Mi 013 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND GIVEN IN 1891 BY HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE Digitized by Microsoft® Date Due RH W^ im m^=r . ^ . ^. *a0^ tr%l wt PRINTED IN U. S. A, («r CAT. NO. 23233 Cornell University Library E269.I6 013 A hidden phase of American histoi olln 3 1924 032 740 148 Digitized by Microsoft® This book was digitized by Microsoft Corporation in cooperation witli Cornell University Libraries, 2007. You may use and print this copy in limited quantity for your personal purposes, but may not distribute or provide access to it (or modified or partial versions of it) for revenue-generating or other commercial purposes. Digitized by Microsoft® Digitized by Microsoft® Digitized by Microsoft® Manual Loan This book was not charged out on the computer and will not show up on your Charged Items list when using Patron Info in the Library Catalog. Important: Monitor your due date carefully. Overdue notices for manually charged books might not arrive within the 9-day grace period. You can renew manual loans via: phone 255-4245 or e-mail okucirc@cornell.edu Please provide author, title and complete call number when renewing manual loans. 1 OF 3RY csm 10/00 Umzdd by MicmsoHiis) Digitized by Microsoft® A HIDDEN PHASE OF AMERICAN HISTORY Digitized by Microsoft® Digitized by Microsoft® Digitized by Microsoft® ^''\}M ^y'^Z ©is®ni©is ■WAg3iiHSf®'ff®src PFIIWTE PLATE /?£PJ?ODEPROOaC€D BY ANN/I F/tAA/Ct'S L£i"NS CHARLES THOMSON SECRETARY OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS, BORN IN COUNTY DERRY, IRELAND. Digitized by Microsoft® Digitized by Microsoft® OF AMERICAN HISTORY 27 On the same date Franklin wrote Thomas Gushing, afterward Speaker of the Massachusetts General As- sembly and Delegate to the Continental Congress: "I have now returned again to London from a Journey of some months in Ireland and Scotland." In this letter he gave an account of his tour in Ireland and of the civilities he received there. Describing his visit to the Irish Parliament House, he said: "Before leaving Ireland I must mention that, being desirous of seeing the principal Patriots there, I staid till the opening of their Parliament. I found them disposed to be friends of America, in which I endeavoured to confirm them, with the Expectation that our growing weight might in time be thrown into their Scale, and, by joining our Interest with theirs, might be obtained for them, as well as for us, a more equitable Treatment from this Nation. There are many brave Spirits among them. The Gentry are a very sensible, polite, friendly and handsome People. Their Parlia- ment makes a most Respectable Figure, with a number of very good Speakers in both Parties, and able Men of Business. And I must not omit acquainting you, that, it being a standing Rule to admit Members of the English Parliament (tho' they do not vote) in the House among the Members, while others are only admitted into the Gallery, my Fellow Traveler, being an English Member, was accordingly admitted as such. But I supposed I must go to the Gallery, when the Speaker stood up and acquainted the House that he understood there was in town an American Gentleman of (as he was pleased to say) distinguished Character and Merit, a Member or Delegate of some of the Parliaments of that Country, who was desirous of being present at the Debates of this House; that there was a Rule of the House for admitting Members of the English Parliament and that he did suppose the House would consider the American Assemblies as English Parliaments, but as this was the first Instance, he had chosen not to give any Order in it without receiving their Directions. On the Question the whole House gave a loud unanimous Aye; when two Members came to me without the Bar, where I was standing, led me in and placed Digitized by Microsoft® 28 A HIDDEN PHASE me very honourably. This, I am more particular to you, as I esteemed it a mark of respect for our Country, and a piece of politeness in which I hope our Parliament will not fall behind theirs, whenever an occasion shall oiFer.'' How vastly different from this was the reception which Franklin received from the government officials in London on the occasion of his appearance before the Privy Council in the month of February, 1774! The Massachusetts General Assembly sent to Franklin a pe- tition to the King complaining of the actions of Governor Hutchinson, and when the King referred the petition to the Privy Council for investigation, Frank- lin was summoned before it to present evidence in sup- port of the petition. The Pennsylvania Gazette of April 22, 1774, printed a report of these proceeding's in this wise : "London, February 19, 1774. — The Ministerial People here are outrageously angry with Dr. Franklin. They took occasion, when he attended the Council with the Petition of the Massachusetts- Bay, to set the Solicitor-General upon him, who, leaving the business there was before their Lordships, in a virulent Invective of an Hour, filled with Scurrility, abused him personally, to the great Entertainment of Thirty-five Lords of the Privy-Council, who had been purposely invited as to a Bull-Baiting, and not one of them had the Sense to reflect of the Impropriety and Indecency of treat- ing, in so ignominious a Manner, a Public Messenger, whose Character in all Nations, savage as well as civilized, used to bt deemed sacred, and his Person under Protection, even when coming from an Enemy. Nor did one of them check the Orator's Extrava- gance and recall him to the Point under Consideration, but generally appeared much delighted, chuckling, laughing, and sometimes loudly applauding." Said the writer of the despatch: Digitized by Microsoft® OF AMERICAN HISTORY 29 I did not before think it possible for any Persons in their Stations to behave in a manner so extremely unbecoming^ especially when sitting in a Judicial capacity. I never was in America, but I do not believe that any Judges or Justices of any of your Inferior Courts, in the back Countries, would have conducted themselves with so little Dignity, or have disgraced themselves so much, as to suffer a Lawyer to treat even a Criminal at their Bar with so much Outrage." It was natural that this news should be received with indignation in America, and in the Pennsylvania Ga- zette of May 4, 1774, there is an account of the burning at Philadelphia of the effigies of Governor Hutchinson and of the English Solicitor-General, "convicted of tra- ducing the American Colonies and insulting their Agent before His Majesty's Privy Council for doing, his duty." "The effigies were exposed," says this account, "for