i iV i V»V i S l »'L' I MM CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRAHY q 1P?4 091 758 304 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924091758304 LITERARY REMAINS OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. LITERARY REMAINS OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. EDITED FROM HIS AUTOGEAPH MANUSCRIPTS, WITH HISTORICAL NOTES, AND A BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR, BY JOHN OOUGH NICHOLS, F.S.A. VOLUME THE FIRST. PRINTED FOR THE ISitixhux^t Club. LONDON: J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS, 25, PARLIAMENT STREET. MDCCCLVII. w LITEEAEY EEMAINS OF EDWAED VL l|Ull^^' ^^^^iJrM THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE, K.U. THE DUKE OF HAMILTON AND BRANDON. THE DUKE OF SUTHERLAND, K.G. HIS EXCELLENCY MONSIEUR VAN DE WEYER. EARL OF CARNARVON. EARL OF POWIS, V.P. EARL CAWDOR. LORD VERNON. LORD DELAMERE. LORD WENSLEYDALE. RIGHT HON. SIR DAVID DUNDAS. HON. ROBERT CURZON, JUN. SIR STEPHEN RICHARD GLYNNE, BAKT. SIR EDWARD HULSE, BART, SIR JOHN BENN WALSH, BART. SIR JOHN SIMEON, BART. SIR JAMES SHAW WILLES, REV. BULKELEY BANDINEL, D.D. NATHANIEL BLAND, ESQ. BERIAH BOTFIELD, ESQ. Treamrei: REV. WILLIAM EDWARD BUCKLEY, M.A. PAUL BUTLER, ESQ. FRANCIS HENRY DICKINSON, ESQ. RALPH NEVILLE GRENVILLE, ESQ. HENRY HALLAM, ESQ. REV. EDWARD CRAVEN HAWTREY, D.D. ROBERT STAYNER HOLFORD, ESQ. ADRIAN JOHN HOPE, ESQ. ALEX. JAMES BERESFORD HOPE, ESQ. REV. JOHN STUART HIPPISLEY HORNER, M.A. JOHN ARTHUR LLOYD, ESQ. EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY, ESQ. WILLIAM STIRLING, ESQ. GEORGE TOMLINE, ESQ. CHARLES TOWNELEY, ESt^i. l^ojAxiVSijt Clufi. RULES AND REGULATIONS. I. The Club shall consist of forty Members, including the President, Vice President, and Treasurer. II. Every Member shall contribute a Book to the Club. III. Every Member shall pay annually a subscription of Eive Guineas to the Treasurer upon his election, and subsequently on the Seventeenth of June in each year. IV. The sum thus raised, or a competent portion of it, shall be expended under the direction of the Printing Committee in priat- ing some inedited Manuscript, or in reprinting some Book of acknowledged rarity and value. V. The total number of Copies printed of each Work shall not exceed one hundred. VI. Every Member shall be entitled to two Copies of each Work printed at the expence of the Club. VII. These Copies shall be distinguished by the engraved title, and shall have the name of the Member printed in red ink. VIII, The Name of the Member in the second Copy shall have an asterisk prefixed to it. The remaining copies of each Work shall be delivered by the Printer to such Members, whose sub- scriptions are not in arrear, as may apply for them, upon payment of the sum fixed for each Work by the Printing Committee. IX. The sum so received shall be carried to the account of the Club, and applied to its general expenditure. X All Works printed by the Club shall be ready for distribution at the Anniversary Meeting, but no Members shall be entitled to their Copies whose subscriptions are in arrear. XI. Due notice of the publication of each Work shaU be given to every Member by the Printer. XII. Every Member shall write in his second Copy the name of the Person or Public Society to whom he may present it. XIII. The Printing Committee shall be appointed annually, and shall consist of the President, and not less than seven Members of the Club. XIV. Pour Members of the Committee shall constitute a quorum. XV. The Printing Committee shaU prepare annually a chrono- logical List of the Members of the Club, from its foundation, with the dates of their election, and a similar Catalogue of the Books printed by or presented to the Club, and of those contributed by its Members. XVI. This List of Members and Catalogue of Books shall be inserted in each Member's first Copy of all Books printed by the Club, and shall be printed with the Rules and Regulations of the Club for the use of its Members. XVII. The Printing Committee shall present an Annual Report at the Anniversary respecting a Publication by the Club for the ensuing year. XVIII. The Treasurer of the Club shall keep an account with Messrs. Herries, Earquhar and Co., Bankers, St. James's Street, entitled the Roxburghe Club Account. XIX. A Statement of the Punds of the Club shall be prepared annually by the Treasurer, and laid before the Club at the Anni- versary Meeting. XX. One General Meetiag of the Club shall be held between the Meeting of Parliament and Easter. XXI. The President shall be empowered to call at his discretion other general Meetings, at such times as he may deem expedient, for the election of Members, and for the transaction of the general business of the Club. XXII. The Anniversary Meeting of the Club shall be held on the seventeenth of June, provided that it fall upon a Saturday ; otherwise, on the first Saturday after the seventeenth of June. XXIII. No alteration of any Rule of the Club shall be made, except at a General Meeting. XXIV. Any Member proposing an alteration in any Rule shall give notice to the President of such alteration at least fourteen days before a General Meeting, and such proposed alteration shall be previously printed and circulated among the Members of the Club. 1812. PRESIDENT. 1. GEORGE JOHN, EARL SPENCER. 1S12. 1812. 1812. 1812. 1812. 1812. 1 . 1812. 8 1812. 9 1812. 10 1812. 11 1812. 12 1812. 13 1812. 14 1812. 15 ^VILLIAM SPENCER, DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE. GEORGE SPENCER CHURCHILL, MARQUIS OF BLANDFORD. 1817. DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH. GEORGE GRANVILLE LEVESON GOWER, EARL GOWER. 1833. MARQUIS OF STAFFORD. 1833. DUKE OF SUTHERLAND. GEORGE HOWARD, VISCOUNT MORPETH. 1825. EARL OF CARLISLE. JOHN CHARLES SPENCER, VISCOUNT ALTHORP. 1834. liARL SPENCER. SIR MARK MASTERMAN SYKES, BART. SIR SAMUEL EGERTON BRYDGES, BART. WILLIAM BENTHAM, ESQ. WILLIA.M BOLLAND, ESQ. 1829. SIR WILLIAM BOLLAND, KNT. JAMES BOSWELL, ESQ. REV. WILLIAM HOLWELL CARK. JOHN DENT, ESQ. REV. THOMAS FKOGNALL DIBDIN. REV. HENRY DRURY. 1812. IG. FRANCIS PREELING, ESQ. 1828. SIR FRANCIS PREELING, BART. 1812. 17. GEORGE HENRY PREELING, ESQ. 1836. SIR GEORGE HENRY PREELING, BART. JOSEPH HASLEWOOD, ESQ. RICHARD HEBER, ESQ. REV. THOMAS CUTHBERT HEBER. GEORGE ISTED, ESQ. ROBERT LANG, ESQ. JOSEPH LITTLEDALE, ESQ 1824. SIR JOSEPH LITTLEDALE, KXT. JAMES HEYWOOD MARKLAND, ESQ. JOHN DELAPIELD PHELPS, ESQ. THOMAS PONTON, ESQ. PEREGRINE TOWNELEY, ESQ. EDWARD VERNON UTTERSOX, ESQ. ROGER WILBRAHAM, ESQ. REV. JAMES WILLIAM DODD. EDWARD LITTLEDALE, ESQ. 1812. 18. 1812. 19. 1812. 20. 1812. 21, 1812. 22, 1812. 23. 1812. 24, 1812. 2.5. 1812. 26. 1812. 27. 1812. 28. 1812. 29. 1812. 30. 1812. 31. 1816. 32. 1819. 33. 1822. 34. 1822. 35. 1822. 36. 1823. 37. GEORGE HIBBERT, ESQ. SIR ALEXANDER BOSWELL, BART. GEORGE WATSON TAYLOR, ESQ. JOHN ARTHUR LLOYD, ESQ. VENERABLE ARCHDEACON WRANGHAM. THE AUTHOR OF WAVERLEY. 1827. SIR WALTER SCOTT, BART. 1827. 38. HON AND REV. GEORGE NEVILLE GRENVILLE. 1846. DEAN OF WINDSOR. 1828. 39. EDWARD HERBERT, VISCOUNT CLIVE. 1839. EARL OF POWIS. JOHN FREDERICK, EARL CAWDOR. REV. EDWARD CRAVEN HAWTREY, D.D. SIR STEPHEN RICHARD GLYNNE, BART. BENJAMIN BARNARD, ESQ. VENERABLE ARCHDEACON BUTLER, D.D. 1836. SAMUEL, LORD BISHOP OF LICHFIELD. 1830. 40. 1831. 41. 1834. 42. 1834. 43. 1834. 44. 1835. PRESIDENT. EDWARD HERBERT, VISCOUNT OLIVE. 1839. EARL OP POWIS. 1835. 45. WALTER FRANCIS, DUKE OF BUCCLEUCH AND QUEENSBERRV. 1836. 46. RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD FRANCIS EGERTON. 1846. EARL OF ELLESMERE. 1836. 47. ARCHIBALD ACHESON, VISCOUNT ACHESON. 1849. EARL OF GOSFORD. BERIAH BOTFIELD, ESQ. HENRY HALLAM, ESQ. PHILIP HENRY STANHOPE, VISCOUNT MAHON. 1865. EARL STANHOPE. GEORGE JOHN, LORD VERNON. REV. PHILIP BLISS, D.C.L. RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR JAMES PARKE, KNT. 1856. LORD WENSLEYDALE. REV. BULKELEY BANDINEL, D.D. WILLIAM HENRY MILLER, ESQ. EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY, ESQ. EDWARD JAMES HERBERT, VISCOUNT OLIVE. 1848. EARL OF POWIS. 1841. 58. DAVID DUNDAS, ESQ. 1847. SIR DAVID DUNDAS, KNT. JOHN, EARL BROWNLOW. HONOURABLE HUGH CHOLMONDELEY. 1855. LORD DELAMERE. SIR ROBERT HARRY INGLIS, BART. ALEXANDER JAMES BERESFORD HOPE, ESQ. REV. HENRY WELLESLEY. ANDREW RUTHERPURD, ESQ. 1851. LORD RUTHERFURD. HON. ROBERT CURZON, JUN. GEORGE TOMLINE, ESQ. WILLIAM STIRLING, ESQ. FRANCIS HENRY DICKINSON, ESQ. 1836. 48. 1836. 49. 1837. 50. 1838. 51. 1838. 52. 1839. 53. 1839. '54. 1839. 55. 1839. 56. 1840. 57. 1842. 59. 1842. 60. 1844. 61. 1844. 62. 1844. 63. 1845. 64. 1846. 65. 1846. 66. 1846. 67. 1847. 68. 1848. PRESIDENT. WALTER FRANCIS, DUKE OP BUCCLEUCH AND QUEENSBERRY, K.G. 1848. 69. NATHANIEL BLAND, ESQ. 1848. 70. REV. WILLIAM EDWARD BUCKLEY. 1849. 71. REV. JOHN STUART HIPPISLEY HORNER. 1849. 72. 1849. 73. 1851. 74. 1851. 75. 1851. 76. 1863. 77. 1854. 78. 1854. 79. 1855. 80. 1865. 81. 1856. 82. 1856. 83. 1856. 84. HIS EXCELLENCY MONSIEUR VAN DE WEYER. MELVILLE PORTAL, ESQ. ROBERT STAYNER HOLFORD, ESQ. PAUL BUTLER, ESQ. EDWARD HULSE, ESQ. 1855. SIR EDWARD HULSE, BART. CHARLES TOWNELEY, ESQ. WILLIAM ALEX. ANTH. ARCH. DUKE OF HAMILTON AND BRANDON. HENRY HOWARD MOLYNEUX, EARL OP CARNARVON. SIR JOHN BENN WALSH, BART. ADRIAN JOHN HOPE, ESQ. RALPH NEVILLE GRENVILLE, ESQ. SIR JOHN SIMEON, BART. SIR JAMES SHAW WILLES, KNT. JSlojAurfllje €lnh. CATALOGUE OF THE BOOKS PRESENTED TO AND PRINTED BY THE CLUB. LONDON : MDCCCLTU. CATALOGUE. Certaine Bokes of Virgiles Aenaeis, turned into English Meter. By the Right Honorable Lorde, Henry Earle of Surrey. William Bolland, Esq. 1814. Caltha Poetarnm; or. The Bumble Bee. By T, Cutwode, Esq. Richard Heber, Esq. 1815. The Three Eirst Books of Ovid de Tristibus, Translated into English. By Thomas Churchyarde. Earl Spencer, President. 1816. Poems. By Richard Barnpield. James Boswbll, Esq. 1816. Dolarney's Primerose or the Eirst part of the Passionate Hermit. Sir Erancis Ereeling, Bart. 1816. La Contenance de la Table. George Henry Ereeling, Esq. 1816. Newes from Scotland, declaring the Damnable Life of Doctor Eian, a notable Sorcerer, who was burned at Edenbrough in lanuarie last 1591. George Henry Ereeling, Esq, 1816. A proper new Literlude of the World and the Child, otherwise called Mundus et Infans. Viscount Althorp. 1817. Hagthorpb Reviyed; or Select Specimens of a Eor gotten Poet. Sir Samuel Egerton Brydgbs, Bart. 1817. 4 Istoria novellamente ritrovata di due nobili Amanti, &c. da LuiGi Porto. K.EV. William Holwell Cabb. 1817. The Euneralles of King Edward the Sixt. Rev. James William Dodd. 1817. A E-oxburghe Garland, 12mo. James Boswell, Esq. 1817. Cock Lorell's Boat, a Fragment from the original in the British Museum. Rev. Henbt Dbubt. 1817. Le Livre du Eaucon. RoBBBT Lang, Esq. 1817. The Glutton's Eeaver. By Thomas Bancboft. John Delaeield Phelps, Esq. 1817. The Chorle and the Birde. Sib Mabk Mastbbman Stkes, Babt. 1818. Daiphantus, or the Passions of Love. By Antony Soolokeb. RoGEB Wilbbaham, Esq. 1818. The Complaiut of a Lover's Life. Controversy between a Lover and a Jay. Rev. Thomas Ebognall Dibdin, Vice Pbesident. 1818. Balades and other Poems. By John Goweb. Printed from the original Manuscript, in the Library of the Marquis of Stafford, at Trentham. Eabl Goweb. 1818. Diana; or the excellent conceitful Sonnets of H. C, supposed to have been printed either in 1592 or 1594. Edwabd Littledale, Esq. 1818. Chester Mysteries. De Deluvio Noe. Le Occisione Innocentium. James Hetwood Mabkland, Esq. 1818. Ceremonial at tlie Marriage of Mary Queen of Scotts with the Dauphin of Prance. William Bentham, Esq. 1818. The Solempnities and Triumphes doon and made at the Spousells and Marriage of the King's Daughter the Ladye Marye to the Prynce of CastUe, Archduke of Austrige. John Dent, Esq. 1818. The Life of St. Ursula. Guiscard and Sigismund. Duke of Devonshire. 1818. Le Morte Arthur. The Adventures of Sir Launcelot Du Lake. Thomas Ponton, Esq. 1819. SiK Bookes of Metamorphoseos in whyche hen conteyned the Pables of OvTDE. Translated out of Prensshe into Englysshe by William Oaxton. Priated from a Manuscript ia the Library of Mr. Secretary Pepys, in the College of St. Mary Magdalen, ia the University of Cambridge. George Hibbebt, Esq. 1819. Cheuelere Assigne. Edward Vernon Utterson, Esq. 1820. Two Interludes : Jack Jugler and Thersytes. Joseph Haslewood, Esq. 1820. The New Notborune Mayd. The Boke of Mayd Emlyn. George Istbd, Esq, 1820. The Book of Life; a Bibliographical Melody. Dedicated to the Boxburghe Club by Richard Thomson. 8vo. 1820. Magnyfycence: an Interlude. By John Skelton, Poet Laureat to Henry VIII. Joseph Littledale, Esq. 1821. 6 Judicium, a Pageant. Extracted from the Towneley Manuscript of Ancient Mysteries. Pebegeine Edward Towneley, Esq. 1822. An Elegiacal Poem, on the Death of Thomas Lord Grey, of Wilton. By Robert Marston. Erom a Manuscript in the Library of the E,ight Honourable Thomas Grenville. Viscount Morpeth. 1822. Selections from the Works of Thomas Ravenscroft; a Musical Composer of the time of King James the Eirst. DlJKE OE MARLBOROtr&H. 1822. L^Lii Pere&rini Oratio in obitum Torquati Tassi. Editio secunda. Sir Samuel Egbrton Brtdges, Bart. 1822. The Hors, the Shepe, and the Ghoos. Sir Mark Masterman Sykes, Bart. 1822. The Metrical Life of Saint Robert of Knaresborough. Rev. Henry Drury. 1824. Informacon for Pylgrymes unto the Holy Londe. Erom a rare Tract, in the Library of the Eaculty of Advocates, Edinburgh. George Henry Ereeling, Esq. 1824. The Ouck-Queanes and Cuckolds Errants or the Bearing Down the Inne, a Comsedie. The Eaery Pastorall or Eorrest of Elues. By W P , Esq. John Arthur Lloyd, Esq. 1824. The Garden Plot, an Allegorical Poem, inscribed to Queen Eliza- beth. By Henry Goldingham. Erom an unpublished Manu- script of the Harleian Collection in the British Museum. To which are added some account of the Author; also a reprint of his Masques performed before the Queen at Norwich, on Thursday, August 21, 1578'. Venerable Archdeacon Wrangham. 1825. La Rotta de Francciosi a Terroana novamente facta. La Rotta de Scocesi. Earl Spbncbb, Pbesident. 1825. Nouvelle Edition d'un Poeme sur la Journ^e de Guinegate. Presented by the Maequis de Eoetia, 1825. Zuleima, par 0. Pichler. 12mo. Presented by H. de Chateatj&ibon. 1825. Poems, written in English, by Charles Duke op Orleans, during his Captivity ia England after the Battle of Azincourt. George Watson Taylor, Esq. 1827. Proceedings in the Court Martial, held upon John, Master of Sinclair, Captain-Lieutenant in Preston's E/egiment, for the Murder of Ensign Schaw of the same Regiment, and Captain Schaw, of the Royals, 17 October, 1708; with Correspondence respecting that Transaction. Sir Walter Scott, Bart. 1828. The Ancient English Romance of Havelok the Dane; accompanied by the Erench Text: with an Introduction, Notes, and a Glossary. By Erederick Madden, Esq. Printed for the Club. 1828. Gaueridi Arthurii Monemuthensis Archidiaconi, postea vero Episcopi Asaphensis, de Vita et Vaticiniis MerUni Calidonii, Carmen Heroicum. Hon. and Rev. G. Neville Grenville. 1830. The Ancient English Romance of WiUiam and the Werwolf; edited from an unique copy in King's CoUege Library, Cambridge; with an Introduction and Glossary. By Erbderick Madden, Esq. Earl Cawdor. 1832. 8 The Private Diary of William, first Eael Cowpeb, Lord Chan- cellor of England. Eev. Edward Craven Hawteby. 1833. The Lyvys of Seyntes; translated into Englys be a Doctour of Dyuynite clepyd Osbern Bokenam, frer Anstyn of the Convent of Stockclare. YiscoTJNT Olive, Presidbnt. 1835. A Little Boke of Ballads, Dedicated to the Club by E. V. Utterson, Esq. 1836. The Love of Wales to their Soueraigne Prince, expressed in a true Relation of the Solemnity held at Ludlow, in the Countie of Salop, upon the fourth of November last past. Anno Domini 1616, being the day of the Creation of the high and mighty Charles, Prince of Wales, and Earle of Chester, in his Maiestie's Palace of White-HaU. Presented by the Honoueable R. H. Clive. 1837. Sidneiana, being a collection of Eragments relative to Sir Philip Sidney, Knight, and his immediate Connexions. Bishop oe Lichi'ield. 1837. The Owl and the Nightingale, a Poem of the twelfth Century. Now first printed from Manuscripts in the Cottonian Library, and at Jesus' College, Oxford; with an Introduction and Glossary. Edited by Josephus Stevenson, Esq. Sir Stephen Richard Glynne, Bart. 1838. The Old English Version of the Gesta Romanorum: edited for the first time from Manuscripts in the British Museum and Uni- versity Library, Cambridge; with an Introduction and Notes by Sir Eeedeeick Madden, K.II. Printed for the Club. 1838. Illustrations of Ancient State and Chivalry, from MSS. preserved in the Ashmolean Museum, with an Appendix. Benjamin Baenaed, Esq. 1840. Manners and Household Expenses of England in the thirteenth and fifteenth Centuries, illustrated by Original Records.- I. House- hold Boll of Eleanor, Countess of Leicester, A.D. 1265. II. Accounts of the Executors of Eleanor, Queen Consort of Edward I. A.D. 1291. III. Accounts and Memoranda of Sir John Howard, first duke of Norfolk, A.D. 1462 to A.D. 1471. Beeiah Botpibld, Esq. 1841. The Black Prince, an Historical Poem, written in Erench, by Chandos Heeald; with a Translation and Notes by the Rev. Henet Octavius Coxe, M.A. Peinted foe the Club. 1842. The Decline of the last Stuarts. Extracts from the Despatches of British Envoys to the Secretary of State. Peinted foe the Club. 1843. Vox Populi Vox Dei, a Complaynt of the Oomons agaiust Taxes. Presented according to the Direction of the late Right Hon. Sie Joseph Littledale, Knt. 1843. Household Books of John Dake of Norfolk, and Thomas Earl of Surrey; temp. 1481 — 1490. Erom the original Manuscripts in the Library of the Society of Antiquaries, London. Edited by J. Payne Colliee, Esq., E.S.A. Peinted foe the Club. 1844. Three Collections of English Poetry of the latter part of the Six- teenth Century. Presented by the Duke of Noethumbeeland, K.G. 1845. 10 Historical Papers, Part I. Castra Eegia, a Treatise on the Suc- cession to the Crown of England, addressed to Queen Elizabeth by Roger Edwards, Esq., in 1568. Novissima Straflfordii, Some account of the Proceedings against, and Demeanor of, Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, both before and during his Trial, as well as at his Execution; written in Latin, by Abraham Wright, Vicar of Okeham, in Hutlandshire. The same (endeauord) in English, by James Wright, Barrister at Law. Hev. Philip Bliss, D.C.L,, and Rev. Bulkeley Bandinel. 1846. Correspondence of Sir Henry Unton, Knt., Ambassador from Queen Elizabeth to Henry IV. King of Erance, in the years MDXCI. and MDXCII. Erom the originals and authentic copies in the State Paper Ofl&ce, the British Museum, and the Bodleian Library. Edited by the Rev. Joseph Steven- son, M.A. Printed for the Club. 1847. La Vraie Cronicque d'Escoce. Pretensions des Anglois a la Couronne de Erance. Diplome de Jacques VI. Roi de la Grande Bretagne. Drawn from the Burgiuidian Library, by Major Robert Anstruther. Printed for the Club. 1847. The Sherley Brothers, an Historical Memoir of the Lives of Sir Thomas Sherley, Sir Anthony Sherley, and Sir Robert Sherley, Knights, by. one of the same House. Edited and Presented by Evelyn Philip Shirley, Esq. 1848. The Alliterative Romance of Alexander. Erom the unique Manu- script in the Ashmolean Museum. Edited by the Rev. Joseph Stevenson, M.A. Printed for the Club. 1849. 11 Letters and Dispatches from Sir Henry Wotton to James the Pirst and his Ministers, in the years MDOXVII — XX. Printed from the Originals in the Lihrary of Eton College. Gkorge Tomline, Esq. 1850. Poema quod dicitur Vox Olamantis, necnon Chronica Tripartita, auctore Johanne Gower, nunc primum edidit H. O. Coxe, M.A. Printed eor the Clvb. 1860. Pive Old Plays. Edited from Copies, either unique or of great rarity, hy J. Payne Collier, Esq., P.S.A. Printed eor the Club. 1851. The E-omaunce of the Sowdone of Babylone and of Perumbras his Sone who conquerede Rome. The Duke of Buccleuch, President. 1854. The Ayenbite of Inwyt. Prom the Autograph MS. in the British Museum. Edited by the Rev. Joseph Stevenson, M.A. Printed eor the Club. 1855. John de Garlande, de Triumphis Ecclesise Libri Octo. A Latin Poem of the Thirteenth Century. Edited, from the unique Manuscript in the British Museum, by Thomas Wright, Esq., M.A., P.S.A., Hon.M.R.S.L., &c. &c. Earl op Powis. 1856. Poems by Michael Drayton. Prom the earliest and rarest Edi- tions, or from Copies entirely unique. Edited, with Notes and Illustrations, and a new Memoir of the Author, by J. Payne Collier, Esq., P.S.A. Printed eor the Club. 1856. Literary Remains of King Edward the Sixth. In Two Volumes. Edited from his Autograph Manuscripts, with historical Notes, and a Biographical Memoir, by John Gough Nichols, P.S.A. Printed eor the Club. 1857. 12 The Itineraries of "William Wet, Fellow of Eton CoUege, to Jeru- salem, A.D. 1458 and A.D. 1462 ; and to Saint James of Com- postella, A.D. 1466. From the original MS. in the Bodleian Library. Printed for the Club. 1857. COJS'TENTS. Preface, containing an Account of the Sources of the Work Biographical Memoir . . ... The King's Seize Quartiers . . . . Instructions for the Government of the Prince's Household Visits to the Prince ... Education Schoolmasters . Schoolfellows .... Breeching or Whipping Boy The Henchmen .... Testimonies to Edward's Scholarship . Accession to the Throne . Creation of the Duke of Somerset and other peers Rehgious Observances early in the reign The King's domestic life . . ... Sayings of the Lord Seymour of Sudeley His execution . . ... . . Deposition of the Protector Creation of Garter King of Arms Testimonies to the King's Qualities and Scholarship (resumed) Alteration of the Oath of Supremacy ..... Death of Lady Seymoiu- the King's grandmother . The King's inquiries respecting Calvin The King's proposed Marriage with the lady Elizabeth of France Creation of the Duke of Northumberland Execution of the Duke of Somerset The King has the measles and small po.x Illness of Sir John Cheke . William Thomas's questions and discourses of State Policy Projected marriage of lord Guilford Dudley PAGE i xxi xxii xxvii XXXV xl xlv Ivi Ixx Ixxv Ixxvii Ixxxv xcii xcvii cxii cxv oxxiii cxxviii cxxxvii cxxxix cxiv cxlvii cxlix cliv civ clvii clviii clix clxii clxv Vllt CONTENTS. BioGKAPHicAL Memoie — Continued. Information against Mrs. Elizabetli Huggons John Knox preaches at Court Christmas festivities of 1552-3 . Beginning of the King's fatal Illness Edward's second parliament Foundation of the City Hospitals Rumours of the King's Death Progress of his Illness Marriage of the lady Jane Grey . The King's Death . Character of King Edward, by Nicholas Udall by John Bale . by John Foxe . by Cardano ■ in the Heroologia Anglica — by Sir John Hay ward His personal appearance Study of astronomy . . ... The King's Sports ... Anecdote of the Prince and the Bible Edward's conduct towards his sister Mary . Discourse written by Sir Eichard Morysine The Komanists' story of King Edward His intercourse with his sister Elizabeth The King's death kept secret, and rumours that he was poisoned Funeral ......... William Baldwyn's " Funeralles of King Edward the Sixt" Ballad Epitaph on the Death of the King . Additions to the Biographical Memoir .... Ereata . PAGE clxvi clxix clxxii clxxvi clxxvii clxxx clxxxv clxxxvi cxc cxcv cc cci cciv ccviii ccx ccxi ccxiv ccxvii ccxviii ocxxiii ibid. ccxxiv ccxxxiv ccxxxvi ccxxxvii ccxxxviii ccxlii ccxliii ccxliv cclii APPENDIX. I. The Christening of Prince Edward, 1537 II. New Year's Gifts to Prince Edward, 1538-9 .... m. 1539-40 .... IV. Proclamation of King Edward's Accession .... V. Proceedings of the Privy Council relative to the Will of Henry VIII ccliii cclxiii cclxv cclxvi cclxvii CONTENTS. %X VI. Coronation of King Edward . Knights nominate of the Bath Justs after the Coronation . Knights of the Carpet The King's Apparel at his Coronation . VII. Knights made during the happy reign of Edward VI. VIII. Kjiights of the Garter during the Reign . IX. Rewards given New Year's Day in 1548-9 and 1549-50 X. Ordinary Charge of the Koyal Household XT. Public Prayer during the King's last illness XII. Description of the King's Exercise Books, with specimens XIV. Catalogue of Books and Manuscripts which belonged to him Books dedicated to King Edward .... XV. List of King Edward's Portraits ..... LETTERS. P.VGK oclxxviii ccxcix ccc, cccii ccci ccciii cccvi cccix cccxi cccxviii cccxix cccxx cccxxv cccxxxix cccxliii The commencing words of each Letter are inserted in this catalogue, because of some of them various copies are preserved, with dates different to those here given, and it might, on a hasty reference, be imagined that some had been overlooked by the Editor. The latest date in each case is here given : when , it may be presumed, the Letter was actually dispatched. I. Ampthill n. Hunsdon m. IV. V. VI. Hertford Hunsdon vn. vm. IX. X. XI. xn. xni. XIV. {Undated) XV. XVI. 1545? June 18 Nov. 8 Jan. 11 13 Mar. 11 24 1546. April 2 9 May 8 12 20 23 24 Addressed to Archbishop Cranmer . Earl of Hertford The Lady Mary Archbishop Cranmer . Doctor Coxe The Lady Mary Queen Katharine The Lady Mary Doctor Coxe Queen Katharine May June I } The King 3 Doctor Coxe b Iinpertio te plurima . 1 Natura movet me . 2 It is so long since . ib. Etsi puer sum . . 3 . Scribo ad te paucis . 5 Quia vellem . . ib. . Ago tibi gratias . . 6 . QuemMbnodvm officium 7 . Etsi non scribo . . 8 . Pardon my rude style . 'J . Non doleo tantum . ib. Quia parum habeo . 1 1 . Fortasse miraberis . 12 . Most honaurable . 1 3 . < Non misi ad te > 14 . Ex quo Foulerus . 15 X CONTENTS. XVII XVIII. XIX. XX. XXI. XXII. XXIII. XXIV. XXV. XXVI. XXVII. xxvni. XXIX. XXX. XXXI. XXXII. XXXIII. XXXIV. XXXV. XXXVI. XXXVII. XXXVIII. XXXIX. XL. XLI. XLII. XLIII. 1545. Hunsdon June 10 13 28 July 4 The Moor Aug. 4 12 Hatfield 20 Sept. 4 7 13 {No place) 20 {No place) 26 Hatfield 27 7 Nov. 7 Addressed to Queen Katharine The King Doctor Coxe {No place) Dec. 5 Tittenhanger 18 Hertford Jan. 10 Tower of London Feb. 24 25 The King Queen Katharine Doctor Coxe The King Doctor Coxe Queen Katharine The Lady Mary The King 1547. XLIV. {Noplace) May 30 XLV, St. James's June 9 XLVI 25 XLVII. Hampton Ct. Aug. 24 Sept. 9. XL VIII. {Undated) XLIX. 12 L. Oatlands 18 The Lady Mary Queen Katharine The Lady Elizabeth The Lady Mary Queen Katharine The King Archbishop Cranmer . Bishop Day . Queen Katharine The Lady Mary The Lady Elizabeth . Queen Katharine Earl of Hertford Queen Katharine Duke of Somerset f Answer to the Polish i Ambassador . Queen Katharine Duke of Somerset Etsi omnes literoe Opto tibi pacem . Quia mihi persuasum est Scribo ad te, Praeceptor Ago tibi ingentes . Ingentes tibigratias Ingentem tibi gratiam Maximus mihi dolor Ex omnibus Plurimo affectus fui Audivi te recuperasse Gum essem in aula Amor mens erga te Literw mem semper Quia nullo alio . Natura mihi Debeo tibi ingentes. Loci quidem muiatio Puisque vous a pleu Una hmc epistola Quod non ad te . Cum tot et tanta Duoi res mihi Tria mihi . Plurimas tibigratias Natura, non sapientia Minimi opus est . PAGE 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 ib. 26 27 ib. 28 29 30 31 32 ib. 33 35 36 37 38 39 40 Cum nonproculabs te 41 Literal tuce, cognate . 43 Wee thank you hartely 44 Agnosco me multis . 47 Agamus ingentes . Je vous mercie . Cum postremis . Derest Uncle 48 49 50 51 CONTENTS. XI LI. Oatlands Ln. {Undated) 1547. Sept. 19 1548. June 26 July 19 May 8 1551. LVI. Westminster Dec. 20 22 -29 -28 LIII. St. James's LIV. Hampton Ct. LV. {Noplace) Paris LVn. Westminster Paris Jan. 25 Feb. 12 Addressed to Queen Katharine Earl of Hertford LVm. Westminster Feb. 25 1552. Nanci April 15 LIX. Greenwicli May 3 LX. Christclitircli Aug. 22 Liestorfft May 26 Chalons June 29 Couci Aug. 1 LXI. Windsor Sept. 24 LXn. Hampton Ct. Oct. 7 12 LXm. Westminster Nov. 14 Compiegne Dec. 8 FerjucundcE Intelligo ex tuis Uteris LordAdmiral Seymour / commende me . My lord, i thank you Barnaby FitzPatrick . Tibi ingentes gratias Barnaby FitzPatrick . We have received Sir W. Cecill to Barnaby FitzPatrick . Sir W. Pyckering to sir William Cecill . Barnaby FitzPatrick to the King . Barnaby FitzPatrick . We have received Barnaby FitzPatrick to sir William Cecill Sir W. Pickering Barnaby FitzPatrick . We have received Barnaby FitzPatrick to the King . Barnaby FitzPatrick . We have received The causis whi . Barnaby FitzPatrick to the King . Barnaby FitzPatrick . After our right harty • . We have received Barnaby FitzPatrick to the King . Barnaby Fitzpatrick . Having now dispatcht King Henri IT. to King Edward The Constable Montmorenci . Sir William Pyckering to sir William Cecill PAGE 51 52 53 60 63 66 72 ib. 73 74 76 ib. ib. 78 79 80 .82 83 85 86 87 88 89 90 ib. 91 OEATIONES. Introductory Remarks, and Catalogue of the Orationes I. Junii 23, 1549 n. 30, HI. Julij 7, IV. 13, Actio Virtutis melior est Habitu .... An prsescientia rerum sit utilis ? ... Voluntas peccati gravior est quam actio Eerum experientia cognitionem lectione comparatam antecellit ....... 62 93 99 101 104 107 Xll CONTENTS. V. Julij 21, 1549 VI. 28, VII. {Undated) . VIII. Julij 26, 1551 IX. ( Undated) . X. XI. XI B. XII A. XII. XIII. PAGE Mors pulcherrima est in bello pro patria mori . .110 Dulce bellum inexpertis . . . . .112 Isocrates. Oportet regem regnare (inquit) cum man- suetudine et dementia . . . . .117 Bellum esse Turcis inferendum, religionis gratia 125 Omnes adulteros esse morte mulctandos . . .128 Magis decere Patrem quam Preceptorem amare . . 130 Experientiam esse prsestantiorem quam Doctrina 134 Astronomiam utilem admodum esse humane generi . 133* Non sumus sponte mali . . . . . .137 Multos esse sua sponte malos . . . . .139 Mwv efeiTji/ r?)S 6prj He had then advanced to fifteen. XIV PREFACE. transcribing papers written for him by his masters. In the present instance " he specially notices, that, after the " fair supper," given them by the duke of Somer- set, the ambassadors went on the Thames, where they saw the " bear hunted in the river, wildfire cast out of the boats, and many pretty conceits." (England under the Reigns of Edward the Sixth and Mary, 1839, vol. i. p. 290.) It will be observed that tbis evidence of dictation in a descrip- tion of some obvious matters of fact is very slight indeed : and, for my own part, in the course of my examination of the several contemporary papers mentioned in my notes to the Journal, I have discovered no proof of Edward having written from dictation— that is to say, subsequently to the introductory summary before men- tioned, in which he no doubt had some assistance. I therefore coincide entirely in Bishop Burnet's remarks upon this point, already extracted. Bishop Burnet, when he printed the Journal entire, gave it in a form modernized to the orthography of his own day, but therewith en- cumbered with many errors and misapprehensions, which have not hitherto been corrected.*" In the present edition the object has " The entertainment of the French ambassadors in May 1550 : see the Journal, p. 273. ^ Burnet, however judicious and penetrating as an historian, was, like other men of genius, hasty and careless. The following are some of the worst errors in his version of the Journal, as printed in the last edition (Oxford, 1829) : Vol. ii. Part ii. Page '13. Sir Tho. Arundel, and six, then — read Sir John. 15. Rochfort — read Eochepot. 16. Sir John Davies — read Denis. 32. the vicedam Hanandie, instead of — the vicedam, Hanaudie (two persons). 23. all players — read il (ill) players. 27. 100 keepers for 150. 35. Mr. Grosted — read Croftes, or Croft. 37. defraying — read deferring. 45. treaty of Northampton — read Norham. 46. came to a hunting — came to me a hunting. 42. whole fleet — read wool fleet. 54. Also he found a bare company — read, if he found. PREFACE. XV been to print a perfect transcript of the document as it proceeded from the royal pen, with its errors, if they remain in the original, and sometimes with both errors and corrections, Avhere they show a train of thought. The notes are intended to supply whatever information is extant upon the subjects mentioned by King iSdward ; either by means of references to the best historians and collections of historical docu- ments, or by the prod action of original materials from manuscript authorities. Wliilst I fear that some readers may deem that the text is occasionally overwhelmed by the amount of illustration, I beg in justification to say, that such illustration consists in great measure of contemporary documents previously inedited, and that, as they arose during researches made whilst the Journal was passing through the press, it was difiicult to form any systematic plan for the distribution of materials between the notes and the appendices. VI. The last division of the King's writings consists of State State Papers ° ° and Political Papers and PoLiTiCAii Essays, which are partly preserved in the Essays. 55. Apprentices and R ; " E" not in the MS. G3. guider — read guidon. 64. Among the challengers, the earl of Warwick omitted. 64. Lord Williams — read Lord William (Howard). Lord Roberts — read Lord Robert (Dudley). These in all — read These 18 in all. 65. first of 2k play — first a play. 66. This day was the end of Christmas. — This was the end, &c. 66. Lord Roberts again. 68. the fourth king of arms — read theirs* fourth king of arms. Tylor of Hadlee — read Taylor. 76. Story — read Scory. 79. Certain things, &c. a page inserted here which belongs to the imperfect document, at p. 125, to which the remark ccetera desunt is added. 84. Count of Mansfield governor of the toiim. And the duke of Luxemburg and his 300 light horse — read, and of the duchy. 87. Londre — read Cowdray. 90. Wotesfount — read Motisfount. XVI PREFACE. Discourse on the Keforma- tion of Abuses. Schemes for the Order of the Garter. same volume with his Journal, and partly in other places in the State-paper office and British Museum. The first in order, being a discourse on the Reformation of Abuses, is on the whole the most important as a literary composition of any that remain in the King's handwriting. It appears to have been suggested in a great measure by the written advice communicated to the King by Bucer.^ Bishop Burnet's remarks upon it will be found at p. 475. ' The remarkable papers upon the Order of the Garter I have edited with especial care and attention, having found that none of my predecessors had heretofore appreciated their curiosity or even discovered how considerable are the differences in the several copies'". " In Dr. Leonard Howard's Collection of Letters, 1753, 4to, Appendix, p. 393, is printed a part of this essay, without naming King Edward, but thus introduced, — " A Manuscript, intituled, An Antient Fragment of the Ecclesiastical and Temporal Govern- ment of a well-constituted Realm ; with the proper Oeconomy and Duty of each Indi- vidual; the former Part is in an old Hand, and the latter seems to be an Addition, and wrote some years after." It follows the King's essay, word for word, as far as " must pay such rente" (p. 480, line 22) ; after which follows the modern adaptation, probably written early in the last century, and which forms about three-fifths of the whole paper. '' Since they were printed I have copied from the State-paper office the following passages of a letter from the duke of Northumberland to the lord chamberlain (Darcy), dated from Chelsea on the 6th Jan. 1552-3: " I do by this bearer retorne unto your lordship the Kinges ma'^^ bookes of the order, as welle the newest as th'others, and the laste I think to be the moost nereste to the Kinges ma'"^ mynde and plesser; but for so moche as yt ys alle in lattyn I can butt give a gesse at yt, yet nevertheles I am so bolde to expres my iinderstandinge in some parte of yt. And because y t ys a matter not mete to conferr with any others apon yt excepte of the order, I shalle requier your lordship and the chancellour of th'order to here with my folly, tho I take upon me to declare some poyntes, which I do rather for my owne understanding then otherwise. In the end of the fyrste chapiter or proheme yt ys sayde there shalbe xxvj knightes of the same feUowshipe or ordder, of the most worthye, and so forthe, of the whiche oone to be as it were soveraine prinse or superiour and hed over th'others. This ys my meanynge, that those wordes in that place be superfluous, and gyveth not the fulle leverense to the Kinges ma*'«, as yt dothe fourthe with in the PEEFACE. Xvii Respecting the other State Papers I have no further remarks to make than -are given in the introductions prefixed to each. But an account of the literary works of King Edward the Sixth ^^°?* ^^^"'i- would not be complete without some notice of his missing manu- ^"^^ ^' scripts. When Bale included our youthful monarch's name among his Scriptores, he assigned^ as his grounds for so doing the pro- duction of two hooks : De Meretrice Babylonica. Lib. 1. (commencing with the words) Quid deplorandum magis est mortal[ibus ?'] Ex Auditis Concionibus. Lib. 1. Both these books have disappeared. To what class of literary "TheWhore of Babylon." begynnynge of the next chapter ; and in the latter end of the same second chapiter, the letter semithe to my understandinge to gyve the auctorite but onse in his liiFe to chaunge the staUes of the knightes, only reserving Emperors, Kinges, Prynces, and Dukes, and I take yt that his Ma*'" by th'olde statutes may at alle tymes chaunge the stalles of alle persons yf the same attend to theyr advauncement without prejudice of others. And in the begynnynge of the third chapiter, where yt ys saied that as often as any place shalbe voyde, all the knightes, or sixe of theym, with the soveraine or his vicar shall come to gyther, and shall fall to the election, by wrytinge of the names of the princes, th 'estates, &c. I meane that at no assemblye, as I take yt, by the olde statutes there can be any election where the soveraine ys not present; the fest may be kept, and all other sere- monies, in any place by his ma'^ vicar, lieutenaunt, or deputie, but not to precede to any election, without his highnes owne presence. In thies thinges and in oone or to other poyntes in the book, yf yt might please the Kinges ma*", I wolde be gladd (for my owne erudittion and knowledge) to commune with the chaunceUour of th'ordder, being two or three of the order togyther, yf it so shall plese his ma^iV Among the Flanders Correspondence in the State-paper office are three letters of sir Thomas Chamberlayne, the English ambassador at BrusseUs, to Cecill, in answer to inquiries respecting the order of the Golden Fleece, which had been evidently made in order to obtain hints for the new laws of the Garter. In the first, dated BrusseUs 23 Oct. 1550, Chamberlayne prays God to give Cecill good luck in his new office of Chancellor of the Garter, and gives a brief account of the order of the Toison. On the 21st he states that after great difficulty he had obtained the manner of the order of the Toison, and has three clerks writing it out. On the 13th Nov. he states that he had sent to mr. Gresham at Antwerp a book of the ceremonies of the order of the Toison, to be forwarded to Cecill. " See p. cciii. d5 XVIU PREFACE. composition the former belonged we are not informed by Bale's de- scription ; but tbe writer of the memoir of King Edward in Holland's Heroologia (published in 1620) supposed it to be a comedy — Comoediam elegantissimam de Meretrice Babylonica. Lib. 1. and subsequent writers have regarded it as a Latin play. Whether this idea originated, as Mr. Park ^ suggested, from the title of a play by Decker,^ published in 1607, running in the writer's head, must remaiu as a conjecture ; but it seems not unlikely to have been an error having as little foundation : yet it has borne sufficient authority to mislead the whole series of our literary historians. Tanner, quotiag Bale somewhat inaccurately, says, " Scripsit, secundum Baleum, Comoediam de Meretrice Babylonica, Horace lib. i." But Horacc "Walpole is provoked by the subject of the Walpole. . . . . supposed comedy into further reflections, to which he gives ex- pression after the following characteristic fashion : — Holland affirms that he not only wrote notes from the lectures or sermons he heard, but composed a most elegant comedy, the title of which was " The Whore of Babylon." Precious as such a relique would be in the eyes of zealots or antiquarians, I cannot much lament that it is perished, or never existed. — What an education for a great prince, to be taught to scribble controversial ribaldry ! As elegant as it is said to have been, I question whether it surpassed the other buffooneries which engrossed the theatres of Europe in that and the preceding century: all the subjects were religious; all the conduct, farcical. Bishop Bale, whom I have mentioned, composed above twenty of these ridiculous interludes. (Catalogue of Royal Authors.) Warton. The remarks made upon this subject by Warton, in his History of English Poetry (1781), were evidently suggested by those of Walpole : without naming him, Warton reviews his arguments, and, after setting them in their proper light, is induced to make some general observations on Edward's character and acquirements, which " Note to Warton's History of English Poetry. ■ b The Whore of Babylon, as it was acted by the Prince's Servants. By Thomas Decker. London, 1607. PJIEFACE, xix are impressed with the usual good sense and sound judgment of their author : Bale also mentions his comedy called The Whore of Babylon, which Holland the heroologist, who perhaps had never seen it, and knew not whether it was a play or a ballad, in verse or prose, pronounces to be a most elegant perform- ance. Its elegance, with some, will not perhaps apologise or atone for its subject : and it may seem strange that controversial ribaldry should have been suffered to enter into the education of a great monarch. But the genius, habits, and situation of the age should be considered. The Reformation was the great political topic of Edward's court. Intricate discussions in divinity were no longer confined to the schools or the clergy. The new religion, from its novelty as well as its importance, interested every mind, and was almost the sole object of the general attention. Men emancipated from the severities of a spiritual tyranny, reflected with horror on the slavery they had so long sufiPered, and with exultation on the triumph they had obtained. These feelings were often expressed in a strain of enthusiasm. The spirit of innovation, which had seized the times, often trans- gressed the bounds of truth. Every change of religion is attended with those ebullitions, which, growing more moderate by degrees, afterwards appear eccentric and ridiculous. We who live at a distance from this great and national struggle between popery and protestantism, when our church has been long and peaceably estab- lished, and in an age of good sense, of politeness and philosophy, are apt to view these effusions of royal piety as weak and unworthy the character of a King. But an ostentation of zeal and example in the young Edward, as it was natural, so it was necessary, while the Reformation was yet immature. It was the duty of his preceptors to impress on his tender years an abhorrence of the principles of Rome, and a predilection to that happy system which now seemed likely to prevail. His early diligence, his incUnation to letters, and his seriousness of disposition, seconded their active endeavours to cultivate and to bias his mind in favour of the new theology, which was now become the fashionable knowledge. These and other amiable virtues his cotemporaries have given young Edward in an eminent degree. But it may be presumed, that the partiality which youth always com- mands, the specious prospects excited by expectation, and the flattering promises of religious liberty secured to a distant posterity, have had some small share in dictating his panegyric. The presumed Comedy of " The Whore of Babylon " has obtained XX VREFACE. for King Edward the Sixth, on the authorities already cited, a niche in the "Biographica Dramatica" of Baker and Beed; and it is admitted by Mr. Payne Collier » into his "History of Dramatic Literature and the Stage;" but, after all, if we go back to the original statement of Bale, the probability appears to be that this production of King Edward's pen was not a comedy or play, nor a composition in verse, but a sober essay (if we may judge from the words of its exordium), and probably in Latin, as, if otherwise. Bale would have added the word Anglice. Notes of The book of Notes of Sermons was certainly extant in the Boyal Library in the reign of James the Eirst, when it was shown to Bishop Mountague,'' who states that the King had recorded in it " the preacher's name, the time, and all other circumstances." This interesting manuscript was evidently also the origin of that passage in Edward's character by Eoxe, which will be found in p. ccvii; and the fact there asserted of the King's attention to sermons "= is confirmed by the contemporary statements made by Bishop Gardyner (p. cvi), and by Bishop Hooper (p. cxli). The King's manuscript, in all probability, having been purloined from the Boyal Library, was negligently destroyed, its writer's name being first forgotten. In the ensuing Biographical Memoir I have been enabled, from '■^ " Edward VI. is said to have written ' an elegant comedy,' with not a very elegant title, called The Whore of Babylon, obviously of a religious and controversial character. Jvhe the Sane, so called in the MS. annals of that reign, was in all probability founded on the book of Job.'' (CoUier, iii. 23.) The latter was not a dramatic performance at all, but the chivalric sport of Juego de Gannas, introduced by the Spaniards in the reign of Mary, not in that of Edward VI.: see Machyn's Diary, pp. 76, 82, 401. ^ See before, p. i. " There is another anecdote, commemorating Edward's attention at Common Prayer, which I have failed to trace to its original source in the works of Bale, to whose authority it is assigned. Eemarking how much Edward had the welfare of his people at heart, Bale says, " he had often observed him at public prayers, when the words Lord, save thy people .' were repeated, joining most fervently with clasped hands and eyes lifted up to heaven." Memoir of King Edward, published by Religious Tract Society, 1831, p, 20. PREFACE. XX a various sources, to collect many particulars of the sermons preached before the King, though few of them are now preserved. Bishop Burnet describes another manuscript of King Edward's, List of Ma< which, if it had really existed, would perhaps have been stUl more "*'"''"'"' ^''' curious than his notes of sermons. According to that historian, " He kept a book in which he writ the characters that were given him of all the chief men of the nation, all the judges, lord lieutenants, and justices of the peace, over England ; in it he had marked down their way of living, and their zeal for religion." But the passage upon which this statement was founded, will be seen in p. ccvii. in which Foxe states that Edward " knew," not that he wrote, the names of his justices, magistrates, &c. It is very possible, however, that Eoxe's statement was suggested by some paper once preserved in the Royal library. Many of the books which belonged to King Edward the Sixth Library of may still be recognised in the British Museum,^ although the Boyal ^°°^^- Library was certainly invaded for the benefit of Sir Thomas Bodley's library at Oxford, and probably on other occasions,'' and the re- mainder has now been intermixed with the other national collections. His own copy of the Latin Grammar issued under his authority Latin in 1540,° for universal use in England, is now in the library at * By the kindness of the present librarians of the British Museum I have been allowed facilities to form the Catalogue, which is hereafter given in Appendix XIV. '' The religious books of the royal library were despoiled in the reign of Edward the Sisth, in pursuance of the following order of the privy council issued in Feb. 1550-1 : " A letter undirected in the presence of M"^ Viz-chamberlaine and S' Anthonie Aucher to take all manner of gamisshementes, and apparaile of silver and gold, and to delyver it to the said S' Anthonie, and to deface and carrie away out of the Kberarie at Westminster aU bokes of superstition." (MS. Eeg. 18 C. XXIV. fol. 50.) " "Institutio compendiaria totius Grammaticae, quam et eruditissimus atq' idem illustris- simus Kex noster hoc nomine evulgari jussit, ut non aliam q^ hsec una per totam Angliam pueris prselegeretur. Londini, Anno M.D.XL. Colophon, Londini, ex officina Thomae Bertheleti typis impres. Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum. Anno Verbi Incarnati M.D.XL." 4to 80 leaves, and 4 preliminary. In the British Museum is a copy, also on vellum, dated 1542 (see p. cccxhi). XX 6 PBEPACE. The King's Desk. Geiven to Mr. Rice. Geiven to Mres. Bayn- ham. Quadrant. Lambeth palace: it was printed purposely for the King, upon vellum, and is bound in red sUk. The woodcut border of the title is coloured ; and an illumination is inserted of the Prince's feathers with the initials E.P. and motto HIC DEN placed on a field per pale azure and gules, incircled with rays of gold. The King's desk, upon which he wrote his Journal, and in which he kept the sheets of it as he proceeded, together with such state papers * as he wished to be able to refer to, is particularly described in an inventory made shortly after his decease. Percelle of the late Kynge Edwarde the vj* his stuffe, in the chardge of the foure knightes attendaunte on his personne. Item, a deske covered with blacke velvet, garnished vs^ith plates of copper and gilte, conteyninge theise percelles folowinge : — Item, a brouche of golde with a face of white agathe. Item, XV triangle buttons of golde enameled, some blacke and some white. Item, one teston of silver with K. and E. crowned. Item, V small aglettes of golde triangle, enameled blacke. Item, xvj small buttons of golde, enameled blacke. Item, a till of Cypres in the side of the said deske, havinge in it an yncke boxe of silver and gilte without a cover, and a duste boxe of silver and gilte with a cover, and xxxvij counters of silver and gilte. Item, a litle stampe of iron. Item, a purse of golde, redde silke and silver. Item, ij litle boxes of silver gilte for duste and yncke. (MS. Harl. 7376, f 30.) The Quadrant made for King Edward" in the year 1551 has * " The reasonings be in my deske." Journal, p. 457. " In 1547 there remained at Westminster, in the study at the hether ende of the Long Galerie, "Item, vj instrumentes of Astronomye hanging uppon the walle:" and in the Kynges secrete studie called the Ghaier house, which was filled with little "cabons," there was " an instrument of Astronomye with dialles of white bone ; " and " ij cases with instru- mentes, th'one covered with black vellat." Against these is placed this memorandum, " The instrumente of Astronomye taken by the Kinges majestie the xij«' of Novembre 1549, and likewise two other instrumentes, whereof his grace gave one to the lord Straunge." (MS. Harl. 1419, ff. 113 and 115 b.) On the same day " a box with burnynge PREFACE. XXC recently come to light. It is of brass, ten inches and a half wide. On one side are various tables,— a square of the shadows, an arrange- ment for finding the hour, a circle containing the signs of the zodiac, the Revolutiones Cycli Ltmce extending from Anno Domini 1539 to 1824, the Revolutiones Qycli Solis from 1532 to 1868, and a table to find Easter. On the upper edge are engraved these verses : Fluxiis aquse celer est, celer est et Fulminis ictus, Ast magis liijs taciturn tempus utrisq' celer. Illud metiri quadrans tamen iste docebit, Et quota sit fias certior hora facit. Omni negotio tempus est et oportunitas. Salom. Til , . 1 Anno Domini Polus 51, 34. In another part is engraved, 1551. The name of Edwardus Bex is accompanied with many flourishes, resembling his signature. At one point are the initials J. C. united by a knot, evidently those of the designer, Sir John Cheke, and in another corner W.B. perhaps the initials of the engraver. The other side of the quadrant is only a table of sines and cosines for taking altitudes, without inscriptions ; under the scale are the letters T.G. probably intended to imply Tabula Graduum. This interesting relic was brought from St. Omar, where it is sup- posed to have been preserved in the English college. It was pur- chased (for the British Museum) by A. W. Eranks, esq. E.S.A.* perfumes in it," was "taken out to burne for the Kinges majestic" (fol. 116), and " vj dogge coUours of crymson vellat witb vj lyhams of white leather " were delivered to him (fol. 117 b). These notes give some indication of his boyish fancies. ^ Mr. Franks exhibited it on the 11th Feb. 1858, to the Society of Antiquaries ; to- gether with an astrolabe (now belonging to Colonel Meyrick of Goodrich Court) made for King Henry VIU. by Bastien la Seney, who was the royal clockmaker, and continued to hold that office in the reign of Edward VI. Another astrolabe is in the British Museum, Made hy Humphrey Cole, 1574, and engraved with the name of Henry Prince of Wales, Henr. Princ. Magn. Brittan. (See the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries, vol. iv. p. 159.) XX c^ PREFACE. Engraved Autographs. Of portions of King Edward's autograph manuscripts the follow- ing fac- similes have been published : 1. His letter to Queen Katharine Parr (Letter xiv) in Nether- clift's " One Hundred Letters," &c. 1849, 4to. Plate ix. 2. The draft of his letter to Queen Katharine (Letter XLiv) in Cheke's translation of St. Matthew's Gospel, edited by the Eev. James Goodwin, B.D., 1843, 8vo. 3. A passage from the Journal : in Nichols's Autographs of Illus- trious Personages, 1829, Plate 19. 4. Matters for the OouncU, Jan. 18, 1551-2. (Art. in. p. 489.) In Netherclift's fac-similes (above-mentioned) 1849, Plate xii. 5. Reasonings whether aid should be given to the Emperor (Art. XI. p. 539.) In Nares's Life of Burghley, 1828, 4to. vol. i. p. 400. '6. Inscription in the Earl of Devonshire's copy of Paleario (see Appendix XIV. p. cccxxxviii). 7. The date, signature, and direction of the letter to Queen Katharine (Letter xlvi), in British Autography, by John Thane, from the original, then in the publisher's possession. Edward's autograph signatures, which are engraved from his Letters in the present work, it may be well to bring together under one view : Tib I oSJi^iiMijlimus jiGm d-P T.W (May 24, 1546.) r mm IXQc. (January 10, 1546-7.) (June 7, 1547.) (Undated, in 1547.) PREPACE. XX e There was also a fac-simile stamps of the King's signature, used stamp. for authenticating certain documents ; and it is here engraved from a paper dated the 14th of July in the first year of his reign, pre- served in the MS. Harl. 6986, art. 18. ImwT The other records of the reign of which I have largely availed Othe ir ori Materials. myself, are as follows : — Historical ° A stamp had been used for the signature of Henry the Eighth. In July 1544, when the King went to France, we find among other orders, " The stamp to remayne, and thinges to be passed by that warraunt." (State Papers, 1830, i. 765: and see at p. 628 of that volume a long and curious note respecting the administration of the stamp during King Henry's reign ; also at p. 892 a list of eighty-six instruments, signed by the stamp in the month of January, 1546-7.) AH the examples of the reign of Edward VI. are summonses for military purposes : as, 1. to the archbishop of Canterbury for men and horse against the Scots, dated July 14, 1547, in MS. Harl. 6986, art. 18: 2. the like to sir Ralph Vane, four days later, in the State-paper office: 3. to sir Henry Se3rmour, Oct. 5, 1549, also in State-paper office: 4. to Edward Lord North, for aid against Ket, " who caReth himself master and king of Norfolk and Suffi)lk," Aug. 6, 1551, in MS. Cotton. Vesp. F, m. f. 37. Stamps of Mary the queue, attached to documents both dated in Jan. 1553-4, occur in MSS. Cotton. Vesp. F. vn. p. 12, (see Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 186,) and Titus, B. n. f. 103. The coimcil, when at Winchester, preparing for the reception of king Philip, on the 27th of July, 1554, " ordered that a stampe be made in both theire names {i.e. Philip and Mary), for the stampinge of such matters as should be requisite." (Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 135.) On the 10th March, 1569-70, a warrant was addressed by Queen Elizabeth to secretary Cecil], authorising him to affix her signature by stamp to letters addressed to the knights, esquires, and others in divers shires, to levy and furnish lances and light horsemen for service in the North. (Lemon's Calendar of State Papers,) During the last illness of George the Fourth the same expedient was adopted, and an Act of Parliament passed for the purpose (see the Gentleman's Magazine for June 1830, pp. 548, 549). d9 XX / PREFACE. 1. The Register of the Privy Council. I have made use of a transcript (I believe complete) made by Gregory King, the herald, in the reign of Charles II. It formerly belonged to Mr. George Chalmers, and now forms three large volumes among the Additional MSS. in the British Museum (14,024-14,026). There is an imper- fect transcript of part of the register of this reign among Starkey's MSS. in the Harleian collection (352), from which Sir Henry Ellis edited a series of extracts in vol. xviii. of the Archseologia. Other copies are in the MS. Lansdowne 238, and in the Lambeth MSS. 582. 2. The warrant-boak of the Privy Council from the 19th October, 1550, to the close of the reign. It is a folio volume among the Royal MSS. (18 0. XXIV.) Strype, in his Ecclesiastical Memorials, not only made use of this record for many statements throughout that work, but he arranged its miscellaneous particulars in his five closing chapters : in Chapter xxix. the Commissions and Procla- mations issiied during the years 1550, 1551, 1552, and 1553 ; in Chapter xxx. Acts of Grace and Eavour shown to Courtiers and others ; in Chapter xxxi. Letters, Warrants, and Licences from the King, both to foreigners and his subjects ; in Chapter xxxii. Col- lations, Presentations, Grants, Indulgences, and Permissions to churchmen and men of the universities ; and in Chapter xxxiii. a a catalogue of the Grammar Schools founded by King Edward ; and matters concerning his Household. 3. The ledger-book kept by John Wye, secretary to lord chancellor Goodrich, from the time of the appointment of his master on the 21st December, 5 Edw. VI, (1551,) until the close of the reign. (MS. Cotton. Julius B. ix.) It has the following memorandum on the first fly-leaf: — Hie liber pertinet ad Thomam Wye juniorem qui datus sibi per avunculum suum Johannem Wye jam defunctum, et quondam principalem secritarium Ep'o Elioniensi et Cancellario totius Anglie, et qui totaliter scriptus erat propria manu ipsius Johannis in regno excellentissimi principis Edwardi sexti quondam Regis Anglie. PREFACE. XX g This book was also employed by Strype, who terms it "Lord Chancellor Goodrick's leger-book." (Eccles. Memorials, vol. ii. book II. chap, xxix.) 4. " The Kynges boke of Eeceptis and Paymentes receyved and payed by Sir William Cavendishe, knight, Threasourer of the Kinges Chamber,* begyning the last day of Marche, Anno regni regis Edwardi sexti primo, untille the flfyrste day of October anno regni regis dicti Edwardi sexti secundo, beyng one yere and a halfe." It is a folio volume of paper in its original vellum binding, which was fastened by a leather strap and buckle : and is now in the possession of Sir Walter C. Trevelyan, Bart. The receipts, arising from various sources, are first stated, monthly ; and then the payments. The sum of all the payments in the book amounts to 25,655^. 2s. I^d. exceeding the receipts by more than 1,400Z. 5. Another book resembling the last,^ and belonging to the fol- lowing year, from the 1st Oct. 1548 to the 30 Sept. 1549. Also in the possession of Sir Walter C. Trevelyan, Bart. The payments in this year amounted to 18,036^. 2*. Z\d. These books are written in a clear hand, and the following item is at the close of the second volume : Item paid to James Saunders for the writinge of this booke of Receiptes and Paymentes for an hole yere fuUye ronne at the feaste of Sainte Michaell Tharchaungell' within this moneth of September the some of . Ixvj s. viij d. 6. "The Firste Part of the Inventory of the JueUes, Plate, Stuff, * For this office he received an annual allowance of one hundred pounds, and other allowances, paid quarterly, as follows : — Item to syr WiUiam Cavendishe, knight, for his fee of the Treasourershippe of the Kinges chamber ........ xxv h. Item for his clerke under him . . . . . . c s. Item for his bote hire . . . . . . .Is. Item for necessaries to the office . • . • • . Is. *• I have extracted from these books the IXth article of the Appendix, besides several other matters elsewhere. A series of extracts from them has also been made in the &st volume of Trevelyan Papers, edited by J. Payne ColHer, esq. for the Camden Society. d\0 XX h PREFACE. Ordenaunce, Munition, and other goodes belonging to our late soveraigne lorde King Henry th'eight, perused and examyned by cer- teyne commissioners apointed by the Kinges maiestie that nowe is, by his highnes lettres patentes." (1 Edw. VI.) A ponderous folio volume" among the MSS. of the Society of Antiquaries, No. 129. But little use has hitherto been made of its very curious contents : except that some of its returns of military stores are printed in Meyrick's Critical Inquiry into Ancient Armour, 1824, 4to. vol. iii. pp. 8—18. 7. Two similar volumes in the British Museum, MS. Harl. 1419,'' being the Second Part of the same Inventory, and describing the contents of the royal wardrobes at the Tower, Greenwich, West- minster, Hampton Court, and all the other palaces, and those of the Prince's Guardrobe, the Removing Guardrobe, the Banges Guard- robe of the B/obes, the Greate Guarderobe, and those of the ladies Mary and Elizabeth. The two volumes together contain 562 leaves. Erom this record some account of the pictures that belonged to King Henry VIII. is given in Dallaway's edition of Walpole's History of Painting, 1826, vol. i. Supplement No. II. pp. 337 — 344. Some extracts are also quoted in Mr. Payne CoUier's History of Dramatic Poetry and the Stage, vol. i. p. 137. 8. "The Certificate of Thomas lord Darcy of Chiche, lord cham- berlain to the Kinges majestie, Thomas bishop of Norwich, sir •> This volume was purchased of Mr. Maskall of Daore street in 1775 by Gustavus Brander, esq. and by the latter presented to the Society of Antiquaries. * In the first volume is inserted the following letter : S', when I had last the hon'' to wayte on you at y house, I told you I had a small present of a Manuscript (being a survey of the Wardrobes of Henry the 8th made by Comissiou under the great Seal, as you'l see mentioned in the book) which I desire you would be pleasd to accept of, and give it some meane place among y^ noble Collection ; which I shall take as a great favor, and always remain, S'', y' most obedient and faithfiiU Serv*, WhitehaU, Jun: 9"' 1710. Pean: Aston. To Rob' Harley, Esq. PREP ACE. XX i Richard Cotton, knt. comptroller of the Kinges most honourable household, sir John Gate, knt. vice-chamberlain to his majestie and captain of his highness' guard, sir Robert Bowes knt. master of the rolles, and sir Walter Mildmay, knt. one of the Kinges two generall surveyors, commissioners appointed by the Kinges commission under the great seal, &c. for the survey and examination of the state of his Majesties Courts of Revenue, 23 March, 6 Edw. VI." The Certificate or report is dated on the 10th December following. A modern transcript is in the library of the Society of Antiquaries, MSS. No. 209. I have only further to acknowledge the important historical materials scattered throughout the manuscript stores of the British Museum, chiefly among those which were selected by Sir Robert Cotton from the State-paper Office ; and, lastly, the documents stUl remaining in the latter depository, which are now, to the great advantage of historical literature, opened as freely as those at the Museum ; and where, in particular, the Domestic period in which the reign of Edward the Sixth is included, has been recently brought into ready reference by the excellent Calendar formed by the Deputy Keeper Mr. Lemon. BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR. BIOGEAPHICAL MEMOIR KiN& Henry the Eighth, on releasing himself, by his own murderous Maternal fiat, from his matrimonial bonds with the unfortunate Anne Boleyne, was ^^J^scent. immediately married to Jane Seymour, his third wife. The new queen was a daughter of sir John Seymour, of Wolf hall by Savernake forest in Wiltshire ; and her mother was Margaret daughter of sir Henry Wentworth, K. B. of Nettlested in Suffolk. Through the family of Wentworth, the lady Jane was descended from Henry Percy (Hotspur ) and his wife the Lady Elizabeth Mortimer, granddaughter of Lionel duke of Clarence, third son of King Edward the Third ; and on this account King Henry required from archbishop Cranmer a dispensation for nearness of kin.* This was dated on the 19th May, 1536. The hope of issue with which the King entered upon this marriage was not Birth. gratified quite so soon as it might have been. It was therefore with correspondent joy and felicitation that a Prince was born. This important event took place on the 12th of October, 1537, at the royal manor of Hampton Court;'' from whence the following circular letter," under the queen's signet, was sent to all the estates and cities of the realm : — * In the Gentleman's Magazine for May, 1829, will be found a table, communicated by Sir Harris Nicolas, shewing the consanguinity to Henry the Eighth of each of his six wives. •i The bed in which queen Jane was confined was long preserved, and was shown to Paul Hentzner when he visited Hampton Court in 1598. c Here printed from an original, which was that sent to the lord privy-seal (Crumwell), now in the MS. Cotton. Nero, C. x. fol. 1. It bears the queen's signet impressed on paper, being a shield of France and England quarterly, impaling the six quarterings of queen Jane. Fuller also printed this letter in his Church History. In the Appendix to Kimber's Baronetage, and in Lodge's Portraits, it is printed from another copy, directed " To our trustie and welbeloved George Boothe, esquier." A similar letter issued by queen Anne Boleyne on the birth of the lady Elizabeth is printed in State Papers, vol. i. p. 407, from the original in the Harleian manuscripts; and this, in the Catalogue of that collection, is erroneously stated to relate to the birth of prince Edward. These circular letters were sent forth by messengers, who (in the words of the Ceremonial of Prince Edward's Christening) "were rewarded with great and large gifts for the most e -t3 a o :8 s. CO .S a at 2 S IB ^ I .S T3 o .a HI a (H 3 a o o 03 I ^ ^ J O «a-°i'"i.°Mi"-9 CO Ih o O =" , -" of ° „ ^ ^ o o ;=^ jH Ih- to II S -- § 2 ■§ 3 I- cs .-a -■ a "S i2Q J §W § ih- l-SGO a Ol>rf3 ul> Or-I art* 3 go^-j-gaa) i2 ^ 'S S 5 W i 1 g £"•? tit, -o a a g .S § 2 ij a 1-3 |a5^ Hs «G o m O ■a 3 53 ■ i .2 a M'-a-^ O S 13 B J2 1-4 lb- P* CO in Ih- ib: a ° w a3 >?^ ^■s .2 ^ OS W -n ,-1 ih- XI -a o Q 11-- a 3 X 1 • ■o .5 a «■§ Ih- 60 a -P3-a ■S-g S 3 O Sri O -Si ^T. I.J BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR OP KING EDWARD VI. XXui [MS. Cotton. Nero C. x. f. l.J By the Queene. Righte trustie and righte welbiloved, we grete you welle. And"forasmuclie as by Circular th'inestimable goodnes and grace of Almigbty God we be delivred and brought in child Q^ggj^ japp bed of a Prince conceived in moost LaufuU Matrimony betwene my lord the Kinges Maiestie and us, doubting not but that for the love and affection which ye beare unto us and to the commyn wealth of this Eealme the Knowledge thereof shold be joyous and glad tydinges unto youe, we have thought good to certifie youe of the same. To th'intent ye might not only rendre unto God condigne thankes and praise for soo gret a benifite, but alsoo continually pray for the long continuaunce and preservacion of the same here in this hef, to th'onour of God, joye and pleasure of my lord the King and us, and th'universall weale, quiet and tranquillity of this hole Eealme. Yevyn under our Signet at my lordes Manour of Hamptoncourte the xij. day of Octobre. Directed, To our Eighte trustie and [right] welbiloved Counsaillo[ur] the Lord Privey Seale o[ur] highe Stewarde of all [our] Landes. Sealed in the margin with the Queen^s signet, Prance and England quarterly impaling six quarterings of Seymour, under a crown. The zealous Latimer, then in his diocese of Worcester, received the tidings Letter of with great joy, in the earnest hope that the new Prince might be educated in such Latimer. manner as might promote the stability and prosperity of the Reformed Church. He addressed to the lord privy seal, Crumwell, the following very remarkable and characteristic letter : — [State Papers, i. 571, from Crumwell's Correspondence, under letter W.] Eyght honorable, Salutem in Christo Jesii. And, Syr, here ys no lesse joynge and rejossynge in thes partees for the byrth of our Prynce, hoom we hungurde for so longe, then ther was (I trow) inter vieinos att the byrth of St. John Baptyste; as thys berer, master Evance, can tell you. Gode gyff us all grace to yelde dew thankes to our lord God, God of Inglonde ; for verely he hath shoyd hym selff God of Inglonde, or rather an Inglyssh God, yf we consyder and pondyr well all hys procedynges with us, from tyme to tyme. He hath overcome all our yllnesse with hys excedynge goodnesse ; so that we ar now moor than compeUyd to serve hym, seke hys glorye, promott hys vnirde, yf the joyful and comfortable tidings :" of which result the records of the town of Shrewsbury afford an example : " In regardo Humfrido Hulston nuncio dominee Reginic portanti literas suas ballivis ad nativitatem domini Principis, vj s. viij d." In the accounts of the chamberlain of the town of Leicester also items occur for the man who brought the letter containing the news of prince Edward's birth, and for nuts and apples eaten at the rejoicings therefor. (Thompson's History of Leicester, p. 460.) e -2 Xxiv BIOGKAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1537. devyll of all devylles be natt in us. "We have now the stooppe of vayne trustes, and the stay of vayne expectations ; lett us all pray for hys preservation. And I, for my partt, wyll wyssh that hys grace allways have, and evyn now from the begynnynge, governares, instruotores, and offyceres of ryght jugmentes, ne optimum ingenium non optima educatione depravetur. But what a grett fowll am I ! So, what devotione shoyth many tymys butt lytell dyscretione! And thus the God of Inglond be ever with you, in all your proce- dynges. The 19. of October, now at Hartlebury. Yours, H. L., B. of Worcester. Christening. The Prince's christening was solemnised, three days after his birth, in the chapel at Hampton Court." In the procession he was carried by the lady marchioness of Exeter,* assisted by the duke of Suffolk, and by the lord marques her husband. The train of the Prince's robe was borne by the earl of Arundel, and sustained by the lord William Howard. A canopy was carried over him by sir Edward Neville, sir John Wallop, mr. Richard Long, mr. Thomas Seymour, mr. Henry Knyvet, and mr. Radcliffe, gentlemen of the King's privy chamber ; and torches of virgin wax were borne about the canopy by sir Humphrey Foster, Robert Tyrwhitt, George Harper, and Richard Southwell. The lady Mary walked as the god- mother, her train borne by the lady Kingston. The lady Elizabeth was also present, carried in the arms of the viscount Beauchamp," afterwards the lord protector Somerset. Archbishop Cranmer and the duke of Norfolk were god- fathers at the font, and the duke of Suffolk at the confirmation. Death of Qu the evening of the 24th of October, twelve days after the birth of her son,* THE QOEION. " The whole ceremonial of the Christening, from the official record I. 14 in the College of Arms, will be found in Leland's Collectanea, edit. 1774, vol. ii. pp. 670 — 677. It is also detailed by Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. pp. 1 — 5. An early manuscript copy is in MS. Addit. Brit. Mus. 6113, fol. 80 : another in the MS. Egerton (Brit. Mus.) 985. •" This function would have been filled by Margaret dowager marchioness of Dorset, but she was deprived of the honour by a fear of infection, in consequence of the plague having appeared in her vicinity at Croydon ; see her letter in State Papers, i. 570, and in Wood's Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladles, vol. ii. p. 342. ' Three days after, the viscount Beauohamp was advanced to the dignity of earl of Hartford, sir William Pitzwilliam the lord admiral being created earl of Southampton ; and on the same occasion the queen's younger brother sir Thomas Seymour was made a knight, together with sir Thomas Heneage, sir Richard Long, sir William Coffyn, sir Michael Lister, and sir Henry Knevett. The ceremonial is related in MS. Addit. 6113, fol. 86. The following record of the birth of the King and the death of his mother was written at the time by dean Aldrich, then registrar of the order of the Garter: "Ejusdem anni mensis Octobris, circiter horam quartam diei tertii deeimi, qui et Edoardo Divo sacer erat, soluta est gratiosissima Regina Joanna partu illo diffieillimo, quern duos totos, plus minus, ante dies segerrime pertulerat. Quo felicissime, Deo prsestante, prodiit in hanc lucem inclytissimus Princeps Edoardus, cujus nativitas passim Anglorum regno gaudium atque exultationem invexit, quam dici aut exprimi potest longe majorem. Et nisi vel hoc unum refricuisset, quod eo puerperio non ita multos post dies mater obiisset, ea Isetitia pra^ter alias qu£e sunt uspiam in pari vel non longe dissimili causa prius exortse, non dubium quin uberrima (quod et ccEperat) utique permansisset, atque inooncussa : sed htec una infoelicitas occepti gaudii plenitudinem ita exinanivit, aut elevavit potius, ut quisque dubitaret, an ortu prolis abunde (quod revera oportuit) gaudere deberet, an matris obitu flere. Utrumvis sane haud mediocriter aifecit, seu IsBtitise causam sive moeroris attendas : Mater in coslo gaudeat, et fruatur optatis ; proles in terra triumphet, atque annos impleat setatis." Register of the Garter, edit. Anstis, vol. i. p. 410. Sir Richard Morysine exercised his pen on this occasion in a political homily, which was published under this title : " Comfortable Consolation, wherein the People may se howe far greatter causes they have to be glad for the joyful byrth of Prince Edward then sory for the dethe of queen Jane." (Bibliotheoa Harleiana, vol. i. number 7783.) John Leland, the antiquary, composed an elaborate Latin poem, entitled Genethliacon illustrissimi Eaduerdi Principis Cambrise, Ducis Corinias et Comitis Palatini. Leland was slow in the production of his works (nearly all of which have been edited by others), and this poem was not published until 1543. It is reprinted at the end of vol. ix. of his Itinerary, Oxford, 1768. ^ Letter in State-paper office, French Correspondence, No. 84. XXVI BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIB [a.d. 1537. Infancy. \A^etnurse. Household A lively memorial of Edward's infantine years is presented in his first portrait by Holbein, in which he wears a close linen cap;* and another in the portrait of his nurse " Mother Jak," by the same illustrious artist. '' It has not been ascer- tained whether this was a real or an abbreviated name;" but, if we may trust the poet Leland, ^ the wet-nurse was clara domo, a gentlewoman by birth. It is by no means improbable that " Mother Jak" was a name originating with the first utterances of the royal child himself; and in that case Holbein's portrait may belong to Sybilla Penne, the dry-nurse, of whom presently. Before the Prince was eighteen months old^ the King had made arrangements for the establishment of his household in considerable state and number. No list of its members has been found, though it is by no means improbable that one may still exist among our unsorted records. We have, however, incidental notices of many of its principal ofScers ; and the following is a very curious paper of instruc- tions for their general governance, in which the persons more immediately about the Prince are enumerated as a Chamberlain, Steward, Vice-chamberlain, Comp- troller, the Lady Mistress, the Nurice, and the Rockers. » Engraved by Bartolozzi, in Chamberlain's Holbein Heads, from the original now in Her Majesty's library at Windsor Castle. i> Also in the same collection : and of which Dr. Waagen has remarked that it is " of the most singular truth : very spirited and broad, and executed with black chalk mixed with a little red chalk." Treasures of Art in Great Britain, 1854, ii. 449. c Miss Strickland (Lives of the Queens, edit. 1851, iii. 20,) assumes that this woman's name was Jackson : but I am not aware that this is more than a conjecture. ■■ Egregie prsestat puero sua munera nutrix, Nutrix clara domo, sine felle, venusta, benigna. Genethliacon Principis Eaduerdi. e The following passages of Crumwell's letters to the King appear to relate to the establish- ment of the Prince's household : — March 12, 1538-9. "Mr. Sydney hath ben with me this mornyng; to' whom I have declared your most graciouse favour and p[rotection,J and byden him to reasorte unto your Majeste to knowe your further [commands.] It shalbe good your Highnes' pleasure be declared unto hym, whither he shall wayte upon the sam in Kent, this voyage and journey or noo.'' (State Papers, i. 596.) March 14. "With like thankes mr. Benton, and my lady his wifi', have wyllyngly accepted the charge by your Grace appoincted unto them, very ernest to endevoire them selfes to the uttermost to fulfyll your graciouse oommande in all poinctes. There is ordre taken for my lorde Prince's assayes, aswell of all kynde (of) meates and drink, as of waters, to be taken tyll your Grace shall otherwise provide." (Ibid. p. 597.) Same day. " I have sent for sir John Cornewalys, who shalbe here on Sondaye." (Ibid p. 599.) ^T. I.] OE KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. XXVii [Papers of the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer (now in the custody of the Household. Master of the Rolls). First Series, No. 750."] Instructions Instructions given by the Kinges hieghnes unto his trusty and welbiloved servauntes sir William Sydney, knight, Chamberlain ^ of the howshold of the moost noble and rights excellent Prince Edwarde, Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornewalle, Erie Palatin of Chestre, &c. ; and to sir John CornewaUes, Steward to his grace. The Kinges hieghnes willeth that his saide trusty and welbiloved servantes shaUe conceyve in their myndes that, like as ther is nothing in the worlds so nobis, just, and psrfite, but that ther is something contrary that evermore envyeth it, and procureth the distraction of the same ; insomuche, as God himselfe hath the devylle repungnant unto him, Christ hath his antichristes and psrsecutours, and from the hysst to ths lowest after suche proportion, so the Prince's grace for alle nobilitie and innocsncy (albeit he never offended any man), yet by alle likelyhodd he lacketh no' envie nor adversaryes against his grace, who eyther for ambition of their own promotion, or otherwise for to fullfylle their maletious perverse mynde, wold perchaunce, if they sawe oportunytie, which God forbyd, procure to his grace displeasour ; and allthoughe his excellent, wise, and prudent Ma"* doubteth not, but like as God for his consolation and comfort of aU the hole realms hath geven the said Prince, so of his dyvyne providence he woUe in the poin'ct of aUe daungier preserve and defend him; yst, nsvsrtheles, alle diligent and honest heed, caution, and forsighte oughte to be taken to advoyde (as much as man's wytt maye), all practises and evyll intreprices, whiche might be devised against his grace, or the dangisr of his personne; for, although almighty God is he that taketh cure and thought for us, and that he furnissheth us of aU necessaries, and defendeth us from alle evylles, yet his dyvyns providsnce woUe have us to employe our diligences to the provision and defence of our- selfes, and of such as be committed to our chardge, as though it shuld not come of him, and that it notwithstanding we shuld knowe that withowt his helping hande our labour is inutile, such is his botomles dyvyns providsnce. Item, that the Kinges hieghnes, for the specyaU trust his grace hath concsyvsd of his trustys servauntt sir William Sydney, knyght, haths constytutyd hym to be Chamberlayns to the sayd Prynce's grace, and hath committed and appointed to hym as wells to have the keping, oversights, care, and cure of his Ma*''^ and the holle rsalmes moost prscyouss joyeUs ths Prince's grace, and forsee that all daungiers and adversaries of malytious persons and casueU harmes (if any be) shalbs vigilantly forsssns and advoyded, as allso such good ordre observed in his grace's household as maye be to his Ma"'' honour, and » There is a transcript of this document in the MS. Cotton. Vitellius C. i. fol. 65. i" In the first instance the name of sir John CornwaUis, the steward, was placed first, but the precedence is changed by subsequent corrections. XXVUl BIOGEAPHICAL MEMOIR [a,d. 1538-9. Household, assured suertie of the Prince's grace person, our moost noble and moost precyous joyelle, Instructions. ^°^ *'^^ wMche good order in the sayd howshold the sayd sir John Cornwales being Stewarde (shall allways join with hym in that behalf, altered to), together with (the) Fyzchamberlain and Comptroller, shall allways jojrn together. Item, that for their best information, and for the first parte of their instruction, they and every of them shalle forsee that no maner straungier nor other person or persons, of what state, degre, dignitie, or condytion soever they be, except the said Chamberlayn, Stewarde, the Vice-chamberlain, Comptroller, the lady Maistres, the Nurice, the Eocker, and such as be appointed contynually to be in the Prince's grace privie chambre, and aboute his propre person, and oflScers in their offices, shall in any maner wise have accesse ordynary to touche his grace's person, cradelle, or any other thing belonging to his per- sonne, or have any entre or accesse into his grace's privie chambre, onles they shaU have a specyalle token or commaundement expresse from the Kinges Ma"'', in the which cace they shall regard the qualitie of the person, and yet nevertheles to suffre no such person to attouche his grace, but only kysse his hande, and yet that no personage under the degre of a knight to be admitted thereunto; and in this cace the said Stuard, Chamberlain, Vice-chamberlain, and Comptroller, or oon of them at the lest, to be ever present, and to see a reverent assaye taken in due ordre err any such person shalbe admitted to kysse his grace's hand. Item, that they shalle at aUe tymes cause good, suiEcyent, and lardge assayes of alle kyndes of bred, meate, and drynkes, milk, egges, and buttre, prepared for his grace, and likewise of water, and of alle other thinges that ,may touche his person or (be) mynystred to him in any wise duely to be taken ; to see his grace's lynnyn, rayment, apparelle what- soever belonging to his person, to be purely washed, clean dryed, kept, brusshed, and reserved clenely by the officers and persones appointed therunto, without any intremedeling of other persones having no office ther, in such ivise as no daungier maye foUowe therof; and bifore his grace shall were any of the same, assayes to be taken therof as shalle apperteyn, and that the Chamberlayn and Viz-chamberlayn, or one of them, shalbe daylye at the makyng redye of the Prynce, as well at nyght as in the mornyng, to see the assayes takyn as is aforsayd. Item, that Avhatsoever newe stuff, apparelle, or rayment shalbe brought of newe to and for his grace's bodye, be it woUen, lynen, sylke, gold, or other kinde whatsoever, or be newe wasshed, bifore his grace shall were any of the same, shalbe purely brusshed, made clene, ayred at the fyer, and perfumed throughly, so that the same waye his grace maye have no harme nor displeasour, with assayes taken from tyme to tyme as the cace shall require, and that in the presens of the Chambrelayn, Vice-Chambrelayn, or on of them. Item, that no maner other persones or officers in the house shall have accesse to the said privie chambre, but oonly such as be appoincted to the same; and that other which be appoincted to bring in wood, make the fyers, and other offices ther, as the Pages of the ^. I.] 01" KING EDWARD THE SIXTH, XXix chambre, incontinent as they shalle have doon their offices, shall departe and advoyde owt Hobsebolb. of the same, tyll the tyme they shalbe called for the doing of their offices again ; provided Instructions, allwaies that those pages shalle not resort to any infect or corrupt places, and that allso they shalbe dene and hole persones withowt diseases. Item, for to advoyde alle infection and daungier of pestilence and contagious diseases that might chaunce or happen in the Prince's howshold, by often resorting of the officers or servauntes of the same to London, or to some infect and oontagiouse places, his Ma*''" said servauntes shalle provide and put suche ordre as non of his grace's privie chambre, none of the officers that have any office aboute his grace's person [or in his howshold, interlined] shalle resort to London, or to any other place, during the summer or contagious tyme ; and if they shall for some necessary thinges have licence soo to doo, yet nevertheles after their retourne they shall absteigne to resort to the Prince's grace presence, or to come nere him for so many dayes, as by the said Chamberlain and Stuarde shalbe thought convenyent; and yf by chance happen to any person to fall suddenlye syke, that then ■withowt tracte or delaye of tyme to be removyd owt of the howse. Item, that forasmuche as the officers and other servauntes of his grace in the howsehold, as well of kechyn, buttre, pantre, ewery, woodyard, celler, lardre, pultre, skaldinghouse, sawcery, yemen, and gromes of the haUe, have under them, as it is enfourmed, sundry boyes, pages, and servauntes, which withowt any respect goo to and fro, and be not warre of the daungiers of infection, and do often tymes resort into suspect places ; therfor the Kinges gracious pleasour is that, for the consequent which maye folowe of them, they shalbe restrayned from having any servaunt boye or page, and none to be admyttyd within the howse. Item, that such provision shalbe taken as no infection maye ryse from the povre people, sore, and nedy and sycke resorting to his Grace's gate for almes ; and for that purpose ther shalbe a place aferr of appoincted a good waye from the gates, wher the said pover people shall steye and tary for the almes to be distributed ther by the ahneners, and after that distribution to depart accordingly ; and yf anye begger shall presume to draw ner the gattes, then thay be appoyntyd to be grevoslye ponysshyed, to the example of other. Item, that the said Stuard and Chamberlain shall see good ordre to be kept in that houshold withowt any superfluous chardges or wast, which is utterly to be advoyded, so that the Kinges hieghnes maye in all poinctes be putt at the lest chardges that canne be for that household; so that nevertheles the same maye allwayes be honorably kept as apperteyneth ; and that no maner of persons, of what degre soever he or they be, shall have any moo servauntes allowyd within the Prince's howse then to him shalbe lymitted and appoincted by a cheker roUe by the Kinges Ma"''^ hand to be signed. Item, that everye offycer within the Prince's housholde shalbe sworri that thaye shall not serve the Prynce's grace with anye maner mete, drynk, frewt, spyce, or other thing whatsoever it be for his own person, but suche as thay shall serve everye man in his own / XXX BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1537. IIOISEHOLD. Chamberlain. Sir William Sydney. Sir Richard Pa Sir William Sydney was couain-german to the King's brother-in-law, Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, being the son and heir of Nicholas Sydney, by Anne, sister of sir William Brandon. In 5 Edw. VI. being then more than 70 years of age, he was returned by inquisition post mortem one of the coheirs to Charles and Henry dukes of Sufiblk. His wife died Oct. 22, 1544, and in her epitaph in St. Peter's Westminster he is styled " Steward of the right honor- able houshold of the most high and most renowned Prince Edward." His own epitaph at Penshurst, in Kent, is as follows : " Here lyethe syr Wylliam Sydney, knyght and bannerett, sometyme Chamberlen and after Steward to the moste myghte and famous prynce Kynge Edward the Vlth, in the tyme of his being Prynce, and the firste of that name being lord of the mannor of Penshurste. Who dyed the xth day of February, in the vijth yere of the reigne of Kinge Edward the Vlth, and in the yere of our Lord God a M'. fyve hundred, fiftie and three. On whose soule Jesu have mercy." There is also another inscription at Penshurst which must not be omitted here. On the tower at the entrance of the house : " The most religius and renouned Prince, Edward the sixt, Kinge of England, Fraunoe, and Ireland, gave this house of Pencester with the manners, landes, and appurtenances there unto belonginge unto his trustye and welbeloved servaunt syr William Sydney, knight banneret, serving him from the tyme of his berth unto his coronation in the oiEces of Chamberlayn and Steuard of his Household ; in commemoration of which most worthie and famous Kynge sir Henry Sydney, knight of the most noble order of the Garter, lord President of the counsell established in the marches of Wales, sonne and heyr to the aforenamed syr William, caused this Tower to be buylded, and most excellent Prince's armes to be erected, Anno Domini 1585." •> Sir Richard Page (before his knighthood) was in 1525 vice-chamberlain to the Kind's natural son the duke of Richmond, with xx li. wages. He also was afterwards lieutenant of the gentlemen pensioners. He was seated at Moulsey, in Surrey, and served as sheriff of that county in 1536. He also had a grant of the nunnery of St. Giles in the Wood, in the parish of Flamsted, in Hertfordshire. " This place (says Sir Henry Chauncy) was then called Wood- church, after St. Gyles in the Wood, and of late Beachwood, from the abundance of beach growing there, the soil being very natural for that plant, where it grows and thrives exceed- ingly There is a tradition that in the infancy of Edward VI. he was removed thither by the advice of his physitiang for some time, and did reside in the said religious house, granted ^T. I.J OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. XXxi became the *Prince's Chamberlain. He had married the dowager lady Stanhope, « Comptroller. the mother of the countess of Hertford. • J^ta Ryther The Prince's first Steward was sir John Cornwalleys,*' who died at Ashridge, Steward. whilst the Prince was resident there, on the 23d of April, 1554. On his death ^"' "^°^!1 '- Lornwalleys. sir William Sydney took the office of Steward, and sir Richard Page (as already Sir William mentioned) became Chamberlain in his room. ^ ^' By whom the office of Vice-Chamberlain was held I have not ascertained ; but Viee-Cham- I suspect it may have been filled by sir Edward Baynton." * . p"' The name of the Prince's Comptroller has not been found. His Cofferer, so Baynton ? to sir Ricliard Page as aforesaid. There are no remains of the old house, oloysters, chapel, &e. : but the mannor-house is a faire brick house of the figure of a Roman H, wherein is yet part of a curious wrought bedstead inlaid, and curtains of green velvit richly embroidered, said to be the repository of the said Edward VI. and in some windows of the house are the arms of France and England quartered, with a label of three, said to be taken out of the glass of the old religious house." (History of Hertfordshire, folio, 1700, p. 569.) In the Biographia Britannica, 1750, vol. iii. p. 1925, the same story is detailed in other words, with the unfounded addition that the Prince was sent to this retirement at the persuasion of George Eerrars, a circumstance assumed because George Ferrars had a grant of the manor of Flamsted. » Elizabeth Bourchier, daughter of Fulke lord Fitzwarine, and sister to John first earl of Bath, was the second wife of sir Edward Stanhope, who died June 6, 1311. Their only child was Anne, the second wife of the Protector. Lady Stanhope was remarried to sir Richard Page, and had further issue Elizabeth, who upon her mother's death in 1557 was found to be her heir, aged 30 and more, and married to sir William Skipwith, of Ormsby, oo. Line. (MS. Harl. 757, f. 89.) Lady Page died 8 Aug. 1557, and was then buried at Clerkenwell (Machyn's Diary, p. 147). Sir Richard died before her, on the 3d Feb. 1548-9. When the duchess of Somerset was a prisoner in the Tower, her mother the lady Page received permis- sion to fisit her, about June 1552. (Privy Council Book, MS. Addit. 14,026, f. 139 b.) ^ Sir John Cornwalleys, a lineal ancestor of the earls and marquesses Cornwallis, was knighted by the earl of Surrey in the expedition to Morlaix, in Britany, in 1521. His will, dated thirteen days before his death, is printed in CoUius's Peerage. His efBgy and that of his wife are on his tomb at Brome, in Suffolk. He is in armour, and his staff of office in his hand. (See lithograph print by the Hon. Anne Townshend.) The inscription is as follows : " Johannes Cornwalleis miles, Willielmi Cornwalleis armigeri filius, in Domo Principis Edouardi Oeconomus, et uxor ejusdem Maria Edouardi Suliarde de Essex armigeri filia. Qui quidem Johannes xxiii. Aprilis Anno Dom. M.D.xliiij. obiit Astrugie in comitatu Buckingham, cum ibidem Princeps Edouardus versaretur." c See the passage of Crumwell's letter quoted in p. xxvi. In 1541, however, sir Edward Baynton was vice-chamberlain to queen Anne Boleyne at the time of her disgrace, and it is possible that the passage in Crumwell's letter refers to that appointment. The family genealogy states that sir Edward was vice- chamberlain to three of Henry VIII.'s queens. xxxu BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1538. Household. Almoner. Denn of the Chapel. Dr. Coxe. The Lady Maistres. Lady Bryan. early as 1543, « if not before, was John Ryther, esq., who*retained the" same ofRce when Edward was King. ' It appears that the Prince, from the first establishment of his liousehold, had also an Almoner and a Dean, for in July 1544 doctor Coxe was promoted from the latter to the former office.'' The office of Lady Maistres to all the King's three children, in succession, was held by the lady Bryan," as appears by a remarkable letter which she addressed Governess (mistaken J . Anne lady Bacon. ° " April 1543. Item geven to the cristnyng of mr. Kyder the Prince Cofferer his child, to the nurce vij s. vj d. Item to the mydwife v s." (Privy-purse Expenses of the Princess Mary, p. 113.) The name of John Ryther esquire occurs as " Cofferer of his Highnes' house " in the Privy-council Register, under 4 Sept. 1547, and elsewhere. *• See hereafter, p. xxxix. ■^ Margaret, daughter of Humphrey Bourchier lord Berners, and wife of sir Thomas Bryan, knight. She is mentioned several times in the Princess Mary's Privy-purse Expenses under no other name than "my lady maistres :" as in January 1537-8, "Item payed for a bonet and a frountlet, and the same geven to my lady maistres, xxviij s." Lady Bryan made her will on the 20th Aug. 1551 (and it was proved on the 21st June following), in which she styles herself " Dame Margaret Brianne widow in the parish of Leyton in the county of Essex," and concludes thus : " And I do most humbly beseech the King's majesty to be good and gracious to my servant Elizabeth Dudley, &c. and that it may please his most excellent majesty, towards the payment of my debts and reward of my servants, to give unto me or unto my executrice [the same Elizabeth Dudley] the sum of xxxv li. due unto me at Michaelmas next ensuing for the half-year of my annuity graunted unto me by the virtue of his gracious letters patents, for my poor service done as well unto his Majesty in his tender age, as also unto his dearly beloved sisters the lady Mary's grace and the lady Elizabeth's grace ; and, in consideration of my said service, it may finally please his Majesty to graunt unto me or my executrice a sufficient disharge or Quietus est for all such things as I had in my charge or custody of his Majesty's, during the time of ray daily attendance upon his Highness, having delivered the same, and every part thereof, to the hands of sir George Cotton and sir Jasper Horsye knights, as appears by the several bills under their hands and seals ready to be shewed." (Strype's Appendix to Stowe's Svirvey of London, fol. 1720, vol. ii. p. 114.) There is another lady of some celebrity who has been designated Governess of Kino- Edward the Sixth. This is Anne lady Bacon, the mother of lord Bacon. She was the translator into English of bishop Jewel's Apology, which was printed in 1562 ; and Ballard, in his Memoirs of British Ladies, 1775, p. 132, states that she was also the translator of " Certayne Sermons of the ryghte famous and excellent clerk, master Barnardine Ochine,'' which were printed in 1550. As A. C, the translator of those sermons, mentions her mother the lady F., it appears probable that their real translator was Anne lady Cooke (the mother of the four learned sisters, the ladies Burghley, Bacon, Russell, and Killegrew), for lady Cooke was the daughter of sir William Fitzwilliam. Mr. Ballard states positively that Anne Cooke, afterwards lady Bacon, ■ST. I.] OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. XXXiii to Crura well, respecting "the education of the lady Elizabeth. "My Lord (she writes), when my lady Mary's grace was born, et pleased the King's grace to appoint me Lady Mastres, and made me a Barones. And so I have ben to the cheldren hes grace have had sens."