\t -'i'- ■: •. ■m ■•if Vi4^-^ i^^lK^ni^j::^ Notes on Religious Ceremonies ofthe^Navaho y A 'f 1 A ik '( .|^ 'is XI Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924097630507 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 1924 097 630 507 NOTES ON RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS OF THE NAVAHO BY Alfred Marston Tozzer The Navaho and their Relations with other Peoples THE Navaho together with the Apache form the southern extension of the great Athapascan family which stretches northward to the farthest tip of the continent. Traces of the affiliations of the Navaho with the northern Athapascan peoples are for the greater part lacking. There are very few, if any, similarities in material culture which can definitely be made out between the Dene of the north and the Navaho and Apache of the south. On the ceremonial side of the religion we find nothing. In the mythology there may be a few faint traces of the early parent- age of the Navaho. Dr Boas ' sums up the matter when he says, "I was much interested in finding on a close examination of the Navaho legends that there was interwoven with a large mass of material foreign to northern tribes many tales undoubtedly de- rived from the same sources from which the northern tales spring. Most of them are so complex and curious that, taken in connection with the known northern affiliations of the Navaho, » Northern Elements in the Mythology of the Navaho, American Anthropologist, X, p. 371, 1897. 300 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME they must be considered either as a definite proof of a survival of ancient myths or as proving a later connection." Language serves to point out clearly and with certainty this affiliation of the Navaho and Apache with the northern Athapas- can. Even on the side of language, much seems to show that there was a comparatively early breaking-away of the Navaho and Apache, or the main elements which later went to make up these peoples, from the parent stock in the north. ^^ The colorless culture of the Athapascan has been pointed ^3^ out many times and the receptivity of those of Athapascan origin, resulting in the different peoples composing this division taking on and borrowing, almost without change in some cases, the culture which is the prevailing type in the country where they find themselves. In the southward migration of the Navaho 4^ and Apache to their present home in New Mexico and Arizona and the adjoining part of Mexico, they left a culture not marked by any especially positive traits. They passed through a country far different in character from that of the north and one that possessed a distinct and far from negative culture of its own, — the culture of the Plains or a mixed culture of the Plains and the Basin Area, — and finally they came into their present habitat, again with a totally different environment on the physical side and one quite as distinct on the side of custom and belief. We therefore rightly expect to find a curious result, with an Athapascan beginning, whatever that beginning was, the influ- ence of the Plains type or a modified Plains type of culture as the second, and finally that of the Pueblo peoples as the third dom- inant power that contributed on the cultural side of the molding of the Navaho tribe. The last alone can be determined satis- NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 301 factorily. But we may account for some features at least of the culture of the Navaho as the result of the middle stratum of influence. The Navaho on the purely physical side are far from being a homogeneous people. Just as the Apache gradually suffered a certain amount of absorption with several tribes, especially to the south, so the Navaho in turn counted among their number from very early times certain small bands of peoples mostly from the eastward. The origin legends of the Navaho represent them as a mixed people. The original clan, according to the traditional account, was added to from time to time by other clans of the Navaho, by a number of Ute (a family of whom remained, and founded a new clan), by bands of Apache who in turn founded clans among the Navaho, and by people from Zuni, Jemez, and other pueblos driven from their homes by famine. These traditions have some historical basis of fact, as noted by Hodge. ' The Navaho were a nomadic, hunting people, not only at the start, but through their first period of influence from the out- side; and they came finally into a territory occupied by a people given to agriculture and village life. Moreover, the Navaho were a people with very little social organization and in the Southwest they entered a territory where there was a well-defined social system. The Navaho were a people with no strongly de- ' The Early Navaho and Apache, American Anthropologist, viii, p. 227, 1895. He states that about the year 1560 the Navaho tribe had nineteen clans distributed about as fol- lows: one Athapascan (the original Navaho, evidently cliff-dwellers), three Apache, two Yu- man, one evidently of Keresan stock, one possibly of Shoshonean, a single Ute family, one doubtless of Tanoan stock, three miscellaneous Pueblo clans, and six of unknown origin. "We may safely assume," he adds, "that at this period the language as well as the insti- tutions and industries of the Navahos underwent the greatest and most rapid change." 302 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME veloped religious ceremonials, and the country of their final adoption was characterized by a complexity of religious ritual. Thus we might go on pointing out the obvious and very striking contrast between that which we assume to have been the primitive form of culture of the Navaho and that into which they came. Influence of Ceremonials of the Pueblo Peoples ON THOSE of the NAVAHO On the religious and especially on the ceremonial side of the Navaho do we find the heterogeneous character very strongly brought out. Starting with practically nothing that may be said to be distinctive of the Navaho themselves, we find a large mass of ceremonials now practised by them, every act of which has been borrowed from another people. Dr Matthews seems to think that the Navaho borrowed little directly from the Pueblo peoples, but that both took their inspiration from a common source. ^ The Navaho, according to their legends, obtained much of their culture from the cliff-dwellers found inhabiting the pueblos now deserted. As these cliff-dwellers were probably the ancestors of the present Pueblo peoples we can say that the latter inherited their culture from their ancestors whereas the Navaho borrowed the same ideas in part at least. This was a one-sided bargain, as the Navaho had nothing to offer in ex- change; they alone were the ones to reap a benefit from the transaction. Obviously, however, a people with no distinct clan organi- zation, and accustomed to a wandering life as hunters and, with- in very recent times, as shepherds, could not use these borrowed ' Navaho Legends, Memoirs American Polk-Lort Society, p. 41. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 303 rites without some adaptation, some alterations. The ceremonies of the Pueblo peoples were suited to a sedentary, agricultural tribe whose main religious life was centered around the act of obtaining rain for their crops in an arid country. It has only been within a comparatively few years that the Navaho have taken up agriculture, and an extensive rainfall was, therefore, not looked upon as the end and aim of life. The contrast between a sedentary and a migratory people is well brought out in one respect in the examination of the kiva of the Pueblos and the hogan^ of the Navaho. The former always celebrate the secret part of their rites in a room set apart for the purpose in their village. The Navaho, on the other hand, usually build a new hut each time that an elaborate ceremony is to be celebrated. Permanency of structure is of little account among the Navaho. The Navaho retained, however, enough of the religious ideas of the north to cause them to influence them in the south in one respect at least. In other words, the cure of disease became the fundamental feature of the borrowed rites. A cere- mony intended for rain-making would naturally need some alter- ation in order to serve as a cure of disease. Dr Fewkes^ notes in the case of the Hopi that it is difficult to separate the present object and real meaning of rites in interpretation. "The object of a ceremony," he adds, "may change when a people change their environment, or as their prayers change. Ancient rites are thus made to do duty for purposes wholly new and thereby become greatly modified, so far as their objects are concerned. I For convenience of reference, I have employed Dr Matthews's method of recording the Navaho names. « Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi, Am(rican Anthropologist, xi, p. 104, 1898. 