tis **- -3- 
 
166 
 
 Reproduction of Script. 
 
 ((Ho f J 
 
 
Cms. 
 
 167 
 
 
 3 ft 'Aits ^Ita 
 
 *21 
 
 
 
 %-k 
 
 £ 
 
 £ 
 
 ^ 
 
 4 
 
 v'A 
 
 iti 
 
 rt 
 
 **. 
 
 i 
 
 ih. 
 
 fL 
 
 T>? 
 
 ? 
 
 % 
 
 
 *> 
 
 0/ 
 
 ft 
 
 £ 
 
 JL 1 
 
 •;*. 
 
 * 
 
 ■^ 
 
 4% 
 
 .Jfc. % 
 
 X 
 
 **> 
 
 & 
 
 & 
 
 
 1BL 
 
168 
 
 Reproduction of Script, 
 
 
 i 
 
 ©ft : 
 
 ft : 
 
 _ i 
 
 
 WW] 
 
 1.1 
 
 
 SKI IFEcllU 
 
 ■■■■Kg ■■''EtSflwfl 
 
 ?$i^jf i4|f |^)!^ 
 
 •a 
 
 ft 
 
 
 5a 
 
 V V A 
 
 
 fc 
 
 5t> 
 
 a 
 
 $4 * 
 
 pfr) 
 
 J. 
 
 76 
 
 * 
 
 
 % 
 
 s 
 7i- 
 
 *f 
 
 * 
 
 *r 
 
 
 *.$ 
 
 -A 
 
 •*■:' 
 
 w 
 
 n 
 
 3L 
 
 * 
 
 *J 
 
 ft* 
 
 ffl. 
 
 1 
 
Chin. 
 
 169 
 
 fill! 
 
 t .# rtMmM > 
 
 
 4§ ■# 
 
 * IK ^ 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 ft 
 
 « ^ 
 
 SI 
 
 ii 
 
 ft 
 
170 
 
 Reproduction of Script. 
 
 S\ Oil, 
 
 
 If 
 
 
 ^^15)1^ 
 
 ,*: 
 
Chin. 
 
 171 
 
172 
 
 Reproduction of Script. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 Han. 
 
Haw. 
 
 173 
 
 % v JL 
 ^* 
 It-* 
 
 £* 
 
 41*: 
 
 ft'*L 
 
 -^v 
 
 I I - - W - ■ ■ > _ ■,,. 
 
 7j£j wl ^HL#M i*M. llll 
 
 1 ^p^*^0*^MMA 
 t m m si m. u±^m IP 1. 1? 
 
 '# F* ?§3 ^ Ml # * D «*•>• ^ ffi 
 
174 
 
 Reproduction of Script. 
 
 
 
 1^^±it:iti|p|i^ 
 
 J&fcmPfc's&tejfriRfei 
 
 m^mmmt^m^ 
 
 mm—^^^iwm^ 
 
 
 Hi. -J- S T" 
 
 it*** 
 
 & 
 
% jm\uu£* *.]& \*^\3- ?f if pi. 
 
 ^\^Mm term wm -$~m 
 
 
 * « p^mUS 
 
 
 bait* ' *s> 
 
 ^i^^^i^H^k-^l^-lX 
 
176 
 
 RapBODtrcTioir of Script. 
 
 Ei MBM^Bm^M 
 
 1 L 
 
Han. 
 
 177 
 
 m 
 
 is 
 
 m 
 
 M 
 
178 
 
 Reproduction of Script. 
 
 
Han. 
 
 179 
 
 Ik- % 1 k k * 1° * v> 
 
180 
 
 Reproduction of Script. 
 
 
 **$!£*# ^ 
 
Han. 
 
 181 
 
 Han Dynasty, in the beginning of the 
 Christian era introduced this style of 
 seal character, which is a complete 
 change from preceding styles : it is 
 square and symmetrical. Since its 
 introduction it has been the favourite 
 style for all stamps and seals. 
 
 ^ 
 
 m 
 
 
182 Reproduction op Script. 
 
 CHAPTER Till. 
 Tablet op Yu. 
 