* The Prince's dry-nurse, Sibel Penne,b was appointed in October 1538, when he Nurse. was nearly a year old. She was a sister to the wife" of the chamberlain sir ^'^'l l'«""e. William Sydney, to whose recommendation she owed her place, as appears by the following letters addressed to Crumwell : — [Crumwell Correspondence, State-paper office.] Pleaseth it youre good lordship to be advertised that I have received youre lettres with right humble thankes, as well for your beneficence conteyned in the same, as also for all other your manifold and approved goodnes heretofore most benivolentlye conferred and bestowed uppon me, for the whiche ye have straictlye bounden me to be youre owne assured with hart and service during my life; signifieng unto you that I wold never have byn so bold as to have attempted your lordship, or in anny wise procured your favoure and goodnes towardes the preferrement of my sistre unto so highe a rowme of weighte and charge as ye have at my poore instaunce and request obtayned for hir, in case I were not right well assured of hir good demeanour, hablenes, honestye, and truthe, in whom I doubt not there shalbe founde no want of diligence nor scarcitie of good wille towardes th'accomplisshement of that which unto hir office and duty shall apperteyne at all tymes. Letting your good lordship further to witt that, according to youre commandment, she is in a reddines to waite uppon the Kinges hieghnes, when soever she shalbe sent for, with speede; as knoweth almightie Jh'u, who preserve your good lordship with long conty- was Governess to King Edward : but Dr. Kippis has remarked, " If this be a fact, it is a very surprising one ; since she could not be much more than twenty-five years of age at the death of that young monarch, and only nineteen when he began to reign." (Biographia Britannica, 1789, iv. 96.) The assertion is evidently an error, either arising from sir Anthony Cooke himself (the same initials) being one of the King's tutors, or from lady Cooke (whose name was also Anne) having been sometime Governess. * Printed by Strype, Eccles. Memorials, i. 172 ; and by Ellis, Letters, II. ii. 278. ■> In 1556, among the New-year's gifts to queen Mary, " Mrs. Penue, that was King Edwardes nurse, gave six handkercheves edged with passamyne of golde and silke." In the New-year's Gift Roll of queen Elizabeth, 1561-2, among the Gentlewomen, occurs the name of mrs. Barley, alias Penne : she was the widow of John Penne, barber-surgeon to Henry VIII. who died in 1557, and she was remarried to John Barley. (See Clutterbuck's Hertfordshire, ii. 305, 306.) <: Sir William Sydney's wife was Anne, daughter of sir Hugh Pagenham. She had beea first married to Thomas Fitz William, the elder brother of William earl of Southampton. XXxiy BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1538. nuance of helth and encrease of honoure. From Havering at boure the last daye of Septembre. The foregoing is all in the hand of a scribe: the signature is autograph. Yowr lordship'a wyth hyss servyce to commaund, Wyllyam Sydney. Directed, To the right honourable and my singuler good lord, the Lorde p'vey Seale, yeave this. The next letter is entirely autograph. [Crumwell Correspondence, State-paper office.] Pleaseth yt your good lordshyp to be advertysed thatt I have resceyvyd your letterys, wheryn I doo nott only perceyve that your good lordship's pleassour is that I shuld signifie on to yow the good habylite of my wyfe's syster for the rowme of -mj lord the Prince's good grace's drye norrice, but also that I shuld weye the greate charge that shalbe commytted unto hyr, withe lyke consideration of the Kinges majestye as welle towardes your good lordshyp, for the mocion and instaunce of my poore sute therin, as also onto mee for the commencement and attemptyng of the same ; so that if I thought the thinge mete for the taking upon hyc I shuld so write playnlye unto you. My lord: to declare the truthe in this behalfe, I doubte not but that she ys and shalbe founde bothe for hir wisdome, honest demeanour, and faythfallness, every waye an apte woman for the same ; in whom I dare well justifye there shalbe founde no lacke of good wille, truthe, and dyligence towardes the good admynestracion of that whyche on to hyr office and dutye shall appertayne, at all tymes ; as knoweth Jh'u, who preserve your good lordshipp in long lyfe and good hellth. From Haveryng of the boore the .iij.'^* daye of Octobre. Your lordship's with harte unfayned, "Wyllyam Sydney. Directed, To the righte honorable and my singuler good lord the Lord p'vey seale. To these we may add a letter ^ of Sibel Penne herself (written by a professional scribe), soliciting a grant of the priory of Missenden,b in performance of a promise that had been made her. [Crumwell Correspondence, State-paper office.] My dutie and observaunce to wardes youre good lordship ryghte humbly considered. Forasmuche as it hathe pleased you heretofore of youre bounty and gentilnes, farre above " Miss Wood (Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies, vol. iii. p. 66) has already published another letter of Sibel Penne to Crumwell, written to procure the admission of her brother-in- law Gryffitli Richardes into the Prince's service. " It appears that Sibel Penne had a grant of the manor of Beamond and the rectory of Little ^T. I.J OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. XXXV my desertes, to promyse unto me that if I could fynde anny thing wherein ye might do Household. me good I shuld at no tyme faile of the same, I am therefore at this instaunt the moore encouraged, after this my rude maner, to desire and lowly beseche youre good lordship to extend your goodnes unto me in th'obtayning and graunt of the Monastery of Missindyne, in the countie of Buckingham. That according to the yerely value therof, by the Kinges surveyours cessid, I may have his highnes laiifulle lease of the same, wherin ye shall moost straictly bynde me to be your poore bedeswoman with hart unfayned during my life ; as knoweth Almightie Jh'u, who evermore preserve your good lordship with long contynuaunce of helth and encrease of muche honour. From Hunesdon this present Sonday. Your pore bedeswoman, Sibbelle Penne. Directed, To the right honourable and my singuler good lord, My lord p'vey scale. The establishment of the royal nursery was completed by four " rockers," two Mockers. of whom were still receiving pensions in the last year of Edward's reign.* The name of doctor George Owen'' occurs as Physician to the Prince at new- Physician. year's tide 1537-8 ; and he was attendant on his death-bed in 1553. We shall now proceed with events in their chronological order ; and the earliest Visits to the in date are several visits which were paid to the infant Prince. The King took care that this should be a favour rarely granted, but then it was one which was acknowledged accordingly, and therefore we read much about it. The lady Mary was expected to be especially attentive to the infant brother The lady ^ 1 9.T*V S,!" who had supplanted her in the place she once occupied as " Princess;" and let us Hampton render such justice to her amiability as to believe that she performed the duty t^ou^'t- Missenden (Originalia 7 Edw. VI. rot. 49, as calendared in Jones's Index), though her name does not occur in Lipscombe's History of Buckinghamshire. The whole lands of the monastery formed a much larger estate, which was granted to the lady Elizabeth, and subsequently came to the Hampdens. ' " To Jane Russell, one of the rockers to the King's majesty, x li. To Bridgett Forster, one other rocker to his Grace x li." (Annuities payable out of the Court of Augmentation, Report, 7 Edw. VI. MS. Soc. Ant. 209.) In 1539-40 the lady Mary gave to the Prince's nurse " V. yerdes of yeolowe satten at vij s. vj d. the yerde," amounting to xxxvij s. vj d. ; and to his rockers iiij. gilt spoons, which cost xliiij s. (Privy-purse Expenses, p. 85.) The number of the spoons probably denotes the actual number of these under-nurses. '' " To doctor Owen, the Prince phesition, a dublet clothe of satten, xxiiij s." (Privy-purse Expenses of the Princess Mary, p. 52 : see various other notices of him in that volume, p. 254, and a memoir in Wood's Athenje Oxon. by Bliss, i. 274.) He had attended queen Jane on her death-bed, Oct. 24, 1537; and on the same day in 1558 he was himself buried at St. Stephen's Walbrook. (Machyn's Diary, p. 177.) XXXvi BIOGEAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1538. Visits to the ^jth cheerfulness. She was at this period a young woman of twenty-two, for whom PRINCE. ^ ./o Jl'lllj a long series of matrimonial schemes had already been formed, but all had suc- cessively failed, or she might now herself have been a mother. As she was resident at Richmond, her visits to Hampton Court were easily accomplished. We read of one in November 1537, another in March following, and others in April and May 1538. Some of the late queen's palfreys were usually brought for her to ride, and in May she returned down the Thames in her barge.^ Lords of the j^ -^^^^ jj^t ^^^i\\ ^jje following September that the lords of the council were Council, at i r- n • Havering. allowed access to the heir apparent. Of this event we have the iollowmg curious account addressed by lord chancellor Audley to lord Crumwell, evidently with the intention that it should be read to the King. The royal nursery had then been removed to the palace of Havering atte Bower in Essex. [State Papers, i. 586, from the Crumwell Correspondence, in the State-paper office.] After my right harty comendations to your good lordship, with my most harty thankes for your last gentill letters, I am required by the erle of Oxford, and master chauncelour, to desire your good lordshipp, in all our names, to make our moost humble recommendations to the Kynges mageste, and to render ouer most harty thankes to his highnes for our hcens to visite and see my lord Prynce's grace, whom, acordyng to our desires and duteez, we have seen to our most rejoise and comfort, next the Kynges mageste. And I assure your lordshipp I never sawe so goodly a childe of his age, so mery, so plesaunt, so good and lovyng countenauns, and so ernest an ye, as it were a sage juggement towardes every person that repayreth to his Grace ; and, as it semy th to me, thankes be to our Lord, his Grace encresith well in the ayer that he ys in. And albeyt a liteU his Graces flesche decayeth, yet he shotyth owt in length, and wexith ferme and stiff, and can stedfastly stond, and wold avaunce hymself to move and go, if they wold suffir hym ; but, as me semyth, they do yet best, consideryng his Grace is yet tendir, that he shuld not streyn hymself, as his owen corage wold serve hym, tiU he cum above a yere of age. I was right glad to understond there that the Kynges mageste wil have his Grace reraovyd from Haveryng now ageynst wynter tyme, for suerly it semythe to me that the house wil be a cold howse for wynter, but for somer it ys a good and goodly > On her visit in March were given,—" to the Prince's raynstrelles x s.,— to Grey, one of the same mynstrelles, vj s. vj d.,— to one of the late qwenes palfreymen, attending with ij palfreys upon my lady's grace from Kichemount to Hampton court and home again, v s. ;'' In April, " to ij watermen feryeng my lady's grace over the water from Richemount to Hampton court, going and eomyng, ij s." In May, when she returned by the river — " for a barge at her "race coming from the Prince, x s. iiij d, Item, to the Prince's mynstrelles, x s." (Privy-purse Expenses, pp. 61, 64, 69.) ^T. I,] OF KIN& EDWARD THE SIXTH. XXXvii ayer. I can not compreliend nor describe the goodly, towardley qualyteez that ys in my Visits to the lord Prince's grace. He ys sent of Almyty Good for al our comfortes. My dayly and ^''"''ce. contynual prayer ys, and shalbe, for his good and prosperus preservation, and to make his Grace an olde Prince; beseohyng your good lordeshipp to rendir to the Kynges mageste thankes, in al our names, as ys above sayd. (Dated from Berechurch, near Colchester, Sept. 8, 1538.) We shall not greatly err if we conclude that it was when the lady Maistres was first apprised of this visit, that the following (undated) representation of her wants was despatched to the prime minister: — [Crumwell Correspondence, in State-paper office.] Jh'us. My lord, — After my most bownden deute I humbely recommand me un to yowr good lordsychep; and, accordyng to the '&.jnges graces commandment and youres, schal a compleche et to the best of my powr with syche thynges as her es to do et with al, wyche es but very bare for syche a time. The best cot (coat) my lord Prinses grace hath es tense! , and that he shal have on at that teym; he hatha never a good jewel to set on his cape; howbet I shal order al things for my lordes honer the best I can, so as I trost the Kynges grace shalbe contented with al; and also master vey-chamberlayn and master coiFerer I am sewer will do the best delygens that lyethe in them in all causes. My lord, I thank Jh'u my lord Prenses grace is in good helthe and mere (merry), and hes grace hathe iiij teeth: iij fol owt, and the forthe apearethe. And thus far yow wel, my owen good lord, with as myche joy and honer as your noble hart can desyer. From Haveryng, with the hand of har that es yowr trew bedwoman, and welbe deweiyng my leyf, Marget Bryan. To the ryght nobel and my very sengeler good lord, my lord prevysel, be thys delyverd. Shortly after, the Prince was removed from Havering to Hunsdon in Hertford- The Prince at shire, and from that place (probably in the year 1539,) the lady Bryan wrote" to H"°sdon. Crumwell as follows : — [Crumwell Correspondence, in State-paper office.] Jh'us. Pleasethe your lordyschep to understond that, blesced be Jh'u, my lord Prenses grace es in good helthe and mery, as wold to God the Kinges grace and your lordsyshep had sen The whole letter will be found in Miss Wood's collection, vol. iii. p, 112. XXXVIU BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1538-44. Visits to the liem ester nyglit, for has grace was marvelowss plesantly desposed. The mensterels PKINCE. played, and hes Grace dawansed and playd so wantownly that he cowld not stend stel, and was as fol of prety toyes as ever I saw chyld in my leyf, as master chamberlayn and my lady hes wyfe can shew yowr lordsyshep whan, they spek with yow, hom I assewr yowr lordsychep gevethe as god and dilygant atendance as es posybel. The French In February 1538-9 the French ambassador was desirous to enjoy the gratifi- cation of seeing the heir apparent, as we are informed by the following passage in one of Crumwell's letters* to the King : — The saide CastUlon is moch desyrose of spedc ; and, if it were possible to have yoiir favorable audience to-morrowe, he wold fajm see that your Majestes most noble joyell, my lorde Prince's grace. Wherby my pouer advice is, under your graciouse correction, that (if your Highnes could have convenient leasure) it shuld be best to appoincte to-morrowe. Nevertheles your high wisedome can better juge what is most expedient; requiring forgevenes for this my bold audacite. The earl of In October 1542, a few days after the creation of Con O'Nele earl of Tyrone, y'"°"^- which took place at Greenwich on the 1st of that month, mr. Wiatt and mr. Tuke -were appointed to conduct that great Irish chieftain, and his principal attendants, sir Dole Guineys, sir Arthur Guineys, and the bishop of Clogher, to do their duties to the young Prince Edward. "^ The Prince at In the autumn of 1543, when the King was sojourning at his manor of Ampthill," s ridge. jj^ Bedfordshire, we find the Prince at the neighbouring house (late the convent of Bonhommes) at Ashridge,* which was also his residence in the following year. The King had all his children with him in December 1543, for we then find the regent of Flanders inquiring of doctor Layton, the English ambassador at Bruxelles, " how the Queues grace, my lord Prince, my lady Mary, and my lady Elizabeth did, and wether your grace (the King) and they continewed still in one howsold?"« In July 1544 King Henry went to France, leaving queen Katharine as Regent, ' State Papers, i. 594. " Privy Council Register. ' The lord Fanhope, " of great renowne in the raigne of King Henry 5, buildid this castelle of Antehille, as it is now stonding stately on a hille, with 4 or 5 faire towers of stone in the inner warde, beside the basse courte, of such spoiles as it is saide that he wanne in Fraunce." (Leland, Itinerary, i. fol. 119.) See a note on Ampthill in the Privy -purse Expenses of Henry Vin. edited by sir N. H. Nicolas, p. 295. '' " Item payed to mr. Chichester for his costes, sent from Ampthill to Assherige to the Prince grace for ij. dayes, iij s. iiij d." (End of October 1543.) Privy-purse Expenses of the Princess Mary, edited by Sir Fred. Madden, p. 134. The King's removal from Ampthill is mentioned in p. 136, ' State Papers, ix. 570. ^T. n.-vi.J OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. XXxix and nominating, provisionally, the earl of Hertford to the military office of Lieu- pUs household tenant of the kingdom, should any emergency require an appeal to arms. At the remodelled at same time some important alterations were made in the Prince's household, Court, according to the following scheme : — Item. His Majeste well that my lord Prince shall on Wednesdays next remove to HamptoncouTte ; and that the lord chauncelour (Wriothesley) and th'erle of Hertford shall repayre thither on Thoresdaye, and there discharge all the ladyes and gentlewomen out of the house, and also admit and swere sir Richard Page [to be] Chamberlayn to my lord Prince, mr. Sydney to be avaunoed to the office of Stuard, Jasper Horsey* to be chief Gentleman of his Privey Chambre, and mr. Cox to be his Aulmoner, and he that is now Aulmoner to be Deane, and mr. Cheke as a suppliment to mr. Cox, both for the bettere instruccion of the Prince, and the diligent teaching of suche children as be appointed to attende uppon him. (State Papers, i. 764.) The Queen appears to have undertaken on this occasion the charge of all the royal famUy, as on the 25th of July she wrote from Hampton court to the King, " My lord Prince and the rest of your Majesties children are all (thanks be to God) in very good helth." '' The memoirs of Jane (Dormer) duchess of Feria,<= contain an anecdote of Edward's early life, which is placed about the year 1544, when the Prince was " remaining for a time at Ashridge." ^ The young lady's mother was Mary, the At Ashridge. eldest daughter of sir William Sydney. (Cap. 13.) Her grandfather sir William Sidney, whom the King, though still carried in his own exorbitant passions, did choose, respecting his worth and virtue, to be tutor and governor of his son Prince Edward, when remaining for a short time at Ashridge, which was not far from her grandfather Dormer's,' sent for her to entertain some time ' Sir Jasper Horsey was of an ancient family in Dorsetshire. He was steward to the lady Anna of Cleves. (State Papers, ii. 764.) '' State Papers, x. 13. ■^ These interesting memoirs are hitherto unpublished ; but they are expected to appear, under the editorship of the Rev. Mr. Estcourt, of Birmingham, to whose kindness I am indebted for the present and a subsequent extract. . 1543. Education. Bedchamber men. Sewers and cupbearers. authority, an inconvenience which actually occurred in the duke of Richmond's household, between doctor Croke and his chief gentleman or governor sir George Cotton. The selection of bedchamber-men » was another important consideration, as they had so much opportunity for conversation during brushing and dressing, and boys were so ready to imitate the attendants to whom they took a fancy. In like man- ner the other servants, whether gentle or simple, who waited at meals, such as sewers and cupbearersjl" should be such only as would offer examples of sober and modest manners: for if of that character, and also well skilled in sound information and in languages, they had the power to aid not a little in the instruction of their lord. Whilst attending at his table they were recommended to discourse on the customs of foreign nations, to relate what they had seen or done abroad, and on other matters of honesty and utility — a course much preferable to the admission of those professional buffoons, or " fools," which it had been the fashion to keep in the courts of princes, in order to raise a laugh by their coarse jests and obscene gambols." Such, in theory, were a young Prince's governors, teachers, and attendants at the period which is presented to our consideration, and in a court which was influenced bv the sentiments of the Reformation. Let us now endeavour to ascer- a " Cubicularii si probi, fidi et dextri sint, poterint private Jllk et liber^ confabulatione in matutinis vespertinisque ministeriis et ilia inter comendam amiciendumque operS plurimum efficere. Siquidem liberius animi affectus apud ministros produnt pueri eosque libentius imi- tantur.'- (fol. 23.) '■ " Non negligenda quoque cura in nobilibus aliisque ministris asciscendis, veluti structori- bus atque iis qui 'k mensa et k poculis principi adjunguntur, qui nisi sint incorrupti et moribus castis, plurimum exemplo officere poterunt. Sin autem sobrii, modesti, rerumque honestarum et linguarum periti, consuetudine assidu4 reotores nou mediooriter adjuvare queant. Siquidem vel mensse astantes vel in confabulationibus aliis et exercitiis de rebus honestis, de externarum gentium moribus, de iis qus peregrS viderint, gesserint, honesta et utilia referent. Idque probarim magis qukm morionum gesticulationes et caohinnos ludosque obsooenos admittendos, ut videlicet undeounque omnia apud Principem casta, erudita, gravia, et in primis pia sint." (fol. 23 b.) " We find doctor Croke complaining on this head. The same man who excluded the school- master, except at his stated hours, had admitted the vagrant minstrels to enact their perform- ances even within the duke of Richmond's bedchamber,— " hie tarn in preceptore aroendo diligens, libenter patitur scurras et mimos (qui digna lupanari in sacro cubiculo coram principe cantillent) admitti." The name of the favourite fool of flenry the Eighth, Will Sommers, is well known : he was living in the reign of Edward the Sixth, but perhaps in retirement, judg- ing from the following entry : i' Oct, 1551. A warrant to sir John Gate, sir Andrew Dudley, Coxe. ^T. vil.] OF KIN& EDWARD THE SIXTH. xlv tain how far the same principles were carried into practice in the education of the Education. heir to the EngHsh throne. King Edward's masters are thus enumerated by himself: " " At the sixth year EdwardCs of his age, he was brought up in learning by mr. doctor Coxe, who was afterwards ^''^°°^^°'^^^^- his almoner, and mr. John Cheke, master of arts, two well-learned men, who sought to bring him up in learning of tongues, of the Scriptures, of philosophy, and all liberal sciences. Also John Belmaine, Frenchman, did teach him the French language." Dr. Fuller names two other preceptors, in the following passage of his EngHsh Worthies : " King Edward used to say of his tutors, that Randolph the German spake honestly, sir John Cheke talked seriously, doctor Coxe sohdly, and sir Anthony Cooke weighingly." Doctor Richard Coxe,*" who had been master of Eton school, was the first Dr. Richard preceptor chosen for the Prince, probably on the recommendation of archbishop Cranmer. He was then a man of forty -four years of age, of experience in tuition, and of amiable manners : and a person of such reputation for his fidelity and integrity that Leland, when required to point to the pattern of such a character, could name no man that deserved it more than that eloquent preacher of the gospel the King's schoolmaster. sir Thomas "Wroth, and sir Henry Sydney [the four principal knights attendant], to pay to William Seyton as well xl s. by the yeare, for his wages from th'annunciatlon of our Lady last during the Kinges pleasure, as also Ivj s. for iij livery cotes yearly at the feastes in the same expressed ; whom his Ma'" hath appointed to keape William Somer." (MS. Reg. 18 C. XXIV. p. 137 b.) Wm. Sommer survived Edward VI. and had blacks to walk at his funeral. The lady Mary also had an attendant of this class, who was called Jane the Fool : she is frequently mentioned in the Privy-purse Expenses of that princess. " See the commencement of his Journal, p. 209. ■• Richard Coxe, born of humble parentage at Whaddon, in Buckinghamshire, in 1499, was a scholar of Eton, and fellow of King's college, Cambridge, and afterwards one of the first members of Wolsey's new college at Oxford. He became archdeacon of Ely 1540, was nomi- nated bishop of Southwell in 1542, but, that see not being established, was made dean of the cathedral, founded first at Osney, and afterwards at Christ church, Oxford, and in 1547 was elected chancellor of that university, which office he retained during the whole of King Edward's reign. He also, from Oct. 1549, held the deanery of Westminster, together with that of Oxford. During the reign of Mary he was an exile at Frankfort. After his return he was consecrated bishop of Ely in 1559. He died in 1591. He was so severe a Reformer that many writers have viewed his character unfavourably. See memoirs of him in Wood's Athense Oxon. (by Bliss,) i. 466; Bentham's Ely, p- 192, and Supplt. p. 104; and Neale and Brayley's Westminster Abbey, vol. i. p. 108, for which last his portrait is engraved, by G. P. Harding. h xlvi BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1544. Education. A^ Thomam Leglium armigerum Adlingtonensem de D. Eichardi Coxufide et integritate. Schoolmasters. _ ,. . t , , i • Quum liicis adeo laboret or bis Totus, me rogitas, amice, narrem Ore ut veridico tibi petenti Si dum reppererim, omnibus fidelem Quern possem numeris virum probare, Talem me volo repperisse credas : Albo rarior est ac ille corvo. Novisti bene Coxium pium ilium Sacri Evangelii tubam sonoram : Quern clarus patriae pater Britannus Dilectum refovet, suoque nato Inservire jubet probum tenello. Is vir judicio omnium piorum Omni ex parte fidelis integerque. Lelandi Encomia lUustrium Virorum, p. 89. If we may trust the expressions of the letters in the present volume, which the Prince so often addressed to dr. Coxe when absent, this conscientious and excellent man succeeded in engaging the affection of his pupil, at the same time that he excited and encouraged his thirst for knowledge. Sir John But the person who performed the principal part in the education of King Edward was Cheke," who was summoned to the office in July 1544, "as a supple- " Cheke waa a native of Cambridge. His early patron was sir William Butts, physician to Henry VHI. As a scholar he was most celebrated from his controversy with bishop Gardiner on the pronunciation of Greek, which he materially contributed to reform. He also proposed an amended orthography of the English language, in order to assimilate its spelling with the sound (on this subject in particular see the Rev. James Goodwin's introduction to Cheke's Translation of the Gospel according to St. Matthew, 8vo. 1843, p. 18), but in this attempt he had less success, for the usage of English writers was then too varied and inconsistent to submit to any fixed rule. Cheke held the provostship of King's college, Cambridge, together with his function at court. As the King grew up he looked forward to a political career as a statesman; he was made a gentleman of the privy chamber, knighted in 1551 (see p. 352), and shortly before the King's death became the third secretary of state, in association with Petre, and with Cecill, who had married his sister. Having been involved in the accomplishment of queen Jane's usurpation, he fled to the continent ; betrayed, and brought back, he was coerced to renounce the Protestant faith, and shortly after he died, it is said of vexation of spirit. His life is written at length by Strype. In 2 Edw. VI. Cheke had a grant of the lands of the dissolved college of Stoke by Clare, in Suffolk, (dating from which in one of his letters he called it Cheke-Stoke,) and in 3 Edw. VI. ^T. vii.J OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. xlvii ment to mr. Coxe." * He had then for four years taught Greek with great success Eddcation. as the regius professor at Cambridge : and was thirty years of age, the junior of Schoolmasters. Coxe by fifteen years. Roger Ascham in his Toxophilus, writing in 1544, shortly after Cheke's appointment, after describing his exertions as a teacher in the university of Cambridge, adds. The great hinderance of learning in lackinge thys man greatly I should lament, if this discommoditie of cures were not joyned with the commoditie and welth of the hole realm ; for which purpose our noble King, fiill of wysedome, hath called up this excellent man, ful of learnynge, to teache noble Prince Edwarde, an office ful of hope, comforte, and solace to al true hertes of England ; for whome al England dayly doth praye, that he, passing his Tutour in learnyng and knowledge, folowynge his father in wisedome and felicitie, accordyng to that example which is set afore his eyes, may so set out and mayntayne Goddes worde, to the abolishment of al papistry, the confusion of al heresie, that therby he, feared of his ennemies, loved of al his subjectes, maye bring to his own glory immortal fame and memorie ; to this realm welthe, honour, and felicitie ; to true and unfayned religion perpetuall peace, Concorde, and unitie. (Toxophilus, the schole of shooting, edit. 1545, The first boke, fol. 34.) Leland also approved the King's choice in the following very elegant lines : — Ad libellum de D. Jo. Checo. Si vis Thespiadum choro probari, Fac ut consilio libello nostro Facundo studeas placere Checo, Quern Pandionise colunt Athense, he received another grant of the site and lands of the priory of Spalding, in Lincolnshire, propter indnstriam in instiiuenda adolescentia domini Regis, as was mentioned in the letters patent. Among Cheke's writings enumerated by Bale are three, upon which Strype, not having seen them, makes the following remarks : — " De Nativitate Principis. This the author of the Heroologm will have to be a panegyric upon his nativity. I rather conjecture (for neither of us, I believe, saw this tract) it was some private calculation of Prince Edward's nativity, as Cheke studied that art, and built too much upon' it. " Introdnctio Grammatics. " Be Lvdimagistronim officio. Both these seem to have been writ primarily by him for the use of the Prince." Cheke is also said to have written an English poem on the King's sickness and death, which will be further noticed hereafter. About the year 1563 dr. Edwin Sandys, then bishop of Worcester, sent as a new year's gift to secretary Cecill, a clock, " which (he remarked) he was sure he would the rather accept, because it was his old master's of happy memory, and after his loving and kind brother's," — Cheke's sister Mary having been Cecill's first wife. — Strype's Life of Cheke, edit. 1821, p. 180. » See p. xxxix. A2 Xlviii BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1544. Education. Et quern Eoma colit diserta multum; Schoolmasters. Quein Eex maximus omnium supremusque Henrious reputans virum probatum Spectatumque satis, reconditseque Censorem solidum eniditionis, Eduardum bene filium, suumque Heredem, puerum illi ad alta natum Sic concredidit, utriusque lingua Flores ut legeret venustiores, Exercens facUi manum labore, Et Christi imbiberet suave nectar. FeUcem arbitror banc diem fuisse, Tanto discipulo dedit magistnim QuK talem. Unde suo venusta alumno Granta assurgit, et excitata plaudit Quod jussi, facias velim, libelle, Checum conciHes tibique amicum, Is si te nivea manu tenebit, Prolustrans oculo tuos sereno Versus, 6 facile inter erudites Exspectare potes locum poetas, Et famam domini tui per orbem Latfe extendere. Perge quo parabas. Encomia Illustrium Virorum, p. 88. Nor is the testimony of Bale, another eminent contemporary, less enthusiastic in praise of Edward's schoolmaster : — Virtutum eximiarum et sapientiaa merito postea tanta ejus erat apud regem iUum (Henrioum) authoritas et gratia, ut unicum ejus filium Edwardum, regni heredem, ipsius fidei committeret ; ut praeceptis optimis ac vitaj integerrimse exemplo ad sapientiam veram et omnes virtutes heroicas, per divinam opem, ipsum iUe formaret. Sic benignissimus puer, et divinae spei Rex, tandem institutionem cam hauriebat, qua neque Cyrus, neque Alexander, neque uUus unquam prseteritorum regum politiorem sanctioremque accepit. Qua si adultus uti potuisset, si ad regni gubernacula cum ea pervenisset, et ante tempus immatura morte prjereptus non fuisset, quodnam regnum in terris ffelicius ? quffi gens beatior unquam extitisset ? Sed ostendere hunc terris tantum fata voluere, neque ultra sinere. — Scriptores Brytaniw, fol. 1557. ^T. VII.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. xlix Sir Anthony Cooke » was another of King Edward's preceptors. We have Education. Sir Anthony " But little is recorded of the personal history of sir Anthony Cooke, though he was evi- Cooke. dently in high estimation among his contemporaries. He inherited the mansion of Gidea hall , near Romford, where he was born in 1506, from his great-grandfather sir Thomas Cooke, an alderman of London, celebrated as having suffered political persecution in the time of Edward IV. It is only by conjecture that sir Anthony's education has been assigned to the university of Cambridge. He was made a Knight of the Bath at the coronation of Edward VI. During the reign of Mary he joined the English exiles at Strasburgh. On his return it was rumoured that he would be made lord chancellor. He died at Gidea hall, on the 11th June 1576, aged 70 ; and a monument in Romford chapel, inscribed " Dominus Antonius Cooke, ordinis equestris miles, ob singularem prudentiam et pietatem regis Edwardi institutor constitutus : " presents kneeling figures of sir Anthony and his four learned daughters, lady Burghley, lady Bacon, lady Russell, and lady Killegrew ; from which their busts are engraved in Ogborne's History of Essex. The great Cecill, having first married ISIaria Cheke, daughter of one of King Edward's preceptors, took for his second wife Mildred Cooke, the eldest daughter of another. The accomplishments of sir Anthony's daughters are celebrated in Ballard's Me- moirs of British Ladies, in the Biographia Britannica, and other works. David Lloyd, in his " State Worthies," discourses at very great length on sir Anthony's character, which Camden had briefly described in the few words, Vir antiqua serenitate. " Gravity (says Lloyd) was the ballast of his soul, and general learning its leading. He was somebody in every art, and eminent in all the whole circle of arts lodging in his soul : his Latine, fluent and proper ; his Greek, critical and exact ; his philology and observations upon each of these languages, deep, curious, various, and pertinent ; his logick, rational ; his history and ex- perience, general ; his rhetorick and poetry, copious and genuine ; his mathematicks, practicable and useful Three things there are before whom (was sir Anthony's saying) I cannot do amiss: 1. my prince; 2. my conscience; 3. my children Fondness never loved his children, and passion never chastised them ; but all was managed with that prudence and dis- cretion, that my lord Seymour [the Protector is probably meant] standing by one day when this gentleman chid his son, said, ' Some men govern families with more skill than others do kingdoms;' and thereupon commended him to the government of his nephew Edward the sixth. Such the majestic of his looks and gate, that awe governed ; such the reason and sweetness, that love obliged all his family ; a family equally afraid to displease so good a head, and to ofi'end so great Very providently did he secure his eternity, by leaving the image of his nature in his children, and of his mind in his pupill " Sir Anthony took more pleasure to breed up statesmen than to be one. Contemplation was his soul, privacy his life, and discourse his element. Business was his purgatory, and publick- ness his torment King Edward would say of his tutors, that Randolph the German spoke honestly, sir John Cheke talked merrily, dr. Coxe solidly, and sir Anthony Cooke weigh- ingly, a faculty that was derived with his blood to his grandchild Bacon, which informs the world of this great truth, that education doth much towards parts ; industry more ; converse, encouragement, and exercise, more yet ; but a sound temper and nature, an wholesome blood and spirit, derived from healthful and well-constituted parents, doth all." 1 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1549. Education, jjq direct accouiit of his appointment ; but it was made in aid of Cheke, Schoolmasters- apparently on the retirement of Coxe.'' In point of age, Cooke was half way between Coxe and Cheke, having been born in 1506. Though there are no memorials or anecdotes of his intercourse with the King, by whom we have not found him named except in the speech related by Fuller,'' yet we have various contemporary testimonies"^ to his faithful performance of the duties of his function. » In the Lansdowne MS. 2, no. 29, is preserved the original of a letter of Cheke, which, being short and very remarkable, shall be here transcribed. It is directed — " To his loving frende M' Peter Osborne. " I fele the caulme of quietnes, being tost afore with storms, and have felt ambition's bitter gal, poisoned with hope of hap. And therefore I can be meri on the bankes side without dangring miself on the sea. Yc sight is ful of gai thinges abrode, which I desire not, as thinges sufficientli known and valewd. O what pleasure is it to lacke pleasures, and how honorable is it to fli from honor's throws. Among other lacks I lack bucram to lai betwene ye bokes and hordes in mi studi, which I now have trimd. I have nede of xxx yardes. Chuse yow the color. I prai yow bi me a reme of paper at London. Fare ye wel. With com'enda- c'ons to yor mother, M' Lane and his wife, M' and M.'^ Saxee, with other. From Cambridge the xxx. of Mai 1549, 3 Ed. 6. Yo" known, Joan' Cheke." (See a portion of this engraved in fac-simile in Nichols's Autographs, 1829, Plate 20.) This was evidently written during a temporary absence from court, and after some disap- pointment there. Possibly at that time Cooke was summoned to take Cheke's place. A letter of John Rodolph Stumphius to Henry BuUinger, dated from Oxford on the 28th Feb. 1549-50, mentions the release of the duke of Somerset from the Tower shortly after the end of the session of parliament, and that " on the breaking up of the council (par- liament), master Coxe betook himself to Oxford, where he is still residing.'' After which it is added, " Master Cheke and master Traheron have entered upon the duties committed to them by the council : the one, that of tutor of the King ; the other, that of tutor to the duke of Suffolk, who is of the same age with the King." (Zurich Letters, Second series, p. 465.) If " Cheke" be not here a mistake for Cooke, the passage shows that Cheke resumed his place after a few months' absence. On the 20th May following Martin Micronius, another of the Germans in England, tells Bullinger that " Master Coxe is no longer the King's tutor." (Ibid. p. 561.) " See p. xlv. = The four following have occurred in my reading : — A copy of k Lasco's Brevis et dilucida de Sacramentis Ecclesiai Christi Tractatio, 1552, 8vo, with this inscription in the author's hand : " Clarissimo ac doctissimo viro D"" Cuko, Praeceptori Regis fidelissimo, Joannes a Lasco D.D." was in the possession of the Rev. N. Batteley, and shown by him to Strype. (Eccl. Memorials, ii. 374.) Roger Ascham, in one of his letters to John Sturmius, when describing the learning of Mildred Cecill (whom he misnamed Etheldred), alludes to her happiness "quod nata sit nobili viro Antonio Coco et patre ejus et prseceptore, qui propter suam eruditionem in erudi- endo Rege Joanni Checo socius adjunctus est." •ST. XII.] OP KINa EDWARD THE SIXTH. H The King himself has recorded the name of his French master, John Bel- Eddcation. maine; but of the history of that gentleman little is known. The King's composi- Frenchmaster. tions in French show how earnestly this tutor advocated the doctrines of Protes- maine. tantism,« and Belmaine himself has left a most interesting testimony '' to the diligence of his royal pupil. We find that " John Belmaine teachour of the Kinges ma"' for the French tongue," had quarterly wages of vj li. xij s. iiij d. from the treasurer of the chamber;" that he was made a gentleman of the privy chamber; and in 1551 a free denizen f and that, in further reward of his services, he received in 1550 a lease for twenty-one years of the parsonages of Minehead and Cotcombe, co. Somer- set;e and in 1552 a lease of the manor of Winchfield in Hampshire.* He remained in England until after the King's death, and walked at his funeral.^ Dr. Fuller, in his enumeration of King Edward's tutors, already introduced, German tutor. (omitting Belmaine,) mentions first of all " Randolph the German," who " spake *° ° ^ • honestly." No such person is elsewhere mentioned as attendant on the King, nor do we hear of Edward's studying the German language. In a letter from Strasburgh on the 3d Sept. 1554, addressed to Henry Bullinger, John Burcher mentions, that " the noble and learned Anthony Cooke, induced by the reputation of your country and learning, is about to pass through your city [Zurich] on his way to Italy. I wish him to find that my recommendation has been of some advantage to him. He was a fellow- labourer with Cheke in instructing the late King, and [has now lately] lived for some time with me at my house very piously and courteously." Zurich Letters, Second series, p. 686. Peter Martyr dedicated to sir Anthony Cooke his Commentaries on the Epistles to the Romans, and on that occasion, writing at Zurich in 1554, thus alludes to his instruction of King Edward : — " It is a griefe unto me to thinke that that most noble wit, most sacred brest, and incredible piety of that famous King Edward the vj. of that name, your most deare pupill, is so sodeinely taken from us." And again, " I for my part doubtles have, ever since that the time that I dwelt in England, borne a singular love and no smal or vulgar affection towards you, both for your singular piety and learning, and also for the worthy, oflice which you faythfully and with great renoune executed in the Christian publike wealth, in instructing Edward, that most holy King and most worthy to be beloved, whose wit, goodness, religion, and eyther vertues heroical, yea rather Christian, may indede be touched, but can never be praysed ac- cording to theyr desert." (From the English translation, 1568, folio.) » See pp. 144 et seq. " See p. 173. ■= MS. Trevelyan. ■" " A fredenizenship to John Belmaine, oone of the gentlemen of the privie chamber, for life, borne under the Frenche king." (MS. Cotton. Julius B. ix. f. 100 b.) e Strype's Life of Cheke, p. 35. f " 3 June, 1552. A letter to the chauncellour of th' augmentacions for a lease in rever- sion for xxj yeres to John Belmayne, one of the privie chamber, of the mannour of Wynchefeld, in the county of Southampton, in the tenure of Michaell Kydwelly, paying th'accustomed rente of xx" vj» viij"." (MS. Keg. 18 C. XXIV. f. 129.) « Archffiologia, vol. xii. p. 389. lii BIOGBAPHICAL MEMOIK [a.d. 1549. Education. Other Penmanship. Roger Ascham. We have no positive evidence that Edward's knowledge of languages extended beyond Greek, Latin, and French : though he has had the reputation of being acquainted with more. This has apparently rested on the authority of Cardan (in a passage quoted at length hereafter), who asserted that " he was skilled in many languages, — Latin, his native English, French; and he was not unversed, I hear, in Greek, Italian, Spanish, and perhaps yet others." Upon this it may be remarked that it is highly improbable that Edward troubled himself with the Spanish lan- guage, and it may be doubted whether he even studied Italian. The evidence is so copious of his exercises in Latin, Greek, and French, that it is scarcely likely that all vestiges should have disappeared of his exercises in Italian, had he under- taken to learn that tongue. But he would, no doubt, have pursued his study of languages to a further point had his life been prolonged: for both his sisters had done so. With Mary the Spanish was in some sort her mother-tongue : and we find Elizabeth writing a letter in Italian" so early as the summer of 1544. In the art of writing Edward was instructed by Eoger Ascham, well known as the schoolmaster of his sister Elizabeth. Many tymes by myne especiall good master mr. Cheke's means '' I have been caulled to teache the King to write in his privy-chambre ; at whiche tymes his Grace wold oft most " Addressed to queen Katharine Parr, and commencing, L'inimica fortuua. It is printed in Howard's Lady Jane Grey and her Times, p. 133. In the Historia di Pietro Bizari (relating to the war with the Turks and other events that had elapsed in Europe from 1564 to 1568), printed in Lyone 1569, and dedicated to Francis earl of Bedford, occurs, at p. 205, a high eulogium on queen Elizabeth, concluding with the following testimony to her skiU in foreign languages, but more particularly in Italian, in which she had been instructed by Gio. Battista Castiglioni, who was then a gentleman of her privy chamber : " Dirb ben questo, che fra I'altre sue real! virtu, ella e cosi ornata delle piu belle scientie, et cosi esperta in diverse sorti di linguaggi forestieri, che se in tutti fosse nata et nodrita, non potrebbe piu agevolmente spiegarvi i suoi alti concetti. Ma in particolare possede ella oltimamente la nostra piu tersa et piu elegante faveUa : di cui suo principal precettore e stato il S. Gio. Battista Castiglioni, hora gentil'huomo della camera privata di lei : il quale e cosi ornato di generose maniere, et di cosi nobili et honorate creanze, che meritamente per questo et per lo suo valore e carissimo k cosi gran Eeina." ' Strype, in his Life of Cheke, asserts that Cheke " brought in a fair and graceful writing by the pen, as he wrote an excellent accurate hand himself." But to assign to Cheke the exclusive credit of introducing fair writing is to give him more than his due. Strype, however, in the remarks which next follow, states the case more justly, viz. that " all the best scholars in those times practised to write well. So did Smith and Cecill, and especially Ascham : who, for his exquisite hand, was the person appointed to teach the lady Elizabeth to write. So that fair writing and good learning seem to commence together.'' The followmg remarks on this subject were from the pen of tlie Ilev. T. D. Fosbroke, author JET. XII.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. liii jently promise me one day to do me good; and I wold say, " Nay, your Majestie will sone Education. forget me when I shall be absent from yow ; " which thing he said he would never do. Sir, I do not mistrust thies wordes because thei were spoken of a childe, but rather I of the Encyclopedia of Antiquities. " Our own experience in ancient manuscripts is, that run- ning or epistolary hand was at first derived from what we call engrossirig, the forms of the letters being similar, only scrawled ; but subsequently there appears to have been occasionally prac- tised, by the same persons, a copy of printing in Eoman characters, which very much resembles what we call Italian hand. We have seen autographs of the same nobleman in both engrossing and Italian hands. It is evident that the former must have been a very slow process, though only scrawled, because it was rather drawing than writing ; and probably the upright stifihess and rectilinear terminations of letters were adopted from evident acceleration by this serrated fashion of running one letter into another, as in the Gothic. Both the engrossing and Italian hands appear (in Nichols's Autographs of Personages remarkable in English History, 1829, 4to. Plate 21) in two distinct signatures of Henry Derneley, husband of Mary queen of Scots. From similar Italian hands, or rather imitations of Koman letters, in the writing of Mary and Elizabeth when princesses (ibid. Plate 7), lady Jane Grey, and Edward the Sixth, we are inclined to suspect that a Roman hand was first taught to children, as easier than the black- letter." (Gentleman's Magazine, 1828, vol. xcviii. ii 540.) Croke, the tutor of the duke of Richmond, was in 1527 highly indignant that the duke's schoolfellows had been instigated by his governor, mr. George Cotton, to relinquish the Roman hand which Croke had taught them, and that Cotton had undertaken to teach them the secretary hand, with what success (Croke suggests to Wolsey) you may judge from his own autograph : " Nee haec satis nocuisse contentus, animari pueros ut (quam a me dedicere scribere) Wurmanam, contenmant et in meum contemptum dediscant. Sed neque hie diligentise fucus malitise deest. Nam ipse secretariam ipsos docet. Qualem autem ex ipsius autographo licet judicare ! " An amusing instance of Prince Edward's commending the Roman penmanship of queen Katharine occurs in his Letter XVII. p. 16. In the following epigram Leland compliments Ascham at once on his Italian and his Greek writing : — Ad Bogerum Aschamum. Aschame, litterulas tam belle pingis, ut ipsa GrsBcia te scribam pervelit esse suum : Ut velit esse suum, rerum caput, inclyta Roma, Quamvis Italicos scribere docta modos. Sed calamos cur certo tuos attollere vates Carmine : sit virtus qumn tua nota satis. Roger Ascham's skiU both in the composition and in the penmanship of letters, is thus described by his biographer Edward Grant : " Scripsit literas omnes, quas Academia ad Regiam majestatem aut quoscunque alios honoratos viros, multorum annorum spatio, dederit : et tantS, diligentiS, tanta elegantiS, depinxit, ut nihil accuratius fieri, nihil elegantius depingi potuerit. Politissimfe quidem depinxit, venustfe exaravit, hicque optimS, exercitatione omnes tunc temporis studiosos et litteratos longe superavit. Si Latine literas exararet, nihil admira- bilius. Si Grsece scriberet, manu ejus nihil pulchrius. Si AnglicS literas pingeret, valde liv BIOaRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1550. Education, have layd up my sure hope in them bicause they were uttered by a Kynge. (Roger Ascham to sir William Ceoill,a from Spires, the 27th of September, 1552.) The King did not attain such skill in penmanship as some others of his contempora- ries. Occasionally, however, when he wrote with great deliberation, his writing was formed with remarkable clearness and regularity. Music. Philip van Wilder. It has been stated on high authority,'' but without sufficient evidence, that doctor Christopher Tye "was musical preceptor to Prince Edward." We have various testimony that Edward played on the lute," as his father had done before him -j^ but we also find that his instructor for that instrument was Philip van Wilder.'^ When, in 1550, shortly after the conclusion of his matrimonial treaty with France, the King was visited by the mareschal St. Andre, he exhibited his skill on the lute before that ambassador, '^ obviously in order that this accom- plishment might be reported to madame Elizabeth, his affianced bride. eleganter. Hao exeroitatione postea docuit nobilissimum prinoipem Edvardum Sextum, illus- trissimam dominam Elizabethan), honoratissimos fratres Heuricum et Carolum Suffoloise duces, multosque alios et viros et feminas." » MS. Lansdowne 3, art. 2. '' Sir John Hawkins, in his History of Music, 1776, vol. iii. p. 250, affirms that doctor Chris- topher Tye "was musical preceptor to Prince Edward, and probably to the other children of Henry VIII." This assertion is adopted as an ascertained fact in Chalmers's Biographical Dictionary, and other books of the same class. It appears to have been made on no better authority than Samuel Rowly's play of " When you see me you know me " (further noticed hereafter, in p. Ixx.), in which doctor Tye is one of the characters, and there is a scene between him and Prince Edward, who greets him as " our musick's lecturer " (see this scene extracted by Hawkins). Eowly wrote more than fifty years after Edward's death, and adopted the name of Tye, as dramatists are wont, from its popular celebrity, which had been achieved somewhat later than the time of Prince Edward. With corresponding infelicity he has chosen the name of " marquess of Dorset" for the Prince's playfellow, instead of any of Edward's real contem- poraries mentioned in the ensuing pages, and has introduced Cranmer, instead of Coxe or Cheke, ' as his schoolmaster. ' In addition to those given in the text. Cardan states that—" chely pulsabat." ■1 See the remarkable portrait of Plenry VIII. playing on a lute (or harp), from his Psalter, now in the British Museum, engraved as the frontispiece to Sir Henry Ellis's Original Letters, second series, vol. i. Both his daughters played also on this instrument, as well as on the virginals. Queen Katharine, in a letter of instruction to her daughter Mary, directed her, " sometimes for your recreation use your virginals, or lute, if you have any." Camden tells us of Elizabeth that she was able to sing and play on the lute prettily and sweetly : her perform- ance on the virginals in 1564 is described by sir James Melvil the Scotish ambassador, in his Memoirs. <: See the Prince's Letter, No. XXI. p. 20 : and more of Philip van Wilder will be found hereafter, in a page where the King's musicians are enumerated. t See p. 333. ^T. xm. OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. Iv Doctor Tye, who was the best English composer of music in his day, towards Education. the close of Edward's reign dedicated to him a metrical version of the Acts of the ^''- Christo- Apostles," accompanied by music, which he was indaced to imagine would some- times exercise the King's talents upon his lute. This hope is expressed in the Preface, a production written in verses resembling the psalm-metre of the rest of the book : and in which the author states that the intention of his work was — By notes set forth, to synge or playe To recreate the mynde. And tlioughe they be not curious, But for the letter mete : Ye shall them fynde harmonious, And eka pleasaunt and swete. That such good thinges your grace might move, Tour lute when ye assaye, In stede of songes of wanton love These stories then to playe. So shall your grace please God the Lorde In walkjmge in hys waye : His lawes and statutes to recorde In your heart nyght and daye. Thomas Sternholde,*' whose name is well known as that of one of the authors of » " The Actes of the Apostles, translated into Englyshe Metre, and dedicated to the Kynges moste excellent Majestye, by Christopher Tye, Doctor in Musyke, and one of the Gentlemen of hys graces moste honourable Ghappell, wyth notes to eche chapter, to synge and also to play upon the lute : very necessarye for studentes after their studye, to fyle their wyttes, and also for all Christians that cannot synge, to reade the good and godlye storyes of the lyves of Christ hys Appostles. 1553." It is a little pocket volume, with musical notes for meane, tenor, counter-tenor, and bassus. Mr. Grenyille's copy, now in the British Museum, was pur- chased at the sale of Mr. Gough's library for 31 8s. On this work Dr. Burney remarks, " That he (Dr. Tye) translated the first fourteen chapters of the Acts of the Apostles into metre, in imitation of Sternholde's Psalms, which were the delight of the court in which he lived, was doubtless an absurd undertaking, and was not rendered less ridiculous by the elaborate music to which he set them, consisting of fugues and canons of the most artificial and complicated kind." (History of Music, vol. iii. p. 11. See also Hawkins's History of Music, iii. p. 253; Warton's History of English Poetry, iii. 190 ; and Beloe's Anecdotes of Literature, ii. 369.) '• " Thomas Sternholde, patrii Suthamptonensis (ut fertur) et Anglorum regi Edoardo sexto ab intimo cubiculo, vir erat, cui benignissimus Deus multa suse gratisB beneficia dedit. Qui, ut amatoriae et obscflense cantiones aula pellerantur, miro sermonis ornatu et eloquently in Anglicos rhythmos traduxit, ad eundem Regem, ex Psalmis selectioribus 37." (Bale, Script. Cent. Nona, nxxix.) King Henry had so great a regard for Sternholde, that he bequeathed him 100 li. in his will. i 2 Ivi BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIB [a.d. 1550. Education, the old metrical version of the Psalms, was groom of the robes to King Edward, (as he had previously been to Henry VIII.) and has left on record that his Grace sometimes took pleasure in hearing those compositions sung: of which in his dedication (written in 1549 ») he thus reminds him : Seeing further that youre tender and godly zeale doeth more delyghte in the holye songes of veritie, then in anye feygned rimes of vanitie, I am encouraged to travayle further in the sayd booke of Psalms ; trustyng that as your grace taketh pleasure to heare them song sometymes of me, so ye will also delyght not only to see and reade them youre selfe, but also to commaunde them to bee songe to you of others ; that as ye have the psalme it selfe in youre mynde, so you maye judge myne endevoure by youre eare. Schoolfellows. Having reviewed the names of those who acted as King Edward's teachers, we have now to inquire who were provided as his companions, in pursuance of the plan of education which has been already described. We have various allusions to his schoolfellows, though no direct accounts of them. We have seen'' that in July 1544 Cheke's appointment was made both to assist Coxe in the instruction of the Prince, and also to secure " the diligent teaching of such children as be appointed to attend upon him." In Edward's letter" to Coxe written from Hert- ford on the 2d April, 1546, he mentions the " alii pueri qui hie sunt," as being equally bound with himself to write to their absent master. When Haddon visited the same place, he found the young duke of Suffolk an inmate, whose scholarship reflected the highest credit upon Coxe. ^ In the articles objected against the lord protector in October 1549 the young lords attendant on the King's person are mentioned.^ In September 1562 we read of the table of " Sternliolde died in the same year, when his will was proved in September. The first edition of his Psalms was printed by Edward Whitchurche in 1549, 8vo : see the Athenge Oxon. by Bliss, i. 187. The whole dedication will be found in the Censura Literaria, vol. x. p. 10; where accounts are given of the editions of 1551, 1561, and 1581, with extracts, and biogra- phical notices of the several authors. Sternholde versified forty of the Psalms ; John Hopkins, William Whittingham, Thomas Norton, and others wrote the remainder. Versions of some of the Psalms were also written by William Hunnis ; and dr. Matthew Parker, in 1560, versified the whole. John Hall versified certain chapters of the Proverbs, also in 1560. (Hawkins, Hist, of Music, iii. 254.) " In p. xxxix. = Page 7. " See Haddon's letter, hereafter. e " XIX. Also you declared and published untruly, as well to the King's majesty, as to other the young lords attendant upon his Grace's person, that the lords of the council at London minded to destroy the King ; and you required the King never to forget it, but to revenge it : and likewise you required the young lords to put the King in remembrance thereof, to the intent to make sedition and discord between the King and his lords." Foxe, Acts and Monu- ments, edit. 1838, vi. 291. ^T. XIII.] OP KING EDWAKD THE SIXTH. Ivii the young lords, which had been one of the standing tables at court, being stopped, Education. for the sake of economy ;» but still, at the time of the King's death, there were Schoolfellows. " fower yonge lordes " resident at court, and who attended his funeral, namely, the lord Thomas Howard, the lord Giles Poulet, the lord Lumley, and the lord Mountjoy.'' The King's companions are also alluded to in two of Roger Ascham's letters. One of these is hereafter inserted. " In a letter to Sturmius, written on the 4th April, 1550, Ascham mentions " the duke of Suffolk and the rest of that company of most noble youths, who, having been hitherto educated in Greek and Latin literature together with our King, are on this very day started for France." From this it would seem that the King's schoolfellows were identical with the hostages sent to France in 1550, namely, the duke of Suffolk, the earl of Hert- ford, the lord Talbot, the lord Fitzwarine, the lord Maltravers, and the lord Strange, "l It is obvious, however, that this cannot be accepted as a determinate list, as we know that the hostages were selected as six youths of the highest rank in the kingdom, and tliat the earls of Warwick, Bedford, and Huntingdon were also requested to send their heirs, ^ though afterwards excused.^ Henry Brandon, duke of Suffolk, though seven years senior to the King,? was Duke of certainly for a time one of his associates in study, ^ and was probably in acquire- " ° ' ments, as well as rank, the foremost of his schoolfellows. • His brother lord Charles Lord Charles Brandon. * See p. 458. i" Archseologia, vol. xii. p. 375. ° See p. Ixx. ^ See p. 253. ' See p. 252. ' It may be remarked that among the knights of the Bath made at Edward's coronation were all of the nine noblemen above mentioned, except lord Fitzwarine, and also lord Charles Brandon and the earl of Ormonde, who will be named presently. B The eldet brother was born on the 6th Sept. 1530, and was ^t. 5 when his miniature was painted in 1535; the younger was born March 10, 1537, and was ^t. 3, 1541. See these miniatures engraved in a supplemental plate to Chamberlain's Holbein Heads. ^ See Haddon's letter hereafter. See also the note in p. 137 in regard to the enigma pre- sented by Oeatio xii. ' As the duke of Suffolk exhibited so excellent an example to his young master, the following particulars of his studies, derived from the oration delivered at his funeral by dr. Haddon, may be here appropriately introduced. Haddon describes him as far advanced in learning for his years, and much addicted to literature ; and his intelligence such that he readily imbibed whatever instruction was given him. His favourite discourses were upon learned arguments, and his delight in the conversation of learned men, many of whom his mother took care to introduce to him, and with others he made acquaintance of himself, on perceiving their abilities, and fancying their conversation. When surrounded by this learned retinue, his custom was to propound some question, upon which he himself would first speak, and then Iviii BIOaRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1550. Education, was by a few months the King's junior. These two noble youths appear to have Schoolfellows, been removed together to the university of Cambridge, where in 1551 they contri- buted to the mortuary verses written in commemoration of the reformer Bucer;* and shortly after they were together at the house of bishop Holbeach at Buckden, where the sweating-sickness in the course of a few hours summoned them both to an early death.l) Roger Ascham, as appears by one of his letters to Cheke, was for some months in the year 1549 engaged in teaching Greek to lord Charles Brandon, and writing to bothbrothers." A Latin letter addressed to the King by the duke of Suffolk, when he was resident in Cambridge, is preserved among the choicest autographs of the British Museum'^, but is now printed for the first time. Its language is obviously superior to that which the King had attained when, at a much earlier age, he wrote his Epistolse contained in this volume : but, however admirable for what doctor Haddon was pleased to term a Ciceronian style, it is pervaded with a spirit of extravagant adulation to which it is impossible to give credit for perfect sincerity. The Duhe of Suffolk to King Edward. [MS. Cotton. Vesp. F. xra. p. 174.J Quemadmodum, Kex benignissime, orta die, soils ad nos reditum agnoscimus, tametsi per obscurarum interstitia nubium relucescentem illius globositatem aperte non intiiemur require their opinions in turn. He had a ready and fluent utterance, yet accompanied with a becoming modesty, which preserved him from boasting and self-conceit, or from despising others. Haddon, on observing this style of his, especially exhorted him to study Tully for its further improvement, adding, that by perusing that author diligently for a year or two, he would prove a better Ciceronian than himself, whatever credit he had from the world in that respect. This counsel was given in the winter, when an ague interrupted this noble youth in his studies ; but as soon as he recovered his health he returned to the reading of Tully with all vigour, according to his tutor's advice, which, like a true scholar, he regarded as a command. His only brother, lord Charles Brandon, was equally promising, though many years younger. » See p. 306. " See p. 330. = " Domina SuiFolciensis hoc proximo superior! anno prolixe et large mihi pollicita est, cum aliquot menses dominum Carolum Grsecis Uteris institui, et ad pulchram manum formavi; ejus liberalitatem ad hoc tempus, et hunc usum, reservavi. Clarissimus etiam dux Suffolciensis, cum mihi fovet, et elegantiam scribendi, qua ille prsestat, mihi quoque debet, banc postulationem meam apud matrem adjuvabit." Letter dated Nov. 11, 1550. " In the Cottonian Catalogue it is inaccurately described as a letter of Henry Grey duke of Suffolk. ^T. xin.] OJP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. lix octilis, eodem modo tuae Majestatis singularis et prope incredibilis benignitas usque adeo Education. fulget et splendescit, ut quamvis prsesens prsesentem externis meis luminibus non aspiciam, Schoolfellows. ea tamen mihi usque aut unquam mihi excidere nori possit. Neque enim minus lucescere judico tusB celsitudinis infirdtam bonitatem quam solis splendorem, nee magis capi ho- minum oculos solis fulgore qu&m aures omnium deliniri prseclarissimS, ilia tut. excel- lentise fama. Quoties igitur ad tuam immensam erga me homulum tuum benignitatem animum meum revoco, et in omnes mei officii partes penitus introspicio, horrescit quidem animus meus horrescit, ita ut horrescendo mira etiam jucimditate gestiat, eo me tua Ma*'^ et suavissimus candor simul rapiunt. Ex quo fit ut semper ante oculos versetur quibus sim ignominije verberibus excruciandus, si vel minimam officii me particulam negligentia prsetermiserim. Ipsa enim tanti sceleris conscientia animum meum perpetuo dilaniaret et mirum in modum torqueret, et maximfe si nunc tarn accommodatse ad meum offioium perficiendum occasioni non in frontem occurrerem. Quocirca ipse rumor qui vere apud nos sparsus fiierat de adventu domini Checi mihi summam attulit jucunditatem, et ad has literas scribendas animum meum, jampridem erectum ac paratum, vi impulit, si vis dicenda sit qusB ab ipsa voluntate proficiscitur. Defluunt prseterea ab illo tarn nobihtato fonte et omnium sermonibus celebrate, nempe tu^ serenitate, alia qusedam instrumenta, vel potius incitamenta, ad officii mei recordationem, quando intra tui divini animi Hmites compingi video, qusecunque egregia ex majorum monumentis singulis principibus attri- buta esse lectione assidui, colligo. Nam ab ips§, ineunte setate ad hoc usque tempus ilia admiranda bonitas pro ratione setatis tanquam ab ipsa naturS, accepta referres, una tecum crevit, et ut consenescas quam maximfe in meis optatis est. Quemadmodum enim alcu- mistici ex bis birds dementis jam diu frustra quintam nescio quam essentiam omnium perfectissimam eHcere conati sunt, ita quod iUi nullo studio aut arte efficere valuerunt, parens omnium Deus, si quid sit in hominum naturi ad conservandos homines eximium, tale qidddam in tua Majestate facile nobis expedisse videtur. Neque enim tua singularis lenitas impunitatem scelestis viris imponit, neque severitas innocentium animos a tui admiratione alienare potest. Illam igitur laudem quam Cicero sibi tanquam sue jure vindicabat, a Cicerone ad tuam Ma'°" merito transferri posse mihi videtur. Cicero enim, studio honoris inflammatus, plus sibi arrogavit quim Veritas patiebatur. Affirmavit enim naturam lenitatis personam ilH imposuisse, patriam severitatis, et rectfe qmdem suo judicio : docet enim eum qui semel verecimdiffi fines transgressus esset, bene et naviter impediendum esse oportere. At contra tuse Majestatis modestia, quse mirum in modum omnibus probata est, hanc sibi laudem debitam quidem ad se trahit. Sed dum hsBC apud me evolvam, non possimi gaudiis meis finem imponere. Congratulor enim tibi, 6 Britannia. Jam enim usu venire in te cerno, quod ssspius a Platone de Reip. faelicitate accepi, qui docet earn demum voKirdav hSaifiovkaTaTriv I'lvai in qak aut reges philosophi sint aut phUosophi reges sint. Sed nostram fselicitatem non possum satis admirari, quibus et regum ^iXoo-o^draros et philosophorum PaaiXiKoTaroc imperat. Jam vero tuam Majestatem Ix BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [A.D. 1550. Education, hisce meis nugis a gravioribus rebus diutius detinere nolo. Quocirca a Deo optimo Schoolfellows, maximoque vehementer peto, ut in sul tuteli, tuam Majestatem suscipiat. TusB Ma"' humilhmus servus, H. Suffolk. {The signature partly cut away.) Cantabrigise, xxij. Maij. Directed, — Edwardo Sexto regi potentissimo ac domino suo colendissimo. Earl of Hertford. Next in rank to the duke of Suffolk among the comrades of the youthful monarch was the earl of Hertford, the son and heir apparent of the lord protector. The duke of Somerset's children were divided into two families, placed respectively in very different positions. Whilst those » of his first wife Katharine Fillol were deprived, by legal settlements, even of the greater part of their mother's inherit- ance : those of the living duchess (Anne Stanhope), so long as their father retained his power, enjoyed all the estimation attached to the highest grade of nobility. It was suspected that the duke of Somerset entertained a project of matching his royal nephew with his third daughter lady Jane Seymour .'' Edward, the eldest son of the second marriage, bore the courtesy title of Earl of Hertford. He was born in 1539, less than two years after the King his cousin; and, before his father's disgrace, he received from Edward two very flattering letters, in which his amiability and his love of learning were alike complimented in the highest terms. ° In 1550 he went as a hostage to France, at considerable expense to the King;'^ * The children of the first wife were John and Edward. The former, John Seymour esquire, died in Dec. 1552, and was buried in the chapel of the Savoy hospital, leaving his estates to his only brother of the whole blood, who was then styled sir Edward Seymour, having been knighted in 1547 at Musselburgh, when he was eighteen. He was subsequently sir Edward Seymour of Berry Pomeroy, the lineal ancestor of the present ducal house of Somerset, and died in 1593. Before his father's disgrace he was certainly styled "lord Edward" (see pp. 236, 274, of the present volume) ; but I have not met with the name of his elder brother as " lord John." There was a John Seymour, clerk of the lower house of parliament during the reign of Edward VI. ; but it is presumed that that officer must have been a different person. There was also a John Seymour elected to parliament for Reading (see pp. 354, 355, 368). *> See p. 361 of the present volume. ' See Letters XLV. and LIT. at pp. 42, 52. " On the 7th May Frauncis Newdigate (his father's steward, and subsequently his step- father), received " by way of gift toward the charges, of the furniture of the earl of Hertford, ij c. marks" (MS. Reg. 18 C. XXIV. f 676) ; and on the 4th July the duke received a further sum of 245Z. 16*. Zd. on the same account. See the note in p. 252, and also those in pp. 253, 259, 262. iET. xm.j OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. Lxi and in May 1551 we find him heading, one party of competitors, whilst the King Education. led the other, at a challenge of running at the ring,'' held in Greenwich park. Schoolfellows. Before the end of that year his juvenile career as a courtier was cut short : by the attainder of his father he lost his rank and title, and was thenceforward styled " sir Edward Seymour" only (being a knight of the Bath), until created a peer as Earl of Hertford after the accession of Elizabeth. Towards the close of 1552 we find him with his two younger brothers'" in the house of the marquess of Win- chester, who together with the high office of lord treasurer held also that of master of the wards ; subsequently his wardship was granted to the great enemy of his house, the duke of Northumberland. Lord Henry Seymour, the next son, was one year younger than the earl of Lord Henry Hertford ; Edward, " the youngest, was a child of only four years at his father's ^^ death. The next of the hostages sent to France, George lord Talbot, afterwards sixth Lord Talbot. ^ See p. 317. i" In a remarkable letter addressed to Calvin on the 13th Nov. 1582, Thomas Norton, the schoolmaster of the duke of Somerset's sons, gives an interesting account of the disposition of the duke's children, both daughters and sons, whilst the duchess their mother still remained in the Tower. After naming "Edward, his son and heir, thirteen years old, and as it were the living image of his father," and " his two brothers, Henry and Edward, the latter five years old, and the other twelve," Norton states that they were then residing, as the King's wards, in the house of the marquess of Winchester. " They are liberally educated, and have no other attendants or governors but those to whom they were entrusted by their father in his lifetime. Philip Gilgate, a worthy gentleman, is their governor, and I retain my old oiBce of instruct- ing them." Zurich Letters, Second series, p. 341 (where the editor's notes on the two Edwards are both in error). •■ See the birth and christening of lord Edward Seymour, the King being his godfather, noticed at p. 61 of the present volume. Collins (Peerage, 1779, i. 162) states that he "died, unmarried, a knight, in 1574;" but if he had survived to Elizabeth's time he would surely have been styled "lord Edward," as his brother was "lord Henry.'' With regard to the strange circumstance of the duke of Somerset having three living sons all named Edward, it is perhaps unparalleled in English genealogies ; but there are many instances, both in earlier times and in those of which we are treating, of the same Christian name being given to two living sons, the imposition of more than one name in baptism, which might have distinguished the parties, npt having been as yet adopted. The duke of Northumberland had two sons alike named Henry. John White, bishop of Winchester 1556, and sir John White, alderman of London, were brothers ; and John Leland, the antiquary, had a brother of the same name. Thomas Cavendish, of the King's exchequer, who died 15 Hen. VIII. had two sons named George. k Ixii BIO&RAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1550. Education. Schoolfellows. Lord Fitzwarine. Lord Maltravers. earl of Shrewsbury, was probably some years older than Prince Edward,* and nothing has been found to show that they were companions. John Bourchier, lord Fitzwarine, was the son and heir apparent of John earl of Bath, the duchess of Somerset's maternal uncle ; but the earl was not a nobleman that was brought prominently forward during the reign of Edward the Sixth, as he was an adherent to the faith of Rome.'' Henry lord Maltravers was the only son of the earl of Arundel, who was one of the few representatives of the ancient nobility of England that still stood their ground in the Tudor age. The earl was himself a great patron of literature, and he gave a learned education both to his son and to his two daughters — Mary duchess of Norfolk and Jane lady Lumley.*" Ascham in his "Schoolmaster,'' written in 1564, has the following passage : If King Edward had lived a little longer, his only example had bred such a race of worthy learned gentlemen as this realm never yet did afford ; and, in the second degree, two noble primroses of nobility, the duke of Suffolk and lord Henry Matrevers, were two such examples to the court for learning as our time may rather wish than looke for A contemporary biography of the Earl of Arundel confirms this statement, with further particulars : — " Earl Gilbert, his second son, was born in 1553 ; therefore earl George was married in 1551, or before. Pedigree in Hunter's Hallamshire, p. 44. »> His politics were at length decidedly manifested at the death of King Edward, when he took an active part in support of the title of the lady Mary. See such particulars as are known of him in Gage's History of Hengrave. Mr. Gage (p. 132) states, that lord Fitzwarine was one of the knights of the Bath made at the coronation of queen Mary ; but such was not the case. It appears by the list of Edward's knights that " The duke of Lunenburg [was] dubbed at Westminster the 17 of Nov. a" 3 of the Kinges reigne, and with him these fyve followinffe, Lord Fitzwarin, son and heir of the earl of Bath, sir [Nicholas] Pelham, sir Ambrose Dudley [afterwards earl of Warwick], sir John Parrett, and sir Thomas Russell." (MS. Cotton. Claudius, C. in.) The original letter of the council to the earl of Bath (mentioned in the note at p. 252 hereafter), summoning lord Fitzwarine to become one of the hostages to France, is printed in Gage's Hengrave, at p. 131. ' Both these young ladies— the former of whom died at the age of sixteen, but not before she had given birth to Philip afterwards earl of Arundel, are commemorated in Ballard's Me- moirs of British Ladies, and in Walpole's Royal and Noble Authors, in consequence of their exercise-books, consisting of translations from the Greek, being still preserved in the Royal collection of Manuscripts. See a full description of the books in question attached to the Life of Henry earl of Arundel, 1834, p. 26 : where also will be found an exposition of the numerous ^T. xinj OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. lyiji His only sonne, the lorde Matrevers, who in his tyme was worthely estemed the paragon Education of this realme, not exceding the age of 18 yeares, did excell in all manner of good Schoolfellows. learninge and languages, in all activities on horsbacke and on foote, and in his behaviour was a most rights courtier, to the honour of this realme; who, being but of those yeares, was sent ambassadour to Maximilian the kinge of Boemia, into the Lowe Country, wheare, throughe a hot burninge fever, he ended this life." This happened during the reign of Mary, in the year 1556. In Edward's court this young nobleman was only a boy, very nearly of the same age with the King, and he was consequently not more than ten when he officiated at the coro- nation banquet in 1549 as Chief Butler of England, an office hereditary in his family, and which was on that occasion deputed to him because his father served as High Constable.'' At the same period, whilst his father continued lord chamberlain, the lord Maltravers may very probably have been classed among the King's companions ; but when Arundel was sequestered from office, early in 1550,° the lord Maltravers would also be withdrawn from the court, and subsequently, when his father was a prisoner in the Tower, we find that the son was placed under some restraint, in the custody of sir Richard Sackville. d errors, in reference to this family group, committed in the last edition of Walpole's work, by Mr. Park — among others, that of giving, instead of a memoir of John lord Lumley, the hus- band of lady Jane Arundel, one of his grandfather of the same name. » Life of Henry earl of Arundel, K.G. edited by John Gough Nichols. 1834. 8vo. p. 18. I" " At the King's return to England (from Boulogne) he called this earle more nearer him, and maid him his Lord Chamberlaine about his person, in which oflSce he continued duringe the Kinges life ; who at his death maid him also one of his executors. After whose death he re- mained in the same office about King Edward his sonne, and served him at his coronation in place of Highe Constable of England, supplying the same to the honour of himselfe, and of the place which he did use, albeit that by byrth he was Cheefe Butler of England, a place of service both for honour and costlye chardges sufficient, which that day was supplied by the lorde Matreevers, his lordship's eldest sonne, for therein consisted not only the chardge of the cup bord, but allso the service of the hall, beinge Westminster halle, thorougoutly set that' day, which was onely waited uppon by the earles servants in his own liverey, gentlemen and yeomen, being fower hundreth and fiftye servitours in number." Life (as before), p. 4. ' See p. 245. ■i " 29 May, 1552. A lettre to sir Richarde Sakevile knight, that, in respect of the heate of the yere drawing on, he may sende the lorde Matravers to some howse of hys in the countrie where he shall thinke meete." (Privy-council Register.) The reign of Mary, and the ascendancy of Arundel as one of her chief councillors, seemed to open a fresh prospect of aggrandisement to this very ancient and highly distinguished house. In the despatches of the k2 Ixiv BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [A.D. 1550. Education. Schoolfellows. John Lord Lumley. In connection with the Arundel family it will not be out of place to introduce the name of John lord Lumley, who, after the death of lord Maltravers, to a great extent occupied his place, as the husband of Arundel's only surviving child.* He pursued his education in the earl's family, and among his early literary tasks was a translation of " the Golden Boke, which techethe the Instruction of a Christen Prince, and the dyligent governance of his subjectes," which was one of the essays of the great Erasmus. '' We have seen that lord Lumley was one of the four young lords resident at court at the time of the King's death. He retained his literary tastes throughout a long life ; and the Royal Library, imperial ambassadors (as given by Mr. Tytler) occur tie following passages : " Paget has importunately pressed Courtenay to marry the lady Elizabeth : adding that, if he did not listen to this, the son of the earl of Arundel would marry her." (Montmorency and Kenard to the emperor, 4 June, 1554.) Again, " Many surmise that there exists a plot and conspiracy, of which the earl of Arundel, Pembroke, and Paget are chiefs, to whom the chancellor (Gardiner) and others of the council do not give great heed, and it is held that all is done to marry the eldest son of the said earl of Arundel with the lady Elizabeth." (Simon Kenard to the emperor, 14 June.) However, the earl would soon find — supposing there was any foundation for this report — that such a project could not be safely pursued, the lady Elizabeth herself being shortly after withdrawn from the court, and even carried to the Tower ; and, probably in the course of the next year, an alliance was formed for the lord Maltravers with Anne, widow of sir Hugh Rich, K.B. (second son of lord chancellor Rich), and the only child and heiress of sir John Wentworth, of Gosfield in Essex : of which lady see further in the Life, &c. of the Earl, p. 19. By lord Maltravers's death at Bruxelles, in the summer of 1556, the male line of the house of Arundel failed ; for, though the old earl survived him for more than twenty years, tantalised at one time, if we may believe Camden, with a visionary ambition of himself marrying "the lady" now queen Elizabeth, yet he was the last of his race, and on his decease in 1579 his earldom passed to the house of Howard, in right of his elder daughter. A Latin poem on the death of the lord Maltravers is among the Poemata of doctor Walter Haddon, at p. 97. There is a whole-length portrait of him at Arundel castle, painted shortly before his death, it is supposed by Lucas de Heere. a The earl of Arundel had also a step-son, John RadcliflFe, son of his second wife by her former husband, Robert first earl of Sussex, K.G. This young man pursued his studies with the earl of Arundel's children, and among the Royal MSS. (12 A. III.) is a book upon Alex- ander Severus, the joint production of his sister Mary Arundell and him, written for a, new year's gift to the earl of Arundel. Another volume (7 D. X.) is a Latin translation, by John Radcliffe, of queen Katharine's Prayers, prefaced by a dedication to his step-father. He was knighted at the coronation of King Edward, and died in 1568 ; see Life of the Earl of Arundel, pp. 28, 32 ; and the Collectanea Topogr. et Geneal. vol. ii. p. 314. b " A certaine treatise cauled the institution of a christen prince or ruler, collected by Eras- mus of Rotherodame." At the close, "Here endethe the golden boke, which techethe the MT. xni.] OP KIN& EDWARD THE SIXTH. IxV (now in the British Museum,) to which his collection of books (after certain Educatiox. portions had been given to the university of Cambridge and the Bodleian library,) Schoolfellows. was added by Henry Prince of Wales," still contains many volumes, both printed and manuscript, that are inscribed with the name of Lumley, as well as with that of his father-in-law Arundel. The earl of Derby was one of the great peers whose wealth made them inde- Lord Strange. pendent of court favour ; but whose alliance was a matter of competition with the statesmen who took a more active part in the government of the country. His son and heir Henry lord Strange was evidently one of the King's associates in the first year of his reign, when we find him sent to Cowdray to act as the King's proxy at the christening of a son of sir Anthony Browne.'' He was subsequently contracted in marriage with the lady Margaret Seymour, second daughter of the duke of Somerset : " but when Somerset was overwhelmed by his enemies, the lord Strange, as the King himself has recorded in his Journal, In a letter written by Ascham in 1549 on the part of the university of Cambridge to the earl of Warwick, that nobleman's care in the education of his children is thus complimented : "Et animum tuum mirifice inflammari literarum amore vel hinc certe perspicimus, quod tantam curara suscipis tibi in educandis omnibus filiis tuis, potissimum vero in nobilissimi patris nobilissimo filio tuo domino de Lysle ; nee apud te prius quicquam est, quam ut claritas generis, et fortuna3 dignitas, splendore literarum indies illustraretur." Again, in a letter written at a much later date to Robert Dudley, then earl of Leicester, Ascham repeats the same sentiments, and upon similar grounds : " Quoniam amorem literarum omnino habes hsereditarium, pater enim, licet ipse ineruditus, tamen eruditorum studiosissimus fuit. Quod etiam in eo satis apparuit, quia in meipso, cilm doctrinam non posset, tamen umbram doc- trinse quandam magni fecit. Deinde, frater natu major Joannes Varvicensis (the lord Lysle of the former passage,) ita disciplinarum amore fuit incensus, ut illis omnia prope alia post- haberet. Et licet facultate dissimili, tamen simili studio et affectu, est tuus qui nunc est Varvicensis (Ambrose earl of Warwick), qui nullos libentius audire solet qukm quos sapere plus et intelligere putat quilm alios. De te nihil, prsesertim ad te, tantum hoc ad extremum apponam, cilm te Deus longfe supra communem hominum conditionem evexerit, tibi dandam esse operam, primiim ut Deo, k quo sunt omnia, supplices et servias assidufe, deinde ut illam omnium rerum undique scientiam oolligas, qua principi quod debes oflicium et patriaB persolvas." ii " The Arte of Rhetorique, for the use of all suche as are studious of Eloquence, sette forthe in English, by Thomas Wilson," in Jan. 1553, was dedicated " To the right honorable lorde, John Dudley, lorde Lisle, earle of Warwicke, and Maister of the horse to the Kynges Maiestie." See Dibdin's Ames, iii. 580. •■ See p. 409. ^ See p. 338. ' The earl of Warwick relinquished this ofBce to lord Robert (with the yearly fee of xxxiijli. vjs. viijd.) on taking that of master of the horses. (MS. Reg. 18 C.XXIV. f. 211.) ^T. xm.J OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. Ixvii Henry lord Hastings, afterwards the third earl of Huntingdon, was certainly Education. one of the King's companions, as we learn from an anecdote related by himself on Schoolfellows. the report of dr. Fuller.^ He was about two years older than Edward :" and his ^^°^^. near cousin," his mother being a Pole, a niece of Reginald the cardinal. astings. Of the same kindred was Henry lord StafFord,d son and heir of the last LordStafford. duke of Buckingham, beheaded by Henry VHI. in 1521 : his wife being another • That relating to the King's prayers for the recovery of sir John Cheke (cited hereafter), which was attested to sir Thomas Cheke, " by the old earl of Huntingdon, bred up in his childhood with King Edward." *> Being twenty-six years of age when he succeeded his father in 1561. •= The duke of IJorthumberland, in order to strengthen his alliances, procured lord Hastings for his daughter the lady Katharine Dudley, and they were married at the same time as lord Guilford Dudley espoused the lady Jane Grey. This led to the temporary imprisonment of lord Hastings and his father at the accession of Mary; but they were soon released, for the earl of Arundel, when he took Northumberland to the Tower, discharged Hastings, and brought him away with him. Subsequently, in Elizabeth's time, earl Henry's royal blood excited that jealousy which was its almost infallible reflection. With a natural alarm, he anxiously dis- avowed any ambitious views. See a remarkable letter of his addressed in 1563 to his brother- in-law lord Robert Dudley, printed in Nichols's History of Leicestershire, vol. iii. p. 583. ^ "Henricus Staflforde, Edwardi illustrissimi BuckingamiEe duels nobilissimus filius et dominus de Stafford dictus, vir multarum rerum ac disciplinarum notici^ ornatus, e Latino in Anglicum sermonem eleganter vertit Utrmsque potestatis differentiam. Lib. 1. Quem librum Edwardus Foxius, Herefordensis episcopus, edidisse fertur. Obiit anno Domini 1558, quo ista congessimus." (Bale's Scriptores, edit. 1557, pars ii. p. 112.) The book here mentioned was entitled " The true dyiferens betwen the Regall Power and the Ecclesiasticall Power. Translated out of Latyn by Henry lord Stafforde." 12mo, printed by WiUiam Copland. In the dedication, which is addressed to the duke of Somerset when protector, occurs the following passage : " Yet lyke as the temple of God in Hierusalem was begon by Davyd, and fynyshed by Salamon, so many kindes of superstiticion wer abolished by the sayd good kyng [Henri the eyght], and no fewer left to be reformed by hys gracyous and most lauful sonne, oure new soveraygne lorde Kynge Edward the syxt. By whose happy and blyssyd procedynge hytherto, it is evydent to the world that God is his guyd, directyng his passage to the parfectyon of al vertue and godlynes. A notable experyment wherof we have by the holsom and holy lawes that proceede from his grace in thys hys mynoryte and chyldhed, to the advauncement of Goddes worde and extyrpatyon of al hypocrisy and fals religyon. For the whych benefyte howmoche the realme of Englande is bounden to hys magesty my pen cannot suffycyentlye set it furth : But thys must al men confesse, that as long as the memory therof shal remayne, so long shal the honorable fame and prayses of his grace be fresshe and grene in al true Englyshmens hartes." Ixviii BIO&EAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1550. Education. Schoolfellows, Lord Thomas Howard. Lord Giles Poulet. Lord Mountjoy. daughter of sir Richard Pole, lord Montagu, and granddaughter of George duke of Clarence. He must have heen growing up to manhood whilst King Edward was yet a child; hut he appears to have heen sometimes at court, exhibiting, however, a studious turn of mind, and perhaps a depressed and retiring demean- our, to which the adverse fortunes of his house may well have disposed him.'* Under the name of "the lord Thomas Howard" we meet with the grandson and heir of another attainted duke; for this was evidently not Thomas afterwards viscount Bindon, who was really " lord Thomas Howard " at this period, but his nephew the son and heir of the attainted earl of Surrey, and who was the brother- in-law of his companion lord Lumley, and the husband of the elder daughter of the earl of Arundel. At King Edward's funeral he received blacks for eight servants, whilst the three other " young lords " were each attended by two only. The duke of Norfolk, his grandfather, remained a prisoner in the Tower through- out this reign ; but, upon his release, and before the act of his attainder had been made void by Mary's first parliament, " the lord Thomas " assumed his father's title, and at the coronation in 1553 appeared as earl of Surrey, being then made a knight of the Bath, and executing his grandfather's office of Marshal of England. At the death of his grandfather in 1554 he was only eighteen years of age. His subsequent history in the reign of Elizabeth is well known. The lord Giles Poulet was the fourth son of the lord treasurer. His age does not appear, nor do the peerages afford any other particulars of his history but such as are of a genealogical nature. James fifth lord Mountjoy, the last of the " four young lords " who walked in the King's funeral procession, had succeeded his father in 1545. Very little is » Roger Aseham, in a letter to William Ireland, fellow of St. John's college at Cambridge, written from Cheshuut on the 8th July, 15—, tells his friend : " I was lately in the court with the King's majesty ; when I saw in the bedchamber of my lord of Somerset many noblemen, with whom my lord Stafford has much intercourse when at court. The conversation I over- heard was on the most trifling matters. Oh these unhappy men ! methought ; and oh our most happy lord Stafford, who now at Cambridge is conversing with Cicero on the weightiest sub- jects, and such as are really worthy of a sensible man." Aseham in the same letter alludes to lord Stafford having served in the expedition to Boulogne. The year in which the letter was written is not stated, but it is while the rebellions were going on, probably in 1549. Bale, in the passage quoted in the preceding note, states that lord Stafford died in 1558 : but he is supposed to have survived until 1562. Henry his eldest son and successor died in 1566, s. p. ; Edward his younger son, and the next lord Stafford, lived until 1603. (Courthope's Historic Peerage of England, 1857, p. 443.) There is an article on lord Stafford in Walpole's Royal and Noble Authors', edit. Park, vol. ii. p. 4. XT. xni.] OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. Ixix known of his personal history; but it may here be mentioned that, during his Education. father's Hfetime, Roger Ascham was invited to become his tutor, (on the recom- Schoolfellows. mendation of John Redman, of Cambridge,) but declined from his being then engaged in the service of archbishop Lee.