304 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The tendency always is to adapt old rites to new conditions, and interpret them accordingly." Thus we naturally expect to find among the Navaho much that shows the new purpose of their rites. As this paper is not a comparison in any way of the cere- monies of the Navaho with those of the Pueblo peoples, it is not necessary to point out in any great detail similarities between the rites of the two peoples. To a certain point, both sets of ceremonies go along almost parallel. As previously noted, however, the change in the object of the rites must necessitate a different point of view. It is interesting to note the frequent use of corn-meal and corn-pollen in the religious rites of the Navaho. This clearly points to the origin of the rite. Pollen is the symbol of fertility, and the rite at bottom is for rain. The Navaho took over the use of the corn and the pollen together with the other features; but the corn no longer served its previous purpose as a prayer for rain and the ripening of the crops: it was used for the cure of disease. Mythology and Ritual I shall not enter at this time upon a discussion of the com- plicated question of the precedence of ritual and myth, nor is it necessary to discuss Navaho mythology as a whole. It is, however, well to point out a fact noted by all writers on this question; namely, that all the main ceremonies of the Navaho are accompanied by myths which explain minutely the different acts in the various rites. They often do more : they account for the origin of the ceremony by stating how a god or hero wan- NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 305 dered among other tribes, learned the rites, and returned to teach them to his people. Since, as we know, the ceremonies of the Navaho are bor- rowed, their myths, which often fit perfectly the rites, must also have been adapted in great part from the same outside sources. It seems far more natural to think of the rite as being taken up prior to a myth explaining this rite. So that here at least we seem to find a rite selected first and then the myth which belongs to the rite taken ; or, as in many cases, it seems evident a new one was invented to suit the ceremony in its altered form. The Navaho certainly adopted many of the myths of the Pueblo peoples as their own, but there is far more originality in many of the rite-myths of the Navaho than in the corresponding cere- monies themselves. This goes toward proving that the ritual is borrowed, and adapted to the conditions of an intrusive people, either before the myth explaining the former rite was taken possession of or a new one was created to meet more fully the altered form of the ceremony. Shamans and their Duties All the ceremonial life of the Navaho is in the hands of the medicine-man or shaman. His name in Navaho, /ta/a/i, means "the singer of sacred songs," "the chanter." The individual character of the chants seems clear in contrast to any idea of com- munal origin. These chants were probably at one time in the nature of incantations, and their recital served in a magic way to constrain the deities to act along certain definite lines. It is difficult to say how firmly this class of shamans is bound together, and whether or not there are classes within the 3o6 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME main division. It is certain that we do not have any v^^ell reg- ulated societies of priests as among the Ojibwa, the Sioux, or the Zuni. The office of shaman is in no way hereditary. The lack of any central control or government among the Navaho makes the power of the individual shaman rest entirely upon his suc- cess in curing individuals. There is no centralization of au- thority, and when a man does succeed in making himself famous in his capacity of doctor, his power is often very great. It is certain that some shamans are believed to have greater power than others, and naturally they are looked up to. They are the ones most frequently employed to celebrate the various cere- monies and they thus come in time to possess great wealth. Ac- cording to Dr Matthews, ^ one shaman usually contents himself with knowing only one of the several nine-days ceremonies. The different rites are so complicated and the chants so numerous, that it is practically impossible for a man to perfect himself satisfactorily in the machinery of more than one of these long ceremonies. These shamans are paid for their services by those in whose behalf the rites are held. The cost is sometimes heavy, amount- ing to two or three hundred dollars' worth of horses, sheep, deer- skin, and other goods. All the family of the sick person con- tribute to the shaman's fee. It is the duty of the officiating priest to provide the permanent paraphernalia for the different rites, such as the undecorated masks and the various "medicines." He does little active work in the preparation, but directs the labor of the others and sees that all the necessary details are car- ■ The Night Chant; a Navaho Ceremony, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Anthropology, v, If 5, 1902. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 307 ried out, a failure in one of which will render the whole cere- mony of no value. He leads in the chanting in many cases, and it is he who knows the order and the words of the large number of songs sung during the various rites. When a person becomes ill, the first question to be answered is not so much the nature of the disease as its cause. Some law of the tribe has been broken, a spirit has been offended or neglected in some way; hence the disease is sent as a punish- ment. The diagnosis is often difficult, and a shaman is usually called in. It is he who is able to state the cause of the arrival of ill health, and he also is the one who suggests a means of propitiating the god, and hence there follows a removal of the malady. Sometimes it is necessary to go back some distance in the history of the individual in order to find out the time when the offence against the god was committed. In a case of one woman at least sixty years old, the shaman had to look back not only through those sixty years of life of the woman, but farther away still — to the time of the pregnancy of her mother. At that time, the latter had unwittingly looked at an eclipse of the moon, and had thus broken a tribal law. Rite of A/'delni The facts in regard to the breaking of some tribal taboo are often ascertained by the shaman in a rite called AT^delni, or "Shivering." He first washes his hands, and sprinkles lines of corn-pollen on the inside of his right hand, along the length of each finger, and in a zigzag from the palm to the lower arm. He then throws himself into a semi-trance state, or pretends to do so. The hand thus marked begins slowly to tremble and 3o8 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME shiver in much the same way as when the elbow rests upon a nerve. In this case, however, the arm is held out straight from the body. The actions of the hand and arm become more vio- lent. The shaman mutters a prayer, rubs his eyes, dips his fin- gers into water, and rubs his body. After the trembling becomes still more noticeable, the hand finally makes some movements which are interpreted as showing the cause of the illness. In one instance the hand dug into the earth, and this was interpreted as showing that the patient had been digging in a ruin where he had found a human cranium. He had touched it, thus breaking a tribal taboo, and illness had resulted. In this case, I am quite sure that the shaman was sincere in what he did. I have no doubt that in many cases there is much humbug. Law of Exactness Efficacy in the dififerent rites can alone be obtained by exact repetition of the minutest details of the dififerent acts, not only in the rites themselves, but in the preparation of the objects used in the ceremony. In Dr Matthews's paper on "A Study of Butts and Tips," ^ he shows the necessity of carrying out the most minute rules in making the reed cigarettes which are cut, filled, lighted, and offered to the gods. He gives another strik- ing example of this necessity of careful detail in the preparation of kledze aze, or night medicine : ^ "The collector enters a field at night, in the rainy season, during a violent thunderstorm. He culls in the east of the field a leaf from a stalk that produces white corn. Passing sunwise, he culls in the south a leaf from ' American Anthropologist, v, pp. 345-350, 1892. = The Night Chant, IT 204, 1902. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 309 a stalk of blue corn; in the west, a leaf from a stalk of yellow corn; in the north, a leaf from a stalk of variegated corn. . . . Each of these things must be collected at the instant that it is illuminated by a flash of lightning." The same exactness of order is seen especially in the various chants which accompany the ceremonies. There is a long series of songs which must be sung in a prescribed order and in a prescribed way, otherwise the ceremony is of no avail. The ritual demands exactness, and it is this exactness which is the seat often of the power to be derived from the rite in question. In the religion of the Hupa, another Athapascan tribe, the power rests in the exact repetition of certain formulae. This feature among the Navaho may be found to have been inherited by them from their Athapascan ancestors. Classification and Character of Ceremonials The Navaho ceremonials may be divided into the major and minor classes, the nine-days ceremonies and the short rites, which vary greatly in character and importance. Although the fundamental feature of all is the cure of disease, yet planting and harvesting, desire for rain, house-building, birth, marriage, death, and travel are also factors in some of the rites. The Navaho ceremonials consist of several elements, all of which are present in the longer rites, and many of which occur in the shorter and less important ones. These elements are sacrifice and prayer, masquerade, and the dance. As the ceremonials are the means taken to placate the gods, sacrifices naturally occupy the most important place in the ritual. Ceremonial objects — such as bits of feathers of certain birds ; 310 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME pollen; beads; the so-called "kethawns," which are round wooden cigarette-like objects; feathered sticks; food usually prepared according to some ancient