 These remarkable characters are copied from an inscription 
 engraved on a stone tablet set up on the famous mountain 
 Heng Shan in Hunan. It purports to have been cut by Yu, 
 who reigned in the beginning of the twenty-third century B.C. 
 Though in the original inscription the " flood which overspread 
 the land " is referred to, there is nothing in the text which 
 claims to be the work of Yu's hands. The four small characters 
 at the end ascribing it to Yu are by a different hand in a modern 
 style. The tablet has disappeared. The inscription itself af- 
 fords no clue to the time of cutting. The script gives ample 
 evidence that it was not cut within two thousand years of Yu 
 The characters are of a uniform style suggesting birds' heads 
 craning to make up the words. They are symmetrically 
 balanced in a fashion unknown to the ancients before the 
 time of Chin Shi whang, and fully developed only in the time 
 of the Han dynasty. There are some grotesque specimens 
 of the time of Chin Shi whang, which, though suggestive of 
 kinship, are neither so uniform nor in so free a style as is 
 this entire inscription. In the earlier dynasties, though there 
 are variations of form, there is nothing approaching these 
 forms. A few of the tablets of Chin may have suggested 
 to a clever scholar the idea of cutting out such an inscription. 
 Previous to that time there is nothing in the least approaching 
 it. Here there is variety of form in uniformity of style. The 
 inscription is presented as a curiosity and a clever forgery — if, 
 indeed, it is supposed to represent the ancient form of character. 
 Judging from the styles of the ancient past, this inscription 
 was made by no one previous to the Christian era. 
 
Tablet of Yu. 
 
 183 
 
184 
 
 Reproduction op Script. 
 
Tablet of Ytt. 
 
 185 
 
 *f & #f 
 
 
 0%. 
 
 
 #. 
 
 #. 
 
 f 
 # 
 
186 
 
 Kepbodtjction of Script. 
 
Mas. 187 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 Mast. 
 
 To illustrate the ingenuity of the Chinese scholars in com- 
 posing new words and the elasticity of the language in making 
 new combinations, a few selections follow borrowed from the 
 dictionary Shuo wen. The selections are the simplest of the 
 long list of words under the heading " man." Though few, 
 they suffice to show the genius of the language for self- 
 propagation and extension, and its unique sphere among 
 languages. 
 
 The first two words are the ancient and modern forms of 
 the word for " man." Though ancient, the first word is by no 
 means the most ancient, specimens of which are seen under the 
 phrases and words of the Shang list, which are the most ancient 
 known. The form in the Shuo wen is of the Han style, fifteen 
 or more centuries after the Shang. It is well to compare the 
 form with the character " man " under the list of the Shang 
 dynasty (p. 141). 
 
188 
 
 Reproduction of Script. 
 
 Man, ancient and 
 modern form. 
 
 Man and son, 
 to nourish. 
 
 Man with two, 
 signifies relatives. 
 
 Two men with a line 
 out from one, sig. 
 arms outstretched. 
 
 Man with scholar, 
 to learn. 
 
 Man with white, 
 signifies older. 
 
 Man with middle, 
 sig. middle brother. 
 
 Man with two fires, 
 signifies comfort. 
 
 Man with two 
 scholars, sig. good. 
 
 Man with demon, 
 sig. admirable. 
 
 (Demon as in Greek, 
 spirit of departed.) 
 
 Man with mouth and 
 scholar, sig. correct. 
 
 Two men, means 
 resemblance. 
 
 Man with two men 
 
 under cover, to 
 
 lean on. 
 
 Man with "but," 
 because. 
 
 Man with ear, 
 secondary. 
 
 Man with a vessel, 
 
 perpendicular, or 
 
 to stand erect. 
 
 Man with five, 
 squad of five. 
 
 Man with ten, 
 squad of ten. 
 
 Man with 100, 
 squad of hundred. 
 
 Man with agreement, 
 harmony. 
 
 
 Man with completed, 
 image. 
 
 Man with happiness, 
 rejoice. 
 
 1 
 ft 
 
 I s - 
 ijx 
 
 JJ- 
 
Man. 
 
 189 
 
 Two men back to back, 
 enemy. 
 
 Man on a hill, 
 billman, high. 
 
 Man upside down, 
 change. 
 
 Man with another 
 
 upside down, 
 
 teacher. 
 
 Man with his back 
 turned, to meet one. 
 
 Man and high, 
 sight-seeing. 
 
 Two men facing same 
 
 direction, 
 
 mutually hearing. 
 
 Two men both with 
 
 back turned, 
 
 secret. 
 
 Two men back to baefc, 
 violent. 
 
 1ft 
 
 Twolmen above the level, 7"} /t 
 difficult, high. J f\\ 
 
 Three men, 
 multitude. 
 
 win 
 
 Man with child, 
 humble. 
 
 Man with official, 
 small official. 
 
 Man with a field, 
 boy. 
 
 Man and only, 
 lazy. 
 
 Man with open 
 
 mouth and sun, 
 
 sing for joy. 
 
 Man with foot 
 
 behind, 
 
 persecute. 
 
 Man with three 
 
 fields, defeated and 
 
 scattered. 
 
 Man, and two with 
 
 backs to him, 
 
 parting, separate. 
 
 Man with three 
 
 scholars and man 
 
 below a line, 
 
 pigmy. 
 
 Man with long life, 
 to heal. 
 
 Man with open 
 
 mouth accusing two 
 
 first of falsehood, 
 
 to doubt. 
 
Bishop 8c Sons, Ltd., 
 Central Printing Works, 
 
 Nicolson Square, 
 Edinburgh.