* A young Irish nobleman, of high rank, was classed among King Edward's Earl of comrades. This was James Butler, tenth earl of Ormonde, whom his father sent '^™°" ^' over from Ireland for this special object in May 1544;'' and who, at the time of his father's death in October, 1546, was certainly resident in the Prince's court. But a second young nobleman of Ireland became the greatest favourite of all the Barnaby King's companions. This was Barnaby Fitzpatrick, the son and heir of Barnaby ^*^P^*"'' • lord of Upper Ossory, and a cousin of the earl of Ormonde. Several pages of the present volume" form the record of their friendship, in the affectionate and gracious letters addressed by Edward to Barnaby, and in the intelligent replies ■ See Ascham's Epistolae, xlvii. xi-vm. i" James earl of Ormonde and Ossory to King Henry, from Dublin, May 6, 1544: " Like a at my laste being with your Excellency, I made humble peticion to your Majestic that my sou and heier might attende apou my lorde Prince's grace, and be brought up in his right noble courte, wherunto your Highnes moste graciously assented, so at this tyme I have sente him thither, comytting him with my self to your Majesties most noble disposition." (State Papers, iii. 496.) The father was poisoned in London, 17th Oct. 1546. In a codicil to his will then made he names his " sonne and heyre being in the Prince's grace's court." The young earl was then fourteen, and therefore five years older than the Prince. Edward mentions the family in one of his letters to Barnaby Fitzpatrick : see p. 65. The dowager countess was re-married to sir Francis Bryan, knight marshal of Ireland ; and Richard Butler, brother to the murdered earl, was in 1550 created viscount Mountgarret. In a letter written from Oxford on St. Martin's day (Nov. 11), 1550, by John ab Ulmis, and addressed to Henry BuUinger, he says, " The earl of Ireland, a youth of the same age with the King, is very fond of you, and salutes you, as do likewise Skinner and Wullock, men of exceeding learning and piety.'' (Zurich Letters, iii. 423.) And in a second letter written from London about April following, John ab Ulmis tells Bullinger : " The earl of Ireland ordered me to return to him this morning ; but when I arrived at his lodgings he was said to have been summoned to the King : your salutation was indeed very gratifying to him." (Ibid, p. 429.) In the former page the editor, in his note, states that this Comes Hibernice was Barnaby Fitzpatrick, "afterwards made baron of Upper Ossory by queen Elizabeth," following an error of Bishop Burnet, whereas in fact Barnaby's father had been made a baron by Henry VIII. ; but, as Barnaby himself was in 1550 not even a baron, it may be confidently presumed that the Irish earl in question was the earl of Ormonde. ' S6e pp. 63 — 93. For biographical notices of Barnaby see both the introduction and the close of the series. / Ixx BIOaRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1550. Education, which describe the adventures of the young Irishman in France,* whither he was Schoolfellows, ggjj^ „ ^Q ig^^jj fashions and manners, for the better serving of the King's majesty at his return." ^ Fuller has asserted, with respect to Barnaby : — He was Prince Edward's proxy for correction, though, we may presume, seldom suf- fering in that kind— such was the Prince's general innocency and ingenuity to learn his book. Yet when such execution was done, as Fitzpatrick was beaten for the Prince, the Prince was beaten in Fitzpatrick, so great an affection did he bear to his servant. (Church History of Britain, book vii. sect. 1, par. 47.) Breeching And this conducts us to a subject which is involved in some obscm-ity, as it iZgboT'''^' i"ests rather upon traditional than historical evidence. It is stated in this pre- sumptive or legendary way, that whenever the Prince deserved chastisement, he was not chastised in person, but another victim was substituted in his room : an » The latter are now edited for the first time : see the Preface. Among the published Epistolee of Roger Ascham is the following addressed to Barnaby, in which the place that prcE ceteris he held in the King's regard is specially alluded to. This letter appears to have accompanied a book, of which other copies were sent to the King and to the rest of his most noble fellowship — ad Regiam Majestaiem, et reliquum ilium nohilissimum chorum ; but Ascham is not recorded to have printed any book during Edward's reign. Clarissimo Juveni Barruihee Fitzpatrihe. Quanquam intelligo, quo ardore ad literarum cognitionem incensus es, clarissime Barnaba, te tamen etiam aliquid commovere meis Uteris institui, vel quia tu ita rogasti, et ego ipse prsesens coram me sic facturum recepi. Et cum multse res sunt, quas te ad studium dootrinae commovere multiun possunt, summa ingenii tui indoles, tempestivaa setatis opportunitas, prse- clara industriaa spea, locus iste quern pr£e ceteris apud Regiam Majestatem tenes, et prseceptorum tuorum excellens doctrina, cilm hsec quidem singula plurimum possint, ne ea tamen universa tantum debent te excitare, quantum splendor ille ingenii, studii, virtutis, et literarum qui in illustrisslmo principe nostro Edvardo, te indies inspectante, eminet et ellucet. Majorem indus- triam, perfectius exemplum, clariorem laudis spem, propouere tibi ipsi non potes. Sat dixi, omnia dixi, qus vel tu ad laudem, vel ego ad imitationem tibi constituere queam. PoUicitus es te rescripturum mihi ; quod facies, vel ut liberes fidem tuam, vel ut declares quElm bene scribis, et qukm diligenter studes. Tabellarium aptiorem, qukm qui has perfert literas, requirere non potes. Misi exemplaria ad Regiam Majestatem, et reliquum ilium nohilissimum chorum. Faxit Christus ut divus Edvardus laude patrem, doctrina prseceptores, annis et felicitate preces Anglorum suorum superet! Et Christus te novo indies virtutis, eruditionis, et nobilitatis cumulo adaugeat! 1" Note of King Edward's letter introducing him to the French King in MS. Keg. 18 C. XXIV. fol. 157. XT. xin.J OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. Ixxi arrangement at first view ridiculous and absurd,* but which still appears to have Education. been occasionally regarded as a " well-devised policie," and accordingly acted Sreeching- upon, at least to a partial extent.^ Dr. Croke, in his expostulation with Wolsey " At an earlier period of our history than the Tudor dynasty, it was not thought wise to exempt an infant monarch from salutary punishment. In a very curious document, the writ of privy seal, by which Richard earl of Warwick and Albemarle was in 1428 appointed tutor and governor of King Henry the Sixth, there is a special clause authorising reasonable restraint and chastisement, " in the same manner as it had been customary to restrain and chastise other princes of like age, as well in this kingdom as elsewhere." The words of the original are as follow : " Et si, quod futurum non speravimus (the King himself is supposed to be writing,) nos addiscere contempserimus, seu delictum vel offensam commiserimus contra traditionem seu praeceptum consanguinei nostri supradicti, eo casu ad nos rationabiliter coercendum et casti- gandum, de tempore in tempus, secundum ipsius consanguinei nostri avisamentum et discre- tionem, modo (videlicet) quo alios similis atatis principes, tam in hoc regno nostro quJtm alibi, hactenus coerceri consuetum est aut castigari." (Rymeri Foedera, &c. tom. x. p. 399.) In ordinary schools, it will be recollected, the punishments rather inclined to severity and excess. In the sixteenth century Solomon's maxim. Qui parcit virgam odit filium, was reli- giously believed in ; and it was the motto of many of the new Protestant grammar-schools. Nor was it much otherwise in the succeeding age : although our admirable friend Puller, in his character of " The good schoolmaster,'' published in 1648, describes him as " moderate in inflicting deserved correction,'' but at the same time " he is, and will be known to be, an absolute monarch in his school. If cockering mothers proffer him money to purchase their sonnes an exemption from his rod — to live as it were in a peculiar out of their master's juris- diction — with disdain he refuseth it, and scorns the late custome in some places of commuting whipping into money, and ransoming boy es from the rod at a set price." (The Holy State.) An anecdote is told of Louis XIV. that when in his intercourse with the accomplished society of France, he sometimes felt his own deficiencies, he would upbraid the foolish indulgence that had left his youth without discipline, and passionately exclaim, "Was there not birch enough in the forest of Fontainebleau when I was a boy ? " King George the Third adopted a different system, and dr. Croly has described the discipline maintained in his numerous family as having been " almost that of a public school," when conducted under the superintendence of archbishop Markham and dr. CyrU Jackson. " How would your Majesty wish to have the princes treated ? " was Markham's inquiry of the King. " Like the sons of any private English gentleman," was the manly and sensible answer ; " if they deserve it, let them be flogged ; do as you used to do at Westminster." ' In Samuell Rowly's historical play on Henry the Eighth, first printed in 1605, this vicarious system of punishment is exemplified in a long scene, and especially commended as u, " well devised policie." As I have before mentioned in p. liv., the author is not accurate in the selection of his dramatis peraoruB, as he makes a marquesse of Dorset the playfellow of Prince Edward, Cranmer his schoolmaster, and doctor Tye his lecturer in music. Edward Browne, one of the children of the chapel, is the scape-goat or " breeching-boy." The scene com- mences thus — 12 Ixxii BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIK [a.d. 1550. Education. Sreeching- hoy. respecting the insubordination that had arisen in his school at Sheriff-Hutton, complains that Cotton the duke of Richmond's gentleman-usher had carried his Enter Cranmer, Cranmer. Brovme. Cranmer. Browne. Cranmer. Browne, Cranmer. Servant. Cranmer. Browne. Cranmer. Tye. doctor Tye, and young Browne meets tJiem with the Princess clodke and hat. How now, young Browne, what have you there ? The Prince's cloake and hat, my lord. Where is his Grace ? At tennis, with the marquesse Dorset. YoU and the marquesse draw the Prince's mind To follow pleasure and neglect his booke, For which the King blames us : but, oredite me. You shall be soundly paid immediately. I pray ye, good my lord ! lie goe call the Prince away. Nay, now you shall not. Who's within there, ho ! My lord ? Go bear this yongster to the chapel strait. And bid the Maister of the Children whip him well. The Prince will not learn, sir, and you shall smart for it. Oh, good my lord ! Ee make him ply his book to-morrow. That shall not serve your turne. Away, I say ! So, sir, this policie was well devised ; Since he was whipt thus for the Prince's faults, His Grace hath got more knowledge in a moneth, Than he attained in a yere before ; For still the fearful! boy, to save his breech, Dothe hourely haunte him wheresoere he goes. 'Tis true, my lord, and now the Prince perceives it. As loath to see him punisht for his faultes. Plies it of purpose to redeeme the boy, &c. Then succeeds some badinage between Browne and Will Somers, the King's fool; after which the Prince and the young Marquess enter with their rackets, and, on seeing Browne, the former says — Prince. Why how now, Browne, what's the matter ? Browne. Your Grace loiters, and will not ply your book, and your tutors has whipt me for it. Prince. Alas, poore Ned, I am sorry for it. I'll take the more pains, and intreat my tutors for thee : yet in truth the lectors they read me last night out of Virgil and Ovid I am perfect in, onelie I confesse I am something behind in my Greek authors. WUl. And for that speech they have declinde it uppon his breech. Prime. And for my logick, thou shalt witnesse thyself I am perfect ; for now will I prove that, though thou wert whipt for me, yet this whipping was good for thee. ^T. xiii.J OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. Ixxiii interference so far as even to withdraw from the pedagogue's power those boys by Education. whose punishment it was necessary to deter his princely pupil from the repetition Breeching- of his faults.* °^' After chopping some logic on the virtues of the rod, the Prince again condoles with the boy: — Prince. In truth, I pity thee, and inwardly I feel the stripes thou barest, and for thy sake, Ned, He plie my book the faster. In the meane time thou shalt not say but the Prince of Wales will honourably reward thy service. Come, Browne, kneele downe ! Will. What ! wilt thou knight him, Ned ? Prince. I will ; my father has knighted many a one that never shedde droppe of blood for him ; but hee has often for me. The King then comes in, and the scene is still prolonged, during which Will Somers declares that Browne had " been lasht for this two yeere," for the sake of the Prince's learning ; and the King asserts that Browne's father " is a gallant knight as any these south parts of England holds : '■ which shows that the breeching-boy was supposed to be one of good birth. His Majesty confirms sir Edward Browne's knighthood, and grants him a thousand marks a year to support his new dignity. Shakspere seems to allude to the distinction made between aristocratic and inferior scholars, both in the matter of punishment and in confinement to their tasks, when in his " Taming of the Shrew " he makes Bianca say — " I am no breeching scholar in the schools, I'll not be tied to hours, nor 'pointed times. But learn my lessons as I please myself." — " where (as Mr. archdeacon Nares has remarked in his Glossary) with the license of the times, breeching is put for breechable, i. e. liable to be whipped." The first earl of Dysart, who was nephew to Thomas Murray, first preceptor and afterwards secretary to Charles the First, and is therefore likely to have shared in the studies of that prince, is reputed to have also served in the function of his " Whipping-Boy," according to two passages of Burnet's History of his Own Times, in one of which he is introduced as " William Murray of the bed-chamber, that had been Whipping-Boy to King Chrles the First, and upon that had grown up to a degree of favour and consequence that was very particular;" and in the second he is thus characterised : " Mr. Murray of the bedchamber had been page and Whipping-Boy to King Charles I. and had great credit with him, not only in procuring private favours, but in all his counsels. He was well tuned for a court, very insinuating, but very false, and of so revengeful a temper," &c. In France, at a still later period, a Whipping- Boy is said to have been maintained at Court, for Madame du Defiand (i. 345) when speaking of Louis XV. states that " Le roi dans son enfance avoit un petit hussar qu'on fouettait quand le roi n'avait pas bien dit sa lepon." ,. "pueros quorum metu domini errores coercere fuit necesse, non modo a me pro arbitrio abstraheret, sed illorum pariter atque principis negligentise patrocinaretur." On one occasion Cotton had sent a groom named Twyford to prevent the execution being done in the duke's presence, saying that it was "improper to unbreech boys before so great a prince : Ixxiv BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1550. Eddcation. Conrad Heresbach, also, has preserved a remarkable anecdote bearing upon this Breeching- pg-^j^ which he heard when ambassador in England » from the duke of Cleves. "^' It is to the following effect :^ that King Edward, by the bad advice of one of his juvenile companions, was once induced to adopt the use of such thundering oaths as he was told were appropriate to his sovereign dignity. On this being observed, an inquiry was made as to the origin of such a change in his behaviour ; where- upon he ingenuously confessed that one of his playfellows had given him instruc- tions in the right-royal accomplishment. When this had been ascertained, his masters took care to give the guilty boy a sharp whipping in the King's view, and to admonish the latter that he witnessed the appropriate recompense of such pre- sumption, bidding him to remember that he also had deserved the same punish- ment, and must therefore abstain from that excess for the future. Dr. Thomas Fuller, and after him bishop Burnet," and other historical writers, have asserted that Barnaby Fitzpatrick served as " Whipping-Boy " for King Edward : but, as I have already intimated, the whole matter is somewhat legendaiy, and though certain vicarious or rather minatory punishments may have been occasionally adopted, it does not seem likely that any one individual " ubi a me castigandi veniunt, mihi e manibus eripi a gromis, non absque minis, et his coram prinoipe expostulationibus, Quid tu nudaveris puerorum nates coram tanto principe ? non facies : abduc ergo (si velis) in cubiculum flagellandum hunc.'' Memoir of Henry Fitzroy, Duke of Richmond and Somerset, pp. xxxviii. xxxix. " This was in 1547. In the account of the treasurer of the chamber for April that year is an entry " To mouns' Conrard Herbaoh, who came from the duke of Cleves, by way of the Kinges reward, xlli." (MS. Trevelyan.) ^ " Laudanda hoc loco pietas serenissimi adolescentis Edouardi Anglise regis, psedia et gubernatorum prudens sedulitas, uti mihi, cum legatione ad regem fungerer, in auli relatum. Rex jam tum adolescens natura et institutione castissimis moribus et pudore virgineo ac regii plane indole. Cum 6 ootetaneis nobilioribus quidam ad jurandum, et ad ferociora verba regem hortaretur, sic inquiens decere regiam majestatem denotare ac juramentis fulminare. Ille, ut sunt puerorum ingenia ad quidvis imitandum prona, suum hortatorem secutus, ciim "k suis institutoribus deprehenderetur prajter consuetudinem juramentis et blasphemiis uti, rogatus ecquid sic prseter morem juraret atque insolenter loqueretur, ingenue confessus est suum coa3taneum docuisse sic decere loqui. Puerum igitur ilium, auctorem, in conspectu Regis eirgis acriter casttgarunt, Regemgue monuerunt, hanc esse hujus insolentice mercedem, atque vi meminerit ed se quoque commeruisse, quare deinceps abstineat ab ea insolentia." De Educandis Erudiendis- que Prinoipum Liberis, p. 56. ' History of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 462. I have not found the term whipping-boy used except by Burnet, and those who have quoted from him, either in this passage or in those of his " History of his Own Times," extracted in a preceding note. ^T. XIII.] OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. IxXV among the King's schoolfellows should have been uniformly selected, whether Education. he were in fault or not, as the \'ictim or scape-goat of the royal misde- ^''^^<'^^"^- meanours. It wUl here be not improper to notice, that besides " the young lords" who were TheHenchmeu. brought to the court for the express purpose that they might be the King's compa- nions, there was always a body of youths, of noble birth, who formed part of the ordinary estabhshment of the royal household, under the designation of the King's henchmen.a They were under the superintendence of a Master, which office was ' The derivation of the word henchmen has been very variously stated. Spelman in his Glossary derives it from the German hengst, a war-horse ; and dean Milles, in a note in the Archasologia, vol. i. 373, explains it as " an old English name for a page, or rather an equerry, derived from the Saxon word hengest, which signifies a horse :" but Minshew says expressly that " it is used for a man who goes on foot, attending upon a man of honour or great worship." Mr. Douce, however, found mounted henshmen in Chaucer : see Illustrations of Shakspeare, i. 189. Blount, in his Glossographia, asserts that henchman is a German word signifying a domestic; and Skinner derives it from Sax. hine, a servant. Bishop Percy, in the Northumberland Household Book, conjectured that it was applied to one who followed the haunch of his master ; the same etymology was adopted by judge Blackstone, and appeared to archdeacon Nares the most probable and simple. The manner in which the henchmen followed (like running footmen) about the King's horse, is represented in one of the large pictures of the time of Henry VIII. engraved by the Society of Antiquaries. They were discontinued by queen Elizabeth in 1565 : " Her highnes hathe of late, wherat some doo much marvell, dissolved the auncient office of the henchmen." (Letter of Francis Alen to the earl of Shrewsbury in Lodge's Illustrations of British History, i. 358.) For many years after they appeared in the lord mayor's show, so long as the chief magistrate rode on horseback ; and " my lord mayor's henchmen," or " henchboys," are named by several poets of the seventeenth century : see Nares's Glossary. That the royal henchmen were usually youths of high birth is shown by the following list from the Wardrobe-book of 1483 : " To seven of oure sayde souverain lorde the Kyngs henge- men, that is to wit, the lord Morley, Thomas Dacre, John Beaumont, John Barkley, Edward Welles, Thomas Baton, and John Croft." In the same record are mentioned "five hengemen of our lady the queen." In the college chapel at Eton is a memorial of Richard lord Grey of Wilton, henchman to Henry VIII. who died October 28, 1521 (see the Archseologia, vol. xxxii. p. 58) ; and sir Thomas Cheyne, K.G. who died in 1558, had also been a henchman to king Henry. These, young courtiers were often in the way of promotion. Leland tells us that " Turwhit now being yn the courte, (date a haunchman, hath maried the heir generale of the eldest house of the Oxenbridges of Southsax, by whom he shaul have 14011. landes by yere. This yonge Turwhit is sun and heir to olde Turwhites son of Lincolnshire." (Itinerary, iv. 19.) He was afterwards sir Robert Tyrwhitt. (See p. 60 of the present volume.) When queen Elizabeth no longer maintained the corps of henchmen, a court education as Ixxvi BIOGEAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1550. Education, filled in this reign by sir George Howard ;» his deputy was called their Yeoman;'' The Henchmen. ^^^ ^hey had also a Schoolmaster." The names of those who walked as hench- page to a nobleman was still esteemed highly desirable, and there is a passage in Ben Jonson's play of " The New Inn," in which its advantages are set forth : which, by a line Of institution from our ancestors Hath been derived down to us, and received In a succession, for the noblest way Of brushing up our youth in letters, arms. Fair mien, discourses civil, exercise. And all the blazon of a gentleman ! Where can he learn to vault, to ride, to fence. To move his body gracefully, to speak The language pure, or to turn his mind Or manners more to the harmony of nature, Than in these nurseries of nobility ? do they not still Learn thus the centaur's skill, the art of Thrace, To ride ? or, PoUux' mystery, to fence ? The Pyrrhic gestures, both to stand and spring In armour, to be active for the wars ? To study figures, numbers, and proportions. May yield them great in counsels and the arts ? To make their English sweet upon their tongue, As reverend Chaucer says ? Another character in the same dialogue enumerates the less becoming accomplishments that were acquired in a court education during the reign of James the First. See a note upon this subject by Sir Walter Scott, in the cabinet edition of his " Fortunes of Nigel." '■ Sir George Howard was in 1549-50 "appointed by the Kinges majestic to attend upon the young lords sent over the sea," as hostages to France; and on that occasion was paid in advance " his fee of his office of master of the henchmen for one whole year." (MS. Keg. 18 C. XXIV. fol. 69.) Mr. Richard Blount, however, eventually went as governor of the hostages ; see pp. 252, 263. i> See Privy-purse Expenses of Henry VIII. p. 209. In 1532 the henxemen were lodged in a house of John Johnson, the maister of the King's barge, for which the King paid a yearly rent of xls. (Ibid. p. 230.) In 1 Edw. VI. William Armorer, yeoman of the henchmen, received from the treasurer of the chamber quarterly wages of xxxvs., besides his wages of xs. as an ordinary yeoman of the King's household. (MS. Trevelyan.) ' In Dec. 1523 (15 Hen. VIII.) Francis Philippe, the schoolmaster to the King's henchmen, was apprehended as a traitor in the city of Coventry. (Hall's Chronicle.) In 20—22 Hen. VIII. mr. Whittington, and in the early part of the reign of Edward VI. John Nowell, filled ^T. XIII.] OF KING EDWABD THE SIXTH. Ixxvii men at the funeral of Henry VIII. were John Stourton, Edward Ychingham, Thomas Lestrange, George Dennys, Richard Brown, Roger Armour, Thomas Brown, Richard Cotton, and Patrick Barnaby;* they were attended by their master, then sir Francis Bryan.'' The same number of henchmen walked at the funeral of king Edward, but their names are not mentioned." To Edward's assiduity and diligence in the prosecution of his studies we have a Testimonies long chain of testimony. Though not always assisted by dates, I shall endeavour o° -^"^"^^"'^ to marshal these witnesses, as far as possible, in chronological order. Foremost may be placed his earliest tutor, doctor Coxe, whose report ^ to arch- Doctor Coxe, bishop Cranmer, at the beginning of the historical year 1546, represents the Prince, then in his ninth year, as a boy " of such towardness in learning, godliness, gentleness, and all honest qualities," that he was to be regarded as "a singular gift sent of God, and an imp worthy of such a father. He hath learned (he adds) almost four books of Cato, to construe, to parse, and say without book. And of his own courage now, in the latter book, he will needs have at one time fourteen verses, which he conneth pleasantly and perfectly, besides things of the Bible, the Satellitium of Vives, ^sop's fables, and Latin-making, — whereof he hath sent your grace a little taste," which was the letter addressed to Cranmer as his god- father. (Letter IV. in this volume.) On the conclusion of the peace with France, in August 1546, the Prince was The Admiral called upon to take a prominent part in the reception of the French ambassador, of France. the office of " scholemaster and instructour of the Kinges henchemen," with the quarterly fee of C s., pursuant to a royal warrant dated 10 May 1 Edw. VI. as appears by the accounts of the treasurer of the chamber (MSS. Trevelyan) ; but possibly both those gentlemen received in addition the like sum from some other source, as on the 9th of July 1550, the King gave to William Bukley, M.A. " propter gravitatem morum et doctrinse abundantiam, officium docendi, erudiendi atque instituendi adolescentulos nostros vocatos henchemen" with a salary of xl li. per annum. The letters patent granted to him are printed by Rymer, Foedera, &c. xv. 242. On the 27 April, 1551, Clement Adams was appointed to the office of schoolmaster to the King's henchmen, for life, with the same fee of xlli. by year. (MS. Eeg. 18 C.XXIV. fol. 204.) • " It appears not improbable that this was the same person as Bamaby Fitzpatrick, and that the above is the earliest evidence of his presence and position at court. •• " Some men being never so old, and spent by years, will still be full of youthful condi- tions ; as was sir Francis Bryan, and evermore would have been." (Roger Ascham, in The Schoolmaster, Second book.) He was therefore well qualified for his post, in having acquired the art, recommended by Conrad Heresbach, (antea, p. xliii.) "cum pueris repuerascere." ' Archjeologia, vol. xii. p. 388. '' See doctor Goxe's letter at length in p. 3 of the present volume. m Isxviii BIOGKAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1546. Testimonies the admiral d'Annebaut ;^ and shortly after the King received, through doctor TO Edward's jsjipj^^i^g Wotton, his ambassador in Flanders, the following congratulation from SCHOLARSHIP. one who then visited England: — Mens'' de Morette* desyerid me hartelye to doo his humble recommendations unto your Majeste, who, amonge other thinges, rejoysith verye much to have seen my lord Prynce's grace, of whose prayses he can not speaie yn noughe. (Dr. N. Wotton to the King, 22 Sept. 1546.) Mens, de Morette. Dr. Coxe. The Prince at Hatfield. Walter Haddon, at Hertford. During the autumn of 1546 the Prince was resident at Hatfield in Hertford- shire, and it appears from a letter *= of his tutor Coxe to mr. secretary Paget, that some alterations in his household were then in agitation, and that he was then just commencing the study of the French language: — Ye shall do very wells if ye travails lyke as I understande ye have began for the honorable stay and sstabUshment of ths Prince's grace's howss ; who this day begynneth to learns Frenchs with a great facility even at hys first entre. Feliciter valet Princeps, et te salutat. (Hatfield, Oct. 12, 1546.) On the 18 th October Coxe writes : — I trust the Prince's grace shall content hys father's expectation hereafter. We (have) suffered him hytherto suo more puerascere. Walter Haddon, a fellow of King's college in Cambridge (subsequently master of Magdalen college), and one of the most distinguished scholars of his time, has left an interesting notice of a hasty visit which he paid to the Prince's court at Hertford. He was on his return to Cambridge from London, where he had left Coxe, his correspondent. Coxe had given him a letter to the Prince, probably in commendation of the bearer, which letter— somewhat unwillingly, but from diffidence — he delivered to the hands of Cheke. The latter, with his wonted » The particulars are given in p. 23 of this volume. ■> Charles de Sotiers seigneur de Morette, one of the Trench hostages in England 1519, ambassador 1526, ambassador with the emperor 1530, and in Flanders 1545. See State Papers, index, xi. 637. "^ This is one of three letters written about this time by Coxe to Paget that are preserved in the State-paper office. The writer uses the freedom of an intimate friend, and expresses a sti'ong censure upon those courtiers (of whom Paget was one) whose rapacity in impropriations threatened even the universities with destruction. It is to be regretted that we have not more of Coxe's letters. ^T. x.j OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. Ixxix courtesy, presented the letter to the Prince, and placed Haddon* where he might Testimonies enjoy an opportunity not only of observing, but also of addressing, his Highness.^ UnoLlu^nv. > Among Haddon's Latin poems (p. 55) are some acrostic lines upon Prince Edward, which were probably written at or about the same time : — De Edovardo principe. Exigit eximios, princeps clarissirae, versus Debita virtutum meritis laus summa tuarum, puer excellens, patriae flos, gloria patris, Viribus ipse tuis 6 princeps major et annis : Alta Deus regni providit sceptra futuri, Regis honorandi princeps ut nobilis esses. Dotibus egregiis tibi mens conferta relucet, Vt generi summo par sit natura beata. Sic stirpem virtus, virtutem stirpsque sequetur. Perge puer, patris divini gemmea proles, Rumpe moras, extoUe tuos, puer auree, vultus. Ito per insignes, insignior ipse, triumphos. Ufaturam patris, fortunam, pectus, et annos, • Clara dehinc tibi regna patris, sed sera, precamur. Est pater, est regnum, par est insigne sororum. Per multos annos, momentaque maxima rerum. Sit tua, sit generisque tui fortuna beata. •> " Postquam k te digressus sum, taedio jam affectus et urbis et aulse, in quibus nihil pene videram eorum quse volebam prseter te, propemodum invitus ad Hertfordiam diverti, literas tuas ad Principem D. Checo dedi, contra sententiam fortasse tuam, certe contra voluntatem meam, sed aliter me facere pudor non sinit meus. Checus autem, ut semper ipse sui simUis esset, Principi literas ostendit, et in certo me loco posuit, in quo facultas esset cum videndi, tum affandi Principem, cui de te tribus verbis percontanti, suaviter tamen et perbenevole, cum paucissimis satisfecisse, perfecta legatione, statim domum cogitabam. Pridie veneram, et summo rogatu Francisci cujusdam, indolem ducis Suffolcise tentavi, mehercule seiti pueri imprimis, et dignissimi te praeceptore. Quod supererat temporis illius diei, cum Aero et Tongo consumpsi, viris humanissimis, et ut videbantur peramicis meis. Cum Checo multum non fui, quoniam vehementer occupabatur, ut apparebat. Postridie cum princeps prsetergressus fuisset, ut dicere coeperam, Checus ad me rediens mecum agere ccepit, ut illo die secum essem. Ego cum viderim ilium plenissimura esse negotiis, et nihil ibi prjeterea esse quod magnopere agerem, postpositis omnibus Cantabrigiam devolavi, latebram tum animi, tum fortunarum mearum angustiis convenientissimam. Et hujusmodi meum S, te domum iter fuit, te, Principe, et Checo visis et salutatis fselix, cseteris in rebus non nimis opportunum." (Haddon's Epistolse, p. 186.) The letter has no date. m2 Ixxx BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1547. Testimonies TO Edward's Scholarship. John Leland, at Ampthill. Edward, in a few words, yet sweetly and most kindly, inquired after Coxe, and then passed on. Haddon was evidently disinclined for a courtier's life; and, though Cheke shortly after returned to him, and begged him to pass the remainder of the day with him, he preferred, having fulfilled his commission, and perceiving that Cheke was overwhelmed with business, to fly away to his cell at Cambridge. He adds, however, that on his first arrival at Hertford, the day before, he had, by the particular desire of an attendant, carefully examined one of the King's com- rades, the duke of Suffolk, and found him a boy of excellent talent, and most creditable to Coxe as his master. The remainder of that day Haddon had spent with Eyre * and Tonge,'' who were two chaplains in the Prince's household. Another Latin poet, the antiquary John Leland, has also left a memorial of a visit paid to the Prince : but, as it is unaccompanied by any praise of Edward's acquirements," we may conclude that Leland saw him in his early childhood, » Giles Eyre, noticed hereafter as one of the preachers before King Edward. ^ Roger Tonge, D.D. at Cambridge 1547. See Athense Cantabrigienses, i. 97. ' The Hnes describe very minutely the accomplishments of the lady Elizabeth, who was then at Ampthill with her brother. Leland went there on purpose to see the Prince. Cheke, then in attendance on his royal pupil (there is nothing in support of Strype's suggestion, Life of Cheke, edit. 1821, p. 31, that Cheke had then in addition the care of the lady Elizabeth's studies), introduced him to Elizabeth, and invited her to address the learned strann-er in the Latin tongue. The princess displayed her acquirements not only in Latin and Erenoh, but also her skill upon the lute. Leland's lines are addressed to her ; and the following are those that refer to the visit to AmpthOl : — Interea possum testis plus ista referre, Quae te commendent perplaceantque mihi. Ardenti studio conflagrans ipse videndi lUustrem Edwardum, qui decus omne meum, Aunthullum petii felici sidere montem. Hie vidi fratrem percoluique tuum. Tempore quo Chaecus, Musarum cura, politus Me commendavit voce favente tibi, Utque salutares me tunc sermone Latino Egit, ut hinc soirem quautus in ore lepos. De te concepi certe vel maxima quseque, Candida judicium vincis at omne meum. Quid referam hie aures qua tu dulcedine nostras Expleris, clare Gallica verba sonans ? Aut quid commemorem quos tu testudine sumpta Concentus referas mellifluosque modos ? ^T. X.] OP KING EDWAED THE SIXTH. Ixxxi shortly after the first appointment of Cheke to his tuition, and which is the more Testimonies probable, as the only other notice that has occurred of Edward's being at the ™ Edwards 1. f A 1 -11 • 1 /. 1 1 T • 1 1 • • 1 1 Scholarship. honour of AmpthiU, is before he had attamed his eighth year. * But one who speaks of Edward's early graces and excellences with peculiar William enthusiasm is William Thomas, afterwards clerk of the council, who will again appear in a subsequent page as tendering political instruction to his royal master. His essay, entitled " Perygrine," is written in the form of a dialogue, in which political affairs are discussed, particularly those of England, and the character of Henry the Eighth is warmly defended. When the author has occasion to mention King Henry's youthful successor, he expresses himself as follows '' : — If ye knew the towardnes of that yonge Prince, your hert wold melt to heare hym named, and your stomake abhorre the malyoe of them that wold hym yll : the bewtisiest " creature that lyveth under simne, the wittiest, the most amiable and the gentlest thinge of all the world. Such a spirit of capacitye, learnyng the thinge taught hym by his schoolemasters, that it is a wonder '^ to heare say. And finally he hath suche a grace of porte and gesture in gravitye '^ when he commeth in to any presence, that it shold seme he were all redy a father, and yett passeth he not the age of x. yeres. A thinge undoubtedly muche rather to be sene then beleved. This will have been written very shortly after Edward's accession to the throne. There are many further testimonials to his diligence and other amiable qualities, which remain to be adduced hereafter in their proper sequence of time. Mean- while we must now direct our attention to the progress of public events, so far as they influenced the position of the subject of this memoir. Prince Edward was neither elected a Knight of the Garter, f nor formally created The Garter. Kectius insinuare tuum vole, Nympha, pudorem Virgineum, mores ingenuosque tuos. Ad cumulum aceedet tua nota modestia laudis, rortunse teres et circulus omnis erit. » See p. 1. *> MS.Cotton.VespasianD. XVIII. f. 19. The following various readings are from MS. Harl. 353. ' beautifullest. " worlde. " suche a porte and grace of gesture and gravitie. f At a chapter of the Garter, held on St. George's day, 1540, his name, by the style of " Prince of England," was placed, together with those of lord Audley of Walden and sir Anthony Browne, at the head of all the suffrages. " Recollecting the deference exacted by king Henry to the slightest expression of his wishes, we cannot consider this occurrence as accidental ; but, from whatever motive in the breast of the sovereign, the two last-mentioned knights only were declared elected. The register is silent respecting the Prince : neverthe- less, the third stall on the Prince's side, being that which the duke of Richmond, the king's Ixxxii BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIB, [a.d. 1546-7. Principality of Wales. Death of King Henry. Prince of Wales.* He has mentioned in his journal that preparations were in progress for the latter ceremony, when by his father's death he at once became King of England and Sovereign of the order of the Garter. King Henry died at Whitehall on Friday the 28th of January, 1546-7, about three o'clock in the morning. The whole of that and the two following days were allowed to elapse before the proclamation of his successor. The young King was at the castle of Hertford, no great distance from the metropolis, but sufficient in that age to occasion some delay in the ceremonies attendant on his accession. There were, however, more important causes for the delay that intervened between the demise of the old and the proclamation of the new monarch. The leading statesmen were occupied by negociations in which their personal interests were materially involved. They had to settle who should be the greatest. This was contrary to the intention of their late arbitrary master. He, so long accustomed to absolute obedience, had vainly imagined that the ministers of his appointment might, without alteration, continue to govern the realm for some nine or ten years after he had personally quitted his throne, until the termination of his son's minority. The new King's uncles contemplated a much greater freedom of action, and their arguments or promises bent the other councillors to their views. With regard to the motives — apart from personal influence — which determined the executors to depart so widely and so immediately from King Henry's direc- tions, we have no positive information. It can only be supposed that they consi- dered precedent and the former usages of the country on such occasions more authoritative than the will of a monarch, who, though recently so imperious and so potential, could now no longer resent their disobedience. illegitimate son, who died in 1536, had occupied, was kept vacant for him during the remainder of the reign. (The higher stalls being filled by the Emperor Charles V., the French King, the King of the Romans, and the King of Scotland.) Edward, therefore, did not become a member of the order until his accession to the sovereignty." Beltz, Memorials of the Order of the Garter, p. xciii. * Grafton and Stowe, in their Chronicles, state that Prince Edward was made Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester, on the 18th of October, 1537, that is, six days after his birth ; on which day his uncle, Edward Seymour viscount Beauchamp, was created earl of Hertford, and his uncle Thomas, with others, received the honour of knighthood. Lord Herbert, in his History, speaks of the creation of the Prince of Wales at that date ; and he is quoted, without contradiction, by Dugdale in his Baronage, ii. 376. It is certain that there was then no creation, and whether any declaration of his title may be doubted ; else he would have been designated Prince of Wales in the Register of the Garter (quoted in the preceding note). *T. X.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. Ixxxiii The last minority of an English sovereign had been that of king Edward the Fifth, whose uncle was his governor and regent, with what fatal result was notorious. The next in proximity of time was the minority of king Henry the Sixth, and that was the precedent which was now more especially regarded. The most active minister of king Henry's latter days was secretary Paget ; and it was by his advice* that the earl of Hertford acted, and probably influenced in succession the more powerful members of the council. King Henry had executed his last will on the 30th December, 1546, about a The will of month before his decease. In pursuance of the provisions of an act of parliament, '^^^^J ^^'■^• passed in his 28th year,'' he designated his successor, and appointed the privy council who were to administer the government, in the following passages: — Further, according to the lawes of Almighty God, and for the fatherly love whicli we beare to our sonne Prince Edward, and to this our realme, we declare him, according to justice, equitie, and conscyence, to be our lawful! heire, and doe give and bequeath to him the successyon of our realmes of England and Ireland, with our title of France, and all our dominions, both on this side the seas and beyonde, a convenyent portion for our will and testament to be reserved. Also, we give unto him all our plate, stuffe of house- hold, artillery, ordnance, munytions, ships, cables, and all other things and implements to them belonging: and money also and jewels, saving such portions as shall satisfie this our last will and testament; charging and commanding him, on paine of our curse, (seeing he hath so loving a father of us, and that our cheife labour and studdie in this world is to establish him in the imperiaU crowne of this realme after our decease, in such sorte as may be pleasing to God, and to the wealth of this realme, and to his owne honour and quyet,) that he be ruled and ordered, both in his marriage, and also in ordering of the affaires of the realme, as well outward as inward, and alsoe in all his own private affaires, and in giving of ofEces of charge, by the advise and counsell of our ■ This is shown by Paget's letter to the lord protector, written on the 7th July, 1549, in which he writes, " Remember what you promised me in the gallery at Westminster before the breath was out of the body of the king that dead is. Remember what you promised immedi- ately after, devising uiifh me concerning (he place which you now occupy, I trust in the end to good purpose, howsoever things thwart now. And that was to follow mine advice in aU your proceedings, more than any other man's." This long and very important letter, of which the original is in MS. Cotton. Titus F. iii. will be found in the Appendix to the second volume of Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials. *> Act 28 Hen. VIII. c. 7, " concerning the establishment of the King's Succession." (Statutes of the Realm, vol. iii. p. 661.) The 14th section provided that, upon the King's demise, his issue male under 18, and female unmarried under 16, should he under the guardianship of their mother and a council, or of a council only, as the King's last will should direct. Ixxxiv BIOGBAPHICAL MEMOIR [ad. 1546-7. The will of right entirely beloved counsellors the archbishop of Canterbury, the lord Wriothesley Henry VIII. chanceUour of England, the lord St. John great master of our house, the lord EusseU lord privie seal, the earl of Hertford great chamberlain of England, the viscount Lisle high admiraU of England, the bishop Tonstall of Duresme, sir Anthony Browne knight, master of our horses, sir WilUam Pagett our chief secretary, sir Anthony Denny, sir "William Herbert, justices Montague and Bromley, sir Edward Wotton, mr. doctor Wotton, and sir Edward North, whom we ordaine, name, and appointe, and by these presents, signed with our hand, doe make and constitute our Previe Counsell with our said sonne, and wiU that theie.have the governement of our most deere sonne Prince Edward, and of all our reahnes, dominyons, and subjects, and all the affaires publique and private, until he shall have accomplished the 18th yeare of his age. In a subsequent passage, twelve other persons are directed to be Assistants to the Executors, namely, the Earls of Arundel and Essex, sir Thomas Cheney treasurer of the household, sir John Gage comptroller of the household, sir Anthony Wingfield vice- chamberlaine, sir William Petre one of our two principal! secretaries, sir Eichard Eich, sir John Baker, sir Ealph Sadler, sir Thomas Seymour, sir Eichard Southwell, and sir Edmund Peckham, " they, and everie of them, shall be of counsell for the aiding and assisting of the forenamed counsellors, and our Executors, when theie or any of them shall be called by our said Executors, or the more parte of the same," These twelve assistant councillors were not to act unless required by the executors,* whilst the eighteen executors were all placed upon an equality among themselves, and without any provision for electing a chief councillor, as the duke of Somerset afterwards styled himself, or other president than existed in the person of lord Saint John, who was already president of the council, though not so designated in the will.b Neither was tliere any provision for excluding any member, as was shortly after done in the case of Wriothesley, nor any for supply- ing vacancies that might be occasioned by death, and of course none for adding other members. The trust being created for a limited term of years, the number of executors seems to have been thought sufficient, even if it should become par- tially reduced during the lapse of that term. This is clearly expressed in the * Kapin calls the executors " Regents " and the assistants " Councillors." The former title might perhaps be borne out by the terms of the will, but it was never assumed. ^ The office of great master of the household conveyed the presidency of the council, the crreat master being supreme within the royal court. Lord St. John continued president of the council during Somerset's protectorship, and after, holding also the great seal for a time when it was taken from Wriothesley. With a supple and time-serving policy he contributed to pull down Somerset as he had helped to raise him, and, always adhering to the stronger party, died at a very advanced age marquess of Winchester and lord treasurer of England. ^T. X.J • OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. IxXXV following clause — " That they all, or the more parte of them, being assembled in counsell together, or, if any of them fortune to die, the more parte of them which shall be for the time living, being assembled in counsell together, shall and male make, devise, and ordaine," &c. No account was made of the consanguinity of the earl of Hertford to the heir apparent :" he was named fifth among the executors, according to the precedence of his office of great chamberlain of England ; as he is again among the King's bequests, when he was assigned the like sum as the lord Wryothesley, the lord Saint John, the lord Russell, and the viscount Lisle, namely five hundred pounds. Sir Thomas Seymour, his brother, was named only an assistant ; his legacy was two hundred pounds. Upon Henry's death, the first step taken, before the event was made known Accession of to the world, was to bring the young King from his residence at Hertford castle "^^^ to within a shorter distance of the metropolis. For this purpose the earl of Hert- ford, accompanied by sir Anthony Browne the master of the horses, rode on the same Friday to Hertford ; from whence, probably on the following day,'' they » The only encourageinent that king Henry had given to the earl of Hertford's views was perhaps in the year 1544, when, on going to rratnce, he made the queen (Katharine Parr) Regent, and arranged that the earl of Hertford should be appointed to the military capacity of " Lieutenant " of the kingdom, " if nede so requyre." But no such need then arose. The council of the queen regent on that occasion were : the archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), the lord chancellor "Wriothesley, the earl of Hertford, the bishop of Westminster (Thirlby), lord Parr of Horton, and secretary Petre. (State Papers, vol. i. p. 763.) •> Whether on the Saturday, or the Monday, is not clear. Edward's own account (p. 210), is confused : it was written two years after, and he perhaps had but an indistinct recollection of the particular days. It is certain, however, that the Proclamati9n of the new reign (for which see the Appendix) did not take place before Monday the 31st of January ; on the after- noon of which day Edward was brought to London. There are preserved in the State-paper oflSce two letters of the earl of Hertford: 1. to Paget, written at Hertford "the xxix of Januari betwene iij and fower in the mornyng;" 2. to the council "from Envild this Sunday nyght att a xj of the clok." In the latter he writes, " We intend the Kyng's ma's shalbe ahorsbak tomorrow bi xj of the clok, so that bi iij we trust his grace shalbe att the tower." The letter to Paget unveils very remarkably the secrecy and finesse which Hertford judged it necessary to pursue. He tells the secretary that he likes very well the first part of a letter he had just received from him, advising that the Will should not (evidently, thovgh the important word not is omitted^ be opened until after a further consultation, and that it should be well considered how much of it were necessary to be published ; because for divers respects he tbouo'ht it not convenient to make it wholly known. " To satisfy the world in the meantime n IxXXvi BIOGRAPHICAIi MEMOIR [a.d. 1546-7. conveyed the King to the palace of Enfield, where the lady Elizabeth was resi- dent ; and there both the royal children were at the same time informed of their father's decease. The King Qn the following Monday the new Kins was conducted from Enfield to the conducted to ° -r. , , rv^ n j . • the Tower. Tower of London, By that time Paget had so etiectually canvassed a majority of the council that Hertford was enabled at once to assert his claim to superiority. He received the title of Protector, which had been borne by the duke of Glou- cester during the minority of his nephew King Henry the Sixth. No time was allowed to question the appointment, for it was arranged that its acknowledgment should immediately follow the homage paid to the King. The course of these proceedings is thus related in an official record at the College of Arms : — [MS. CoU. Arm. I. 7, f. 29.] Memorandum, That on Fryday the xxviijth day of January A" Dom' M' v'' xlvj and the sxxviij* yere of his raigne, about iij of the cloke in the morning, departed the transeteriouse worlde the most victoriouse prince and our late soveraigne lorde and king of famosse memory Henry the Eight, &c. within his pallis of Westminster. And the same day th'erle of Hertford, uncle to the noble prince Edward, accompayned with sir Anthony Browne master of the horsse and a great nombre of noble men of the realme, with knyghts, pencioners, squyers, and gentylmen, did ryde in theire best manner with all spede to the court of the said noble prince to attende upon his grace there, as on their soveraine lord, according to the wyll and testament of his said famosse father, which was that the trwe tyttiU of his crowne of England should appartayne undoubtedly to his said most dere beloved sone and ryght lieare apparent, then prince Edward, now of all most worthely named our soveraigne lord and King of England, Fraunce and Irlond, Defender of the fayth, and in earth under God of the cherch of England and Irlond supreme hed, Kinge Edward the vj*''. Then upon Monday next folowing they accompanied his highnes in godly order from his place of Enfylde to his towre of London, to which he came aboute iij of the cloke in the afternone of the same day, where aU the nobyletie of his realme were redy to receave liym, to theire great joy and comforte. And at his aproching nere unto the same was (he adds), I think it sufficient, when ye publish the King's death in the places and times as ye have appointed, to have the Will presently with you, and to show that This is the Will, naming them generally who be executors that the King did specially trust, and who be councillors ; " with a promise, at the breaking-up of the assembly, that the contents of the Will should be further declared on Wednesday morning in the parliament house ; " and in the mean time we to meet and agree therein, as there may be no controversy hereafter." Such is the purport of this dispatch, which in the original is so hastily and inaccurately worded, that it is not to be understood without some study. ^T. X.] OP KING EDWAED THE SIXTH. Ixxxvii great shot of ordenaunce in all places there abowte, as well owte of the Tower as out of the shippes, wherein hia grace had great felicete ; and so, there arry ving, was welcomed and conducted by his said nobles to his lodging within the said Tower ; which was richely honge and garnished with riche cloth of arres and clothes of estate as aperteneth unto such a royall Kinge. And so all his nobles lodged and plased, some within the Tower, and some in the cytie. His noble counseU were lodged most parte of them abowte his highnes : who (i. e. the council) every day kepte the counsell chamber, for determinaoion of mayne (many?) cawses, as well about the interement of his grace's father as for the expedicion of his highnes' coronacion. The morrowe after, being Tewsday, all the lordes aforesaid, and moste parte of the nobylitie of his realm, as well spirituall as temporall, there assembled about iij of the cloke in the afl;ernone. They went into the Eanges chamber of presens ; and, after that th'erle of Hertford, the lord admyrall, and other the Kinges executors had browght the Kinges majestie from his prevye chamber to his chere of estate prepared in the chamber, his highnes there standing, all the said lordes, accordinge to their degrees, procedid in order one after another, and there kneling kissed his majesties hand, saying every of them God save yowr grace ! and after they had all so done, the lord chauncelore made unto them a certayn proposicion, in most eloquent wyse declaringe unto them the effecte of the late noble Kinges testament and will, with the nomber of the executors therein contayned, being xvj. whosse names (are then stated), saying that it was condyssended and agreyed , with the hole assent and consent of them all, that th'erle of Hertford should be Govemour ^, Jtleetion of of the yonge Kinge and Protector of his realme and dominions, because yt was expediente the Protector. for one to have the governance of the said yonge Kinge during his nounage. Whereupon all the said lordes made answare in one voyce, that there was none so meate for the same in all the realme as he ; and said that they were well content withall. Then the said erle gave them harty thankes, and said he trusted in God so to use hymselif that it should be to their contentacion, and required them in generall of their ede (aid) and helpe in the ryght of the realme. Who made answare all in one voyce, that they wolde be redy at all tymes with all their might and powre both for the defence of the realme and of the Kinge. This ended, they cryed all together with a lowd voyce, God save the noble Kinge Edward ! Then the Kinges majestie put off his cap, and said. We hartely thank yow, my lordes all ; and hereafter in all that yow shall have to doo with us for any shewtes (suits) or causes yow shalbe hartely welcome to us. Then, ymmedyatly after, all the lordes temporall were warned to repare to the sterre chamber at Westminster uppon the next morowe to be swome to the King ; and soo they were. Then on Thursday and Fryday next after there were also swome at the said chamber the lordes spirituall, and the master of roUes with the clarkes of the chauncery in like manner swome for to register the testament and last wyU of the said late noble Kinge. n2 Ixxxviii BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1546-7. Election of In the register of the privy council is entered another and still more circiim- the Protector. g^g^jj^.j^i account of the proceedings taken in reference to the execution of King Henry's will and the election of a Protector. It shows that after the arrival of the King at the Tower of London on the last day of January there were assembled in council thirteen of the executors, namely, the archbishop of Canterbury, the lord chancellor Wriothesley, the lord St. John great master of the King's house, lord Russell privy seal, the earl of Hertford, John viscount Lisle, Cuthbert bishop of Durham, sir Anthony Browne, sir William Paget, sir Edward North, sir Edward Mountagu, sir Anthony Denny, and sir William Herbert ; who, after first declaring their resolutions " to stand to and mayntaine the said last will and testa- ment of our said maister, and every part and article of the same, to the uttermost of our powers, witts, and connings," to be enforced by " a corporal othe upon a boke," proceeded at once to depart from it by the election of a Protector.* The First letters " On the 12tli of March the duke of Somerset was confirmed in the office of Protector by patent. letters patent. This was done on the plea that the representatives of foreign states required some evidence of his due appointment and authority, especially the Trench ambassador, who was about to ratify a treaty with this country. These letters patent (which are printed in the Appendix to Burnet's History of the Reformation) were attested by the signatures of seven councillors only, besides the duke himself, namely, the archbishop of Canterbury, the lord St. John, the lord Russell, the marquess of Northampton, sir Thomas Cheynie, sir Anthony Browne, and sir William Paget. They had the effect of remodelling the council, commingling the executors and assistants as a general body of councillors, reduced by the omission of the duke's name and that of the disgraced chancellor to the number of twenty-six ; but the Protector was empowered to add to this number at his pleasure, and from the whole body of the councillors, whether original or added by him, he was authorised to choose such as he might think it meet and convenient to call to be privy councillors. He thus in effect discharged the privy council which had been appointed by the late king's will, and assumed the royal prerogative of forming a privy council of his own. This device vfas probably intended to meet the appointment of a new chancellor. Rich, who succeeded to the seals, had been nominated an assistant only by the will, but he was now, in virtue of his office, to take a prominent part in the privy council. He was not, however, confirmed in his post until the 30th of November. It seems to have been still thought necessary that the Protector's authority should be ratified by act of parliament. The parliament met on the 4th of November ; when by writ of privy seal it was ordained that the Protector should " sitt alone, and be placed at all tymes, as well in our presens at our saide courte of parliament as in our absens, upon the myddes of the bench or stole stonding next on the right hond of our siege reall in our parliament chamber ; '' and he was further declared to be entitled to " all such privileges, pre-emynences, prerogatives, and liberties in all respects as had been enjoyed by any the uncles by father Or mother's side of any of our most noble progenitors, or that had been enjoyed by any former Protector ; '' (Rymer's Foedera, xv. 162, and Lords' Journals, i. 293.) but the session had continued until the ^T. X.] OP KIN& EDWARD THE SIXTH. Ixxxix immediate reason urged for this important step was a necessity for having some individual head to communicate with foreign princes and ambassadors, and it was also supported by some further arguments which will be found in the following passage : And, forasmuch as in the consideracion and debating of the several poincts of the charge by the said wille committed unto us, and of the great accompte which we have to render to God, to our sovereigns lord that now is, and to the hole world for the same, it appeared unto us, as well upon the depeache of sundry letters which were thought mete to be sent to th'Emperour, the French King, the Eegent of Flanders, and others, for the declaration of the decease of our said late maister, with request for the conservacion of their amities, as upon sundry other great and urgent things to be presently depeached within the realme, and other the King's majesties realmes and dominions, that, being a great nombre appoynted to be executors with like and equal charge, it shuld be more then necessarie, as well for th'onour, suretie, and good government of the most royall person of approach of the feast of Christmas rendered a prorogation necessary, before the new letters Second letters patent for the protectorate were executed. This was done on the 24th of December, the very Patent, last day of the session. This instrument was first published (with some remarks by the present writer) in the xxxth volume of the Archseologia, from the original in the possession of William Staunton, esq. which bears the autograph signatures of no less than sixty- two persons, includ- ing the peers, councillors, judges, and some other officers. This instrument recited the contents of the former patent of the 12th of March, and of other letters patent of the 11th August, whereby the duke of Somerset had been constituted lieutenant and capteyne-generall of the warres (see note in p. 216 of the present volume) ; and after declaring both those patents to be cancelled, reconferred the same functions, but with a very remarkable difference of tenure. By the former patent of the 12th of March the duke was to hold the Protector's oflSce " until such time as we shall have, by the sufferance of God, accomplished the age of eighteen years,'" that was, for the whole period of minority fixed by the late king's will ; but by the new patent his authority was to be terminable at the King's pleasure, expressed by writing under the great seal. This material limitation could not have been the work of the duke himself, but must rather be attributed to those of the council who were impatient of the duration of his supremacy. It seems indeed at once to start a prize for the competition of aspiring statesmen. Any one who could obtain the ear of the youthful King, and inflame into rebellion that repug- nance which is too naturally entertained towards tutors and governors, might now hope to supplant the duke of Somerset. The course seems already planned and designed which Dudley subsequently pursued. The Protector's unwillingness to consent to such a condition may fairly be presumed, and it is not surprising to find that some doubt exists whether the instrument (which appears to have remained in the hands of the solicitor-general Gryffyn) ever received the great seal, and that it was not enrolled until the following year. It was revoked by other letters patent, dated the 13th Oct. 1549 (printed in the Archseologia, vol. xxx. p. 489), which finally terminated the protectorate. xc BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1546-7. Election of the Protector. Lord chan- cellor Wri- othesley. the King our sovereigne lord that now is, as for the more certain and assured order and direction of his affaires, that some speciall man of the nombre and company aforesaid shulde be preferred in name and place before others, to whome as to the state and hedde of the rest all strangers and others might have accesse, and who for his virtue, wisdome, and experience in things were mete and hable to be a special remembrancer, and to kepe a most certaine accompte of all our proceedings, which otherwise could not chose within short time bak grow into much disordre and confusion. We, therefore, the archebushope and others whose names be hereunto subscribed, by core hole assent, Concorde, and agreement, upon mature consideration of the tendrenes and proximitie of bludde between our souvereigne lord that now is and the said erle of Hertforde, being his uncle, and of the grete experience which he hath in all the affayres of this realme, and all other the King's realmes, dominions, and cuntreys, have by vertue of th'autorritie given unto us by the saide wille and testamente of our saide late sovereigne lord and maister, for the doeing of any acte or actes that may tend to th'onour and suretie of our sovereigne lord that now is, or for th'advancement of his affayres, gevin unto him the first and cheif place amonge us, and also the name and title of the Protector of all the realmes and dominions of the King's majestie that now is, and of the Governor of his most royall persone, with this speciall and expresse condition, that he shall not doe any act but with th'advice and consent of the reste of th'executors in such maner, ordre, and forme as in the said wille of our said late sovereigne lorde and moste gracious maister is appoynted and prescribed, which the said erle hath promised to perform accordingly. It was also thought desirable that the lord chancellor should derive his authority immediately from the living sovereign"; wherefore he resigned his seal and office into the King's hands, and received the same again, with an order to make out new patents for all the judges and other officers whose authority had expired by the demise of the crown. The election of the Protector was still kept a secret until the morrow (Tuesday, a Wriothesley, who was the leader of the Romanist party, put himself in the wrong by assenting to the earl of Hertford's elevation. He received in return the dignity of earl of Southampton, but lost his superiority at the council-table. The step which he soon after took, on his own authority, to delegate the judicial functions of his office, in order that he might be more constantly present in council, was at once turned to his disadvantage ; and when in his final struggle he maintained that he held the chancellorship from the King himself (meaning the late King), whereas Somerset had no such sanction for his ofiice, it must have greatly invalidated his argument, that he had resigned king Henry's seal, and accepted it again from the hands of the royal minor, who also, together with the council, headed by Wriothesley himself, had elected and accepted the Protector. The great seal was takew from Southampton on the 6th of March. ^T. X.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. XCl the 1st of February,) when the same executors re-assembled, and after hearintr The Council the will deliberately read, from the beginning to its end, they first took their oaths ™°^'^' to the King, and after immediately swore to the due and faithftil observation of the said will ; and then it was determined " that the whole number of executors present should repair to the King's majestic, and declare to him what they had done touching the nameing and placeing of the saide earle of Hertford his uncle to be Protector of his realmes and dominions and Governour of his person, and to require his consent to the same ;" after which, it was to be declared to the council not being executors, and lastly to all the lords in the presence of the King's majesty. All which was done in every point as pre-determined, and as described in the document already inserted. On Friday the 4th of February, the lord protector took, in Westminster hall, ^^^ of the oaths customary on assuming the office of Lord Treasurer, which had been Lord Trea- rendered vacant by the disgrace of the duke of Norfolk. The duke's hereditary ^ ^^Mar hal office of Earl Marshal was also taken by the new prime minister ; who relinquished Earl of that of Lord Great Chamberlain " to the aspiring Dudley (presently created earl of Warwick Warwick); who in turn surrendered the post of Lord Admiral to the King's Chamberlain, youngest uncle the lord Seymour of Sudeley. The other great offices of state Lord Sey- remained in the hands in which king Henry had left them. Sudeley Lord On Sunday the 6th of February, the King, who still remained in the Tower of Admiral. London, was made a Knight at the hands of his uncle the protector; and there- ®. '"S ^^ rCCGlvGS Xi]6 upon he conferred the same order on the lord mayor, sir Henry Hubblethorne, order of and on sir William Portman a justice of the Bang's bench. The ceremony is thus '® described : This day, also, according to th'order concluded upon by th'autorite aforesaid, and by virtue of the King's majesties letters patent under tbe great seale made forth unto the lord protector autorising him so to doe, our said sovereign lord and maister that now is received the high and noble order of knighthood by the said lord protector's hands, in the presence of the rest of the executors, and divers other noblemen, the justices and Serjeants of the lawe, there specially apoincted to kisse his Grace's hands, and also the mayor and aldermen of London ; to whom his highnes at that present, upon their humble and lowly intercession made in that behalf, did by the mouth of the lord chancellor ratifie and confirm unto them their ancient privileges to them graunted by his most noble progenitors Kings of England ; and likewise autorised sir Henry Hublethome, made at - This was also an hereditary office, belonging to the Veres earls of Oxford. They had lost it by forfeiture, and the earl of Hertford had held it since 1543. On the present occasion the earl of Oxford made a remonstrance (noticed in p. 212 of the present volume), but inVain. XCU BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1546-7. that instant the furste knight with his highnes' own hands, and mayor of the city, to exercise' his said rome for the time limited, in like sorte as he exercised the same in the time of his most noble father our late sovereign lord King Henry the viij'''. (Eegister of the Privy Council.) The Protector The next step taken by the council was to raise the lord protector to the highest of Somerset '^ig'^^ty °^ ^^^ peerage. At the same time, in order to gratify the other aspiring spirits in the court, the queen dowager's brother was made a marquis ; the vis- count Lisle and the lord chancellor were advanced to the dignity of earls ; the King's youngest uncle sir Thomas Sfiymour, sir Richard Rich, sir "William Wil- loughby, and sir Edward Sheffield were created barons. The same occasion was taken to confer on the new earl of Warwick the staff of great chamberlain, which had been relinquished by the duke of Somerset; and on the lord Seymour of Sudeley the office of lord admiral, resigned by the earl of Warwick ; and to con- firm in their former offices the great master, the treasurer, and the comptroller of the household. The following official record of the ceremonial is preserved— (MS. Coll. Arm. I. 7, fol. 30 b.) Then on Thursday next after the day of the buryaU of the noble and late famous kiuge, being the xviiith day of February, aU the temporal! lordes assembled at the said Tower of London in their robes of estate, where was created the noble men after foloinge, viz. First. Edward Semore earl of Hertford and lord protector, and uncle to the Kinges majestie as aforesaid, aparelled ia his kyrtell, was led from the counsell chamber and con- ducted to the Kinges majesties presens in manner and forme folowing : Th'ofFycers of armes in their cottes of armes before, ij and ij. The Garter, bering his lettres patentes. The erll of Derby, bering his mantell. Then on the right hande of him the erll of Shrosbury, bering the rode of golde; and on the lyfte hand the erU of OxfForde, bering the cap of estate with the crowne. The erll of Arundelle, bering the sworde, the pomell upwarde. Then the said erll [of Hertford] led between the dewke of Suffolk and the marquis Dorsett. — all thesse lordes aforesaid being also in theare robes of estate. And thus in goodly order preceding, after they entered into the chambre of presens, they made iij reverent obaoyens to the Kinges highnes, and when they came to the cloth of estate the saide lordes standing, and the said erle kneling, after that Garter had delyvered the lettres patentes to maister secretory Paget, he delyvered them to the King, the King gave them agayne to him to rede, and he red them openly. ^T. X.] OF KING EDWABD THE SIXTH. Xciii And at the wordes of investimus the King put on his mantell, and at gladii cincturam Creation oi the King put abowte him bawdryck-wise his sworde, and at cajipe et circuli imposidonem "^^s'^- in capite the King put on his cappe with the coronall, and at tradtcionem virge auree the King delivered him his rode of golde. Then maister secretory rede forth the pattents, which contayned the creation of hym to be Duke of Somerset and Erl of Hertford, &c. with the gyfte of a thowsand poundes lande yerely ; and, that done and ended, he dely- vered the said lettres patents to the Kinges majestie, and his highnes gave them to the said duke, and the said duke, after thanckes geven to his highnes, stode on the one syde to assist the Kinges majestie to the creacion of other estates ; and the rest of the lordes and the officers of armes returned to conducts the other estates in like manner. Then came "William lord Par, earl of Essex, in, led betwehe the marquis Dorsete and Marquis of the erle of Arundelle, in his robes of estate, as kertell and mantill with hoode, the erll of I^orthanip- OxfForde bering his sword, the pomell upwards, the erll of Shrosbury bering his capp with,the syrclet, Garter bering his lettres patents, the which after they were delyvered to the duke of Somerset lord protector, he toke them to the King, and the Kinges highnes delyvered them to maister secretory Petre to rede, who rede them openly, and at the wordes of gladii cincturam the Kyng gyrd him with his sworde, and at cappe et circuli imposidonem in capite the King put on his cappe with the circlet. Then mr. secretory preceded in redeing the said pattent, the which conteyned the creacion of him to be Mar- quis of Northampton and Essex. This ended, and the pattent delyvered to the Kinges highnes, he gave them [to the] marquis, who stode on the other side of the cloth of estate, abiding there tyll all the other estates were created. Then came in John Dudley viscount Lysley in his robes of estate, led betweene the erll Earl of of Derby and the erll of Oxfford, the erll of Huntingdon bering his sworde, the pommell Warwick. upwardes, the erll of Sussex bering his cappe with the cyrcillet, Garter bering his lettres patents, which after they were delyvered as aforesaide and taken to maister secretory Paget he red them openly, and at gladii cincturam the King gyrde about hym his sword, and at cappe et drculi imposidonem in capite, &c. the King put on his cappe with the cerclet; and, his lettres patents ended, he received them of the Kinges highnes, which con- tayned his creation to be Earl of Warwick and Viscount Lisley, &c. and at the same tyme the Eanges highnes delyvered unto him also an other pattent, and a white stave for the office of the Great Chamberlin of Englonde, and then he taryed there in' like manner as afore sayde. Then came the lord Wryotheley lord chauncelour of Englonde in like manner creat as Earl of was the aforesaid erle in every thing, and conducted thether as aforesayde ; the sayd patr Soutbamp- tents conteyning the creation of him to be Erll of Sowthehamtone, &c. Then came in sir Thomas Semour knight in his kertell ; led betwene ij barowns in Lord Sey- their robes of estate, a barowne before him bering his mantell, Garter bering his lettres 5?°V'", " ° Sudi'ley. patents. At the wordes of investimus, the King put on him his robes, and at the delyvery XCIV BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [A.D. 1546-7. Creation of Peeks. Lord Rich. Lord Willoughby. Lord Sheffield. Chapter of the Garter. of his patents to the Kinges majestie in maner as aforesaid by the secrytory, after yt was red, then the Kinges majestie gave the said lord his lettres patents, which contayned the creation of him to be Lorde Semour of Sudley; and at the same tyme the Kinges majestie delyvered unto him an other patent for the office of High Admyrall of Englonde. Then came in sir Richard Riche, being creat in every thing lyke as was the aforesaide lorde, his patent contayneyng the creation of him to be a barown of the parlament. Then came in sir William Willoughby, creat in every thing like imto the lord Riche, his pattent conteyning the creation of him to be lord WiUoughby of Parham. Then came in sir Edwarde Shefylde, creat in every thing Uke unto the other lordes, his pattent contayning the creation of him to be lord Shefylde. After all this done, the Kinges majestie restored and delyvered unto the lorde Saint John Lord Great Master, sir Thomas Cheyne lord warden Treasurer [of the Household], and sir John Gage Comptroller, the stavis of their ofFyces. Then preceded alL in their robes of estate, and the dukes, marquises, and erles with their cappes of estate on their heddes, in lyke order as they were creat, to the counsell chambre to dynner, on this manner, viz. The trompetes bloing. Then the officers of armis, ij and ij. Then the estates ia order, and Garter going next afore the duke. And when they came to the saide chamber, they put of their said mantelles and hoodes, and sate. in their kyrteUes aU the dynner tyme. Then at the second course Somerset heralld, because at that time Garter was horrse, proclaymed their styles and tytles in maner folowing. (Then follow the styles of the King in Latin, French, and English ; and the styles of aU the peers newly created, with the fees given by them to the heralds.) — and every of them gave to Garter his gowne, as of auntient coustome hertofore had. And after dinner they chaunged them into other apparel, and some went to geve thanckes and to attend on the Kinges highnes, and the other at their pleasure. And abowte iij of the cloke in the afternoune the same day the Soverayne and Knightes of the noble order of the Garter, in the habyt of the saide order, assembled in the Kinges closet, and there kept chapter; when the Soverayne and Knightes of the saide noble order then present with one assent at the tyme electe to be of the said noble order the lord marquis Dorsett, the erll of Darby, the lord Seymour of Sudley, and sir William Paget secretory, and delyvered unto eche of them the same tyme a George and a garter, and the same tyme the Kinges majestie wore his George abowte his necke and his Garter abowte his leg which had ben delyvered to him by the lord protector. It was on the afternoon of Saturday the 19th of February that the King left the Tower, in order to pass in solemn procession through the city of London, on ^T. X.] OF KING EDWAED THE SIXTH. XCV the way to his Coronation at Westminster. ' On this occasion he rode on horse- Procession back, having his iincle the lord protector on his left hand ; a state canopy, borne *"''''^S" by six knights, accompanied him, but he went a little before it in order that the people might the better see him. " His highness was richly apparelled with a gown of cloth of silver, all over embroidered with damask gold, with a girdle of white velvet wrought with Venice silver, garnished with precious stones, as rubies and diamonds, with true- lover's knotts of pearls ; a doublet of white velvet accord- ing to the same, embroidered with Venice silver, garnished with like stones and pearls ; a white velvet cap, garnished with like stones and pearls ; and a pair of buskins of white velvet." On his horse was a caparison of crimson satin, embroi- dered with pearls and damask gold. At various stages of his progress pageants, with speeches and songs, were exhibited before him ; and in St. Paul's churchyard he was detained for " a good space of time " in order to watch the performances of a rope-dancer, a native of Arragon, for whom a cable was stretched from the bat- tlements of the steeple to a great anchor at the deanery gate. The King appears to have slept at the palace of Whitehall. The Coronation was solemnised on the next day, being Shrove Sunday, the 20th Coronation. day of February. The noblemen 'were summoned to be in attendance by the early hour of seven in the morning ; the King landed at the privy stairs at nine ; and between ten and eleven he had arrived in the abbey, and was enthroned in King Edward's chair. Having therein reposed for a short time, he was placed in a lighter chair, garnished with cloth of tissue, in which he was carried by four gentlemen ushers to the four sides of the mount or platform, in order to be shown to the assembled people, who accepted him as their sovereign in the words. Yea, yea, yea, God save King Edward ! Three crowns, one after another, were set upon his head, — the first being King Edward's crown, the next the imperial crown of the realm of England, and the third a very rich crown which was purposely made for his grace. The act of coronation was performed by archbishop Cranmer, who, in lieu of a sermon, delivered a brief address*" or charge, directly admonish- ing the King of his duty, especially in respect of religion, and in which, after plainly denying the supremacy of the bishop of Rome, or his special authority to confer unction upon kings, who are " God's anointed," he proceeded thus : — Therefore not from the bishop of Eome, but as a messenger from my Saviour Jesus » The contemporary narrative of the King's passage through London, and his coronation, will be found in the Appendix to this memoir. '■ Printed in Strype's Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, p. 144; Jenkyns's Remains of Cranmer, vol. ii. p. 118; and Cranmer'a Works (Parker Soc.) o2 XCVi BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1547. Archbishop Christ, I shall most humbly admonish your royal majesty what things your highness is Cranraer's to perform. Your majesty is God's vicegerent and Christ's vicar within your own domi- address to the ^.^ti i-jj-jij. King at his nions, and to see, with your predecessor Josias,^ God truly worshipped, and idolatry coronation. destroyed : the tyranny of the bishops of Eome banished from your subjects, and images removed. These acts be signs of a second Josias, who reformed the Church of God in his days. You are to reward virtue, to revenge sin, to justify the innocent, to relieve the poor, to procure peace, to repress violence, and to execute justice throughout your realms. for precedents on those kings who performed not these things the Old Law shows how the Lord revenged his quarrel ; and on those kings who falfilled these things he poured forth his blessings in abundance. For example, it is vrritten of Josias, in the book of the Kings, thus, Like unto Mm there was no Mug that turned to the Lord with all his heart, according to all the law of Moses, neither after him arose there any like him. This was to that prince a perpetual fame or dignity, to remain to the end of days. •Justs. On the two days next following the coronation there were " royal jousts " holden in the palace of Westminster, by six challengers against all comers.'' These chivalric sports were witnessed by the King from a gallery. The King's When King, Edward's residence was divided chiefly between the palaces of palaces. Whitehall and Greenwich. Occasionally he'was lodged at St. James's, and in the summer he usually removed to Hampton Court," sometimes proceeding thence for short periods to Oatlands and to Windsor castle.* When his first parliament met in November, 1547, we find the palace of Westminster* specially furnished for ' This comparison became a favourite common-place with all the writers of the Protestant party. In a subsequent page various passages where it is employed will be found enumerated. '' See a passage at the close of the narrative of the coronation. '^ The summer heat was tempered by green boughs placed in the windows by way of blinds. In August, 1547, we read : — " Item, paied to Nicholas Foscue, the Kinges grome porter, for provision of grene bowes for the Kinges majesties pryvie chambre and galleries at Hampton courte, xxxijs." " Item, to the same Nicholas Foscue, grome porter, for provision of grene bowes for the Kinges majesties privy chambre and galleries at Saint James, xlvjs. viijd." "i In Nov. 1547 occurs a payment of xxs. "for making redie at Nonesuche againste the Kingis majesties comyng.'' s "Item, payed to Philipp Manwarynge, gentilman hussher of the Kinges majesties chambre, for himself, oone yeoman hussher, foure yeomen, and three gromes, for hanging the Kinges majesties halle at his palais of Westminster, with my lorde Protector's lodginges, and diverse other lodginges for the counsaille, for the space of three dayes, against the Kinges highnes repairing thither from Hampton courte, as apperithe by a bill signed with the lord Arrundell, lord chamberlayn, his hand, xlixs.'' "Item, payed to syr William Rainsforde, gentilman hussher, for himself, one yeoman ^T. X.]' OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. XCVii the purpose, whilst the King's residence was fixed at St. James's palace,* where he remained for the space of nine weeks. The religious observances which were maintained about his person during the Religious first year of his reign, as shown in the accounts of the treasurer of his chamber, ° ^ervances. are remarkable. He at first continued, like his predecessors, *" to make an offering of a noble on every Sunday, and the same on the ordinary feasts. On the great feasts larger offerings were made. On Good Friday the King's offering was twenty shillings; on Easter day (1547) four offerings were made, — first a noble " at (the mass of) Resurrection in the morning," another at high mass, a third " at taking his rights," and lastly a mark at a second high mass. On the Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday in Easter week his offering was a noble; on saint George's day the same; and at requiem mass on the morrow of that feast another noble. These and other attendant expenses thus appear in the original record : — Okdinart Payments in Aprell, Anno primo Eegni Eegis Edwaedi Sexti. Palme Sonday at Westminster. First for tlie Kingis offring this Sondaye . . . . . . vj s. viij d. Item for the Kingis daily almes this weke ...... xxxvij s. xj d. Item to the Bisshop of Kochester" for preaching before the Kingis majestie on Palme Sondaye . . . . . . . . . . . . xx s , ussher, foure yeomen, and thre gromes, for making redy at the parliament howse and churclie, by the space of vj days, agaynste the begynnyng of the parliament, as apperith by a bille signed with maister vitzchamberlain's hand, the somme of vj li." Account of the Treasurer of the Chamber, MS. Trevelyan. " " Item, paid to John Ventrixe for howse hire, the Kinges majestie lying at saint James by the space of ix wekes, that is to say, the warderobe of beddes, the esquiers for the body, and the pottycaries lodginges, for every of them ij s. a weke, as apperith by a bill signed with maister vitzchamberlain's hand, the somme of liiij s.'' Ibid. In January was " paied to Humfrey Orme, yeoman of the Kinges warderobe of beddes, for himself and his man going from Hampton courte to the Tower of London, for the delivery of stuff to make redy the Parliament howse and Westminster churche, by the space of vij dayes, every of them, and for boote-hire at soundry times from the Tower to Westminster churche, &c. xxxs." And in February, "to Richard Bethell, of the warderobe of beddes, for taking downe of warderobe stuffe at the parliament howse, remaining there by the Space of iiij dayes, himself, his man, and twoo other to helpe to take doune and folde upp the said stuffe, discharging the same to soundry warderobes, &c. xx s." Ibid. !> The following charge also continued to be paid : — Item for John Rudde, clercke of the Kingis closset, for certain preestes praying for the Kinges maieste and his progenitors vij li. x s. <: Henry Holbeach, who was translated to Lincoln in the following August: he died 1551. XCVUl BIOGEAPHICAIi MEMOIR [A.D. 1547. Eeligious observances. Maundy Thursday at Orenewiche. Item to twelve pore men at the King's Maundye the same day, every of theim x d. in a purse Item more to the said xij pore men at the same Maundy, every of them xx s. in a purse, in stede of the King's Maundy gown xij h. Item paied for the said twoo dozen of purses Item for the King's offring on Good frydaye Easter day at Grenemche. Item for the King's ofiring at Eesurrection in the momyng Item for the King's offring this Sonday at high masse . Item for the King's offring at taking his rightes . Item for the King's offring at high masse Item for the King's daily almes this weke Item to tharroldes at armes for their largess that day . Item to the cookes of the kychen in rewarde Item to the officers in the pastry in rewarde Item to th'offioers in the squUiery in rewarde Item to the porters of the gate in rewarde Item to the King's henchmen for their houseUng money Item for the King's offring on Easter monday Item for the King's offring on Easter tewesday Item for the Bang's offring on Easter wedenesday . Sonday at Orenewiche. Item for the King's offring this sonday ..... vj s. viij d. Item for the King's offring on saint Georgis day . . . . . vj s. viij d. Item for the King's dayly almes this weke ...... xxxvij s. xj d. Item for the King's offring on the morowe after saint George's day at requiem masse vj s. viij d. And to tharroldes at armes for their largess on saint George's day . . . C s. . . XX d. XX s. vjs. viij d. vjs. viij d. vj s. viijd. xiij s iiij d. xxxvij s xj d. Cs. vj li. xiij s iiijd. XX s. XX s. liij s . iiij d. XX s. vj s. viij d. vj s. viij d. vj s viij d. Sonday at Grenewiche. Item for the King's offring this sonday Item for the King's offring on saint Markes day Item for the King's dayly almes this weke vj s. viij d. vj s. viij d. xxxvij s. xj d. On the 1st of May the feast of saint Philip and saint James was observed, the King offering a noble : on Ascension day his offering was a mark. At Whitsuntide there were various payments : ^T. X.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. Xcix Whitsonday at Westminster. Item for the King's offring this sonday vj 8. viij d. Religious Item for the King's offring at taking his rightes ..... xiij s. iiij d. Item for the King's daily almes this weke ...... xxxvij s. xj d. Item to tharroldes at armes for their largess on Whitsondaie .... C s. Item for the King's ofiring on Whitsonmonday . . . . . vj s. viij d. Item for the King's offring on the tewesday following . . . . vj s. viij d. Item for the King's offring on the wedenesday folowing . . . . vj s. viij d. On the 3rd of June, being the feast of Corpus Christi, the King again took his rights, and offered on that account a second noble. The other feasts observed during the year 1547 were those of Midsummer day, St. Peter and St. Paul, St. Mary Magdalene, St. James the Apostle, the Assumption of our Lady, St. Bartholomew, the Nativity of our Lady, St. Matthew, St. Michael, St. Luke, St. Simon and St. Jude, Allhollonday (a mark in offering, and C s. to the heralds for their largess). All Souls, St. Andrew, St. Nicholas, the Conception of our Lady, and St. Thomas the Apostle, When the parhament met in November, there was, according to ancient custom,* a mass of the Holy Ghost : — Item for the King's offring at. the masse of the Holy Ghost the first day of the parliament ........... xs. On saint Nicholas day (Dec. 6) the King not only paid his customary offering, but the sum of vjli. xiijs. iiijd. "to the children of the Kingis chappell in rewarde, as hath been accustoumed," in order to enable them to enjoy the annual festivity which they expected on the feast of their patron. With respect to the celebration of Christmas another extract shall be given : — Sonday at Hamptoncourte. Item for the King's offring this sonday vj s. viij d. Item for the Kingis offring on Cristm^as day ....... xx s. Item to the children of the King's chappell for singing Oloria in excelsis on Cristmas day ............. xl s. observances. * There was, however, a change made, (as we are informed in Stowe's Chronicle,) in having the mass in the English tongue. On the previous Easter monday the compline (being a part of the evening prayer) had been sung in English in the King's chapel. On the 18th September the litany was sung in English in St. Paul's, and the epistle and gospel read in English. (Stowe.) The mass of the Holy Ghost was sung at the opening of a new parliament, not at the commencement of every session. When Edward's second Parliament met in 1552, it was abandoned, as appears by the Domestic correspondence in the State-paper office. BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIB [a.d. 1547-8. Religious Item to tharroldes at armes for their largesse on xpenmas daye observances, j^gj^ foj. tj^g King's offring on saint Stephan's day . Item for the King's offring on saint John's day Item for the Kingis offring on Childermas day Item for the King's daily almes this weke .... Cs. vj s. viij d. vj s. viij d. vj s. viij d. nil causa predicta. Newyeres day at Hamptoncourie. Item for the King's offring on new yeres day . • vj s. viij d. Sonday at Hamptoncourie. Item for the Kingis offring this sonday vj s. viij d. Item for the Kingis offring on twelfe day xxxiij s. iiij d. Item for the Kingis daUy almes this weke . . nil quia non solutum hoc mense. ******* Item to the King's maiesties harraldes at armes for their largesse on Twelfe day . C s. The weekly charge of xxxvij s. xj d. for the King's daily alms was discontinued the first week in August, 1547, for which no other reason is assigned except that no such expense was incurred. It was resumed, at the same amount as before, at the beginning of the following February ; and continued until the end of August, 1548, when it was suspended until the fourth week in October. After Christmas occur the feast of Candlemas, when the King's ofiering amounted to xlvjs. viij d., and 'those of saint Matthew and the Annunciation; and so we again arrive at Easter (1548), when the payments were as in the preceding year. The relinquishment of the observances prescribed by the ancient ritual takes place in the first week of June, 1548, after which the King made no further offer- ings either on Sundays or feasts " ; but the weekly payment for daily alms is continued as before. The children of the chapel were no longer allowed their reward to keep the festival of saint Nicholas, but they still had their xl s. for singing Gloria in excelsis on Christmas day. In 1549, when Maundy Thursday arrived, the royal maundy was again distri- buted,'' and on Easter day we still read: — Item for the Kinges offerings at Highmas . . xiij s. iiij d. ' The accountant still continued his entries both for Sundays and feast-days, but the item has always this addition, nil quia non solutum hoc mense, or nil predicta causa, or nil causa ut supra. i" The number of poor men relieved was twelve, in all the three years included in these JET. xi.J OI' KING EDWAED THE SIXTH. ci though the several other offerings before , enumerated are all discontinued. The daily alms .were regularly paid until the end of August, but not during the month of September, which is the last in the account, the book terminating at Michaelmas 1549. One of the chief characteristics of the new doctrines in religion was a preference Sermons at of preaching to the mere repetition of formal services. The great engine for advancing the principles of the Reformation was the pulpit. Sermons had been infrequent in former times,* and confined to the great festivals, or to Lent; and this was the case even at court. In Edward's reign Lent continued to be the chief season for preaching, though in his later years the number of sermons at other times was much increased.'' Of the Lent preachers before the King in the first year of his reign, the names Dr. Ridley on A ^n of three may be recovered. One of them was doctor Nicholas Ridley," after- Wednesday. accounts. Was this in imitation of tlie number of the apostles ? In Protestant times, down to our own days, it has been customary to regulate the number of recipients of the royal maundy in correspondence with the years of the sovereign's age. > In the King's Injunctions issued in 1547 it was ordered that all ecclesiastical persons having cure should preach, or cause to be preached, within their several cures, one sermon in every quarter of a year: and the homilies every Sunday when there was no sermon. Upon the itinerant preachers see a note at p. 376, hereafter. >> An increase of the number of sermons at court was strongly urged by bishop Hooper in his sermons on Jonah, preached in Lent 1550. In the sixth sermon he said : " But your Majesty shall do best to follow the godly king of the Ninevites, and embrace continually the word of the living God, and thus shall your grace be the better able to do, in case your highness would have before you every Sunday one sermon, which should bring much knowledge and grace into your highness' court." Again in the seventh and last sermon : " If it may please you to command more sundry times to have sermons before your Majesty, it will be not a little help to you, if they be well made, well borne away, and well practised. And, seeing there is in the year eight thousand seven hundred and thirty hours, it shall not be much for your highness, nor for all your household, to bestow of them fifty-two in the year to hear the sermon of God." Hooper's Early Writings, (Parker Society,) pp. 541, 558. This appears to have suggested the orders made immediately after, " that whosoever had benefices given them should preach before the ■King in or out of Lent, and that every Sunday there should be a sermon." King Edward's Journal, p. 257. ' This we gather from a letter of bishop Gardyner (printed in Foxe's Actes and Monuments, edit. 1838, vi. 61), which commences : " Maister Ridley, after right hearty commendations, it chaunced me, upon Wednesday last past, to be present at your sermon in the court, wherein I heard you confirm the doctrine in religion set forth by our late sovereigne lord and maister, whose soul God pardon ! admonishing your audience that ye would specially travail in the confutation of the bishop of Rome's pretended authority in government and usurped power' P Cii BIOGKAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1547. Lent wards bishop of Rochester and London, whose sermon was delivered on Ash ^^1546^^ Wednesday, when, according to the old custom » on that day, " ashes were admi- nistered," which the young King "reverently received," as is stated in a letter of bishop Gardyner. A second letter of the same writer, addressed to the lord protector,^ and dated " at my house in Sothworke the last of February," shows that another of and in pardons, whereby he hath abused himself in heaven and earth." Though this letter is undated, another addressed by Gardyner to the lord protector (see above) shows when it was written. Gardyner defends or excuses the use of images, holy water, the ancient ceremonies of creeping to the cross on Good Friday, &c. Proceeding to speak of the efficacy of " the King's The Kinff's cramp rings," he asserts that " I think eflFectually therein the metal hath only an office, and the cramp rings, strength is in the name of God, wherein all is wrought And yet, for such effect as they have wrought, when I was in Prance, I have been myself much honoured, and of all sorts intreated to have them, with offer of as much for them as they were double worth." He after- wards adds, " our late master continued all his life the exercise of that gift of God, and used silver and gold to doe that service, to carry abroad the invocation of the name of God by him ; and he used it amongst us that served him in it, when he had thoroughly heard and seen what might be said in the matter, and yet he had no scripture especially for it, that spake of rings of Ashes distri- silver or gold, no more than is for the ashes ministred a little before ye last preached. And as our buted on Ash young sovereign lord hath received them reverently, so I trust he shall be advertised ne Weanesaay. jiegUgat gratiam Dei in dono curationum, but follow his father therein, also not doubting but God will hear him as he hath heard his father and other his progenitors kings of this realm, to whose dignity God addeth this prerogative, as he doth also to inferior ministers of his church, in the effect of their prayer, when it pleaseth him " » Notwithstanding Gardyner's arguments in its favour, or perhaps in consequence of the suggestion that they conveyed, the custom of distributing ashes on the first day of Lent was abandoned on the very next Ash Wednesday. This ancient practice is thus described in the religious manual entitled The Festyvall, fol. 1511, fol. 15, "Ye shall begyn your faste upon Ashe Wednesdaye. That daye must ye come to holy chirche, and take ashes of the preestes hondes, and thynke on the wordes well that he sayeth over your hedes (Memento hmno, quia cinis es, et in cinerem reverteris), Have mynde, thou man, of asshes thou art comen, and to asshes thou shalte turne agayne." The ashes were distributed upon the heads of the reci- pients, being appointed to be carried upon their heads " after the manner of the Ninevites." This was one of the old usages retained by the royal proclamation respecting rites and cere- monies, dated the 26th Feb. 30 Hen. VIII. (1538-9) ; it was prohibited in 2 Edward VI. but again revived in 1554. See Brand's Popular Antiquities, (edit. Ellis, 1813,) i. 80, 81. 