formula; medicines of various kinds, including sacred drinks — are among the many objects offered. The sand pictures may also be considered under the same heading, as these are offered to the gods, or serve as a sort of holy place or altar where certain acts can alone take place. In connection with the various offerings there are always prayers, which serve to point out to the deities the presence of the gifts in return for which the patient desires health. The other two constant elements in the ritual of the Navaho may be considered together ; namely, the masks and the dances in which these are worn. Those who carry out the various requirements of the ritual are not the shamans, as might be supposed, but rather the gods, each impersonated by a man wearing a definite mask. These masks are made of deerskin and are furnished by the shaman. They are painted and decorated anew for each ceremony, and supposedly represent the countenance of the gods. When a man wears one of these over his face, he is supposed to be the god himself, and as such he is powerful to carry out the requirements of the different acts in which this special god figures. These masked men dance together on the last night of the long ceremonies in what might be called a "dramatization" of the myth on which the ritual is founded. The same gods are also represented by the figures in the sand pictures. The festival nature of ceremonials in general among primitive people should be emphasized, together with their great importance on the social life of the tribe. Among a peo- ple like the Navaho, living family by family, disseminated over NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 311 a wide stretch of country, with no towns and no settlements larger than those composed of two or three families at the most and these not permanent, there is little opportunity for congre- gation other than that furnished by the religious ceremonials. These are taken advantage of and made the occasion of large gatherings. Foot-races, gambling, and other games are in- dulged in, and, although few of the visitors take an active part in the rites themselves, they are present in large numbers to witness the public dances on the last night of the long cere- monies. Any participation in the more secret rites of the hogun necessitates a payment according to the amount of benefit that it is hoped will be derived from the rite in question. Conse- quently only those visitors who are ill and are at the same time able to pay something to the shaman, take advantage of the opportunity of having themselves treated. Major Ceremonials Similarities between those of the Navaho and those OF the Pueblo Peoples. — The main ceremonies of the Nava- ho, as has been stated, are nine days long, and are composed of a constant succession of rites. The Pueblo peoples also have ceremonies of equal length. Dr Fewkes ' reports twelve of these long ceremonies among the Hopi, with five variants, mak- ing sixty in all. Dr Matthews ^ states that he has known of seventeen different nine-days ceremonies among the Navaho. Most of the details in these long successions of different rites are similar, not only among the Navaho and Pueblo peoples, but 1 Morphology of Tusayan Altars, American Anthropologist, x, p. 130, 1897. 2 The Mountain Chant; a Navaho Ceremony. Fifth Report Bureau of Ethnology, II1S8, 1883-84. 312 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME also in general, and they show striking similarities with the rites of the Apache. There are certain differences, however, in the long ceremonies of the Navaho and Pueblo peoples. Those of the former come only in late autumn and winter, whereas many of the rites of the Hopi, for example, come in midsummer. There is no sharp distinction between masked and unmasked dances among the Navaho, as among the Hopi. The seasonal element is not in great evidence among the Navaho. Among the Hopi, the different Kachina ceremonies, or masked dances, come from late December to July, and the nine-days ceremonies and the unmasked dances from August to November. Several of the long ceremonies of the Navaho have been described in detail, and it does not seem necessary, therefore, to repeat what has already been treated at length. It may be in- teresting, however, to note some of the objects which are used in the Navaho rites, and their similarity to those used in the religious practices of neighboring peoples. The kethawns, or prayer-sticks, of the Navaho are the same as the pahos of the Pueblos. Many of them are identical, even to the facets cut at one end and on which are painted dots representing eyes and mouth. These are regarded as female among both peoples. Sex distinctions are made throughout the rites of the Navaho and Pueblo peoples. The plumed wands are found among the Navaho, the Apache, and the Pueblo peoples, and they are re- ported among the northern tribes on the upper Missouri. ' Pollen and corn-meal, and their use as offerings and as purifiers, the bull-roarer, the sacred water and other liquids used as medi- cine, the use of masks, — all are found among the Navaho and ' Matthews, Plume Sticks among the Northern Tribes, American Anthropologist, u, p. 46, 1889. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 313 Apache and the Pueblo peoples in their religious practices. Thus the outfit of the Navaho shaman is very much like that of the priest among the Pueblos. The same general acts are carried out, such as the ceremonial bath, the cleansing by vom- iting, the sweating, the ceremonial begging, the rites of initia- tion, the disposal of objects used in the ceremonies, often the car- rying of the offerings to rude shrines, and the play of clowns, in addition to other minor similarities which need not be men- tioned. Night Chant The most important of the nine-days ceremonies lof the Navaho is the Night Chant (Kledze Hztil), or Yebitrai. It is always celebrated in the late autumn or early winter. The ceremony is composed of a succession of different rites, day after day and night after night, for the greater part of the nine days. Both the number and the order of the different rites in the Night Chant are variable. In fact, we may say that there are wide limits in the celebration of the ritual of this ceremony. The number of rites depends upon the amount of money which the patient or patients are willing and able to pay the shaman and his assistants. There seems to be a minimum number which must of necessity be given, and all in addition to this may be omitted without bringing disaster to the ceremony. It follows, however, that the greater the number of extra rites performed, the greater the pleasure of the gods, and consequently the more effective the cure. It is not my intention to repeat the data already given in Dr Matthews's most excellent memoir on this ceremony; but it might be well to point out certain other variants in the different 314 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME rites making up this ceremony, which were witnessed by me in a single celebration of the Night Chant. This celebration took place in the Chaco canyon near Pueblo Bonito, in 1901, In order to compare the ceremony as described by Dr Matthews with the one witnessed by me, I have arranged the various rites occurring on the different days in the two versions in parallel columns. Comparison of the Principal Events of the Ceremony of THE Night Chant as witnessed by Dr Wash- ington Matthews and the Writer Dr Matthews Evening: — Circle kethawns. Consecration of lodge. Talisman of Yebitjai. A. M. Tozzer FIRST DAY Evening: — Consecration of lodge. Talisman of Yebitjai. Circle kethawns. SECOND DAY Morning: — Kethawns (4 cigarettes). Sudatory, in east. Afternoon : — Rite of Succor. Dry painting. Evening: — Rite of Evergreen Dress. Morning: — Sudatory out of doors, in east. Afternoon: — Kethawns (4 cigarettes, 4 ke- thawns, 2 long cigarettes, 2 cig- arettes). Evening: — Rite of Evergreen Dress. THIRD DAY Morning: — Kethawns (4 to 10 cigarettes, 2 long cigarettes). Sudatory, in south. Morning: — Sudatory out of doors, in south. Kethawns (4 cigarettes, 2 cigar- ettes, 4 kethawns, 2 long cigar- ettes). NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 315 Afternoon: — Kethawns (4 cigarettes, 4X12 kethawns). Evening: — Offering of 4X12 kethawns in basket. Afternoon: — Preparation of medicine by girl. Initiation of boy and girl. Evening: — Rite of Tree and Mask. FOURTH DAY Morning: — Kethawns (8 cigarettes). Sudatory, in west. Afternoon: — Amole bath. Dog kethawns. Rite of Tree and Mask. Evening: — Vigil of the gods. Banquet. Morning: — Kethawn (i long cigarette). Sudatory out of doors, in west. Kethawns (8 cigarettes). Amole bath. Afternoon: — Kethawns (4 kethawns). cigarettes, 4 X 12 Evening: — Talisman of Yebit^ai. Offering of 4X12 kethawns basket. Vigil of the gods. Banquet. in FIFTH DAY Morning: — Kethawns (i long). Sudatory, in north. Afternoon: — Small dry painting. Evening: — Initiation (first time). Morning: — First of large dry paintings. Rite with painting. Begging gods. Evening: — Rehearsal. Morning: — Dog kethawn (i long cigarette). Sudatory out of doors, in north. Kethawns (8 cigarettes). Evening: — Initiation (first time). SIXTH DAY Morning: — First of large dry paintings. Manufacture of gourd rattle. Rite with painting. Begging gods. Evening: — Initiation (second time). Rehearsal. 