several hours, then hung and burnt amidst a vast concourse of People, who testified their Resentment against the Originals with the loudest Acclamation." That Franklin appreciated fully the friendliness of the Irish toward the American cause is further proved by his letter to his son, Governor William Franklin of New Jersey, dated London, June 30, 1774, in relation to the "Non-Importation Agreement" then about to be introduced by the Continental Congress. In that letter he said: "I should be sorry if Ireland is included in your agreement, because that country is much our Friend, and the want, of flax seed may distress them exceedingly, but your Merchants can best judge. It can only be meant against England to ensure a change of measures, and not to hurt Ireland, with whom we have no quarrel." During the third year of the war, Benjamin Franklin Digitized by Microsoft® 30 A HIDDEN PHASE again addressed the Irish people, and in language whose sincerity cannot be misunderstood. Franklin was then in France, and from Versailles on the 4th of October, 1778, he wrote "An Address to the Good People of Ire- land on behalf of America." This document begins with these words : "The misery and distress which your ill-fated country has been so frequently exposed to, and has so often experienced, by such a combination of rapine, treachery and violence, as would have disgraced the name of government in the most arbitrary country in the world, has most sincerely affected your friends in America, and has engaged the most serious attention of Congress." He explained at length that the Colonies were not merely fighting for constitutional liberty, but for com- mercial liberty as well, and drew attention to the analogy which existed between the cause of Ireland and that of America. He went on to say : "I have in my commission to repeat to you, my good friends, the cordial concern that Congress takes in everything that relates to the happiness of Ireland; they are sensibly affected by the load of oppressive pensions on your establishment; the arbitrary and illegal exactions of public money by King's letters; the profuse dissipation by sinecure appointments, with large salaries, and the very arbitrary and impolitic restrictions of your trade and manu- factures, which are beyond example in the history of the world, and can only be equalled by that illiberal spirit which directs it, and which has shown itself so abundantly in petitions from all parts of their islands, and in the debates of their House of Commons, when you had been lately amused with the vain hope of an exten- sion of your trade, and which were conducted with such temper and language as might be supposed to suit their copper-coloured allies in America, but must fix a stain on the character of a civilized nation for ever." Digitized by Microsoft® OF AMERICAN HISTORY 31 But the most striking passage of this remarkable docu- ment is Franklin's statement that if the British govern- ment did not remove the restraint on Irish trade and manufactures, "means will be found [i. e., by the Ameri- can Congress] to establish your freedom in this respect in the fullest and amplest manner." "But as for you, our dear and good friends of Ireland, we must cordially recommend to you to continue peaceable and quiet in every possible situation of your affairs, and endeavour by mutual good will to supply the defects of administration. But if the government, whom you at this time acknowledge, does not, in con- formity to her own true interest, take oif and remove every restraint on your trade, commerce and manufactures, I am charged to assure you, that means will be found to establish your freedom in this respect, in the fullest and amplest manner. And as it is the ardent wish of America to promote, as far as her other engagements will permit, a reciprocal commercial interest with you, I am to assure you, they will seek every means to establish and extend it; and it has given the most sensible pleasure to have those instructions com- mitted to my care, as I have ever retained the most perfect good will and esteem for the people of Ireland." It is strange that this interesting document has escaped the notice of American historians and is not printed in any of the editions of Franklin's works, but that may have been because his biographers did not ex- amine the records of the Public Record Office at Lon- don, where the original printed copies of the address are on file. * In an account of the address published by Paul Leicester Ford in the year 1891, he explains that "a large number of the broadside were put on board a Dutch smuggler at Brest to carry to Ireland," that * Among State Papers, Ireland, Vol. CCCCLXI. Digitized by Microsoft® 32 A HIDDEN PHASE "they were discovered by an English privateer v^hose commander delivered them to the captain of his Majesty's ship Portland, by whom they were forwarded to the Lords of the Admiralty, and thence transferred to the Public Record Office." ^ Thus Franklin was thwarted in his design to circulate this document among the people of Ireland, but only temporarily, for by some means a copy of it was secured by the editor of the Hi- bernian Journal, who published it in the issue of that paper of November 2-4, 1778. *' The patriot leaders on this side of the Atlantic were fully apprised by Franklin of the kindly feeling of the Irish toward their cause, and that this fact was fully recognized is shown by the historic "Address to the Peo- ple of Ireland" adopted at a meeting of the Continental Congress at Philadelphia on July 28, 1775. The address is of too great length to insert here, but the following passage will serve to show what mutual bonds of sympa- thy existed at that time between the American and the Irish people. After relating the causes which led to the defection of the Colonies from England, and their ^ A copy of this address may be seen among the Revolutionary Broadsides in the "Reserve Room" of the New York Public Library, or at the Library of Congress. When collecting the material for this work, the author received permission from the Secretary of the Public Record Office in London to have a facsimile made of Frank- lin's "Address," but when the photographer applied on July 4, 1918, at the Public Record Office, he was informed that "the document has been withdrawn by order of the Government until further notice." " Lecky, in his History of Ireland during the Eighteenth Cen- tury (Vol. II, p. 226), says: "Franklin's Address was widely circulated in Ireland," doubtless through the medium of the Hibernian Journal, Digitized by Microsoft® OF AMERICAN HISTORY 33 reasons for suspending all trade with that