1= This letter commences by stating that the writer had noted " some poyntes in my lord of S. David's sermon which I sende unto you herewith, whereby to declare unto you some part what I thinke, for the whole I cannot express. Somewhat I shall encomber you with my babling, but he hath encombered some frendes more with his tatling.'' Gardyner proceeds to advance many arguments against alterations at home, or wars abroad, during the King's JET. X.] OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. ciii the Lent preachers at court was doctor Barlow," bishop of St. David's, who Bishop broached projects of reform which greatly alarmed the bishop of Winchester. ^^ °^' On the sixth and last Sunday in Lent the preacher was doctor Holbeach, bishop Dr.Holbeach, n T, 1 , I, bishop of of Rochester.'' Rochester. In the following Lent" we have the names of the preachers on all the six Lj.nt 1547-8. Sundays : [Feb. 19.] Sonday at Grenewiche. — Item to the bisshop of Rochester'' for preaching this Dr. Ridley sonday . ■ • • -s. ^Lter. ' minority. " Quiet, tranquillity, unity, and concord shall maintaine estimation ; the contrary may animate the enemy to attempt that which was never thought on : which God forbid ! There was never attemptate of alteration made in England but upon comfort of discord at home : and woe be to them that mindeth (i. e. intend) it ! If my lord of S. David's, or such others, have their head combred with any new platforme, I would wish they were commanded between this and the King's majesties full age to draw the plat diligently, to hewe the stones, dig the sand, and chop the chalke in the unseasonable time of building, and when the King's majesty commeth to full age to present their labours to him ; and in the meane time not to disturb the state of the reaJme, whereof your grace is Protectour, but that you may in every part of religion, lawes, landes, and decrees, (which four conteine the state,) deliver the same to our soverayne lord, according to the trust you be put in ; which shall be much to your honour, and as all honest men wish and desire." Foxe, Actes and Monuments. ■ William Barlow, originally a canon of St. Osyth's in Essex, and at this period a man of advanced years. He was made bishop of St. Asaph in 1535-6, translated to St. David's in 1536, and to Bath and Wells in 1548-9. He was committed to the Tower on the 15th Sept. 1553, two days after archbishop Cranmer, but effected his escape to Germany. On the acces- sion of Elizabeth he became bishop of Chichester, and he died at a very great age in 1568. His domestic history presents the remarkable circumstance that the husbands of his five daughters were all eventually bishops : and that his widow survived until 1595. See his memoir in Athense Cantabrigienses, vol. i. p. 276. ^ As appears before in p. xcvii. Had the account-book of the Treasurer of the Chamber com- menced a few weeks earlier, it would probably have supplied the names of the preachers on all the previous Sundays in Lent, as it does in the two succeeding years. = The chivalric exercises which were held at Greenwich, in the previous week, as customary at Shrovetide, are noticed in the King's Journal, at p. 221. ■' Nicholas Ridley, promoted since the previous year to the see of Rochester. None of Ridley's sermons have been preserved. In his Piteous Lamentation on the State of the Church of England, written after Mary's accession, he thus spoke of the fearless preaching in the late reign, and of its results : " England, thy faults of all degrees and sorts of men, of the magis- trates, of the ministers, and of the common people, were never more plainly told, since thou bearedst that name, than thou didst hear them of late, even before [the magistrates, in King Edward's days ; but thou heardest them only, and didst amend never a whit. For even of thy greatest magistrates some (the King's highness then, that innocent, that godly hearted, and p 2 civ BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1547-8. Lent [Feb. 26.1 Sonday at Grenewiclie. — Item to doctour Taillour" for preaching before the Pkeacheks IN 1547-8. -liiig this sonday . . . . . . . . . . . xx s. [March 4.] Sonday at Westminster. — Item to doctor Eeddeman* for preaching before the Eanges majestie this sonday . . . . . . . . xx s. peerless young Christian prince excepted,) evermore unkindly and ungently, against those that went ahout most busily and most wholesomely to cure their sore backs, spurned privily, and would not spare to speak evil of them, even unto the prince himself, and yet would they towards the same preacher outwardly bear a jolly countenance and a fair face. I have heard that Cranmer and another whom I will not name (he meaneth himself), were both in high dis- pleasure, the one for shewing his conscience secretly, but plainly and fully, in the duke of Somerset's cause, and both of late, but specially Cranmer, for repugning as they might against the late spoil of the church goods, (see pp. 320, 409, present work,) taken away only by com- mandment of the higher powers, without any law or order of justice, and without any request of consent of them to whom they did belong. As for Latimer, Lever, Bradford, and Knox, their tongues were so sharp, they ripped in so deep in their galled backs, to have purged them no doubt of that filthy matter that was festered in their hearts, of insatiable covetousness, of filthy carnality and voluptuousness, of intolerable ambition and pride, of ungodly loathsome- ness to hear poor men's causes, and to hear God's word, that these men of all other these magistrates then could never abide. Other there were, very godly men and well learned, that went about by the wholesome plasters of God's word, howbeit after a more soft manner of handling the matter : but all sped in like. Tor all that could be done of all hands, their disease did not minish, but daily did increase, which no doubt is no small occasion, in that state, of the heavy plague of God that is poured upon England at this day.'' Ridley's Works, (Parker Soc.) p. 59. John Taylor. ° John Taylor, master of St. John's college, Cambridge, 1538 ; dean of Lincoln, 1544 ; bishop of Lincoln 1552 (see p. 414 of the present work). He and John Harley, bishop of Hereford, being present in the house of lords on the first day of queen Mary's parliament in 1553, withdrew at the commencement of the mass of the Holy Ghost, and were consequently committed to the Tower. Taylor died in December, 1554, at Ankerwick, co. Buckingham, in the house of his friend sir Thomas Smith. (See his memoir in Athense Cantabrigienses, i. 121.) John '' John Redman, D.D. at Cambridge 1537, public orator in the same year, Margaret professor Redman. gf divinity 1538-1544, and again 1549 ; the first master of Trinity college by the charter of foundation, 1546 ; archdeacon of Stafford and of Taunton. He died Nov. 4, 1551. (See the AthensB Cantabrigienses, i. 107. He is also noticed at p. 305 of the present work.) Of his present sermon we have the following memorandum from the hand of bishop Gardyner ; — " That dr. Redman, in a sermon which he preached before the King's majesty in Lent the second year of his majesty's reign, did preach and teach to be believed for the true catholic faith, that the true presence of Christ's body and blood was in the sacrament of the altar." (Additional articles exhibited by Gardyner, 21 Jan. 1551, printed in Foxe's Actes and Monu- ments, first edit. 1563, p. 794 ; edit. 1838, vi. 126.) Redman was a divine who, though he died before he had attained high preferment, was much esteemed by his contemporaries, and his opinion greatly respected : one, says Foxe, " who, for his singular life and profound knowledge. ^T. XI.] OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CV [March 11. J Sonday at Westminster. — Item to Tlieodory Basill'' for preaching before the Kinges majestie this sonday . . . . . . . . . xx s. [March 18.] Sonday at Westminster. — Item to mr. Ayer'' for preaching before the King this sonday ............ xx s. [March 25.] Pabne sonday" at Westminster. — Item to maister Latymer for preaching before the Kinges majestie this sonday . . • . . . . xx s. (Account of the Treasurer of the Chamber, MS. Trevelyan.) Of all these preachers the last was the general favourite. His ready eloquence Hugh and his homely illustrations at once aroused and amused his auditors. His popu- Latimer, larity in the city, especially at Paul's cross, accompanied him to the court; and a being inferior in no respect to the said Gardyner, shall stand as great a friend in promoting the Gospel's cause, as the other seemeth an enemy by all manners of ways to impair and deface the same ;'' and on this account Foxe has inserted in his great work some testimonials to the death-bed declarations of doctor Redman, made by master Richard Wilkes, master Alexander Nowel, doctor John Young, and others ; among which are several passages relative to the presence of Christ in the sacrament. He repeated his belief that Christ was present with his sacrament, and in those that received it as they ought ; but being asked whether we received the very body of Christ with our mouths, and into our bodies, or no ? he answered, I will not say so. I cannot tell : it is a hard question ; but surely we receive Christ in our soul by faith. When you speak of it otherways, it soundeth grossly, and savoureth of the Capernaites." His opinion on this engrossing topic of religious controversy had evidently advanced with Cranmer, not remained stationary with Gardyner. » This was Thomas Becon, the very prolific writer of Protestant manuals. He was born Thomas about 1511; and assumed the name of Theodore Basilic after escaping from his first persecution Becon. in 1540. Cranmer appointed him one of his chaplains, and one of the six preachers of Canterbury cathedral; and he became chaplain to the lord protector, and resident in his household at Sheen. He also was instituted to the rectory of St. Stephen Walbrook March 24, 1547-8. Among his numerous printed works none are in the form of sermons; they constitute a large volume in three parts, 1563-64, and were republished by the Parker Society in 1843-44. (See the memoir of Becon in Athena Cantabrigienses, i. 246.) •i Giles Eyre, elected from Eton to King's college in 1523, became vice-provost of King's, Giles Eyre, and D.D. 1547. He had various livings and prebends, and was elected dean of Chichester in 1549. He died in 1551. (See the Athense Cantabrigienses, i. 106.) His name and that of Roger Tonge have occurred in p. Ixxx, as chaplains in the household of Edward when prince. At the commencement of the new reign, having been appointed prebendaries of Winchester, they were both together sent thither to preach ; and amongst the misdemeanors charged ao'ainst bishop Gardyner was a sermon he made in his cathedral to counteract their efforts. (See the deposition of dr. Coxe against Gardyner.) "= " And this yeere the ceremony of bearing of palmes on Palme Sunday was left off, and not used as afore." — Stowe's Chronicle. CVl BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1548. Gardyner's sermon. The King notes of sermons. new preaching-place or pulpit was erected in the privy garden at Whitehall, in order to afford space in proportion to the multitude of his congregation. There, as Stowe tells us, " he might be heard of more than foure times so many people as could have stood in the King's chappell ;" for the generality of people then stood when receiving instruction. The women and aged sat at the feet of the preacher. King Edward with his uncle the protector was seated at a window of the gallery which faced the pulpit ; and behind the King stood his tutor Cheke. These and some other interesting particulars of the customary disposition of the congregation will be found in the ensuing account of Gardyner's sermon. Doctor Latimer preached the first sermon in the new preaching-place at Whitehall on Wednesday the 14th of March.* On the 29th of June, being St. Peter's day, the King with most of the leading statesmen were again assembled there, in order to hear a sermon from doctor Gardyner bishop of Winchester, in which he was expected either to shew a con- formity with the King's proceedings in religious matters, or else to commit himself so far as to justify those measures against him which were commenced immedi- ately after, and ultimately resulted in his deprivation. Cecill and Smith, the two secretaries of state, had previously several interviews with the bishop ; during one of which, on the Monday before the sermon, " master Cecill brought me papers of the King's majesty's hand, showing me how the King's highness used to note every notable sentence, and specially if it touched a king." This interesting statement we receive from Gardyner's ^ own relation. ' In Stowe's Chronicle this date is stated as " The 17 of March, being Wednesday :" but the 17th was a Saturday. Heylyn, in his History of the Reformation, in a passage derived from Stowe, (and which will be found at p. 62 of the present work,) has altered the same date to " the first Friday in Lent." This erroneous statement appears to be borrowed from the following year, when Latimer preached seven sermons upon Fridays in Lent. His two sermons of 1547-8 noticed in the text are not preserved. t" Gardyner came to London from Winchester in the preceding month, having been sum- moned by letter from the council, " to come and declare before them his willing obedience in all points," and to testify the same by preaching a sermon in conformity with certain articles which were prepared by the secretaries of state under the council's direction. The effect of these articles " was touching the usurped power and authority of the bishop of Rome, that the same was justly and godly taken away in this realm, and other the King's majesties dominions; touching the just suppression and taking away of monasteries, religious houses, pilgrimages, relics, shrines, and images ; the superstitious going-about of St. Nicholas bishop, of St. Edmund, St. Katharine, St. Clement, and such like ; and just taking away of chauntries, abbeys, and colleges ; hallowing of candles, water, ashes, palms, holy bread, beads, creeping to the cross, and such like. Also, touching the setting forth of the King's majesties authority in his young iET. XI.] OF KING EBWAED THE SIXTH. cvii Gardyner's bidding prayer on this occasion is remarkable, particularly for its acknowledgment of the King's title of Supreme Head of the Church : — — in which prayer I commend to Almighty God your most excellent majesty our sove- reign lord, King of England, France, and Ireland, and of the Church of England and Irelande, next and immediately under God, here on earth the Supreme Head ; queen Katherine dowager ; my lady Mary's grace, my lady Elizabeth's grace, your majesties most dear sisters ; my lord Protector's grace, with all others of your most honourable Council ; the spiritualty and temporalty. And I shall desire you to commend unto God, with your prayer, the souls departed unto God in Christ's faith ; and among these most specially, for our late sovereign lord king Henry the Eighth, your majesty's most noble father. For these, and for grace necessary, I shall desire you to say a Paternoster — and so forth. And the following statements gathered from the depositions made in the pro- ceedings against the bishop conjure up a striking picture of the audience assembled on this occasion, particularly if placed in connection with Foxe's engraving of the preaching-place at Whitehall, which accompanies his account of Latimer's sermon, already mentioned : — Sir Anthony Wingfield, K.G. comptroller of the household, and privy councillor — was at the bishop's sermon from beginning to end. years to be as great as if his highness were of many more years. That auricular confession is indifferent, and of no necessity by the law of God : touching the procession (i e. the litany) and common prayer in English ; and that things done in general councils against the word of God may be justly revoked in particular councils." Gardyner would not agree to follow these articles implicitly, nor would he show his sermon before its delivery ; but he consented to preach, and chose for the purpose the approaching feast of St. Peter, "because (as Gardyner himself stated) methought the gospel served well for that purpose. And in process of commu- nication, master Cecill told me that he liked gaily well a word that I had said in another com- munication, how a king was as much a king at one year of age as at a hundred years of age , and if I touched it he thought it would be well taken." To this (according to CeciU's report) " the bishop made answer that he was very glad to be desired to speak in that matter, because he could speak as well, and as much in it, as any one in this realm ; declaring that he had treated, in the king's days that dead is, upon that matter for the defence of the young queen of Scots' authority, to make a pact of marriage with the King's majesty now our soveraigne, in her yountf years." The secretary further enjoined the bishop not to meddle with the contro- versy of the mass or sacrament; but this injunction Gardyner had secretly resolved to disobey. The substance of his sermon was taken by master Nicholas Udall, who was stationed within the pulpit for that purpose, and it is printed, at considerable length, from Udall's notes in Foxe's Actes and Monuments : where also will be found the statement of Gardyner and the depositions of Cecill and Smith, from which the preceding particulars have been derived. evui BIOGBAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1548. Bishop Master William CeciU, esquire, one of tlie two principal secretaries to the King's t tS Tfi "vn p V ^ sermon. majesty, (aged 27) — armed with a copy of the articles prescribed to the bishop by the council, gave good heed to conceive the said sermon from beginning to end, and how therein the bishop accomplished his promise and duty ; he omitted divers things that he was commanded to set forth, and divers other things he handled in such doubtful sort, as at that time this examinate thought it had been better he had never spoken of them, and namely of the King's supremacy, and of the bishop of Rome's authority. Sir Ealph Sadler, privy councillor, (age 43) — present at the sermon from the beginning to the end. Sir Thomas Chaloner, one of the clerks of the council, (age 30)— was not present at the whole sermon. Sir Thomas Wrothe, one of the King's privy chamber, (age 32) — present from begin- ning to end, in a place where he might, and as he thinketh did, hear all that the bishop said. Master John Cheke, esquire, (aged 36) — was present at the sermon, standing beside the King's majesties person, where he might and did perfectly hear the said bishop from the beginning to the end of the sermon ; in which he spoke nothing of the King's majesties authority to be of like force now in his young years as when his grace is of more years. Sir Thomas Smith, (aged 33) — deposed to the previous proceedings, but at the time of the sermon had taken his journey towards Flanders. Master Eiohard Coxe, doctor of divinity, almoner to the King's majesty, (aged 51) gives a fuller report of the sermon than any other witness except UdaU. Thomas Watson, batchelor of divinity, chaplain to the bishop of Winchester, (aged 33) — was present at the sermon-time among the throng, so that conveniently he could not hear the sermon. Master Giles Ayre, doctor of divinity, dean of Chichester, (aged 42) — stood in a con- venient place where he heard the bishop very well, and noted certain things which he entreated of. Master Robert Record, doctor of physic, (age 38) — was present at the said sermon from the beginning to the ending, in such place as he might weU hear and understand the said bishop, and gave attentive ear unto his preaching. Sir George Blage, knight, (age 38)— heard the said bishop preach upon the sacrament and the mass, wherewith this deponent and (Jivers others were then oiFended. Nicholas UdaU, master of arts, (aged 44)— at the request of a noble personage of this realm, was in the pulpit diligently noting, in writing, the said sermon. He was in fact the official reporter, and wrote the long report which is printed by Foxe. Sir Edward North, privy councillor, (age 47)— was not present at aU Ha sermon, but a part thereof. Edward duke of Somerset,— was there present, and heard the sermon. JET. XI.] OF KING EDWAUD THE SIXTH. cix William earl of Wiltshire, — rememberetli -well that as well the King's majesty and all others of the council that were present at the said sermon, as all the r^t of the audience that he could talk withal, were much offended with his said sermon, insomuch as in the next session after in council order was given that for his evil-behaviour in the said sermon he should be committed to the Tower; as indeed he was. William lord marquis of Northampton, — the bishop used himself in his sermon in such cold and doubtful sort as both his lordship, and as many others that stood by him, were much offended withal; insomuch that, immediately after the said sermon, as many as his lordship spake withal thought him worthy to be committed to ward for the same. The right honourable John earl of Bedford, lord privy seal, — that the bishop used himself, in his said sermon, very evil, in the hearing of the King's majestic, the council, and a great many besides ; and so evil that, if the King's majesty and the council had not been present, his lordship thinketh that the people would have pulled him out of the pulpit, they were so much offended with him. The lord Paget, — that he spoke not of the King's majesties authority in his young years, neither, as he remembreth, of any ceremonies by name ; but handled the King's majesties authority in such sort, as he seemed rather to take away authority from his council, than to set forth the authority of a King in young age. Master William Bell, clerk, parson of St. Mildred's in Bread Street, (age 52) — was present all the time of the bishop's sermon, and testifies in his favour. Master William Medowe, clerk, chaplain to the bishop of Winchester, and master of the hospital of the Holy Crosses beside Winchester, (age 60) — was also present ; and imme- diately after the sermon came home with the bishop in his barge, at which time it appeared the same bishop was merry and quiet, and said that he trusted he had satisfied what was commanded him ; and the next day following he sat at dinner with the bishop, the same being then merry, and suspecting that no trouble should ensue for his sermon-making, or any other thing, until the time he saw master Wingfield come with the guard. Robert Willanton, master of arts, vicar of Haddenham in the county of Bucks, (aged 37) — went purposely to hear the said bishop preach, and intended to note his sermon; howbeit he could not note as he did intend, because of the throng. Edmund Bricket, doctor of divinity, and parson of Hadham in the county of Hertford, (age 56) — was at part of the bishop of Winchester's sermon, to some of the contents of which he deposes. John Young, clerk, bachelor of divinity, one of the fellows of Trinity college Cambridge, (age 35) — was at the sermon, and also deposes to what he heard. George Bullocke, master of arts, and one of St. John's college Cambridge, (age 30) — the like. As concerning the King's dignity the bishop brought in a certain Greek verse of Homer (Iliad, ii. 204), the effect of which in Latin is this : Plures nam regnare malum : Rex unicus esto. (This is confirmed by Gardyner's own account, that " to the effect 5 ex BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1548. to have our sovereign lord now obeyed, of which mind I was ever, I pointed to our. sovereign lord there in presence, and said, ' He was only to be obeyed ; and I would have but one King;' and other words to that purpose." But such doctrine was correctly appreciated in Paget's remark above quoted.) Christopher Malton, master of arts, and one of Baliol college in Oxford, (age 33)— also gave report of what he had heard. (These latter witnesses are important for the contents of the bishop's sermon: they were examined in his favour.) The King's In the summer of 1548 the King remained at St. James's palace'' until the eild progress in of June, and on the 2nd of the following month'' he commenced his summer 1548. progress, but which was limited to his own houses of Hampton Court, Oatlands, and Windsor. <= At the first he spent the month of July; by the second Sunday in August he had arrived at Oatlands ; and by the third Sunday in September at Windsor castle. His stay at the last was not long ; for on the first Sunday in •> " Item, paied to Nicholas Poskewe and Edward Cornells, the Kinges majesties grome porters, for somuche money by them disbursed about the provision of greene bowes for the Kinges majesties prevei chambre and galleries, and for the lorde protectour and the lady Somerset grace's lodginges, aswelle at the Kinges palace of Westminster as also at St. James, sondry and dyvers tymes within the moneths of Maye and June, amounting to xx" loodes at ij s. iiij d. for every lode cariage, and for cutting of every lode iiij d., as apperith by a bill signed by the lorde chamberlain's hande, the some of Iiij s. iiij d." Account of the Treasurer of the Chamber, MS. Trevelyan. '' On the King's removes it was customary for the bells of the parish churches to be rung, and if this was neglected the officers of the almonry were impowered to inforce a fine. In 1548 the churchwardens of St. Margaret's, Westminster, " paid to the King's amner, when he would have sealed up the church-doors, at the departure of the King's majesty, the 2d day of July, because the bells were not rung, ijs. iiijd." Nichols's Illustrations of the Manners and Customs of Antient Times, 1797, 4to. p. 13. ■= Strype has stated of Ed-syard's movements this summer that " in the beginning of Sep- tember he was at Hatfield, and at Leghes the month after : occasioned as it seems by the plague, which now afflicted the city and other places," (Eccl. Memorials, ii. 118.) resting upon the authority of two proclamations, one of which, for the adjournment of Michaelmas term on account of the plague, is dated from Hatfield on the 6th of September, and the other from Leighs on the 8th of October. These do not however show the habitat of the King, but merely the position of the great seal, which it was customary to attach to proclamations. On the former occasion the lord chancellor (Rich) was probably with others of the council at the palace of Hatfield : on the second he was at his own mansion of Leighs or Leez in Essex. Mr. Sharon Turner has fallen into a similar error at an earlier period of our history : see Grants of Edward the Fifth, (printed for the Camden Society, 1854,) p. xxix. See also my Memoir of the Duke of Richmond (in the Camden Miscellany, vol. iii.) p. xciv. as to his teste as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. JET. XI. J OP KING EDWABD THE SIXTH. CXI October he was again at Oatlandsj and on the first Sunday in November again at Hampton Court.* He was accompanied everywhere by the lord protector, for whose accommodation " the quenes syde " of the several palaces was usually furnished.'' During the summer, Edward had visited his largest ship, called the Great Visit to Harry, ° then lying in the river Thames off Woolwich; and on that occasion he andDeptford. was entertained at Deptford, probably by his uncle the lord admiral, d The parliament reassembled on the 23rd of November for its second session, which Parliament, is memorable for the establishment of the Book of Common Prayer; and it was doubtless in connection with that business that " there was a notable disputation " Accounts of the Treasurer of the Chamber, MS. Trevelyan. i> Ibid. ■^ The Harry Qraee a Dieu, commonly called the Great Harry, was built by Henry the Eighth at Woolwich, early in his reign. It was commenced in 1512, shortly after the loss of the Regent (which had been burnt in that year in action with the French), and launched in 1515. The expenses of its construction, which amounted to nearly 6,500Z. besides large free- gifts of timber, are preserved in a book in the Public Record-office, of which an abstract is given in Cruden's History of Gravesend and the Port of London, 1843, pp. 143 — 147. In a return of the royal navy made in 1521, it is stated that " First, the Great Henry Grace a Dieu, being of the portage of 1,500 tons, rideth at Northfleet, between Gravesend and Erith, being in good reparation, caulking except." (Charnock's History of Naval Architecture, ii. 103, from MS. Cotton. Otho E. ix, fol. 67.) In 1 Edw. VI. its equipment was thus returned : " The Henry Grace a Dieu, 1,000 tons. Souldiers 349. Marryners 301. Gonners 50. Brass pieces 19. Iron pieces 102." (See Archseologia, vi. 218, and at p. 216 a fuller account of its " furniture " and amunition.) The Great Harry was destroyed by an accidental fire, whilst still lying off Woolwich, in the first year of queen Mary, August 25, 1553. A view of this ship, made in 1546 by Anthony Anthony, is preserved in the Pepysian library, and engraved in the Archseologia, vol. vi. pi. xxn., also one of the ships represented in the picture of the embarkation of Henry VIII. at Dover, May 31, 1520, now at Hampton Court, engraved in a large size by the Society of Antiquaries in 1781, and in small in Nicolas's History of the Royal Navy, vol. ii. There are other prints that pretend to represent the Great Harry, but are taken from some great ship of later date. Page 224. c The letters of its writer, John Burcher, who, though an Englishman by birth, was resident far from home, are full of many extravagant rumours on the course of public events in England. Mt. XII.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. cxiii or the exercise of the domestic affections. The only persons to whom we hear of his being warmly attached are his schoolmaster Cheke, his playfellow Barnaby Fitzpatrick, and one or two others of his personal attendants. From the few relations by consanguinity which this royal orphan possessed he was estranged either by separation or by circumstances. This had not been so much the case in his early childhood, when he was occasionally associated with his sisters, and when all the royal children were sometimes assembled in their father's court ; whilst the amiable queen Katherine exercised a genial influence over the whole royal circle. Immediately after king Henry's death that lady sacrificed herself to the headstrong and imperious lord Seymour of Sudeley, and thus lost some of that influence which she could probably have sustained with a more dignified sense of her position as queen dowager. From that event a continual jealousy existed between the King's two uncles, and between their wives the queen dowager and the duchess of Somerset, Queen Katherine was in consequence debarred from the intercourse she had previously held with her royal stepson, and his loss of that intercourse was not compensated by any marked kindness on the part of his uncle and aunt of Somerset. The protector, oppressed with the cares of state, had little leisure to bestow in personal attendance upon his nephew the King, except upon public occasions: and the duchess of Somerset was not expected to do so, for Edward, after he had attained the age of six, ceased to be " brought up among the women." " From that early age he was surrounded by males only, and, as it were, sent to school. Nor did the King any longer derive the advantages of female society from the company of his sisters, the lady Mary and the lady Elizabeth, except at rare and unfrequent intervals ; for they had each distinct households at a distance from his court, and the former, in consequence of her jealous adherence to her own faith, was soon placed in that position of partial rebellion and consequent disgrace in which she remained throughout this reign. The lord Sudeley, meanwhile, was instigated by his devouring passion, that of personal ambition, to catch at every opportunity of ingratiating himself with the King; and, unhappily, he was not contented to practise this policy without at the same time undermining his brother the protector. Hence ensued, in a few short years, the total ruin of the Seymours. Sir Thomas had been left, as we have seen, an assistant only to the execution of king Henry's will, but immediately on his nephew's accession he was advanced to the dignity of a baron, to the office of lord admiral, and the order of the garter ; and by the first patent of the protectorate he became a privy councillor, l" His * See his Journal, p. 209. '' See p. Ixxxviii. mours. CXIV BIOG-RAPHIOAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1548. The Sey- ambition was far from satisfied. His head was filled with the precedents which our history afforded him of the importance and preeminence accorded to the Hollands and Beauforts, and other "uncles of kings." He thought that the duke of Somerset and he ought in some way to share their power : that if one was protector of the realm, the other might be governor of the royal person"; and he grudged that one of the royal uncles should sit in a preeminent seat in parliament, whilst the other was only ranked as a junior baron." However excessive his expectations may have been, the protector might better in some degree have humoured than denied them : for a mutual confidence would have provided mutual support and protection. ° There were cooler and more artful politicians at work, pursuing the destructive maxim of Divide et impera. » See the evidence stated in the present work, at pp. 53, 54. It is remarkable that in the Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London (printed for the Camden Society,) we find an intimation contemporary with the King's accession of such an arrangement having been con- templated : for the writer of that chronicle (p. 54) at first made an entry that the earl of Hertford was made " protector and defender of the realme, and sir Thomas Semer hys brother lorde governor unto the kyng," which latter statement he corrected in his margin by the word "amrelle" (admiral). ii " He sayd he mislyked that he was not placed in the parliament house as woone of the King his unkills." (Sharington's evidence, in Haynes's Burghley Papers, p. 91.) The pre- eminence assigned to the protector has been already stated in p. Ixxxviii. c The characters of the two brothers are forcibly, and with probable truth, contrasted by Heylyn. " The Admiral was fierce in courage, courtly in fashion, in personage stately, in voice magnificent : the Duke mild, affable, free, and open; more easy to be wrought on, but no way malicious, and honoured by the common people, as the Admiral was more generally esteemed among the nobles. The Protector was more to be desired for a friend, and the other more to be feared as an enemy. The defects of each being taken away, their virtues united would have made one excellent man.'' (History of the Reformation, p. 72.) There wa? yet another brother, named Henry, the second son of sir John Seymour, who, whether merely from choice, or from any disqualification now unknown, preferred to live away from court. According to the same old historian, he " was not found to be of so fine metal as to make a courtier, and was therefore left unto the life of a country gentleman." (Heylyn then goes on to relate how an estate was carved for him out of the lands of the see of Win- chester.) We do not find the least intimation of his royal nephew ever having held any communication with him. Though his younger brother, the aspiring Thomas, was knighted when the eldest was made a peer, Henry Seymour remained a plain esquire until his royal nephew's coronation, when he was one of the knights of the Bath made in its honour : but neither before nor after the death of his brothers do we hear of him again at court. It is very remarkable that a brother intervening between the self-aggrandising duke of Somerset and the equally, if not more, ambitious lord Seymour of Sudeley, should have been a man of so oppo- site a temperament. ^T. xii.J OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CXV The protector's absence in the Scotish campaign of 1547 afforded the lord admiral his first opportunities to instil a disparagement of his brother into the King's mind. Edward's own account of these circumstances will be found in another part of the present work." It reveals a melancholy view of the total absence of natural affection in the royal breast: for, when the lord Seymour remarked that the protector was growing old, and might not live long, the King admits that he replied, " It were better that he should dyeP There are some other remarkable replies uttered by the boy-King in the following statement, which was made by his servant John Fowler'': — The sayinges of Thomas lord Seymour of Sudelet, in sundry his conferences and communications with me John Fowler. [MS. Harl. 249, fol. 26.] First, the said lord Seymour the of at St. James, the Kinges ma** lyeng there, called me into his chamber, and after I had byn there a whyle with him, commaunding his servaimtes to go out, sayd unto me thies woordes or moche lyke ; " Now, mr. Fowler, how does the Kinges ma*« ?" I sayd, " Well, thankes be to God." Then he asked me if his highnes lacked any thing, and I said no. Then he asked me if his grace woold not in his absence aske for him, or move my question of him. I answered his ma** woold aske somtyme for him, but nothing elles ; and then I demaunded of him, " What question shuld his ma**, aske of you ?" " Nay, nothing (said he), onles somtyme his highnes woold aske why I maried not " " I never hard him aske any suche ques- tions," quoth I. Then my lorde paused a whyle, and after said to me, " Mr. Fowler, 1 pray you, if you have any communication with the Kinges ma*^ soone, or to-morrow, aske his highnes whether he woold be content I shuld mary or not; and if he saye he will be content, I pray you aske his grace whom he woold have to be my wief ?" I said I woold; and that night, his highnes being alone, I said to his ma'", " And please your grace, I marveU my lord admirall marieth not." His highnes saying nothing to it, I said agayn, " Could your grace be contented he shuld mary?" His grace said. Ye, very well. Then I asked his ma*« whom his grace woold he shuld mary? His highness said. My lady Anne of Cleues; and so, pawsing a whyle, said after. Nay, nay, wot you what ? I woold he maried • See p. 57. i" John Fowler was sent prisoner to the Tower at the time of Seymour's disgrace. Two of his letters to the lord admiral are printed at pp. 59, 61, of this work. The depositions against Seymour are preserved partly at Hatfield, printed in Hilynes's Burghley Papers, partly in the State-paper office, printed in Tytler's Edward VI. and Queen Mary ; whilst the present docu- ment, which has found its way into the Harleian collection, has never hitherto been published. So far as the King is concerned, it is the most important of the whole, next to his own depositions. CSvi BIOaEAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1548. Sayings of my sister Mary, to turn her opinions. His highnes went Ms wayes, and said no more at oflSeT *^^' '^"^- The next day my lord admirall came agayn to St. James, and meting me in the gallery, called me to him, and asked me whither I had don as he bad me or not ? I say yee, and told him aU as the King had sayd to me ; and he laughed and said nothing. Within a litle space after he said to me, " I pray you, mr. Fowler, if you may sone, aske his grace if he could be contented I shuld mary the Quene ; and in case I be a sutar to his highnes for his lettre to the Quene, whether his ma*^ woold write for nie or not." I sayd I woold, and so at night I dyd my lordes message to the Kinges ma'*, and the next day my lord admiraU came to the King himself. "What oommunicacion passed betwene his ma** and him I can not tell ; but sure I am the Kinges ma'* wrote a lettre to the Quene,* wherof I was not of counsell, and my lord admirall himself brought one other from the Quene agayn. Also the of , the Kinges ma'* lyeng still at St. James, my lord admirall came thither, and meting me in the gallery, went into the ynner gallery, and there talked with mr. Wrothe, the King being at stoole ; and, after he had talked a while there, he came forth, and I followed him into his chamber, from whence bydding ■ his men to go out, he asked me whither my lord his brother had byn there or not syns his last being there, and as I remember I said no. Then he told me that my lordes grace was fallen out with him concerning th'admiraltie, and how his grace tooke their parte *> before his ; and theis wer my woordes unto him, " I pray you pacific yourself, and beare with my lordes grace ; considering he is the Protector of the realme, and your elder brother, for Goddes love let ther be no unkindnes betwene you." Hering me say so he answered, " Nay, my lord will have my hed under his girdell." I sayd agayn, " Yet pacific yourself, for the love of God, and bere with my lordes grace." Then he paused awhile, and said, " I trust we shall do well inough for all this ; but I pray you (quoth he) tell the Kinges ma'* of it, lest my lord shuld tell him, and that his highnes shuld be ignorant of the matter;" and eyther he willed me to tell mr. Cheke of it, or elles he said, " I will tell mr. Cheke myself" I am in doubt whither of the two. When he prayed me to tell the King, I asked him, " Why, what woold your lordship that the King shuld say if my lordes grace told him ?" He said " Nothing, but that his grace woold be indifferent betwene us, and to consider we be bothe brethren, and that we must agree as brethem." " God forbydde elles !" quoth I, and promised him I woold breke with the King in it ; and so I did. My lord admirall told me he woold pray mr. Cheke to breke with the King also, and so I thinke he did ; and I think mr. Wrothe to ; and for my parte what I said to the King I trust his grace can witness. " The letter printed at p. 46 of the present work. '' i. e. the part of the inferior officers of the admiralty. J3T. xil.J OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CXvii The said lord admirall after this at (blank) the of prayed me, Sayings of as he dyd at sundry other tymes, to put mr. Cheke in remembraunce to the Kinges ma*" ^°^^ Seymour of Sudeley. of him, and as I remember I brought mr. Cheke a writing from my lord admiraU about that tyme, but I can not surely tell whither I brought him any suche writing or no. Also about this tyme the Kinges ma*^ sent a recommendacion in writing by me to my lord admirall, and this was the effect, or moche like: My lord, bycause you ar busied in your affaires that you can not come to see me, I recommend me to you by this berer, and so wrote his own name under; and this mr. Cheke saw.* Also dyvers and sundry tymes (the certaynte wherof I can not call to my remem- braunce) at Grenewich, Westminster, and Hampton court, my lord admirall willed me in his absence to put the King in remembraunce of him, and not to forget him, as in all his talkes with me one thing was to put the Kinges ma*'' in remembraunce of him, and if his highnes lacked any money to send to hym for it and nobody els ; and if I lacked any thing I shuld have it. Also a little before his going in to. the countrey with the quene my lord admirall came to the court, being then at Westminster, and sending for me into his chamber [asked me how the Kinges ma*" dyd. I said, "Very well, thankes be to God." Then said my lord, " I must go to supper to the Quene, or eUes I woold tarry and speke with his highnes myself;'' and*] said to me that, " forasmoche as I woold do nothing but that I woold his ma'"" shuld be privie of it, I pray you tell his grace I wU be a sutar to my lord my brother for certain jewelles which the King that ded is gave the Quene, thincking the law woold she shuld have them ; wherof one is hir wedding ring." Wherunto I said, " Alas ! my lord, that ever jewelles or muck of this world shuld make you begyn a nue matter betwene my lordes grace and you." "Nay (said he), ther wil be no busines for this matter, for I trust my lord my brother wilbe content ;" and so calling for his bootes to go to Hanworth," he bad me farewell. This matter I never durst tell the King, nor dyd not. Also sundry tymes syns his last coming to the court he woold come in to the privie buttrey and drynke there alone, and aske me whither the King woold say any thing of him ? I have answered, " Nay, in good faith ;" and then he woold wysshe that the Kinges ma*® wer v. or vj. yeres elder. He woold also many tymes desire me to bring him worde when the King was rysing ; and so I dyd. Also at that parliament that the busines was for patentes* he willed me to put the Kinges ma** (as moche as in me lay) in mynde if my lord protector woold tell his highnes any thing against my lord admirall, in that case that his ma*" woold take his parte, '■ Lines are drawn across this passage in the MS. >> These lines are erased in the MS. = Hanworth in Middlesex was a manor settled on queen Katharine. ^ The patent for the protectorate? (see note in p. cxx.) r CXviii BIOGEAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1548. Sayincs of bycause the matter touclied his highnes ; and also willed me to put mr. Cheke in remem- lord Seymour braunce, and mr. Wrothe to; and so I dyd. And at his going in to the countrey he prayed me to breake with the Kinges ma** that it woold please him somtyme, when his grace could, to writ some litle recommendaoion with his own hand ; for, said he, it will comfort the Quene much ; and so I dyd. Wher- upon at his ma*^ last being at St. James the of his highnes wrote a recommendaoion to the Quene and to him, wherof the woordes wer thies as I remember : My lord, I recommend (me) unto you and to the Quene, praying you to send me suche money as ye thinhe good, to give away to them as Fowler doth write in his lettre ; and as nere as I can declare this was th'effect of my lettre: "After my humble commendacions to your good lordship, the Kinges ma''' hath sent you hereinclosed recommendacions to the Quene and to your lordship with his own hand, praying your lordship also to send him some money as you shall thinke good, for his ma*^ will give mr. Haward some, bycause he is going into Scotland," &c. An answer of this lettre I had agayn brought me by one West, who kepeth my lord admiralles house in London, which conteyned in effect only thankes for my good remembraunce of him to his highnes in his absence, and for the money he wrote underneth my lettre sent unto him, two or thre woordes to Anthony Boucher, the Quenes receyvour, to delyver me xlli., which he sent me by my man to Hamptoncourt accordingly. Within a fourtnight or iij weekes after. West came to Hampton court agayn with lettres (as he said) to my lord protector's grace, and he asked me whither I woold any thing to my lord admirall. I demanded of him when he went, and he said he went not, but my lord had a post of his own wayting upon my lord privie seale to carry lettres from tyme to tyme. I sayd I woold write within ij or thre dayes ; and within iij dayes after that I asked the Kinges ma*^. if he woold any thing to my lord admirall ; his highness said " Nothing," whereupon I said, " If it were your grace's pleasure to write some recommenT dacions, with thankes for his gentilnes, it ver well don ;" and went my way, thinking his ma'^ woold have writ nothing ; and when I came agayn his highnes bad me go into the litle house within where he dyned, and to take the writing that lay underneth the carpet in the window there, and recommend his highnes to my lord admirall. The writing was but ij lynes, and in effect was thus, as I remember: My lord, I recommend me unto you and to the Quene, thanking you always for your remembraunce. I enclosed this in my lettre, whereof the effect was thankes to his lordship for his remembraunce, and that the Kinges ma** was in helth, and had him the said lord admirall in memory, as moche as he had any nobleman in England, with suche like woordes. Within a fortnight after he sent me an answer moche like the first, conteyning thankes to me, and his humble commendacions to his ma**, and in the end of the lettre he wrote, if I lacke any money I shuld send to mr. Locke of London, for he had caused Antony Boucher, being with him in the countrey, to write his lettre to Locke for xl. li. for me if I sent for it. ^T. xn.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH, Cxix A note of suohe money as I have receyved of the lord admiral!, as followeth : Money given First receyved of himself at Westminster within a Utle after the coronacion . , x. li. Sevmour of Item, after that at Westminster, Hampton court, St. James, and Grenewiche, Sudeley. by V. U., xx** nobles, and x. U. at a tyme, I am uncertayn of the somme Item, of Sturton from my lord admiraU in Lent last past at Westminster, I am in doubt whither xx. U. or xl. li . . . . . . . . . xl. li. Item, my lord admirall gave me at his own house at London, the of . . x. li. Item, by a lettre from him to the Quenes receyvour at Hampton court in the be- gynning of the progresse . . ....... xl. li. Item, my lord sent me an other lettre, being at Hampton court, wherein was inclosed a lettre from the Quenes receyvour to mr. Lock of London for a . xl. li. Item, receyved of mr. Sharington for my lord admirall a sevennight before Christmas was xij. monethes ......... xx. li. Item, my lord a littell before the parliament gave me at Hampton court . . x. li. Item, syns the Kinges coming to London, of Sturton by my lordes commandement xx. li. Item, at Newyerestyde was xij. monethes, he gave me at Hampton court . . v. li. Item, on Newyeresday last past he gave me after brekefast in the privie buttrye at Westminster . . . . . . . . . . . iii. li. Item, my lord admirall gave me a litle before he married the Queue a cap with agglettes, and a brouche. A note of suche sommes of money as I Fowler have disbursed by the Kinges ma"^ commaundement. First delivered to his highness to give to mr. Cheke, at sundry tymes . . . xx. li. Item, to his ma*® to give to John Aysshley at sundry tymes when he taught his grace to play on the virgynalles . . . . . . . . v. li Item, to Belmayn " by the Kinges commandement at ij sundry tymes . . . v. li. To mr. Barnabe '' by his ma*™ commaundement at ij tymes .... xx. s. To Worley at ij.tymes ..... j .. . . iij.li. Item, delivered to the Eanges ma** at sundry tymes by xl. s., and xx. s., and x. s. at a time, I remember not the somme ..... . . Item, to Garrat of the gard'for a booke which he gave the King at St. James . xl. s. Item, to my lord privie seales trompet at Hampton court, when his highnes skir- misshed in the garden, at iiij. sundry tymes . . . . . . xl. s. Item, at Grenewiche to certayn tumblers that played, his grace loking out upon them . . . . . . . . . . . . . xl. s. - Item, to a trompet which sometyme was my lord Bray's servant, for playing on the Thames against Grenewiche ......... xx. s. • The King's French master. " Barnaby FitzPatrick. r 2 cxx BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1548-9. Prosecution of lord Seymour of, Sudeley. In addition to his constant tampering with the authority of the lord protector, * Lord Seymour had given offence by secretly marrying the queen dowager, and had been forgiven. He had lost her by death, and he ventured to aspire to the hand of lady Elizabeth : when the possible accomplishment of this project was contemplated as so dangerous, that it was judged necessary to put a decisive stop to his presumptuous career. On the 17th January, 1548-9, he was committed to the Tower by the lord protector and eighteen councillors, and on the 23rd of February the council went in a body to the Tower to examine him upon thirty- three articles ; '' but he refused to answer, except on arraignment. The day after, it was deemed expedient to require the King's personal authority for further pro- ceedings, and the result is thus recorded in the council register : — This day, the xxiiij''' of ¥eh^, the lord chaunceUor and the rest of the lords and others of the counsel! making reaport to the lord protector of their proceedings the day before in the Tower with the lord admiraU, upon consultation herein tak^, it was thought con- venient that the said lord chaunceUor and the rest of the counsell should at after dinner make reaport to the King's majestie, both of such heynous and trayterous attempts and doeings as the lord admirall had done and entended, and also of his obstinate refusall to answer to the same or to excuse himself, if, peradventure, there might be any hope for him either to be proved giltless or to receive pardon : and it was further apointed that the said lord chaunceUor should demand and know the King's majesties mynd, whether he would be content that for his majesties surety, and for avoyding of further inconvenience towards his royaU person and crown, his highnes wold be content that his majesties lawes should precede upon him according to th'order of justice and th'accustome of the realme in Uke cases : and specially, for so much as thies things have chanced to be revealed in the » In one of the depositions there are passages which apparently allude to the lord admiral having taken a busy part in the alteration of the patent of the protectorate. " I did hear him say that he would never consent or agree that the King should be kept as warde till he come to the yeres of 18 ; whereby he misliked my lord his grace's [first] patent.'' Again, " After my lord his grace had surrendered up his patent in the parliament ho\ise unto the King his majesty and toke another during his highnes' pleasure, his highnes when he met with my lord admiral did thank him for his patent, as my lord admiral said unto me." (Depositions of sir William Sherington, in Haynes's Burghley Papers, pp. 90, 91.) From this it would seem that the remarkable alteration of the term of the protectorate (noticed in p. Ixxxix.) was promoted especially by the lord Seymour of Sudeley. The two brothers, pursuing their internecine struggle, were watched and no doubt instigated by the bystander Warwick, into whose hands they were actually playing. b They are printed from the Council-book in the Appendix to Burnet's History of the Reformation. ^T. xn.] OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CXXi time of his majesties high court of parliament, that the parKament should have the deter- minacion and ordre thereof. According as it was determined in the counsell, so, immediately after the King's majesty had dined, it was put in execucion. The lord chauncellor declared forth the heynous facts and treasons of th'admirall and the obstinate refusall, and made the demand and request aforesaid. Every one of the lords and the rest of the counsell in order briefly declared their mindes and sentences to that effect. Lastly, the lord protector, declaring how sorrowful! a case this was unto him, said, that he did yet rather regard his bounden dewtie to the King's majestie and the crown of England then his own son or brother, and did wey more his allegiance then his bloode ; and therefore he could not resist nor wolde not be against the lordes' request, but as his majesty wolde he wolde most obediently be content; and if himself should committ suche offences against his highnes, he could not think himself worthy lief, and so muche the more as he was of all men most bounde to his majestie, and therefore he could not refuse justice. Upon all this the King's majestie answered theis words, " We do perceive that there is The King great things which be objected and layd to my lord admirall myn uncle; and they tend o?°sents o to treason: and we perceive that you require but justice to be done. We think it tion. reasonable, and we will well that you precede according to your request." With theis words, coming so sudenly from his grace's mouth of his own motion, as the lordes might well perceive, the said lordes and the rest of the counsell were merveilously rejoyced, and gave his highnes most hearty praise and thanks. Subsequently, on the 25th of February, a deputation from both houses of parliament went to the Tower to make another attempt to extract from the prisoner an answer to those articles objected against him : he replied to three only,» and refused to answer to the rest. His haughty spirit would not bend to supplication, nor had he any party of influential friends. In the house of peers, when " the judges and all the King's majesties learned counsell had declared playnly the case to be manifest treason," the bill of attainder was passed " with one whole voice of all and singular the lords being there, the lord protectour onely for naturall pities sake desiring license to be away." In the nether house it was passed on the 5th of March, " the house being merveilously full, almost to the nomber of iiij<= persons, not X or xij at the most giving their nays thereunto." The protector's personal fears were excited'' to the exclusion alike of mercy, fraternal affection, or true « These replies are printed with the articles in Burnet's History of the Reformation. i> That such evil influences were in action, and that Somerset was subsequently aware of the mischief they had effected, is affirmed by a witness of no less authority than the lady Elizabeth, who in a letter addressed in the period of her own distress to her sister queen Mary, wrote thus : " In late days I heard my lord of Somerset say that, if his brother had been suffered to CXXll BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [A.D. 1548-9. Prosecution of lord Seymour of Sudeley. The King leaves him to his fate. policy: and it was determined to push the prosecution to capital punishment. Once more the King must be made to take a share in this bloody work. This day, the x"^ of Marche, the lord protector and the rest of the counsell meting in the King's majesties palace at Westminster to consult and deliberate of the affaires of the realm, emongs other things it was thought good that for so much as both the lords of the upper house, and also the knights, citizens, and burgesses of the lower house of parlia^ ment had passed and assented unto the bill of the attainder of the lord admirall, that the same should be signified and declared to the King's majestic, with further openyng of his heynous offences, conspiracies, and treasons; how that the. said treasons were so heynous and feariull, and so daungerous, tending both to the extreme peryll of his most royall person, and the subversion of the state of the realme, that of necessite it behovid not to pass them over, but seriously to consider them, especially now after by both the houses of his highness' court of parhament it had been so adjudged. Therefore thei should require his highness that they might precede further for the suretie of his person according to justice. And forasmuch as they did perceive that the case was so hevy and lamentable to the lord protector, his majesties uncle, yf his highness were so pleased, and so com- manded them, (altho the thing itself, but onely that for his majesties surety it could not be omitted, were also to them sorrowfull,) yet they wold further procede to justice herein as apperteigned, without further troubling or molesting, in this hevy case, either his high- ness or the lord protector. According as it was in the counsell determined, so after dyner the lord chauncellor and the rest of the counsell repayred to the King's majestie, to whom the said matters and requests were declared in the name of the counsell by the mouth of the lord chauncellor, the lord protector being also there present. To the which his highness answered, that he had well perceived their proceedings herein, and gave them his hartie thanks for their pains and travaile, and the great care his highness perceived that they had for his suretie, willing and commanding them that they should proceed as they requested, without further molestation of his highness or the lord protector. And at th'end said, " And I pray you, my lords, so do." With the which answer they toke their leave and departed. (Register of the Privy Council.) Such was the fashion in which the son of that sanguinary Henry who had committed so many judicial murders was tutored into the condemnation of one of his nearest kinsmen. All that can be urged in his excuse is, that he was a child of little more than eleven years of age, and surrounded by those to whom speak with him, he had never suffered ; but the persuasions were made to him were so great that he was brought in belief that he could not live safely if the admiral lived, and that made him give his consent to his death.'' (Ellis's Letters, ii. ii. 257.) ^T. XII.] OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CXxiii such terminations of political strife were too familiar. Still it must be regretted that throughout the aflPair, instead of any childish bursts of passion or of pity in Edward's behaviour, we find rather the utmost heartlessness, and a precocious alacrity to sacrifice to the supposed demands of justice an uncle who had ever endeavoured to gratify his boyish fancies, and one of whose most frequent misde- meanors had been that of secretly supplying him with pocket-money. The tragedy was soon completed. On the 15th of March the bishop of Ely (Goodrich) was sent to attend the prisoner, and prepare him for death. On Sunday the 17th, his execution was ordered for the Wednesday following, the council-book being on that occasion signed as well by the protector as by thirteen other councillors ; and on the 20th, in pursuance of that fiat, the lord Seymour of Sudeley was beheaded on Tower hill. He appears to have surrendered his life in an indignant and defiant mood,* without that acknowledgment of the justice of » Two days after the execution bishop Latimer preached before the King and court at Westminster one of his series of Lent sermons, which will be presently described. At its close he introduced the story of a man executed at Oxford, who had persevered in asserting his mnocence until he was hung ; but after his hanging, and before he was drawn and quartered, reviving at the fire, he then confessed his fault. Latimer related this as a proof that the wicked are with difficulty brought to confess their crimes ; and then added, " I will leave here, for I think you know what I mean well enough. I shall not need to apply this example any further." In his next sermon (preached on the 29th March) Latimer remarked that he knew that he had given offence to some folks by this allusion, for they said, " Oh, the man died very boldly : he would not have done so had he not been in a just quarrel." In reply to such observations, Latimer declared that he could have said more than he did, and was now enabled to say still more from what he had since learned. " This I will say, if they ask me what I think of his death, that he died very dangerously, irksomely, horribly. The man, being in the Tower, wrote certain papers which I saw myself. There were two little ones ; one to my lady Mary's grace, and another to my lady Elizabeth's grace, tending to this end, that they should conspire against the lord protector's grace : surely, so seditiously as could be. Now what a kind of death was this, that when he was ready to lay his head on the block, he turns me to the lieutenant's servant, and saith, ' Bid my servant speed the thing that he wots of.' Well, the word was overheard. His servant confessed these two papers, and they were found in a shoe of his: they were sewed within the soles of a velvet shoe. He made his ink so craftily, and with such workmanship, as the like hath not been seen. . . . He made his pen of the aglet of a point that he plucked from his hoae, and thus wrote those letters so seditiously as ye have heard, enforcing many matters against my lord protector's grace, and so forth. God had left him to himself: he had clean forsaken him Surely he was a wicked man : the realm is well rid of him.'' This passage, printed in 1549, was suppressed in the subsequent editions of Latimer's Sermons, but the whole of it will be found in that printed for the Parker Society. Dr. Lingard has animadverted in strong terms upon Latimer for his condemnation of the lord admiral ; but CXXIV BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1548-9. Lent Seemons, 1548-9. Latimer on the King's education. his sentence which was usually exacted from state criminals : endeavouring at the last, as was said, to avenge his quarrel through his interest with the King's sisters the ladies Mary and Elizabeth. The sermons on the Sundays in the Lent of 1548-9 are thus recorded in the accounts already quoted : [March 10.] Sondaye at Westminster. Item to mr. Josephs ^ for preachinge before the Kinges majestie this Sondaye . ; xx s. [March 17.] Sondaye at Westminster. Item, to master Ayer,* for preaching before the Kinges majestie this Sondaye . . . . . . xx s. [March 24. J Sondaye at Westminster. Item, to doctor Parker" for preachinge before the Kinges majestie this Sondaye . . . . . . xx s. Mr. Tytler (England under the reigns of Edward VI. and Mary, i. 152) considers that, as the life of lord Seymour is shown by history to have been " that of a fierce, ambitious, proud, and revengeful man," so Latimer was justified by the particulars which he made known. In his fifth sermon (preached on the 5th April) Latimer again returned to the subject, and stated that "he confessed one fact: he would have had the governance of the King's majesty. And wot you why? He said he would not in his minority have him brought up like a ward. I am sure he hath been brought up so godly, with such schoolmasters, as never king was in England, and so hath prospered under them as never none did. I wot not what he meant by his bringing up like a ward, unless he would have him not go to his book, and learn as he doth. Now, wo worth him ! yet I will not say so neither, but I pray God amend him [i.e. any one], or else send him short life, that would have my sovereign not to be brought up in learning, and would pluck him from his book.'' In his seventh sermon (preached on the 19th April) Latimer still could not forbear speaking of the vanquished traitor. Treating of prayer, he remarked, " I have heard saye, when that the good quene that is gone had ordeyned in her house dayly prayer both before none and after none ; the admirall getteth hym out of the waye, lyke a moule diggyng in the earth. He shalbe Lottes wyfe to me as long as I lyve. He was I heard say a covetous man, a covetous man in deede (a horrible covetous man, edit. 1549) : I woulde there were no moe in Englande. He was I heard say an ambitious man : I would there were no moe in England. He was I heard say a seditious man, a contemner of common prayer : I would there were no moe in England. Well, he is gone : I would he had left none behinde him ! " (Edit. 1571, p. 86.) " John Joseph, D.D. was chaplain to archbishop Cranmer, (see Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 62,) by whom he was collated to the rectory of St. Mary-le-Bow in 1546. ■> See before, p. cv. " Matthew Parker, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury. He had for many years been one of the King's chaplains, and previously chaplain to queen Anne Boleyne ; the following being items in his autobiographical summary : " 1535. 30 Mar. vocatus in aulam Annse reginse. " 1537. 1° Martij, vocatus ad aulam Regis et factus capellanus Henrici VIII. JET. xn.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CXXV [March 31. J Sondaye at "Westminster. Iteip, to maister Curtoppe* for preachinge before the Kinges majestie this Sondaye . . . . . . xx s. but he does not seem to have preached before king Henry more than once, since the following list apparently contains all his sermons before the royal family until his elevation to the see of Canterbury : Condones. Anno 1534. Coram episcopo Eliensi in sua visitatione Balsamise. 1535. Coram domina Elizabetha apud Hundeston (Hunsdon). Coram rege. Henrico VIII°. in aula, dominica tertia in quadragesima. [Ex] Epistola. 1539. Coram Edwardo principe. 1540. Coram domina Elizabetha apud Hatefeld. 1548. Coram Edwardo rege in aula Westmonast. in quadragesima, dominica tertia. De Evangelio. 1551. Coram illustr. rege Edwardo in quadragesima, scil. alternis diebus Mercurij, viz. 9 et 23 diebus Martij, collega meo magistro Harlaeo episcopo Herfordi^. 1559. Coram domina Elizabetha regina, bis in quadragesima. (Strype's Life of Parker, fol. 1711, Appendix, pp. 14, 15.) On the present occasion he was sunmioned to his task by the two following letters of arch- bishop Cranmer and bishop Thirleby : I commend me heartily unto you ; signifying that my lord Protector's grace, having good opinion of your learned knowledge and godly zeal in the advancement of God's word, hath, by the advice of the council, specially appointed you to preach one sermon before the King's majesty's person the third Sunday of Lent now coming. Wherefore I pray you in the mean season to prepare yourself in areadiness for the purpose, and to repair unto the court against the day appointed, to satisfy the offce whereunto you are called accordingly. Thus heartily fare ye well. From my manor at Lambhith this 17th of Pebruarij anno 1548. Your loving friend, T. Caht. To my loving friend doctor Parker, master of Benet college in Cambridge. After my right hearty commendations to you. Where my lord of Canterbury his grace hath appointed you to preach before the King's majesty the third Sunday of this Lent, and hath written to you for the game purpose, and yet hath received no answer from you again, this shall be to desire you both to prepare yourself to accomplish his request, and also to advertise his grace by your letters of your determination herein. And thus I bid you heartily farewell. From Westminster the fourth day of March 1548. Your assured friend, Thomas Wbstm. To the right worshipful and my very loving friend master doctor Parker, master of Benet college in Cambridge. Correspondence of Archbishop Parker (Parker Soc), pp. 40, 41, (the spelling modernised,) from MS. C. C. C. C. cxiv. art. 130 and art. 123. » James Curthop, M.A. Oxon. 1538, a canon of Christ-church 1546, dean of Peterborough 1549. He complied with the changes of the times, and died holding his' preferments in CXXvi BIOGBAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1549. [April 7.] Sondaye at Westminster. Item, to {blank) for preachinge before the Kinges majestie this Sondaye . . . ... . . xx s. [April 14. J Palme Sondaye at Westminster. Item, to docter Coxe* for preacMnge before the Kinges majestie this Sonday . . . • . • xx a. On the Fridays in this Lent Latimer preached before the King his celebrated series of seven sermons,'' which have been repeatedly printed, and continually- quoted for their graphic anecdotes and homely but effective oratory.' They were commenced on Friday the 8th of March, and continued until Friday the 19th of April inclusive. In the first Latimer spoke at some length in contemplation of the King's future marriage, and at last addressed Edward personally : Let the Kyng therefore chuse unto hym a godly wyfe, whereby he shall the better lyve chast, and in so lyving all godlynes shall encrease and rightwisenes be mainteyned. Not- withstanding, I know hereafter some wiU come and move your grace towards wantonnes, and to the inchnation of the flesh and vain affections. But I would your grace should beare in memory an history of a good king Lewes, that travled towardes the holy land — (which he then proceeds to relate). 1557. See Wood's Fasti Oxon. (edit. Bliss,) i. 107 ; and his epitaph at Christ-church, printed Willis's Cathedrals, ii. 458. " The King's almoner, doctor Eichard Coxe. ' '' In the sixth of these sermons is a further illustration of the aspect of " the preaching- place at Westminster'' during sermou-time. Whilst most of the auditors stood (as already noticed in p. cyi.) others were usually " walking up and down." In reference to such persons Latimer exclaims : " Surely it is an ill misorder that folke shalbe walking up and downe in the sermon-tyme (as I have sene in this place this Lent), and there shalbe such hussyng and bussyng in the preacher's eare that it maketh him oftentymes to forget his matter. O let us consider the Kynges majesties goodnes ! This place was prepared for bankettyng of the body : and his majestie hath made it a place for the comfort of the soule, and to have the word of God preached in it, shewing hereby that he would have all his subjectes at it, if it might be possible. Consider what the Kynges majestie hath done for you ; he alloweth you all to heare with him. Consider where ye be. First ye ought to have a reverence of God's word ; and, though it be preached by poore men, yet it is the same word that our Saviour spake. Consider also the presence of the Kinges majestie, God's hygh Vicare in earth. Havyng a respect to his personage, ye ought to have reverence to it, and consider that he is God's high minister, and yet alloweth you all to be partakers with him of the hearyng of God's word." (Edit. 1571, fol. 73 V.) ' They were printed in 1549, soon after their delivery ; the first sermon by itself, and the six others with a preface which is dated 21 June 1549. There is no copy of the first edition in the British Museum, and I therefore quote partly that of 1571, and for the cancelled passages that of the Parker Society. ^T. xn.] OF KIN& EDWARD THE SIXTH. CXXvii In the second sermon occur the following very remarkable passages : Young kinges, tliougli they be children, yet are they Hnges notwithstanding, and though it be written in scripture Ve tibi terra uhi puer est Rex, " "Woe to thee, O land, where the king is a child," it foUoweth in another place, Beata terra ubi rex nohilis, " Blessed is the land where there is a noble king:" where kinges be no banketters, no players, and where they spend not their time in hauking and hunting. And when had the Kinges majestie a counsell that toke more paine both day and night for the setting forth of God's word, and profits of the common wealth? And yet there be some wicked people that will say, " Tushe ! this geare wiU not tary; it is but my lord Protector's and my lord of Canterburies doing. The Kinge is a childe, and he knoweth not of it." Jesu mercy! how like are we Englishmen to the Jewes, ever stubborne, stifnecked, and walking in byewayes. Tea, I thinke no Jew would at any time say, " This geare wiU not tary." I never heard nor read at any time that they sayd, " These lawes were made in such a kinges dayes, when he was but a chUde. Let us alter them." Lorde! what pitie is this that we should be worsse then the Jewes ! " Blessed be the land (sayth the worde of God,) where the King is noble." What people are they that say, " The King is but a childe"? Have not we a noble King? Was there ever King so noble, so godly, brought up with so noble counsellors, so excellent and weU-learned scholemaisters? I wiU tell you this, and I speke it even as I thinke. His majesty hath more godly wit and understanding, more learning and knowledge at this age, then XX of his progenitors that I could name had at any time of theyr Hfe. Presently after, Latimer administered the following incentive to the King's love of study. He must be a student. He must write God's booke himselfe : not thinking, because he is a king, he hath license to do what he wiU, as these worldly flatterers are wont to say, yea, " Trouble not yourselfe, sir, ye may hauke and hunt, and take your pleasure. As for the guiding of your kingdom and people, let us alone with it." These flattering claw- backes are original! rootes of all mischiefe. And yet a king may take his pastime in hauking or hunting, or such lyke pleasures. But he must use them for recreation, when he is weery of waightye affayers, that he may retume to them the more hartye : and thys is called pastime with good company. He The King must write out a booke himself. He speketh of writing, because printing was not used "?"^* write ■^ ° the booke of at that time. And shall the Kinge write it out himselfe? He meaneth, he shall see it Deuterono- written, and, rather then he should be wythout it, write it him selfe. Jesus mercy ! is ™yehymselfe. God so charie with a king, to have him well broughte up and instructed? Yea, forsooth, for if the Kyng be well ordered, the reahne is well ordered. Then, after some remarks upon the way in which God's book had been miracu- lously preserved — «2 CXXVIU BIOaEAPHICAL MEMOlB, [a.d. 1549, Rumour that the King was dead. It foUoweth in the text: Hahebit secum, ^c. He shall have it with him in hys pro- gresse; he must have a man to carrye it, that when he is hauking and huntinge, or in any pastime, he may alwayes commune with them of it. He shall read in it, not once a yeare, for a time, or for his recreation when he is weery of haukyng or huntyng, but cunctis diebus vitce sum, all the dayes of his hfe. One extraordinary result of these sermons was the restoration of certain de- falcations of which some of the King's officers had been guilty." The money was brought to old Latimer, and by him returned to the state, on the condition of his being allowed to conceal the names of the penitents. The amount of the " con- science money " thus recovered was 373Z., from which fifty pounds were bestowed upon master Latimer " in respect of his attendance at court this Lent." Whilst the King was at Hampton Court in the summer of 1549, a rumour was circulated in London that he was dead : and it was consequently judged necessary that he should publicly show himself to the people, which he did by passing through the city, " with a goodly company," from Suffolk place in Southwark to Whitehall, on the 23rd of July.* The false report was traced to the astronomical calculations of one Robert Allen, a conjurer, who was said to be instigated by the papists." The continuance of rebellions in various parts of the country during this summer greatly harassed the government, and much weakened the authority of the pro- tector ; particularly with the nobility, for they attributed the destruction of their property to the countenance he had shewn to common rights in the tenure of land, and his proclamations for the removal of unauthorised iriclosures. It is, however, Deposition of unnecessary to say much in this place of the circumstances attendant upon the deposition of the duke of Somerset from the Protectorate, because the leading par- • "xxviij. Martij. — This day sir Michael Stanhope knt. by commandment and order of the lorde protector's grace and counsaile, received of mr. Latymer of such the King's money as came of concelement, and now delivered by th'exhortacion of the said mr. Latymer, the summe of iij'lxxiij li., whereof they appointed presently Lli. by way of the King's reward to be given to the said mr. Latymer in respect of his attendance at court this Lent, and the rest to be used for payments in his charge." (Privy-council Register, MS. Addit. Brit. Mus. 14,024, fol. 107.) See other particulars in Strype, Eccles. Memorials, ii. 451. >■ See the entry in the King's Journal, p. 228, and the passage in the Grey Friars" Chronicle annexed. " See also the extract from the narrative of Edward Underhill in p. 578. In a list of prisoners in the Tower, 11 Feb. 1551-2, occurs the name of "Robert Allen, who hath bene there xij monethes and more for matters of astronomic and suspicion of calculation." MS. Harl. 419. Rebellions. ^T. Xn.] OP KING EBWARD THE SIXTH, CXxix ticulars are to be found in the body of tliis work." Nor have they much relation to Edward's personal history, being more connected with strictly political causes, — the unsettled obedience of the people, Somerset's alleged misgovernment, and the struggle of statesmen for power. The young King was altogether far less affected by it, either in mind or in his ordinary habits of life, than might be supposed. He was separated from an uncle who, though generally near him, had really given him but little companionship ; and if he had parted without regret from his uncle Thomas, who courted him, he could scarcely grieve for his uncle Edward, who perhaps had rather awed and intimidated him. The event, however, must have come upon him as a thunderstorm. Edward and the protector were at Hampton Court, when on Sunday the 6th of October tidings were brought of the hostUe proceedings of the councillors in London, who had countermanded the protector's letters to the citizens, and altered the custody of the Tower. The duke had already sent out letters to assemble an armed force, but it had not yet arrived m any numbers ; so, for more security, he determined to remove to Windsor Castle. This was done " in the night of the same day, with a great number of horsemen and footemen " (as described in Stowe's Chronicle). Other circumstances imme- diately connected with the King are thus stated in the articles charged against the duke : Item, you declared and published untruly, as well to the King's majestic and other the young lords attendant upon his majesties person, and to the King's subjects at divers and sundry times and places, that tbe said lords at London minded to destroy the King ; and you required the King never to forget it, but to revenge it, and likewise required the said young lords to put the King in remembrance thereof, to the intent to make sedition and discord between the King's majestie and the lords. Item, you said in the moneth of October last at Hampton court, and the 8. of the same moneth at Windsor, or at one of the same places, these words : " The lords of the coun- cell at London doe intend to kill me : but if I dye, the King shaU dye : and if they famish me, they shall famish the King."'' > See pp. 232 et seq. I" In the autobiograpliical anecdotes of Thomas Hancock a more popular version of this incident is as follows : " Att his fyrst apprehension the reportt was thatt the duke of Somerset, (whatt time he was fett owtt of Wynsor castell,) having King Edward the 6th by his hand, shold say : " Hytt ys nott I thatt they shote att ; thys ys the marke thatt they shote att " — meaning the King, whych by the seqwel proved too trew ; for thatt good, godly, and verteuus Kyng leved nott long after the deathe of thatt good dewke." Narratives of the Reformation, (printed for the Camden Society,) p. 80. CXXX BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1549. Item, the 6 of October last, you did of your owne liead sodainly- remove the King's majesties person late in the night from Hampton court to Windsor, without any provision there made for his grace, whereby his highness was not onely in great feare, but tooke also such disease as was to his great perill. Item, you caused at Windsor your owne person in the night time to be guarded in harness by many persons, leaving the King's majesties person unguarded, and would not suffer his own guard or servants to be next the King's person, but appointed your own servants and friends to keepe the gates. Another account of the protector's conduct, emanating from the same quarter, and addressed (on the 9th of October) to the King's sisters, is as follows : — When he had thus gathered the puple (people) and comons togither at Hampton Court, then he brought his majestie into the basse courte there, and so after to the gate to them that were without ; and after he had caused his highnes, good prince, to saye 7 pray you he good to us and our uncle, then began he his oration ; and amonges many his untrue and yvel ^ sayenges, declared that oone special cause of our displeasure to him was for that we wold have hym removed from his ofEce, and' that we mynded to have your grace * to be Eegent of the realme, and also to have the rule and governance of the Kinges ma*^ person, dilating what daunger it shuld be to his ma*^ to have your grace, next in succession and title to the crown, to be in that place, and that therein was ment a greate treason ; w'hich, as God knoweth, we never entended, considering well the lawes touching government to provide to the contrary, neither any of us all at any time, by worde or writing, hath opened any such matier to your grace, as your honour knoweth ; concluding in th' ende, like an irreverent and unkinde subject — ' This last passage is, on a rider, re-written thus: — concluded, like a most irreverent and uakinde subject, that if we shuld attempt any thing against him the said duke, " Here he is," quoth he, pointing to the King's ma*^, "that shall dye before me!" which was the most abhominable sayeng that ever passed the mouth [of] a subject toward his prince and soveraign lorde. After some days had been spent in mutual expostulation and negociation, ° the protector found himself deserted by all the council, except archbishop Cranmer and the secretary sir Thomas Smith, and at the last his arrest was effected by sir Anthony Wyngfeld, the vice-chamberlain and captain of the guard. The ' In modernising this document (which is a draft in the State-paper Office), Mr. Tytler has changed this word from evil to idle. England under Edward VI. and Mary, i. 249. ■■ The letter was addressed alike " to my lady Maries grace and my lady Elizabeth's grace," but it may he presumed that a great part of this passage was written only to the former. " See hereafter, in pp. 235 — 243, a catalogue of the numerous documents still extant relative to this crisis and revolution. JET. XII.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CXXXi following dispatch, which was thereupon sent to the council, was written partly by Wyngfeld and partly by Paget; it is signed also by Cranmer. Both the writers give an account of the King's behaviour : (State-paper Office, Domestic Edw. VI.) After our most hartie commendations to your good lordship. These may be to signifie unto you that I the vice-chamberlayn arryved bere this mornyng, and according to your instructions have the person of the duke in my kepyng : and, forbycause his chamber was herd adjoynyng to the Kinges bedchamber, he is removed to the tower which is called the Lieutenaunt's, which is the high towre next adjoynyng to the gate of the myddle warde, a very high towre ; and a strong and good watch shalbe had about the same. The rest also be forthcoming, conteyned ia your billet delyvered to me, saving Whalley, who yesterday, uppon the hope conceyved by the duke of mr. Hobbie's reaport, was sent by him to the duchesse his wief, to reconfort her. She is at Bedington. Here was with the duke his soone th'erle and his yong brother. We have appointed them to be conveyd to the duke's house, to remayn there with his" other children till your further pleasures knowen. The Kinges ma** is moche troubled with a great rewme, taken partly with ryding xhe King's hither in the night, and partly encresed by the subtilte of this ayer, as the gentlemen of dislike of . . , Wmdsor his chamber say, and moche desyryth to be hense, saying that Methinkes I am in prison; castle. here he no galleries nor no gardens to walke in. Your lordships may consider it, and give order as you shall think convenient. After having written so far at the dictation of Wyngfeld, Paget thus continues on his own part: — I the comptroller have sjpoken for provision to be made at Eichemond, where there is alredy v. tonne of beare and v. tonnes of wyne. But the physician dispraiseth the house, and wisheth us rather to Hampton Courte or London. The Kinges ma"*, thanks be to the ly ving God, is in good helth and mery : and this day after brekefast came furth to mr. vice-chamberlayn and all the rest of the gentlemen, whom I promise your lordships he bad welcum with a mery countenance and a lowde voyce ; askyng how your lordships did, when he shuld se you, and that you shuld be welcum whensoever you cum. The gentlemen kissed his highnes' hande,*" every one, moche to theyr confortes. And thus we byd your good lordships most hartily well to fare. From Wyndsore the ijth of October, 1549. Your lordships' assured loving ffreendes, T. Cant. Wm. Paget. A. Wyngfeld. To the right honorable and our very good lordes and othere of the Kinges ma*** counsayle presently at London. • Misprinted the by TytUr, Edward VI. and Mary. ^ Misprinted hands by Tytler. CXXXll BIOGKAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 154y. On the following day, being Saturday,^' the 12th of October, the lords repaired in a body to Windsor, in order to explain their conduct personally to the King. They presented themselves to his majesty " most humbly upon their knees," and declared to him " the occasion and order of their doings ; the which his majesty did accept in most gracious part, giving their lordships his most hearty thanks."'' With boyish confidence Edward appears to have readily credited all that was suggested to him, and he complacently enters in his Journal ° the catalogue of his uncle's faults, — "ambition, vainglory, entering into rash wars in my youth, negligent looking on (or after) Newhaven,* enriching himself of my treasure, following his own opinion, and doing all by his own authority, &c." 0;i the following Monday the duke, with his principal adherents, was sent prisoner to the Tower of London ;« and the King was carried back to the palace of Hampton Court, accompanied by the greater part of the council. Fresh arrangements were now made for the King's guardianship. With the duke of Somerset was sent to the Tower sir Michael Stanhope, the duchess's brother, who had hitherto been the chief of Edward's personal attendants. The places of both were supplied by the nomination of six great lords and four knights, of whom two lords and two knights were to be constantly in attendance. At Hampton Court, Tuesday the xiiijth [15th] of October, 1549. (Present,) Archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), lord chancellor (Rich), lord privy seal (Russell), marquess of Northampton, lord great chamberlayn (Warwick), lord cham- berlain (Arundel), earl of Shrewsbury, earl of Southampton, lord Wentworth, mr. trea- surer (Cheyne), mr. comptroller (Paget), master of the horse (Herbert), mr. vice-cham- berlain (Wyngfeld), mr. secretary Petre, mr. Sadler, mr. doctor Wotton, mr. North.f The lords considering that, the duke being committed to the Tower, it should be requi- • Mis-stated as Sunday in the note at p. 234. The register of the privy council (according to Gregory King's transcript in MS. Addit. 14,025) is itself inaccurate as to Friday, which is there called the xth ; Saturday and Sunday are correctly called the 12th and 13th ; but Monday is also called the 13th, and, what is very extraordinary, the error is carried on until the beginning of the following month. Tuesday the 5th November is the first day on which the reckoning is readjusted. ^ Register of the privy council. " Page 240. ■1 i. e. Ambleteuse, which the French had recaptured ; see note in p. 227. ■= See p. 235, note. ' At Windsor the day before, besides these seventeen councillors, there had been present seven others— the lord great master (St. John), sir John Gage, the lord chief justice (Mountague), sir John Baker, sir Edward Wotton, sir Richard Southwell, and sir Edmund Peckham. iET. XII. J OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CXXXiii site to have some noblemen appointed to be ordinarily attendant about his majesties person in Hs privy chamber, to give order for the good government of his most royall person, and for the honourable education of his highness in these his tender yeares in learning and vertue, did chuse for that purpose one marquess, two earles, and three barons, that is to say, the marquess of Northampton, the earles of Arundell and Warwick, and the lord Wentworth, the lord St. John and lord Eussell, — the same six, or at the least two of them, to be alwayes attendant on his majesties person. There were also appointed four principall gentlemen of his highness' privy chamber, whereof two at the least should be continually attendants, that is, sir Edward Eogers, sir Thomas Darcy, sir Andrew Dudley, and sir Thomas Wroth, knights ; to whom was advanced above their accustomed fees of L li. by the yeare, the yearly fee of L li. more, in consideration of the singular care and travell that they should have about his majesties person. (Privy Council register.) The lords governors were the marquess of Northampton, the earls of Arundel The lords and Warwick, the lords Wentwortli, St. John, and Russell : all of whom were ^"^'^ shortly elevated to fresh dignities or offices, with the exception of Arundel, who, on the contrary, was soon after dismissed from his post of lord chamberlain and his place in the council. The Romanist party, of which he was a leading member. The Romanist had taken an active part in effecting the revolution ; and not only Southampton, P*'" ^' the late chancellor, but even bishop Gardyner, then a state prisoner, was cajoled into anticipations of returning to political power. The earl of Warwick could not afford to play the secondary part he must have occupied in their company. He, therefore, at once, on frivolous charges, turned round on Arundel,* and not only effectually intimidated him, but also drove" Southampton, Southwell,b and Gage away from the council, whilst the duke of Norfolk and Gardyner were still detained in the Tower. Meanwhile, the dominant councillors arranged a fresh distribution of prefer- Distribution ment. The veteran statesman Russell, and the wily Paulet lord St. John, were ogjggs raised to earldoms by the titles of Bedford ^nd Wiltshire ; whilst sir William Paget, by whom the protector had been deserted and betrayed, was made a baron. Warwick at once resumed the office of lord admiral, which, on the King's accession, he had been required to surrender to the lord Seymour of Sudeley; and soon after he took in addition that of lord great master of the household. The last was vacated by Wiltshire, who now obtained the high office of lord treasurer, lost by the duke of Somerset. The marquess of Northampton was made lord great chamberlain in succession to Warwick. Lord Wentworth, though a cousin of the duke of Somerset," was induced to take the office of lord chamberlain, lost by the earl of Arundel. Sir Anthony Wyngfeld, before vice-chamberlain, was made 5 See p. 245. ^ See p. 246. ' See p. 306 of this work, t CXXXIV BIOGEAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1549-50. Gentlemen of the privy- chamber. Passage through London. Lent Sermons, 1549-50. comptroller of the household, in succession to Paget. Sir Thomas Darcy was made vice-chamberlain. The knights that in the first instance a were appointed to be the " four principal gentlemen of his highness's privy chamber,"* were sir Andrew Dudley the earl of Warwick's brother, sir Edward Rogers, sir Thomas Darcy, and sir Thomas Wroth. In the following April mr. Sidney, the earl of Warwick's brother-in-law, (afterwards sir Henry Sidney, K.G.), and mr. Neville (afterwards sir Henry )^ were placed in the same position of high and confidential trust," which introduced them to familiar intercourse with the King. The names of Wroth and Sidney are on record as having especially won his affections. The former had been about him * before the period at which we are now arrived. Both were present at his death-bed ; and in the arms of the latter he died. On the 17th October, the King was again conducted in state through London, = evidently in order that the termination of the protectorate' might receive some degree of popular approbation. During the Lent of 1549-50 there were sermons at court on Wednesdays by John Hooper and on Fridays by John Ponet,e who were shortly after appointed to the bishoprics of Gloucester and Rochester. In Hooper's letters to Bullinger these sermons are more than once mentioned;'' and all of Hooper's are ex- ° See the King's Journal, p. 243. ^ See p. 244, note. •= See p. 257. ■* See p. cxvi. ' See the note in p. 244. f In the MS. Cotton. Titus B. ii. f. 104, is preserved a document indorsed, "The forme of a commission by the King to his counsaill," drawn at this period (" having butt nowe lately accomplished the age of xij. yeres.") It names no parties, but seems to have been intended merely to renew the powers of the surviving executors of the late King's wUl, to continue during pleasure, and to be discharged by letters patent under the great seal. Strype has printed this document in the Appendix to the second volume of his Ecclesiastical Memorials, Under the letters PP. p. 139 ; but in the notice he has taken of it (Book I. chap, xxxiii. p. 278), he has totally failed to perceive the circumstances that suggested it. Whether any such commission was executed does not appear ; but it is more probable that the privy council carried on the government without it. » One of Ponet's sermons, being on the all-engrossing subject of the eucharist, was soon after published, under this title i " A notable Sermon concerninge the ryght use of the Lordes supper and other thynges very profitable for all men to knowe, preached before the Kynges most excellent Mayestye and hys most honorable counsel in hys courte at Westmynster, the 14. daye of Marche, by Mayster John Ponet, Doctor of Divinity, 1550." 