3i6 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME SEVENTH DAY Morning: — Second of large dry paintings. Rite with painting. Evening: — Rehearsal. Morning: — Second of large dry paintings. Rite with painting. Evening: — Rehearsal. EIGHTH DAY Morning: — Third of large dry paintings. Rite with painting. Toilet of the gods. Afternoon: — Initiation (second time). Rite of Succor. Evening: — Rehearsal. Morning: — Third of large dry paintings. Rite with painting. Toilet of the gods. Afternoon: — Rite of Succor. Evening: — Initiation (third time). Rehearsal. NINTH DAY Morning: — Preparation of properties. Kethawns (3 cigarettes). Arrangement of masks. Rite of Succor. Afternoon: — Preparation of dancers. Evening: — Rite of First Dancers. Dances. Work in lodge. Morning: — Kethawns (3 cigarettes). Initiation (fourth time). Afternoon: — Preparation of properties. Arrangement of masks. Preparation of dancers. Rite of Succor. Evening: — Rite of First Dancers. Dances. Work in lodge. In comparing the two columns it will be seen that there is a settled order for certain rites in the ceremony, but some of the more or less auxiliary ones may come at various times during the nine days. I have spoken of the carefulness of detail and the NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 317 necessity of a certain order. This applies to the various songs and chants and to the rites considered as units rather than to the ceremony as a whole. This point will be brought out by reviewing briefly some of the additions, omissions, and substitu- tions of the various rites as given by Dr Matthews in his account of this ceremony. I shall follow the order in which the different rites occur. Those of the first evening were similar, although the sequence was different. In the sets of kethawns made and offered to the gods during the days of the ceremony there was often a change in the character and the number throughout the two par- allel ceremonies. ^ These differences will be noted by compar- ing the two columns. The rite of succor and the small sand picture of the second day were omitted in the celebration which I witnessed. The patients did not feel that they could afford to pay the shaman the extra fee demanded. In the late afternoon of the third day there was a general clearing up of the hogan. Several holes in the wall were stopped up, the floor was swept, and the ashes of the fire removed. After the hut had thus been cleared, a girl of about ten came in bringing a stone metate and mano or rubber. She took her place at the west of the fire, placed the metate on a sheepskin, and began to grind up the feathers of a yellow bird (sidibeta) furnished by the shaman. This was medicine to be administered later to the two patients and it was efficacious only when prepared by a virgin. In the evening of this day, the young girl who had ground the ' I have used kethawn as a general term, including the cigarette and the kethawn proper. By cigarette, I mean the reed which is filled and symbolically lighted; by kethawn proper, the solid wooden sticks which are designated as to sex. 3i8 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME feathers and a young boy were put through the rite of initiation similar in every point to that described by Dr Matthews. ^ The rite of the Tree and Mask came on the evening of the third day rather than on the afternoon of the fourth. The large sets of kethawns used in the basket, and made on the evening of the third day in Matthews's account, were prepared on the afternoon of the fourth day. The sets were, however, similar in number and character. These were administered on the fourth night. The picture of the Trembling Place, occur- ring on the fifth day in the earlier account, was omitted. The initiation rite was celebrated four different times, not including that when the boy and girl were initiated as contrasted with a twofold celebration in the older account. This repetition was probably due solely to the fact that there were more people at the later time who desired it and were able to pay the fee de- manded. Dr Matthews states ^ that a person must go through this rite four times before he is allowed to impersonate one of the gods. I know from personal experience that a single cele- bration enables the initiate to participate in the rites, wear a mask, and personate one of the gods. I shall not pause to ex- plain this initiation, as Dr Matthews's rite was exactly similar to the ones I witnessed. It is interesting to note, however, the presence of such a rite in the midst of a ceremony primarily for curing the sick. I have described elsewhere^ the character of the gourd rattle manufactured on the morning of the sixth day. This 'The Night Chant, IfH 495-511. ^ Ibid., If 507. 3 A Note on Star-Lore among the Navaho, Journal of American Folk-Lore, xxi, pp. 28-32, 1908. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 319 rattle contained holes made to represent stars, and was used in the chants sung during the last four nights of the ceremonial. At odd moments during the latter days of the ceremony, certain individuals employed the shaman in their own behalf. These people had minor ailments and paid the shaman a small sum, or made him a gift, in return for which he endeavored to cure them. In one case, a woman became hysterical. Her friends assured me that the gods were angry because I had been granted certain privileges, and had visited their displeasure, not upon me, but upon a woman whom I had never seen before. Straightway I was advised to do my share toward curing this woman. She came into the hogan, and lay down at the west of the fire. I covered her with several yards of calico which I had bought. The shaman then took two of the feathered sticks used in the sudatory, and the sand pictures, and rubbed the body of the woman, turning and twisting her until the hysterics disap- peared. She then rose, took half the calico, and gave the shaman the other half. I was able to quell an epidemic of hysteria by announcing that I had no more calico. Apart from the sand paintings, which I shall describe later, the only other important difference between the ceremony as de- scribed by Dr Matthews and that witnessed by me was in the sudatory or sweat-house. Dr Matthews ' mentions the alterna- tives — four sweat-houses, one sweat-house, or the kownike or out- door sudorific. I did not see the ceremony where the sweating rite occurs in a house built for the occasion. In the ceremony of 1901 the outdoor sudorific was employed. As Dr Matthews's notes are not full in regard to this variety of the rite, I add a I The Night Chant, IfH 243-256. 320 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME few additional facts concerning the outdoor sweating ceremony. This act was performed four times — once each morning, be- ginning with the third day. Each time, two shallow grave- like holes were dug, about a hundred feet distant from the hogan, first to the east, then, on successive mornings, in turn to the south, the west, and the north of the ceremonial hogan. There were, as has been stated, two patients, and these occasioned the two holes. These were about six inches deep, five feet long, and two feet wide, with ends pointing east and west in the first instance. In my description, the directions will apply only to the first or eastern celebration. In the two holes a quantity of juniper and pinon was burned. After the fire had died down, seven layers of different woods and herbs were spread over the glowing coals. The roots of the plants all pointed toward the east, and therefore away from the hogan. After the prepara- tions were completed, the shaman, two assistants, and the two patients came from the hogan to the two smoking green mounds. The latter two sat down, the woman behind the man, to the west of the two heaps of green, and proceeded to remove their clothes. The shaman carried a basket of ground corn in his hands from which he sprinkled a line of the powder in a circle around the two mounds, leaving openings two feet wide on the eastern and western sides of the circle. Directly inside the first circular line he sprinkled another of white corn-pollen. He then took from a second basket the twelve feathered sticks, which were also used around the sand paintings (see plate l). He placed the six blue sticks at even intervals between the two lines of pol- len on the north side of the circle. These were for the female patients, and were to keep off the evil spirits. The six black « o > O O K m o a 70 o c o X o n m 50 > ■i NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 321 sticks were placed on the south side of the circle, and were for the male patient. At this stage the two entered the circle from the western opening. The man lay down on the mound to the south ; the woman, on the one to the north, both with their heads toward the hogan. Two assistants then entered the circle from the western opening, using great care not to step on the lines of pollen, and covered the two patients with blankets. The shaman and his assistants sat on the ground to the south of the circle, and kept up a continuous round of singing. The shaman next placed a gourd in front of him which he filled with an herb (zani/) mixed with water, and on top he sprinkled some ground yellow corn. In a cup he prepared another drink (ketlo), consisting of some bright green substance the nature of which has not been ascertained. When these preparations were complete, the singing was started, accompanied by a gourd rattle. After three seemingly distinct songs had been sung, the shaman entered the circle from the west, lifted the blankets from over the heads of the patients, and washed their faces with the contents of the cup. Another period of singing followed, after which two masked men came from the Ao^an. They repre- sented Hastfeyald (the most important character appearing in the Night Chant) and ilastjebaad (one of the important female gods) . ^ The two entered the circle from the west and removed the blankets from the two patients. They were by this time in a violent perspiration. Each sat upright on the mound as i?astjeyal/i took the cup prepared by the shaman and marked with the contents the bottom of the feet, the palms of the hands (which were held upright in the lap), the breast, the back, and I For full description of these gods, see Matthews, The Night Chant, Iflf 26-31, 64-72. 