country as weU as with Ireland, the address proceeds : "And hera permit us to assure you that it was with the utmost reluctance we could prevail upon ourselves to cease our commercial connection with your island. Your Parliament has done us no wrong. You had ever been friendly to the rights of mankind; and we acknowledge, with pleasure and gratitude, that your nation has produced patriots who have nobly distinguished themselves in the cause of humanity and America. "On the other hand, we were not ignorant that the labour and manufactures of Ireland, like those of the silk-worm, were of little moment to herself; but served only to give luxury to those who neither toil nor spin. We perceived that if we continued our com- merce with you, our agreement not to import from Britain would be fruitless, and were, therefore, compelled to adopt a measure to which nothing but absolute necessity would have reconciled us. It gave us, however, some consolation to reflect that should it oc- casion much distress, the fertile regions of America would afford you a safe asylum from poverty, and, in time, from oppression also; an asylum in which many thousands of your countrymen have found hospitality, peace, affluence, and become united to us by all the ties of consanguinity, mutual interest, and aifection." And again: "Accept our most grateful acknowledgments for the friendly disposition you have always shown to us. We know that you are not without your grievances. We sympathize with you in your distress, and are pleased to find that the design of subjugating us has persuaded the administration to dispense to Ireland some vagrant rays of ministerial sunshine. Even the tender mercies of government have long been cruel toward you. In the rich pastures of Ireland many hungry parricides have fed, and grown strong to labour in its destruction. We hope the patient abiding of the meek may not always be forgotten; and God grant that the iniquitous schemes of extirpating liberty by the British Empire may soon be defeated." ^ ''Journals of the Continental Congress, Vol. II, pp. 212-318. Digitized by Microsoft® 34 A HIDDEN PHASE The address was signed, "John Hancock, President," and was prepared by a committee comprised of James Duane, William Livingston, and John and Samuel Adams. (The italics in the foregoing are as they ap- pear in the original.) And again, on October 2, 1775, the following resolu- tion, introduced by the Committee on Trade, was passed unanimously by the Continental Congress: "As the cessation of the American trade with Ireland originated in policy dictated by principles of self-preservation and may be attended with distress to a people who have always manifested a noble regard to the rights of mankind and have been friendly to these much injured Colonies, your committee are of opinion that great kindness and attention ought to be paid to such of that oppressed nation as have or may come to settle in America, and that it be earnestly recommended by this Congress to the good people of these Colonies to let them have lands at a cheap rate, and on easy terms, and that the several conventions and assemblies and committees throughout these confederate countries afford them aid and do them every friendly office. And it having been repre- sented to your committee that the withholding flax seed from Ireland will be attended with a much greater degree of distress and ruin to the poor of that Kingdom than the Congress appre- hended, they are of opinion that our friends and fellow subjects in Ireland should be permitted to take flax seed from these Colonies in exchange for all such powder or other military stores and woollen yarn of their manufacture as they shall bring to America." ' This resolution was of the greatest significance, as not alone exhibiting the fellow-feeling which existed between these two struggling peoples, but also as an indication of the great desire of the representatives of the Ameri- can people in Congress to induce as many Irishmen as ^ Journals of the Continental Congress, Vol. Ill, p. 269- Digitized by Microsoft® OF AMERICAN HISTORY 35 possible to come hither and settle in the new country, knowing well that they could depend on them as faith- ful colonists and defenders of America. The senti- ments thus expressed were not by any means a mere sud- den outburst or bid for sympathy or aid ; for, as shown by the correspondence of Benjamin Franklin, the thorough identification of Irish feeling with American success had been of long standing. Some historical writers endeavor to make George III the scapegoat of English poHtics of the time. They as- sert that the misgovernment of the American Colonies was the outcome of "the mistaken policy of King George," that "the English people as a whole were not only apathetic to the American revolt, but numbers of them sympathized with their American brethren." And it has become the fashion in late years for our public men to extol "the stand taken by the English people during the War of the Revolution" and to "excuse" the Colonists on the ground that their uprising was against "a crazy English King of alien blood," not against "the English Democracy, with whom they had everything in common." There is no denying the fact that certain liberal minds in England before the war regarded the questions agitating the Colonists with much sympathy, and in some instances public men went so far as to en- courage the leaders on this side of the water. And in the official Register of the proceedings of Parliament may be found references to the attitude of these English Whigs, who vainly tried to defend the Colonists against the overwhelming strength of the supporters of the government. But from contemporary accounts we learn Digitized by Microsoft® 36 A HIDDEN PHASE that after the news of the revolt reached England it set the whole country in a blaze of resentment, and, as in the case of the Roman populace of old who wished to de- stroy their enemy, the significant cry of Delendo est Carthago was raised in the House of Commons, and, as we are told, "the House of Lords became a seething caldron of impotent rage" ! Meetings were held in many places throughout Eng- land, from which addresses and petitions "glowing with loyalty to the King and indignation against the rebels" were poured in upon the King and his ministry, and Lord Chatham declared in a speech in Parliament in 1775 : "There is scarcely a man in our streets, though so poor as scarcely to be able to get his daily bread, but thinks he is the legislator of America. 