8vo. ii In a letter of Hooper to Bullinger occurs this passage : — "While I was writing this, namely on the fifth of February, on which day I received your last, the archbishop of Canterbury sent for me, and ordered me in the name of the King and council to preach before his majesty (who is now at London, and will not go anywhere else before Easter,) once a week during the ensuing Lent. May the Lord open my heart and mouth, and may I think and speak those things which ^T. xin.J OE KINa EDWABB THE SIXTH. CXXXV tant. They were immediately pablished,a with a dedication to the King, one extract from which may here be given . to show how earnestly this preacher Advice of followed up the exhortations of Latimer that Edward should proceed in the ^^"°P great work of ecclesiastical reformation, notwithstanding the exceptions taken to such changes being made during his minority : Let these diabolycall soundes and speakynges of evel menne nothyng trouble your higlines, nor your wise and godly councellours, " As long as the Kynge is in hys tender age, hys councell shulde do nothinge in matters of religyon." For those men's folishenes, rather I sliuld say malice, is condemned by the worde of God, that teacheth howe a kynge in hys younge age, wyth hys vryse and godlye counsell, should abolyshe idolatrye and sette forthe the true and godly religyon of the living God. Thus declareth the notable and godlie facte of Josias, that folowed the relygyon of hys father, not Ammon the idolater, but of David, nor deolynynge to the right hand, neyther to the left hand ; and destroyed not onlie the images of his father, but also of Jeroboam and of Solomon, iiii Eeg. xxii. xxiii. This fruit of Josias holp his godly councellers and vertuous priestes. On Sunday the 30th of March there was a sermon " on thanksgiving " for the peace lately concluded with France,'' but the preacher's name does not appear. may advance his kingdom! I shall make choice, I think, of a very suitable subject, namely, the prophet Jonas, which will enable me freely to touch upon the duties of individuals. Do you, my reverend friend, write back as soon as possible, and diligently instruct me as to what you think may be appropriately said in so crowded an auditory. It must necessarily be great when before the King, for even in the city there is such a concourse of people at my lectures that very often the church will not hold them." (Zurich Letters, iii. 75.) In another letter. Hooper first describes his recent sermons in London, where he lectured on the gospel of St. John, and " freely held forth upon the sixth chapter respecting the Lord's supper, for the space of three months, and lectured once or twice every day. And it pleased God to bless my exertions. A wonderful and most numerous concourse of people attended me, and God was with them : for he opened their hearts to understand the things that were spoken by me. But I have incurred great odium and not less danger from the sixth chapter. The better cause, however, prevails ; and duifing this Lent I have plainly and openly handled the same subject before the King and the nobility of the realm." (Ibid. p. 80.) Again, '' At Easter, after the sermons were ended which master Ponet and myself preached before the King and council, he on the Friday and I on the Wednesday during Lent, it pleased his majesty and the council to offer the bishopric of Rochester to Ponet, and that of Gloucester to myself." (Ibid. p. 86.) Hooper proceeds to state some of the difficulties that arose regard- ing his consecration, which will be noticed presently. » " An oversight and deliberacion upon the holy Prophete Jonas : made and uttered before the kynges maiestie, and his most honorable councell, by Jhon Hoper in lent last past. Com- prehended in seven Sermons. Anno. md.l. Excepte ye repente ye shall al peryshe. Luke xiii," . b See the King's Journal, p. 255. t2 CXXXVl BIO&KAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1550. Thomas Lever. Latimer. Bishop Day. teace with France. On the fourth Sunday in this Lent, a sermon was preached before the King bjr Thomas Lever," a divine afterwards distinguished by his extreme puritanism. Latimer also preached this Lent, but apparently only once. It was a sermon against covetousness,* in which he boldly arraigned that prevalent vice. He called this sermon his Ultimum Vale, for, havmg now preached at court three Lents, he did not expect to appear there again." On Good Friday, April 4, doctor George Day, bishop of Chichester, iJ was summoned to the preaching-place at Westminster : where he declared his rejection of the doctrine of transubstantiation, of which (as the King says) he had before been " a vehement affirmer." « The ratification of peace between England and France, in the spring of this year, gave occasion for that interchange of visits made by the young nobility of both countries, in the character of hostages,' of which large particizlars will be » This was immediately published under this title : " A sermon preached y« fourthe Sudaye in Lente, before the Kynges majestie, and his honourable counsell. A. D. 1550. London, by John Day." 8vo. Strype, who has given some extracts from this sermon, in his Ecclesi- astical Memorials, vol. ii. p. (261), and again p. (272), has in both places erroneously stated that it was preached on the third instead of the fourth Sunday in Lent. >> " A moste faithfull Sermd preached before the Kynges most excellete Maiestye and hys most honorable Councel in his courte at Westminster by the reverende Father Master Latymer. Anno Domi. m.d.i.." c "And here I would be a suter unto your m^'estie, for I come now rather to be a suter and a petitioner then a preacher ; for I come now to take my leave, and to take my vltimum vale, at least-wise in this place, for I have not long to live, so that I thinke I shall never come here into this place agayne, and therefore I will aske a petition of your highness." (This petition was,) "For the love of God, take an order for mariages here in England ;" and he proceeded to ask for a law that adultery might be punished by death. ^ In his letter to BuUinger of the 27th March, Hooper writes : " The bishop of Westchester (but this clearly should be Chichester) will preach on Good Friday, and will deliver his sentiments upon the (Lord's) supper, the invocation of saints, and the authority of the scriptures. God grant that he may teach the truth! We all piously agreed in the same opinion respecting all the articles [these were certain articles or topics dictated to Day, as had been done to Gardyner ; see p. cvi. and p. cxL], in the presence of the King, this Lent. I will let you know the result immediately after Easter." (Zurich Letters, edit. 1846, iii. 80, and Errata, p^ xi.) Day was thus put to the like test as Gardyner had been, and was more accom- modating in his doctrines. However, he opposed other proceedings of the Reformers, and was subsequently deprived, as is stated in the biographical note at p. 37 of this work. The King's letter to him there printed probably originated from the circumstance of Cheke the King's schoolmaster having been once his pupil. * See the Journal, p. 255. The date "5." of the month is there a misprint for "4." f la addition to the earlier examples of this custom, given in the note at p. 251, it may be ^T. xiu.J OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CXXXVii found in the King's Journal and the accompanying notes. It was at this period that Roger Ascham, in a Latin letter to Johannes Sturmius, wrote a passage to the following effect : The nobility of England was never more devoted to literature than at present. Our most illustrious King Edward, alike in ability, in industry, perseverance, and acquire- ments, far exceeds what is usually expected from his years. It is from no fond reports, but from my own frequent observation, which I regard as the sweetest incident of my good fortune, that I have contemplated the whole band of virtues taking up their resi- dence in his breast. And France, I doubt not, will recognise the highest praise of learning in the most illustrious duke of Suffolk, and in the rest of that company of noble youths, which, hitherto educated in Greek and Latin literature together with our King, set out, on this very day that I write to you, on their journey to that country. Whilst the King was at Greenwich in April, he crowned a new Garter King of Creation of Garter Kinir Anns, according to the ancient ceremonies, of which the very curious detail is as of Arms. follows : (MS. Coll. Arm. K. 37, fol. 113.) To be provided for Garter principall Kinge of Armes at the tyme he shall be crowned. 1. First, a booke 2. Item, a sworde 3. Item, a crowne guylte. 4. Item, a coUer of SS. 5. Item, a boule of wyne. 6. Item, a coate of armes richly imbrodered. The manner of the creation or crowning of Garter principal! Kinge of Armes. Anno 4 Regis Edwarde the v. [at]. Greenwich. Gilbert Dethicke alias Derick esquire, al's Norrey kinge of armes, was created Garter principall king of armes on sondaye the 20 of ApriU, which was the sondaye before saynt George's daye anno 1550, after this manner: First, the said Garter kneeled downe before the Kinges maistye and the Kinges sworde was holden on a booke, and the said Garter layd his hand uppon the booke and also upon the sworde whiles Glarencieulx kinge of arms rede his othe, and when the othe was rede and the said Garter had kissed the booke and the sworde, then the saide ? to be sworn uppon. here noticed that on the conclusion of peace with Scotland in 1559, " The 4. of April five young gentlemen were appointed ta passe into England for pledges ; their names were lord Claude Hamilton, fourth son to the duke Chateau le Resralt ; Robert Douglas ; Archebald Cambel, lord of Longhenneli George Gream, second son to the earl of Mintithe; James Coningham, son to the earl of Glencarne." (Stowe's Chronicle.) At the peace made with France in 1519 the French hostages sent to England were monsieur de Montmorancie, monsieur de Montperac, monsieur de Moie, and monsieur de Morrat. (Holinshed.) CXXXVlll BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1550. Clarencieulx rede the letters patentes of his office, which were dated the 29. of AprUl in the yeare aforsaide ; in the reading wherof, as the wordes doe foUowe in order, so did the ■ Kinges ma"'* first take the cup of wine and powering it on his head named him Garter; after that, his ma*"^ put on him his coate of armes and the coUer of SS. about his necke, and lastly the crowne ; and so finished the seremony. Summer fhe royal progress this season was somewhat more . extended than in previous progress. ./ j. o ^ ^ i years. It was arranged that the King should ride the whole distance from Westminster to Windsor in a single day, dining on the way at the late nunnery of Syon/ then belonging to his uncle the duke of Somerset. This long journey was made on the 23rd of July.^ At Windsor the King received the French ambas- sador; and on the 12th of August he removed to Guilford, where also was a royal manor-house. ° On the 20th he went from Guilford to Oking;<^ and thence on the 26th e to Oatlands. On the 8th of September he removed to Nonesuch;* on the 15th again to Oatlands;^ on the 4th of October to Richmond;'" and on the 16th to Westminster. So that throughout this progress the King kept to his own houses, and did not visit those of the nobility, except by his passing call at Syon on first starting. To the retired manor of Oking the lady Mary was summoned,' either to meet her brother, or to be subjected to the gentle admonitions of his councillors; but she thought herself more secure in her own household. a Journal, p. 285. >> Page 286. " See note in p. 424. The King was again there in 1552. ^ Oking, or Woking, was a royal palace, Henry VIII. having become possessed of it by the death of his grandmother. "In the middle of September, 1515, he came to his maner of Okyng, and thether came to him the archebishop of Yorke, whom he hartily welcommed, and shewed him great pleasures ;'' and it was during that meeting that a, letter was brought to Wolsey from Rome, " certifying him howe he was elected to be a cardinall." (Holinshed.) Oking subsequently became a favourite hunting-seat of James the First ; see his Progresses, vol. ii. pp. 37, 758 ; vol. iii. pp. 77, 470, 967, 1004. •> For " 20. Removing to Oteland," in p. 292, read 26. f Page 293. e Ibid. " Page 295. ' On the 22nd July the lord chancellor and secretary Petre were sent to the lady Mary to cause her to come to Oking or to the court (Journal, p. 286) ; but she " utterly denied," i.e. resolutely refused, to do either at that time (p. 288). Whilst the council were in daily fear of her being carried off by the emissaries of the emperor, she, on her part, was afraid to trust herself to her pretended friends at home. As Fuller quaintly observes : " She loved to deale with the King her brother eminus by letters, but in no wise cominus by discourse. Besides, she hated coming to the court, suspecting some harsh usage to her person, and jealous of being put into restraint." (Church History, fol. 1655, book v. p. 399.) JET. xill.l OF KING EDWABD THE SIXTH. CXXxix We will now resume the series of testimonies to the mental qualities manifested Testimonies by the, King, — his docility, love of study, and earnestness in matters of religion, k,ng's qua- which, in a former page, * were brought down to the period of his accession. We cities. receive them, as might be expected, chiefly at the hands of the advocates of Reformation. After the ruin of the protector Somerset, who had cordially favoured the ecclesiastical changes, quietly but steadily promoted by Cranmer and the more moderate Protestants, the Reformers were naturally anxious as to their future prospects. For a time, they dreaded a reversal of all that had been effected; but the earl of Warwick, after making his use of the chiefs of the Romanist party, chose to set them aside, and held on in the career of change. He consequently became, very undeservedly, one of the favourites of the Reformers, for they did not yet perceive how entirely he was actuated by worldly and personal motives. It was too obvious, however, -to be disregarded that most of the ruling lords were running a race of self-aggrandisement, and busily engaged in building up colossal estates from the spoils of the prostrate Church. Meanwhile, the majority of the old nobility, together with the next heir to the throne, did not conceal their preference for the former state of things. The Reformers had, therefore, many discourage- ments in view ; but they had unequivocal proofs that the King coincided in their sentiments, and evidently with sincerity and zeal. Whether the strong determination he thus early displayed has been deservedly exalted to the praise of true piety, may be reasonably doubted. It seems to have arisen from constitu- tional impulses, very nearly akin to those which we are accustomed to regard as arbitrary dogmatism in Henry, cruel bigotry in Mary, and haughty obstinacy in Elizabeth ; but it was only natural that the Protestant party should interpret this genuine Tudor quality in the way most favourable to their own hopes : and we cannot, therefore, be surprised in receiving from their hands the highest encomiums upon Edward's pregnant virtues, and the most sanguine presages of his future career. It is in the correspondence of Henry Bullinger, the pastor of Zurich, that these Bartholomew extravagant eulogies on the subject of this biography are most abundant, written '-Tralieron. partly by the English correspondents of that divine, and partly by those Germans who came to England as missionaries of the Protestant doctrines. The first is from a letter of Bartholomew Traheron'' to Bullinger, dated " London, Sept. 28," and supposed to have been written in the year 1548. » See p. Ixxxi. ' See p. 1 and p. 399. There is a memoir of him in the Athense Cantabrigienses, vol. i. p. 180. Cxl BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIB [a.d. 1549-50. We have a King who is firm, learned, and pious beyond his age. If there has ever existed a Josiah since the first of that name, this is certainly he. And do you also beseech our common Father in your public prayers to preserve him to us in safety. Believe me, my Bullinger, a more holy disposition has no where existed in our time. He also seems to sustain the Gospel by his incredible piety, most holy manners, prudence altogether that of an old man, with a firmness at this age altogether unheard of. So great a wort of God ought not to be unknown to the godly. (Zurich Letters, iii. 321.) John Hooper. John Hooper, afterwards the bishop and martyr, writing to Bullinger on the 7th November, 1549, shortly after the duke of Somerset's fall, tells him that — The face of things is now changed, and the state of English affairs in some respects altered. My patron, who was first minister and protector, is now imprisoned, with many others, in the Tower of London. We are greatly apprehensive of a change in religion : but as yet no alteration has taken place. Help us in . Christ by your prayers ! The young King by the mercy of God is alive and well, and is a prince of great learning and wisdom. The papists are hoping and earnestly struggling for their kingdom I lectured u.pon the Psalms at the King's court as long as the situation of the duke per- mitted me to do so; but that lecture is now laid aside. (Zurich Letters, iii. 69.) On the 5th February, 1549-50, the same writer gives the following report of the state of religion in England : — The bishops of Canterbury," Rochester,'' Ely," St David's,* Lincoln," and Bath,' are aU favourable to the cause of Christ ; and, as far as 1 know, entertain right opinions in the matter of the eucharist. I have freely conversed with aU of them upon this subject, and have discovered nothing but what is pure and holy. The archbishop of Canterbury, who is at the head of the King's council, gives to all lecturers and preachers their licence to read and preach : every one of them, however, must previously subscribe to certain articles, which, if possible, I wUl send you. One of them respecting the eucharist is plainly the tnze one, and that which you maintain in Switzerland. The marquis of Dorset, the earl of Warwick, and the greater part of the King's council favour the cause of Christ as much as they can. Our King is such an one for his age as the world has never seen. May the Lord pre- serve him! His sister [Elizabeth] the daughter of the late King by queen Anne is inflamed with the same zeal for the religion of Christ. She not only knows what the true religion is, but has acquired such proficiency in Greek and Latin, that she is able to defend it by the most just arguments and the most happy talent; so that she encounters few adversaries whom she does not overcome. The people, however, that many-headed monster, is stUl wincing, partly through ignorance and partly fascinated by the inveigle- Cranmer. ^ Ridley. ' Goodrich. '' Farrer. « Holbeach. f Barlow. ^T. XIII.] OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. Cxli ments of the bishops, and the malice and impiety of the maas-priests. Such then is the present state of things in England. (Zurich Letters, iii. 76.) Hooper's next letter, that of the 27th March, 1550, has been already quoted in regard to the Lent sermons. It also contains the following passages : — The day before I write the emperor sent two most beautiful Spanish horses as a present to our King. On the same day a German Lutheran sent to Cheke, the King's tutor, a book which has lately come forth against the anabaptists and sacramentaries ; he gave the book to the King to read, but it noways pleased either the King or his tutors, namely Cooke and Cheke, both of whom, as well as the King, have a pious understanding of the doctrine of the eucharist. I shall probably in a few days meet the King upon business. Believe me, my much esteemed fiiend, you have never seen in the world for these thousand years so much erudition united with piety and sweetness of disposition. Should he Kve and grow up with these virtues he will be a terror to all the sovereigns of the earth. He receives with The King's his own hand a copy of every sermon that he hears, and most diligently requires an attention to account of them after dinner irom those who study with him. Many of the boys and youths who are his companions in study are well and faithfully instructed in the fear of God, and in good learning. Master Cox is no longer the King's tutor. He still remains almoner. (Zurich Letters, iii. pp. 81, 82.) Bullinger was now induced to dedicate one of his decades of sermons to King Edward, which he did in a long Latin epistle." The volume arrived to the hands of Hooper on the 22nd April, and was presented to the King, splendidly bound, on the 25th.'' Hooper thus describes to its author its reception :— The marquis of Northampton, a man active in the cause of Christ, laid before the King's majesty, in my presence, your book that was intended for him, together with your letter. I should have presented it myself, had it not been forbidden by our laws for any one to lay before the King either a letter or anything else .brought from foreign parts. ■ Dated March 1550 ; and eight other sermons in a second dedication, dated in the following August. See Bullinger's Works (Parker Society), vol. iii. p. 3, vol. iv- p. 115. The second address was written in consequence of Hooper's report of the favourable reception of the former. Bullinger declares his sole object to be " to help forward and advance the state of Christian religion, now again happily springing up in the famous realm of England, by your Majesty's good beginnings and counsels of your worthy nobles." He assured him that for this new-birth of the gospel all the faithful throughout the Christian world congratulated him and his kingdom, beseeching Christ to bring to a happy conclusion what had been so happily begun in his fear. He acknowledged that this work, by the King undertaken, was great, and full of labour and trouble; but He who said "I will be with'you always to the end of the world,'' would not be wanting to his godly endeavours. •> Letter of Martin Micronius, in Zurich Letters, iii. 560, U CXlii BIO&RAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1550. without previously making it known to the council ; and this law no one may dare to violate, until the King shall have arrived at the steadiness of mature age. But as far as relates to your letter and your book, he received them with the greatest courtesy and kindness, and not without many thanks ; for he most earnestly inquired both respecting yourself and the welfare of your church. He moreover ordered the marquis to send you a royal present in token of his good-will. As soon as I understood this I desired the marquis to thank his Majesty in your name, and that you would esteem it a sufficient token of his gratitude if he would himself actively and piously bestow his exertions on the vineyard of Christ, besides that you were not in the habit of receiving presents from any one, and lastly, that it was forbidden by your municipal laws to receive gifts from princes or any other persons whatsoever ; but if he wished to testify his approbation either by a letter from himself or through me, that an act of this kind would be most gratifying to you. The King then ordered me to salute you on every account in his name and present his thanks, entreating you to remember him in your prayers and to commend to God both himself and his kingdom. Master Cox also received your present in the same spirit. I have dutifully saluted all the earls and marquises in your name. They all salute you in return. The earl of Warwick has had a long illness, but by the blessing of God is now recovered, and will he present at the council on Wednesday. To teU the truth, England cannot do without him. He is a most holy and fearless instrument of the word of God. May the Lord strengthen him ! We have many other excellent councillors, the duke of Somerset, the marquises of Northampton and Dorset. The archbishop of Canterbury has relaxed much of his Lutheranism — whether all of it I cannot say : he is not so decided as I could wish, and does not, I fear, assert his opinion in all respects. As to your advice in your letter, that 1 should make friends of the bishops, I should be much to blame if I did not endeavour by all means to do so, provided it can be done with a safe and pure conscience; and, to say the truth, there are six or seven who altogether desire and wish to promote the glory of God. These I venerate and reverence from my heart. (Zurich Letters, iii. 88.) Hooper had himself been recently invited to join this episcopal band. In the earlier part of the same letter he relates how, after considerable difficulty, he had consented ; and mentions the interest taken by the King in the discussion : — After the (Lent) sermons were ended," it pleased his majesty and the council to offer • See before, p. cxxxiv. " His Lent sermons before the King were preached with the greatest freedom, and attended with great advantage. Only he stirred up some lazy noblemen and bishops against himself, especially because he exhorted the King and council to a more complete reformation of the church. But the King took every thing most kindly, as he showed after- wards; for on the 7th of April he by' the chancellor offered him the bishopric of Gloucester. Hooper however refused to accept it, unless the bishopric were granted him without any superstitious ceremonies. He had some difficulty in obtaining this, owing to the great opposition ^T. XIII.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. Cxliii the bishopric of Rochester to Ponet, and that of Gloucester to myself. For many reasons I declined, both on account of the shameful and impious form of the oath" which all who agree to undertake the function of a bishop must comply with, and also on account of those Aaronic habits which they retain in that calling, and are accustomed to wear not only at the administration of the sacraments, but also at public prayers. AU these things came to the ears of the King, and he wished to know the reason of my having refused to serve God in so pious and holy a calling. He was informed that the reasons which I have mentioned altogether withheld me from it.t> (Zurich Letters, iii. 87.) The next extract is from a letter of Martin Bucer, now resident as a professor Martin at Cambridge," from which university he dates on the 15th May, 1550, addressing Johannes Brentius, or Brentzen : — Affairs in this country are in a very feeble state : the people are in want of teachers. Things are for the most part carried on by the means of ordinances,* which the majority of the bishops, who sought to defend the vestments and the oath by created beings ; but, contrary to all expectation, on the 15th of May he gained the victory. He is at this time, therefore, bishop of Gloucester.'' Martin Micronius to BuUinger, May 20, 1550. Zurich Letters, iii. 559. < 1 The oath of supremacy, in the prayer-book of 1549, ended with the words, " So help me God, all saints, and the holy evangelists." This was altered in 1552 to " So help me God through Jesus Christ." Hooper had not waited to make the form of the oath merely a personal difficulty; but, as he told BuUinger in his previous letter of the 27th of March, he had publicly brought forward many objections to it in one of his lectures " before the King and the nobility of the realm, on which account I have incurred no small hostility. On the fourth day after the lecture an accusation was brought against me before the council by the archbishop of Canter- bury. I appeared before them. The archbishop spoke against me with great severity on account of my having censured the form of the oath. I entreated the judges (i.e. the council) to hear with impartiality upon what authority I had done so. The question was long and sharply agitated between the bishops and myself; but at length the end and issue was for the glory of God." (Zurich Letters, iii. 81.) Calvin, in his letter to King Edward, to which the date of Jan. 1, 1551 (April 1551 ?) has been conjecturally assigned, reminds him that " God does not allow any one to sport with- his name, mingling frivolities among his holy and sacred ordinances. There are manifest abuses which are not to be endured ; as, for instance, prayer for the dead, placing before God in our prayers the intercession of saints, and adding their names to his in taking an oath. I doubt not, sire, but that you have been informed of these things. I implore you in the name of God to persevere." (Ibid. p. 709.) •• See further on this subject in p. cxlvi. ° See note at p. 304 hereafter. •i The word in the original is " edictis," which may be more properly translated " procla- mations." (Epistolse Tigurinae, 1848, 8vo. p. 354.) It would be difficult to suggest any other improvement in these excellent translations, which were made for the Parker Society by the Bev. Hastings Robinson, D.D. F.A.S. m2 cxliv BIOGBAPHICAL MEMOIR [A.D. 1550. Testimomies obey very grudgingly, and by the removal of the instruments of the ancient superstition; TO THE King's ^^^^ ^^^^ persons have been, and still continue to be, very docile pupils of our country- QUALITIES ^ AND SCHOLAR- men, with carnal liberty and spiritual bondage. ^^^^- The King, however, is godly and learned to a miracle ; he is well acquainted with Latin, and has a fair knowledge of Greek. He speaks Itahan,^ and is learning French. He is now studying moral philosophy from Cicero and Aristotle, but no study delights him more than that of the Holy Scriptures, of which he daily reads about ten chapters with the greatest attention. Some youths from among the principal nobility follow his example in these studies, and with good success. (Zurich Letters, vol. iii. p. 543.) Micronius. Martin Micronius, one of the ministers of the German church in London,*" wrote as follows to Bullinger on the 20th of the same month : — Our King is a youth of such godliness as to be a wonder to the whole world. He orders all things for the advancement of God's glory. He has on every Lord's day a sermon such as he used to have during Lent. I wish the bishops and nobility were inflamed with the like zeal. (Zurich Letters, vol. iii. p. 561.) Bucer. On the 25th of the same month, being Whitsunday, Bucer is again writing at Cambridge, and to no less memorable a person^than John Calvin: — Redouble your prayers (he intreats him) for the most seren'e King, who is making wonderful progress both in piety and learning. For you may easily perceive the danger in which he is placed, humanly speaking, when the papists are every where so furious, and when they see and know that the King is exerting all his power for the restoration of Christ's kingdom. But they see his elder sister most pertinaciously maintain and defend popery, either because her disposition leads her to do so, or because she places so much reliance on her cousin (the emperor Charles V.) (Zurich Letters, iii. 548.) Peter Martyr. Peter Martyr, who was regius professor of divinity at Oxford (as Bucer was at Cambridge), wrote thus to Bullinger on the 1st of June : — Satan is very subtle in his attacks on all godly efforts : for he would have the most numerous relics of popery remain undisturbed, partly that men might not readily forget it, and partly that the retiurn to it might be made more easy. But on the other hand we derive no little comfort from having a King who is truly holy, and who is inflamed with so much zeal for godliness. He is endued with so much erudition for his age, and already expresses himself with so much prudence and gravity, as to fill all his hearers with admiration and astonishment: wherefore we must entreat God with most fervent prayers very long to preserve him to the kingdom and to the church. • See the doubts on this point stated in p. Iii. •> He was the person styled Martinus Flandrus in the letters patent noticed at p. 281, hereafter. ^T. xni.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CXlv There are also very many of the nobility and men of rank who entertain right views, and we have some bishops who are not ill-inclined, among whom the archbishop of Canterbury is as a standard-bearer. And then Hooper is enrolled among them, to the (exceeding joy of all good men There is likewise another excellent man, Miles Coverdale He is to be made bishop of Exeter ; and nothing can be more con- ducive to the reformation of religion than the advancement of such men to the govern- ment of the church. (Zurich Letters, iii. 482.) On the 12th of the same month Bartholomew Traheron again writes from Traheron. Oxford to Bullinger :^ — If you desire to know the state of our affairs, reUgion is indeed prospering, but the wickedness of those who profess the gospel is wonderfully on the increase. The people have made no disturbance this year ; but there is reason to fear, lest, roused partly by their own unquiet temper, and partly by the avarice of the higher orders, they should occasion some confusion, unless the Lord himself should think fit to avert it for the sake of our sovereign, who is making wonderful progress in learning, piety, and judgment- Be pleased to commend to God in your prayers this prince of the greatest hope, who is even now a defender of the Christian religion almost to a miracle. For unless God, offended by our sins, should take him away from us before he is grown up to manhood, we doubt not but that England will produce another Constantine, or a character yet more excellent. I intreat you therefore, for Christ's sake, that you supplicate for him every happiness. For, although you are so far distant, even you may hence derive some advantage. For he both loves you and acknowledges the religion of Christ to be exceed- ingly well established among you, and would have it ever to remain sound and unim- , paired. (Zurich Letters, iii. 324.) Another frequent correspondent of Bullinger was John ab Ulmis, a German John ab student at Oxford, but whose statements must often be regarded as reflecting Ulmis. rather opinions than facts. He thus wrote from Oxford on the 22nd of August, 1550:— Coxe, who most highly esteems you, was here a few days since ; I waited upon him, and aske'd whether he had any message for you. He replied that he would write to you at the same time with the King: I suppose they have both of them written by this time. The King himself, as you must have long since learned from Hooper, is exceedingly well disposed toward your church. Last week, when he confirmed Hooper in his bishoprick, and demanded from him the oath [of supremacy], he chanced to notice that the saints were mentioned by the bishops in such sort, as though they were to swear and be con- firmed by them. His majesty became much excited, and said, What wickedness is here, Hooper f are these offices ordained in the name of the saints, or of God ? As soon as Hooper Cxlvi BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1550. had declared his opinion, the King immediately erased with his own hand the error of the bishops. This I had from Peter Martyr as an undoubted fact. (Zurich Letters, iii. 41 5.) This German Oxonian, it would seem, was somewhat in arrear as to news, for he attributes to the sudden inspiration of the royal boy a scruple which had for months occupied the attention of the leading controversialists in England, and of which Bullinger had been long before informed from the relation of Hooper him- self^ However, it appears that there was some foundation for the anecdote he tells of the King ; and the particulars are probably more accurately stated in the following passage of a letter of Micronius to Bullinger, dated at London on the 28th of August:— The King, as you know, has nominated Hooper to the bishopric of Gloucester, which, however, he refuses to accept unless he could be altogether relieved from all appearance of popish superstition. Here then a question immediately arises as to the form of the oath which the bishops have ordered to be taken in the name of God, the saints, and the gospels, which impious oath Hooper positively refused to take. So, when he appeared before the King in the presence of the council, Hooper convinced the King by many arguments that the oath should be taken in the name of God alone, who knoweth the The King heart. This took place on the 20th of July. It was so agreeable to the godly King, that 9.1tPVS t D G oath of ' ^*^ ^^^ °^^^ P®'^ ^® erased the clause of the oath which sanctioned swearing by any supremacy. creatures. Nothing could be more godly than this act, or more worthy of a christian King. (Zurich Letters, iii. 567.) The accuracy of this accoimt is confirmed by a brief entry which the King made in his Journal under the 20th of July : " Hooper was made bishop of Gloucester :" which was evidently after he had taken part in the proceedings of the council on that day. The offence of the vestments, to which Hooper also objected, was still unremoved : but the earl of Warwick sent him to Cranmer three days after, with a letter begging the archbishop's forbearance, " which thing partly I have taken in hand by the Kynges majesties own motion : " and on the 5th of August letters under the King's signet were sent to Cranmer, desiring the omission of certain rites and ceremonies offensive to the conscience of the bishop elect.'' The bishops however did not choose to yield in this respect, and after a long struggle and a period of imprisonment. Hooper was finally consecrated according to the esta- blished form. " In conclusion (says Foxe), this theologicall contention came to this end, that, the bishops having the upper hand, M. Hooper was faine to agree to this condition, that sometimes he should in his sermon showe himself apparelled as => See p. cxliii. ^ Both these documents were published by Foxe in his Actes and Monuments. ^T. xni.J OP KING EDWAED THE SIXTH. Cxlvii the other bishops were : wherefor, appoynted to preach before the King, as a new Episcopal player in a strange apparel, he commeth forth on the stage. His upper garment was a long scarlet chymere downe to the foote, and under that a white linnen rochet that covered all his shoulders. Upon his head he had a geometriall, that is, a foure-squared cap, albeit that his head was round. What cause of shame the strangeness hereof was that day to that g«od preacher, every man may easily judge." The duke of Somerset had been gradually restored to his former position as a Return of nobleman and councillor, though not to his former power. After an imprisonment Somerset of nearly four months, he was delivered from the Tower on the 6th of February, *" court. 1549-50 ; * received a pardon under letters patent dated on the 16th of that month ; was delivered of his bonds or recognisances and came to court on the 31st March;" was readmitted of the council on the 10th of April," and taken into the privy chamber on the 10th May.* The earl of Warwick seems at this time to have believed that the duke had received such a lesson as would have a lasting in- ^ fluence upon his future conduct, and he now endeavoured to conciliate him as a friend and ally. It was agreed that Somerset's eldest daughter should become the wife of Warwick's son and heir. The secret history of this alliance has never transpired ; but it was solemnised on the 3d of June, and the festivities, which were honoured by the King's presence, are described in the royal Journal.^ In the following autumn there was another event in the Seymour family, which Death of lady comes upon us by surprise, and attended by no little mystery. For the first time Kind's or'and- we find that, up to this date, the duke of Somerset's mother,^ and consequently the mother. King's grandmother, had heea living. She must have laboured, one would imagine, under some infirmities that had kept her much in retirement, or surely we should have heard somewhat of her. The King, during her lifetime, has not mentioned her name in his written remains, nor does he even record her decease in his Journal. There were some reasons also for making but little account of her funeral, or the " wearing of doole " for her ; and the real truth of the case is " See note in p. 243. b See p. 255. ' P. 256. '' Together with the lord admiral Clinton (p. 268). They were placed, we may presume, on the same footing as the six lords noticed in p. cxxxiii. 8 Page 273. — " After the solemnitie of this mariage, there appeared outwardlie to the world great love and freendship between the duke and the earle, but by reason of carie-tales and flatterers the love continued not long, howbeit manie did verie earnestlie wish love and amitie to continue betweene them." Holinshed's Chronicle. ' Margaret Wentworth ; see the first page of this Memoir, and the pedigree in p. ii. Cxlviii BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIE [a.d, 1550. scarcely elucidated by the following very elaborate, but probably hypocritical, apology that was entered on the register of the privy council : — At Westminster, the xviijth of Octobre, 1550. (Present) the duke of Somerset, the lord high treasurer, the lord great ohambrelaine, the lord chambrelaine, the lord Cobham, the lord Pagett, nir. vicechambrelayne, mr. seoretarie Ceicell. This dale, upon occasion of the deceas and departure unto God of the ladie Seymour, mother to the duke of Somersett, the said duke reputing with himself his bonde of bludde and naturall love towards her, confirmed by her moost happie frute of the moost vertuus princesse the late quene Jane, beinge thereby grandmother to our soveraigne lorde the King's majestie, and moved in respect thereof so to honour her funerall remem- braunce as his owne affection might have leaded, and accustomed usage heretofore hathe commonlie enduced, neverthelesse having regarde what were decent and semehe for a person of his estate and vocaoion to do and sett furthe for the example of others, reqiiired the lordes and others of the counsaill above written to shewe him their opinions what were meetest for him to use, concerninge wearinge of doole, or other like observaunces oif the saide ladie his graundmother's funeralls, so as furste respect were had to his bounden dutie of folowinge and apphenge himselfe to the direction of the Kinges majesties moost godhe procedings, whereunto it generalhe behoved all his subjects to frame and tempre their doeings ; and next also to that dutie of love whiche the childe owethe to the remem- braunce of his parent, togither with the olde received usage whiche the worlde hath had in estimacion touchinge the ceremonyes of funeralls and other dependanoes thereof, whiche being by him omitted, might divershe in divers men's mouths abroode be spoken of. Apon whiche motion made, the saide lords wayed with themselves that the wearinge of doole .and such outwarde demonstrations of moreninge not onelie did not anywaies profite the dead, but rather (used as thei be) served to enduce the livinge to have a diffidence of the better lief wonne to the departed in God, by chaunginge of this transi- torie Ufe ; yea, and divers other wayes did more cause and scrupule of coldenes in faithe unto the weake, besides that many of the wiser sorte, waieng the impertinent charges bestowed upon blacke clothe and other instruments of those funerall pompes, might wourthelie find fault with the expences thereupon bestowed, namelie, considering howe evyn commonlie at this presente the observacion of the time of outwarde moreninge and wearing of the doole is farre shortenid and omytted evyn amonge mean parsons from that it was wonted to be ; And at all tymes heretofore in personages of such estate as the said duke is of, being also in such place of service and attendance about the persone of a kinge of this realme, as well the kinge our late soveraigne lorde as other kinges his progenytors were often tymes wonted to dispence withaU, and to plucke off the blacke apparaill from suche moreners' backs ; wherein a good consideracion might move them, that a king's presence being the herte and lief of his common weale, it might with most reason be borne and allowed that private men shulde reserve their private sorrows to their owne houses, and not to dimme the gladsome presence of their prince with guche MT. XIV.] or KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. Cxlix doolefall tokens. Therefore upon theis and other good consideracions thai concluded to open the case into the Kinges majestie, whose further pleasure might be an addresse unto the saide duke how to use himselfe in this behalfe. Whereupon thei moved his The King Highness accordinglie, and from the same had resolucion, that his Highness, haveing dispenses with . . o' o mourning for ripelie waied this matter, did specially dispence with the said duke for the wearinge of his grand- doole, either upon his selfe or any of his familie, or the continewinge of soche other like "lother. funerall observances, as heretofore were had in solempne use, servinge rather to pompe then to any edifyinge: And to the end hereafter it might appear that soche was his majesties pleasure, the lordes decreed the same to be entred into the counsaill boke to remayne for a president upon what causes it procedid.* An audience given by the King to one of the French Protestants, and tlie Audience of inquiries v?hich he then made respecting John Calvin, are thus described in a Bureoyne letter to that great Reformer, written by Francis Burgoyne,'' and dated from "^"" ■^'^'" erius. London, December 4, 1550: — You have been informed, I suppose, long since, both by my letter to my brother and that of Utenhovius to yourself, that our Josiah, the King of England, made most courteous The King's inquiry of me concerning your health and ministry. To which when I had made such inquiries concerning reply as in my judgment I considered worthy of you, he sufficiently declared, both by his Calvin. countenance and his words, that he takes a great interest in you and in everything belonging to you. Mention was incidentally made of the letter which you once sent to be delivered to his uncle," the then protector of the kingdom, and which he declared to have been exceedingly gratifying to him. From that time therefore I have thought it would be well worth your while if, availing yourself of this opportunity and subject, (unless you have, it may be, something better, or see more deeply than I do,) you would send him such a letter as would add spurs to a willing horse. The King supports and encourages pure religion and godly and learned men to the uWost of his power, and would effect much more if his age allowed him. ' Before six months had elapsed, the lady Seymour's nephew Lord Wentworth, the lord chamberlain, also died. He was buried in state, with the heralds, &c. in Westminster abbey. " Miles Coverdale did preach, and there was a great dole, and a great company of lords and knights and gentlemen mourners,'' — the chief mourner being lord Edward Seymour. (Machyn's Diary, p. 4, and the volume I. 11 in Coll. Arm.) This circumstance only increases the mystery in the case of lady Seymour. ^ Francis Burgoyne was minister of the church of Corbigny in the diocese of Autun, from whence he was banished by the persecution there in 1547. Having resided some time at Geneva (see Beza, Hist, des Eglises Kef. de France, i. 65) he came to England, and appears to have been the same person with Franciscus Kivierius, one of the four ministers named in the letters patent granted in 1550, on the foundation of the church in Austin Friars (see p. 281). ■= Of this a translation is printed in the Zurich Letters, vol. iii. p. 704. It is undated. cl . BIOGRAPHICAL MBMOIE [a.d. 1550. It appears to have been in consequence of the suggestion thus made that Calvin, shortly after, addressed to the King a long letter of advice and exhortation * Roger Iji a letter*" written to Sturmius, on the 14th December, 1550, Roger Ascham, Ascbam. " Printed (in a translated form) in the Zurich Letters, iii. 281, with the date of Jan. 1, 1551, assigned to it by Simler, as being the day when Calvin dedicated to King Edward his Com- mentaries on Isaiah. Mr. Gorham (Gleanings of the Reformation, p. 290) considers it to have been written about April 1551. In a letter to Farel, dated June 15, 1551, Calvin writes, " Cantuariensis nihil me utilius facturum admonuit, quim si ad Regem ssepius scriberem. Hoc mihi longe gratius qukm si ingenti pecunise summS, ditatus forem. In statu regni multa adhuc desiderantur.'' Two other letters from Calvin to the King are preserved: 1, dated July 4, 1552 (translated in the Zurich Letters, iii. 714) ; 2, dated March 12, 1552, translated in Letters of Calvin, Edinb. 1857, ii. 375, and in Gorham's Gleanings of the Reformation, p. 290. ■■ " Totus gaudio perfundebar, mi Sturmi, cum veni ad ilium epistolse tuae locum ubi ais, ' Regise Majestati locum designavi in Aristotelids meis diahgis, in quibus stylum meum quotidie acuo, ut si quid possit contra barbariem in his ostendat, turn etiam in celebrandis amicis,' &c. Quod Rogi facis, optime Sturmi, non illi soli clarissimo principi, sed universe ejus regno, universis Uteris et seternitati facturus ts. Nam cum audiet abs te, qukm praeclarum sit t6v apxovra ipiKoao^eiv, et rempublicam consilio non fortune gubernari, consilia autem optima ex optimis hauriri libris, nee meliorem unquam, ciim a sacris fontibus discesseris, ad formandum consilium ipso Aristotele exstitisse ; ne dubites, quin hoc facto tuo, in instituendo principe nostro, uberrimam voluptatem cum singulari laude tua confluentem in universam Angliam et singulos Anglos transfusurus sis. Et quanquam princeps, ea est ejus prseclara natura, calcare non eget ad expeditiorem cursum doctrinse et prudentiae, in quem felicissime ingressus est : tamen ex suavi et fusS, oratione tu&, ad id accommodata, veluti ex applausu prseclari hominis ilium currentem exoipientis, novum laboris impetum, ad majorem laudis spem percepturus est ; et nosti illud dulcissimum carmen dulcissimi poetae, quod frequenter ipse commemoro. Qui monet ut facias, quod jam facis, ipse monendo Laudat, et hortatu comprobat acta suo. " Fortunam in principe nostro sequat natura, utramque superat virtus ; sive, ut Christianum hominem loqui decet, multiplex gratia Dei, cupiditate optimarum literarum, studio rectissimse religionis, voluntate, judicio, et, quam tu in studiis unice laudas, constantift, Ktatem suam mirifice prjecurrit. Et vix uUa felicitatis parte ego eum beatiorem existimo, qukm quod Joannem Checum, ad prseclaram doctrinam, et veram religionem, adolescentise sueb doctorem nactus sit. Latinfe intelligit, loquitur, scribit, proprie, scienter, et expedite, et omnia cum judicio. Dialecticam didicit, et nunc Greece discit Aristotelis Ethicen. Eo progressus est in Graeci, lingui, ut in Philosophia Ciceronis ex Latinis Grseca facillime faciat. Pridie illius diei, qua ex Anglia profectus sum, cum essem Londini apud D. Joannem Checum, et inter loquendum rogarem ab eo, quid esset, quod Rex Ethicen Aristotelis, potius qujlm Institutionem Cijri perle- geret? lUe sapientissimfe et eruditissime, quod semper solet, respondet, ' Ut mens (inquit,) ejus prius universis illis et infinitis virtutum vitiorumque praeceptionibus ac partitionibus instructa, firmum judicium adferat ad singula quotidianorum morum exempla, quae in historiis latissime sese fundunt. Et quia vix fieri potest, ut ingenii acies, in initio, dulcedine historiarum .ET. xiv.J OP KIN& EDWABD THE SIXTH. cH after expressing the highest gratification on being informed that it was the intention Progress of of that scholar to dedicate to King Edward certain dialogues on Aristotle, gducatira^ proceeds to relate, from the information of Cheke, some very interesting par- ticulars of the progress of the King's education : — He stall hear from you how honourable it is for a ruler to study wisdom, and how a commonwealth is to be governed by good counsel, not by good luck ; whilst the best counsels are to be derived from the best books, and, next to holy writ, there are none more suited to frame wise counsel than those of Aristotle; although the King, such is the excellence of his nature, requires no spur to hasten that career of learning and wisdom, into which he has most happily entered. Our King's abUity equals his fortune, and his goodness surpasses both : — or rather, as it becomes a Christian man to speak, such is the manifold grace of God, that in eagerness for the best Uterature, in pursuit of the most perfect rehgion, in willingness, in judgment, and in perseverance — that quality you most value in study, he wonderfully exceeds his years. In scarce any other particular do I esteem him more fortunate than that he has obtained John Cheke as the instructor of his youth in sound learning and true rehgion. Latm he understands with accuracy, speaks with propriety, writes with facihty, combined with judgment. In Greek he has learned the Dialectic of Aristotle, and now learns his Ethic. He has proceeded so far in that language, that he readily translates the Latin of Cicero's Philosophia into Greek. On the day before I left England, when conversing in London with sir John Cheke, I inquired of him how it was that the King should read the Ethic of Aristotle rather than the Cyropsedia of Xenophon, and he answered with the greatest wisdom and learning, (as he is always wont,) " In order that his mind, first instructed in all those infinite examinations and dissections of the virtues and vices, may bring a sound judgment to each of those examples of character and conduct, that everywhere present themselves in history: and because it is scarcely pos- sible that his natural perceptions, amused and led away by the pleasantness of history, should at once form such conclusions as are of an abstruse and recondite nature, although highly necessary to confirm the judgment. Still my endeavour is to give him no precept unaccompanied by some remarkable example." How fortimate (adds Ascham,) is Eng- emoUita et obtusa, penetret in abstrusas illas et reconditas, sed pernecessarias ad corro- borandum judicium finitas qusestionis comprehensiones. Quanquam nullum praeceptum sine appositione insignis exempli tradi cupio'. Qukm felix Anglia sit, mi Sturmi, ciim principis ejus juvenilis setas, nam nuper excessit ex decimo tertio anno, hao prsestanti prseceptione informetur, nemo melius qukm tu judicare potest. Brevi absolvet Ethicen, quam sequetur Aristotelis Rhetorica, ut non opportune solum, sed divinitus etiam videatur tibi oblata occasio hujus susoepti laboris tui. Credo enim ego non sine divine consilio factum esse, ut hfec summa majestas regia hac summfi ingenii, judicii, doctrinssque tuse facultate excoleretur.'' a; -2 Clii _ BIOGRAPHICAX MEMOIR [a.d. 1550, land, my Sturmius, tliat the youth of its prince, for he has but recently entered his four- teenth year, is reared under this excellent training,'' no one is better qualified to judge than yourself. He will shortly finish the Ethic, which will be followed by the Rhetoric of Aristotle, so that this labour that you have undertaken seems to ofier you not merely a favourable, but even a providential, opportunity: for I believe that it has not happened but by God's special providence that this highest exercise of your ability, judgment, and learning should be employed to polish so extraordinary a summit of royal majesty. We may here introduce some anecdotes of the King's diligence, '' preserved among the papers of Foxe the martyrologist : — That Kyng Edward dyd sequester hym self from all companye into some chamber or a " Prince Edward studied not his book more sedulously than (Cheke) studied him, that his rules might comply with his inclination, and his lectures with his temper : lectures that were rather discourses instilled to him majestically, as a Prince, than lessons beaten into him pedantiquely." This account of Cheke's discipline is from the State Worthies (1655) of David Lloyd, a writer who, it may be presumed, had some traditional evidence for his characters and anecdotes, although he appears to have frequently indulged his own imaginative pen as freely as he pirated right boldly from EuUer and other authors, and altogether has certainly in many instances exceeded the truth. In the memoir of Cheke, for example, Lloyd assumes that even king Henry designed him for secretary of state, an assertion palpably groundless, and which is followed by a gross mis-statement that Cheke actually filled that office for three years in the reign of Edward ; " and in that three years did England more service, so great his parts, learning, and religion ! more kindness, such his eminency in both ! and gave the people more satisfaction, such his integrity and dexterity ! than all that went before him, and most that came after him." " This paper is a fragment, but the anecdote appears to have been communicated by a father to his son, who was under the care of a schoolmaster named Heron, suggesting to him and his schoolfellows, that, " folowing the godlie example of so virtious a Prince, than, yf thei by his worthie example and presidente wold applie their studie and lerrnyng, it wolde moste happelie come to passe, that the lernid Kinge sholde have moche felicitie in his lernyd subjectes, and thei no lesse to glorie in so lernyd and prudent a Prince, with suche like persuations ; whiche lettres of commendacions of the said King, being uttered by chaunce unto the said scole- master, and having partelie receyved lettres therof from the father of the same scoUer, he incontynentlie caused them that were written in Englishe to be turned into Lattin by his scolers, and such as were wrytten in Latin to be Englisshed, using the same not onelie as lessons for his scolers, but also as matter of animating and provoking them unto the better and diligent applying of their lernyng. Appon this occasion, the said mr. Heron, as well by his lettres as by his pryvate talke, yelde unto the father of his said scoler right hartie thanckes for his said lettres directed unto hym and his sonne towching the Kinges diligence, declaring playnelie that, in his opynyon, the virtious example of that worthie and good young King wrought more in the heddes of his unwilling scolers, for their furtheraunce unto good littera- ture, than all his travaile amonge them in one yere past before." (MS. Harl. 419, fol. 123.) iET. xiv.J OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. cliii gallery to learne without booke his lessons with great alaoritie and cherefulnes ; that if he spent further tyme in playe and pastime then he thought was convenient, he wold fynd faults hym self and say, " We forget ourselves (as mr. Cheke reported of hym,) that wold not chose substantia pro accidente." With respect to the Lent sermons before the King in 1550-1 our information Lent is deficient. For the 6th Sunday doctor Matthew Parker was summoned ;» but 1550-1. ' it is not certain that he attended. •> It was also either in this Lent or the next that John Scorey, bishop of Rochester, preached two or more sermons, in which he urged " two essential suits : the first for the restitution of ecclesiastical disci- pline, the second to banish greedy avarice," ° Under the date of the 1st of August, 1551, we find the King again mentioned Letter of in a letter of bishop Hooper to Bnllinger : — BuUmeer. Tour other books which you sent to the King's majesty I delivered most carefully to the marquis of Northampton, the lord high chamberlain of England, to lay before the King in your name, which he did carefully and readily, and the King ordered him to salute you in return with many thanks ; nor do I doubt but that the King wiU always remember you in future. I request that you will in your turn commend him for his godly procedure, and always in your letters exhort him to perseverance in it. For the King reads your letters with attention, and takes a most lively interest in the perusal. » His summons on this occasion was as follows : — I commend me heartily unto you. And whereas the King's majesty, by the advice of his most honourable councU, hath appointed you to preach one sermon before his highness' person at the court, upon Sunday the 22nd of March next coming, being the 6th Sunday in Lent, and hath commanded me to signify unto you his grace's pleasure in this behalf; this therefore shall be to require you to put yourself in areadiness in the mean time to satisfy the day and place to you appointed, according to the King's majesty's expectation, and not to fail in any wise. Thus heartily fare ye well. From my manor at Lambeth, the 12th of February, 1550. Your loving friend, T. Cant. To my loving friend mr. doctor Parker. (Parker Correspondence, printed for the Parker Society, 1853, p. 43.) " As no sermon before the King this year is mentioned in his own list (before inserted in p. cxxv,) it is not improbable that he was excused. " See a letter or memorial of Scorey, addressed to the King, soliciting the King's attention to the subjects upon which he had preached, printed by Strype, Eccles. Memorials, vol. ii. book ii. appendix A. The memorial is undated, but refers to sermons made the last Lent : it is signed " John Scorey bishop of Rochester," and he only held that see from August 1551 to May 1552, when he was translated to Chichester. cliv BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [A.D. 1551. Proposed marriage with France. Visit of the queen dowager of Scotland. You must not therefore think your labour ill-bestowed, although you do not receive an answer. (Zurich Letters, iii. 93.) As Edward was disappointed of his expected bride, the heiress of Scotland, who was now betrothed to Francis the dauphin of France, it was judged advisable, after peace had been concluded with the latter country, that negociations should be opened for finding a substitute in that quarter. The princess Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of Henri II. was born in 1545, and was therefore about eight years younger than King Edward, and at this time in her sixth year. An embassy, at the head of which was the marquess of Northampton, was sent to take the French king the garter, and to make proposals for the hand of his daughter. This aflfair occupied much of King Edward's thoughts during this summer, and he makes frequent entries relative to it in his Journal* A French ambassador, the mardchal de St. Andre, also arrived in England, bringing to King Edward the order of St. Michael, and was entertained with great attention and expense.'' When this nobleman was about to take his leave, we find the earl of Warwick ■= sending to the lord chamberlain a picture (probably in miniature) of the lady Elizabeth, to be placed in the King's hands, in order that he might show it to the ambassador, — an incident that might be reported in France as a token of the King's gallantry. In the following autumn fresh festivities took place, in order to entertain the queen dowager of Scotland,"^ who was passing through England on her return from a visit to France. A Scotish historian " represents that Edward took the Eduardi cum Regina de nuptiis Reginse ScotisB coUo- cutio, humani- tatis et pruden- tise hino inde plena. i" See particularly pp. 319, 325, 333. >> See pp. 328, 331. ' Letter in the State-paper office, dated from Otford on the 26th of July. Warwick occupied the royal palace of Otford as his country residence : and it was probably there that the ambassador was entertained and slept on the 30th of the same month, on his way to Dover : see the King's Journal, p. 335, where the note " At Sheen" should be corrected accordingly. " See pp. 356—364. e " Cum primum Londinum perventum erat. Rex imperii sui thesauros Reginae ostendit, monumenta aperit, antiquitates eruit, multa denique id genus alia conatur, ut viam sibi ad Reginse gratiam aucupandam apertissimis benevolentise signis muniret. Nam multis postea verbis cum illS, egit ut filiam suam, uti antea a Scotis prooeribus decretum fuerat, sibi uxorem daret. Id enim in rem utriusque gentis futuram multis docet. Ciim contra si Pranci regis filio elocaretur, id nullo modo foro utile, vel Scotis, qui illam darent, vel Franco, qui illam uxorem acciperet. Id tandem addidit se cum eo, quicunque demum esset, qui illam sibi in thoro societatem asciverit, perpetua odia ac capitales inimicitias suscepturum. Regina quam- primum prompte ac sapienter quidem respondit, cur filia sua Franco locata esset, Anglise Pro- tectorem in causa fuisse, qui Scotos bello tam immanlter impetierit. Rem enim ab illo impru- ^T. XIV.] OP KING EDWAED THE SIXTH. clv opportunity to claim very vehemently the fulfilment of the former bargain that he should receive the hand of the queen of Scots ; but we may set down the conver- sation as imaginary, not merely because of the recent treaty, but because the Scotish match had been mooted, and finally relinquished, at the commencement of the negociations in June.* It is stated that when the queen came home she gave this testimony, " That she found more wisdom and solid judgment in yOung King Edward, than she would have looked for in any three princes that were then in Europe."'' The month of October produced events which placed one great man at the head Second at- of Fortune's wheel, and crushed his predecessor beneath its weight. The measures j^j^g ^f for the elevation of Dudley to the dignity of a duke, and for the final ruin of Somerset. Somerset, were proceeding concurrently: for it was on the 4th of this month that the King's intention in the former respect was first announced to the council, and it was on the 7th (according to the King's Journal) that sir Thomas Palmer began to give his informations against the duke of Somerset. But the latter was not apprised of his impending fate for some days after. He assisted at the cere- mony of the creation of his supplanter on the 11th of October; he continued to attend the meetings of the privy council in all confidence; but on the 16th he was arrested and again committed to the Tower. The earl of Warwick might scarcely have ventured to ask for a dukedom alone : Creation of but the circumstance of the marchioness of Dorset having become heir to her j^orthumbcr- nephews the young dukes of Suffolk (recently deceased of the sweating sickness), at land, once afforded a reason for the renewal of that title, and gave an excuse for creating two dukes together. From this time until the close of the reign the power and influence of the duke of Northumberland was paramount to any other existing authority. His restless jealousy of the late protector is to be traced back to the very month denter gestam esse, qui armis mulierem conaretur cogere, quae promissis captanda et verborum lenociniis in lecti societatem illicienda erat. Id quoque attexuit, Scotos qui tarn acri Anglorum bello lacessiti erant, fuisse coactos, ut subsidium a Franco peterent, ac ad facilius id conse- quendum, ut Eeginam in Franciam tanquam obsidem mitterent. Necessitate ergo temporis rem aliter jam penS pertextam esse, quS,m Hex Anglus vellet, dolere se plurimum significat. Nihilominus tamen, si quid Uteris aut internunciis apud Francum regem possit, se omnia dili- gentissime Angli causi, curaturam prolixe pollicetur." (De Origine, Moribus, et Rebus gestis Scotorum Libri Decern : authore Joanne Leslseo, episcopo Rossensi. Romas, 1578, 4to. p. 512.) » See p. 325. i> Strype, Eccles. Memorials, ii. 284. Strype does not state whence he derived this passage. clvi BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR. [a.d. 1551. in which they had made apparent aUiance by the marriage of their children.* In aletter written on the 26th June, 1550, by mr, Richard "Whalley to mr. Cecill," the earl of Warwick is represented as having intimated to the writer that the council, from some of the duke's recent doings, suspected " that he taketh and aspireth to have the self and same overdue an authority to the despatch and direction of the proceedings as his grace had being protector." And further he said, "Alas, mr. Whalley, what meaneth my lord in this wise to discredit himself, and why will he not see his own decay herein ? Thinks he to rule and direct the whole council as he will, considering how his late governance is yet misliked ? Neither is he in that credit and best opinion with the King's majestic as he believeth, and is by some fondly persuaded." There is no doubt that Dudley, both personally and by his creatures, took care that the King should not hold his uncle in very favourable estimation. In the following February the earl of Rutland — a weak man, and who had contributed to the ruin of the duke's brother, lord Seymour" — reported to the council and to the King that divers nobles of the realm had been persuaded to restore Somerset to the protectorate at the next parliament ; and for his busy talking to this purpose the same mr. Whalley, who has been just mentioned, suffered imprisonment during some months after. '^ Again, in April, the lords banqueted one another for four days together, "to show agreement amongst them, whereas discord was bruited," as the King states in his Journal.^ It was at one of those banquets, held, or intended to be held, at the house of lord Paget, that, according to Somerset's accusers, he proposed to assassinate the earl of Warwick, the marquess of North- ampton, and others.^ But that charge was abandoned before the duke's trial : nor was any crime eventually proved against him, worse than having once consulted with the earl of Arundel as to the possibility of subjecting his rival to the treat- ment he had himself suffered when committed to the Tower. Edward was now of an age to take a lively political interest in these matters ; ° See p. cxlvii. b This letter is printed by Mr. Tytler (Edward VI. and Mary, ii. 21) as having been written a year later : an error which partially affects the author's subsequent statements : and which has also to be corrected in the note at p. 356, hereafter, where it is followed. In other respects Mr. Tytler's exposition of the course of Somerset's second prosecution (occupying the first seventy-five pages of his second volume) not only contains information unknown to previous historians, but is altogether very full, clear, and satisfactory. (See note in p. 370, hereafter.) " See pp. 54, 56. " See p. 303. " Page 315. ' King's Journal, p. 353. ^T. XV.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH, clvii and he lias related the proceedings taken against the duke, and the particulars of his trial, at some length, both in his Journal and in a letter to Barnaby Fitzpatrick.* It is to be lamented that no spark of pity or regret is anywhere to be discovered,'' and that the calumnies which he details from the misinformation of others" appear to be seasoned with an animosity that had taken the place of all natural affection. The festivities incident to the entertainment of the queen dowager of Scotland, which occurred before the duke's trial, and those usual at Christmas, which followed shortly after, were calculated to divert the King's mind,^ even had it really sympathised with his uncle's fate. After the lapse of more than seven weeks from his trial, " the duke of Somerset Execution of had his head cut off upon Tower hill on the 22nd January, 1551-2, between eight Somerset. and nine o'clock in the morning," ^ as his royal nephew briefly records. Nor was there any such affectation of personal non-interference as had been pretended in the case of his other uncle.f The execution was both suggested and warranted under Edward's own hand.e Thus died the duke of Somerset, who, though he was generally esteemed as " of • See p. 70. ■i On this subject Horace Walpole's remarks are given in p. 69. Mr. Tytler, who (vol. ii. p. 63,) points out some inconsistencies between the Journal and the letter to Barnaby as to the duke's alleged confessions, expresses his opinion in language equally strong. " Nothing (he says) can exceed the cold heartlessness with which the story is told : but we have already seen that, three years before, the youthful monarch had declared that he looked upon the death of his uncle the protector as a desirable event : and increasing years do not appear to have altered his notions upon this subject." Tytler, ii. 11. Again, "I have already pointed out the early prepossessions entertained by Edward against his uncle, and the extraordinary apathy and coldness with which he tells the story of his misfortunes. Hume has justly observed that care seems to have been taken by Northumberland's emissaries to prepossess the young King against his uncle ; that, lest he should relent, no access was given to the duke's friends ; and that he was kept from reflection by a constant series of occupations and amusements : but, had the heart been warm and generous, it could scarcely have been so easily stifled in its young impulses." (p. 68.) = For proofs of these see the note in p. 375. 4 The Christmas festivities were certainly extended to a more profuse scale than before, and, according to Grafton, were specially designed " to recreate and refresh the troubled spirites of the young Kinge, who (as that chronicler charitably assumes) seemed to take the trouble of his uncle somewhat heavilie." (See note in p. 381.) « Journal, p. 390. It seems to have been thought desirable to strike this blow before the meeting of parliament, which took place on the next day. f See p. cxxii. e See in p. 489 the remembrances for the council, in Edward's own autograph, dated 18th clviii BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1551-2. nature verie gentle and pitifull,"* had yet been betrayed by his fears into the - condemnation of his brother, and now appeared to be overtaken by a correspondent retribution. And it may be observed that, if Northumberland had contrived both their deaths, the like was also to be his own. Lent Ser- On two Wednesdays in Lent, the 9th and 23rd of March, 1551-2, doctor MOHs 1551-2. ]y[^(.tijQ^ Parker preached before the King:'' and on the alternate Wednesdays doctor John Harley, bishop of Hereford." Tlie King At the beginning of April the King fell sick of the measles and small pox ;^ and, has the measles and January ; and the letters of warrauntie, (undated,) described in the note in p. 390. "But the Kinn- (according to the assertion of Sir John Hayward) albeit at the first he gave no token of any ill-tempered passion, as taking it not agreeable to majesty openly to declare him self, and albeit his lords did much help to dispel any dampy thoughts which the remembrance of his uncle might raise, by applying him with great variety of exercises and disports, yet, upon speech of him afterwards, he would often sigh and let fall tears. Sometimes he was of opinion that he had done nothing that deserved death, or, if he had, that it was very small, and proceeded rather from his wife than from himself. And where then (said he) was the good- nature of a nephew ? where was the clemency of a prince ? Ah ! how unfortunate have I been to those of my blood ! My mother I slew at my very birth, and since have made away two of her brothers, and haply to make a way for the purposes of others against my self. Was it ever known before that a King's uncle, a Lord Protector, one whose fortunes had much advanced the honour of the realm, did lose his head for felony, a felony neither clear in law, and in fact weakly proved ? Alas ! how falsely have I been abused, how weakly carried ! How little was I master over my own judgment, that both his death and the envy thereof must be charged upon me." — A good speech, as Strype remarked, made for the King, but not by him. (Kennett's Complete History of England, fol. 1719, ii. 325.) « " This duke was not onlie courteous, wise, and gentle, being dailie attendant at the court ; but forward and fortunate in service abroad, as may well appeare in his sundrie voiages, both into France and Scotland. He was of nature verie gentle and pitifull, not blemished ly any thing so much, as by the death of the admerall his naturall brother, which could not have been brought to passe in that sort without his consent." (Holinshed.) There is another remarkable testimony to the prevalence of this sentiment : " As I have diligently been informed by those who saw and heard those things, after that murder had been perpetrated, our duke was no longer like him- self, but began to labour under those misfortunes which I have above hinted at. And not long after there followed those disturbances which made him, from being the lord protector of the kingdom, a miserable prisoner universally detested and despised. And a certain godly and honourable lady of this country, with whom I am acquainted, is reported to have e.xclaimed upon that occasion. Where is thy brother f Lo ! his blood crieth against thee unto Ood from the ground!" Francis Burgoyne to John Calvin, in Zurich Letters, iii. 735. '' See Parker's memorandum already given in p. cxxv. = Harley is noticed at p. 377 of this work, ii Journal, p. 408. MT. XV.] OF KING EDWAED THE SIXTH. clix for that reason, at the end of the session of parhament on the 15th of that month, he gave his assent by commission to such bills as he would have pass.^ The parliament, which had lasted from the beginning of his reign, was thereupon dissolved. By the middle of the following month he had apparently recovered his health and strength, for we then find him taking part in chivalric exercises : The xij of May the King's grace rode through Greenwich park into Blackheath, with Ms guard with bows and arrows, and in their jerkins and doublets. The King's grace ran at the ring, and other lords and knights. (Machyn's Diary.) And four days after the King " rode into the said park to see the goodly muster of his men of arms (i. e. the pensioners), and every lord's men," — of which a very full account is given by the same chronicler. It was at this time that Edward's tutor sir John Cheke (who had been knighted Illness of sir with sir Wilham Cecill, at the creation of the duke of Northumberland,) had a dangerous illness, which occasioned great anxiety to all his friends, and in con- nection with which we have the following anecdote of the King : — When crowned King, his goodness increased with his greatness ; constant in his private devotions, and as successful as fervent therein, witness this particular: sir John Cheke, his schoolmaster, fell desperately sick, of whose condition the King carefiilly inquired every day. At last his physicians told him that there was no hope of his life, ' being given over by them for a dead man. " No, (saith King Edward,) he will not die at this The King time, for this morning I begged his life from God in my prayers, and obtained it ;" which K^^^ °^ '^ accordingly came to pass, and he soon after, against all expectation, wonderfully recovered. This was attested by the old earl of Huntingdon, bred up in his childhood with King Edward, unto sir Thomas Cheke, still surviving about eighty years of age.'' (Fuller's Church History.) When Cheke despaired of his recovery, he wrote the following valedictory letter to the King, containing his parting admonitions, with some instructions for the continuance of the King's studies : Because I am departing, my Sovereigne Lord, unto the King of all Kings, Almightie God, and must, by his appointment, leave you, whome of long tyme I have done my best » Journal, p. 408. '' Fuller wrote this in 1654 ; and, if sir Thomas Cheke was then about eighty, his birth was about 1574. Henry third earl of Huntingdon, the lord Hastings of King Edward's court, died in 1595 ; his brother and successor George died in 1605 : and was grandfather of Henry the fifth earl, who died in 1643. It is possible that sir Thomas Cheke may have meant either of the former ; but see before, p. Ixvii. 2/2 Clx BIOGEAPHICAL MEMOIK [a.d. 1552. to bring up in vertue and good learninge ; and you are now coming to a government of your self, in whiolae estate I pray God you maye alwaies be served with them that will faithfullye, trewlye, and playnlye give you counseill: I have thought it my dutie, for a memorie of my last will, and for a token of my well-wishinge unto you (remayning presentlye with me, even as it hath alwaies heretofore done,) to requyre you, yea, and in God's behalf to chardge you, that, forasmoche as yeares bothe have and will diminishe in you the feare of man, to have yet before your eyes continuallye the fear of God ; with the which if you do not direct, order, and temper all your doings and sayings, be you well assured neither to have good success in the greate chardge that he hath committed to you, yet neither in th'end to enjoye that joyfuU place that is promysed timentibus eum: For if God do right extreamlye ponishe men of base estate, and of low degrees, for wanting of that necessarie Jewell, which hath in Scripture so many promeses : how sevearely will he ponishe Kings and Princes failing thearein, in whome the lack thereof must needes be both to themselves and to the commonwealth most perillouse. My weaknesse suffereth me not so long to taike with you in this matter as I coulde wishe, and your majesties disposition (which I know most apt to receave all godlie admonitions) puttethe me in comforte to thincke this to be sufficient, beseaching God so to direct all your doings, thoughts, and meanings, as may tend to his glory and your honour and wealth, both here and in the worlde to come, when by death you shall be called thereunto ; to the whiche all men, as well princes as others, as well yonge as old, are subjecte. Most affectuouslye beseachinge your Grace, if any of your servaunts about you shall francklye admonishe you of anye thinge whiche in you may be mislyked, to take it at their handes, and thincke them that shall so . doe to be your only servants of trust, and to consyder them and to rewarde them accordinglye. And if anye suche shall be, that shall of all things make fair weather, and, whatsoever they shall see to the contrarye, shall tell you all is well, beware of them; they serve themselves, and not you. And wheare you have readd, in the tyme that it hath pleased God to lend me unto you, dyvers discourses of dyvers sortes, as weU of stories, as of philosophie, wherebye you have had proffit, and plentie of grave and wise rules and orders for the good government of your realme ; yet, in myne opinyon, among them all, none hath so habundantlye fur- nished you in those points as hath Aristotle, to whome I beseach you, for those matters, often to resorte, and especiallye to two chapters in his Politiques, the one de mutatione regni, Sfc. and the other per quce regna servantur, being the tenth and eleventh chapters of the S. of his Politiques. Por your divinitie, I wolde wishe you wolde diligentlye contynew the reading of the New Testament, Sapientia, Ecclesiasticus, and the Proverbs. And, understanding that it hath pleased you sithen the tyme of my sicknesse to send unto me manie comfortable messages, and, among the rest, that you have appointed (moche unto my comfort) the wardshipp of my sonne to his mother; like as I do therefore render ^T. XV.] or KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. clxi unto your Grace my moSt humble thancks, so do I with like humbleness desyre you (my great debts consydered) to remitt to hym (if all shall be too moche) yet some convenient peece of such lands as, during his noneage, shall fall unto you. And, whereas I shall now leave my coUedge in Cambridge destitute of an headd,* if your Grace appoint thereunto mr. Haddon, I think you shall appoint a worthie man. FinaUie, one sute charitye moveth me to make unto your Majestie: the bishop of Chichester was my bringer-upp, and at his hands I gate an entrie to some skill in learning'; lyving I could never do hyme anye good whereby I might be accompted a grateful schoUer ; if dyeing I might attaine for hym libertie,* with some small aide of lyving, I should be moche bound unto you, thinking most assuredlye you shall fynde of hym, during his lyfe, bothe a dailye beadesman for you, and a right obedient subject; thoughe in some things heretofore he hathe more throughlye perswaded his conscience, then to the perfection of Christes religion was requisyte. Thus the lyving God preserve your Majestie long to raigne most prosperouslye ! Out of my death bedd, &c. (Harington's Nugse Antiquse, 1804, i. 17.) Bishop Ridley , in a letter to Cecill," dated on the 29th of May, writes, " Iff Mr. Cheake is almost recouvrid, God be Messed." In August he is reported to be quite well again i^ • Cheke had been elected, by royal mandamus, provost of King's college, Cambridge, on the deprivation in 1551 of George Day bishop of Chichester, whom he presently mentions. He wished to recommend for his successor Walter Haddon, his pupil and friend (who has been noticed in p. Ixxviii), and who was author of the following elegant lines, which formerly marked Cheke's grave in St. Alban's, Wood-street : DoctrinEB lumen Checus, vitseque magister, Aurea naturae fabrica, morte jacet. Non erat e multis unus, sed prsestitit unus Omnibus, et patriae flos erat ille suae. Gemma Britanna fuit; tam magnum nulla tulerunt Tempora thesaurum, tempera nulla ferent. Haddon was already master of Trinity hall, in succession to bishop Gardyner ; and in Sept. 1552 he was chosen president of Magdalen college in Oxford. >> Since his deprivation bishop Day had remained in the custody of bishop Goodrich (see p. 345). = MS. Lansdowne, 3, art. 28. Jerome Cardan (of whose visit to England see more hereafter) says that Cheke was ill during his stay in London in May, and terms his disease peripneumonia. ^ Aug. 9. Cheke has recovered from a most dangerous illness. Aug. 16. Cheke is now quite well again. John ab Ulmis in Zurich Letters, iii. 456, 457. clxii BIOGBAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1551. and Lever, in a letter to Ascham, who was then at Villacho in Carinthia, wrote as follows : I am firmly persuaded that God wist and would that we should be thankful, and therefore bestowed this gift upon us ; and that God's wrath was satisfied in punishing divers orders of the realm for their misorder, having taken away many singular ornaments from them, as learning by the death of Bucer," counsel by Denny,'' nobility by the two young dukes [of Suffolk], <= courtship by gentle Blage,'' St. John's college by good Eland f but if learning, counsel, nobility, court, and Cambridge should have been punished at once by taking away mr. Cheke, then I should have thought oux wickedness had been so great, as cried to God fur a general plague, in depriving us of such a general and only man as he. William rpjjjg ^^^ i^g ^ proper place to take some notice of another preceptor who tlje King offered himself to the attention of King Edward, and who seems to have received in^stat'e '"'^ a certain degree of encouragement. William Thomas, clerk of the council,f was policy. an able but unfortunate man, who suffered capital punishment in the next reign for having taken part in a project for assassinating queen Mary. This gentleman addressed the King, proposing to instruct him in the principles of state policy: — To the Ivinges highnes. Pleaseth yo"^ excellent Ma'"", Albeit that my grosse knowledge be utterly unapte to entreprise th' instruccion of any thinge unto yo"^ highnes, whose erudicion I knowe to be suche as everie faithfull hert ought to rejoice at: yet, imagineng with myself that hitherto yo'' Ma"^ hath more appUed the studie of the tonges than any matter either of historie or policie — the hohe scriptures excepted; and considering that (syns your highnes is by the providence of God alreadie growen to the admynistracion of that great and famous chardge that hath been lefte unto yew by your most noble Progenitours,) there is no earthehe thinge more necessarie than the knowledge of such examples as in this and other regimentes heretofore have happened: me thought of my bounden dutie I coulde no lesse do than present unto yof Ma*''' the notes of those discourses that are now my principEill studie, ■ Feb. 28, 1550-1 : see p. 304. '• Sir Anthony Denny died Sept. 10, 1550 : see Athenas Cantabrigienses, i. 99. •= July 16, 1551 : see p. 330 hereafter, and Ath. Cantab, i. 105. d Sir George Blagge died June 17, 1551 : see Athense Cantabrigienses, i. 104, and Narra- tives of the Reformation (Camden Society). e Henry Ayland, D.D. fellow of St. John's, died of the sweating sickness in 1551 : see Ath. Cant. i. 104. f The three clerks of the council received as yearly fees, — Armigel Wade esquire fifty pounds, William Thomas esquire forty pounds, and Bernard Hampton fifty marks. In addition Thomas received on the 12th May 1552 a patent for an annuity of forty pounds. He also had several grants of land. ^T. XIV.] 01" KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. clxiii which I have gathered out of divers aucthours, entending with layssor to write the circumstances of those reasons that I can finde to make most for the purpose. And bicanse there is nothing better learned than that which man laboreth for himself, therefore I determined at this present to give unto your highnes this little abstracte only, trusting that, liek as in all kinde of vertuose learning and exercise ye have alwaies shewed yourself most diligent, even so in this parte which concemeth the chief mayutenaunce of joTjLT high astate, and preservation of your common wealthe, your Ma*'^ woll show no lesse Industrie than the matter deserveth ; for though these be but Questions, yet there is not so small a one amongest them as woll not mynister matter of much discourse, worthie the argument and debating, which yoiir highnes may either for passetyme or in earnest propose to the wisest man ; and whan so ever there shall appeare any difficultie that yo"' Msfi" wolde have discussed, if it shall stande with your pleasure, I shall most gladly write the circumstance of the best discourses that I can gether tooching that parte, and accord- ingly present it unto your highnes. Most humbly beseching the same to accepte my good will in all good parte, as if I were of habilitie to offer unto yo'^ Ma*'* a more worthier thinge. Yo'' Ma**^ most humble servaunt, Will'm Thomas. Then follow eighty-five Questions,* and after them this suggestion, recom- mending secrecy : It becometh a prince for his wisdome to be had in admiraoion, aswell of his chiefest councellours as of his other subjects; and, syns nothing serveth more to that than to kepe the principaU thinges of wisedome secret tiU occasion require the utterance, I wolde wishe them to be kept secret, referring it nevertheless to yo"^ Ma*^ good wiU and pleasure. Many of the questions proposed by Thomas are not different in character from those which formed the subjects of the King's declamations;" but we do not trace any of them actually adopted by him for his exercises in that way. The King, it appears, accepted Thomas's overtures so far as to request from him discourses upon certain stipulated subjects,"^ notes of which he sent by the " They are printed (from the Cotton MS. Titus B. ii.) in Strype's Eccles. Memorials, ii. 100, and also in Ellis's Original Letters, II. ii. 187. >• See pp. 93—98 of this work. ' All the discourses composed by Thomas were probably written about the same timsj that is, in the autumn of 1551 : though that on the Coinage, which Strype has placed last, was avowedly the first. Strype has printed them (from the originals in the MS. Cotton. Vespasian D. XVIII.) in the following order:— Whether it be expedient to vary with Time. (Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. Appendix R. to Book I.) continent. cbdv BIOGBAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1552. hands of sir Nicholas Throckmorton. Thomas undertook the task, and promised to furnish one discourse every week, if his official duties left him time for the purpose. The first subject he took in hand was the reformation of the coin : a measure he earnestly recommended, the silver then in circulation being so debased* that men neither esteemed it for silver, nor without great loss would use it as silver ; and the gold, if there were any really remaining, being hoarded up out of use. Another and longer discourse presented by this politician, is " touching his majestie's outward affairs." It was written during the siege of Magdeburg, in the autumn of 1551 ;'' and is very similar in its arguments to the paper which was written by Cecill, in the following year, discussing the advantages or dangers of an alliance with the emperor, •= One great and evident peril was that the emperor, in the case of alliance with England, would demand an alteration of religion, and Thomas could suggest no better course than that " the communication (or dis- cussion) thereof should not be refused, but that the matter should be dissembled, with such practises of delays as might best serve to the winning of time." War on the The events of the war between the French king and the emperor now began to engage much of the young King's attention. Great efforts were made by each of the combatants to provoke the English to take part in the contest. The emperor relied upon the alliance he had formed with Henry the Eighth, of which he demanded the fulfilment ; whilst the French king, having entered into a league with the leading Protestant princes, took much pains to inform King Edward of Whether it be better for a Commonwealth, that the power be in the Nobility or the Com- monalty. (Ibid. Appendix S.) What Princes' amitie is best. (Ibid. Appendix T.) Touching his Majesties outward affairs. (Ibid. Appendix V.) Touching the Reformation of the Coin. (Ibid. Appendix W.) Letter containing further remarks on the Currency. (Ibid. Appendix X.) Besides these, Strype also published, from the library of John (More) bishop of Ely, a paper by the same writer entitled Common Places of State ; but to which, in his chapter xiii. p. 104, he gives the better title of Aphorisms of War. (Ibid. Appendix D.) All, except the last, were again printed in "The Works of William Thomas," edited by Abraham D'Aubant, esq. 1774, together with the same • author's "Peregryne," from which Thomas's character, of the King has been already extracted in p. Ixxxi. > The passage of the King's Journal in p. 342, though confused in itself, gives a charac- teristic picture of the degraded state of the coinage at this period. ' Burnet, (Hist, of the Reformation,) not adverting to the internal evidence of this fact, considers it as having been composed in the year 1549. » Printed in the present work at p. 539. ^T. xv.J OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. ClxV the progress of his arms, hoping thereby to awaken an interest in their success. Pohtically these efforts were fruitless, for the minds of the English councillors were then occupied with motives of more personal ambition ; but so far as the details of martial enterprise and action served to excite the curiosity and stimulate the imagination of the young monarch, they were received with eagerness, and chronicled with zest, and the latter pages of his Journal are occupied more with foreign than domestic matters. On the 19th June, 1552, the King signed " a lettre of gratulation to the French king of his prosperous success in his present warres, declared by seigneur de Saint Sulpice, to his ma**' : a like lettre of gratulation to the French queue of the sayd successe advertised by her lettres to his ma'^* :" but on the same day, with politic duplicity, he also addressed letters of gratulation to the emperor and to the lady regent of Flanders, for the news advertised by the seigneur de Courrieres.