322 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME the heads of both patients, besides placing a particle in their mouths. He finally had them drink from the cup. The two patients then washed themselves with the remaining contents. HaLStseyalti next collected the twelve feathered sticks which had been placed around the circle. He selected the two which had stood on either side of the eastern opening of the circle, and gave the remainder to the shaman. With these two sticks, one in each hand, he rubbed down the legs, the arms, and the body of one patient after the other. Between each point of application, he held them up and pointed them to the east. The other masked man then repeated the same acts, with the same two feathered sticks, over the two patients. Hastseyalti next took the gourd and made the patients drink from it, first the man, then the woman, and the same repeated. The two men representing the gods then returned to the hogan. The others formed a proces- sion and marched slowly in single file back to the same place. As soon as the two patients and the others had left the mounds, helpers gathered up the green shrubs and the evergreen, and carried all to a short distance to the north of the hogan, where they deposited them on a bush. The coals were also raked into two piles at the eastern end of the shallow holes, and what fire remained was put out with water. The rite inside the Ao^an at the completion of these acts was similar to that described by Matthews ^ when a sweat-house is used. With the exception of the differences noted above and those connected with the sand pictures about to be described, the two celebrations of this Night Chant were exactly similar on the ' The Night Chant, f 347. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 323 side of the rites themselves. I am unable to compare the two on the side of the songs and chants, which are given so fully in the account by Dr Matthews. Sand Paintings The sand pictures of the Navaho have been many times de- scribed and pictured. It is not my intention, therefore, to con- sider them in detail, their method of manufacture, nor the rites held in connection with them. I desire only to mention certain variants of the pictures which have come to my notice. These dry paintings or sand pictures are the most important single feature of the ceremonials of the Navaho. The largest of them are made on the three last days of the nine-days ceremonies. They differ in the different ceremonies, and often in the same rite. Picture of the Four Rain-Gods. — In the celebration of the Night Chant in 1901, the first picture, coming on the sixth day of the ceremony, was entirely different from that of the "whirling logs" described and pictured by Matthews. ' This latter is probably the usual picture made at this time, as Steven- son saw a similar painting of the "whirling logs" in 1885, ^ and Curtis gives a slightly different variant. ^ The sand picture made as the first of the three in the ceremony which I witnessed is, therefore, not the usual one painted at this time, and I have never seen it described. I cannot give any reason for its substi- tution in place of the usual picture. Plate I shows this painting, taken from a photograph of a model in the Peabody Museum ; » The Night Chant, If S'Si p'ate VI. 2 Ceremonial of Hasjelti, Eighth Report, Bureau of Ethnology, 1886-87, P'^'^ C^^ 3 The North American Indian, I, p. 112, 1907. 324 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME plate II, taken from a colored drawing, gives a better idea of the same picture. The completed painting measured roughly nine by thirteen feet. Twelve feathered sticks (in^/ia) or plumed wands were placed around three sides of the picture. These are shown in plate r. Dr Matthews ^ mentions that there were eight of these used around the pictures which he saw. In this set of twelve, six were painted black with white tops, and were for the male patient; the other six were colored blue with yellow tops, and were for the female. Each stick was decorated with two tufts of ten turkey- feathers each, tied around the stick and pointing upward. From each tuft of feathers there hung down one small feather taken from the breast of an eagle, the so-called "breath- feather." The" shaman stuck these twelve wands in the founda- tion sand just outside the rainbow border, four on each of the three sides. The eastern side had no border, and consequently no feathered wands, as none other than good spirits lived in the east and no protection was needed from that quarter. The model (plate l) also shows the small gourd vessel, with the sprig of cedar on top, resting on the hands of the rainbow goddess of the border. The heads of the four figures of this painting point toward the east. The four main personages shown are the iJastfebaka or simply Yebaka. In this special rite their function is con- nected more or less closely with the rain. The first figure, col- ored black, belongs to the north; the second, blue, to the south; the third, yellow, to the west; and the fourth, white, to the east. These gods are male, and are shown as wearing the blue painted 'The Night Chant, UK 279-284. > z D > z H Z o o ■n H I m ■n c > o o D NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 325 deerskin mask which is seen in many of the rites of this cere- mony of the Yebitjai. They are represented as coming from a cloud from the south, blue, and this, in turn, rises from a three-colored line denoting the other three cardinal points. Each figure carries in his right hand a gourd rattle painted white, and, suspended from the same wrist, a tobacco-pouch elaborately decorated, and having in the center a representation of the aboriginal form of stone pipe. In this bag the god car- ries a ray of the sun with which to light his pipe. The god then smokes the pipe, and from the clouds thus formed there comes the rain. The combination of the ray of the sun inside the bag and the rain which these gods are supposed to send, is seen in the rainbow-colors (red and blue) which outline the bag, and which decorate the four points projecting from the bag. From the left hand of each figure hangs a round water- bottle, the emblem of his office, and here, too, as you would expect, we find the rainbow-colors in the line from the top of the water-bottle to the hand. The line around the wrist and knees also shows the same colors. From the elbows and wrists hang red and black ornaments the nature of which I have been unable to find out. The yellow and blue line, by which these objects are suspended, represents strips of fox-skin. The deco- ration at the left side of the head is a combination of owl and eagle feathers. Each god wears ear-pendants and necklace of turquoise and coral. From the left of the top of the neck hangs a fox-skin. The yellow line below the mouth, a counterpart of a line of the same color at the bottom of the masks which are worn by the Indians in this same ceremony, represents the yellow evening light. 326 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Coming to the lower part of the figures, we find hanging from the left side a bag. The four white lines which run from the bag to the figure are the cotton cords by which it is attached to the wrist. It is only in the decoration of this bag and the bottom of the skirt that the individual skill and inclination of the painter are allowed full play. Every other line in the en- tire picture is prescribed arid unchangeable. The red and blue stripe running around the north, west, and east sides of the picture, is still again the rainbow. It is pictured as female, with its head at the northeast, and feet and skirt at the southeast, corner of the painting. The head is square, and represents the square mask worn by a man imper- sonating a female god. This mask covers only the front part of the face, whereas the male mask fits over the entire head, and in the sand pictures is shown as round. From the top of the head of this rainbow goddess projects a turkey-feather, the white lines representing the strings by which the feather is tied on. The ear-pendants, the yellow line at the base of the mask, and the necklace are the same as are seen on the four other gods. The skirt and bag, together with the rainbow-colors at the wrists and knees, are also identical with those on the other figures. I have described elsewhere the rite carried out in connection with this painting. ' Picture of the Naak^ai Dance. — The second sand pic- ture in the celebration of the Night Chant in 1901 also varied from that given by Dr Matthews, although it was not radically ■ A Navajo Sand Picture of the Rain Gods and its Attendant Ceremony, Proceedings of the International Congress of Americanists, Thirteenth Session, pp. 150-156, New York, 1902. TozzER — Navaho Ceremonials Plate III '■^'i.W^Sim: -, ■'*«. -^^fm-i- 'ffi WJ ' .^ IZ3 ^ E) ^ Ixl ^. Cp.. ^ ..*.. I -1' ■f-'^lnfffp ^- «^ 'J 4 ®^ ^ A"''' ^ ^'4 « A ? A" iA - A * iA_ ' /^ i (Jl , [vj (^ C3 (^1 1:3. (^. 1^1 • ■|:t[j''T|]1i''"'i^;'' ^-^^ ^'>r ^ ■iili'iiliHii''' !*^i J I ■M^iM. .il Ml : i ' ' ' L-r-::--* if-^' - '-f ' ' f, ' 'rf-T^ f i^. V i'/:^ -1' ^ "' A « A «" 4'" if " -^ ■■ 4^ " ^ '^ A'" ''^'" A ^'»\A^Jik*'kjMj ] ,;6^aal»<.' •- .^.