'Our American subjects' is a common phrase in the mouths of the lowest order of our citizens." "In England," says Spencer, "there was a general sentiment in favour of compelling the colonists to submission";® and Taylor states: "The war for the subjugation of the Americans was at first decidedly popular in England. From the habit of us- ing the phrase, 'our colonies/ there was not an English peasant who did not regard the colonists as rebels against himself, and as enemies to some fancied authority and power which he deemed the privilege of every English- man by his birth-right." ^° As an instance of this, the Pennsylvania Gazette on May 4, 1774, published an extract of a letter from London dated February 14, ^ Spencer, History of the United States. ^"William G. Taylor, History of Ireland, Vol. II, p. 238; New York, 1836. Digitized by Microsoft® /?£/^/^0£>UC££3 Sr ^yv/V/i -Cf?Arv'C£:S £.£y//vs ISAAC BARRE "AMERICAS GREAT FRIEND IN PARLlAMENlf BORN IN DUBLIN, IRELAND. Digitized by Microsoft® Digitized by Microsoft® OF AMERICAN HISTORY 37a which said : "You will have heard before this reaches you, how infamously Doctor Franklin has been ti/eated by Administration, and you will soon see in what light they behold American Petitions. There is not a more ob- noxious Character here at present than that of a friend of America. The Colonists should, therefore, be more particularly attentive to cultivating Union and Har- mony among themselves. The Spirit of this Country is extremely hostile to them, and they have nothing to de- pend upon but their own Union and Firmness." From all of which we can understand that the position taken by such men as Chatham, Fox, Burke, Barre, and ConoUy at the outset of the Revolution was an especially hazardous one. That Franklin's interest in the welfare of the people of Ireland, as exemplified in his address of October 4, 1778, did not abate after this time is shown clearly by his correspondence in the possession of the American Philosophical Society. He fully appreciated the fact that Irish sympathy with the struggling Colonists was manifested in all countries where the Irish exiles had found a home, and many of Franklin's correspondents during the period of the war were Irish military officers in the armies of the Continental Powers, anxious to fight for American freedom. One James Shanley wrote him from Paris on May 28, 1777, saying he had "left Ireland about six weeks before to offer his services to the Ameri- can cause," and stating further that "there are many staunch friends of that cause in Ireland, but they dare not declare themselves openly." He related his "ex- perience in disciplining troops," and stated that "should Digitized by Microsoft® 37b a hidden phase Franklin give him an encouraging answer to his appli- cation for a commission in the American army, there are many in Ireland waiting only for that to follow him." A Franco-Irish officer named O'Meara wrote Franklin on May 14, 1777, expressing his "great desire to serve the American cause," and stating that "if he should receive any encouragement, he will throw up his commission in France and set out immediately for the Congress." On July 1, 1777, Comte O'Donnell, then colonel of a Polish regiment at Lemberg, tendered his sword to the service of America ; and on September 4th of the same year. Baron O'Cahill, commandant of French troops, wrote from Strasbourg, stating that he was "a member of an ancient and noble family of Ire- land," relating his military experience, and offering his services to the same cause. From Nancy, on February 7, 1779, Captain O'Heguerty wrote that he "has a pro- fession and a fortune, but detests idleness" and "desires to enter the American army." Robert O'Connell wrote Franklin from Paris on August 26, 1779, offering "to take care of American Consular interests at any of the Spanish ports," and Captain MacCarthy More wrote from Boulogne on July 4, 1781, offering "to enter the service of the United States." On April 11, 1782, Chevalier O'Gor- man recommended Dr. John O'Connor, who "desired to serve America, either in the army or in the hospitals." In his application for a commission, Henry O'Neill in- formed Franklin on July 8, 1782, that "the more the Irish are ill treated, the more emigrants will flock to America and France to fill the armies" ; but, on account Digitized by Microsoft® OF AMERICAN HISTORY 37c «jf their "miserable situation in France," he strongly ad- vised Franklin to make provision for Irish officers in the American army, fearing the possibility that the Eng- hsh service might be made so. attractive for them that they would be induced to serve the enemy. Irish officers also sought employment in the Amer- ican naval service. Jonathan Williams wrote from Nantes on December 2, 1780, recommending to Frank- lin "a commission for Captain James Byrnes," com- mander of a merchant vessel. In a letter from John Torris ^^ from Dunkirk on October 8, 1779, informing Franklin that the American privateer, Black Prince, had been put under the command of Captain Patrick Dowlin,^^ the writer "hoped that a title in the United ^^ John Torris was one of Franklin's agents at the port of Dun- kirk and was engaged in fitting out American privateers to prey on English commerce, and in one of his letters to Franklin he said: "The crews and captains were generally taken from the Irish and English smugglers which crowded the port." Several Irish sea- captains, anxious to take part in the war against England, came to Dunkirk and laid before Franklin's agents plans to raid enemy ports, or to capture English merchantmen, and in a report from Francis Coffyn to Silas Deane on April 12, 1778, he requested that he "lay before Doctor Franklin the plan of Captain Christopher Farron, a noted Irish smuggler, who, if given a commission, would undertake to capture a certain rich linen ship which loads at Dub- lin four times a year for London." ^^ This officer was very active in the pursuit of enemy shipping. Previous to this time, he had been master of the American privateer. Black Princess, and according to a letter from Franklin to Samuel Huntington, President of Congress, on August 10, 1780, "The Black Prince and the Black Princess greatly harassed the English coasting trade; in eighteen months they captured 120 ships belong- ing to the enemy." The Black Prince was wrecked off the Belgian Digitized by Microsoft® 37d a hidden phase States Navy can be obtained for the brave Mr. Ryan, who has a new cutter being built for him at Boulogne," and stated that "great things are to be expected from such a ship and captain." Two days later, Captain Luke Ryan, of the privateer Fearnot, wrote Franklin from Dunkirk, saying that he "expects to have a large cutter completed in four months, with which