^' There is evidence to shew that at the period at which we have now arrived, a Projected whole year before the marriage of the lady Jane Grey to lord Guilford Dudley, ™^^f^ford and the consequent settlement of the crown upon the lady Jane, Northumberland Dudley, had already formed his project for allying the same (his only unmarried) son to one of the ladies of the blood royal. What is more, we find that his motives were suspected, and denounced by those who were bold enough to express their thoughts. It appears, however, that in the first instance it was not the lady Jane Grey, but her cousin the lady Margaret Clifford,'' that Northumberland had in view, and that the King had already both spoken and written to the earl of Cumberland her father in favour of this match. The suit was now further urged by letters of the privy council: Julie 4. vi. E. vi. — A lettre to th'erle of Cumberland, desiering Um to growe to some good ende forthewitli in the mater of manage betwene the L. Guyldford Dudley and Hs doughter; with licence to the sayd erle and aU others that shall travaile therein to doe theire best for conducement of it t'effect, any law, statute or other thing to the contrary notwithstanding. A like lettre to the duke of Northumbreland, signifying as well his ma*^ wryting and speaking to the sayd erle heretofore for this matter of mariage, as his highnes wryting at ■ (MS. Reg. 18 C.XXIV. f. 227 b, 228.) A gold chain was presented to mons. de San Sulpice. i> When the duke of Northumberland had covenanted with the duke of Suffolk for the lady Jane Grey, he still did not relinquish the lady Margaret Clifford, but transferred her from his son to his younger brother sir Andrew Dudley, as will be seen under the following year. Z clxvi BIOGRAPHICAIi MEMOIR [a.d. 1552 this present for perfighting thereof; with licence to the sayd duke, his sonne, or any other, for theim to travayle therein, any law, statute, or custome or any other thing to the contrary notwithstanding. (MS. Eeg. 18 cxxiv. f. 236 b.) The following paper is particularly curious, not only as exhibiting the popular sentiments respecting the conduct of the King in having " unnaturally " sacrificed his uncle the duke of Somerset, as the duke had previously unnaturally sacrificed his brother the lord admiral, but still more for its shovcing that the project of the duke of Northumberland* for allying his son with a lady of the blood royal, had transpired in public report, and was already viewed with suspicion, as threatening a snatch at the crown. (MS. Harl. 353, p. 121.) An informacion sent to the Lordes of the Councelle by sir William Stafford, touching certain speeches used by mrs. Elizabethe Huggons against the duke of Northumber- land, touching the deathe of the duke of Somerset, about the end of August, an" 1552. These be the uncumly saiynges of "William Huggones wiffe sometyme called Gyllyott, which was lately servante to my lady of Somersett, neither meet to be spoken nor conseyled (concealed) of any hearer. Item, she said that my lord of Somerset, yf hee had not knowne himselfe cleare of those things he was apprehended of, he had that frendeshipe within the Tower that he might have » Another manifestation of the suspicions entertained still earlier as to the designs of the duke of Northumberland was exhibited in a rumour respecting the coinage, upon which was either seen, or imagined, the ragged staiF of the house of Warwick. "Oct. ij, 1551. This day also one (Hamond) yeoman of the garde, for that he was founde to have reported that he had scene a certain strange coyne with a ragged staff, was in like manner brought before their lordeshippes, and being unable well to cleare hymselfe was for this tymexomitted to the keepeng of one of his fellowes tyll he might be further examened. "Oct. iij. This day John Thomas and Hamond, yomen of the garde, was for a brute raysed of of the aforenamed strange coyne comitted to the Marshallsey." (Register of the Privy Council.) "Item, the xvj day [Dec. 1551] was a proclamacion for the new qwyne [coin] that no man [should speak ill o]f it, for because that the pepulle sayd dyvers, that there was the ragyd staffe [stamped upon] it. (Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 73.) In the same month Thomas Holland brought home a shilling from London to Bath, and showed what he supposed to be a rouged staff on it, but which another person " could not per- ceyve to be other than a lyon !" (See the deposition of Thomas Long in p. 374 hereafter.) These are very curious intimations of the under-current of unpopularity that had set against Northumberland, of which see further proofs in p. 566, and hereafter in this Memoir. JET. XV.] OE KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. clxvii gone out when lie had would, but she coulde impute his death to no man but to my lorde of Northumberland, who she thought was better worthie to die then he. And she sayd allso that the Kinge shewed himself an unnaturall nephew, and withall did wishe that she had had the jerkinge of him. She tould also the night before at supper for newse that my lord Guilford Dudleye should marrye my lorde of Cumberlandes daughter, and that the Kinges majestie should devise the marriage. Have at the Crowne with your leave, she said with a stoute gesture. The Examinacion of Elizabeth Huggones, wife of William Huggones gentleman, before sir Robert Bowes knight, master of the rolls, and sir Arthure Darcye knight, lieutenaunt of the Tower, taken at the Towre the viij** daye of September 1552. The sayd Elizabeth deposeth that about iij weekes nowe paste she was sent for to Eocheforde, sir William Stafforde's house in Essex, where at her cominge she found the said sir William Stafforde and his wife, and another of his wife's sisters, a widowe that was marryed to the sonne and heire of sir John Williams knight ; and one evening as they were comonynge, amonge othere talke of the duke of Somerset, this examynate said, that the said duke might have escaped forth of their hands, yf he had woulde, meanynge thereby, forasmuch as she had hearde (by a comon reporte) that when the said duke was upon the scafFolde towardes his executyone, there was such a noyse and crye arrose amonge the people that diveres of them ran awaye: and in that ruffle she thought he might have escaped yf he had would. And otherwise (as she deposeth) she never said nor meant, nor knoweth no other waie whereby he might have escaped. Nor she never spake such wordes of that matter at any other time but then, nor to any other persones then is affore named. And assone as sir William Stafford heard her speake those wordes, he rose upp and went his waye, sainge, That it was to much for him to beare those wordes. And, beinge further examined upon these wordes, " That she did only impute the death of the duke of Somerset to the duke of Northumberland, and no other man, who she thought was better worthie to die than he,'' these wordes she utterly denieth, albeit, she saith that she then said she thought that those which were the procurers of the duke of Somersett's death, his bloud would be required at their handes, even like as the lord admyraH's blonde was at the duke's handes, for she thought yf the said duke had lived one hundreth yeares, he would never have given any such occasion. And further, she saith, that next the duke of Somersett, who was her master, she hath borne greatest favore and affection to the duke of Northumberland's grace of any other nobleman ; and specially sithence her husband was his grace's servant. She further beinge examyned of those wordes which touch the Kinges majestie : viz. that " hee was an unnaturall nephewe, and that she wished that she had the jerkinge of him;" all these wordes she utterly denieth, deposinge that she never spake those or any like wordes conceminge the Kinges majestie. Clxviii BIOGKAPHICAL MEMOIE [a.d. 1552. And, moreover, she beinge examined of the laste article, concerninge the marriage of the lord Guilforde Dudleye with the earle of Cumberland's daughter, she deposeth that she hearde it spoken in London (but by whome she now remembreth not) that the Kinges majestie had made such a marriage ; and so she tould the first night she came to Eocheford at supper, showinge herselfe to be glad thereof. And so she thought that all her hearers were also glad at that marriage. But as concerninge these wordes, " Have at the Crowne with your leave," she utterly denieth to have spoken them, or any other like; and deposeth that she never spake nor thought any such matter, nor meant evell of any man, by any of her aforesaid wordes. And further she deposeth, that she hath had at noe tyme conference in these matteres or any of them with any other persons (or at any other place then is affore rehearsed. And beinge examyned whether she hath made her husband privie thereunto, she saith no, for at such tyme as she spoke the affore confessed wordes her husband was not at Eoche- forde, nor by the space of xiiij dayes after, and at his cominge she made him not privie thereunto. After this examynacion the said Ehzabeth (as it were better remembringe herselfe) said she was remembred that she had said at Eocheford, " The worlde doth condemne the duke of Northumberland for my lorde of Somersettes death, even as they did the duke of Somersett for the lord admyrall his brotheres deathe," meaninge by the worlde (as she saith) the voice of the people. These wordes she confessed she spake in the presence afforesaid. But who was then mo present she remembreth not ; for as she saith sir Eobart Stafforde knight, brother to the said sir William, and one Driver, dwellyng about London, a gentleman, were at the said sir "William Staffordes house when she was there, but whether either of them was present when she spake any of the wordes before by her confessed, or no, she knoweth not. But more then is above expressed, she deposeth that she nevere spake in those matteres nor any of them.^ Summer From June until October in this year, Edward was pursuing the course of his progress. summer progress, of which all the stages are described in his Journal, and all other particulars that have been discovered are collected in the accompanying notes.'' A pleasant sketch of the early part of it is also contained in his letter to Barnaby Fitzpatrick, dated from Christchurch in Hampshire on the 22nd of August." It was the first occasion on which he had been so far from London, and he enjoyed the novelty and the variety of travel. Whilst his correspondent had been conversant with all the horrors of war, "we have been occupied (he remarks) in killing of wild beasts, in pleasant journeys, in good fare, in viewing of fair • Mrs. Hoggons still remained a prisoner in the Tower on the 15th June 15S2. (Register of the Privy Council.) i> Commencing at p. 428. <; Letter LX p. 80. ^T. xv.J 01" KING EDWAKD THE SIXTH. clxix countries, and rather have sought to fortify our own — meaning the town and harbour of Portsmouth — than to spoil another man's." The King's Journal ceases at the end of November, 1552, from what cause we are totally without any hint to conjecture. His fatal illness is said to have shown itself in the following January, and he may have been already advised to abstain from study and from writing in the month of December. In the latter part of King Edward's reign, John Knox, having been appointed John Knox one of the King's six chaplains in ordinary,* was on several occasions one of the P''®^^^^^ ^* preachers at court. None of the sermons he there delivered are preserved, nor the dates of their delivery; but he tells us that he preached at Windsor, Hampton Court, and Westminster.'' There can be no doubt that the following passage in a letter of John Utenhovius to Henry Bullinger, dated from London, October 12, 1552, relates to Knox : — Some disputes have arisen ■within these few days among the bishops, in consequence of a sermon of a pious preacher, chaplain to the duke of Northumberland,'^ preached by him before the King and council, in which he inveighed with great freedom against kneel- ing at the Lord's supper, which is stiU retained here by the English. This good man, however, a Scotsman by nation, has so wrought upon the minds of many persons, that we may hope some good to the church will at length arise from it;* which I earnestly implore the Lord to grant. (Zurich Letters, iii. 591.) » See p. 376 of this work. * A godly Letter to the FayethfuU in London, &c. 1554. « Knox was especially patronised by the duke of Northumberland, who at this very time was proposing to place him in the bishopric of Rochester. The history of Knox's ministry in Eng- land, and of Northumberland's patronage of him, is satisfactorily detailed in The Works of John Knox, collected and edited by David Laing, vol. iii. 1854, pp. 79-87 : but the passages relating to the same period, prefixed to the first volume of that work, are fuU of errors. * In the proceedings of the privy council on the 27th of the same month occur the following items : — " A lettre to the lord chancellour to cause to be joyned unto the booke of Common-prayer late sett forth a certain declaration signed by the King's ma'":, and sent unto his lordeshipp, touching the kneeling at the receyving of the Communion." [See it in Liturgies of Edward VI. printed for the Parker Society; and a rubric to the same efiect still remains in the Prayer- book.] " A warrant to the four gentlemen of the privie chamber to pay to mr. Knookes, preacher in the North, in way of the King's ma"*" rewarde, the sum of xl"." The editor of the Zurich Letters makes a remark that " There is some diflSculty about the date [of October, 1552,] as, though Knox was questioned before the council on his objections to kneeling at the Lord's supper, this did not take place till April, 1553, See McCrie, Life of clxx BIOGBAPHICAL MEMOIK [a.d. 1552. Knox alludes to his " last sermon " before King Edward, and the boldness with which he then arraigned the conduct of some of the councillors, in the following remarkable passages of another of his politico-religious diatribes : — But yet ceassed not the Devell to blowe hys wynde, but by his wicked instmmentes founds the meanes, how, against nature, the one broder should assent to the death of the other:* and fynding the same instmmentes apt enough whose labours he had used before, he blewe suche mortal hatred betweene two which appeared to have bene the chief pillers under the Kinge: for that wretched (alas!) and miserable Northumberlande could not be satisfied tyl such tyme as symple Somerset most unjustlye was bereft of his lyfe. And who, I pray you, ruled the roste in the courte all this tyme by stoute corage and proudnes of stomack but Northumberland? But who, I pray you, under Kynge Edwarde, ruled all by counsel and wyt? shall I name the man? I wil wryte no more plainly now then my tongue spake the last sermon that it pleased God that I should make before that innocent and most godly Kynge Edward the Syxte and before his counsell at "Westminster, and even to the faces of such as of whom I ment. Entreatynge this place of scripture, Qui edit mecum panem, sustulit adversus me calcaneum suum, that is, " He that eateth bread with me hath hfted up his heele against me," I made this affirmacion. That commonlye it was sene, that the most godly princes hadde officers and chief counseilours most ungodlye, con- jured enemies to Goddes true religion, and traitours to their princes. Not that their wickednesse and ungodlynesse was spedely perceyved and espied out of the said princes and godly men, but that for a tyme those crafty colourers would so cloke their malice against God and his trueth, and their holowe hartes towarde their lovinge maisters, that, by worldly wysedome and pollicie at length they attained to high promotions. And for the proofs of this myne affirmation, I recited the histories of Achitophel, Sobna, and Judas ; of whom the two former had hyghe offices and promocions, with greate authoritie, under the moste godly princes David and Ezechias, and Judas was purse-maister with Christ Jesus. And, when I had made some discourse in that matter, I moved this question, Why permitted so godly princes so wicked men to be upon their counsell, and to beare office and authoritie under them? To the which I answered, that either they so abounded in worldlye vrysedome, foresight, and experience touchinge the government of a common wealth, that their counsail appeared to be so necessarie that the common weale could not lacke them, and so by the coloure to preserve the tranquilitie and quietnes in realmes they were maintained in authoritie; or els they kept their malice, which they bare Knox, vol. i. p. 89, &c.'' But it ia the latter date that has been mis-apprehended : " April 14, 1554," being the date, not of Knox's attendance on the privy council, but of a letter which he afterwards wrote describing that occurrence. ' Alluding to the sacrifice of lord Seymour of Sudeley by the duke of Somerset. ^T. xv.l OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. clxxi towarde their maister and Goddes trew religion, so secrete in their breastes, that no man could espie it, til, by Goddes permission, they wayted for suche occasion and opportunitie, that they uttered all their mischiefe so plainlye that all the worlde myght perceave it. And that was moste evident by Achitophel and Sobna ; for of Achitophel it is written. Here Knox that he was David's most secrete counsailour, and that bycause his counsel in those dayes ^'I'udes to was lyke the oracle of God. And Sobna was unto good kynge Ezechias somtyme comp- land. troUer, somtyme secretary, and last of all treasurer; to the which offices he had never a j i, been promoted under so godly a prince, yf the treason and malice which he bare against Winchester. the Kinge, and against Goddes true religion, had been manyfestly knowen. No, quod I ; Sobna was a crafty foxe, and could shewe suche a faire countenaunce to the Kinge, that neither he nor his counsail coulde espie his malicious treason; but the prophete Esias was commaunded by God to go to his presence, and to declare his traiterouse harte and miserable ende. Was David, saydl, andEzechias, princes of great and goodly giftes and experience, abused by crafty counsailers, and dissemblyng hypocrites? What wonder is it then that a yonge and innocent Kinge be deceived by craftye, covetouse, wycked,and ungodlie counselours? I am greatly afirayd that Achitophel be counsailer, that Judas beare the purse, and that Sobna be scribe, comptroller, and treasurer. This and somewhat more I spake that daye, not in a comer (as many yet can wyt- nesse), but even before those whome my conscience judged worthy of accusation : and this day no more do I wryte (albeyt I maye justly, because they have declared themselves more manifestly) ; but yet I do affirme that under that innocent Kinge pestilent papistes had great- est authoritie. Oh! who was judged to be the soule and lyfe to the counsel in every matter of weaghty importance ? who but Sobna ? Who could best dispatche bisynesses, that the reste of the counsel might hauke and hunt, and take their pleasure? none lyke unto Sobna. Who was most franke and redy to destroy Somerset, and set up Northumberlande ? was it not Sobna ? Who was moste bolde to crye, " Bastarde, bastarde, incestuous bastarde Mary shall never raigne over us ?" And who, I praye you, was most busy to saye, " Feare not to subscribe with my lordes of the Kinges majesties most honourable prevy counseil. Agree to his grace's last wil and parfit testament, and let never that obsti- nate woman come to authoritie. She is an erraunt Papist : she wil subvert the true religion, and wil bring in straungers, to the destruction of this common wealth;'" which of the counsel, I saye, had these and greater persuasions against Marye, to whom now^he crouches and kneleth ? Sobna the treasurer. (A faythfull admonition made by John Knox to the professors of God's truth in England, written in 1554.) All this was plainly levelled against the time-serving lord treasurer Winchester, who yet stood his ground at court, not only in Mary's reign, but afterwards in that of Elizabeth. clxxii BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1552. Christmas festivities. Letter of the lord of misrule. On the 23rd of DecemlDer the King removed from Westminster to Greenwich,a in order to keep the feast of Christmas. George Ferrers, who had officiated the preceding year ^ with so much approbation as lord of misrule, was again appointed to that office, and entered upon its duties with great spirit. John Smyth, as before, was engaged as his principal fool, and styled his " heir apparent," besides whom he had four other sons (three of them personated by Seame, Parkins, and Elderton), and two base sons, "attending upon Venus.-"" The lord of misrule unfolded to the master of the revels, sir Thomas Cawarden, the plan of his career, in the following terms : — Sir, — Wheras you required me to write, — for that your busynes is great, I have in as few wordes as I maie signefied to you such things as I thinie most necessarie for my purpose. First, as towching my Introduction. Whereas the last yeare my devise was to cum of oute of the mone, this yeare I imagine to cum out of a place called vastum vacuum, the great waste, asmoche to saie as a place voide or emptie without the worlde, where is neither fier, ayre, nor earth ; and that I have bene remayning there sins the last yeare. And, because of certaine devises which I have towching this matter, I wold, yf it were possyble, have all myne apparell blewe, the first daye that I present my self to the King's ma"'' ; and even as I shewe my self that daie, so my mind is in like order and in hke suets (suits) to shew myself at my commyng into London after the halowed daies. Againe, how I shall cum into the Courte, whether under a canopie, as the last yeare, or in a chare triumphall, or uppon some straunge beast — that I reserve to you ; but the serpente with sevin heddes, cauled hidra, is the chief beast of myne armes, and the whome (holm) bushe* is the devise of my crest; my worde" is semper ferians, I alwaies feasting or keping holie daies. Uppon Christmas daie I send a solempne ambassade to the King's ma*''= by an herrald, a trumpet, an orator speaking in a straunge language, an interpreter or a truchman with hym, to which persons ther were requiset to have convenient farny- ture, which I referre to you. I have provided one to plaie uppon a kettell drom with his boye, and another drome with a fyiFe, whiche must be apparelled like Turkes garments, according to the patternes I send you herewith. On S* Stephen's daie, I wold, if it were possyble, be with the King's " Maohyn's Diary, p. 28. " See the Journal, p. 381, and the accompanying notes. <: These were all attired in fool's coats. That of John Smyth was " longe, of yellow clothe ofgoulde, all over fringed with vellett, white, red, and green." With his hood, buskins, and girdle, it was valued at 261. Us. 8d. The other " sons" had long coats of crimson taffeta and white sarcenet paned ; and the base sons lesser coats of white and orange-coloured satin paned. Loseley Manuscripts, pp. 47, 48. J The evergreen holly is meant, a bearing peculiarly appropriate to the lord of Christmas sports. e His motto, or impress. ^T. xvi.J or KING EDWABD THE SIXTH. clxxiii ma**' before dynner. Mr. Windham," being my Admyrall, is appointed to receive me beneth the bridge with the King's brigandyne, and other vessels appointed for the same purpose ; his desire is to have the poope of his vessell covered with white and blew, like as, I signefie to you by another lettre. Sir George Howard, being my M' of the Horsis, receiveth me at my landing at Gren- wiche with a spare horse and my pages of honour, one carieng my hed-pece, another my shelde, the thirde my sword, the fourth my axe. As for their furniture I know nothing as yet provided, either for my pages or otherwise, save a hed-pcece that I caused to be made. My counsailours, with suche other necessarie persons that attend uppon me that daie, also must be consydered. There maie be no fewer than sixe counsailours at the least ; I must also have a divine, a philosopher, an astronomer,'' a poet, a phisician, a potecarie, a m'' of requests, a sivilian, a disard" (John Smyth), two gentlemen ushers, besides juglers, tomblers, fooles, friers, and suche other. The residue of the wholie (holy) daies I will spend in other devises : as one daie in feats of armes, and then wolde I have a challeng performed with hobbie horsis, where I pur- pose to be in person. Another daie in hunting and hawking. * The residue of the tyme shalbe spent in other devises, which I will declare to you by mouth, to have your ayde and advice therin. Sir, I know not howe ye be provided to furnish me, but suer methinks I shold have no lesse than five suets of apparell, the first for the daie I come in, which shall also serve me in London, and two other suets for the two halowed daies folowing, the fourth for newe yeares daie, and the fifte for xii* daie. Touching my suet of blew, I have sent you a pece of velvet which hath a kinde of powdered ermaines in it, vearie fytt for my wering, yf you so thynke good. AU other matters I referre tyll I shall speake with you. George Ferrers. It. baggs for It. for y* greatt scale another bagg. To sir Thomas Cawarden. ♦ This curious letter is follow^ed in " The Loseley Manuscripts " by several shorter notes from the same writer, containing various demands upon sir Thomas Cawarden, — for " a fooles cote, with a hoode," for John Smyth; for, "xii hobby horses, if any such remayne in your custody ;" for " an hunter's apparell for myself and vj others," — "an attyre for Clarinse, my juggler, now of late inter- • This was Thomas Windham esquire, who was master of the ordnance of the King's ships. ■■ The names of the persons who performed the parts of the astronomer and the divine will be seen in note ', p. clxxv. •= An old word for a clown. '' In mock representations of those sports. 2 a clxxiv BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1552-3. tayned," — " Item, two maces for my sergeants at armes ; Item, apparell for two dysardes ; Item, Irish apparell for a man and a woman," (the " wild Irish " were^ then represented as savages,) &c. &c. On " ye second of January and y« ix'l' day of of rule," the lord of misrule demanded "Ixx jerkyns of buckram or canvas, paynted lyke maylle, for Ixx hakbuters;" and in a postscript, "Item, thirty more made of the same stuff," — so that he might have a guard of a hundred men. The following document relates to the mimic just on hobby-horses on the evening of New Year's night: — Qui est etfuit. His enterpryce, to be on New Year's day, at night. Fyrst, xii. horses barbed, wherof vi. for cbalengers, whight and blewe; the other syx blacke and yellowe. The pewtrells (poitrails) to be garnyshed with plumes for the sayd horsses, w* coUers accordyng. Truncheons xii. Mases for sergeaunts at armes. A roobe of clothe for the almoner. Mr. Chamberlayne, my marshall. Mr. Strynger, my threasorer. Mr. Rydley, my m'' of ordenaunce, beyng of my chyef councell, I pray you see hym furnyshed at yo"^ good dyscressyon. G. Feekers. To Sir Thomas Cawarden. On Twelfth-night a " triumph of Cupid '' was represented, devised by sir George Howard^ ; who, in a letter to sir Thomas Cawarden (written in very bad spelling, and with many modest apologies for his inexperience), unfolded his ideas as follows : — First, you have to furnish Venus in a chair triumphal, and with her four ladies; and her chair to be carried on four men's backs, each of them a torch in his hand, as you think meet: in whose company I am appointed for to come, furnished as I wrote unto you by my man. Then comes in Mars, in a chair, furnished with torches and men for the* carrying of him. He must have either armour or painted harness : in one hand a target of his arms, and in his other a naked sword. With him come three gentlemen, having targets of his arms, and swords in their hands. Cupid shall be a little boy, with a bow and arrows, blindfold.'' But a more picturesque view of the pageant is obtained from a memorandum of the lord of misrule himself: — • A brother of queen Katharine Howard. He had the office of master, of the henchmen (see p. Ixxvi.) ij Loseley Manuscripts, p. 40. vET. xvij or KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. clxxv Persones. t Chauncellor, Threasorer, Comptroller, Vice-CJiamberlaine, four Lords Counsaillors, arayed as apparel accustumed. The Marshall and his band. .These persons be alredy furnyshed; so that yt nedeth not to provyde, but only for these underwritten. Ydlenes, Daltance, twoo ladies straungely attyred. Cdpide, a small boye, to be cladd in a canvas hose and doblet, sylverd over, with a payre of wings of gold, with bow and arrowes, his eyes banded. Venus to come in with a maysk of ladies, and to reskue Cupide from the Marshall. Mars, the God of Battale, to come in very triumphantly. Brett shal be Mars. They must have three fayre targetts : the rest shal be their owne armure. The herault Cuoeue Aedant to have a fayre short garment and a riche armour painted with burning harts perced with darts. On the 28th of January the privy council addressed a letter to sir Thomas Cawarden, directing him to furnish William Baldwyn* with all necessaries for setting forth a play before the King, to be performed on Candlemas night (February 2). This appears to have been identical vyith " a play of the State of Ireland," which, with another of children set out by Heywood,'' occurs in the records of the ofSce of ^ William Baldwyn was the editor and one of the authors of " A Mirrour for Magistrates," and the versifier of " The Canticles or Balades of Salomon," dedicated to King Edward in 1549 ; and also wrote a poem on The Funeralles of King Edward the Sixt, which was reprinted by the Rev. James William Dodd, and presented to the Roxburghe Club in 1817. Memoirs of him will be found in Wood's Athens Oxon. (edit. Bliss,) i. 342. In a book of his entitled i' Beware the Cat" (printed in 1561, and again in 1584, but written if not first published in 1553,) he gives in the introduction some account of a discussion upon the play of -Slsop's Crow, which arose between himself and one maister Stremer whilst they were together at court, engaged in "setting foorth of certain interludes, which for the King's recreation we had devised and were learning." On this occasion " it pleased maister Ferrers to make me his bed- fellowe, and upon a pallet cast upon the rushes in his owne chambre to lodge maister Willot and, maister Stremer, the one his Astronomer, the other his Divine." [See p. clxxiii.] The passage will be found at full in Collier's History of English Dramatic Poetry and Annals of the Stage, vol. i. p. 153. i> "An Irish hawlbert, sworde, and a prage" were prepared for the play of Ireland, and "a cote and a capp with eyes, tonges, and eares for Fame " (Kempe's Loseley Manuscripts, p. 90) — like Shakspere's Rumour " painted full of tongues," in the Induction to Henry the Fifth. The same or anothter Irish story had been in preparation a year or two before, when were pur- chased " xxiij yrishe swordes at xvj d. the pece, painting xiiij yrishe swordes at vj d. the pece ; Ixviij Irishe darts at vjd. the pece, painting the same at ijd. the pece (p. 84); mearser (mercer), yelow and crimsyn sarcenet for Yrish smockes, head-peces, cowles, and girdeles 2 a2 clxxvi BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1552-3. Beginning of the King's fatal illness. Sermon by Bernard Gilpin. revels ; but after the preparations had engaged their attention from the 3rd of January to the 16th of February, it was commanded that this should be discon- tinued, " by occasion that his grace was sick, and the show thereof deferred until after May day."=^ The first stage of the King's fatal illness is thus described by sir John Hay ward, but upon what contemporary authority ^ does not entirely appear: — In January, about the beginning of the 7th yeare of the Bang's reigne, his sicknesse did more apparently shew itself, especially by the symptome of a tough, strong, streining cough. All the medicines and diet which could be prescribed, together with the helpes both of his yong age and of the rising time of the yeare, were so farre either from causing or abating his griefe, that it daily encreased by dangerous degrees, and it was not only a violence of the cough that did infest him, but therewith a weaknesse and faintnes of spirit, which shewed plainly that his vitall parts were most strongly and strangely assaulted, and the talke hereof among the people was so much the more because through an opinion obscurely raised, but running as most absurd," that his sicknesse grew by a slow-working poison. Bernard Gilpin, afterwards the famous " Apostle of the North," preached in the court at Greenwich on the first Sunday after the Epiphany. He hoped to have addressed the King, but Edward was absent, probably from his ill health, and so were the chief councillors.'' Gilpin was as yet an unknown man, though a nephew (p. 85). In the same volume at pp. 44 — 54 is printed "An estimate of the contents and value of all the stuff delivered from the storehouses of the Kinges Ma^'^^ Revells and Tentes, to be employed to the furniture of the Lord of Misrule and his Ketynewe," giving a full and parti- cular description of the costume, as well as other theatrical " properties." Their value amounted to 262/. 16s. But a still larger sum, viz. 389/. 4s. 9hd. was expended in purchases. The lord's own suit of purple velvet, furred, cost 19/. 17.s-. 6d. The cost of the like charges for the pre- ceding year (yet unpaid) amounted to 328/. 6s. ; so that a debt had been incurred on this score amounting in all to 717/. 10s. did. See the particulars extracted in "The Loseley Manu- scripts," published by A- J. Kempe, F.S.A. in 1835, and also (from the same source) in the Arohasologia, vol. xviii. conmiunicated to the Society of Antiquaries by William Bray, esq. * Loseley Manuscripts, p. 89. '' It is described with far less circumlocution, but much to the same purport, in the following brief passage of Stowe's Chronicle : " In the month of January the King fell sick of a cough at Whitehall, which grievously encreased, and at last ended in a consumption of the lights." = The word "absurd" is probably a misprint, for Hayward supports the suggestion. " This appears from the following passage, against which is this side-note, " The King being absent, these words were added :"— " I am come this day to preach to the King, and to those which be in authority under him. I am very sorry they should be absent which ought to give ^T. xvi.J OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. clxxvii of bishop Tunstall; but, having been presented by the crown in the preceding November to the vicarage of Norton in the diocese of Durham, he was summoned to preach at court, according to the provision made in all such cases.* In February, 1552-3, the lady Mary paid a visit to her brother at Westminster, Visit of the and the great concourse of nobility by which she was attended seems to intimate court, an anticipation that she might shortly become a personage of greater importance. She arrived in London on the 6th of February, and rode through Cheap towards her own house at St. John's, in Clerkenwell, attended by no less than two hundred horse. On the 10th she rode through Fleet street to the court, attended by a great number of the lords and knights, and all the great ladies, — the duchesses of Suffolk and Northumberland, the lady marquess of Northampton, the lady mar- quess of Winchester, the countesses of Bedford, Shrewsbury, and Arundel, the lady Clinton, lady Brown, and many more. At the outer gate of Whitehall there met her the dukes of Suffolk and Northumberland, the marquess of Win- chester, the earls of Bedford, Shrewsbury, and Arundel, the lord chamberlain, the lord admiral, and a great number of knights and gentlemen ; and so she went up into the chamber of presence, and there the King's grace met and saluted her.'' A new parliament was summoned to assemble on the 1st of March, and, or> New Parlia- ■ Recount of the King's sickness, it was opened in the palace of Whitehall. Whitehall Anno 7 Ed. sexti, the first day of Marohe the King kept his parKament within his pallace at Westminster. The(y) proceeded from the gallery next into the closet, thorough the closett into the chapell to service, every man in their robes as at this day. Th'erle of Oxford bare the sword, and the marquess of Northampton as great chamberlejm went jointly with him on the right hand. The lord Darcy beinge lord chamberleyn bore the example, and encourage others to the hearing of God's word ; and I am the more sorry that other preachers before me complaine much of their absence. But you will say, they have Weighty affairs in hand. Alas! hath God any greater businesse than this? If I should cry with the voice of Stentor, I could, I should make them heare in their chambers ; but in their absence I will speake to their seats, as if they were present. I will call unto you, noble Prince, as Christ's anoynted," &c. Yet in face of this passage, and the side-note, the edition of 1630 has on the title-page the words " preached before King Edward the Sixth." In the original edition (which is not in the British Museum) it was simply called " A godly Sermon, preached in the court at Greenwich the first Sunday after the Epiphanie, Anno Domini 1552." This sermon was reprinted in 1581, and again in 1630, and also appended to the Eev. AVilliam Gilpin's Life of Bernard Gilpin, 1753, 8vo. Strype, in his Eccles. Memorials, vol. ii. p. 369, has "iven an abstract of its contents, which are very remarkable, as presenting statistical and historical particulars of the existing condition of the church and of ecclesiastical property. » See note in p. ci. '' Machyn's Diary. Clxxviii BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1552-3. King's trayne," and was assisted by sir Andrew Dudley, chief gentleman of the privy' chamber. (From a paper of precedents in MS. L. 15, in Coll. Arm. p. 130.) A sermon was preached by doctor Ridley, bishop of London, and the King " with divers lords received the communion," — which was substituted for the mass of the Holy Ghost, that had been usual at the opening of former parliaments. Which being done, the King, with the lords in order, went into the King's great chamber on the King's side [of the palace], which that day was prepared for the Lords' house, the King sitting under his cloath of estate, and all the lords in their degrees. The the bishope of Ely, doctor Godriche, lord chancellour, made a proposition for the King; which being ended, the lords departed. This was done because the King was sickly. The morrow after the burgesses sate in the Commons' house at Westminster, and chose for their Speaker master Dyer, one of the late-made Serjeants of the law. (Stowe's Chronicle.) On Saturday afternoon (March 4,) at two o'clock, mr. Speaker made his ornate oration before the King's majesty in his royal seat in the waiting chamber aforesaid, all the nobles and commons called to that parliament then and there attendant. (Journal of the House of Commons.) This parliament began and ended within the month. On Friday the last day of March, between the hours of five and seven in the afternoon, the King's majesty in his royal seat in the waiting-chamber in his palace of Westminster, after the ornate oration by mr. Speaker exhibiting therein the subsidy, the King gave his royal assent to seventeen acts, and dissolved this his parliament. (Journal of the House of Commons.) We have an enumeration of the Lent preachers of 1552-3 from the pen of John Knox, who, in a passage described in a marginal note as a " Comparyson betwixte p '"^ England and Judah before their destruction," has the following passages : — ■^^^^"^- We had a Kynge off so godly disposition towardes vertew, and chiefly towardes God's truthe, that none from the begynninge passed hym, and to my knowledge none of hys yeares did ever matche hym in that behalffe, iff he might have been lorde of hys owne will. In this meane tyme, .... some crymes were so manifest and so 'heighnous that the earthe colde not hyde the innocent blond, nor yet could the heavens without shame behold the craft, the deoeat, the violens and wronge that openly was wrought But what ensewed here upon? Alas ! I am ashamed to rehearse it, universal contempt of all godly admonitions, hatred of those that rebuked their vyces: autoresing of suche as " The privy council issued " A warrant to sir Andrew Dudley to deliver to John Bridges ten yards of crimson velvet, to make the Kinges ma'^ akirtle and a whode for his parliament robes." ^T. XVI.] OP KIN& EDWAKD THE SIXTH. clxxix colde invente most vylanye agaynste the preachers of God's word. In this matter I may be admitted for a sufficient witnes, for I hard and saw, I understode and knew, with the sorow of my hart, the manifest contempt and the crafty devices of the devil against those most godly and learned preachers that this last Lent, anno 1553, were apoynted to preache before the Kynges majestie, as also against all others whose tounges were not tempered by the holy Water of the courte ; to speake it plainlye, who flattering agaynste their own conscience coulde not saye all was well and nothinge neded reformation. What reverence and audience was geven unto preachers this laste Lent, by such as then were in authoritie, their owne cotmtinaunces declared assuredly, even suche as was geven to Jeremye; they hated suche as rebuked their vyce, and stubbernlye they sayde, We will not amende. And yet howe boldely theyr synnes were rebuked suche as were present can witnes with me. Almost there was none who dyd not prophesye and plainly spake the plagues that are begonne, and assuredly shall ende. Mayster Grindall" plainly spake the death of the Kynges majestie, complayninge uppon Edmund hys housholde servauntes, who neytlier feared to raile againste the woorde off God, and G^mdal. agaynste the trewe preachers of the same. That godly and fervent man mayster Lever,*" playnly spake the desolation off thys Thomas common wealthe, and the plagues which should follow shortlie. ever. And mayster Bradforde"^ (whome God for Christe hys sonnes sacke comforte to the John ende !) spared not the proudest of them, but boldely declared that Goddes vengeance ■""'^Q™^°- shortlye shoulde strycke those that then were in auctoritie, because they lothed and abhorred the true worde of the everlasting God ; and willed them to take example by a noble man,* who became so colde in hearing God's worde that, the year before his death, he wold not disease himselfe to hears a sermon. "God punisshed hym, (sayde that godly preacher,) and shall he spare you that be dubble more wicked ? No, ye shall saye • Afterwards archbishop of Canterbury. '' See p. cxxxvi. ■^ Another writer relates of John Bradford, that "he preached before King Edward the Sixth, in the Lent the last year of his reign, upon the second Psalm, and there in one sermon shewing the tokens of God's judgment at hand for the contempt of the Gospel, as that certain gentlemen upon the Sabbath day going in a wherry to Paris-garden to the bear-baiting were drowned, and that a dog was met at Ludgate carrying a piece of a dead child in his mouth, — he with a mighty and prophetical spirit said, I summon you all, even every mother's child of you, to the judgment of God, for it is at hand, — as it followed shortly after in the death of King Edward." Thomas Sampson's introduction to two sermons by Bradford, Bradford's Works, (Parker Soc.) p. 31. When Knox wrote as above, Bradford was in prison, from whence he was led to the stake, in July, 1555. i ^ The duke of Somerset is here alluded to ; and in the Scotish version, edited by Mr. Laing, the sentence is more fully expressed thus, •' And amangis many other, willit thame to tak exampill be the lait duck of Somersett, who became so cold in hearing Godis word, that the year befoir his last apprehensioun, he wald ga visit his masonis, and wald not dainyie himself to ga from his gallerie to his hall for heiring of a sermone." (Knox's Works, 1854, iii. 176.) clxxx BIOGKAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. Walter Haddon. Bishop Hooper. Palace of Bridewell given to the city of London. The city Hospitals. Kichard Grafton. Will ye, or Will ye not, ye shal drinke of the cup of the Lordes wrathe, Judicium Domini, Judicium Domini, the judgement of the Lord, the judgement of the Lorde," cryeth he with lamentable voyse and weaping teares. Master Haddon" most lernedly opened the causes of the byepassed plagues, and assured them that the worse was after to come, if repentaunce shortly was not founde. Muche more I harde of these foure, and of others, which now I may not rehearce, and that (which is to be noted) after that the hole counsail had sayd they wolde heare no mo of their sermons: they were undiscrete felowes, yea, and pratynge knaves. (A Godly Letter sent too the fayethfuU in London, Newcastle, Barwyke, &c.) We also find it said'' of bishop Hooper, "He is to preach, as I hear, before the King's majesty on the 26th of this month," — that is, on Palm Sunday, February 26. On the 10th of April the lord mayor was summoned to Whitehall in order to receive from the King's hands a grant of the palace of Bridewell, that it might be converted into "a workehouse for the poore and idle people of the city of London."" ' This was accompanied by the endowment of the other city hospitals, — ^a charitable object for which some of the best-disposed citizens had long laboured.'^ Among them one of the most zealous was the King's printer, Kichard Grafton,^ in whose * See p. Ixxviii. >> Zurich Letters, iii. 582. ' Stowe's Chronicle. ■• The poor had not only lost the relief they had formerly derived from the monastic estab- lishments, but even the ancient hospitals had sufferd confiscation. During the mayoralty of sir Richard Gresham in 1537-8, the year immediately following King Edward's birth, the city had petitioned king Henry (without success) to have assigned to them the disposition and governance of the " iii hospitalls or spytalls, commonly called Seynt Maryes spytall, Seynt Barthilmewes spytall, and Seynt Thomas spytall, and the New Abbey of Tower-hill, founded of good devotion by ancient fathers, and endowed with great possessions and rentes, onely for the relife, comforte, and helpyng of the pore and impotent people, not beynge able to helpe themsellfes.'' (Strype, Eccles. Mem. i. 265.) One of these, St. Mary's spital without Bishops- gate, had, at its surrender, contained nine-score beds, well furnished for receipt of poor people, (Stowe's Survay,) but was never restored. St. Thomas's hospital, in Southwark, which had been an adjunct of Bermondsey abbey, probably remained empty from the dissolution of that monastery until it was purchased of the crown by the city in 1550. One hundred beds were re-established at St. Bartholomew's in 1552. The monastery of the Grey Friars, which was converted into a house for destitute children, was granted to the city shortly before the death of Henry VIII., but was not occupied until November, 1552. Seethe early history qf Christ's Hospital more fully noticed in my introduction to The Chronicle of the Grey Triars of London, (printed for the Camden Society,) pp. xxii ct seq. e " But the citie of London may not forget, how he hath travayled in their affayres from time to time. Who knoweth not his diligence in laboring for and attending on that noble worke of that moste blessed Prince, King, yea Saint, Edwarde the sixt, in erecting the Hospitalles ? his labors and expenses in overseing the same beyng erected, preferring it before all ^T. XVI.] OF KIN& EDWARD THE SIXTH. clxxxi Chronicle is given the following detailed account of the King's share in this transaction : — Not long after the death of the sayd duke [of Somerset] and his complices,* it chaunced the reverend father in God maister doctor Kidley, then bishop of London, to preach before the Eanges majestie at Westminster; in the which sermon he made a fruitful! and godly exhortation to the riche, to be merciful unto the poore, and also moved such as were in aucthoritie to travaile by some charitable waye and meane to comfort and reheve them. Whereupon the Kinges majestie, beyng a prince of such towardnesse and vertue for hys yeres as Englande before never brought forth, and the same also beyng so well treyned and brought up in al godly knowlege, aswell by his dere uncle the late protector as also by his verteous and learned scholemaisters, was so carefull of the good government of the realme, and chiefly to do and preferre such thinges as most specially touched the honor of almightie God. And understandyng that a great number of poore people did swarme in this realme, and chiefly in the citie of London, and that no good order was taken for them,'' did sodainly and of himselfe send to the sayd bishop assoone as his sermon was ended, willyug him not to depart untill that he had spoken with him (and this that I nowe write was the verye report of the sayde bishop Ridley) and accordyng to the Kinges commaundement he gave hys attendaunce. And so soone as the Kinges majestie was at leysure he called for him, and made him to come unto him into a great galery at Westminster, wherein to his knowledge, and the King also tolde him so, there was present no mo persons then they two, and therfore made him sit downe in one chaire, and he himselfe in another, which as it seemed were before the coming of the bishop there purposely set, and caused the bishop mauger his teeth to be covered, and then entred communication with Mm in this sort, first geving him most heartie thankes for his sermon and good exhortation, and therein rehearsed such speciall thinges as he had noted, and that so many that the bishop sayde, " Truly, truly (for that was commonly his othe), I could never have thought that excellency to have bene in his grace that I behelde and saw in him." At the last the Kinges majestie much commended A most noble him for his exhortation for the reUefe of the poore; " but, my lorde (sayth he), ye willed ^"."^ verteous . 1 1 „ saiyngoia such as are in authoritie to be carefull thereof, and to devise some good order for theyr reUefe, Prince. his awne businesse, to his great hinderaunce ? It is proveable ynough if any will be so past honest thankfulnesse to denie it." Preface to the edition of Grafton's Chronicle, printed in 1569, written by T. N(orton). » i. e. as afterwards appears, on a Sunday, and during the mayoralty of sir Richard Dobbs, which commenced on the 29th Oct. 1551. Sir John Hayward, by misapprehension, states that the sermon was preached during the King's last sickness, and is followed by Burnet, &c. !• " O merciful Lord ! what a number of poor, feeble, halt, blind, lame, sickly, — yea, with idlinir vagabonds and dissembling caitiffs mixt among them, lye and creep begging in the miry streets of London and Westminster !" Sermon of Thomas Lever before the King on the fourth Sunday after Lent 1549-50. 26 Clxxxii BIOGBAPHICAL MEMOIB [ad. 1553. wherein I tMnke you meant me, for I am in highest place, and therefore am the first that must make aunswere unto God for my negligence if I shoulde not be oarefull therein, knowyng it to be the expresse commaundement of almightie God to have compassion of his poore and nedie members, for whom we must make an accompt unto him; and truely, my lorde, I am before all things most willyng to travayle that way, and I doubt nothing of your long and approved wisdome and learnyng, who havyng such good zeale as wissheth helpe unto them, but that also that you have had some conference with others what wayes are best to be taken therein, the which I am desirous to understand, and therefore I pray you say your minde." The bishop thinkyng least of that matter, and beyng amased to here the wisedom and earnest zeale of the King, was, as he sayd himselfe, so astonied, that he could not well tell what to say. But after some pawse, sayd that, as he thought at this presence, for some entraunce to be had, it were good to practise with the citie of London, because a number of the poore there are very great, and the citizens are many and also wise ; and he doubted not but they were also both pitifull and merciful!, as the maior and his brethren, and other the worshipfuU of the said citie ; and that if it would please the Kino-es majestic to direct his gracious letter unto the maior of London, willyng hym to call unto him such assistaunce as he should thinke meete to consult of thys matter, for some order to be taken therein, he doubted not but good should folow therof; and he himselfe promised the King to be one that would earnestly travaile therein. The King forthwith not onely graunted his letter, but made the bishop tary untiU the same was written, and his hand and signet set thereunto, and commaunded the bishop, not onely to deliver the same letter himselfe, but also to signifie unto the maior that it was the King's speciall request and expresse commaundement that the maior should therein travaile, and assone as he might conveniently geve knowledge unto him how farre he had preceded therein. The bishop was so joyous of the having of this letter, and that he had nowe an occasion to travaile in that good matter, wherein he was merveylous zealous, that nothing could more have pleased and delighted him. Wherefore the same night he came to the maior of London, who then was sir Richard Dobbes knight, and delivered the Kinges letter, and shewed his message with effect. The maior not onely joyously receyved this letter, but with all speede agreed to set forward this matter, for he also favoured it very much ; and the next day, beyng Monday, he desired the bishop of London to dine with him, and against that tyme the maior promised that he would sende for such men as he thought meetest to talke of this matter — and so he did ; and sent first for two aldermen and six commoners, and afterward were appoynted more to the number of xxiiij.; and in the ende, after sundrie meetynges (for by the meane of the good diligence of the bishop it was well folowed), they agreed upon a booke* that they had devised, wherein first theyconsi- a This " book," so far as relates to Bridewell hospital, is printed from the court-books of ^T. XVI. J OP KING EDWAED THE SIXTH. clxxxiii dered of ix. speciall kindes or sortes of poore people, and those they brought into these three degrees. The poore by impotencie . . . \ n /• ^ •' ^ 1 -Degrees of Poore by casualtie . . . . ( Three degrees of poore poore. Thriftlesse poore . . . . ) 1. The poor by impotencie are also / 1. The fatherlesse, or poore man's childe. devided into thre kyndes ; that is to | 2. The aged, blinde, and lame. say (3. The diseased person, by lepry, dropsy, &c. _ _, , . / 4. The wounded souldior. 2. I he poore by casualtie are also three \ , , . , . < 5. The decayed householder, kyndes ; that is to say . . j { 6. The visited with grievous disease. I 7. The rioter that consumeth all. 3. The thriftlesse poore are three 1 „ ™ , i ,i , •„ , ■ , . < 8. Ihe vagabond that vsall abide in no place, kyndes ; that is to say . . . / „ ^, .. , , , \ 9. Ihe ydle person, as the strumpet and other. that institution, by Malcolm in his Londinium Redivivum, 1803, 4to. vol. ii. pp. 554-556. It is addressed to the privy council in 1552, and contains a solicitation " for the Kings majesty's house of Bridewell, for that the situation and largeness thereof seemeth most meet and con- venient for this purpose, if it shall please the King's most excellent majesty, of his great clemency and goodness, to grant that it may be employed to the said use.'' It was in the month of May 1552 that bishop Ridley wrote with the same object to secretary Cecill, asking for " a wide, large empty house of the King's majesty called Bridewell, that would wonderfully well serve to lodge Christ in," by which holy name (on the authority of Matthew xxv. 35, 36, &c.) the bishop was pleased to designate the poor, then " lying abroad in the streets of London, both hungry, naked, and cold." See this letter in Strype's edition of Stowe's Survey, 1720, i. 76. It is remarkable that, whilst Grafton, in the paper printed in the text, takes the courtly line of ascribing the chief merit of this transaction to the King, — a course which has been too servilely copied in the subsequent histories of Christ's Hospital, the citizens, from whose sub- scriptions the necessary funds chiefly proceeded, are too much overlooked. Bishop Ridley, in his long and remarkable farewell letter, bestows praises at some length on the successive mayors sir Richard Dobbes and sir George Barnes for their persevering efforts in establishing the hospitals (see Ridley's Works, Parker Soc. pp. 410, 411), but in regard to the King he does not confirm Grafton's narrative further than by saying in his address to sir George Barnes : " And to have brought this to pass, thou obtainedst (not without great diligence and labour both of thee and thy brethren,) of that godly King Edward, that Christian and peerless prince's hand, his palace of Bridewell : and what other things to the performance of the same and under what condition, is not unknown." And from what follows it appears that the King's grant had not then taken effect, for he adds, " that this thine endeavour hath not had like success, the fault is not in thee, but in the condition and state of the time ; which the Lord of his infinite mercy vouchsafe to amend, when it shall be his gracious will and pleasure !" Li reality, it seems not to have been before 1557 that Bridewell palace was converted to its destined purpose. (Malcolm, iii. 556.) 2b2 cLxxxiy BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553 Christes For these sortes of poore were provided three severall houses ; first, for the innocent and ospita . fatherlesse, which is the begger's childe, and is in deede the seede and breeder of beggery, they provided the house that was the late Graie Fryers in London, and nowe is called Christes Hospitall, where the poore children are trayned in the knowlege of God and some verteous exercise, to the overthrow of beggery. Saint Thomas For the seconde degree is provided the Hospitall of Saint Thomas in Southwarke, and Hospital. g^j^j. Bartholomewe in West Smithfielde, where are continually at the least two hundred diseased persones, which are not only there lodged and cured, but also fed and norished. Bridewell. For the thirde degree they provided Bridewell, where the vagabond and ydle strumpet is chastised and compelled to labour, to the overthrowe of the vicious life of ydlenesse. They provided also for the honest decayed householder, that he should be releeved at home at hys house, and in the parishe where he dwelled, by a weekely reliefs and pencion ; and in like maner they provided for the lazer to keepe him out of the citie from clapping of dishes, and ringing of belles, to the great trouble of the citezens, and also to the daungerous infection of many; that they also should bee releeved at home at their houses wyth severall pencions. Nowe after this good order taken, and the citezens by suche meanes as was devised willing to further the samei then report thereof was made unto the King's majestic; and his grace, for the advancement therof, was not onely wylling to graunt such as should be the overseers and governors of the sayde houses a corporation, and aucthoritie for the King Edward governement thereof, but also required that he might be accompted as the chiefe founder f ^^rT ffVi ^^^ patrone thereof;* and for the furtheraunce of the sayde worke and contynual main- hospitals in tenaunoe of the same, he of his meere mercie and goodnesse graunted, that where before °" °°" certaine landes were geven to the maintenaunce of the house of the Savoy, founded by king Henry the seventh for the lodging of pilgrimes and straungers, and that the same was nowe made but a lodging of loyterers, vagabondes, and strumpets, that lay all day in the fieldes, and at night were harbored there, the which was rather the maintenaunce of beggery then the reliefe of the poore, gave the same landes,* beyng first surrendered into his handes by the maister and felowes there, which landes were of the yerely value of sixe hundred pounde, unto the citie of London, for the maintenaunce of the foundation afore- said; and for a further reliefe, a petition beyng made to the Kinges majestie for a licence to take in mortmayne or otherwise without licence landes to a certayne yerely value, and a space left in the patent for his grace to put in what somme it should please him, he, looking on the voyde place, called for pen and ynke, and with hys awne hand wrote this summe, in these maner of wordes (^foure thousand markes by yere), and then saide in the heering of his counsaile, " Lord God, I yeelde thee most harty thanks that thou hast " " So that (as Heylyn remarks) by the donation of Bridewell, which he never built, and the suppression of the hospital in the Savoy, which he never endowed, he was entitled to the foundation of Bridewell, St. Bartholomew's, and St. Thomas, without any charge unto himself" History of the Reformation, p. 275. ' This did not take effect, the Savoy being re-established by queen Mary (see p. 576). .ET. XVI.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. clxxXV geven me life thus long to finish this worke, to the glorie of thy name ! " After which A blessed foundation established he lived not above two dales." King. The 11th of April, the lord mayor, George Barnes, was presented to the King Lord Mayor in his palace at Whitehall, and was made knight by his Majestie.* On the same "'^ day the King made his last remove alive : The xj day of April the King removed from Westminster by water to Greenwich ; and passed by the Tower, and there was a great shot of guns and chambers, and all the ships shot off guns all the way to EatclyfF, and there the iij ships that were rigging there, appointed to go to Newfoundland, and the ij pinnaces, shot guns and chambers a great number. (Machyn's Diary.) During the King's lingering illness, and whilst he was seen by few, the public Rumours of mind was naturally agitated by many alarms, and there were frequently premature jg^tv, '"° ^ rumours of his death, notwithstanding that severe examples were made of those who either uttered such reports or whispered suspicions of the designs of the duke of Northumberland." ~ Many such offenders were committed to the Tower, and other prisons ; and the following passages of the register of the privy council give evidence of their treatment : — April xxviii. A lettre to the deputee and counsell of Galleys to cause one Vincent there to be examined of certaine lewde woordes reported by Haster touching the duke of Northumberland's grace, and others of his name, and fynding the said Haster faultie in that is layed to his charge to comit hym to warde, and advertise hither of that he shall have don herein. May V. A lettre to the lord chancellour to cause the man being prysoner in the Tower, and the ij woomen prysoners in the Counter, that spred false rumours of the King's ma"^ death, to be sett uppon the pUlorie to morrow in the momeing, the man to have his eare nayled to the pillorie in Cheepesyde, and the two woomen to stand uppon the pUlorie in Westminstre pallace, and aU they three to weare papers contayning these WOOrds, FOK MOST FALSE AND UNTRUE REPOETS TOUCHING THE KING'S MAJESTIES LYFE : and then to be returned to the prysons agayne. May xii. Shingleton comitted to the Marshallsey by lettres, to be kept from conference with any person, who was comitted for reporting certain slanderous woordes touching the duke of Northumberland's grace. Chrispes comitted to the Fleete for the lyke matter, to be kept several! from the conference with any. 1 This is perhaps a misprint for ten days. Edward lived exactly ten days after the ^date of the letters patent (June 26) ; but Grafton's anecdote seems to belong to the earlier stage of the business, when the King gave audience to the lord mayor on the 10th of April. I" The first knight made by King Edward was the lord mayor of 1547 (see p. xci), and this lord mayor was apparently the last person he knighted. ' Stowe's Chronicle. clxxxvi BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. Keceiition of the French ambassador. May xxi. Christopher Moore, John Brombrough, Humfrey Holte, and John Owen, oomitted to the Tower, by lettres to the lieutenaunt, to be severally kept, without conference with any, who wer« oomitted for reporting of certain woordes touching the King's ma*'^ person, as by thayr examinacion appereth. Gregorie Wysdome committed to the Fleete for the same matter. May xxvii. A lettre to the mayor of Eedding, Thomas Vachell, and William Edmonds, to cause one John Saunders of that towne to be sett on the pillorie the next markett day with a paper on his head contayning in greate lettres these woords, for lewbe akd sedi- tious WOORDES TOUCHING THE king's majestie AMD THE STATE: and wheu he hath stood there the hole markett-tyme, to cause both his eares to be cutt of, and his body to be returned to prison untill the King's ma*'^^ farther pleasure shalbe signified unto them. June xiij. "William Cossey" committed to the Tower for prophesying. June XV. A lettre to the lieutenaunte of the Towre to bringe tomorrow in the after- noone before the lordes to the Starre-chamber these persons, John Owen, Humfre Holte, John Bramborough, Christopher Moore, Leonard Esterby, Fraunois Digbie, and mrs. Hoggons presently prysoners in the Tower, and to cause William ■Hawkins also prysoner there to be conveyed to Bedlem. Antoine de Noailles, who had been nominated to succeed mens, de Boisdaulphin as the resident ambassador from France, arrived in London on the last day of April, but his first audience was long delayed on account of the King's state of health. When some days had elapsed, the Frenchmen were invited to court, and, after dining with the council, on leaving the table, they were summoned by the lord chamberlain as if the King bad been waiting for them, but they only found them- selves in a withdrawing room, to which the duke of Northumberland and some other lords came in order to speak with them. They then perceived, not only from the countenances of the company, but even from the duke's own words, how little prospect there remained of the King's recovery.* Early in May there was some appearance of improvement in the King's health, as was thus intimated by the duke of Northumberland to sir William Cecill, in a letter written from Greenwich on the 7tb of the month : But nowe I will recompfort you with the joyfuUe compfort which our phesicians hatha thies too or three mornynges revyved my spirites withaUe ; which ys that our soveraine lord dothe begine very joyfullye to encreese and amend, they haveing no doubt of the thorro recoverye of his highnes, the rather because his majestie is fully bent to foUo theyr councelle and advyce. (MS. Lansdowne 3, art. 23.) - Perhaps the same " young fellow" who was whipped at the Standard in Cheap on the 30th of June, for " pretended visions, and opprobrious and seditious words." (Maohyn's Diary.) >> Ambassades de Noailles, 1763, ii. 4. MX. XVI.] or KING EDWAKD THE SIXTH. clxxxvii In correspondence with this account, we find the French ambassadors, in their next despatch, written on the 15th of May, relate that, on the previous day, the lords of the council had informed them that the King's health was so much improving that he would be able to receive them at the end of three or four days. Still, the ambassadors had, from other sources, been informed that the physicians entertained little hope of his recovery, as they much feared that he was spitting from his lungs.'' At length, on the 17th May, the ambassadors were admitted to an audience- The King was then thought to be out of all danger, yet suffering from extreme debility and exhaustion, and annoyed by a continual cough. At the request of the council, the proceedings of their audience were confined to the reception of the new and congd of the old ambassador, and the former deferred the delivery of his master's letters until the next opportunity.'' One day, during the King's illness, there was a scene of great excitement on Sir Hugh the river before the windows of the palace of Greenwich. It was the departure of d"f '^ one of the first of those many bands of adventurers that have since planted the English race over the circuit of the world. The expedition went forth under the command of sir Hugh Willoughby,'^ for the purpose of finding a north-eastern passage through the Arctic regions for trade with Cathay. On the 20th May, the squadron, consisting of three ships, dropped down to Greenwich : — " Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 25. !> " Sire, vous avez veu .... comme la maladie du Hoy vostre bon fils et frere estoit telle et si grande qu'il restoit peu d'esperance k tous ses medecins de sa convalescence, et moings aux grands personaiges qui sont pres de sa majeste. Mais Dieu, voyant le trouble qu'eust amene une telle mort, a faict si bien succeder, que maintenant on estime qu'il est du tout hors de danger, toutesfois avecques une extresme debilitation et defaillance, accompagnee d'une toux qui le presse merveilleusement. Si est ce qu'il s'en descharge d'une telle sort que I'on ne presume plus, comme Ton a faict jusques ici, qu'il y aye en ses excremens rien du poulmon, comme nous, sire, pusmes facileraent juger pour I'audiance que hyer il lui plust nous donner, que ne fust de plus long discours que de la reception de I'ung et conge de I'autre de nous, et pour la grand instance et priere que lesdicts seigneurs de son conseil nous avoient faicte de ne lui faire force lecture de lettre, ne luy dire que bien peu de propoz, moy de Noailles remys a luy presenter les lettres de vostre majeste sur la requisition du sieur (bhnk), tant pour attendre I'accroissement de la force de sa santd, que pour veoir assez d'aultres occasions pour devoir differer et mettre en silence quelques jours telle requeste." Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 26. ■= Sir Hugb Willoughby was an ancestor of the present lord Midleton, and there is a portrait of him at WoUaton hall near Nottingham. He perished with all the crew of two of his ships on the coast of Lapland, in the course of the ensuing winter. Richard Chancellor, who com- manded the third ship, was more successful. Having made his way to Archangel, he went Clxxxviii BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. The greater sMppes are towed downe with boates and oares, and the mariners, being all apparelled in watchet or skie-coloured cloth, rowed amaine and made way with diligence. And being come neere to Greenewich (where the court then lay) presently upon the newes thereof the courtiers came ranning out and the common people flookt together, standing very thicke upon the shoare: the privie counsel they lookt out at the windowes of the court, and the rest ran up to the toppes of the towers ; the shippes hereupon discharge their ordinance and shoot off their pieces after the manner of waxre and of the sea, insomuch that the tops of the hilles sounded therewith, the valleys and the waters gave an echo, and the mariners they shouted in such sort that the skie rang againe with the noyse thereof. One stood in the poope of the ship and by liis gesture bids farewell to his friendes in the best maner hee could. Another walkes upon the hatches, another climbes the shrowds, another stands upon the maine yard, and another in the top of the shippe. To be short, it was a very triumph (after a sort) in all respects to the beholders. But (alas !) the good King Ed,ward (in respect of whom principally all this was prepared,) hee only by reason of his sicknesse was absent from this shews, and not long after the departure of these ships the lamentable and most sorrowful accident of his death followed. (Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. i. p. 245.) This expedition'* went forth under the direction of the veteran navigator Sebastian Cabot ^ and the company of merchant-adventurers which afterwards overland to Moscow, and opened a commercial intercourse with the emperor of Russia. He afterwards lost his life when wrecked at Pitsligo, on the north-west coast of Scotland, bringing a Muscovite ambassador to England in 1557. Chancellor had been " brought up by one master Henry Sidney, a noble young gentleman, and very much beloved of King Edward." (Eden's Decades of the New World.) In his ship also went Stephen Burrough, afterwards chief pilot of England, William Burrough, afterwards comptroller of the navy, and Arthur Pet, one of a family for several after generations eminent in maritime affairs. » There will be found in Hakluyt's Voyages (vol. i. p. 226) the " Ordinances, Instructions, and Advertisements of and for the direction of the intended voyage to Cathay, compiled, made, and delivered by the right worshipful M. Sebastian Cabota esquier, governour of the mysterie and eompanie of the Merchants Adventurers for the discoverie of regions, dominions, islands, and places unknowen, the 9th day of May, in the yere of our Lord God 1553, and in the 7th yeere of the reigne of our most dread sovereign lord Edward VI." &c. ■" Sebastian Cabot was the son of John Cabot, a Venetian merchant, for some time resident at Bristol ; and (according to his own statement to Richard Eden) he was born in that city. So early as the year 1496 he was named with his father in a licence granted by Henry VII. for the exploration of unknown countries, and he consequently contributed to the discovery of Newfoundland in the next year. He spent the best part of his life in the service of the emperor Charles V. who appointed him pilot-major of the Indies in 1518. Subsequently, but at what date has not been ascertained, he returned to England. A pension of 250 marks was granted to him on the 6th Jan. 1548-9 (2 Edw. VI.). Efforts were made to regain him for the imperial service, but he preferred to pass the evening of his days in England, as appears by JET. xvi.J OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. clxxxix took the name of the Russia Company. Cabot enjoyed a yearly pension from King Edward ; to whom he is said to have discovered the secret of the variation of the magnetic needle.* the following passage in a despatch from the privy council to sir Philip Hohy, ambassador in Flanders, 21st April, 1550: "And as for Sebastian Cabot answere was first made to the said ambassador that he was not deteined heere by us, but that he of himself refused to go either into Spayne or to the emperor, and that he being of that mind, and the King's subjecte, no reason nor equitie wolde that he shulde be forced or compelled to go against his will." (MS. Harl. 353.) Cabot is supposed to have exerted himself in favour of the English merchants in their struggle with those of the Hans towns. In 1550-1, there, was paid "To Sebastian Caboto ij C li. by way of the Kinges ma«' reward " (MS. Keg. 18 C. XXIV. f. 68 b.) This was upon the decision of the privy council, adverse to the claims of the merchants of the Steel- yard, which is noticed in p. 401 of this work. In the dedication to the first volume of Hakluyt's Voyages, it is affirmed that " King Edward VI. that prince of peerless hope, with the advice of his sage and prudent counsel, before he entered into the North-Eastern discovery, advanced the worthy and excellent Sebastian Cabota to be Grand Pilot of England, allowing him a most bountifuU pension of 16611. by the year, during his life, as appeareth in his letters patent, which are to be seen in the third part of my work ; and if God had granted him longer life, I doubt not but, as he dealt most royally in establishing that office of Pilot-Major (which not long after, to the great hindrance of the common wealth, was miserably turned to other private uses), so his princely Majesty would have showed himself no niggard in erecting,'' &c. &c. It does not, however, appear to have been the fact that King Edward created any such office as Pilot-Major, or did more for Cabot than has been already stated : see p. 31 1 of the excellent critical essay of Mr. Biddle, entitled " A Memoir of Sebastian Cabot ; with a Review of the History of Maritime Discovery. Second Edition, 1832." 8vo. Sebastian Cabot is mentioned in 1555 by Richard Eden in his "Decades of the New World," as " that woorthy owlde man Sebastian Cabote, yet livynge in England, and at this present the governor of the Company of the Merchantes of Cathay, in the citie of London." Eden was the author of a book (being part of the Cosmographia of Sebastian Munster) which was published in 1553 (the year of Willoughby's expedition), and dedicated to the duke of Northumberland, under this title, " A treatyse of the Newe India, with other new founde landes and Ilandes, as well Eastwarde as Westwarde, as they are knowen and found in these oure dayes, after the description of Sebastian Munster, in his booke of Universal Cosmographie ; wherein the diligent reader may see the good successe and rewarde of noble and honeste enterprizes, by the which not only worldly ryches are obtaigned, but also God is glorified, and the Christian fayth enlarged. Translated out of Latin into English by Rycharde Eden. Prater spem stib spe. Imprinted at London, in Lombarde street, by Edward Fulton, 1553." "= This is the statement of Livio Sanuto, who published his Geografia in 1588, on the information of Guido Gianneti da Fano, a Venetian resident in England during the reign of King Edward, that Sebastian Cabot, having discovered the variation of the magnetic needle, explained this secret to the King, showing to him the extent of the variation, and that it differed in different places. See Mr. Riddle's work, p. 177. 2c CXC BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. In a letter dated the 16th of May, sir William Pickering informed the council that he had that day received a message from the constable de Montmorency by mons. Mauny, that Mons. the secretary de I'Aubespine is abready in order to repair into England, intending this night to set forwards by easy posts, " of purpose (quoth mons. de Mauny) to visit, from the King my master, the King his good son and brother, who, as the King my master liath been advertised, hath been a Httle sick and accrased." And therewith the said Mauny asked me whether I had not lately heard thereof ; whereunto I answered that, since his highness' late accrasement, taken of a cold, I had heard nothing of any other sickness that his Majesty should newly sustain, trusting it was not so. Mons. de Laubespine came to England, as here indicated, and, of course, was satisfied that the English King was actually threatened with an early death. Letter of the On the same day the lady Mary wrote to her brother, from her residence in a y ^ 'iry. Essex, the following letter^ of congratulation upon the supposed improvement of his health : — My dewty moste humble remembred unto your Majestie, it maye please the same to be advartysed that, as the heringe of your Hyghnes' late (sycknes altered to) ruime ooughe was to me as muche grefe as ever was anye worldly thinge, even so the hope which I have conceyved synce 1 receyved your majesties laste token by my servaunt hathe bene not a litle to my comfort ; prayinge Almighty God owr lorde, accordyng to my moste bownden duty, to geve your majestie parfyte helth and strength, wythe longe cOntynewance in prosperyte to raynge, besechinge your hyghnes to pardon this my bowld and rude wryttinge ; and yf in the same I do trouble your majestie at this present, as I hope I do not, that then my humble dewty and nature, whiche enforsed me tlierunto, maye excuse my defaulte. Thus most humble takinge my leave of your majestie, I do and shall daylye praye for the prosperous preservacion of your most ryall estate, as of all others I ame most bownd. From Beaulyeu the xvj*'' of May, scrybled w** a rude hande. Your Maiestyes moste humble syster, Maeye. ilaniaye of It was at this time, when the early death of the King appeared inevitable, that tlie lady Jane ^.jjg ^^^^ ^f Northumberland concluded his alliance with the house of Grey,'' by » MS. Petyt, 538, vol. 46, fol. 9, in the Inner Temple Library. There are many errors in the MS. which occasioned the lady Mary's apology at the close, that line only, and the signature, being in her autograph. " Everything appears to have been arranged before the 30th of April, under which date occurs " A warrante to sir Andrew Dudley to deliver for the furniture of the wearing apparell of the lord Guilforde sonne to the duke of Northumberland, and to the lady Jane doughter to the duke of Suffolk, certaine paroelles of tissues and clothes of gold and silver of the late duke and duchess of Somerset's, as appeareth by the same, &c." (MS. Keg. 18 C. XXIV. f. 340 b. MT. XVI.] OF tiNG EDWAED THE SIXTH. CXci which he contemplated to bring the Engh'sh crown into his own family. At the same time* that his son lord Guildford Dudley married the lady Jane, the eldest daughter of the duke of Suffolk, the lord Herbert,'' son of the earl of Pembroke, married her sister the lady Katharine Grey ; and lord Hastings," son of the earl of Huntingdon, took to wife the lady Katharine Dudley, daughter of Northum- berland. These three marriages were solemnised together at Durham place, the town mansion of the duke of Northumberland, on Whitsunday, the 21st of May. The only description we have of their celebration is from the pen of an Italian,'^ And soon after there was " A warrant to sir Andrew Dudley, knight, to deliver to the lady Fraunces duches of Suffolke, to the duches of Northumberland, to the lady marques of North- ampton, to the lady Jane doughter to the duke of Suffolke, and the lord Gilford Dudley for wedding apparreU ; and to the lady Katharyne doughter to the sayde duke of Sufiblke, and the lord Harbert for wedding apparell ; and to the lord Hastings and lady Katharyne, doughter to the duke of Northumberland, for wedding apparell, certain parcells of stuffe and juells ; being dated from Grenwich the xxiiijth of Aprill, an°. r. r. E. vj'. vij»." but not entered in the warrant-book until the 24th of June. (Ibid. p. 363 b.) » We have no really contemporary account of the lady Jane's marriage, nor is the day of its solemnisation ascertained either by our historians or by the biographers of the lady Jane. They range from the beginning of May to the beginning of June. Only Hutchinson, in his History of Durham, vol. i. p. 430, positively names the 21st of May, but without stating his authority. However, it agrees with the " feste dello spirito santo " mentioned in the next note. Grafton, in his Chronicle, states, " About the beginning of the moneth of May there were three notable marriages concluded, and shortly after were solempnized at Durham place," which statement Stowe follows in his side-note : " Three notable marriages at Durham place :'' but after describing the " three'' he proceeds to mention the marriage of Martin (really Thomas) Keyes to the lady Mary Grey (which did not occur until August, 1565,) before that of lord Hastings. This misled sir John Hayward, who adopts Stowe's side-note altered into " divers notable marriages were solemnised at once in Durham place :" and hence we find the same mis-statement as to the lady Mary Grey's marriage in Heylyn, Burnet, and other his- torians ; and even adopted by Dugdale in his Baronage, ii. 259. Burnet even adds a fifth marriage to the list — that of the lady Mary Dudley to sir Henry Sidney : which had certainly taken place previously, in 1551. We may here take notice of the passage in Burnet, uijder the year 1550, characterising " Jane, — a lady of as excellent qualities as any of that age, of Kinir Edward great parts, bred to learning, and much conversant in scripture ; and of so rare a temper of ^^^ ^^'^7 mind, that she charmed all who ,knew her, in particular the young King, about whom she was bred, and who had always lived with her in the familiarness of a brother.^' The latter part of this is perfectly imaginary. >> Lord Herbert's marriage was not consummated, on account of the youth of the parties. He relinquished the hand of the lady Katharine Grey, (by a divorce, according to some writers,) and in 1561 she bestowed it (secretly) on the earl of Hertford (see p. 563). ' Lord Hastings's own royal descent (through his mother) has been noticed in p. Ixvii. * The writer, after describing the duke of Northumberland's designs upon the crown, pro- 2c2 CXcii BIOGEAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. ■who states that they took place on the feast of the Holy Ghost (Whitsunday), and that " they were very splendid and royal,'' and attended by a great concourse of people and of the principal persons of the kingdom." The lady Jane's cousin, the lady Margaret Clifford, another coheiress of the blood-royal,'' was now destined for sir Andrew Dudley, K.G., the duke of North- umberland's brother; but, though arrangements for her marriage were proceeding during the month of June,'= they were not completed before the King's death, and were consequently frustrated. oeeds thus—" con questa intentione pratticb di dare un suo terzo figliuolo alia primagenita del duca di Sofoloh, norainata Gianna : la quale ancona clie ricusasse roolto questo matrimonio, nondimeno et sospinta dalla madre et battuta dal padre, fu. necessitata a contentarsi, et cosi si conchiuse, facendosi nel medesimo anno, nelle feste dello spirito santo, le nozze molto splendide e reali, e con molto concorso di populo et de' prinoipali del regno. Ne fu questo matrimonio fatto a caso dal duca." Historia delle cose occorse nel regno d' Ingbilterra, in materia del Duca di Notomberlan, dope la morte di Odoardo VI. Nell' Academia Venetiana, m.d.lviii. (This work was surreptitiously compiled by Giulio Kaviglio Rosso, a Perrarese, from the information of Giovanni Miehele, Venetian ambassador in England 1554 — 1557, and of Federigo Badoaro, Venetian ambassador to Charles V. ; and is dedicated to Margaret of Austria by Luoa Contile, Academico Venetiano. See the list, of Venetian Ambassadors and their Relations of England, by John Holmes, esq. F.S.A. prefixed to the Italian Relation of England, printed for the Camden Society in 1847.) " In Howard's Life of Lady Jane Grey, p. 18, it is stated that the French ambassador made a feast upon her marriage. This statement has originated from misconception of a passage in the " Description d'Angleterre et d'Escosse," by Etienne Perlin, (printed at Paris, 4to. 1558,) the whole of which is literatim as follows : "Et lors Monsieurs Badaulphin estoit ambassadeur pour le Roy & gouuernoit le petit Roy Edouart: car iceluy seigneur faisoit force grads bancquectz, & faisoit honeur au tresnoble Roy Hery de Valloys, & en ce temps se fit en Angleterre "vn beau festin de la fille du Milor Netumbellant au filz du Due de Suphor : qui eut pense que fortune eut tourne sa robbe & deubt letter sa furie sur ces deulz gradz seigneurs ?" Now, the true import of this passage, in which there are almost as many errors of fact as of orthography, so far as may be conjectured, seems to be as follows : that monsieur Boisdaulphin was ambassador in England from king Henri de Valois, and did honour to his master by making very grand banquets; that the duke of Northumberland — for we can scarcely suppose that even the Frenchman meant that his own ambassador — governed the young King Edward ; and then the ambassador's feasts put him in mind of another festival which he witnessed in London at that time (he does not say that the French ambassador made it, but merely that it took place' — se Jit), namely, at the marriage of the son (as he should have said) of the duke of Northum- berland to the daughter of the duke of Suffolk. " Who could then have imagined (as he proceeds to moralise) that Fortune was about to turn her coat, and expend her fury upon those two great lords ?" ^ See before, p. clxv. ' "Awarraunt to sir Andrew Dudley (as master of the wardrobe) to take for the lady ^T. xvi.J OP KIN& EDWARD THE SIXTH. CXciii Three weeks before his death the King gave an audience to Gresham, his agent Audience in Flanders, afterwards the celebrated sir Thomas Gresham, whose name he had ^J^^^ ^J more than once" mentioned in his Journal, and who (as we learn from his own Gresham. statement) had, during the two preceding years, "postyd xl tymes, upon the Kinges sendding, at the least, from Andwerpe to the court." . . . "For considerasyone of my great losses and charges and travayles taken by me in the causes aforesaid, yt pleased the Kinges majestie to gyve unto me one hundreth powndes, to me and my heyres for ever, thre weekes before his deathe, and promysid me with his own mouthe that he wold hereaftyr se me rewardyd better, saying I shulld know that I sarvid a Kinge. And so I dyd fynd him ; for whose soule to God I dayly pray.e.'"' On the 16th June M. de Noailles, writing to the constable Montmorency, states The King's that the King's illness was now of that character that there was no further hope of ''^'=""6. his health. However, it was a thing as yet kept so secret, that it was generally imagined that he was daily mending, and went to walk in his galleries, his gardens, and even in his park. The ambassador had taken such trouble to learn the truth, that he had inqmred of one of the King's physicians, who, in consultation with two others, had formed the opinion that he could not survive the month of August, and there was great chance that he would go off suddenly between this.and then. H'e proceeds to state that the lords of the council were much embarrassed in their resolves, and only two days before they had held a long sitting,'' to which no suiter had been admitted, and from which even the King's secretaries were excluded. He could not learn what resolution they took for the succession to the crown, but was making every effort to fathom it."^ It was during this time that the important measures were in progress with respect to the diversion of the succession in favour of the lady Jane, the course of which, and the personal share which the King took in them, are related in another part of this work.^ On Sunday the 1 8th of June, M. de Noailles had another audience of the Margaret Clifforde, doughter to th'erle of Cumberland, and to himself, for their wedding apparell, sondry sillies and juells, bearing date viij* of June, an» r. r. E. vj> vij»." (MS. Reg. 18 C. XXIV. f. 364.) " June xij. A lettre undirected in the favour of sir Andrew Dudley, knight, concerning a marriage to be concluded at the K. M. request. " A commission to the duke of Northumberland and th'erle of Cumbreland to be lieutenants in Westnjerland." (Privy Council Registry.) ' See pp. 391, 400, 419. *> Memorial written by sir Thomas Gresham in 1553 : in Burgon, Life, &c. i. 119. : In debate on the settlement of the crown : see p. 568. '' Ambassades de Noailles, ii. p. 32. ' 3ee pp. 567, et seq. CXCiv BIOGBAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. council. He found them apparently more content and easy in their minds than he had seen them since his arrival, making demonstrations of the great comfort and pleasure they had in the amendment of the King their master, whom, in truth, they thought they should have lost on the Tuesday and Wednesday preceding, but for the two last days the fever had left him, and lie was continually improving ; and on that account, they told the ambassador, it was that he found the court decked out and more joyous than he had been used to see it, with the performance of trumpets and other music during dinner. But this, nevertheless, (he proceeds to tell the king his master,) was a matter as much dissembled as true, and arose rather, as he had ascertained, from the satisfaction taken by the lords on finding themselves agreed in one counsel, to arrive at which had taken them many days, during which time they were closely shut up, and could not agree because my lord treasurer* and some others were of contrary mind to that of the duke of North- umberland, who had since united them and bent them to his own opinion. This, the Frenchman was assured, was more the cause of their rejoicings than any amendment of their master, which would only defer the termination of his life for a short time ; and, in fact, three days since the lords had doubled the nightly watch of the city, opening the gates later and closing them earlier ; had shut up more strictly than usual the duke of Norfolk and the other prisoners in the Tower, and had augmented the guards of that fortress ; and had summoned certain lords frOm the country, to hinder (as he understood) rebellious assemblies, intending to arrest those suspected to be seditious or popular; and already some people who had whispered that the King was poisoned were shut up prisoners in the Tower.'' On the 26th the ambassador writes again to tell the king his master that the duke of Northumberland had that morning come from Greenwich for the express purpose of visiting him, and, having passed two hours with him, had returned without entering any other house. He had ventured to tell the duke that he regarded with suspicion the great military preparations that were being made, and " This mention of Winchester is remarkable, and tends to disprove Knox's statement in p. clxx. so far as his conduct towards Mary is in question. He could not but have been conscious of the extreme peril of attempting to alter the line of succession to the crown ; and we know from other accounts that he was one of the first to desert the councils of queen Jane. After Northumberland's departure from London, we read that there was suspicion of "some packinge in the lorde treasurer" on the 16th of July, when the friends of the queen "dyd fetch him at xij. of the clocke in the night from his house in London unto the Tower." Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 9. ^ Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 40. ^T. XVI. J OP KING EBWARD THE SIXTH. CXCV especially those for the sea; and the duke replied that they were intended for Barbary and the Spice-islands, » — a statement which Noailles did not believe, inasmuch as the ships amounted to nearly twenty in number. The ambassador afterwards proceeds to relate that he had obtained information The King's on the important point of the succession. " It is now nine days (he writes,) since intended the King made his testament, by which he ordains and wills, that his crown shall parliament, devolve on Jane of Suffolk ; and the parliament at Westminster has been postponed until the end of September, which is, as I think, to confirm his said dispositions."'' On the 6th July M. de Noailles received a message from the duke of Northum- berland, to announce that on the following morning his grace would pay him another visit, accompanied by the lord privy seal (Bedford) ; but, whilst the ambassador was waiting to receive them to dinner, a gentleman arrived with an / excuse for their delay, and again another messenger came at half-after two with a similar message, stating that urgent business detained them at court." The truth The King was that Edward was then dead. He had breathed his last during the night before. It had been only on the 1st of the month that the council had written to sir Philip Hoby, the English ambassador at Brussels, stigmatising all rumours of the King's imminent danger as the falsehoods of evil and malicious men: To conclude, because wee thinke the lewdeness of some soarte of mene, bothe lieare at home and abroade, be suche as ether for lyghtenes or for contentacion of their owne mallyce make evelle and false reportes of the Kynges ma"'^ estate, which God preserve! we doe assure you, thanked be God! his ma"'' is alyve, what soevere evelle men do write or spread abroade, and as wee truste and wishe his estate and towardnes of the recoverye out of his sicknes shall shortely appeare to the comfoTte of all good mene ; of which mattere wee assure you as welle for your owne satysfactyone as for the aunswere of otheres (MS. Cotton. Galba B. xii. f. 248 b.) But, a week after, the same writer was employed to despatch to the same quarter a different story, which he did in the following terms : After our very hartye commendacions, wee muste needes be sorye to write that which ' " La Barbaric et Espicerie." b " II jr a aujourd'huy neuf jours que le R07 vostre bon fils et frere feit son testament, par lequel il ordonne et veult, par sa derniere voluntd, que sa couronne tumbe a Jeanne de Suffolok comtne je vous ay cy-dessus escript, et le parlement de Hoestcemestre a este remis jusques a la fin du mois de Septembre, qui est, comme je pense, pour confirraer sesdictes dispositions." (Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 49.) On the 24th June the chancellor was directed to make out writs for a parliament to be holden on the 18th of September. (MS. Beg. 18 C. XXIV. f. 366 b.) ' Ambassades de Noailles, ii. p. 52. CXCvi BIOGE.APHICAL MEMOIR [a,d. 1553. comethe botli from us and goethe to you with such extreame sorowe as the lyke never passed under these our hands ; but suche is the almyghty will of God in all hys creatures, that his order in tyme may not be by us resisted. In one worde we muste telle you a great heape of infelycetye : God hath called out of this world our soveraigne lorde the 6. of this month towards nyght, whose manere ef deathe was suche towards God as assurethe us that his soule is in a place of eternall joye. The desease whereof he dyed was off the putrefactyon of the lunges, beyng utterly uncurable. Of this evill for the importance wee advertise you, knowing it to have moste comforte to have byne therof ignorante. And the same yee may take tyme to declare to the emperor as from us, which knowe assuredly that his majesty will sorowe and condole with us for the departure and loss of a prince of that escelencye, and so deare a brother and frend, not doubting that his majestie will have in remembrance the auntiente amitye that hath byne alwayes betwixte their auncestores, for consideracyon whearof yee shall assure him that ther shall not bee any thinge lacking on our narte, but alwayes redyenes to observe and maintayne the same. And so we wishe to us all the comforte of God's sperite in all adversetyes. (MS. Cotton. Galba, B. xii. f. 249.) Some particulars of Edward's illness, not preserved in any native authority, are afforded by the Italian narrative " which has already been slightly quoted : '^ The words of the original may here be given at somewhat greater length : — "Fu Odoardo d'alto ingegno, atto a negoci, et acoostumato assai; tutto che fosse instrutto da falsa dottrina : et dava molta speranza di se per le molte buone parti che teneva in tutte le profession!, ma particolarmente nell' essercitio delle lettere, alle quali attendava con molta diligenza. Fu pero di complessione molte debile, onde in pooo tempo in lui si generb un catarro con una picciola ma continoua tosse, il qual catarro, secondo i tempi, hor pin hor meno, lo molestava tanto, che da molti fu giudlcato che s'avioinasse all'etico : et in cotal modo trappassava gli anni suoi. Era presso ad Odoardo primo d'auttoritk il duca di Notomberlano, il quale, et per sapere, et per valore, era in quel tempi tenuto di quel regno il maggiore, et percio dope la persona del Re era rispettato principalmente da tutti, da chi per timore, et da chi per oblige : esso come presidente del consiglio maneggiava ogni sorte di negocio, commandava ad ogni uno, et era finalmente ubidito et riverito come il Re. Et perche nel principio di Febraio Tanno 1553 ad Odoardo crebbe U catarro, et comincio oltra misura a nuocergli, veggendo il duca la sua indispositione andare ogn' hor piu aummentando, voile intender da medici la vera opinione, che havevano sopra la vita sua ; et percio chiamati due, che del continouo assistevano aUa per- sona di sua Maestk, et a quelli aggiunti quattro altri de' piu scientiati del regno, et fatto lor giurar fedeltk, come si costuma a chi e della casa, da tutti voile intender se'l male era etico, se mortale, et quanto tempo giudicavano che potesse durare in vita ; i quali consigliatisi insieme conchiusero, ohe'l Re era etlco, et la infirmity mortale, ma che perb I'assicuraveno in fino al Settembre prossimo della vita. ***** Continouando poi di giorno in giorno sempre il peggioramento del Re, et intendendosi per ^T. XVI.