- ..L. SAND PAINTING OF THE NAAKHAI DANCE NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 327 different, as in the first case. Both Matthews ^ and Stevenson ^ show two rows of figures. In Stevenson's drawing the rows of figures are placed head to head; in the picture given by Matthews the figures all face the same way. Above the feet of the upper row in the former, and above the heads in the latter drawing, there is a double line of blue and yellow. Below the second row in both versions there is a line of black and yellow. The first line of figures shows six female dancers with square masks, and at the left of this line, To'nenili, the Water Sprinkler. The second line shows six male dancers with the round masks, and at the left iJastreyal/i or Yebitrai. My variant of this picture is shown in plate III. There are four rows of figures, twelve in each line, representing alter- nately male and female dancers. Each row stands on a different colored line. The latter have the following colors, starting from the east or open side: the first, white, belonging to the east; the second, yellow, to the south; the third, blue, to the west; and the fourth, black, to the north. The only exception to the rule of alternate male and female figures is in the south- east corner, where Hastseyalti replaces the ordinary figure. The details of the figures are exactly the same as those in the draw- ing by Matthews. The bags alone show individual variation, according to the fancy of the painter. The rite in connection with this picture was exactly similar to that described in the other accounts. Picture with the "Fringe Mouths." — The third pic- ture (plate IV), which came on the eighth day of the ceremony, ' The Night Chant, plate vil. 2 Ceremonial of Hasjelti, plate cxsii. 328 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME was exactly like the one described and figured by Matthews, ^ by Stevenson, ^ and, with slight variations, by Curtis. ^ Even to the minutest details I could not detect the slightest change other than in the bags, which, as stated before, are allowed decoration according to the individual taste. It has been sug- gested that these bags may show an imitation of the porcupine- quill work of the Ute. It is clear that the Navaho were in intimate relations with the Ute. They have a myth accounting for the origin of the Ute, and showing them as an offshoot of the Navaho. " Returning to the question of the striking similarity, I might almost say identity, of this picture as figured by Matthews and that shown on plate IV, it is interesting to note that Dr Matthews has the following to say on the point of the lack of variation of the same rite at any two times :^ "The shamans declare that these pictures are transmitted unaltered from year to year and from generation to generation It may be doubted if such is strictly the case. No permanent design is anywhere preserved by them and there is no final authority in the tribe. The pictures are carried from winter to winter in the fallible memories of men." To my mind this is not a matter of doubt. As proof of this I would say that Dr Matthews collected the material for his memoir twenty years before the picture which I give was painted. Still this sand picture — which he calls "the Gods with the Fringe-Mouths," and which came on the eighth day of 1 The Night Chant, plate VIII. 2 Ceremonial of Hasjeiti, plate cxxilL 3 The North American Indian, I, p. izz. 4 Matthews, Origin of the Utes, American Antiquarian, vil, pp. 271-274, 1885. 5 The Night Chant, ^ 164. •J. > 55 -^ lymsRisiuiieim ?<" It , ^ Z/H3 ^1^ O ■ri.y o !r'^%« '-^'-'V. o N N w o n PI o '7. -za '^ << IIJjiMiiaaaMSSM™ « ■^ I ^wis«i«iniKf I — fTr» NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 329 the ceremony — is the identical picture, even in many minor details, with one which was made on the eighth day of a similar ceremony witnessed twenty years after and at least a hundred miles to the east of where Dr Matthews worked. For two decades at least we can prove that the designs have remained unchanged; and the past twenty years have been lived in close contact with the whites, many of whom have done their utmost to make the Navaho put away and forget his former beliefs and ceremonies. Picture of the God of the Whirlwind. — In addition to the sand pictures made in connection with the several nine- days' ceremonies, there are often smaller and far less elaborate sand pictures made to serve less important rites. Among the smaller sand paintings is one called Niltyebeyika/, or "Picture of the Whirlwind." Plate V is taken from a photograph of this sand picture on the floor of the Ao^an, looking from the head to the feet of the figure: consequently the lower part of the body is in bad perspective. The figure represents the God of the Whirlwind. The head points toward the east. The face of the mask is a dark brown. It has across the top a white line, and on each side a red line broken by white dots, and the usual yel- low line at the bottom. From the top of the mask projects a "breath" feather represented as being tied with white cotton strings. The neck is painted blue, with four transverse red lines. The usual coral and turquoise ear-pendants and necklace are indicated. The body of the figure is black with a white border. The usual red and blue lines from the wrists and elbows, to which are suspended the black and red objects outlined in white, are found. These lines represent strips of fox-skin. The bag 330 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME at the side shows the usual elaborate design. The rainbow gar- ters appear, but the feet are represented as bare, not covered with the usual moccasins. The upper of the two serpents at the top has a blue body and a yellow border and spots, and belongs to the south. The upper of the two serpents at the bottom has a yellow body and a blue border and spots, and belongs to the west. The lower of the two at the top has a black body and a white border and spots. He belongs to the north. The lower of the two at the bottom has a white body and a black border, and he is connected with the east. The law of con- trasting colors is well brought out here. What is white with a black border in one case is black with a white border in an- other. The serpent at the right of the figure has a black body and a white border. The one at the left has a blue body and a yellow border, representing respectively the north and south. The god is shown dressed in a suit covered with stone arrow- points, two of which are shown fastened to the top of the mask, and five on either side of the body, the latter sets being outlined in white. The position of these along the body suggests a whirling motion. Sometimes a more elaborate picture is made with four figures in place of one, gods painted blue, white, and yellow, as well as black. The rite of the Whirlwind God is said to be carried out to cure any one with a twisted body or bent leg. The sick per- son has arrow-points attached to his dress. Snakes are also used in an elaborate celebration of this special rite, which, how- ever, I did not see. Sympathetic magic readily accounts for the God of the Whirlwind being prayed to in cases of bodily deformations. The rite held in connection with this picture Tozzer--Navaho Ceremonials Pl,ATE \' SAND PAINTING OF THE GOD OF THE WHIRLWIND NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 331 differed little from the usual acts over one of the more elaborate sand mosaics. Pollen was placed as usual on the head of the figure and the heads of the snakes. Potions were offered to the figure and then given to the patient, and finally the latter took his seat on the figure, facing the east. The shaman then de- stroyed the heads of all the six serpents. Sand was taken from the different parts of the picture and rubbed on the cor- responding portion of the body of the patient, thus obtaining directly the full curative power of the god himself. It is interesting to compare the picture in connection with this rite with one given by Dr Matthews in the celebration of the Mountain Chant. ^ The serpents in this picture are also represented with spots. Four sets of two serpents each are shown. Each set is colored differently and belongs to a different cardinal point. There is in addition a single serpent at each side of the picture. The two pictures present few similarities, however, other than in the serpents. Picture of the Sun and Moon. — Another small and comparatively insignificant sand picture was noted. It was made out of doors under a clump of sagebrush. Plates VI and VII show the shaman in the act of preparing this painting. The small deerskin bags in the foreground contain the different col- ored sands. The figure at the right is that of the wife of the shaman, who is watching the operation. The picture is a rep- resentation of the sun and moon. The upper face is that of the sun, colored blue, outlined in yellow, and shown with two horns. The lower face is that of the moon, colored white, outlined also in yellow and with the two horns. The four yellow zigzag lines I The Mountain Chant, plate xv. 332 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME coming out of the top of each circle and the four straight paral- lel lines at the bottom are the roads over which the sun and moon travel in their course from east to west. There are four sets of minute lines of blue and yellow arranged at equal distances around each face. These are said to represent an eclipse. They do not appear in the photograph. This simple picture was made as a means of counteracting the evil effects which came to a woman who, when pregnant, had seen an eclipse of the moon. The sun and moon in eclipse are considered as dead. If they are seen in this condition by a pregnant woman, her child will become ill and his mouth