he hopes to do great damage to the enemy ; and if his abilities de- serve Franklin's protection, begs for a rank in the United States Navy," since he "regards the American cause as his own." Captain Ryan again wrote Frank- lin saying that he "waits with impatience the commis- sion for his ship Fearnot" and that he had "refused of- fers made by the French" because he "desires to serve only under the American flag." That the gallant Cap- tain's ambition was gratified is seen from a letter to Franklin from John Torris on June 7, 1780, relating to "Captain Ryan's distinguished conduct in the Fear- nought" then in the American service. All told, there are in this collection nearly one hun- dred letters to Franklin from Irish sympathizers, and among them is an interesting communication dated Cologne, August 25, 1781, from Rev. WiUiam Nixon, saying that he "is an Irish Catholic priest, taken pris- coast and Captain Dowlin and his crew were captured by an Eng- lish warship, and, when reporting the incident to Franklin, Torris said: "Your Excellency has had their names; several are born Americans, others Irish, but all sworn subjects of the United States. I read in the Kentish Gazette that these people were sent to Pen- zance to be tried by the high courts of Admiralty for piracy, be- cause they were Irishmen or subjects of Great Britain." Digitized by Microsoft® OF AMERICAN HISTORY 87e oner on his passage home from England, and now on parole"; that "if he can obtain his liberty, he desires to go to America" ; thanking Franklin "for America's no- ble exertions, seen in the free trade granted to Ireland," and prophesying "success to America." Eleven of these letters are from Dr. Ignatius MacMahon, of Paris, and forty-three from Sir Edward Newenham, of Dublin, the noted advocate of American rights in the Irish Par- liament; and one of the interesting documents among Franklin's papers is a resolution sent to him from Dub- lin on April 26, 1784, by "The Sons of the Shamrock," lauding the French nation for its support of America. Dr. MacMahon was attached to the Military School at Paris, and in a letter to Franklin on December 19, 1777, he said: "The gentlemen of this house are well-wishers, to the American cause and are delighted with the news of Burgoyne's defeat," and in another letter from Mac- Mahon dated March 22, 1778, he congratulated Frank- lin on "the results of the negotiations with France," saying "America's independence is assured," and plain- tively asking, "When will poor Ireland's turn come?" Among Sir Edward Newenham's letters is one dated Marseilles, January 2, 1779, in reference to "the pro- tection and assistance he rendered to Americans in Ire- land, particularly Colonel Ethan Allen and those who were with him," and on June 25, 1779, Newenham again advised Franklin of "the steps he had taken to have American prisoners released," and wished Franklin to write him "so as to prove to his countrymen in Ireland that his support of the liberties of America had been noticed by Franklin." From Dublin, Newenham wrote Digitized by Microsoft® 37f a hidden phase on November 6, 1780, saying that "the sympathy of the Irish people is entirely with the United States," and detailing certain "attentions given to American prisoners in Ireland," the release of a number of whom he had already secured; and the importance of these "attentions" may be judged from the fact that at the port of Kinsale alone at this time four hundred Amer- ican prisoners were held under guard by English sol- diers.^* In one of Franklin's letters to Newenham, written from Passy on May 27, 1779, in relation to a request received by him for "passports for a great number of people from Ireland who were desirous of going to set- tle in America," he said: "I admire the spirit with which I see the Irish are at length determined to claim some share of that freedom of commerce which is the right of all mankind, but of which they have been so long deprived by the abominable selfishness of their fel- low-subjects." It is evident also that Franklin was in correspondence with the Marquis de Lafayette on this subject, for on November 2, 1779, Lafayette wrote him, saying he was "glad the Irish patriots are beginning to stir." And that the Irish situation, and the possible effect which a rising of the patriots would have on the war, were watched with keen interest by Lafayette is ^^ Richard Hare, of Cork, wrote Franklin on February 23, 1782, "on behalf of nearly two hundred prisoners in wretched confine- ment," stating that many of them would have perished but for the fact that some citizens of Cork had raised a subscription for their support, and he asked Franklin to try and have their exchange ef- fected. Digitized by Microsoft® OF AMERICAN HISTORY 37g shown by his letter to John Adams on February 7, 1780, wherein he said: "The troubles in Ireland, if there is the least common sense amongst the first patri- ots in that country, are not, I hope, at an end, and it seems they now begin to raise new expectations." Among Franklin's papers there is a memorandum in his handwriting dated November, 1779, indicating that "a descent on Ireland" was seriously contemplated, and that negotiations toward that end were carried on be- tween Franklin and the patriots in Ireland, doubtless with a view not only of diverting England from her attack on the Colonies, but of bringing about the free- dom of Ireland. One of the interesting communica- tions on this subject is a letter, signed "Freedom," to William Temple Franklin," dated Dublin, June 17, 1781, in which the writer declared that "since Irish trade and commerce gets no protection from the British Gov- ernment, . . . now is the time for France and the United States to strike a crushing blow at England to help Ireland to secure her independence." In a letter to Franklin from Marseilles on January 6, 1783, Sir Edward Newenham referred to his con- sistent "support of the American cause in Ireland," and related an "attempt of the British Government to secure an address of support from the citizens of Dublin dur- ing the war," but "the people were so overwhelmingly opposed to it, the Government feared to draft many troops out of Ireland — only two thousand of the thir- '* Benjamin Franklin's grandson, who was with him in France^ and who afterward served as Secretary to the American Peace Com- missioners. Digitized by Microsoft® 37h a hidden phase teen thousand troops in Ireland having oeen sent to America." He predicted "a great future for the United States," and recalled "the Address of Congress to the People of Ireland, signed in August, 1775," which had been sent to him for distribution