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CXCvii About the beginning of February Edward's cougb increased, and began above measure The Kino's to annoy him: wherefore the duke of Northumberland, observing his illness to augment ^^^^ illness, every hour, was desirous to learn from the physicians their real opinion respecting his prospect of life. So, having summoned the two " who were continually attendant on his majesty's person, and associated with them four others of the most skilful in the kingdom and having made them take the oath of fidelity usual for those of the household, he desired of the whole to be informed whether the disease was consumption, whether mortal, and for how long a period in their judgment his life might last. They, having consulted together, determined that the King was sick of consumption (e'tico), and the disease mor- tal ; but they still reckoned upon his surviving until the following September. . . Whilst the King was continually growing worse, and it was understood through London that he could not live much longer, a gentlewoman came forward with an offer to cure him,"" provided he was altogether intrusted to her care. Of which proposal counsel Londra che non potea vivere molto alia lunga, s'offerse una gentUdonna di volerlo guarire, ogni volta che fosse posta alia cura sua. Di che fattosi cousiglio, ancora che da' medicL non fosse mai acconsentito, non volendo dir essa il modo col quale volea medicarlo, si delibero che detta donna pigliasse la cura del Re, si come fece, levandone i medici. La qual in poco tempo mostrb, che'l medicamento suo era senza ragione, conducendolo all' estremo della vita, per cagione de' ristrittivi ch' ella in cio usava, i quali in picciolo spatio gli gonfiarono le gambe, et gravarono la persona sua molto piu dell' usato. La onde conosciutosi I'inconveniente, fu licentiata da quella cura, et ritornarono i medici ; ma pero non gli giovarono molto, essendo gia ridotto a termine, che per grandi che fossero i remedi, finalmente si mori, et fu a vj di Luglio I'anno 1553, et U vij de suo regno, et dell' etk sua xvj. II quale aperto, et imbalsemato, fu posto nella chiesa di S. Pietro a Vasmestro sopra un catafaico senza candele, et con guardia di xij gentilhuomini, che in fin' all' essequie continouamente vi stettero giorno et notte." (His- toria delle cose occorse nel regno d'lnghUterra, ff. 9 — 12.) * The King's two attendant physicians were doctor Owen and doctor Wendy, whose services had received a token of acknowledgment in the preceding autumn : — " Westminstre, 25 Oct. 1552. A letter to the chauncellour of th'augmentacions signifying unto hym that the King's ma* hath graunted to doctour Owen and doctour Wendy, his Highnes' phisicians, to either of them, and to theyr heyres for ever, landes to the olere vaUu of XX" poundes by yere, wherefore he is wylled to make theyr bookes for the same and returne them hither to be signed." (Privy Council register.) George Owen, M.D. had assisted at the entrance of King Edward into the world, and attended the death-bed of King Henry : see his memoir in Athense Oxon. (edit. Bliss,) i. 274 ; and a note before, in p. xxxv. Thomas Wendy, M.D. attended the death-beds of three sovereigns, Henry VUL, Edward, and Mary, and was appointed physician to queen Elizabeth. He died in 1560, and was buried at Haslingfield in Cambridgeshire, an estate given to him by Henry VIII. See his memoir in Athense Cantabrigienses, i. 205. '' Sir John Hayward, in his Life of Edward the Sixth, has adopted this story, modifying it in some degree to combine it with his assertions that the King's death was hastened by 2 d CXCVUl BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. The King's last illness. Death. and consideration being taken, notwithstanding that it was by no means with the consent of the physicians, for the woman would not tell how she proposed to treat him, yet it was agreed that the said lady should undertake the King's cure, which she did, the physicians being removed. A short time showed that her treatment was injudicious, bringing the Eang to the verge of his life, through the restringents that she employed, which in a brief space of time puffed up his limbs, and burthened his person much more than before. Which inconvenience being perceived, the woman was dismissed from her charge, and the physicians returned; but yet they helped him but little, being now reduced to the last; so, in spite of every remedy, he at length died on the 6th of July. His body, being opened, and embalmed, was conveyed into the church of St. Peter at Westminster, upon a herse without candles, with a guard of twelve gentlemen, who stood there continually night and day until the end of the obsequies. The fullest Englisli account of the King's death is that given by Foxe, the ecclesiastical historian : — Thus having discoursed thinges done and past, under the raigne of Eang Edwards, suohe as seemed not unfruitfuU to be knowen, we will now draw to the ende and death of this blessed King, our young Josias : who, about a year and a halfe after the death of the duke of Somerset hys uncle, in the yeare of the Lorde 1553, entering into the 17. yeare of his age, and the 7. yeare of his raigne," in the month of June, was taken from us, for poison, administered by the agents of Northumberland : " At the last (he says,) a gentlewoman, unworthy to be named, but accounted to be a schoole-mistresse for the purpose, offered her service assuredly to cure him, in case he were committed wholly to her hand. Hereto the physicians would in no case afford their advice, because, as she could give no reason either of the nature of the disease, or of the part afflicted, so she would not declare the meanes whereby she intended to worke the cure. After some shew of deliberation among the councell, it was resolved that the physitians should be discharged, and the case committed to her alone. The apparent defect both of her judgement and experience, joyned to the weightiness of the adventure, caused many to marvell, and some deeply to suspect that she was but an instru- ment of mischife. This surmise was strongly confirmed within a very short time ensuing, when the King did fall into desperate extremities ; his vitall parts were mortally stuffed, which brought him to a difficultie of speech and of breath, his legs swelled, his pulse failed, his skin changed colour, and many other horrid symptom'es appeared. " Then were the physicians called againe, who, espying him in that fearefuU estate, departed from him with a sad silence, leaving him to the miserable mercy of neere approaching death. Some of these whispered among their private friends, that they were called for fashion only, but neither their advice nor appliances were any deale regarded, but the King had been ill dealt with more than once, and that when by the benefit both of his youth and of carefuU meanes there was faire hope of his recovery he was againe more strongly overlaid." " The King had entered into the 7th year of his reign in January, but would not have entered the 17th year of his age until October. MT. XVI.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CXcix our sinnes no doubt. Whome if it had so pleased the good wil of the Lord to have spared with longer Hfe, not unlike it was by all conjectures probably to be esteemed by those his towards and blessed beginnings, but proceeding so as he began, he would have reformed such a common-wealth heere in the realme of England, as by good cause it might have been sayd of hym, that was sayd in the olde time of the noble emperour Augustus in reforming and advancing the empire of Eome : Quam quum ille lateritiam (ut aiebat) accepit, Ex Suetonio. marmoream reliquit. " Which empire he received (he sayd) of brickes, but he left it of fine marble." But the condition of this realme, and the customable behaviour of English people (whose propertie is commonly to abuse the lighte of the Gospell when it is offered) deserve no suche benefits of so blessed a reformation, but rather a contrarye plague of deformation, suche as hapned after his raigne. As the time approched when it pleased almighty God to call this young King from us, whych was the 6. day of Julye the yeare above sayde, about three houres before his death, this godly childe, his eyes being closed, speaking to himselfe, and thinking none to have heard him, made this prayer" as followeth: — "Lorde God, deliver me out of this miserable and wretched life, and take me among thy The Kini^es chosen: howbeit, not my will, but thy wiU be done ! Lord, I commit my spirit to thee. ^^^J^^ ^* O Lord! thou knowest howe happy it were for me to be with thee; yet, for thy chosen's sake, send me life and health, that I may truly serve thee. O my Lorde God, bless thy people, and save thine inheritaunce ! Lorde God, save thy chosen people of England .! my Lorde God, defend this realm from papistrie, and maintaine thy true reUgion ; that 1 and my people may praise thy holy name, for thy sonne Jesus Ghristes sake." Then turned he his face, and seeing who was by him, sayd unto them, "Are ye so nigh? I thought ye had bene further off." Then doctor Owen said, " We heard you speake to your sehe, but what you said we knowe not." He then (after his fashion smilingly) said, " I was praying to God." The last words of his pangs were these, " I am faint ; Lord have mercy upon me, and take my spirit." And thus he yielded up the ghost, leaving a woeful kingdom behind unto his sister. The witnesses hereof present, were sir Thomas Wrothe,'' sir Henry Sidney, two of the a This prayer was circulated immediately after the King's death. On the 14th July, M. de Noailles sent to the queen of Scotland the proclamation of queen Jane, and "ensemble I'oraison que le feu roy fit en son extremite et derniere fin." (Ambassades de NoaQIes, ii. 71.) It was printed in Latin under the title " Precatio ad Deum cum ageret animam. Roma3 1554." 12mo. (Cambridge Univ, Lib. I* 6, 71.) There is a portrait of the King by Simon Pass under which the prayer is engraved. In William Baldwyn's " Funeralles of Edward the Syxt " is a poetical version of the prayer. iJ Fuller, at the head of the Eighth book of his Church History, Section III. addressing sir Henry Wroth, knight, says, " I finde sir Thomas Wroth your great-grandfather of the Bed- chamber, and a favourite, to King Edward the 6th, who (as I am informed) at his death passed 2d2 cc BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. ClIAIiACTEB OF King Edward. Nicholas Udal. cliief gentlemen of the privy-chamber ; doctor Owen, doctor "Wendy, and Christopher Salmon,* groom* It will complete this memoir of Edward the Sixth, compiled as it has been either from his own statements, or from the testimony of his contemporaries, to append in this place some of the earliest estimates of his character, written by men who, however partial or prejudiced in their judgment, were acquainted with the spirit and opinions of the time. The first is a portion of the " Epistle dedicatory " prefixed by Nicholas Udal to his translation of Erasmus's Paraphrase upon the New Testament." It was written scarcely a year after the King had ascended the throne, and it is admittedly a " magnifying '' of the King's merits, at that very early age, not a little extravagant to our modern apprehension, but still offered with a pious intention, as the writer takes the trouble to explain. Among other difiuse and prolix passages of eulogy occur the following : — For wheras by the space of many yeres, until it pleased the goodnesse of God to sende you unto us, the erneste prayers of aU England was that we might have a Prynce ; and after the time of your nativitie, whan God had so gracyously heard our peticions, we eftsons prayed that ye might have grace to folowe the godly steppes and proceadynges of your most noble father: everye man seeth nowe in your Majestie suche towardenes of vertue and godly zele, that we have conceyved no lesse then an undoubted hope that ye wyll (by Goddes governaunce) ferre passe your said father, to whom our daily wishinges and prayers thought it enough to have you eguall. We all see in your highnesse suche Uvely sparkes of virtue and Christian regiment toward, that we cannot but thynke Englande the most fortunate Eoyalme that ever was, to whom God hath geven suche a Kynge, as in his minoritie of tendre babehood leameth to bear mynde on his funccion, and to considre whose mynistre he is. If Eoyalmes (after the saiyng of Plato) are than out of the arms of him, his faithfuU Servant, into the embraces of Christ his dearest Saviour. Soon after sir Thomas found a great change in the English Court, but no alteration (as too many did to their shame) in his own conscience, in preservation whereof he was fain to fly beyond the seas." » Christopher Salmon had been one of the King's personal attendants during the whole of his reign. He occurs as "harbour" in the list of New-year's gifts 1 Edw. I. and had probably held that office to Henry VIII. >> This last passage appears in the first edition of Foxe, 1563, p. 888, but not in the subsequent editions. "= " The first tome or volume of the Paraphrase of Erasmus upon the newe testamente. Enpriented at London in Plete-strete at the signe of the sunne by Edwarde Whitchurche, the last dale of Januarie Anno Domini 1548." folio. The second tome, 1549, has a dedication to the King written by Miles Coverdale. ^T. XVI.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCl and never els in blissed state, whan eyther philosopHers, that is to saye, such as knowe Chaeactjsr and love God, doe reigne over the same, or else the Kynges geve themselves to philo- "^ King Sophie, that is to saye, to the due knowledge of God, to the disciplyne of vertue, and to the upryght execution of their office towardes all people : howe happye are we EngUshe- men of suche a Kynge, in whose chyldehood appereth as perfeict grace, vertue, godly zele, desire of literature, gravitie, prudence, justice, and magnanimitie, as hath heretofore been found in Kinges of most mature age, of ful discrecion, of aunoient reigne, and of passing high estimacion? In dede, your singular exceUencie in al kindes of princely towardnesse is such, that no place, no tyme, no cause, no booke, no person either in pubUque audience or els in private coumpaignie mg,keth any mencion of your Majestie, but he thynketh hymself even of a veray conscience bound to powdre the same with manyfold praises of your incomparable virtues and giftes of grace. Al which prayses and magnifying, though they bee in dede muche inferiour to your moste worthye desertes hytherto, yet your majestie muste take and repute, not as a matter of insolencie by your moste lovyng and faithful subjectes ministred unto you, but rather as a thyng wrought in them by the instinct of God, to admonishe you of the regal estate that he hath called you unto : not as a provooacion of wordelye gloriyng in your self, but as an instrumente of admonicion to continue you in remembraunce of thankes geving and of discharging your office : not as the baites of flatery meaning to fede your Majestie in any conceite of pride, but rather as a glasse wherein to beholde your self what ye are, and how ye ought to continue : not as the pleasaunt ticleing or clawying of adulacion, but rather as a caucion that ye dooe nothing in all your life whereby ye maye bee founde or thought unwoorthie the laude that is geven you : and finally, not as a nourishemente of any humain vanitie, but rather as a spur of exhortacion, not onely to beware that ye goe not backe, ne degenerate or decUne from the godly trade of religion, of vertue, of httera- ture, of prudence, of benignitie, of justice, of princely regiment that ye are nowe entred into, but also that ye precede as ye have begoonne, and still goe forwarde encreasyng in all godlinesse, that your procedynges and consummacion may be aunswerable to your moste princely and Christian begynnynges. We next in order of time receive the biographical notice of King Edward, Bale, pubhshed by Bale in the year 1557. It includes the testimonies of Sleidan and Bibliander : — Edwardus Sextus, Anglorum Eex, Henrici Octavi illustrissimi regis ex Joanna Semeria, (Scriptores tertia ejus conjuge, illustrissimus fiUus, ab ipsis incunabulis Latinae et Grsecse eloquentise ^"'*- 1^^7, ac artibus bonis sub selectissimis preceptoribus operam navavit. Quem vero ex alacri et expedite in Uteris diligently sit fructum oonsecutus admirandae indolis adolescens, scripta ilHus ac dicta plus quam Salomonica, in setate tarn tenerl, satis adhuc indicant. Non ergo nos decet cognitam tanti principis eruditionem crasso silentii obducere velo : me ceil BIOGKAPHICAL MEMOIB, [a.d. 1553. Chakacter or King Edward. Sleidani Commentarii, lib. 18. Idem, lib. 25. saltern quem licet indignissinnim tanto sit favors dignatus tamque munificis cumulaverit donis. Sed ne solus autex affectione in ejus laudem dixisse videar, Joannis Sleidani dignissimi nostrse tempestatis historiographi in 18. libro De statu religionis ac reipubliose, testimonium adducam. " Filium Edwardum (inquit) ab ineunte setate rectfe curaverat Henricus Anglorum rex erudiri, et moriturus ei constituit ttitores aliquot, atque in his Edwardum ducem Somersetensem adolescentis avunoulum, quod maximfe fidelis ei iuturus crederetur. Is Evangelii doctrinam amabat, et ut ea reciperetur operam dabat, atque ejus amplectendse Eegi alumno suo fiiit author. In eoque socium et adjutorem babebat in primis Tbomam Cranmerum Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem, insigni doctrin^ prffiditum virum, et Angli^ primatem." Et libro 25, " Certe (inquit) tantse regem expec- tationis Europa^ seculis nunc aliquot nullum babuit." Inde a teneris annis optimfe formatus et institutus ad pietatem atque literas, non Latinam modo sed Grsecam et GaUicam quoque linguam noverat. Et Evangelii doctrinam vehe- menter amabat ; ac doctis omnibus hospitium dabat atque patrocinium, Germanis, Italis, Gallis, Scotis, Hispanis, Polonis, &c. Plurima enim hie noster Edwardus licet adolescens ssepe et dixit et fecit qu» singularem Dei electionem in illo copies^ testificabantur ; ita ut (BibKandro teste) ex cordatis bominibus multi crediderint ipsum tanquam Salomonem alteram ad sapientiam ac virtutem e tbrono c^lesti venientem adspirasse. Optimum inde principem expectabant omnes, et qui superiorum regum virtutes relaturus asset absque nsevis, tituloque sanctissimo responsurus, Catholicm Fidei Defensoris : ita ut de eo dioi potuerit illud ex Mantuano : — Naturae bonitate puer, studioque parentum, Sic formatus erat, tenerisque affectus ab annis, Ut merito credi posset mens ilia Tonantis Fabrefaeta manu, cseloque egressa videri. Justieia et veros comitans dementia reges, Relligio et pietaa, ac magnificentia, virtus QuEe facit heroes, nunquam discessit ab illo. Anecdote of Accepi autem et ego a fide dignissimis, cum Uli ex consuetudine oblati essent eo die swordsTt his 1"° ooronabatur in regem tres gladii in signum quod esset trium potentissimoram Coronation. regnorum Anglise, Franciffi, et Hyberniffi monarcha: quid tandem dixerit, deesse adhuc unum. Et cum interrogassent principes quis nam Ule sit, respondit esse sacrorum Bibliander. « The truth of this assertion is confirmed by the sentiments expressed, during a long period after, in the works and letters of various foreigners : some of which are elsewhere quoted. The following passage is from a letter from Johannes Sturmius to Lord Paget, 17 Sept. 1553 :— " Luctuosissima quidem nobis ad audiendum fuit, et adhuc ad recordandum aeerbissima est. Regis mors : qui in tant& fuit expectatione clementise, prudentife, doctrinse, religionis, ut non vester solum, verum etiam noster, et omnium rex hominum fore videretur." Aschami, &c. Epistolas, edit. 1703, p. 393. iET. xvi.J OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCiii Bibliorum Tolumen. " Die liber (inquit) gladius spiritlis est, et gladiis his omnibus longe anteferendus. Hie etiam nobisipsis, qui his ad populi salutem Domino disponente utemur, merito prseesse debet. Sine iUo gladio nihil sumus, nihil possumus, nihil potestatis habemus. Ab illo sumus quicquid hodiernS, die sumus: ab Ulo accipimus quicquid est quod ad prasens assumimus. Sine iUo qui regit nee Dei minister nee Eex appeUandus est. Sub eo nos vivere, militare, gentes regere, ac res nostras omnes agere deoet. Ab eo solo potestatem omnem, virtutem, gratiam, salutem, ac quicquid divini roboris est, consequimur.'' Cum vero hfec et his similia dixisset plura, jussit sacrorum Bibliorum volumen cum maxim§, veneratione ante se ferri, Pulcherrima certe initia hsec erant, et Christiano principe digna. In CEBteris actionibus suis Josise sanctissimi IsraeUtarum regis indolem unicfe referebat. Josias- Cum namque benignissimus princeps prseter aetatem religiosus esset, a fedis erroribus ac Papismi turpitudine regni sui civitates purgabat. Librum legis Domini, nempe Bibliorum salubre opus restauravit, scripturas sacras publicari mandavit, et verum Dei cultum profligatis superstitionibus revocavit. Baalitarum vasa, calioes, scyphos, thuribula, pro- jecit ex tempHs. Delevit haruspices, qui adolebant incensum idolis. Solis equos cum curru in suburbiis confregit, seu processiones, ut vocant, cum crucibus, facibus, vexilhs, et pyxidicuUs in plateis, abolevit. Destruxit sediculas effbeminatorum, ganeas extirpavit, aras portarum diruit, statuas contrivit, lucos succidit, altaria fregit, peregrinas cantiones et non inteUectas demurmurationes abrogavit. Exorcisatores et vertice rasos" gradu dejecit, missatores ac sacrificulos exauctoravit, adhalatores in panes et calices, vel artolatras deprivavit, cum vestibus, gestibus, cappis, candelabris, geniculationibus, inolinationibus, commigrationibus, clamoribus, silentiis, suspirationibus, elevationibus, dormitionibus, expergefactionibus, fomigationibus, csereis, sacrificiis, saKbus, cineribus, palmis, sputis, et aliis Antichristi ac diaboli nugis : abominationesque Papisticas omnes, ac stercoreos deos, de universis regni sui finibus abstulit, et verum Domini Pascha in populo suo turn demum restituit: ita ut non fuerit illi in AngUa (ut de Josia 4 Reg. 23 scribitur,) similis ante eum rex ullus, qui reverteretur ad Dominum in omni corde suo : neque post eum erit. Unde ne alienus sitEdwardus a nostri operis scopo, scripsisse* Ulum reperi comadiam De meretrice Babylonica. Lib. 1. Quid deplorandum magis est mortal.' Ex auditis concionibus. Lib. 1. Atque alia qusedam. Maximi thesauri loco servabat coUectiones illas, quas inter con- cionandum exarare solebat. Studiis namque deditus totus erat, neo ludicra curabat puer. Cum aUi lusum irent, ille Uteris incumbebat. Et in demigrationibus ab uno in ahum locum, libros quos chariores habebat, iUe solus curabat, disponebat, suffarcinabat. " The " shaven crowns," a common nickname for the priests. ^ The two books attributed to Edward by Bale have not been discovered : see the Preface. CCIV BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [4.D. 1553. Character OF King Edward. Epigrams by bishop Park- hurst. John Foxe. Sexto decimo setatis suae anno, et sexto die Julii, e vita decessit sanctissimus rex, anno a Christi nativitate 1553, tabifico morbo vel (ut fama est) veneno sublatus : at Hieremiffi luctu plorandus. Post ejus mortem sequebant in AngM excidium verse ecclesi* plusquam Chaldaicum, ssvientibus papistis ac diaboUs. Nam diis aUenis nondum valedixit prsesens hoc seculum. Innoxium sanguinem effundere indies pergit. Sed quum Dominus nostrarum calamitatum ac peccatorum fuerit misertus : Jerobohami, Jezabeles, Achabi, Manassa;, Caiphse, Nerones, et tota tyrannorum colluvies, tanquam vas figuli conterentur, et ut platearum lutum delebuntur, calcabunturque. EpitapUum pradicti Regis Edwardi, Authore Joanne Parkhursto Anglo. Cum mors Eduardum rapuisset livida regem, Junxisset superis cum Deus huncque choris ; Josias adit, amplexatur, eumque salutans Sic ait, O salve frater et alter ego ! Aliud. Eex, regis natus, regum decus, unica regni Spesque salus sui, conditur hoc tumulo. Ad Bibliandrum. Eex bonus est, quisquis bene se regit, imperiumque Qui male, non dignus nomine regis erit. Edwardus bene se rexit, regnumque lubenter Eecturus melius, si licuisset, erat. It is, however, the ecclesiastical historian John Foxe who has most- diffusely- entered into the character of King Edward : Of whose exceUente vertues and singular graces wrought in him by the gift of God, although nothing can be sayd enough to his commendation : yet because the renowned fame of such a worthy prince shall not utterly passe our story without some gratefuU remembrance, I thought in few wordes to touch some litle portion of his prayse, taken out of great heapes of matter which might be inferred. For to stand uppon all that might be sayd of him, it would be to long: and yet to say nothing it were to much unkinde. If kings and princes which have wisely and vertuously governed have found in all ages writers to solemnise and celebrate theyr actes and memory, such as never knew them, nor were subject unto them, how much then are we English men bound not to forget our duety to King Edward, a prince, although but tender in yeres, yet for his sage and mature rypenes in witte and aU princely omamentes, as I see but few to whom he may not be equal, so agayne I see not many to whom he may not justly be preferred. And here, to use the example of Plutarch in comparing kings and rulers, the Latines with the Greekes together, if I should seek with whom to matche this noble Edward, I ^T. xvi.J OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCV finde not with whom to make my match more aptly than with good Josias." For as the one began his reign at eight yeares of his age, so the other began at nine. Neyther were their actes and zelous proceedings in God's cause much discrepant. For, as milde Josias Comparison pluckt downe the hil altars,'' out downe the groves, and distroyd all monuments of hetwene king . . Josias and idolatry in the temple: the hke corruptions, drosse, and deformities of popish idolatry, kino' Edward crept into the church of Christ of long time, this evangelicall Josias King Edward in ^• England likewise, abolishing idolatrous masses and false invocation, reduced agayne religion to a right sincerity, and more would have brought to perfection if life and time had aunswered to his godly purpose. And though he kUled not, as Josias did, the idolatrous sacrifices, yet he put them to silence, and removed them out of theyr places. Moreover, in king Josias' dayes the holy scripture and booke of God's, word was utterly neglected and cast aside, which he most graciously repayred and restored agayne. And did not King Edwarde the like with the self-same booke of God's blessed worde, and with other wholesome bookes of Christian doctrine, which before were decayed and extinguished in his father's dayes by sharpe lawes and severe punishments here in England ? Briefly in all poynts and respectes, betwene him and this our godly King no oddes is to be found but onely in length of time and reign. Who, if he might have reached (by the sufferance j^ Josias and of God) to the continuance of Josias' reigne, preceding in those beginnings which in K. Edward his youth appeared, no doubt but of his actes and doings some great perfection woulde continuance have ensued to thys church and realme. But the manifold iniquities of Englishmen of ralgne. deserved another plague, as after fell amongst us, as in sequelle of this story hereafter (God willing) shal be declared. » This comparison of King Edward to King Josias, which was perhaps in the first instance made popular by Udal's preface to Erasmus's Paraphrase of the New Testament (published in 1548), was universally accepted and continually employed by the Protestant party. We have seen it used in the preceding pages by Traheron (p. cxL), Burgoyne (p. cxlix.). Bale (p. cciii.), Parkhurst (p. cciv.), &c., and it is also employed by Bacon, Calf hide, and others (see the Index to the Parker Society's Works). In the calendar of the Bible of the Geneva version 1583, folio, is entered under "July 6. The Josias of our Age, Edward the Sixt, died." Kodolph Gualter, in an address to queen Elizabeth in 1559, wrote thus: "King Edward, your brother, of most pious memory, when scarcely out of his boyhood, was an object of admiration to all kingdoms by reason of his remarkable zeal for godliness and the restoration of religion, and bravely overthrew the tyranny of Antichrist throughout his realm. By which example God would shew that Antichrist has very little, or rather no, strength to defend his kingdom, as soon as the light of the divine word has dispersed the darkness in which he is wont to hide himself. But because our ingratitude deserved it, a just God took to himself in peace our most "odly King, as he did Josias of old, that he mighte not see the dreadful dispersion of religion, which would doubtless have appeared more painful to him than death itself" (Zurich Letters, iii. 9.) i" Here Foxe is following what had been said (more fully) by Bale : see p. cciii. 2 e CCVl BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. Chahactek OF King Edward. K. Edward loved of his subjectes. In the meane time, to proceed in the excellent vertues of this christian young Josias (as we have begon), although neither do we know, nor will laysure serve us to stand upon a fuU description of all his actes : yet will we (God willing) geve a litle taste of the noble nature and princely qualities of the King, wherby the reader may esteme with him selfe what is to be thought of the rest of his doinges, though they be not all here expressed. Arid first to begin with that whiche is the chiefest property of al other extern things in a prince to be considered, that is, to be loved of his subjectes : such were the hartes of all English people towarde this King incUned, and so towarde him still continued, as never came prince in this realme more highly esteemed, more amply magnified, or more dearly and tenderly beloved of all his subjectes ; but especially of the good and the learned sort ; and yet not so much beloved as also admirable by reason of his rare towardnes and hope both of vertue and learning which in him appeared above the capacity of his yeares. And as he was intirely of his subjectes beloved, so with no lesse good-wil he loved them The meeke nature of KingEdward. King Edward well skilled in tongues. The readines of K. Edward to his booke. Of nature and disposition meek, and much inclined to clemencie. He always spared and favoured the life of man : as in a certayne dissertation of his once appeared, had with maister Cheke in favoring the life of heretickes : in so much that when Joan Butcher" should be burned, all the counsell could not move him to put-to his hand, but were fayne to get doctor Cranmer to perswade with him, and yet neither could he with much labor induce the king so to do, saying, " What ! my lord, will you have me to send her quicke to the devill in her error ? " So that D. Cranmer himself confessed that he himself had never so much to do in all his life as to cause the King to put-to his hand, saying that he woulde laye all the charge thereof upon Cranmer before God. There wanted in him no promptnes of wit, gravity of sentence, rypenesse of judgment. Favor and love of religion was in him from his childhood. Such an organe geven of God to the Church of England he was as England had never better. Over and besides these notable excellencies, and other great vertues in him, adde moreover skiU and knowledge of tongues and other sciences, whereunto he seemed rather borne then brought up. Moreover there wanted not in him, to this felicitye of wit and dexterity of nature, like hapines of institution of good instructors. Neither did there lacke agayne in him any dihgence to receive that which they would teach him ; insomuch that in the middest of all his play and recreation, he would alwayes observe and keep his houre appoynted to his study, using the same with much intention till time called him agayne from his booke to pastime. In this his study, and keeping of his houres, he did so profit that D. Cranmer the arch- « Eoxe has nothing to say in regard to Edward's acquiescence, or somewhat more, in tlie condemnation of his two uncles, but gives him credit for having wished to save Joan Butcher. As this, however, is done at the expense of archbishop Cranmer, the friends of that prelate have not allowed this story to pass undisputed : see p. 264 of the present Work. JET. xvi.J OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCVli bishop then of Canterbury, beholding his towardnes, his readines in both tongues, in tramlating froiji Greek to Latin, from Latin to Greek agayne, in declaming wth his schoolfellowes without help of his teachers, and that ex tempore, would weepe for joy, declaring to D. Goxe his scholemaister, that he would never have thought that to have bene in him, except he had sene it himselfe. To recite here his witty sentences, his grave reasons, which many times did proceed Conduct in from him, and how he would sometimes, in a matter discoursed by his counsel!, adde '"'""''' • therunto of his owne moe reasons and causes touching the sayd matter then they them- selves had or could devise, it was almost incredible in that age to see, and tedious here to prosecute. This in him may seme notorious and admirable, that he in these immature yeres could Knowledge of tell and recite all the ports, havens, and crekes, not within his owne realme only, but & o P } • also in Scotland and likewise in Fraunce, what commyng in there was, how the tide served in every haven or. creke; moreover, what burden or what winde served the comming into the haven. tr r^ , h Also of all his justices, majestrates, gentlemen that bare any authority within his knew the realme, he knew the names, their housekepine;, their relisionand conversation what it was. "^™^s """J ^ ° _ religion or all Few sermons or none in his court, especially in the Lord Protector's time, but he would his magis- be at them. Agayne never was he present at any commonly, but he would excerp them or note them with his own hand. Besides and above al other notes and examples of his commendation, as touching the chiefest poynt which ought most to touch all men, for mainteining, promoting, preferring, embracing, zealing, and defending the true cause and quarellof Christes holygospell, what was his study, hys zealous fervency, by thys one example folowing, amongest many other, may notably appear. (Foxe here proceeds to relate the King's reluctant consent to the allowance of mass in his sister Mary's house, as extracted hereafter in p. 580.) Over and besides these heavenly graces and vertues, most chiefly to be required in all faythfull and christen majestrats which have governaunoe of Christes flocke, neyther was he also unprovided of suche outwarde giftes and knowledge as appertein to the governance of his realme politick. In so much that neither he was inexpert or ignoraunt of the K. Edward exchaunge, and all the circumstances of the same, touching doinges beyond the sea, but exg]^"^ j°. * ^'^ was as skilful in the practises thereof, and could say as much, as the chiefest doers in his affaires. Likewise in the enterteining of embassadors, to whom he would geve answere. And in enter- and that to every part of theyr oration, to the great wonder of them that heard, doing **"'"S ^^m- that in his tender yeares by himselfe which many princes at theyr mature age seldome are wont to do but by other. And as he was a. great noter of things that perteyned to princely affayres, so had he a chest* severallye to himselfe for every yeare, for the keping trates. Attention to sermons. The King himself calls it a desk : see a note in the Preface. 2 e2 CCVUl BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. K. Edward's chest for keeping of actes and doings of the counsaile. of such records and matters as past and were concluded by the counsell. - Of whom also he woulde require a reason and cause of every thing that should passe their judgments. And of this chest he would evermore keep the key about him. His notes also he ciphered in Greek letters, to the end that those that wayted upon him should not read nor know what he had written." He had moreover great respect to justice ; and to the dispatch of poore men's sutes, would appoynt hours and tymes with maister Coxe,'' then maister of his Eequestes, how and by what order they might be sped in their causes without long delayes and attend- aunce, and so also debate with him, that theyr matters might be heard and judged with equity accordingly. What Hieronimus Cardanus sayth of him concernyng his knowledge in liberal sciences, I thought here to expres in his owne wordes, both in Latin ■= and English, so much the * STo notes in Greek characters, written for such a purpose, have occurred in his remaining manuscripts ; hut English words so written for mere amusement occur at the heads and ends of some of his exercises. •i Not Coxe, but William Cooke, would seem to be the person here intended : see pp. 399, 409. ' "Aderant enim illi gratis. Linguas enim multas adhuc puer callebat : Latinam, Anglicam, natalem, Gallicam, non expers ut audio Grseose, ItalicJE, et HispanicEe, et forsan aliarum. Non illi dialectioa deerat, non naturalis philosophise principia, non musica. Humanitas mortalitatis nostrae imago, gravitas Regite Majestatis, indoles tanto principe digna. In universum magno miraculo humanarum rerum tanti ingenii et tantse expectationis puer educabatur. Non haec rhetorics exornata veritatem excedunt, sed sunt minora " Fuit in hoc monstrificus puellus hie : linguas jam septem, ut audio, perdidicerat ; propriam, Gallicam, et Latinam exacte tenebat. DialecticEe non expers, et ad omnia docilis. Cum illo oongressus decimumquintum adhuc agebat annum. Interrogabat (Latiue non minus quam ego polite et prompte loquebatur). Quid continent libri tui de Rerum Varietate rari? (hos enim nomini Majestatis su^ dicaveram.) Turn ego, Cometarum primum causam diu frustra qusesitam in primo capite ostendo. Qusenam ? inquit ille. Concursus (ego aio,) luminis erraticorum syderum. At Rex, Quomodo, ciim diversis motibus astra moveantur, non statim dissipatur aut movetur eorum motu. At ego, Movetur equidem, sed longe celerius illis ob diversitatem aspectus, velut in chrystallo et sole cum iris in pariete relucet. Parva enim mutatio magnam facit loci differentiam. At Rex, Et quonam paoto absque subjeoto illud fieri potest? iridi enim paries subjectum. Turn ego, Velut in lactea via, et luminum reflexione, cum plures candelse propfe accensa3 medium quoddam luoidum et candidum efficiunt. " Itaque ex ungue leonem, ut dioi solet. Fuit hie in maximg, omnium aut bonorum aut eruditorum expectatione ob ingenuitatem et suavitatem morum. Prius cceperat favere artibus quam nosceret, et nosoere antequam uti posset. Conatus quidam humanaa conditionis, quern non solum Anglia, sed orbis ereptum immature deflere debet. O qukm bene dixerat ille, Immodicis brevis est ajtas et rara senectus. ^T. XVI.J OP KING EDWAED THE SIXTH. Ccix rather because lie speaketh of his owne experiment, and upon the present talke he had with the King himselfe. " There was in him a towardly disposition, and pregnancy apt to all humain literature: The wordes as who being yet a childe had the knowledge of divers toungs, first of the English his ?^ Cardanus . ° ° in the com- owne naturall toung, of the Latm also, and of the French ; neither was he ignorant (as I mendation of heare) of the Greeke, Italian, and Spanish tongues, and of other languages peradventure King Edward. moe." In his owne, in the French and in the Latine tongue singularly perfect, and with the like facility apt to receive aU other. Neither was he ignorant in logike, in the principles of naturall philosophy, or in musike. There was in him lacking neither humanity the image of our mortality, a princely gravity and majesty, nor any kind of towardnes be- seming a noble King. Briefly, it might seme a myracle of nature, to behold the excellent wit and forwardnesse that appeared in him being yet but a child. This I speake not rethoricaUy, to amplify thinges or to make them more than truth is, yea the truth is more than I do utter. " Beingyetbutl5.yeares of age, he asked me* in Latin (in which toung he uttered his minde no lesse readely and eloquently than I could do my selfe,) what my books which I had dedicated to him, De varietate remm, did contayne. I sayd that in the first chapter The cause of was showed the cause of Comets, or biasing stars, which hath been long sought for, and Comets. yet hitherto scarce fully found. " What cause (sayd he,) is that ?" The concourse or meeting (sayd I,) of the light of the wandering planets and stars. To this the King then replied agayne, " Forasmuch (sayd he,) as the motion of the stars kepeth not one course, but is diverse and variable by continual alteration, how is it then that the cause of these comets either doth not quickely vade and vanish, or that the comet doth not keep one certayne and uniform course and motion with the sayd starres and planets ? Whereunto I aunswered that the comet hath his course and moving, but much more swifter than they, because of the diversity of aspect, as we see in christaU, and in the sunne when the forme of the raynbow reboimdeth on the wall. For a little mutation maketh a great difference of place. Then sayde the King, " And how can that be, having no subject ? for of the rainbow the wall is the subject." Like (sayd I,) as in Lactea via,'' or in " Specimen virtutis exhibere potuit, non exemplum. Ubi gravitas regia requirebatur, senem vidisses. Ut blandus erat, et comis, aetatem referebat. Cheli pulsabat. Publicis negotiis admovebatur. Liberalis animo, atque in hie patrem emulabatur," &c. (Cardanus de Genituris.) A further extract from Cardano, containing his observations upon the King's personal appearance, wUl be found hereafter. " Upon this assertion, which is copied by Holinshed, Hayward, Heylyn, &c., see the remarks already made in p. lii. ii Cardano'a interview with King Edward was in September or October, 1552. " " Lactea via is a white and bright part of the firmament, like a long white causie or way appearing in the night among the thick starres.'' Foxe. ccx BIOGEAPHICAL MEMOIE [a.d. 1553. Charactek OF King Edward. Heroologia Anjrlica. reflection of lightes, as when many candles be lighted and set nere together, in the middle they cause a certain bright and white hghtsomeness to appeare, &c. " And so by this litle triall a great gesse may be geven what was in this King. In whome no doubt was a great hope and expectation amongst all good and learned men, both for the ingenious forwardnes and amiable sweetnes which in his conditions appeared. First he began to love and favor liberall arts and sciences before he knew them, and to know them before he could use them ; whose mortall condition and soden decease and decay in those tender and unripe yeres not onely England, but all the world, hath cause to lament. O how truely it is sayd of the Poet, Thinges that be exceeding excellent, Be not commonly long permanent. A show or sight only of excellency he could give us: example he could not geve. Where a kingly majesty required gravity, there you should have sene him a sage and an olde man, and yet gentle and pleasant also, according as the condition of his age then required. He played wel upon the lute. He had also to doe in handhng of weighty aifayres of the realme. He was liberall and bountiful in heart, and therein he imitated his father," &c. Carmen Epitaphium Cardani, in obitum Begis Edwardi. Flete nefas magnum, sed toto flebilis orbe Mortales, vester corruit omnis honor. Nam regum decus et juvenum flos, spesque bonorum, DeUcise recti, et gloria gentis erat ; Dignus Apollineis lachrymis doctseque Minervse Flosculus heu miser^ concidit ante diem. Te cumulo dabimus musse, supremaque flentes Munera, Melpomene tristia fata canet. The character of Edward in Holinshed's Chronicle is an abridgement of Foxe's; and that in the Heroologia AngHca, published in 1620, and know^n under the name of the printer Henry Holland, is chiefly derived from the same source : — Hunc Kegem cives et subditi singularibus studiis sunt prosequuti ; quippe qui, natura et ingenio mitis clemensque faerit, et cui hominum vita et salus fuit commendatissima. Huic ingenii celeritas, censurse gravitas et judicii maturitas minimi defuerunt. EeUgio ei a prima, infantia in deliciis fuit. In liberalibus scientiis periti^ tant& fuit (ut alias iUius prtestantes virtutes silentio prjeteream) ut videretur innata potius qukm studio et industria acquisita. Unum autem in eo fuit (ut auctorem habemus Foxum nostrum) perrarum et magnopere admirabile: omnes portus et sinus non mode Anglicos verum etiam Scoticos et Gallicos enumerare potuit, &c. Latinam, Grsecam, Gallicam, Italicam, J)T. XVI.] OP KING BDWABD THE SIXTH. CCxi et Hispanicam linguam perfect^ calluit. Nee, ut Cardanus perhibet, fuit inscius aut ignarus Dialecticse et principiorum Physices, nee hospes in Musicis: nam, ut qiiidam scripsit, ut quaj scite ac jucundfe caneret psalleretque. Cum Eogero Aschamo, qui ejus studiis admotus, Locos communes Melanthonis, integrum Ciceronem, magnem partem Historiarum Livii, selectas Isocratis Orationes (quarum duas in Latinum convertit ^), Sophpclis Tragsedias, Novumque Testamentum Graece legit, e quibus linguam purissimi dictione, et mentem aptissLma prseceptione instruxit, bonisque Uteris non ad pompam, sed ad vitam et virtutem usus est, in quibus ita fuit assiduus, ut ad miraculum usque fiierit inter sui seculi principes eruditus. Et (ut comprehendam brevi) tanta fuit indole in quibusvis beroicis virtutibus, insignibus animi dotibus et ornamentis, ut in ips^ pueritiS, et adolescentiS. omnes antecessores suos facile superaret. (Heroologica Angbca, 1620, p. 25.) Without proceeding to the estimates of King Edward's character formed by later g;,, JqI^h writers, we may lastly place in juxta-position with the preceding that of his first Hayward. historian, sir John HayTvard, whose "Life and Raigne of King Edward VI." compiled chiefly from the King's own Journal and other manuscripts,'' was pub- lished in the year 1630 : It is certaine that from the first entrance of this King to his raigne, never was King either more loving to others, or better beloved generally of all.'' The one whereof proceeded from the goodnes of his disposition, the other from many graces and vertues illustrious in him ; for, besides his excellent beautie and modestie beseeming a Prince, besides his sweet humanity the very life of mortall condition,'' besides a naturall disposition to all literature, whereto he seemed rather borne than instructed, many noble and high virtues sparckled in him, especially clemencie, courage, care, and knowledge in affaires of state. To clemencie he was much enclined,'' especially in matters of blood, and most especiaUy if it were for religion, a vertue so much the more esteemed, by how much it had beene lesse used before ; insomuch that, albeit hee was most earnestly affected to that rehgion wherein hee had beene brought up, yet none were executed in his time for other rehgion, but only two blasphemous heretickes, Joane Butcher, and George a Dutchman. And when Joane Butcher^ was to be burned, all the counsaile could not procure him ■ The authority for this statement, and for the rest of what is here stated as to Edward's study with Ascham, I have not discovered. *■ See the note on this point already made in the Preface. t Hayward begins by copying from Foxe : see p. ccvi. ■i Here he quotes Cardan : see p. ccviii. note. e Here he returns to Foxe. f This is also from Foxe (see p". ccvi.) but much embellished, and as to the conduct of the archbishop (originally untrue) grossly exaggerated. ccxu BIOGEAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. Chakactbr OF King Edwabd. to set his liand to the warrant. Wherefore they employed Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, to deale privately with him for his subscription. But the King remained firm both in reason and resolution, affirming that he would not drive her headlong to the Divell, but becaiise heretickes for the most part have a straine of madnesse, he thought it best to apply her with some corporall chastisements which with respit of time might happely reduce her to good order. The archbishop was violent, both by persuasions and entreaties, and when with meere importunity he had prevailed, the King in subscribing his name said, that he would lay all the charge thereof upon the archbishop before God. Not many yeares passed, but this archbishop also felt the smart of the fire, and it may be that by his importunity for bloud hee did offend, for a good thing is not good if it be immoderatelie desired or done. His courage did appeare in the great delight he tooke in representations of battailles, skirmishes, assaults, and of all kinde of military exercises. His judgment was great either for errors, or fine contrivances jn the field. And no actions of armes were executed in his time, but' he would perfectly understand, by what advantages on the one side, or oversights on the other, the event succeeded." He tooke great pleasure in exercises of activity, whereto he much trained his servants. And to that end he often appointed challenges amongst them for wrestling, leaping, running, riding, shooting at rovers and at rounds, and such-like games; and at riding and shooting would sometimes be of one of the sides.^ He had 100 archers of his ordinary guard, who once mustering before him shot two arrowes every man together against an inch board of well seasoned timber. All stroke through the boarde, and their arrowes stucke in another board behinde, and divers pierced both the boards. ■= Generally none might be of his guard, but, besides of tall and comely stature, such as were either good archers, or wrastlers, or casters oi' the barre, or leapers or runners, or of some other man-like qualitie.'^ ° These passages are evidently suggested by the King's Journal, which justifies what sir John Hayward says, except that the King's " courage " is at all proved thereby. i" Some notes upon the King's sports, too long for this place, must be arranged in a subsequent page. ■= See Journal, p. 318. '' Prom the same entry in the King's Journal, p. 319 : but it is well known that the like careful selection of the yeomen of the guard had been adopted by his father ; who, in Kowly's play of " When you see me you know me," is made to address the emperor in these words, descriptive of court pastimes at that day : — First in our court weele banquet merrily. Then mount on steedes, and girt in compleat Steele Weele tugge at barriers, tilt and turnament ; Then shall yee see the yeomen of my guard Wrestle, shoote, throw the sledge, or pitch the barre. Or any other active exercise- ^T. svl] of king EDWABD THE SIXTH. CCxiii He was exceedingly skilfull in fortifications, and bestowed great cost in strengthening Calleis, Berwicke, and other parts thereabout." He knew all the principall ports in England, Scotland, Ireland, France, and other countries not farre distant, how they lay, when the tyde served, what vessels of burthen they could receive, and what windes served for entrance. Touching his care and knowledge in affaires of state, nothing was more conspicuous in him. He was much conversant amongst his counsaile, and would well understand what matters passed their judgments, and upon what grounds. In matters discoursed by them he would often encounter their reasons, and adde most lively reasons of his owne.*" In so much that at last they made an order " that no matters of weight should be debated unlesse he were present. Admirable he was to collect the speeches and opinions of many, and to draw their differences to a true head, alwaies bending himselfe rather judiciously to resolve, then by doubts and distinctions to perplex a businesse. He had a chest, whereof he alwaies carryed the key about him, for keeping record of such matters as were concluded by bis counsaile ; and, embracing businesse for part of his solace, hee appoynted set times with doctor Coxe, master of his requests,"* for speeding poore men's causes without tedious attendance or delay. Of all the magistrates, justices, and gentlemen of sort within his realme, he knew their names, their housekeeping, their religion, and manner of Kfe.^ Hee was skilfull in the exchange beyond the seas, and in all the circumstances and practices thereof;' and so was he both skilfull and provident in matters of the mint at home.s To embassadors hee would give answere upon the suddaine, and touch both orderly and fully upon every part of their orations, to the delight and admiration of all the hearers .'' He much frequented sermons, and penned notes with his owne hand; his notes hee cyphered with Greeke characters, to the end that they who waited on him should not read them.' ^ This is suggested by the paper printed in p. 548 ; and what follows is copied from Poxe (see p. covii). '' So far from Foxe. ■• The order to which Hayward here alludes will be found in the King's paper at p. 554 of this Work. It is not, however, to the purport above stated; but that when any such matter of weight arose as it pleased the King's majesty himself to be present at the debating of, then summons should be issued in order to ensure a full attendance of councillors. ■* John Coke or Cockes (see p. 499, note) : in p. ccviii I have said "William Cooke, in error. e This, again, is from Foxe : see p. ccvii. > And this also. s This is suggested by several passages in the King's Journal, and by his papers at pp. 543 — 550 hereafter. ■■ From Foxe : see p. ccvii. " This reads as if the King's notes taken at sermons were written in Greek : but the passage is formed from two distinct sentences of Foxe (pp. ccvii, ccviii.) 2/ appearance. CCXIV BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. His disports were ingenuous and manlike, whereby he alwaies learned somewhat; and yet, as well from these as from his businesses of state, he dayly reserved some houres for his private studies and exercises with his teachers. These endeavours fell upon so excellent a capacitie, that in a very short distance of time he made incredible increase both in learning and experience of affaires, and consequentlie in love of all men. Personal Edward's personal appearance is made familiar to the knowledge of posterity by- several excellent portraits taken by the great master Holbein, as well as by the faithful, though less admirable, picture by Strete. It is also described by the physician Cardano,^ who visited England in the last year of the King's life. He relates that there was that look in Edward's face which foretold an early death;'' " Girolamo Cardano, a Milanese, was in his day much esteemed as a philosopher, and became a very voluminous author. An amusing epitome of his eccentric career has been gathered from his various works, and recently published under the title of " The Life of Girolamo Cardano, of Milan, Physician; by Henry Morley. 1854." Two vols. 8vo. His visit to England was occasioned by an invitation received from Guillermo Gasanate, (a Spaniard,) the body physician of John Hamilton, archbishop of St. Andrew's, who was a natural brother of the regent Arran. This prelate was afflicted with asthma. Casanate repaired to Lyons to fetch Cardano. They came through London, and a passport " for Jerome Cardanus and G. Casanatus, physicians, to go into Scotland," dated June 10, 1550, is preserved in the State- paper office. Cardano arrived in Edinburgh on the 29th of that month, and remained there until the 12th of September. It was during his second sojourn in London, on his return, that he made his observations on the young King. He states that he lodged (diversaius) with sir John Cheke, whose nativity he calculated, and .publishes with many details in his " Geniturarum Exempla, Lugd. 1555," as he does that of Claude de Laval (sieur de Boisdaulphin) then French ambassador in England. In the title-page of Cardano's folio volume " De Varietate Rerum, BasileaB, 1557," is a profile portrait of its author, dated 1553 (immediately after his visit to England), and circumscribed with this inscription — Hieeontmvs Cakdanvs aetatis AN. xLviiii. He died at Rome in 1576. '' The character and description of Edward the Sixth, written by Cardano, which have been quoted by nearly all his historians and biographers, from Foxe downwards, occur in the small volume above mentioned, printed in 1555. It contains the nativities of twelve persons drawn out after the manner of the astrologers, and accompanied by long comments and disqui- sitions, which in the case of King Edward occupy many pages. Cardano commences his story with the false account of the treatment of the King's mother (see p. xxiv) which was followed by Heyward and other writers who should have known better : " Primum est nativitas ipsa per se admirabilis, nam excisus ex utero materno fuit : ipsa mater parum, ut par erat, super vixit. Prajstabat enini, ut reor, hunc puerum non nasci, aut natum et educatum supervivere diutius. Aderant enim illi gratiae," &o. The scheme of the King's nativity is then presented, which contains the statement that he was born "1537. Die undeoima Ootob. hor. 13. minut. 16 a meridie Londini." And the next five pages are filled with the signification of each part of the calculation, the particulars of which will here be excused. Next follow short chapters, De vero ^T. XVI.] OF KIN& EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCXV but in other respects he was comely, because of his youth, and by inheritance from handsome parents. His stature was below the usual size, his complexion - fair, his eyes grey, his gesture and general aspect sedate and becoming. He was subject to constitutional weaknesses rather than diseases. He had a high shoulder- blade : and it is not very clear whether or no Cardano attributes to him a weakness in the eyes^ and occasional deafness. When the astrologer proceeded to calculate the probable indurance of Edward's life, he contemplated for him the prospect of many years to come, though he declared, what seemed obvious enough, that his vital powers would be always weak.'' tempore geniturs, De utroque parente^ De fratribiis ac sororibus, De sexu, numero, perfectione et , nvtritione. Under the last head Cardano alleges that the aspect of Saturn in the horoscope signified (as translated in the text) " debilem yitam in pueritia : et vestigium in facie quod mors immatura prsevenit. Fuit de Cietero formosus ob ajtatem, et parentes qui pulchri fuerunt, et Venerem in aseendente, unicus et sine labe etiam nutritus." Then follows a chapter De duobus prcBcipuis in hac genesi considerandis, in which is nothing of interest ; but from the next, De forma corporis, we take the following : " Fuit igitur staturS infra mediocrem paululum, candido vultu, oculis caesiis, gravitate aspectus decorus et formosus. Vitiis potius qukm raorbis cor- poris subjectus, quod maleficas a sole essent Orientales. Habuit igitur spatulam paulo ampliorem ; haec autem ad monstrosam formam non pertinent etsi 'k nativitate contracta. Quas verb non perpetuo manent morbi dicuntur, ut eseoitas, surditas ad tempus, nee ex aphetarum directionibus pendent. Febres autem et morbi generales et graves fiunt ex aphetarum direc- tione vallda aut debiliore cum prooessibus atque ingressibus." The succeeding divisions of Cardano's dissertation are entitled De dimtiis, De amicis, inimicis et servis, De itineribus, De honoribus et dignitate, none of which convey to us any rational information ; but the chapter which follows, De animi gvalitaiibus, is that which has been so often quoted, and the substance of which is already given in p. ccviii, commencing, " Fuit in hoc," &c. • That the King sometimes suffered in that respect is shewn by the following prescription, which occurs in a book printed eighty years after : — A precious water for the sight of the eyes, made by King Edward the- Sixt. Take smallage, red fennell, rue, verveine, betonie, egremony, pimpernell, eufrance, sage, selondine, of each a like quantity ; first wash them cleane, then stampe them, and put them in a faire brasen pan, with the powder of xv. pepper cornes, fair serced into a pint of good white wine, then put them into the hearbes, with three spoonfuls of hony, and five spoonfuls of the water of a man-child that is an innocent ; mingle al together, and boile them over the fire : and when it is sod, straine it through a fine linnen cloth, and put it into aglasse, and stoppe it well and close till you will use it, and, when you need, put a little thereof into the sore eyes with a feather: but if it were dry, then temper it with white wine, and it profiteth much all manner of sore eyes ; this water was used by King Edward the sixt. (The Pathway to Health, by Peter Levens, edit. 1632, fol. 12 ; edit. 1654, p. 32.) i> " Vita debilis omuino erit : nam luminaria infra terram sunt, et "Venus qua; in aseendente 2/2 CCXvi BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIK [a.d. 1553. At the age of thirty-two years, nine months, and twenty-two days, languor of mind and body would afflict him. At the age of thirty-four years, five months, and twenty days, he would suffer from skin disease and a slight fever. After the age of fifty-five years, three months, and seventeen days, varioiis diseases would fall to his lot. As long as he lived he would be constant, rigid, severe, continent, intelligent, a guardian of the right, patient in labour, a rememberer of wrongs and benefits. He was also to have faults somewhat contradictory to the good qualities already assigned to him. He would be most wise, and for that reason the admired of nations ;■ most prudent, magnanimous, fortunate, and as it were another Solomon. In forming this tissue of absurd conjectures the philosopher had occupied a Imndred hours'*; but, when they were contradicted by the event, he discovered that, although he had, as usual, observed the aspects of all the planets secundum artem, he had omitted some part of his calculations called the " middle hour," and the directions of the sun and moon, attention to w^hich would have made the peril conspicuous ! He admits, however, that, had such been the result, he should not have dared to make it known, remembering the fate of some of his predecessors who had foretold death to princes : as one Ascletarion to Domitian, and a priest to Galeazzo Sforza. Indeed, Cardano declares that what he observed, independently of astrology, of the state of affairs in England, and how everything lay at the mercy of the duke of Northumberland, made him gladly escape homeward. Subsequently, in the work on the Variety of Things, which he had proposed to est infelix est, et Saturnus ilH suocedit, ascendens quoque ex signis minime vitalibus. Saturnus tamen aut Venus apheta est. Ascendens ad Saturnum pervenit in annis 32. mensibus 9. diebus 22. Et tunc animi et corporis langorem patietur. Saturnus quoque ad Martis sextilem in annis 34. mensibus 5. diebus 20. Et significat morbum in cute et febrem levem. Sed et ad Lunse quadratum in annis 55. mensibus 3. diebus 17. Post quod tempus diversis conflictabitur morbis. Cumque Mars sit antereta, erit mors cum sanguinis proluvio et fervore niaximo. "In universura quod vixerit erit constans, rigidus, severus, contlnens, intelligens, sequi custos, laborum patiens, injuriarum atque beneliciorum memor, terribilis, cupidus; laborabit vitils circa venerea, et generandi impotentiS, patietur. Erit sapientissimus, et ob id omnibus gentibus admirabilis : prudentissimus, luagnanimus, felix, ao quasi alter Solomon.'' ° " Ecce fatum. Consumpseram in condendo prognostico boras circiter C. solitus Aphetas omnes dlrigere ; si mediam horam adjecissem, poteram et Solem et Lunam dirigere, quibus directis, ut clarum est, periculum e vestigio apparuisset." Mr. Morley has not correctly reported this, for he states that Cardano would not pursue his calculations, because they "would have cost him not less than a hundred hours." In some other places also Mr. Morley has misunderstood Cardano's statements; and not unpardonably, for his language is occasionally almost as obscure as his science. mt:. xvi.J of king EDWAED THE SIXTH. CCXvii dedicate to King Edward, Cardano again spoke of him with great admiration :* — " If Edward VI. (he remarked), that boy of wondrous promise, had survived, he would have contributed not a little to the learning of the whole kingdom. For, as Plato says, that is a happy commonwealth whose kings are philosophers." For his knowledge of astronomy, and his power to converse with Cardano on Astronomy, the nature of comets (as related in a previous page), King Edward vcould be indebted immediately to his tutor Cheke,'' who was attached to that science, as was his friend sir Thomas Smith. It appears to have been in the year 1551 that the King wrote a defence of astronomy, which is printed among his declamations hereafter;" and in the same year a quadrant was made for him, which still exists, bearing a fac-simile of his signature in Latin, Edwardus Rex, and the initials of his tutor.'^ 1 " Si Rex Edoardus sextus hujus nominis, adolescens mira3 spei, supervixisset, non parum ad totius regni institutionem contulisset. Beata enim (ut inquit Plato) Eespublioa, in qua reges philosophi sunt. Sed ali& majore causa forsan non expedivit. Eegem enim cuncti suspioiunt, et juxta illud Claudianum, Regis ad exemplum nee sic inflectere sensus Humanos edicta valent qu^m vita regentis, Mobile mutatur semper cum Principe vulgus." De Rerum Varietate. Basilese, 1557, p. 286. I" Cardano during his visit in London lodged with Cheke, and has published a scheme of his nativity in his book Oeniturarum exempla (already mentioned in p. ccxiv). It shows that Cheke was born at Cambridge on the 16th June, 1514, at five hours and fifteen minutes after mid-day. Another such scheme is published in Strype's Life of Cheke, which states his birth on the same day, but at five minutes past 2 p.m. This is copied from a MS. of astrology in the handwriting of sir Thomas Smith, now preserved among the Sloane MSS. in the British Museum (MS. Addit. 325). When Cheke was kidnapped on the continent, and brought back to England, in Mary's reign, it is said to have been in consequence of his reliance on astrology; for he had been secure " until trusting to the stars too much (would he had either not gone so high, or gone a little higher, for advice !), and his friends too little, he went to meet his dear wife in Brabant." (David Lloyd's State Worthies, edit. 1670, p. 195.) " See the Okatio XI b. '' It is described in the Preface. Nicholas Cratzer held the appointment of Astronomer to King Edward VI. with a quarterly fee of C s. (MS. Trevelyan.) He was a Bavarian, who came to England before 1517, when bishop Fox made him a fellow of his new college of Corpus Christi at Oxford, and he lectured in that university on astronomy and mathematics under the patronage of Henry VIII. and Wolsey. See a memoir of him in Wood's Athense Oxon. (edit. Bliss), i. 190. — The Christmas lord of misrule had his Astronomer (p. clxxv.) The edition of "Julii Firmici Materni Astronomicon Libri VIII." accompanied by the treatises of several other authors on kindred subjects, which was printed at Basle in April 1551, CCXVlll BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. The King's Whilst the preceding pages have largely commemorated the King's studies, they Spokts. jiave told little respecting his sports. But of the latter also some notices and anecdotes have been preserved, for which it may be well still to find a place. After the ball, the hoop, and other simple games which have occupied the boyish attention of all generations, and perhaps in every clime, the most frequent sports of EngHsh youth in the sixteenth century were archery and tennis, together with the exercises of leaping and horsemanship. The laudable accomplishments of a courtly gentle- man are thus enumerated by Roger Ascham: — To ride comely ; to run fair at the tilt or ring ; to play at all weapons ; to shoot fair in bow, or surely in gun : to vault lustily ; to run, to leap, to wrestle, and to swim ; to dance comely ; to sing and play on instruments cunningly ; to hawk, to hunt, to play at tennis, and at all pastimes generally which are joined with labour and are used in open place and in the day-light, and which contain some fit exercise for war, or some pleasant pastime for peace. These be not only comely and decent, but also very necessary for a courtly gentleman to use. (Schoolmaster, p. 63.) Archery. Archery, when its importance as an engine of war had declined, maintained its ground as a favourite recreation with persons of all ranks and ages. Henry the Eighth continued its practice until he had passed middle life. His son the duke of Richmond was taught to cultivate the art*; nor was it neglected in the education of Prince Edward. It is observed by Roger Ascham, in his Toxophilus, that— Princes, being children, ought to be brought up in shooting, both because it is an exer- cise most wholesome, and also a pastime most honest, wherein labour prepareth the body to hardness, the mind to courageousness, suffering neither the one to be marred with ten- derness, nor yet the other to be hurt with idleness, as we read how Sardanapalus and such other were, because they were not brought up with outward honest, painful, pastimes to be men, but cockered up with inward naughty, idle, wantonness to be women. In the spring of 1551 we find the King recording, in his Journal,^ " a challenge made by me, that I, with sixteen of my chamber, should run at base, shoot, and run at ring with any seventeen of my servants, gentlemen in the court." The ■was dedicated by Nicholas Pruckner to Edward the Sixth. This dedication, which is dated Argentorati, 28 Januarij 1551, supplies no information upon the King's studies; but the writer addresses him in the hope that he would protect the persecuted professors of science as he did the exiled ministers of religion. In the same year Kobert Record, who was the first in England to adopt the Copernican system, dedicated to the King the second edition of his " Ground of Artes.'' " See my memoir of the duke of Richmond, (Camden Miscellany, vol. iii.) pp. xlii. lix. xcvi. " Page 310. MT. XVI.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCXIX result of this challenge, so far as the shooting or archery went, was that, on the 6th of April, the King lost at rounds, and won at rovers." Again, when the mareschal St. Andre was at court in July 1551, the King says, "he saw me shoot, and saw all my guard shoot together. *"" It is perhaps a more apocryphal anecdote of the King's archery which is thus traditionally told by Dr. Thomas Fuller :" — But above all Shooting is a noble recreation, and a half Liberall art. A rich man told a poors man that he walked to get a stomach to his meat : And I, said the poore man, walk to get meat for my stomach. Now, Shooting would have fitted both their turns ; it pro- vides food when men are hungry, and helps digestion when they are full. King Edward the sixth (though he drew no strong bow) shot very well ; and when once John Dudley duke of Northumberland commended him for hitting the mark, Tou shot better (quoth the King) when you shot off my good uncle Protectour's head. But our age sees his Successour'' exceeding him in that art, whose eye like his judgment is clear and quick to discover the mark,' and his hands as just in shooting as in dealing aright. (The Holy State, Book III. chap. 13.) On the 1st of April, 1551, being the first day of performance of the same Base, or challenge,^ at base, or running, the King won. This was the sport called prison base, otherwise prisoners' bars, still known in some parts of England.' » " Shooting at Bounds is a shot at a target, or any similar object, circumscribed with circles of different diameters fixed to a butt. He who lodges his arrow nearest the centre wins the prize. The object, in this case, as well as the distance, is always certain ; but at Rovers everything differs : the mark is a tree, a gate, or any given field-object that occurs ; the distance is greater, and, the arrows being discharged with a considerable elevation, the place of their fall, with regard to the mark, determines the merit of the shot. The person who wins has a right to name the next mark; so that the term seems to be derived from the. roving of the shooters from one object to another." (Samuel Pegge, Esq. in Curialia, Part III. p. 26.) I" Journal, p. 332. <: Fuller has related this story again, in other words : " Whilst in health his body was no less active in exercise than his mind quick in apprehension. To give one instance of both together: One day, being shooting at butts (a manful and healthful pastime, wherein he very much de- lighted), he hit the very mark. The duke of Northumberland being present, and, as I take it, betting on his side, ' Well shot, my liege,' quoth he. ' But you shot nearer the mark,' re- turned the King, ' when you shot off my good uncle Somerset's head.' And it is generally conceived that grief for his death caused King Edward's consumption, who succeeded not to any consumptive inclination, as hereditary from his extraction, from a father but little past, and a mother just in, the strength of their age." (Church History, Book VII. sect. 2, p. 358.) ^ Charles the First : the book was first published in 1642. e In the Journal, p. 311, insert a comma after the word challenge, and then the sense will be found to be as above given. ' See Strutt's Sports and Pastimes, 4to, 1801, p. 61. ccxx BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIK [a.d. 1553. Kunning at the- Rina;. T( ourney. Tilt. Running at the ring^ was an equestrian exercise^ in King Edward's court; although the ancient quintain, of which it was a species, was performed on foot as well as on horseback. The performance of this part of the royal challenge in 1551 is described in the Journal at some length"^; and the most remarkable feature in it is the small success of the competitors. The King's band never took the ring once; and the other band, which was led by the young earl of Hertford, only twice in one hundred and twenty courses. It was followed by tourney, a mimic fight with swords^ between six on either side. The athletic sports of the archers of the guard, already noticed," ensued a few days after. In the following summer, and again in the spring of 1552, repetitions of the like sports took place in Greenwich Park, where " the King's grace ran at the ring,"f though on those occasions they are unnoticed in his Journal. The other chivalric exercises called barriers, justs, and tilt, and also by the lioger Asc- ham on Ridiiiff. ' See a long note on Running at the ring in Pegge's Curialia, Part II. p. 35. •> To ride well was, in ancient times, the most necessary accomplishment of any, either for the exigencies of war or peace. It often happened, in the natural course of things, that those pupils who were slowest at their book were the quickest to learn this useful exercise: a circumstance which led Roger Ascham to pen the following reflections : — " Pond schoolmasters neither can understand, nor will follow, this good counsel of Socrates ; but wise riders in their office can and will do both ; which is the only cause that commonly the young gentlemen of England go so unwillingly to school, and run so fast to the stable. Por in very deed, fond schoolmasters, by fear, do beat into them the hatred for learning ; and wise riders, by gentle allurements, do breed up in them the love of riding. They find fear and bondage in schools, they feel liberty and freedom in stables ; which causes them utterly to abhor the one, and most gladly to haunt the other. And I do not write this, that, in exhorting to the one, I would dissuade young gentlemen from the other ; yea, I am sorry with all my heart that they be given no more to riding than they be. For of all outward qualities, to ride fair is most comely for himself, most necessary for his country ; and the greater he is in blood, the greater is his praise, the more he doth exceed all other therein. It was one of the three excellent praises amongst the noble gentlemen, the old Persians : ' Always to say truth, to ride fair, and shoot well;' and so it was engraven upon Darius's tomb, as Strabo witnesseth." Schoolmaster, p. 213. . ' P. 317. '' The earl of Surrey, in his poem on Windsor castle, speaks of The gravel-ground, with sleeves tyde on the helm, On foaming horse, with swords and friendly hearts, With chere as though one should another whelm, Where we have fought, and chased oft with darts. = P. ccxii. f See the extracts from Machyn's Diary in p. 328, note, and in p. clix. of this Memoir. ^r. XVI.] or KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCXXl general name of triumphs, were customary among the young courtiers ;" but it does not appear that the King took part in them, for they were perilous in their nature, and his strength was not great, whilst his life was precious. They were generally attended by pageants, masques, or interludes, like that which introduced the combatants at the tourney in 1551-2, six as the champions of Youth, and their six opponents as the champions of Riches. The King does not in his Journal once mention his having taken part in a Masques. masque; yet he seems to have done so, at least on one occasion, from the following letter'' to the master of the revels, written whilst the Protector was still in power, and sir Michael Stanhope was the chief attendant on the King : — Gentle Mr. Cawerden, — My lord Protectour's pleasour is that you shall cause garments to be made for vj maskes, whereof the King's ma"'' shal be woon, and the residue of his statiore, and vj other garments of like bignes for torch-bearers, with convenient diligence, so as the same may be in arredynes against sondaye next at the uttermost; for whiche purpose his grace have comaunded me to write these my letters to you accordingly. From Westminster, the v* daye of Februarie. Your loving frende, To my verai loving frende Mtchaell Stanhope. S'' Thomas Cawerden, knight. King Edward's musical recreation, upon the instrument then most fashionable, Music. the lute, has been before noticed. ° It has also appeared that he received instructions on the virginals."* The only occasion upon which he mentions a con- cert of music" is when he entertained the queen dowager of Scotland in 1551.^ > See, in p. 221 of the King's Jourual, notice of the triumph at Shrove-tide, 1547-8 ; at pp. 274, 275, the tilts at the marriages of lord Lisle and sir Robert Dudley ; at pp. 368, 384, 387, those at Twelfth-tide, 1551-2 ; and in p. 389, a match at tilt shortly after. ^ Kempe's Loseley Manuscripts, p. 55. ■■ In p. liv. His natural brother the duke of Richmond was taught it (see his Memoir, p. Ix. :) and so the tutor of Gregory lord Crumwell reports "The residue of his day he doth spend upon the lute and virginals." (Ellis's Letters, III i. 344.) One of the most beautiful poems of the earl of Surrey is his Farewell to his Lute. '' P. cxix. - In April 1 Edw. VI. the King's musical establishment consisted of eighteen trumpeters, of whom Benedict Browne the serjeant trumpeter and twelve others received each xls. the month, and five xxs. each; Philip van Welder luter received Ixvjs. viijd., and Peter van Welder XXX s., William More harper xxxs., Thomas Kent and Thomas Bowde singing men each xvs., John Severnake rebeke xls., Hans Hassenet viall xxxiij s. iiij d., and six other. vialls, namely Albert de Venicia, Mark Anthony Galyardele de Bressa, Georgio de Gombre de Cremonia, Ambrosio de Lapi de Milan, Francisco Bellino de Vicentia, and Vincenco de Venicia, each f See p. 363. 2g ccxxu BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. Bear-baiting. The King gives no notice in his Journal of having himself been present at the cruel sport of bear-baiting; but he tells us that the French ambassadors, in 1550, were entertained with the baiting of the bears and bulls, and a few days after saw a bear hunted in the Thames.^ There were servants on the royal establishment who received wages for taking care of the King's bears and mastiffs ^ ; and captain Cuthbert Vaughan, who was afterwards concerned in Wyat's rebellion, was in 1553 made master of the King's games of bears and bulls." Hunting ami But hunting and hawking were the standard sports of Englishmen at this period,* Hawking. ^^^ ^^ every occasion of foreigners being entertained in this country we read of such recreation being provided for them. King Edward, during his progress of 1552, was principally occupied, as he tells his friend FitzPatrick,^ "in killing of wild beasts," and some historical writers have supposed that he contracted his fatal malady from too great fatigue during the field-sports of that summer. Tennis. The most frequent exercise on foot was tennis, or, as the earl of Surrey termed it. The palme-play, where, despoiled for the game. With dazed eyes oft we by gleams of love Have myst the ball, and got sight of our dame To bayte her eyes, which kept the leads above. (Poem on Windsor Castle.) It was actually from over-heating at this sport, and imprudently drinking when heated, that King Edward's fatal illness commenced, according to the poet Wil- liam Baldwyn.f XXX s. These were all Italians; but the four sagbuts apparently English: their names were Mark Anthony, Anthony May, Nicholas Andrew, and Anthony Symonde, each at xl s. ; Richard Woodward player on the bagpipe had xxs., Nicholas Puvall minstrell xls., seven other min- strels XXX s., and Alexander Primax dromslade xxxs. (MS. Trevelyan.) * Pages 272, 273. ^ "Item, to Thomas Peryn and John Peryn kepers of the Kinges majesties beares Ivijs. 9di. Item, to Richard Darrington, m^ of the Kinges majesties mastyves, and his servant under him, Cvjs. vd. ob." Quarter's wages at Christmas 2 Edw. VI. MS. Trevelyan. ' "A Patent gyven to Cutbert Vaughan, of all the King's games, videlicet Berrs and BuUes, and other pastymes, to be chieff Ruler of the same, with the fees belonging. Habend' ad terminum vite. T. xxv. Junii. (1553.)" MS. Cotton. Julius B. ix. f. 169b. >• See the passages from Latimer's sermon, p. cxxviii. « Page 80. f This fact should have been mentioned in a former page. The writer's elaborate description of the first access of the King's illness is as follows : — MT. XVI.] OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCXxiii These slight notices of the King's pastimes may be closed with an anecdote not Anecdote of hitherto introduced, which seems to have been traditionally preserved down to the * j tl'^'"Bl)l time of Dr. Thomas Fuller. It has been said of other princes that during their sports they never forgot their personal dignity. The incident now before us tends to show that Edward never forgot his Christian piety. Such was the piety of this young prince, that being about to take down something which was above his reach, one of his play -fellows proffered him a bossed-plated Bible to stand upon, and heighten him to take what he desired. Perceiving it a Bible, with holy indignation he refused it, and sharply reproved the offerer thereof, it being unfit he should trample that under his feet which he was to treasure up in his head and heart. How many now-a-days, unable in themselves to achieve their own wicked ends, make God's word their pedestal, that, standing thereon, they may be (not the holier, but) the higher and the better advantaged, by abusing piety, to attain their own designs ! There still remains to be noticed a very remarkable testimony to King Edward's Edward's Protestant zeal, which was written by sir Richard Morysine, his ambassador to conduct to the emperor, and has not been hitherto published." It describes, certainly with Mary, much exaggeration, and as surely with some important misapprehension of facts, (though affecting to be a " faithfuU historie,") the King's conduct when threatened But crasy Cold lurkt al this while at court, To watche his time when he the King might hourt : And when he saw him, on a morning, sweat, And call for drinke to ooole his tennis heat, He slyly crept, and hid him in the cup ; And when the King, alas, had drunke him up. Into his stomaeke downward he had got, And there parceyving all the inwards hot, And that eohe part ful gredily did pluoke, To save it selfe, all succour it might sucke, He markt the chile that went into the lunges. And throwly myxt his vertue theramonges, And, cooling it, so stopt the pipes therwith, As to dissolve pure nature wanted pith. (Funeralles of King Edward the Sixt.) ' It appears to be the original of the same story, which is more briefly and somewhat differently related by Foxe, as quoted in p. 580 at the close of this work. I have there ventured to express some incredulity in the report of a discussion which is represented so extravagantly to the glorification of the King, and so much to the disparagement of archbishop Cranmer and bishop Kidley. In the notes to the present paper it will be seen that the bishops are quite unfairly charged with that temporising conduct which had been adopted by the council before they were consulted, and which when they were consulted they decidedly condemned. 2ff2 CCXxiv BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1551. with war by Charles V. because the lady Mary had been enjoined to discontinue the performance of mass in her household. This "discourse" appears from internal evidence to have been written whilst Mary was upon the throne. Sir Richard Morysine its author, being then one of the English exiles for religion, died at Strasburg in Sept. 1555. [MS. Harl. 353, fol. 130.] A discourse written by sir Eicliard Morrison, the Kinges ambassador with the emperour, shewing the godly and vertuous resolution of Kinge Edward the 6. upon the emperour's demaund to have the ladie Mary, the Kinges suster, to be allowed Ubertie of her conscience in Englande. An°. 1553." Englande tooke it selfe most happie and blessed of God when noble Edward was become to bee their Kinge and governor, more blessed when they sawe him so brought upe most blessed when they sawe him so earneste to see Godes glory sett out, so skilfull in his yongeste yeares, to tell both when a Christian Kinge ought to seeke the over- throwe of Satanes seat, and so able to shewe howe it might beste be brought to passe. I maye not lett goe so faithful! a historie as hath so many witnesses alive to testefy it to be true. The emperore, findinge all his proceedings against the Gearmanes much stained by thinges done in Englande, was for no other cause so loathe to fale out with the French kinge as that he knew England should therby be at greateste rest, and have a tyme to setle thinges of religeon so begune [and] allredie gone forward, that he was in dispaire to bringe them backe againe ; yet, that men may alwaies knowe the diveU to keepe no hoUydayes, nor his to loose any occasion that may helpe their maister's harveste for- warde d' Arras, the emperores holiegoste,'' put it in his head to be a suitor by his ambas- sador lidger in Englande to Kinge Edwarde," that the lady Mary, then the Kinges suster. ' This date is probably that at which the discourse was written. The events it relates occurred two or three years before. The MS. is a transcript by Ralph Starkey, and it is to be regretted that no second copy has been found that might correct its obscurities in some places. Antoine Perronet de Granvela, bishop of Arras 1538-61, afterwards cardinal. ' In April, 1550, " the emperor's ambassador desired leave by letters patent that my lady Mary might have mass," but " it was denied him," as the King states in his Journal, p. 258. Yet, shortly after, the council were induced to allow the lady Mary to have mass in her private closet, thoiigh not openly in her household. This appears from the letter of the council written to her on Christmas day, 1550, and printed by Foxe in his Actes and Monuments, in which it is stated, " It is very true that the emperor made request to the King's majesty that you might have liberty to use the mass in your house, and to be as it were exempted from the danger of the statute ; to which request .... thus much was granted, that for his sake, and ^T. xiv.J OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCXXV and nowe Queene of Englande, might have her conscience free, and thinks all lawes made since her fatheres death as concerninge religion to touch her no whit at all. The counselores, to shewe themselves stout men, wrot to sir Eichard Moryson, ambas- sadore, to shewe a will in the Kings and counsell to gratefie the emperors wher he and they might, and a sorrows that the emperore should seeks at his and their hands a things wherin the King was forced to says him naye. The emperors, seeinge he could not gett it by his ambassador's suite, willed him yet still to prssss the lords of the counsell for a promys which the lord Pagget at Brusseles " had made to him, which was that, though statutss made for rsligeon did touche all other personss within ths rsalme, yet the Kingss meanings was not that thsy should touch the lady Mary his sustsr. Ths lords Paget was asked whether he had mads any such promise to ths emperore or nos; who did not only denis it to ths lords, but bsfors the emperores ambassadore did take an oath, the counsell sendinge for the ambassadore for that cause, that he -never had any comissyons from ths King or his counssU to says any such things to ths emperore, nor indeed at any tyme had mads any suche promise to ths smpsrore or to any of the empsrorss counsell : wherupon the said sir Eicharde Morison had com- missions to praye his Majsstis not onely to surcease his intreatie thsrin, but also had in comaundement to intrsate the emperors that mr. Chambsrlen,'' ambassadore in Flanderes to the regents, might in his houss at Brussles use such Englishs service as aU Englishe- •msn did uss in England. With this suite the emperore was so angrie, the ambassador doinge his mesuage earnestsly unto him, that hs wrot a very bote Isttsr to ths Kings againste him, which letter and talke of ths emperores ambassadore when he delivered it° put our stout coun- selores in such a fears, as they nowe mente to move the Kyngss highnss in any wise to agree to the emperores requeste ; and, that the matter might take place, they sente for the archbishope of Canterbury and Eidley bishops of London to knows of them whether your own also, it should be suffered and winked at if you had the private mass used in your own closet for a season, until you might be better informed, whereof there was some hope, having only with you a few of your own chamber, so that for all the rest of your household the service of the realm should be used, and none other. Further than this the promise exceeded not." Morysine writes as if even this had not been communicated to him, although it had apparently occurred before his mission. He was sent to the emperor in Aug. 1550. * Sir William Paget arrived at Brussels on this embassy on the 19th of June, 1549. •> The ambassador took occasion to deliver this letter, or message, the day after the lady Mary had been personally lectured by the King and council, on the 17th (or 18th) of March, 1550-1, as Edward describes in his Journal, p. 308. " He brought from his master a short message of war, (writes the King,) if I would not suffer his cousin the Princess [as the emperor chose to style her, though her father had taken that title from her many years before,] to use her mass." (Journal, p. 309.) ' Sir Thomas Chamberlayne. CCXXVl BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1551. the Kinge might with a safe conscience grante such licence to the lady Mary or noe. They had also this in consideration that, yf the Kynge did not graunte the emperores requeste, the realme might be and alredie, was in great perrill, like enough to be utterly undon, yf either the emperore woulde hare no naye, or the Kinge would give him no yea. These two bishopes" were put in such feare, so tould that England was in hazard, soe made beleeve that the King was in perill of his state : so perswaded that the emperore fully mynded to tosse England unlese his cousen Mary might be allowed her masse, that they asked the space of a daye to waie the matter, came on the morrowe and said they weare boathe of this mynd that the Kinge might, the cause so standinge as it did, to save his countreaye, will [well?] dispence with her. The duke of Northumberland, then but earle of Warwicke, was very glad he had won these thus farre, knowing that nowe yf they could not perswade the Kinge to lycence his ' Though Morysine names only two bishops, Cranmer and Ridley, it will be seen that the King (in his Journal, p. 309) names the bishop of Rochester also, dr. Ponet. Now, it is remarkable that Ponet and Morysine were together in exile at Strasburg : and therefore the ex-ambassador may have gathered his notion of the King's behaviour (of which he could not, being abroad, have been personally cognisant,) in conversation with the ex-bishop : whose violence as a political writer is manifest in his published " Treatise of Politique Power.'' As the bishops are made to appear to disadvantage in the story, this may account for the suppression of Ponet's name : but it is certainly not to his credit, nor to that of Morysine or Foxe, that they, or any of them, should have cast such unfounded reproach on the names of Cranmer and Ridley. It appears from the King's Journal that it was not until the emperor's threatening message had been received that the bishops were consulted, whereas the partial license to the lady Mary to have mass in her closet had been granted by the council some months before. And it was after only two days' consideration that, on the 20th of March, the bishops delivered their opinion. (Journal, p. 309.) That opinion was not in approval of the license which the council had previously granted ; on the contrary, in Edward's own words, " the bishops of Canterbury, London, and Rochester did conclude that to give license to sin was sin." They condemned any permission for the performance of what they considered an idolatrous, and therefore sinful, service : and the "Saving clause which was added,— that " to suffer and wink at it for a time might be borne, so that all possible haste were used," in which the words of the council's letter of the previous Christmas day were quoted,— this seems rather to have been an apology for the delay that had already taken place, than an excuse for temporising any further. Accordingly the council, " having the bishops' answers," on the 23rd March, so far from continuing to yield to the emperor's intimidation, determined " to deny the matter wholly" (Journal, p. 309), that is, to refuse altogether any further indulgence to the lady Mary, and to make some examples both of her servants and the King's. In accordance with these resolutions, sir Anthony Browne and mr. Serjeant Morgan were forthwith committed to the Fleet (ibid.), and sir Clement Smith, the husband of one of the King's maternal aunts, was " chidden" (p. 310) ; and the emperor's ambassador, whenever he came again on the same business, wag always met with a denial (see pp. 310, 324, 341, 387). ^T. xiv.J OF KING EDWAKD THE SIXTH. CCXXvii sister to have her masse, yet the whole faulte should be laid on the two bishopes, so should the emperore heare the counsel ment to gratefie him, yea wher they should not. This earle had such a head that he seldom went about any thing, but he conceaved firste three or foure purposes before hand. They thought he was affraide of the emperour; but he had concluded with the Vidam to helpe the French kinge his master into as great an amytie as he coulde with the Kinge and the realme ; and to cause our noble Edwarde, of nature no freind to the emperour, to be readie to myslyke him when any safe occasione of fallynge out should be offered, he ment to seeme a freind to the lady Mary, to be taken for imperiall; that so, owinge his frendshipe to France, and winninge creditt with the emperor, he might as time should teach him abuse whethere of them he listed, and fall in with him that might beste serve his practices. Canterbury" he had no mynd unto; he sawe he was plaine, tractable, jentill, milde, loth to displease, and so loved the King as, yf any thinge could drawe.him aside, it was his desire to see the Kinge safe, or feare to thinke him nigh any hurte. But to the matter. The lord treasurore,'' who hath a tongue fit for all tymes, with an obedience redie for as many newe masteres as can happene in his dayes, muste firste take instructions as they were given him, and sale but what Northumberland woulde. To the Kinge they come, or rathere, because the duke would have it so, the lorde Darcy went for the Kinge and brought him in to the counsel! chamber, the Kinge might not knowe whie, lest such as were aboute him might have furneshed him for the mattere. It hapned well, for that the Kinge for the moste parte was so well able of himseUe to stand with the moste of his counsell that they' still charged men of his chambre, as though the Eange had learned thinges of otheres; yea, because his talke was alwayes above some of their capasseties, they therefore thought it rather stirred upe in him by gentlemen of his privie chamber then growne in himselfe.