will be drawn up on one side. The rite over the picture did not differ from those which have been described in connection with other sand paintings. Many of the acts were shortened, and some omitted. Sand Pictures among other Peoples. — It is interesting to compare the sand pictures of the Navaho with those of peo- ples surrounding them. The Navaho probably borrowed the idea of making pictures in different colored sands from the Pueblo peoples. That the Navaho developed this to a far great- er elaboration than that found among other peoples seems clear after comparing the sand pictures, especially those of the Nava- ho, with those of the Pueblos. Among the former the sand mosaics are altars in themselves. There are few accessory ob- jects used in connection with the picture. These are limited usually to the twelve feathered sticks and the bowl or gourd of some ceremonial drink (see plate l). Among the Pueblo peo- ples the sand picture is only one feature of their altars, and often not an important one. There is usually an elaborate reredos composed of carved sticks of various shapes and various uses, TozzER — Navaho Ckremoniai,s Plate VI ^'X- -.T... > A SAND rAIXTIXC, OF THE SUN AND MOON NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 333 together with other objects. There are figures of gods at either side of the picture, or else these gods are represented by living people, as the Corn-Maid and the Snake-Boy in the Antelope altar of the Hopi. The Navaho gods are rep- resented in the sand pictures themselves. This is seldom the case among the Pueblos. There is a large variety of objects placed around the sand pictures of the latter, including the stone fetishes. The palladia of the clan are often, although not al- ways, present in the Pueblo altars. Here we have an example of another fundamental difference between the Navaho and the Pueblo rites. Among the former there is no clan ownership of ceremonial or other objects, no ancestral possessions, which among the Pueblo peoples are among their most valued ones. The Navaho are divided purely upon a geographical basis. The Navaho speaks of the place where his ancestors lived. This is the important feature. The Pueblo, on the other hand, men- tions the clan to which he belongs and his share in the common ownership in that clan with all one line of ancestors. Another striking difference between the sand mosaics of the two peoples is, that those of the Navaho are never allowed to remain for any length of time after they are completed. The rite in connection with them and in which they are mutilated, comes immediately after they are finished. Among the Pueblos, the sand figures often remain for several days before they are destroyed. The more or less permanent and altar-like charac- ter is evident in the latter. The Hopi make the greater part of their sand pictures in the summer, in connection with the ceremonies of the Antelope fraternity. They always begin at the edge of the picture, and follow a prescribed order: first the 334 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME north, colored yellow ; then west, with green or blue ; south, with red; and east, with white. Among the Navaho, the east is white; the south, blue; the west, yellow; and the north, black. It will be noted that the Navaho colors correspond to different cardinal points, with the exception of white, which is also for the east. These are the colors used for the cardinal points on the earth. They differ slightly when used for the underworld. This ceremonial importance of color is marked among all the peoples of the Southwest, and a further development of it is seen in Mexico and Central America. The sand pictures of the Navaho may be used not only as a sort of temporary altar, but also in other ways; as for dedi- cating a sweat-house, where the figures in sand are made on the top of the hut. The sand pictures in general may be said to correspond, in part at least, to the figures painted in moist colors on skins by the Indians of the Plains. The Apache, as stated before, have sand pictures ; but they are far less elaborate than those of the Navaho. The rites in connection with them, however, are, in some points at least, sin- gularly similar to the Navaho ceremonies ; as, the coal purifica- tion, the seating of the patient on the picture, and the basket drum. The medicine-hat and the medicine-shirt of the Apache serve as curative agents. It is interesting to note that some of the designs painted on the latter are not dissimilar to certain elements of the figures on the sand pictures of the Navaho. With the use of these shirts there is far less need of elaboration in the designs of the sand mosaics. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 335 The Navaho speak of the Ute and the clifif-dwellers as painting pictures with colored sands; but, as Dr Matthews sug- gests, the latter may refer to one or more of the Hopi clans which occupied Canyon de Chelly within comparatively recent times. It is interesting to note in connection with sand pictures that the Cheyenne and Arapaho make use of colored sands in their religious rites. The sand feature is, as in the case with the Pueblo peoples, only a component part of an altar, and plays a much more inferior role even than among the Pueblos. Dotted lines and straight lines made with different colored sands rep- resenting the morning star, are made in connection with the altars used in the Sun Dance. ^ The Luisenos, the southernmost Shoshonean stock in Cali- fornia, also use colored sands in connection with several rites, including the girls' and boys' initiation ceremonies, when the world with the earth and sea are pictured in sand. ^ Minor Ceremonials The class of minor rites not connected in any way with the long ceremonies is a large one. These are more or less informal in their nature, and far less exacting than those of longer duration. They are usually carried out in the domestic hogan, around the fire in the center of the room. In many of these rites, one of the less important and therefore less expensive shamans is en- 1 Dorsey, The Cheyenne, Field Museum of Natural History, Anthropological Series, IX ; also The Arapaho Sun Dance, IV. 2 DuBois, The Religion of the Luiseno Indians of Southern California, University of California Publications in American Archteology and Ethnology, viil, No. 3. 336 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME gaged. I have already described two of these minor rites in connection with the consideration of sand paintings in general. Rite of Nitsegehatal. — Another rite in which there is no sand picture is called Nitregehatal. I was unable to verify the meaning of this term. It was given to me as signifying the Wing Dance, but I am not at all sure of the correctness of this. The rite began about nine o'clock in the evening and lasted until dawn. Four sticks (hone^gis) about two feet long were placed around the fire, at the four cardinal points, and pointing away from the fire. These served as the ceremonial pokers and were used only at this time. The shaman then took a round pot (assa) containing a stew of corn and mutton (a/tanabez), and, after moving it along the length of each poker, placed it in a position at the north of the fire. A bull-roarer (sindini) was then made, after which the patient was asked to enter the hut and take his place at the north of the fire. Feathers were tied to the hair of the sick man, and a line of corn-pollen was drawn across his forehead. The leader then went outside the hut and walked around the house clockwise, swinging the bull-roarer. He turned before reaching the door and retraced his steps contra- clockwise around the hut, never in each case completing the circle, but always leaving an opening at the east, in front of the door, untouched by his feet. When he entered the hogan he touched the bottom of each foot of the patient and the other specified parts of the body with the instrument. A basket was next utilized as a drum in the rite, which has been often described. ' The singing now began, accompanied by a gourd rattle, and it was kept up until dawn. Pollen 5 The Night Chant, ff 287-291. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 337 (/aditdin) was administered to the patient, who placed a small particle on his mouth, another on his head, and cast a third into the air. This was repeated once during the night, as was also the journey by the shaman around the house with the bull-roarer, followed by its application on the body of the patient. Just before sunrise the patient ate from the contents of the pot con- taining the stew. The leader then filled with water the basket which had served as a drum, and marched with it around the fire four times, followed by the patient. Their direction was clockwise, starting at the east. The patient left the hogan just at sunrise, walking out, and greeting the sun by raising his arms over his head four times. The simple rite was completed, when the utensils were gathered up and the few spectators went through the self-administration of pollen. Summer Dance. — Dr Matthews states ' that in none of the ancient Navaho rites is there a regular drum or tomtom em- ployed. The inverted basket covered with a blanket serves the purpose of a drum in all the ceremonies described by him. This form of drum may have been the only one in the former rites of the Navaho, but at the present time there is sometimes used a drum made from a pot over which a piece of goat-skin is stretched (fig. l). The drumstick is made of a piece of bent wood, and is similar to the stick used by some of the Pueblo peoples. The use of the drum itself is undoubtedly one of the results of close contact with these people. This drum was used in a short rite called AT'da, or "Summer Dance." It began at seven in the evening, and continued until eleven o'clock at night. The manufacture of the drum was the first act « The Basket Drum, American Anthropologist, vii, p. 303, 1894. 