among the people. Toward the close of the war, the question of the terms of the peace treaty became the subject of cor- respondence between Newenham and Franklin. In a letter from Marseilles on November 12, 1782, Newen- ham said: "It is feared the British Janus does not in- tend to deal fairly by the Kingdom of Ireland in the ex- pected Treaty of Peace." He wished to know "if Ire- land is particularly mentioned," and he sent Franklin "a public letter written by him to the men of Ireland, advising them to demand this of their King." One year later, Newenham again wrote Franklin, desiring "to know by return post whether Ireland is mentioned in the Treaty," and stating that Franklin was "war- ranted in demanding this information from Mr. Hart- ley" ;^^ that "the Ministry is evading this question,"" that "public expectation is high and Dublin in a state of ^^ David Hartley, an English member of Parliament and "Com- missioner for Negotiating Peace in America." ^® At the very hour this book is going to press, "history is re- peating itself," for it is a notorious fact that "the Ministry is evad- ing this question" by their palpably dishonest eiForts to show to the world that "Great Britain is ready to bestow self-government upon Ireland," but that "it is only the quarrels and disputes between Irishmen themselves that prevent a solution of this great question." — (Speech of Winston Spencer Churchill, English Cabinet Minis- ter, at Dundee, Scotland, December 11, 1918.) Digitized by Microsoft® OF AMERICAN HISTORY 37i the greatest anxiety," but that "the people place de- pendence on Franklin's assistance." The most friendly intercourse continued between Franklin and IVewenham for several years after the close of the war. Newenham's last letter to Franklin on the subject of the peace treaty seems to have been on January 14, 1784, when he wrote from Carlow, call- ing attention to his "early pleadings for the rights of America," ^^ and stating that "what Ireland did for America deserves very warm returns in national con- nection and friendship." While there is no record of any reply from Franklin to this letter, nor any indica- tion as to what may have been his attitude on the ques- tion of Ireland's claims for American support, the Peace Commissioners, as we know, did not present Ire- land's case; and unfortunately, the Irish themselves failed to take advantage of this golden opportunity! But the position taken by the people of Ireland in the war was not forgotten by their enemies, and in one of Newenham's letters to Franklin, dated November 12, 1786, he said that "his address against permitting the Irish army to be sent to America has never been for- given by the enemies of American independence." These letters fully corroborate the other evidence quoted in this work as to the uncompromising attitude of the Irish in favor of the cause of the American Colonies. ^' See extract at page 14 of the speech of Sir Edward Newenham in the Irish Parliament. Digitized by Microsoft® CHAPTER III IRISH SYMPATHY FOR THE REVOLTING COLONIES Bancroft again misstates the facts as to the troops sent from Ireland to fight the Americans. Fruitless efforts to raise recruits in Ireland. Young men kidnapped and sent on board the transports. Important statement by Arthur Lee. Extracts from American newspapers. Irish soldiers deserted to the "rebels." Craven Irish Catholic landlords. IN referring to the triumph of the Irish Volunteers, Bancroft says it was one of "the first fruits of the American Revolution," but that "the gratitude of the Irish took the direction of loyalty to their King, and in 1782, their legislature voted one hundred thousand pounds for the levy of twenty thousand Seamen." ^ The manner in which this circumstance is related by the his- torian makes it appear that the Irish made a gratuitous gift of this large sum of money to the English navy in its fight against the Americans. But Bancroft did not explain that the Irish Parliament at this time was in- debted to England in the sum of nine hundred thou- sand pounds ; ^ that the government, on account of the state of its crippled exchequer, demanded reimbursement in order to strengthen the fleet "against a threatened in- vasion by the French fleet on the coasts of England and Ireland," and that the amount voted was only in part ^ History of the United Siates, Vol. V, p. 544. ^Journals of the House of Commons, May 27, 1782. Digitized by Microsoft® A HIDDEN PHASE OF HISTORY 39 payment of this huge loan. The proposition to aid the government in this emergency was made by Henry Flood, who proposed "that four ships of one hundred guns each, to be called after the four Provinces of this Kingdom, be presented to the King and Parliament of Great Britain," and in doing so Flood only committed another act of perfidy to his country, in line with his notoriously unpatriotic part since the beginning of the war. While the Irish Parliament rejected Flood's pro- posal to vote a gratuity to the English crown, yet, in view of the then generally admitted fact that the Ameri- cans had practically won their independence, * the Journals of the House show that they decided to make partial refund of their indebtedness by "loaning" Eng- land "one hundred thousand pounds, with interest at three pence in the pound." Bancroft also says that "the people [of Ireland] sent against them [the Americans] some of their best troops and their ablest men," thereby insinuating that the Irish people not only opposed the cause of the Americans, but virtually fought on the side of their oppressors. Let us see what the facts are from the journals of the time and other current sources of information. Holt's New York Journal or General Advertiser of June 22, 1775, printed a despatch from Cork dated April 17, stating that there were then "16,000 regular troops in Ireland, paid for by this poor, taxed country." 'These troops were comprised of English, Scotch, and ^ The debates in the English Parliament, as reported in the Parliamentary Register, show that long before 1782 the English had given up all hope of defeating the Americans, Digitized by Microsoft® 40 A HIDDEN PHASE Irish regiments and were "quartered on Ireland on the pretence of protecting the people, but really so as to relieve England of the expense of maintaining them." * Although every Irish soldier in the English army was an additional link strengthening the chain which bound his country to England, yet the pinch of poverty drove them into the army. But the troops despatched from Ireland to America in 1775 and 1776 did not enlist for service in this country, for these regiments had already been in existence, and the journals of the time plainly show that although the most feverish attempts were made to raise fresh troops in Ireland for service in America, they were almost entirely unsuccessful. Every conceivable kind of subterfuge was adopted to stimulate recruiting; recruiting officers went among the farmers and told them that if they would induce their sons to enlist "they would be exempted from certain taxes"; the youth of the country had held up to them all "the glorious pano- ply of war"; liquor flowed like water in almost every town and hamlet in the south of Ireland, and "bounties of one guinea a head, and the King's bounty," and of- fers of "larger pay than they could possibly earn at home" ^ were offered by the recruiting officers. Press- warrants were issued authorizing the arrest of recal- citrants; the recruiting officers even visited the jails and poorhouses of the country and were glad to accept the * The great surprise is that there was not more wide-spread sentiment in Ireland in favor of sending these troops on foreign service, for the people would then be rid of one of the most burden- some forms of taxation imposed on the country. ^Pennsylvania Gazette, November 29, 1775. Digitized by Microsoft® OF AMERICAN HISTORY 41 human derelicts whom misfortune had driven there. In the south, appeals were made on the ground that the Americans were Protestants, and in the north that they were about to establish the Roman Catholic religion in America ; yet all these efforts came practically to naught, for the Irish were glad that the Americans had revolted and were in a delirium of joy at the prospect of the government being compelled to send such large bodies of troops out of the country, and that they themselves would at last have a chance to strike a blow for inde- pendence. In Holt's paper of October 26, 1775, there is an ac- count from Ireland which reads in part: "Though most of the people here wish well to the cause in which you are engaged, and would rejoice to find you continue firm and steadfast, yet it is the prevailing opinion, especially among the friends of Government (so-called), that you will at last be frightened into submission to ministerial measures. They are raising recruits throughout this Kingdom. The men are told they are only going to Ed- inburgh to learn military discipline and are then to re- turn. The common people are industriously kept from the knowledge of public affairs. They know nothing but what the great please to tell them. Newspapers since the Stamp Act are so high, the poor and middling people cannot purchase them." " * The following, which is printed in full in Force's American Archives (4th Ser., Vol. Ill, pp. 619-620), serves as an instance of the many encouraging letters sent by Irish sympathizers to friends in America and which were published in American news- papers. The letter is dated September 1, 1775, and is headed by Digitized by Microsoft® 42 A HIDDEN PHASE What action do we find England took when she managed to get these troops saf ely on board her trans- Force, "Letter from Ireland to an acquaintance in New York." Among other things, the writer said: "Dear countrymen and fellow- sufFerers, who have been so happy as to have your lot in a land of liberty, though now persecuted and your rights invaded, suffer not your most precious inheritance, your liberty and property, your noble constitution, to be torn from you. You are contending for what is of more value than life; fear not to risk your lives freely in defence of it. Keep your presses free, that the people may know all that concerns them and all that is doing against them. By every means in your power, keep corruption from influencing any of your offices of public trust. You cannot possibly be too much guarded against this terrible evil, which has almost undone us here. Let not arbitrary power and despotism have any footing among you. Many in this country, who groan under it, would be glad to give their utmost assistance, and hope to be over with you before the contest is ended. In my opinion, if you continue firm, you will, without doubt, succeed in your glorious struggle; justice will give strength to your arms, and weaken those of your enemies. God Himself is on your side and will cause them to fall before you. Meanwhile, let me caution you against the least appearance of submission. You can hardly conceive the ill effect of everything that may feed the hopes of your enemies; even base complaisance in this case is criminal, for, like drowning men, they are ready to catch at straws, and if possible, interpret everything you say or do in favour of their own designs, whereby they are encouraged to continue their efforts to subdue you. It behooves you, therefore, to be resolute, plain, and absolute in your refusal of every proposal that implies giving up one tittle of your rights and liberties, or might bring them into the least danger, and resist every attempt against them with all your might. The least slackness or com- pliance on your part will embolden them to proceed in their en- deavours to enforce their laws, to tax and enslave you. May God guide and protect you ! "I am a sincere friend to the natural rights and liberties of mankind. "(Signed) M. W." Digitized by Microsoft® OF AMERICAN HISTORY 43 ports? The answer is found in Holt's paper of No- vember 23, 1775, in a despatch dated London, Septem- ber 1, 1775, saying: "Five thousand troops are clan- destinely shipped in Ireland and are absolutely sailed for Boston." This system of kidnapping Irishmen for the English army continued for several years, and the Pennsylvania Gazette of January 31, 1776, in a despatch from London dated October 28, said: "We hear from Cork that on Tuesday, the 10th ult., at one o'clock, when the army were in their beds, without previous notice a draft was made from the two regiments, and at seven o'clock they were taken to Cove and embarked for America." And as an indication that many of the men had deserted, the statement continues : "We are as- sured the 23d regiment does not consist of more than one hundred men." And the fact that the Jrish never wavered in their sympathies, even when the fortunes of war seemed to be going against the Americans, is verified by newspa- per accounts showing that many of the soldiers were "compelled to go on board the transports, where they were chained down to the ring bolts and fed with bread and water; several of them suffered this torture before they could be made to yield and sign the paper of en- listment." From another account we learn that "many of them openly professed their resolution of firing upon their enemies in action, if reduced to