338 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME in this rite. An earthen pot which had not been used for any secular purpose was obtained, partially filled with water and a top of goat-skin was stretched over the mouth of the pot. This was done by four men working together, one of whom served as leader. Four minute holes were made in the head of the drum at the four cardinal points as the pot was Pig. 1 — Drum and drum-stick used by the Navaho. held by the handle by the leader, who faced the east. The stick was then made. After a short chant the drum was struck by the leader four times, the hand pointing in turn to the east, the south, the west, and the north. The head of the drum and the sides were then sprinkled with pollen. Each of the four men administered pollen to themselves in the way described before. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 339 This ended the consecration of the drum, and it was delivered into the hands of one of the younger men of the tribe, who beat it throughout the remainder of the rite in which informal dan- cing was the principal feature. Men and women danced together side by side or facing each other. A woman had the privilege of capturing any man she could, and compelling him to dance opposite her in addition to paying her a small sum of money or making her some other present. Each woman carried in her hands a stick decorated at the top with a piece of cedar, below which there were two white eagle-feathers tied by two streamers of bayeta cloth. I am inclined to think that Spanish influence may be noted in the form of this dance. There was no special act in connection with the dancing, although it was stated that it was held in order to cure a sick man living more than a hun- dred miles to the south. Rite of Charcoal Painting. — I wish to describe one other of the shorter rites, as there are features in it which have not been recorded. The rite in question was to cure a man of a sickness which, it was thought, had come as a consequence of his having killed another Navaho in a fit of anger. The rite came at the very end of August, beginning just before noon and lasting until the middle of the afternoon. As a preparation for the cere- mony, a quantity of willow-sticks (gaii/bai) were burned and made into charcoal together with several pieces of pine-bark (distfebaatoz). These were burned in the regular fire of the Ao^an. There were also burned on a flat stone two different kinds of weed (a/tadeglil). The ashes of two small feathers were added to those of the weeds. The leader then furnished a large piece of mutton-fat (ag'a) together with a small quantity of a 340 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME mixture (^lanatrin) of the fat of the mountain-sheep and several other animals. Two small balls were made of these fats, one being mixed with the ashes of the feathers and the two weeds, and the other combined with red sandstone (tri) ground to a powder. The family of the patient presented the shaman with a large piece of calico, on which each article was placed as soon as it was prepared. A small forked stick was then wound with a leaf of a cactus- plant and the whole, in turn, covered with a piece of deerskin, colored with the red grease. Two braids of three cactus-leaves each were then made, and the ends of the braids tied together and the braids themselves placed side by side, making a double braided bracelet. A chain (gahazdze) was next made by tying together the long slender leaves of the cactus end to end, and finally the ends of the chain were tied together. Fifteen bow- knots (woltad) were made in fifteen other leaves, and these were all placed in a line on the calico before the shaman. He then prepared an infusion made of water and two herbs whose names I could not secure. This was made in a gourd ladle, and also placed on the calico. Finally a bowl containing water mixed with twigs of cedar was prepared, and the rite proper began. It seemed to be so entirely a family affair that the number of singers was restricted to the members of the immediate family of the patient. In this case there were three men in addition to the leader. The women present did not sing. The shaman started the chanting and at the same time he took up one of the knotted leaves. After pressing it along the right leg and over the foot of the patient, he untied the knot with one pull directly over the big toe of the left foot. This NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 341 act was probably similar to the use of the "circle kethawns" in the Night Chant. In the same manner as before, the other knots were untied over the following places on the patient's body: the right and left knees, the right and left hands, the breast, the back, the right and left shoulders, the right and left cheeks, and the right and left sides near the hip. A part of the contents of the gourd was then given the patient to drink in three potions, according to the song which was sung throughout the rite. After the patient had chewed up the herbs in the drink, he pressed them on the several parts of the body previously named, and bathed his entire body in the liquid remaining in the vessel. The shaman next marked the specified parts of the body with pollen, after which there was a long period of singing. Finally, the bowl filled with cedar and water was taken by an assistant and the contents daubed on the several parts of the body of the patient, after which some of the contents was taken in- ternally; and those present as spectators also took a sip from the bowl. The portion remaining was used to bathe the body of the patient. Sweet-grass (gloni/tjin) and a quantity of black seeds (hazeltai) were given an assistant to chew. After they had been thoroughly masticated, he blew on his hands, waved them once in the air, and pressed on the body of the patient — one hand on his chest, the other on his back. He then blew three times into the face of the sick man, and finally went around the circle of spectators, blowing once in the face of each, or else on a special part of the body where a pain was felt. The next act in the rite was to daub the usual parts of the body of the patient with the grease from the black ball made of 342 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME the ashes. The faces of the spectators were also marked in the same way. The large mass of clear fat was then rubbed over the entire body of the patient and also along one lock of his hair. That remaining was eagerly seized by the rest of the family, and smeared on their own bodies as well as was possible without removing their clothes. The mothers took great pains to cover the bodies of their small children with the grease. This was but a preparation for the blackening of the entire body of the patient with the charcoal. Not an inch of skin was left uncov- ered except the upper part of the face, the grease acting simply as a means of holding the charcoal. The red ball of grease was next rubbed on the upper part of the patient's face above the chin. Two spots were made on each cheek from the contents of a deerskin bag. Red powder made of sandstone was then rubbed on the hair, after which a small pile of white ashes was placed at his feet. At certain parts of the song, the patient blew a pinch of the ash into the air. A new pair of sandals was placed in front of him and a pinch of dust or dirt was sprinkled on each by the shaman, after which the patient put them on. The leader then took the double braided bracelet and went with it up and down the length of the right arm, finally tying it around the right wrist. The chain of cactus-leaves tied end to end was then hung over the left shoulder. The stick wound with the leaves and with a strip of deerskin was given the patient, and he walked out of the hogan. These different objects were worn by him, and he was declared cured. It will be seen from the preceding accounts of these minor rites that they all follow about the same line, and are similar NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 343 in most respects to the individual rites which go to make up the longer and more complicated ceremonials. Sacrifice and prayer are the main components in all the rites. Dancing and masquerade are less common features in the minor rites. In considering the ceremonials of the Navaho, especially in comparison with those of the Pueblo peoples, there is danger that we shall fail to give the former enough credit for their reli- gious ideas. They borrowed, to be sure; but they were by no means simply borrowers : they adapted, they developed, and in many cases, especially in regard to the sand pictures, they did everything but actually invent the idea of the painting of pictures in different colored sands. After having once obtained the main religious ideas from their neighbors, they were successful in building up an elaborate ritual and a complicated mythology along quite different lines. At an early time, when they pos- sessed little in the way of ceremonials, their willingness to bor- row was great. Later, when the rich ritual of their own was developed from the adopted beginnings, their ceremonials were for the most part fixed. I have tried to show this comparative permanency in the case of the most interesting and most im- portant feature of the religious life of the Navaho — the sand paintings. Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts 'i?iiijiiips is liiifiiiil;