that necessity, de- claring they could never look upon the people of America, among whom they had hoped for an asylum from heavy taxes and oppression, in any other light than Digitized by Microsoft® 44 A HIDDEN PHASE true friends, and therefore could never think of treating them as enemies." All of which was confirmed by Arthur Lee, confidential agent in Europe of the "Secret Com- mittee of Correspondence," '^ when he wrote to Washing- ton from Berlin on June 15, 1777 : "The resources of our enemy are almost annihilated in Germany, and their last resort is to the Roman Catholics of Ireland. They have already experienced their unwillingness to go, every man of a regiment raised there last year having obliged them to ship him off tied and bound, and most certainly they will desert more than any troops whatsoever. They themselves rely upon the present campaign, so that if it should not produce something very decisive in their favour, which God forbid, we may depend upon their efforts being on the wane." ^ Three months previous to that time, Lee was in Spain, and in reporting his efforts to procure supplies of am- munition and clothing for the American army, he wrote from Burgos to the Secret Committee of Correspond- ence on March 8, 1777: "It will also be my endeavour to procure some able veteran officers from the Irish Brigades in this service" ; ^ and ten days later we find him again writing to the committee that the Spanish au- thorities "have promised to examine whether there are ^ This committee was appointed by the Continental Congress in December, 1775, "to correspond with friends in Great Britain, Ireland, and other parts of the world." ^Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, edited by Jared Sparks, Vol. II, p. 73; Boston, 1829^ » Ihid., Vol. II, p. 40. Digitized by Microsoft® OF AMERICAN HISTORY 45 any veteran Irish officers fit for your service, and if there are to send them." ^^ The despatch above quoted from Holt's paper further said: "The people of Ireland in general, we hear, are extremely out of temper and displeased with the Court on many accounts, but on none so much as the arming five thousand Irish Papists for the purpose of subduing their fellow-subjects in America." In the same issue of Holt's paper there was printed "an intercepted letter from Ireland" to an English army officer at Boston, dated August 20, 1775, which said in part: "Great prep- arations are making to recruit the regiments both here and in America. They have given Lord Kenmare leave to enlist four thousand Catholics for the latter purpose, but as yet they have but little success. The foolish idea of fighting against their countrymen prevents them." Says another account: "The service is so disagreeable to the people of Ireland in general that few of the re- cruiting officers can prevail' upon the men to enlist and fight against their American brethren." ^^ In the Journals of the New York Provincial Con- gress, ^^ under date of June 30, 1776, there is an entry relating to the arrival of "Captain Thompson who left Cove ^^ in Ireland the 6th of May last." In referring to four regiments about to leave Cork for America, Cap- ^° Sparks, p. 48. It does not appear that any Irish army officers were sent from Spain, doubtless for the reason that war between Spain and England was then imminent. ^^ Force's American Archives, 4th Ser., Vol. Ill, p. 1553. ■'^ Vol. II, p. 45; published by the State of New York; Albany, 1842. ^* Now called Queenstown, in the County of Cork. Digitized by Microsoft® 46 A HIDDEN PHASE tain Thompson said: "The report in Ireland was that these troops had been wrote for by persons here. The troops in general disliked the service; some officers had sold out; the people in Ireland in general are well af- fected to the Americans and are averse to the Americans being taxed by the Parliament of Great Britain." The New York Royal Gazette of January 3, 1778, published "an extract from a letter from Carlow in Ire- land," saying that "four regiments of Roman Catholics will be immediately raised here for the American serv- ice, and it is the general opinion that they will be raised in a few weeks"; but in a later issue of the paper the editor announced "with regret" the abandonment of the attempt to raise these troops in Ireland. We have still another important witness on this point in the person of the famous Horace Walpole, who recorded in his Last ■ Journals, under date of August, 1775 : "The government could not get above four hundred recruits and failed in their attempt to raise a regiment of Roman Catholics." And Lecky states: "Recruiting agents traversed the Highlands of Scotland and the most re- mote districts of Ireland, and the poor Catholics of Munster and Connaught were gladly welcomed. Re- cruits, however, came in very slowly. There was no enthusiasm for a war with the English settlers." ^* The efforts of government failing to obtain recruits, the British government seems to have resorted to the for- lorn expedient of procuring the services of Irish officers in the French and Austrian armies to come to Ireland to try and persuade their refractory countrymen to en- ^* History of England, Vol. Ill, p. 457. Digitized by Microsoft® diigiacetul and lo lian^crous. — .m vtr <:iu ti:c re- cruiting partios nifct wid> luch i:' tuccefs in every part ot jhis kingdom iS at p:e(ent ; \o i[uinj:bi« ■is thedidikc rf .lil rarks ot psople to th: /imcii- 'can fervicc. Thc.lnh-ibirjnts of Handon, Ycut. hall, Birr, and other town';, h.tve cr,terv.-d into a refolation ntt to iu'Vcr anv. uniong itiinito ii 'ill for theparpple of cnlU\ing tlvsrr Ar:veri:Hn bfc- thrcn. There have been no Icfs tbari live ,p\ai(s at once in Charleviiie,' ar,.! alicr ilurning tl c I town, God knows how lorj, wifh thcii fiits and drums, they were able to pick up onjy one recruit, who was under Mr. Roberts's iafiuenc". Though tlic priacipal Ror.ianiih in CoTk and Li- ■ncrick huTC ferrrved Airociations and cifercd bouc- lies to (u*h recruits as fli.ilt liil >n tliis c>cca(i,ip, y^i have they very little lucccls ; forthough the heads ot that communion arc in t!:e ihterell oi go- vernment, the lowtr clafs, who h.ive not fagscity ' enough to make proper dUHn^^ioiis. are, to a man, attached to the Americans, and lay pi.iinly, i!;elriili ought to follow their cxampfe. Evei^ Lord Ken - mare, who on this occafion took tnc leadji-d iii ncruting party fsvcreiy btatin Tralee, and the;r drum broke to pieces. The renowned Captain Harlequin, whofe fuccefs in this town fall war has encouraged him to renew his antic tricks hers now, finds himfelf, with all his fcvitTiKinryi I'aMly dilappointed, and feveralof thoie h