*^ Ther weare good causes on both sides, the plenty full graces that God had powred on him, and the drie and barrene years that some of them had spent in givinge bad counsell to his father, and in keepinge no good to serve his sonnes tume with all. The treasurer thought it alwayes no shame to be slave to a cheife counseler of what side so ever he were, no villanye to helpe to betraye his master, so he might thereby please his felowe counselor. A Godes name ! the Kynge was nowe come into the counseU chamber, sent for and fett in such haste as though his realme had bene alreadie upon the sackinge. Downe is the treasurere upon his knees, and then might the King guese the matter was badd; for when it had either profitt to the realme or pleasure to the Kinge the treasurer was not put to the paine. Downe goe the reste ; was not this beginning able to bid a Kinge beware of sleights, and to tell him there was some practice in hand ? I would devise my lord's orration, but that he could never skill of learned talke, or of plaine simpHcetie. The » Cranmer. ' The marquess of Winchester. ' William Thomas actually undertook in this way to prime the King for the discussion of matters in council ; see p. clxiii. CCXXVlll BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1551. Kinge was borne in hand he, they, his realme, and all would be nought yf he did not all he mought and more to keepe in with the Emperore. It is possyble some of theis wise counselores thought as the treasurer was bidden to saie, for that as yet the emperor and the French kinge were not entered into the warres. The Kinge, hearinge his realme, his person, and his subjectes to be in suche danger, praid them he might learne first which wayes these perriles were growne, whie nowe more then before, and laste of all, yf they were suche, howe and by what meanes they might be put of The Emperour, he " said, was entered into a great choUore with Morrison his ambassadore, and had sent a strange letter unto his Majestie and a stranger mesuage to the counsel. The effeote were such as the wholl counsell were of this minde, that a newe ambassador muste be sent in Morrysones place, and of this mynd also that the ladi Marj"- muste be allowed her chaplenes to masse it ; thoilgh not as ofte as it pleased her and them, yefrcertaine tyme in the weeke. For the firste, that Morrison should be called home, though the Kinge thought the injurye to touche himselfe a good deale more then it did me,'' yet he was contented in this pointe to be ruled by his counsell; but in the other, that is to licence his sister to use idoUatrye in his realm, he neither could doe it at counselores' advises, neither would agree to it at any kinge or kaisor's intreate. The two bishopes were sent to perswade him. They did alledge that there were good kinges in the ould testamente, that had suffered hill alteres, and yet were praised for good kings. He answered them roundly, that, " as examples when they are good, and had Godes [word] to allowe them, are lefte to us to followe them, so are eivell examples set out to shewe that they were men, and did faile of that perfection which God requireth in his, to teach us not to be followers of them , but utterly to warne us in any wise to shame [ shun ? ] them. Abraham laye with Agare his maide ; David toke Uria's wife to him, and to hide his adulterie comytted a murder ; did they this that wee should thinke it lawfiiU for us to doe it, or doth scripture make menoion of it to this ende that any should doe as they dyd? Solomon did worshipe the idolle Moloch ; may wee therfore give preistes our subjects leafe to houore, yea to make a pece of dough bread for God ? My lorde, (saith he,) yf you will have me graunte you this suite, you must shewe me by scripture that I maye do it, and then lett me be accompted wilfull if I be not as glade to put of all such mischiefes " The lord treasurer. ^ This passage seems to supply the true explanation of the colouring which is given to the story. Sir Richard Morysine thought it an "injury" that he should be recalled, and another ambassador should be sent to supersede him : and, though he was subsequently resident ambassador with the regent at Brussels, the former circumstance continued to rankle in his breast. His successor with the emperor was dr. Nicholas Wotton, dean of Canterbury (see the King's Journal, p. 313) ; whose instructions, so far as they concerned the lady Mary, are given by Strype in his note to Hayward's Edward VI., Kennet's Complete History of England, 170G, ii. 317. Ml. XIV.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCXxix that are lite to happen to England as any king that ever lived in England ; till then I shalle require you to feare God with me, and to bende yourselfe rather to imitate me, and to contempne any perill, then to sett light Godes will, therby to please an emperour. It is not two dales since that we had in our Psalmes a complaint of God againste his people, that they had broken his covenant, that they turned their backes, that they fell from him as their forfatheres did ; which be.lyke was no excuse to prove that they might doe so ; they greived him with their high places and provoked him with their images, &c. ; ye see what foUoweth, — when God heard this he was wrathe, and tooke sore displeasure at Israeli, so that he forsooke the tabernacle in Silo, even his habitation wherein he dwelte emonge men ; he delivered their powre into captivety, and their glorie into the ennemyes hande, he gave his people over unto the swoarde, for he was wroth." And upon this place he might have taken occassyon to threaten to them ruyne and instruction yf they did not sticke unto the Lord and set light all that stood in their waye, eithere willinge or able to turne them frome God or from the religeon which they weare in ; he did it not, yet oft said unto them he had but God to feare. " The emperour (saith he,) is a man liker to die himselfe every daye then to doe us any great harme, how much so ever he mean it; but yf he lyve, and meane us never so much, wee must wait upon God's will, and committ the event of thinges to his wisdom and mercie. Ye knowe he that breaketh the leaste of God's precepts and teacheth otheres to doe so shal be nobodie in the kingdom of heaven. All erroures for the moste parte borrowe a greate parte of their bragg at some countenaunce of trouth, but nothing doth sooner bringe men to errour then wise men, that are seen ridinge out of the way before us, and for their wisdome are thought fitt guides. Kinges have their Master as well as the pooreste subjectes have, and maye when they be biggeste in vaine require obedience at their subjectes hands, yf, because other kinges have gone astraye, they therfore will refuse to obaye God the Kinge and Lorde of Kinges. Yf God bid us doe one thinge, and th'emperore an other, the empe- rour might (sayde he) firste prove mine obedience to God and aftere might hate a frendshipe that should provoke Godes wrath on us both: uppon him for seeking, that he should not; uppon me for grauntinge unto him that I may not. Yf the emperour speke but in sporte to see whether I be knit to my religeon or not, I should stayne it, and sliame myselfe in abandoninge it : and yf the emperour meane good earneste, God I hope meaneth but to taste us in sporte, and will give us stomake to serve him where we ought, and to gratefie the emperore wher wee maye. I knowe God is able to defeade me against as many emperoures as ever the worlde had, yf they came all at once with as many men as they had all in all their whole tymes. I muste doe as God giveth me in oomaundment, and then I shall not wante to laie for myselfe in reason, nor wante an aide able to overturne the force of the whoale world, in case it come wholy againste me. The emperore is no warrante to you to stirre me to that you ought not, nor no discharge to me, yf at your desires I would be led to doe that after wee might all repent. I will choose, by your 2 h CCXXS BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1551. leave, the surer side, moste certaine that the emperour hath no helpe for me, 'when God shall ohastice me for breaking his will. You see the emperour himselfe might learne at the laste hy this his contynuall disease that there are in him thinges which God doth recken better punished then borne withall ; at the leaste, yf he will not lerne, let his harmes teach us not to falle into God's hands, who, as David saith, hath made the dales of kinges a spane longe, their lives are as nothinge before him. O how vaine are all men livinge! they heape upp riches, and cannot tell to whom they gather them! Lord! wherin shall I compforte me? my hope is in thee! He that preserved David wUl preserve me from takinge harme for his cause. Saule was in better case to hurte, and David not so able to put of harme. I will endure feare to the worste of it, as longe as I find such place for truste lefte in my hand. I knowe his eies are upon those that feare him, and in faith with their hearts love to walke in his wayes.'' The bishopes, that came with intente to perswade him to this matter, sawe he had learned more then to be led by and by, and theirfore were faine to give uppe the suite, and to leave the lordes to worke it yf they coulde, or to leave it unwrought yf it would not be. The lords after did so prese him with the imminent perrilles of his realm, with the daunger of his person, that hee said he would shed his teares to God for both, and then thinke himselfe fuUy discharged. If he, not yet sixteene yeares ould," said thus much, what a Kinge should England have had yf God had given him his father's age, and counselores such as would have wrought their journey-worke with him, as he was willinge to see his taske done by them; for in vaine is a kinge good himselfe yf his counselores be not so too. As yet the tyme of puttinge out such as were unfitt, and of takinge into their places such as would have done as much good as some of these did harme, was not come. If it had, England should have knowne the difference between those that give coimsell because they are caled, and those that are caled because firste they can give such counsell as they should, and after dare not but give such as yf an accompte be asked they may well abide the reconing therof. Who doth not se§ the sweete tyme that subjects did live in when good govemours had the lookinge to them, where subjects were alwaies safe and aye maintained in peace, but when injuryes don to them broughte their kinges to make warre for their defence, aye when evell [aU ?] men were sure to enjoye that they justely could come by, when the nobles were in their estymacion made of as reason is they should be, when the majestrats were reverenced for their authoritie, no man offended with the greatnes thereof, as longe as non of the honester soert felt ther force but in receavinge good at their hands, good I saye as oft as they had cause and occasion to doe them any. It was a tyme such as oures can hardly dream on, when they are asleepe, sure never in England, or yf elsewhere to see none such as long as they be awake, yf God do not * In 1551 Edward was not fourteen years old. ^T. xiv.J OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCXXxi tosse out the lofty, and raiese upe the falne." Vertue was then exalted, and nothinge but it, or for vertue's sake, which was a goulden spurr to nobillitie, allwaies to seeke to be that they weare caled, and a meane to make otheres to foUowe their stepes as nigh as meaner fortune would give them leave. The people must needes be happie where the nobillitie do passe of honour as they shoulde ; the nobles muste needes embrace vertue, when they see nothinge esteemed with their soveraign but vertue, but knowledge, but upright deaUnge, but truth and loyaltie, nothinge earnestly mislyked but vice, but ignoraunce, but oppres- syone, but falshude, and untruth ; where rancour is suffered to catch no roote, where licence to lewdness is lent to none, where corruptyon is cutt out ere contagion can inffecte the more, where ambition doth but keepe men from beinge esteemed of any more then may doe nothinge for them, they can never be so many as not being able to helpe themselves' they can be meanes to helpe others, nether better nor for any better cause worthie to be comended then they themselves are. That kynge must needes fynde himselfe a happie, a fortunate, and established king, whose nobillyty fynd themselves in honour, sure to enjoye their estates, their lands, and lyves, till foull faults indeed do make a forfaiture of some one or other of them ; that people must needes beare a marvelouse love to their kinge that see whiU he raigneth none can doe them wronge, none but he after muste looke for right. When such did raigne, what marvell is it, that the people, not beinge called to it, much less being hired thereto by wages and liverye, would not suffer a good kinge to goe where perrill was, but they would guard him ; what marvill if princes had then no neede to sett taxes upon their subjects, but were required by their people, yea and forced to take such tribute as love and obedience did of their owne accord offer unto them. The questyon is soone answered, whether of these two did deserve more praise, Cssar that found Eome corrupted and soe did utterly distroy the common welth, or Eomulus, who findinge it verie much troubled did by good and holsom lawes cleane amende thinges that were amise: a marvill that where two waies are laid open to princes they for the moste parte doe alwaies choose the worste of the two ; as the one keepeth them safe aU the dales of their lyfe, so when they be dead, it suifyseth'' their fame never to die ; the other, as it forceth them to passe everye peece of life in greateste dangers, so it suffyseth " them to steppe noe foott either to or fro without manyfeste perrilles of life, state, and fame ; no, as it forceth them to thinke they shall never die in their bedd but when they are a'bedd, so be they driven to imagine every daye to bringe eich hower that is in it as the tyme muste worthely be slaine in, and when they are slaine that their name must ever after abid in Sterne reproch, in everlastyng shame upon the earth, and they themselves to be in nevere ceasinge paine in hell, world without ende, as soone as they ende here their misserable lyfe, A marvell that where the one threateneth so much evyll, and the other promyseth so much good, that our time nev.er knewe mo then noble Edward that did not rather seeke • The MS. is here exactly followed. ■" suffereth? L> ^ 2 CCXSxii BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1551. to abide all the mysseryes of the one, then willinge to enjoye all the feliceties of the other; sure we be, this so badd a choyse could never please any that was borne of men. But that when sinners can no longer suffer God's mercifull dealinge with us, such governores are sett up to the plaginge of men as maye seeme for their tyranye dissended from lyones, from wolves, for their ravinge, and not gotten by manes seede or conceaved by any woman. Thanked be our ingratetude, there was never realme that had more cause to feele the harme of change from beste to badest then England. Lord! how certaine did wee make our hope, what felicetie had wee alredie tasted, what farder heapes did we lay upp in our deceaved heartes ! and what marvill is it, yf men that might be happie doe come to worse, when wantones may endure welth no longer ? What a shewe of greateste good fortune did God make to Englande of Christian governement when the towardnes in that younge and blessed babe was in sight not halfe so much as indeed we found after ; what hope rose up in all menes hearts when he shewed himselfe so willinge to embrace vertue, and so able to make any his, that came where either he might see it, or heare of it. What taste of welth felte the godly when they sawe how able he was to understande a good peece of a kinges offyce, and how willinge to doe that he knewe, and to learne that he knewe not. Lorde! England had bene too happie, yf, as she knewe her felicetie, even so she could have used the meanes for the continuaunce therof. It is possible Heaven woidd have spared us him styll, yf when we sawe howe litle wee deserved such a kynge wee would by our repentance have kepte God from repentynge the guifte of so much welth, where were neither defects ^ to make suite for him, nor will to preserve him oures, when by sin- guler favoure we sawe him lett fall by God emonge us. God did but teach us, whom we might have had, and whome shortly after he mente to sett us in his seat. When God myndeth menes utter ruines he cockereth them a lytle before, yea he layeth such benefyts upon them, as they have no meanes lefte to thinke themselves hardly delt withall, that beinge so gentely caled, would in no wise open their eares, or openinge them would refuse to doe that they so well were taught did appertaine to their dutyes. Was there evere any countrey better plied with dayely examples, then England hath bene, ever sithence it was a realme ? had it at any tyme such store of threateninges, such plenty of houses falne, of famelyes cast downe, of noblemen slaine, as it hath had in our dales ? O see, (saith he,) Israeli ! thou hast sinned as Gabor did ; shall not then the battell come uppon thy wicked childrene as well as it did upon the Gabeonites ? When men lefte" to sinne as those did, whom scripture sheweth God did punishe, may not God foUowe his ould rules, and punishe the newe-come sineres as he did the oulde, the dead, the damnede? Could he plage the faults in men alredie made awaye, and will he spare the workeres of them in these our dayes ? Great is the force of raginge fleshe, great is the bouldnes of manes deserts ? b j_ g leaved, or preferred. ^T. XIV.] OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCXXxiii desire, while it rashely seeketh to flie after lustes lure ; easely is the fonde hope of sinneres seduced ; non of us beinge found so badd, but we as aye redie to thincke, that as God hath besides us plentye of evell doores, so there is no one of them yf ye aske us that doth not much better deserve to be made an example then you or we ourselves ; that the worste of us do styll imagen otheres not to be so good as wee are, and doe perswade ourselves that God muste punyshe a great many ear it come to our course ; and yet beinge brought to our triall, I suppose there be feawe men but he hath more to saye for himselfe then he can saye againste sixe otheres. All the while blind affectione is made overseere of all our owne faultes; wee beinge never without egle's eyes to behould thinges done by otheres, will wee, trowe ye not, do our beste to make our sines none, which do our worste to sett otheres faultes encreased ? Men be as children which doe but counterfeite well doinge, onely affraide of learnynge. We when persecutyon houldeth the whipp over cure heads doe crie to God, do call upon him for feare many tymes, because love is a fitt not hatched in us. God oft tujneth his wroath awaye, loth when he may not chouse to bend his wholl displeasure on us. This is the waye that his mercie hath alwayes gone, this is the gate that his goodnes hath alwaies trampled in; he did thus when in the wildernes the people of Israeli did so often sturre him to vrrath ; he neverthelese did [turn] his eye awaye and would not suffer his hole displeasure to fall upon them. God doth consider man is but fleshe, is but a lumpe of sinne, and therfore all the while there is hope to save a peece of the worke of his owne hands he doth never so spill. " As truly as I lyve (saith the Lord,) I have noe pleasure in the death of the wicked, but much rather have pleasure that the wickede doe turne from his waie and do live. Turne you, turne you, O ye house of Israeli I wherfore vrill ye dye ? " He asketh this question of us all, and eich of us looke upon an other as though the faulte beinge theirs no peece of it coulde touche us. Theves stande by and see trewe men goe to the gallowes. Aske their mynde, they will all saye that theves be worthely hanged; so theye may be theves and be none of them that are truste up. Our noble Kinge is dead. Which of us is there but sinne might drawe us to the barre, and proove us giltye of his death ? We crie out, every man of us, againste others, and findinge sines enough in them we leave out our owne, as who shoidd saye there are already plenty, not onely to force God to take away our Kinge, but plenty to distroy after him as many as he lefte behinde him. Wee doo all agree that when God tooke from us so good a Kinge, one that so earnestly ment his glorye, he ment to send us a bad one, yea one that should have as good will to seduce us as he had to see his, rightly led; when he that would rather have loste his reahne and life too, then to have stepte one ynch from his consience, was thought no king fitt for us, how could we looke for any other to succeede him, then such a one as hath already gotten the teme into her hand ; when he, a sainte, an innosent, — not for want of witt, as the queene for her pleasure dothe call him, but for his well- ordered heart to God and love to men, — was pluckt from his people, could any good be CCXXXIV BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIE [a.d. 1553. looked for ? when one so good was thought not fitt for us, knowne by all men fitteste for the settinge forth of God's glorye ; when he by all gentlenes did in vaine intreat us everi waye to knowe God, to feare him, to love him, and then to serve him aright, was it^not like that an other should succeede him that might desire nothinge more then to carry us fan- of from the knowledge of God, and then force us by violence to serve an idoU ? when wee by no rewards could be wone to serve God rightly. •Edward had his tabures in every good towns, his trumpets in every good cittye, his drumes in every village, which every weeke for the moste parte by their sound did lustely and truly call men to Christes tentes, did by all meanes sturre men to fight under his bannere; but, alas! it was in vaine, where lust and lucre had then so much to doe with men and women, that they nether had leasure, I would not saye to followe the good and houlsom admonitiones of godly preaoheres, but no will to harkne to them when they were wher they could not chose but heare them ; no, they that should have honoured them moste, did what they could to have godly pastores esteemed for the vileste men that then did Kve in England ; such contempt of Godes word, in a tyme when beste to followe it was to be biggest in the Eanges favoure, deserved no lese punishment then is sithence worthely happened uppon us all. The greater change was never wroughte in so short space in any countreye sith the world was. Had we not a Josias, a Kinge, an Edward, that sought in God's booke first to knowe the will of God aright, and after with all dilligence to see it done ? Was it not all his desire to heare what God delyted in, what he would to be done by kinge ? Was he ever so occupied in any busenes or pastimes, but they were quite done, and he starke weary of them, yf any came to him to devise with him howe foule idolatry myght be hurld doune, how filthie abominations of the ungodly might be takene awaye. The Roman- How different a story to the foregoing was circulated among the members of the ists story o church of Rome, and (strange and inexplicable as it may seem) generally credited Edward. by them, may be seen by the following passages^ in the memoirs of Jane (Dormer) duchess of Feria : — For, when he was King, passing by the ruins of goodly monasteries, [he] demanded what buildings were those ? It was answered that they were religious houses, dissolved and demolished by order of the King his father for abuses. He replied, " Could not my father punish the offenders, and suffer so goodly buildings to stand, being so great an ornament to this kingdom ; and put in better men, that might have governed and inhabited them ?" seeming to lament that lamentable course. And when the lady Mary his sister, who ever kept her house in very Catholic manner and order, came to visit him, he took special content in her company (I have heard it In continuation of those already given in p. xxxix. j:t. XVI.] OP KING EDAVAED THE SIXTH. CCXXXV from an eye-witness), would ask her many questions, promise her secrecy, carrying her that respect 'and reverence as if she had been his mother; and she again, in her dis- cretion, advised him in some things that concerned himself, and in other things that touched herself; in all shewing great affection and sisterly care of him; the voung ICing would burst forth in tears, grieving matters could not be according to her will and desire ; and that the duke his uncle did use her with that straitness and want of liberty ; besought her to have patience until he had more years, and then he would remedy all. When she was to take leave, seemed to part from her with sorrow, kissed her, called for some jewels to present her, complained that they gave him no better to give her; which noted by his tutors, order was taken that these visits should be very rare, alleging that they made the King sad and melancholy; and consulted to have afflicted her, her officers and servants, for that contrary to the then made law she had public mass in her chapel, if they could draw any assent from the King. But he, upon no reasons, would never give way to it, and commanded strictly that she might have fuU liberty of what she would, sent to her inquiring if they gave her any trouble or molestation, for if they did it was against his will, and would see her contented. But it was not safe, nor did it stand with prudence, as the times went, for the lady Mary to complain. All this, though so palpably at variance with the Khig's personal evidence to his own sentiments, is very curious, as showing how inclined the Romanists were to interpret the King's disposition according to their own hopes and interests, and how such belief was perpetuated by the assertions of their writers ; as especially by the Jesuit Parsons, who, fifty years later, had the boldness to misrepre- sent Edward's opinion of his sister's reUgion in the following terms : Truly I have heard a very wise and honourable man affirme, from the mouth of Q. The Jesuit Mary herselfe (of whose councell he had byn) that she with teares would often lament the ^"^°p^°" , memory of her dere brother King Edward, saying that, yf he had lyved, she hoped verily to have seene him a good Catholike, and to have punished examplarly all those men that so egregiously abused his youth and realme in his name. For that in. divers speaches which she had with him, wherein she recounted to him what deadly hatred their father K. Henry did beare agaiast heritiks in his dayes, but especially against the Sacramen- taryes, whome now they had brought into England imder his authority, and that he was the first Eange of all English bloud that ever allowed or imbrac^d the same, or admytted yt into that realme, and that all this would remain upon his soule afterward: these things (I say) and other the like, when she tould the yong King, with those effectuaU words which she well could, the innocent chUd would fall a weepinge with her, and say that he was privy to none of these doyngs, but yf ever God gave him life, he would take accompt of them all some day ; and further promised his said syster to remember his father and grandfather, and to keep secrett that she had told him, without utteringe any of their conferences to his uncle the Protector, or others ; as indeed hfe did not (which shewed his Ktizabeth. CCXXXvi BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. discretion and fidelity to his sister), albeit those of his chamber, seeing him sadd after such talke, began to suspect some such thing, and thereupon in his later yeares would not permitt her to have accesse unto him but very seldome, and with great jealosy, (The Third Part of a treatise intituled of Three Conversions of England. By N. D. 1604, 12mo. p. 360.) The interviews between the King and his sister Mary, after his accession to the throne, were indeed few and far between. In the three last years of his hfe he certainly saw her only three times: first, on the 17th or 18th of March, 1550-1, when he distinctly intimated to her his views on the mass, and showed himself quite as much in earnest as she was"; secondly, on the 13th of June, 1552"; and thirdly, on the 10th Feb. 1552-3.= The lady Edward's intercourse with his sister Elizabeth, whilst he was King, was scarcely more than with Mary, notwithstanding the presumed coincidence of their religious sentiments. The course of the King's education, and that of the princess, which was not completed, did not permit their frequent association. ^ Each had their respective households, and that of the lady Elizabeth was not kept in or near the King's court, but usually at Hatfield in Hertfordshire. ^ Sir Robert Naunton, in his Fragmenta Regalia, though living little after the time, evidently entertained very erroneous notions of these circumstances, when he says of Elizabeth, that " Under Edward she was his and one of the darlings of Fortune, for, besides the con- sideration of blood, there was between these two princes a concurrency and sympathy in their natures and affections, together with the celestial bond, conformity in religion, which made them one, and friends. The King ever called her his sweetest and dearest sister, and was scarce his own man, she being absent, which was not so between him and the lady Mary." Camden states that Edward used to call Elizabeth his sweet sister Temperance, f " See his Journal, p. 308. '' See p. 428, note. c See p. clxxvii. ■' I have previously (p. cxci) noticed a similar misapprehension as to the lady Jane Grey. e Her letter to the King accompanying her picture, and commencing. Like as the rich man, &c., is dated "From Hatfield this 15th of May." There is a passage in it, begging the King " to think, that, as you have but the outward shadow of the body afore you, so my inward mind wisheth that the body itself were oftener in your presence." See this letter in Strype's Eccles. Memorials, ii. 234. f — qui non alio nomine qu^m dulcis sororis Temperantice nomine salutavit. (Introduction to Annales of Elizabeth.) In the same strain Lloyd states that the King said to Cardano, " I have two tutors, Diligence and Moderation," meaning Cheke and Coxe. Again, Lloyd relates of the marquess of Northampton, that " King Edward called him his honest uncle, and King Henry his Integrity." And, according to the same biographer, Elizabeth in turn had her Temperance, for he says of sir John Pakington that " queen Elizabeth called him her Tempe- rance, and Leicester his Modesty." (State Worthies.) ;et. XVI. J OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCXXXvii It is beyond the scope of this Memoir to enter into the history of public trans- T^e King's actions which were the immediate consequences of King Edward's death.^ It secret. ^^ may however be considered as part of our proper subject to notice, that, in order to gain time for the accomplishment of Northumberland's scheme for the succession, the event of the demise of the Crown was kept secret for nearly two days ; and that, when it first became known in London, a belief was very preva- Rumour that lent that the King had died from poison.*" This report is said to have been spread poi^ned especially by the Romanists, in order to heap odium on Northumberland. Julius Terentianus, or Santerentianus, an Italian who had accompanied Peter Martyr to England, writes as follows : The most godly Josiah, our earthly hope, died — the 6th of July — of consumption, as the physicians assert ; by poison, according to common report, for this is rumoured by the papists for the purpose of exciting a general hatred against Northumberland ; nor, to tell the truth, were there wanting many and strong suspicions ; but still, if I may say what I think, I believe the papists themselves to have been the authors of so great wicked- ness, for they have expressed no signs of sorrow, and no inquiry has been made respect- ing so great a crime. (Zurich Letters, iii. 365.) Prejudiced writers revived this suspicion from time to time; among others, Osorius,, bishop of Sylves in Portugal, in a letter written to Queen Elizabeth ; to whom doctor "Walter Haddon thus indignantly replied : Can you, being a Portugal bom, so impudently defame our region with that horrible crime, without all likely or probable proof, now that twenty years be spent and gone, whereas no sober or discreet Englishman did ever conceive any such thought in his mind ? The physicians reported that he died of a consumption ; the same was affirmed by the grooms of his privy chamber, which did keep continual watch with the sick King. AU his subjects did believe it for a confessed truth ; neither could your slanderous fable have been blown abroad, but among tattling women, foolish children, and such malicious English losells like unto you. Nor yet could this rotten unsavoury cavil have had any discreet author, had it not been whispered into the ears of Osorius. (A Sight of the Por- tugall Pearle, translated into English by Abraham Hartwell. 1565. 8vo. p. 27.) The rumour had however been very widely diflFused, as Bishop Cooper says in his Chronicle : " I have already made some contribution to this period of our history in the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, edited for the Camden Society, in 1850. '■ One contemporary Londoner writes, " Some say he was poisoned." (Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 78.) Another, " He was poisoned, as everybody says." (Machyn's Diary, p. 35.) 2i CCXXXviii BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. In this time many were punished in England for talkyng rashly that the Kyng should be dead,^ and divers also for saiynge that he was poysoned. For that rumour was spred throughout the realme. (Cooper's Chronicle, 1560, p. 357 verso.) Bishop Bale, in 1557, could not forbear alluding to this public belief;" and, even after another generation, sir John Hayward did not disdain to revive the same sucrgestlon. Still later, the story was reasserted by a Jesuit named Matthew Pattison, with the following details : — " It is said that the apothecary who poisoned him, for the horror of the offence and disquietness of his conscience, drowned himself, and that the laundress, which washed his shirt, lost the skin of her fingers ; but this is certain, there are some yet living in court who can tell how many weeping eyes they have seen for the untimely and treacherous loss of such a Prince. See Hey ward. Hist. Edw. VI." — Jerusalem and Babel; or, the Image of both Churches, by P. D. M. (Matthew Pattison) (first dedicated to Charles Prince of Wales in 1623), second edit. 1653, p. 423. To whom Fuller replied in his Church History that, " if his history be no better than his divinity, we that justly condemn the one can do no less than suspect the other." Funeral. The funeral was celebrated on the 8th of August. The King's body had been removed on the preceding day ° from Greenwich to Whitehall, where a herse was erected in the chapel for its reception. There is no official record of the ceremony,* but the fullest description that has been found is that given, as follows, in Machyn's Diary : " As before shown in p. clxxxv. ^ See p. cciv. = " Item the vij day of the same monyth was the Kynge Edwarde the vj removed unto "Whythall unto Westmyster by the byshoppe of Caunterbery, withoute any crose or light ; and berryd the nexte day with a comynyone, and powely (poorly), and the byshoppe of Chester he prechyd a good sermon." Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 82. ' Mr. Stephen Martin Leake, Clarenceux, remarks in his third volume of Ceremonials (MS. in Coll. Arms,) " We have not the particulars of this funeral, but it was like his father's, though not so much of it, nor so pompous and expensive.'' The only document respecting it in the College of Arms, is (I. ] 1 . f. 117,) a portion of the accounts of the expenses incurred, being the Paynters' charges for standards, banners, bannerols, &c. and other decorations of the two herses in Whitehall chapel and Westminster church, and funeral chariot. In the Archseologia, vol. xii. pp. 334—396 is printed at length, " The accompte of Sir Edward Waldegrave, knighte, oone of the Quenes highness prevy counceile, and Mr. of her M"" greate warderobe, as well of all reoeiptes of monye, of clothes of golde, velvetts, and other sylkes owte of the Quenes Ma"«' stoore, as also of all the empcions, provisions, and deliveries for the Buryall of the late JET. xvi.j OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCXXXIX The viij. day of August was buried the noble King Edward the Sixth; and at his burying was the greatest moan made for him of his death as ever was heard or seen, of all sorts of people, weeping and lamenting. And first of all went a great company of children in their surplices, and clerks singing. And then his father beadmen.* Then two heralds ; and then a standard with the Dragon. Then a great number of his servants in black ; and then another standard with the White Greyhound. Then, after, a great number of his officers ; and after them came more heralds, and then a standard [of the Lyon'']. Next, the head officers of his house; and then heralds. Norroy bare the helmet and crest on horseback. Then his great banner of arms in embroidery, with divers other banners. Then came riding master Clarenceux, with his target, his garter, and his sword, gorgeous and rich. After, Garter, with his coat-armour in embroidery, and then more heralds of arms. Then came the chariot, drawn by great horses trapped with velvet to the ground, and every horse having a man on his back in black, and every one bearing a bannerol of divers Kings' arms ; and with soocheons on their horses ; on the chariot lay a picture " (or effigy) of the King, with a crown of gold, and a great collar, and his sceptre in his hand, lying in his robes, and the garter about his leg, and a coat famous Prince of Memory Kinge Edwarde the Syxte of that name,' &c. &c. communicated to the Society of Antiquaries in 1794, by Mr. Craven Ord from the original in the Exchequer. The sum total of the expenses incurred was 5946?. 9s. 9d. (p. 356), besides the stores from the wardrobe. Strype, in his Eccles. Memorials, ii. 432, asserts that " The whole charge of the funeral amounted to 4751. 2s. id. — too thrifty and penurious an expense for the last respect due to so brave a prince :" but those figures were derived from " The Paynters' book " only (abovementioned). The same account is included in that of sir Edward Waldegrave (pp. 349-353), but from some slight variations the total there amounts to 4341. lis. 8d. In the library of Exeter college, Oxford (MSS. XCII. 64,) is a petition addressed to queen Mary by (the officers of arms ?) relative to their perquisites of the black cloth used at King Edward's funeral, which were detained by the dean of Westminster. " Strype, Eccles. Memorials, ii. 431, has printed this, "his Father Bedeman.'' The epithet " father " was familiarly applied to all old men. The headmen at King Henry's funeral are fully described as " two hundred and fifty poor men in long mourning gowns and hoods, with badges on their left shoulders, the red and white cross (lege rose) in a sun shining, a crpwn imperial on that. In each of their hands a large torch burning : and on each hand of them went two carts laden with torches, to restore them always as the old wasted." The ceremonial of king Henry's funeral is printed at length in Strype's Eccles. Memorials, vol. ii. appendix A. '' " Item, for the workemanshipe of iij standertes, the Lyon and the Dragon at ix. Ii. the pece, xviij. 11. the Greyhound at viij.li. being wrought in fyne gold, xxvj. Ii." Paynters' Book. = Machyn adds, "lyeng recheussly," which Strype interpreted "pi teously." The meaning of the writer, himself a furnisher of funerals, and enthusiastic admirer of pompous pageantry, but no great scholar, seems rather to have been " gorgeously rich,'' as a few lines above. 2 «2 CCxl BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR . [ad. 1553. ill embroidery of gold. About tiie corps were borne four banners, a banner of the order [of the -Garter], another of the red rose, another of queen Jane [the King's mother], and another of the queen's mother [Katharine of Arragon^. After him went a goodly horse, covered with cloth of gold to the ground, and the master of the horse ; with a man of arms in armour, which was offered, both the man and horse. There was set up a goodly herse in Westminster abbey, with bannerols and pensils, and hung with velvet about. From another source " we have the following list of the principal mourners :'' The lord marquis of Wynchester chefe morner. Other xij morners : Th'erl of Oxford. Th'erl of Shrewesbury. Th'erl of Worcester. Th'erl of Sussex. Th'erl of Bathe. Th'erl of Pembroke. The lord of Burgaveny. The lord Wyndsor. The lord Borough. The lord Barkeley. The lord Sturton. The lord Cobham. Noailles" describes the funeral at Westminster as taking place with hut little attendance, without any lights burning, or other ceremonial of the good and ancient religion, and without invitation to any foreign embassadors. He adds, that on the same day the queen caused to be sung in the Tower a high-mass for the dead, with deacon and sub-deacon/ at which from three to four hundred persons were present. Thus — » It is prefixed to the Paynters' book before noticed. •> At the funeral of Henry the Eighth the marquess of Dorset had been chief mourner, and the twelve assistants were the lord St. John (lord president of the council), the earls of Arundel, Oxford, Shrewsbury, Derby, and Sussex, the lords Morley, Dacre of the North, Ferrers, Clinton, Grey, and Scrope. <^ hier a Ouesmestre fut faict I'enterrement du feu Hoy vostre bon filz avec peu de com- pagnie, sans aucun luminaire, ni observance de ceremonie de la bonne et ancienno religion, et n'y ayant appelle aucun des amhassadeurs qui sont de pardega. Toutesfois, sire, ce mesme jour cestedicte Koyne ne pouvant sitot conduire les choses qu'elle desire faire k I'honneur de Dieu, fit chanter en la Tour une messe haulte des trespassez a diacre et soubz-diacre, et assiste- rent de trois a quatre cent personnes. Ce que je n'ay voule obmettre vous escripre, sgachant bien, sire, que ce vous sera nouvelle bien agreable, et nonobstant que beaucoup de gens en mur- murent, si cuyde-je que bientost il s'en fera de mesme en la plus grand part de ce royaulme. Ladicte dame a fort voulu reduire sa soeur madame Elizabeth k semblable devotion ; mais elle est si obstinee en ceste nouvelle loy, qu'elle n'a sceu encores vaincre son opinion. (Ambas- sades de Noailles, ii. 108.) '' Described by Stowe as " an obsequie in the Tower for King Edward, the dirge being sung MT. xvi.J OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCxli Tlie most godly King is buried. The good archbishop of Canterbury performs the funeral service at Westminster according to the established form, that is, in English, or in a Christian way, with many tears ;" but before the queen Winchester himself performs the obsequies after the popish fashion. (Julius Terentianus, in Zurich Letters, iii. 367.) A sermon was preached at the funeral by ^octor George Day, the lately de- prived bishop of Chichester, ^ and who also preached shortly after at queen Mary's coronation. in Latin ; and on the morrow a masse of Requiem, whereat the Queene with her ladies oifered." Stowe incorrectly places both the funeral and the obsequy at the Tower on the 9th instead of the 8th of August. != Bishop Burnet remarks, " It is rather strange that they allowed him such funeral rites : for the Queen kept a solemn exequie, with all the other remembrances of the dead, and masses for him, used in the Roman church, at the Tower on the eighth of August, the same day that he was buried at Westminster ; the lord treasurer, (who was the marquis of Win- chester, stUl continued in that trust), the earls of Shrewsbury and Pembroke being the principal mourners. Day, that was now to be restored to his see of Chichester, was appointed to preach the funeral sermon : in which he commended and excused the King, but loaded his government severely ; and extolled the Queen much, under whom he promised the people happy days. It was intended that all the burial rites should have been according to the old forms that were before the Reformation ; but Cranmer opposed this vigorously, and insisted upon it, that, as the King himself had been a zealous promoter of the Reformation, so the English service was then established by law. Upon this he strictly hindered any other way of officiating, and himself performed all the offices of the burial ; to which he joined the solemnity of a communion. In these, it may be easily imagined, he did everything with a very lively sorrow ; since, as he had loved the King beyond expression, so he could Jiot but look on his funeral as the burial of the Reformation, and in particular as a step to his own.'' (History of the Reformation, vol. iii. p. 244.) Machyn mentions, at the latter end of November, 1553, " a goodly herse for the late King Edward, hung with cloth of tissue, and a cross, and a pax, silver candlesticks, and xiij headmen holding of tapers ; and the dirge in Latin, and the mass on the morrow." (Diary, p. 49.) This appears to have been in the cathedral church of St. Paul. In "The Vocacyon of JohanBale to the Bishoprick of Ossorie " he describes how, upon Saturday the 9th of September, he was visited, at Kilkenny, by the treasurer of that church and other priests, who " proponed unto me that they were all fully minded to have solempne exequies for Kynge Edward, lately departed, lyke as the Queues highnesse had had them in Englande. I axed them how that was ? They made me answere, with a requiem mass and dirge. Than asked I of them agayne, who shulde singe the masse ; and they answered me, that it was mybounden dewtie to do it, beinge their bishop.'' Bale, of course, evaded the demand, and relates at some length how he managed to do so. •> He is designated as preacher in the list of attendants (ArchsEologia, xiii. 386). He had been released just before, by a royal letter dated the 4th of August, from the custody of the ccxlii BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR [a.d. 1553. William Baldwyn's Funeralles of King Edward the Sixt. The spot where King Edward's body was deposited was in Henry the Seventh's chapel, between the tomb of that monarch and the high altar of brass which then stood there. No monument was ever erected to his memory." These biographical collections may now be brought to a close with a slight notice of a book already in the hands of the Roxburghe Club, but the literary history of which, though remarkable, has never been hitherto unravelled. William Baldwyn, the author of various poetical essays,* composed, immediately after King Edward's death, a poem descriptive of all its circumstances," as well as commemorative of the King's excellent qualities and the nation's sincere grief upon his loss. Baldwyn, it seems, did not venture to publish this composition at the time. It was printed in 1560 under the title of The Funeralles of King Edward the Sixt. Wherin are declared the Causers and Causes of his Death. By William Baldwyn. London: printed for Thomas Marshe. 1560. and reprinted in 1817 as the contribution of the Rev. James William Dodd to the Roxburghe Club. But in the year 1610 another copy of this composition went through the press, and was published, under the name of sir John Cheke as its author, with the following title : A Eoyall Elegie. Briefly describing the Vertuous Eeigne, and happy (though imma- ture) Death of the most Mightie and renowmed Prince, King Edward the sixth, Bang of England, France, and Ireland, &c. who died in the Sixteenth yere of his age, and in the seventh yeere of his Eeigne. Written by Sir John Cheke, Knight, Anno 1553. Never before published, but most worthy to be Eead of all Estates in these our dayes. A very neat woodcut of the King's portrait, and at its sides the motto, Beevis vita Levis culpa. Imprinted at London for H. Holland, and are to be sold at Christ Church-doore. 1610. lord chancellor Goodrich, in which he had remained from June 1552 (see note in p. 345). I have not discovered whether bishop Burnet derived from any other sojirce than conjecture what he states of the contents of the funeral sermon. " That being the case, Sandford has, in lieu, inserted in his Genealogical History of the Kings of England, a representation of the altar, "as it stood entire before the late Fanatical Zeal destroyed it." Subsequent writers, following Strype (in Kennett, ii. [328]), have called this the altar monument of King Edward the Sixth ; but in truth it was the high altar of Henry the Seventh's chapel, and King Edward had no monument whatever. ^ See the note in p. clxxv. ' A quotation has been already given in p. ccxxiii. ^T. xiv.J OP KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCxliii This edition has also been reprinted, (from the copy in Mr. Grenville's library,) as an appendix to Mr. Trollope's History of Christ's Hospital, 1834, 4to. It has a dedication, unsigned. To the condigne praise and memorial of the thrise noble and much honoured Lady, the Lady Barbara Vicountesse L'Isle ; this princely Poeme be consecrated ; by him who unfainedly wisheth unto her Ladyship, and her worthiest first-borne daughter, the Lady Wrothe, heaven on earth, and everlasting happinesse in the highest heaven. From the many passages that differ materially from the first edition,^ we may fairly believe that this was printed from a manuscript copy, and that the statement in the title-page, that it was " never before published," was put forward in good faith : it is also most probable that the manuscript did not preserve the name of the author, and that, consequently, it was by conjecture attributed to sir John Cheke; but there can be no doubt that such conjecture was wholly void of foundation.'^ A less important poetical production" of the day was "An Epitaph upon the Ballad Death of Kyng Edward. Imprinted at London, in Holburne, nere to the Epitaph. Cundite, at the Signe of the Sarsin's head, by John Charlewood and John Tysdale." It is, properly speaking, a ballad ; and begins — Adewe pleasure ! Gone is our treasure. " The various readings are very numerous throughout. The second poem, entitled "An exhortacion to the repentaunce of sinnes and amendment of life, which were the cause of the Kinges death," &c. is omitted ; but the third poem, " The death playnt or life prayer of the most noble and virtuous Prince, King Edward the Sixt," is reprinted with this altered title, " An Epitaph, or Death Dole, of the Eight Excellent Prince, King Edward the Sixth, who died in the sixteenth Yeare of his Age, and in the seventh yeare of his Eeigne ; and was buried at Westminster in the Tombe of his Grand father, the eighth of August. Anno Dom. 1553." '' In the Heroologia, which was published by the same printer, Henry Holland, the book i? thus mentioned in the memoir of sir John Cheke : " Ille etiam olim, tamen non nisi nuper typis editam, conscripsit dulcem Elegiam Anglicam, in qua longfe prEestantissimi Regis Edouardi VI. SBgrotatio : una cum temporis locique circumstantiis, et luctuosus (bonorum omnium) obitus, descripta fuit: Haec autem Elegia Anno demiim D"' 1610, Londini, per H. HoUandum excusa est." Strype, in his Life of Cheke, could only mention this as a work attributed to the subject of his biography, not having been able to find a copy. It has therefore hitherto kept its place in the list of sir John Cheke's works. = An original copy exists in the Society of Antiquaries' collection, and it is reprinted in the Harleian Miscellany, edit. Park, 4to, 18X3, vol. x. p. 252. ADDITIONS TO THE BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR. p. xlviii. The passage liere quoted from Bale's Scriptores, relative to the excellence of Cheke's instruction of the King, was derived by Bale from the dedication prefixed by Cojlius Secundus Curio to Cheke's disputations on the Pronuntiation of Greek, printed at Basle in 1555.^ It was addressed to sir Anthony Cooke, then Cheke's survivor. After remarking that among those who had endeavoured to effect a reform in the pronuntiation of Greek, Erasmus of Rotterdam and John Cheke had been conspicuous. Curio alludes to Cooke's intimate acquaintance both with the controversy and with Cheke himself, from their joint charge of King Edward : — " Vobis enim duobus Regis Eduardi pueritia Uteris, moribus, religione instituenda tradita et commissa erat. Vos communibus votis, consiliis, industria, summse et planas (sic) divinse spei Eegem formabatis : a vobis ille di- vinus puer institutionem, qua neque Cyrus nee AchiUes, neque Alexander, neque uDus unquam regum politiorem sanctioremque accepit : qua si adultus uti potuisset, si ad regni gubernacula cum ea pervenisset, et ante tempus immatura morte prsreptus non ftiisset, quodnam regnum in terris felicius ? quee gens beatior unquam extitisset ? Sed ostendere hunc terris tantum fata volflere, neque ultra sinere. Nimium enim gens Angia visa felix, propria hsec si dona fuissent." P. xlix. Among the verses inscribed on the tomb of sir Antlwny Cooke, were the fol- lowing lines : — A worthy knight, whose life in learning led Did make his name to mount above the sky, With sacred skill unto a King he read. Whose toward youth his famous praises spred ; And he therefore to courtly life was call'd, Who more desired to he in study stall'd. See the rest of the inscriptions in Strype's Annals, vol. ii., and in the Athense Cantab, i. 352. P. 1. I have ascertained the fact of Cheke's temporary disgrace at court, and its date, though not its cause or the circumstances. Among the particulars of his history which he communicated to Cardano was this : "Anno 1549 die undecimo Januarij a pristine honore ferm^ decidit." (Cardanus de Genituris, p. 37.) On this occasion Cheke retired to Cambridge, where he wrote at the end of May the letter printed in p. 1., in which he " Joannis Cheki Angli de Pronuntiatione Grsecse potissimum linguse disputationes cum Stephano Vuintoniensi Episoopo, septem contrariis epistolis comprehensse, magna quadam et elegantia et eruditione refertse. (Basiless, per Nicol. Episcopium juniorem, 1555.) BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR. CCxlv speaks of enjoying the calm of quietness, after having been tossed in the storms of am- bition. It must also have been about the same time that he addressed the following letter to the duke of Somerset ; because the, visitation of the university mentioned at its com- mencement began early in May, 1549, and terminated about the beginning of July. This letter, which was first published (without any date) in Harington's Nugse Antiquse, relates almost entirely to the King's moral education : — " The letters whiche your Grace sent to the Universitie for the better expedition of the Visitation, hath encouraged men's studies merveilouslye to the further desyre of learning, and established the doubtful mynds of some wavering men, which tooke aU unknown matters to the worst, and feared shadows of mistrusted things, whereof they had no cause ; wherefore your Grace, in myne opinion, hath done a verie beneficial deed to the schooles, whose head and Chauncellour you be, in speeding out of hand this Visitation ; and shall make herebye a nomber of honest and learned men to serve the King's majestic faithfuUie in their callinge another daye, which is one chief point of everie subject's dewtie to labour in: and hereby all sortes of students knowing the King's majestie toward in hope of aU excellencie to learning, and your Grace holding the stearne of honor, not only ordering all matters of counseille with wisdome, but also consydering the furtherance of learning with favour; be stirred and enabled to attaine to a greater and perfecter trade of learning, not unbehovable for the commonwealthe, nor unserviceable for the King's majestie, nor unpleasant to your Grace, by whose authoritie it now the better springeth. " For which cause I suppose, among other, the King's majestie hath great occasion to give God thanks, that not onlye in his minoritie his realme is governed at home with your sage auncient counseUl, and defended from the foreigne incursion of great and powerful! adversaries, but also provision is made for learned men to serve his Grace hereafter; whose use shall be neoessarie for the realme, not onlie for religion, but also for civill causes. And therefore, as I may say boldly to your Grace, I, often thinking of his Majestie, trust he will now make hym (according to all men's certain expectation) worthie another day so noble an unckle ; and so toward a nomber of youthe prepareing themselves aforehand to serve his Majestie's commonwealthe hereafter: which he cannot do onlye by greatness of naturall witt, whereof he hath suffityent, except he adjoyne also experience, (the very ground-worke of aU wisdome,) wherein his Majestie best shall be advertised by you. For all learning, be it never so great, except it be sifted with moche use and experience to the fynest, can be no wisdom, but onlye a voide and a waste knowledge ; and therefore this kynde can be learned by no booke, but onlye by diligent hearing of sage and experient counseillours, and following more their good advice, who dothe foresee the greatnesse of daungers to come, unconceived and unthought of by others, then their owne suddeine fancies, whoe, for lacke of farther insight, do judge their own conseUe best, because they do perceive in themselves no reason againste themselves ; 2 k CCxlvi BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR althoughe there be in the thing itself, and wise men's heads, never so moche to the contrary. Wherefore, as his Majestie hath alwaies learned, so I trust he laboureth daylie to avoide the grounde of all errour, that self-pleasing which the Greeks do call '^ had dyned, wafers and ipocrase was browght to the Kynges highnes. Then the table was taken up and the sumape drawn. Then water was brought for the Kynges highnes. Then after his Grace had washed, then washed the duke of Somersett, lord Protector, and the archebushop of Caunterbujy. Then after the sumape was withdrawen, the Kjmges ma"^ arose and stode in the myddes of the hall place, vrith the duke of Somersett, lord Protector, and all the nobylity in order about hym, according to their degrees and estates. Then was brought unto his highnes a goodly voyde of spyces and confections. Then the Mayre of London brought a standing cuppe of gold to the Kynges ma*'^, and after the Kyng had drunke, his highnes gave hym the said cuppe. Then, after that done, it was ordeyned that there shidde be made a certain number of Knightes instede of the Bathe, becawse the tyme was so short that they colde not be made of the Bathe according to the ceremonyes therunto apperteyning. Then yt was at the same tyme ordeyned by the Kynges royaU ma*"=, with the advice of his most noble counceU, that they shulde be made by his Highness being crowned, in stede of the Bathe as aforesaid, and so sir William Paget, secretary, did rede their names, and they were called by Garter, principall Kynge at Armes, to receive the same, as after foloweth : Knights nominate of the Bathe. The duke of Suffolke. Th' erle of Oxford. Th' erle of Hertforde. Th' erle of Ormond. The lord Maltravers. The lord Talbot. The lord Straunge. The lord Harbert. The lord Lisle. The lord Charles Brandon. The lord CromweU. The lord Hastings. The lord Scroope's son and heyre. The lord Windsor's sonne and heire. Sir Pranois Russell. Sir Eichard Devereux. Sir Anthony Browne, son to the master of the horse. ccc APPENDIX. Sir Henry Seymour. Sir Joha Gates. Sir Anthony Cooke of Essex. Sir Alexander Umpton of Oxfordshire. Sir George Norton of Somersetshire. Sir Valentine Knightley. Sir Eobert Lytton. Sir George Vernon of the Pete. Sir John Porte of Derbyshire. Sir Thomas Josselyn. Sir Christopher Barker alias Garter. Sir Edmond Mohnieux sergeant of law. Sir James Hales. Sir William Babthorpe- Sir Thomas Brudenall. Sir Thomas NeveU of Holt. Sir Angell Marina, Italian, de Cremona. Sir John Holcroft. Sir John Cutt of Essex. Sir Henry Tyrell of Heron. Sir William Sharington. Sir Wymonde Carew. Sir William Snaythe. And because they were nominate of the Bath, and made with so great royaltye, they were commanded to pay the dewtyes of money every of them after their degrees and estates, dowble the some of other knightes. Then after the Kynges ma"^ had made aU these knightes as aforesaid, his highnes with- drew him to the chamber of the Court of Augmentation before rehersed, where he shyfted hym. Then all the nobylitie lykewise shyfted them out of their robes, and came in godly ordre through the hall, and in the pallays toke their horses and so ryd in order, dyrers noblemen before hym and some behinde after, accordyng to their estates and degrees ; and thus conveyed his highnes to his royall palays of Westmester," where there was that night great feastynge and royaU chere, as apperteyned. Thus ended the royall ceremony on the Sonday the day of the Kynges royaU Corona- cyon, in great royalty, with great joy and comfort to aU his nobylitie, and his loving sub- jeotes in generall. Then on the morowe after, being Mounday, and the xxjth day of February, there was holden royall Justes by these yj. chalengers hereunder written, against all comers. The names of the six Challengers. The lord Seymour of Sudley, and Admyrall of Englande. Sir Eicharde Devereaux, sonne and heire of the lord Ferrers. Sir Anthony Kingestone. Sir Peter Carew. Francis Knowles. Mr. Shelley. . e. Whitehall. CORONATION OF KING EDWARD. CCCl The names of the The marquis of Northampton. The lord William Hayward (Howard). The lord Harbarde. The lord Fitzwalter. The lord Clynton. Sir Thomas Paston. Th'earle of Huntyngdon. Sir Thomas Speke. Sir Morris Barkley. Sir Humfrey Eatliffe. George Howarde. Clement Paston. Defenders. Henry Nevell. Segrave. Greshame. Walter Bonham. William Elderkare. John Norton. Bagenold. Gates. Digby. Harleston. Lyttell Palmer. Goodwyne. Then at j. of the cloke in the afternone began the said justes, and the Kynges royall ma"^ with my lord Protector and other noblemen were present in his highnes's galary to see the same, which was right nobly done, as hereafter foloweth. The foresaid chalengers ranne agaynst every one of these defenders vi. courses. And as many as wolde of the said defenders had ij. courses everyone of them besydes,for their ladyes sake. And so they passed forthe that day with great valyantnes, and so nobly behaved themselves on ether party, that, thankes be to God, there was nether man nor horse hurt ; and brake many speres so redyly, that yt was to their great honour, and praise of aU the people there assembled, as they were well worthy. Then at night they retomed in goodly order as they came to my lord AdmiraU's house, where they had a goodly supper prepared for them, with great feastes and knou- ledge.* Then on tewsday the morowe after, beinge Shroufte tewsday, the Kynges ma"'' in the momyng dubbed these Knightes of the Carpet " hereunder vrritten, viz. some of them the same day, and the rest at other tymes duryng the utas of the seid noble solempnisacion : Sir Edward Sapoottes. Sir Eychard Cotton. Sir John Mason. Sir Thomas Newnam. Sir John Wyndham. Sir Phelype Calthorpe. Sir John Eatclyffe. Sir William Stanley. Lord Thomas Grey. Sir John Butler of Glocestershyre. Sir Anthony Auger. Sir John Shelton of SuiFolke. ' i. e. acknowledgment or thanks. '' This list is corrected by the list preserved in the MS. Cotton. Claudius C. iii. a handsome folio volume, in which most of the armorial bearings of the knights are beautifully tricked. 2 r CCCll APPENDIX. Sir John Vaghan of Wales. Sir Morrys Dennys of Gloucester- sHre. Sir Anthony Sheryngham. Sir Rowland Morton. Sir John Wentworth of Essex, father to the lady Maltravers. Sir John Dyer. Sir John Godsalfe. Sir Thomas Bameston. Sir Thomas Gyfford. Sir Roger Gyfford of Devonshyre. Sir John Savage. Sir Edward Rogers. Sir Walter Buckler. Sir Roger Blewett. Sir Humfrey Stafford. Sir John Hercey of Nottinghamshire. Sir George Perpoynt of Nottingham- shire. Sir Erauncis Englefeild. Sir Thomas Eitzherbert. Sir John Spryng. Sir Thomas Hanmer. Sir John Greville. Sir John Brockett. Sir Thomas Bell of Glocestershyre. Sir John Horsey. Sir Roger Gry£fyth of Wales. Sir John Salysbery of Wales. Sir Thomas Gravener. Sir Thomas Holleys. Sir William Eaynsford. Sir Thomas Wrathe. Sir William Pykeryng. Sir John Gary. Sir Henry Doyle. Sir Urien Brereton. Sir Wilham Drury. Sir John Butler of Hertfordshyre. Sir George Harper. Sir Thomas Kempe. Sir John Norton of Kent. Sir Robert Langley. Sir Thomas Nevell. Sir John Apryce. Then in the afternone in the same day began the tourney by the challengers aforeseid agaynst all commers, wherat the Kynge was also present, and so they passed forthe that day right nobly, behavyng themselves in the same as could be devised. Then, after the tourney was done, there was ordeyned a goodly and a sumptuous bankett in the court. Then, after the bankett was done, there was a goodly enterlude played in the said haU, where was also made a mounte, with the story of Orpheus right conyngly composed. At the which play the Kynges royall ma"'^ with many of his nobles and a great nomber of gentelmen and others were present. CORONATION OF KIN& EDWARD. CCClll Then on Sonday next after was holden agayne at the said palaye solempne Justes by xij to xij, whose names hereafter foloweth, viz.: Th'erle of Rutland. Th'erle of Huntyngdon. The lord Nevell. The lord Fytzwater. The lord John Grey. The lord Clynton. Sir Charles Brandon. Gary. Dygbe. Gates. Walter Bonham. Segrave. Lord Bray. Lord marques of Northampton. Henry Nevyll. Lord admyrall. Lord Herberd. Lord William Howard. Sir Thomas Speke. Gresham. George Howard. [John] Norton. [Clement] Paston. William Bonham. Then, that Justes done, they departed in goodly order all togethers, and they supped that night all, with mooste parte of the court, at the Gote in Chepe, where they had a ryghte goodly and sumptuous supper. Finis. [MS. Coll. Arm. I. 18, f. 96.] The Kynges ma™' appareU, the Saterday the xix"" day of February, being the day afore his Coronation, at his comyng from the Tower to Westminster. Imprimis, a ryche gowne of clothe of sylver, all over imbrodred with damaske golde, with a square cape furred with sables. Item, a gyrkyn of whyte velvet, wrought with Venyse sylver garnyshed with precious stones, as rubys and dyamondes and treuloves of perles. Item, a dublet of whyt velvet accordyng to the same, imbrodered with Venyse sylver, garnyshed with lyke precious stones and perles. Item, a whyte velvet cape, garnyshed with lyke precious stones and perles. Item, a payre of buskyns of white velvet. Item, his horsse capparison of crymeson saten, imbrodered with perles and damaske golde. 2 r 2 CCCiv APPENDIX. The Kynges ma"-^" apparell, from his chamber of the court of augmentacions to the cathedrall churche of Westmyster. Imprimis, a robe of crymesin velvet, with a long trayne furred with powdred ermynes throughowte, which was his parliament robe. Item, a cyrcote of the same, furred with meniver pure, the coUer, skyrtes, and sieve bandes garnyshed with ryben of golde, with ij tabardes set on the same, ftirred with powddred ermynes iiij fyngers brode, with a hode lyke wysse powderd. Item, a cape of blacke velvet. The Ktnges ma""" furst chaunge of apparell in "Westmester churche. , Furst, ij shertes, oone of lawne, the other of crymesyn sarsenet, wyde in the coUers. Item, a breche of camerycke to the myd thighe, gathered to gethers before and behynde, and a breche belt of crymesyn velvet setto the same. Item, a payre of hosen of crymesyn sarsenet, vaumpes and aU. Item, a cote of crymesyn satenne, ftirred with menyvere pure, purfled with ermynes, to the small of the legge, opened before, behynd, and on ether shoulder, tyed with small rybend, whereof the coller, skyrtes, and sleve-handes were garnyshed with ryband of golde. Item, a lytell cappe of estate of crymesen saten. Item, after his anoyntement was geven to hym a payre of gloves of cameryke. Item, a coyff of fyne lynnen. Item, a payre of sabetynes " of clothe of bawdekyn. The Ktnges ma'"" apparell after his annoyntement. Imprimis, a robe of crymesyn saten, with a long trayne furred with powdered erm3aies, Item, a surcote of the same, furred with menyver pure, with ij taberdes of the same, eged with powdered ermynes iiij fyngers brode. With a hode of crymesyn furred with powdered ermynes, as farre as yt was tomed downe rownd abowt his neke. The Kynges ma'''^ appareU after the masse done. Furst a robe of purple velvet, with a long trayne furred throughowte with powdered ermynes, and also on the shoulders, and a lytell benethe, with lyke ermynes. Item, a cote of the same velvet, furred with menyver pure, with ij tabardes set on the same, furred with lyke ermynes, with a hode of the same, also furred with ermynes so far as yt was torned downe abowte the neke. " Slippers. CORONATION OF KING EDWARD. CCCV At the Ktnges ma""' Coronation aforesaid the oiFyce of armes had every of them, as Kynges of armes, heroulds and pursuivantes, new cotes of armes, received at the handes of Anthony Tote sergeaunte paynter, viz. Kynges of armes cotes of saten, herouldes of armes cotes of damaske, and pursuivantes at armes cotes of sarsenet. A WARRAUNTE made by the Counsell for the de^vtyes and fees belonging to the offyce of armes of auncyent coustome. After our ryght harty commendationes. The Kynges ma"'^ plesure, with th' advyce and consente of us the Lord Protector and others of his highnes' counsell, ys, that ye delyver unto the company of his hyghnes ofifyoers at Armes for suche fees and devrtyes as by auncyent record they clayme to have allovfed unto them these somes of money folowing, that is say, viz. For his Majestyes Knighthode xl li. For his Highnes' Coronacion C li. For the Justeys royall, and torneyes, viz. for the clowage and hinder partes of theire trappoures and other casualtyes faUyUge to the ground, xlli. And thus fare you vr ell. From Somerset house the second day of July. Your loving friendes, Edward Somerset. T. Cantuaeien. Wm. Seynt John. H. Aeundell. J. Eusselle. William Northt. Antont Browne. T. Chetne. W. Paget. Anthony Wingfelde. E. Northe. To our trustie and loving frendes the Tresorer and Chamberleynes of the Exchequer. Sir John Bater, under tresorer of the Exchequer, commanded Mr. Felton to goe to the Tellers and commaunded to pay yt uppon the warrant aforesaid, the which Nicholas Brigham, one of the sayd Tellers, payd forthewithe unto Garter the said some of ix"^ li. in testemes and grootes. 23rd Feb. 1547. Item, a warrant was made to Sir Edmund Peckham to deliver to my lord Bray and my lord Latimer, which served joyntly the day of the coronation in the rowme of the Bang's almonyers, the summe of xxx li. a peace in recompence of their fee of the almes and dishe. (Privy Council Register.) " To the Kinges trompiters by way of the Kinges rewarde for the Justes holden at the palais of Westminster, the xijth and xiijth [read xxjth and xxijth] day of February the summe of xl marcs." (Account of the Treasurer of the Chamber.) VII. NAMES OF THOSE THAT WEEE ADVAUNCED TO THE HONOEABLE OEDRE OP ENIGHTHODE IN THE HAPPY REIGNE OP KINGE EDWARD THE SIXT. [MS. Cotton. Claud. C. in. f. 151.] [The greater number of the Knights made in this reign are recorded in other parts of this work. The names of the rest will be here taken from the magnificent MS. volume by E. Glover, above mentioned, containing a catalogue of the Knights made, with their arms, from the beginning of the reign of Henry VH.to the year 1586 (with additions).] On Sonday the 6. of February, 1546-7, at the Tower, Kinge Edward was made Knight by his uncle the lord Protector, and the same tyme the sayd Kinge dubbed these two following : Sir Henry Houblethorne, maior of London, j Sir John [_lege William] Portman, justice. Knights dubbed by the Kinge on Sonday the day of his Coronation, the 20. of February, being croivned, to the nombre of 40, in lieu of the Bath. (See pp. ccxcix — ccc.) Knights of the Carpett, dubbed by the Kinge on Tuesday the 22. day of February. (In number fifty-five, see pp. ccci. — cccii.) [For the next three no date is given :] Sir Walter Mildmay. Sir Clement Smythe. Sir John Jermyn, of Suffolke. Dubbed at Westminster 24. of November anno primo [1547]: Sir James Bascarville. Sir James Croftes. Sir Anthony Cope. Dubbed at Westminster anno secundo vel primo, Sir Henry Wharton. Anno primo. Sir Robert Curson of Norffolke. Knightes Bannerettes and Bacheler Knightes 'made in the campe besydes Rockesburgh in Scotland, by the handes of the high and mighty prynce Edward duke of Somersett, general of all the Kinges armyes by lande and by sea, and governour of his roiall person, and protectour of all his realmes, dominions, and subjectes. (See their names hereafter, p. 219.) ICnightes made at Newcastle the first day of October in anno primo aforesayde, by the handes of Edward duke of Somerset lorde protectour. [These were, not only sir Robert Brandling, but also sir Walter Bonham, sir Henry Hussey, and sir Jaques Granado, the three last names of the preceding list (p. 220). J KNIGHTS MADE IN THE EBIGN OF KING EDWARD. CCCvii Knightes made at Berwyke by the handes of John erle of Warwyke, lieutenant of the Kinges armye: — [This list is in some respects different from that given in p. 220 hereafter.] Sir Eichard Buckley. Sir Arthur Manwerynge. Sir Andrew Corbet, dubbed at Newcastle. Sir Peter Negro. Sir Anthony StreUey. Sir John Eybaude, dubbed at Newcastle. Sir Thomas Nevill. Sir Alounce de ViUeseige. Dubbed at Westminster the first day of December anno 2 [1548]:- Sir William Cobham. Sir Thomas Cornwalhs. Sir Eichard Corbett. [Without date:] Sir Domynike Bollonus, Embassador of Venyce. Sir Henry Ayncottes [Amcotes], maior of London [1548-9]. Sir William Lockej^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^ Sir John Awlyf ) ^ Sir Thomas Gargrave, of Yorkshire. Sir Eichard SakeviHe, chauncelor of the Augmentacion courte. [Knighted the 17th of October 1549 (See p. 244, note.):] Sir John Yorke, shirif of London. Dubbed at Westminster the 10. day of November in anno 3. [1549] :- Sir John de la Zouche. Sir John Pollard. Sir Arthur Champemoun. Sir Gyles Sferanguishe. Sir John More. Sir Thomas Woodhouse. Sir William Herbert. Sir Walter Herbert. Dubbed at Westminster the 17. of November anno 3. [1549] :— The Duke of Luningborough. Lord Fitzwarine, sonne and heire to the erle of Bathe. Sir [Nicholas] Pelham. Sir Ambrose Dudley, second son to th'erle of Warwyke. Sir John Parrett. Sir Thomas Eussell. CCCViii APPENDIX. [No dates mentioned:] Sir Thomas Essex. Sir Thomas Pomerey. Sir Henry Bedingfeilde. Sir Thomas Goldynge. Sir Paule Baptist Spynaloe of Geane (Genoa). Sir William Allerton. Sir Anthony Gwydott. Sir Richard Blount. Sir Gilbert Dethike, alias Garter Kinge of Armes. [On the 11th of October, 1551 (see p. 352):—] Sir Christopher Heydon of Norfolk. Sir John Sydnam. Sir Roger Vaughan. Sir John Saintloe. Sir Nicholas Arnolde. Sir Francis Jobson. Sir Thomas Saunders. Sir Andrew Judde [lord mayor of London 1550-1]. Sir Henry Neville. Sir John Cheeke. Sir William Cecill, secretary. Sir Henry Sidney. [No dates mentioned:] Sir William Walderton. Sir William Fitzwilliam of Ireland, of the privy ohambre to the King, who lyeth buried at Wyndesore. Sir Robert Chester, dubbed at Waltham [Wilton].'' Sir Rauf Ellercar. Sir James Stumpes,'' buried in St. Gregoryes [Margaret's] churche at Westminster. Sir Thomas Smythe, secretary. Sir Thomas Stradlinge. Sir Thomas Wyatt the yonger. Sir James Dyer, sergeant at the lawe. Sir John Sentleger. " Clutterbuck in his History of Hertfordshire, vol. iii. p. 363, states that sir Robert Chester, who had been one of the gentlemen of the privy chamber to Henry VIII., was knighted at Wilton on the 2d Sept. 1552, and as on that date the King left Wilton for Mottisfont (see p. 450), iSiat place should probably be substituted in the text. His arms were very extraordi- nary : Gules, two lion's hind feet issuant from the dexter and sinister sides, meeting in fess or, between three hawk's lures argent. Crest, on a. wreath argent and azure, a lion's jamb erased holding a broken sword argent, hilted or. Were these allusive to some office in connection with the keeping of the royal lions and hawks ? The family arms as given by Clutterbuck are. Ermine, on a chief sable a griffin passant argent. i> Sir James Stump was sheriff of Wiltshire in 5 Edw. VI. and again in 2 Eliz. Probably he was knighted during his former shrievalty, whilst the King was in Wiltshire. He desired in his will to be buried at St. Margaret's Westminster ; see Collectanea Topogr. et Geneal. vii. 84. CCCIX vm. KNIGHTS OF THE GAETER. (MS. Harl. 304, f. 130.) Ejiightes of the most noble order of the Garter, as they were placed at the beginninge of the reigne of Kinge Edward the vj*", and after those that were elect and installed in his tyme, who began his reigne on Mondaye the last of Januarij .1546, and he dyed the vj"* daye of July 1553, when he had reigned vj yeres v monethes and 19 dayes ; buryed in Henry the T"" chappell at Westminster. The Soveraigne. The Frenche Kinge. Voyd, by the dethe of the K. of Scottes. Voyd, the duke of Norffolke. Voyd, th'erle of Surrey. Th'erle of Hertford. Th'erle of Shrewsbury. The lord Kussell. The lord St. John. The conestable of Fraunce. Sir Anthony Browne. Sir Anthony Wyngefield. Sir John Walloppe. The Emperour Charles V*''. The K. of Eomaynes. Voyd, kept for the Soveraigne. Voyd, the duke of Suffolke. Th'erle of Essex, Will'm Parre. Th'erle of Westmerland, Ealphe. Th'erle of Arrundell, Henry. The visconte Lysle, John. Sir Thomas Cheynye, 1. warden. The L. Ferrers, Walter. Sir John Gage. Sir Anthonye St. Leger. Thomas lord Wrythesley. [Knights" elected during the reign of] the Soveraigne Kinge Edward the vj"". Henry the Frenche kinge, second of that name, elect the 24 of Aprill 1551, and his hacthement sett uppe in the 2 stall of the Soveraignes syd, the 20 of June 1551, and in the v"* yere of the reigne of E. 6", and was not installed for that the swettinge sikenes was then greatly encreased in Englond : and he dyed the x^ of July, being smot in the forehed with the splintes of a spere at the Justes in Paris, A° 1° Elizabeth E. Here installed after the deathe of Kinge Francis his father, and buried at S' Denys in France the 1 of August 1559. Henry Grey, marques Dorsett, after created duke of Suffolke, elect the 17 of February and installed the 23 (22) of Maye, A° 1°, in the iiij'" stall of the Emperour's syd, after the " These names are not arranged chronologically, but apparently with reference to their rank. The dates are in the margin. They will be found in the order of their election, in Beltz's Memorials of the Garter, p. clxxvi. 2s A ma puis- sance. 1547. cccx APPENDIX. Esperance me comforte. 1553. 1547. Sanz chainger. La me teindray. 1549. Ungje servirey. 1549. 1547. Jour de ma vie. 1549. Espoir en Dieu. 1549. Loyalte n'a honte. 1551. Peril suo contrario. 1547. deathe of Charles duke of Suffolke, and after translated to the iij'i stall of the same, then beinge voyd sence the removinge of the duke of Norfolke, kept for Prince Edward, then Soveraigne ; and he was beheded Februarye A" 1° Marye Eegine. Henrye Nevill, erle of Westmerland, elect 23 of ApreU A° 6, and installed the 30 of June the same yere, in the xij*^ of the Soveraignes syd, by the deathe of sir -Anthony Wyngfeld; and last in the ix. of the same syd, by the deathe of the lord Darcy; and he dyed A° . . . EUzabeth E. 1563. Edward Standley, erle of Darby, elect 17 February and installed the 23 (22) of May, A° r, in th'eight stall of the Soveraignes syd, by the translatinge of the lord Eussell; and, after in the v*"" of the said syd, by translating of Francis erle of Shrewsburye; and he died 1572. Francis Hastinges, erle of Huntington, elect the 23 ApriU and installed the 13 xsf December, A° 3°, in the vj"> of the Imperour's syd, after the translatinge of Henry erle of Arundell ; and last the ■vj*'> of the Soveraignes syd, by translating the marques of Winton ; and he dyed the A° 1571. William Herbert, m' of the horse, after erle of Pembroke, elect the first of December and installed the 13 of the same monethe, A° 3°, in the xiij"' stall of th'Emperour's syd, by removing the lord Paggett; and after in the vj''' of the same syd, by translatinge of Francis erle of Huntington ; and last in ; and he dyed the daye of , and was honorably buryed in Powles churche, at London, the daye of Aprill, A" 1570, A° E.E. Elizabethe 12°. Thomas Seymour, lord Seymour of Sudly and lord Admyrall of England, elect the 17 of February and installed the 23 (22) of May, A° 1°, in the eight stall of the Empe- rour's syd, by the translatinge of John viscount Lysle; and he was beheded Marche , A° 21°. Thomas West, lord Delawarre, elect the first of December and installed the 13 of the same, A° 3, in the x**^ of the Prince's syd, by the translating of Thomas Wryothesley erle of Southampton; and he dyed A° 1° Eegine Marie. George Brooke, lord Cobham, elect the 23 Aprill, installed the 13 of December, A° 3, first in the xj* of the Soveraignes syd, after the deathe of sir Anthony Browne; and last to the ix. stall of the Prince's syde, by removinge of Thomas Darcy, lord Darcy of Chiche ; and he dyed 29 of September 1558, A° 5 et 6 Philippi et Marie. Edward Fynes, lord Clynton and lord Admyrall of Englond, elect the 23 of ApriU and installed the 30 of June, A° 5"" 1551, in the ix"" of the Soveraignes syde, by translatinge WiUiam lord Pagett ; and after in the vij"' of the Prince's syd, by translatinge Walter Devereux, viscont Hereford; died in the 5 stall on the Soveraignes syd, the 16 of January 1585, at Wynsor enterred. Sir WUliam Pagett, lord Pagett of Beaudesert, elect the 17* of Februarye and installed the 23 (22) of Maye, A^ 1°, first in the xiij of the Prince's syd, by translating of Thomas KNIGHTS OP THE GARTER. CCCXi Wryothesley, erle of Southampton, and now th'eight of the Soveraignes syd ; by translat- inge of Edward lord Clynton, He was once disgraced and after restored; obiit 1563. Thomas Darcy, lord Darcy of Chechey, lord chamberlayne, installed the 9*" of October, Vertu cerche A° quinto 1551, and elect afore his installation, the 28 of September, at Hampton Court, ^??ef"'^' in the xiij* of the Soveraignes syd, after the deathe of sir John Walloppe; and last in the ix of the same syd, by translatinge sir Thomas Cheyney, lord warden ; and he dyed A° 5° et 6° Philippi et Marie, 18 daye of June 1558. Sir Androw Sutton, al's Dudley, elect the 23. Aprell 1552 and installed the 30 of June, 1552. A° 6*", in the xiij"* of the Soveraignes syd, by the translatinge of Thomas lord Darcy of Chechey, and he was put downe and attaynted A° 1° Marie Eegine. IX. REWARDS GIVEN ON NEW- YEAR'S DAY. It was customary to offer New- Year's Gifts to the King, (as well as to other great personages,) and several rolls upon which they were duly catalogued are extant of the reigns of Mary, Elizabeth, and James the First, some of which have been published in Nichols's Progresses, &c. The King, on his part, made presents, which were called Rewardes, to the various officers of his household, to the humbler persons who brought Gifts, and to the servants of those of higher rank; besides Gifts in return, usually of plate, to the nobility, &c. The following catalogue specifies the Rewards of the first and second years of Edward the Sixth, derived from the accounts of Sir William Cavendish, treasurer of the chamber, in the possession of Sir Walter C. Trevelyan, Bart. Most of the entries occur in both years: those which occur only in one are marked [1°] or [2°] respectively. Rewardes geven to dyvers persons on Newyeres-day. Item geven to Tharoldes at Armes for their largesse on Newyeres-daye, as hath ben accustomed . . . . . • • . . yj li. Item to the sergiant and officers of the Woody erd, in rewards . vj li. xiij s. iiij d. Item to the Kinges watche on Newyeres-day, in rewarde . . . . xl s. Item to the Kinges trompiters, in rewarde . . . . . c s. Item to the porters of the Kinges gate, in rewarde . . . . xl s. Item to the gromes of the Kinges chamber, who were accustomed to be payed owte of the Kinges purse by the grome of the stole, in rewarde . . . . xl s. Item to the pages of the Kinges chamber - . . . . . xx s. Item to the same pages, whiche were wont to be paied owte of the Kinges purse by the grome of the stole, in rewarde . . . . . . xls. 2s2 cccxu APPENDIX. Item to the Eanges drumslades, in rewarde . . • • . xx s. Item to tlie still mynstrelles, in rewarde ...... iiij li. Item to the new sagbuttes, in rewarde . . . • • . iiij li. Item to mr. John Osborne of the privy chamber . . . . . xl s. Item to mr. John Penne, barbour . . . . . . xl s. Item to maister Edmonde Harman, of the pryvy chambre, in rewarde . . xl s. Item to maister Richard CoUey, grome of the privy chambre, in rewarde . . xl s. Item to maister Eobert [Richard anno secund/f^ Maddockes, grome of the privy chambre, in rewarde . . . . . . . . . xl s. Item to maister John Philpot, grome of the privy chambre, in rewarde . . xl s. Item to Christopher Salmon, barbour [grome fl!«mo 2°], in rewarde . . xls. Item to mr. John Fowler, in rewarde, grome . . . . . xl s. Item to mr. David Vyncent, grome, in rewarde . . . . xl s. Item to mr. Cooke [Cockes fflBrao 2°], grome, in rewarde . . . .xls. Item to mr. Nevell, grome, in rewarde . . . . . . xl s. Item to mr. Thomas Strete, grome, in rewarde ' . . . . . xl s. Item to mr. "WilUam Thorpe, grome, in rewarde . . . . . xl s. Item to mr. Richard Cecill, yoman of the robes . . . . . xl s. Item to Eobert Robotham, grome of the Kinges warderobe . . . xl s. Item to Thomas Sternolde, grome of the same robes . . . . xl s.. Item to John Rowlande, [page] of the same warderobe . . . .xls. Item to WUliam More, the Quenes harper . . . . . xx s. [1°] Item to the Kinges henxmen, in rewarde . . . . .xls. Item to Hughe Pallarde, Edwarde Laeke, Thomas Alee, Thomas Curson, Edwarde [Eobert anno seeundo'] Maye, Alayn Robenson, and Thomas Pagington, the Kinges newe mynstrelles, who was with his grace when he was Prince, in rewarde . . vij li. Item to William Hammonde of the leasshe, in rewarde . . . . x s. Item to the iiij"' children of the leashe, in rewarde . . . . xl s. Item to Eichard Bower [m"^ of the children of the King's chappell] for playing before the King's majestie with the children of the chappell, in rewards* . vj h. xiij s. iiij d. Item to Alexander de BoUonia, a rider, in rewarde . . . . xx s. Item to Alexander Gingham," a rider, in rewarde . . . . xx s. Item to AnnybaU, the Kinges fferrour, in rewarde . . . . xx s. Item to the yeomen of the prevy leasshe, in rewarde . . . . xl s. Item to the Kinges vialles, in rewarde ..... xxvj s. viij d. Item to the vj new vialles, in rewarde . . . . . . vj li. » Gyngham anno secundo. Probably the same as Zinzan, afterwards well known in the court of Elizabeth : see her Progresses, &c. by Nichols. REWARDS aiVBN ON NEW-YEAR's DAY. CCCXUl XX s. vs. xl 8. xs. vj li. xiij s. iiij d. Item to the gentilmen of the Kinges chappell, in rewarde . xiij li vj s. viij d. Item to the three huntes with the three pryvy buckhoundes, in rewarde . . xx s. Item to Thomas Co wper, oystringer, in rewarde . . . . . xxs. Item to Lewes de Bassiam, Anthony de Bassiam, Jasper de Bassiam, John de Bassiam, and Baptist de Bassiam, mynstrelles, in rewarde . . . . c s. Item to the fower huntes, in rewaxde Item to John Gambolde, in rewarde [P] Item to John Hallelie of the Juelhouse, in rewarde Item to John Hamys, gardener at Westminster . Item to the Kinges pleyers of enterludes, in rewarde Item to GmUiam du Warte, GuiUam de Trosse, and Petie John, mynstrelles, in rewarde iiij li. Item to James footeman that gave the Kanges maiestie lyams [lynes] and collers, in rewarde . . . . • . . . . . xls. Item to the Kinges lawnder, [launderers anno 2°] in rewarde . . . xx s. [1°] Item to Thomas Torchit late of the Pitcherhouse, in reward . .xls. Item to Edmonde Gryffithe gardener at Hampton courte, in rewarde . . xxx s. Item to Henry EusseU gardener at Westminster, who presented the King with herbes and fruites, in rewarde . . . . . . . . x a. Item to syr William Eainsforde knight and maister John Nprris gentilmen husshers, that gave the Bang ij dossen of napkins the one dozin garnisshed with silver and the other vrith golde, in rewarde ...... xiij s. iiij d. [2°] Item to Phelip Manwaringe and Francis Evered their servants, in rewarde xiij s iiij d. Item to John Colman gardener at Ghelsey, in rewarde Item to Rychard Mountain gardener at Saint James Item to Phelip James gardener at Grenewiche [ r J Item to the lord marques Dorset servaunt, in rewarde [1°] Item to the erle of Westmerland servaunt . [1°] Item to the erle of Oxenford servaunt [1"] Item to the erle of Southampton servaunt [1°] Item to the erle of Huntington servaunt [1°] Item to the erle of Parby servaunt [1°] Item to the erle of Bridgewater's servaunt Item to the erle of Shrewisbury his servaunt . .' [1°J Item to the lord Chauncellor's servaunt, in rewarde . [1°] Item to the lord Awdeley's servaunt . [l°j Item to the lord Powez servaunt [1°] Item to the lord Souche servaunt, in rewarde [1°] Item to the lord Bray's servaunt, in rewarde . xs. X s. xs. xxs. xls. xxs. xxs. xxs. xxs. xxs. xxs. xls. xxs. XX s. xxs. CCCXIV APPENDIX. [1°] Item to the lords Mountegle's servaunt [1°] Item to the lorde Borowe servaunt [2°] Item to the erle of Warwicke his servaunt [2°] Item to the erle of Eutlande his servaunt Item to the archebisshop of Yorkes servaunt Item to the bishop of Durisme servaunt . [1°] Item to the bisshop of Lincoln servaunt Item to the bisshop of Carlisle servaunt . [1°] Item to the bisshop of London servaunt [1°] Item to the bisshop of Eli's servaunt . [1°] Item to the bisshop of Salisbury servaunt [1°] Item to the bisshop of Rochester servaunt [1°] Item to the bisshop of Chichester servaunt [l°j Item to the bisshop of Herford servaunt Item to the bisshop of Saint Davis servaunt [1°] Item to the bisshop of Westminster servaunt [1°] Item to the bisshop of Gloucester servaunt [1°] Item to the bisshop of Petirborowe servaunt Item to the bisshop of Oxford servaunt . [1°] Item to the bisshop of Worcester servaunt Item to the bisshop of Lichefeld servaunt . [1°] Item to the bisshop of Exiter's servaunt [1°] Item to the deane of Windesore servaunt [1°] Item to doctour Bentley's servaunt [1°] Item to doctour Chambre's servaunt . [1°] Item to mr. Magnus servaunt, in rewarde [2°] Item to docter Cockes the Kinges almoyner his servaunt [2°] Item to docter Owen the Kinges phisicion his servaunt [2°J Item to docter BiU the Kinges phisicion his servaunt [2°] Item to docter Wendy the Kinges phisicion his servaunt [1°] Item to the lady Maries servaunt, in rewarde [1°] Item to the lady Anne of Cleves servaunt [1°] Item to the lady Elizabeth servaunt . Item to the duches of Somerset [her grace's] servaunt [1°] Item to the duches of Eichemounde her grace's servaunt, in rewarde [1°] Item to the lady of Westmerland servaunt . [1°] Item to the lady of Rutland servaunt, in rewarde [1°] Item to the lady Eraunces servaunt . [1"] Item to the lady Bryan's servaunt XX s XX s. XX s. . XX s. xls. xls. XX s. XX s. XX s. • XX s. XX s. XX s. XX s. XX s. XX s. XX s. XX s. XX s_ XX s. XX s. . XX s. . XX s. xiij s iiijd. vjs. viij d. xiijs iiijd. XX s. xs. xs. xs. . xs. hij s iiij d. liijs iiij d. liij s iiijd. liij s. iiij d. XX s. . XX s. XX s. . XX s. xiij s. iiij d. REWARDS GIVEN ON NEW-YEAR S DAT. CCCXV [1°] Item to the lady Calthrop servaunt . [1"] Item to the lady of Oxenford servaunt [1°] Item to the lady Baynton's servaunt [1°] Item to the lady Kingston servaunt . [1°] Item to the lady Shelton's servaunt . [1°] Item to the lady Herbert of Troy servaunt [1°] Item to the (lady) Bray's servaunt, in rewarde [2°] Item to the lady Powes her servaunt Item to the lady Garden's servaunt [1°] Item to the lady Mason servaunt [2°] Item to misters Blage her servant [1°] Item to maistres Penn in Bukingham shire the Kinges norce servaunt, in rewarde .... Item to maistris Frankewell servaunt Item to maistris Vincent servaunt Item to maistris Penn's servaunt . [1°] Item to maistris Cheke's servaunt Item to mr. Threasauror of the King's majesties householde [, his servaunt [1°] Item to sir Thomas Darcey knightes servaunt Item to sir Edmonde Peckham knight his servaunt [1°] Item to sir John WaUop knightes servaunt . [1°] Item to sir Martin Bowes knight servaunt . Item to sir Thomas Hennage knightes servaunt, in rewarde [2°] Item to sir Mighel Stanhope knight his servaunt [2°] Item to sir Anthony Selenger knight his servaunt Item to sir Thomas Caverden, alias Garden, knight, his servaunt, in rewarde Item to sic Anthony Agiar knight [maister of the juelhouse] servaunt, in rewarde ..... [1] Item to Thomas Semberbe servaunt, in rewarde Item to sir Richard Gressham his servaunt, in rewarde [1°] Item to sir Thomas Pope's servant, in rewarde [r] Item to sir John Baker's servaunt [1°] Item to sir Eobert Southwell servaunt [!"] Item to sir John Gage servaunt Item to sir Eichard Sowthwell knight his servaunt Item to sir Anthony Kingston [that gave the King a brace of servaunt T . . ■ Item to sir John Williams his servaunt . xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d-, xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. vj s. viij d. xs. vj s. viij d. X s. xs. X s. sir William Cavendish] XX s. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. XX s. XX s. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iii d. xiij s. iiij d. vj s. viij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. graye hounds, anno 2°] xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. CCCXVl APPENDIX. [1°] Item to sir Jolin Welsbourne's servaunt [2°] Item to sir William Harbert knight his servaunt, in rewarde [2°] Item to mr. Sackevile, chauncellor of the Courte of Augmentations his servaunt ..... [2°] Item to Sir Peter Metuas knight his servant [2°] Item to sir Anthony Denny knight his servaunt Item to sir John Godsalve servaunt Item to sir John Mason servaunt [1°] Item to sir William Sherington servaunt [1°] Item to sir Nicholas Haris [Hare's] servaunt [1°] Item to maister Peter Van's servaunt Item to sir Walter Mildmay's servaunt Item to sir Jaques Garnado servaunt [2°] Item to mr. Cheke his servaunt [ 1°] Item to Ambrose the Kinges carpenter's servaunt [1°] Item to Beaton the Kinges organmaker's servaunt Item to John Frankwelles servaunt [1°] Item to mons'' Petir Gambo servaunt Item to Greene the Kinges coffermaker servaunt [1°] Item to Anthony Toto servaunt [1°] Item to Bartlet the Kinges printer servaunt Item to Nicolas Harris the Kinges fruterer's servaunt [1°] Item to Gaulterus de Lenns . ' . [1°] Item to Bartholemewe Compaigne his servaunt, in rewarde [1°] Item to maister Mondy servaunt, in rewarde Item to Cornelis the Kinges loksmith, in rewarde Item to Thomas Cloughe, that gave the Kinges majestie a booke of waxe, in rewarde .... Item to Eiohard Grafton the Kinges majesties printer, in rewarde Item to Rauffe Pilkinton, that gave a purse garnished with gold Item to Guydo Calvacant, marchaunt straungier, that gave the King a pece of velvet, in rewarde ..... [^1°] Item to master John Yorke' servaunt, in rewarde [1°1 Item to mr. MyUyn' servaunt, in rewarde [ i°] Item to Humfrey Urme' servaunt, in rewarde [1°] Item to mr. Hynde Plomer' servaunt, in rewarde [1° ] Item for (I. to sir) Peter Negro' servaunt, in rewarde Item to Reine Wolfe stacioner' servaunt . [1°] Item to Cornelis Mustin the King's arras maker xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij 8. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. xiij s. iiij d. vj s. viij d. vj s. viij d. vj s. viij d. vj s. viij d. xiij s. iiij d. vj s, viij d. vj s. viij d. vj s. viij d. vj s. viij d. vj s. viij d. xiij s. iiij d. vj s. viij d. xiij s. iiij d. vj s. viij d. . XX s. xiij s. iiij d. vj s. viij d. xiij s. iiij d. xs. vj s. viij d. vj s. viij d. vj s viij d. vs. REWARDS GIVEN ON NEW-TBAR's DAY. CCCXVU 1°] Item to the Sergiant Porter's servaunt, in rewarde 1°] Item to Nicholas Ursiewe, clockmaker 1°] Item to mr. Stemolde of the Robes servaunt 1°] Item to Eiohard Stonegraver servaunt 1°] Item to Joannes Olyverus' servaunt 1°] Item to Eobert Lewes that gave the King a viaU 1°] Item to Lyonell Marten' servaunt, in rewarde 1°] Item to Anthony Trappe' servaunt, in reward 1°] Item to William Buckstede the King's bowyer 1°] Item to John BuUocke the King's bowyer 1°3 Item to John Pickeman, a bowyer . 1°] Item to William Grenway, a bowyer 1°] Item to John Wawen, a bowyer 1°] Item to Richard White, a bowyer . 1°] Item to John Wattes, a bowyer 1°] Item to William Carpenter, a bowyer 1°] Item to Thomas Corde, a bowyer 1°] Item to John WUding, a bowyer 1°] Item to John Browne, a bowyer 1°] Item to Edward Tate, a bowyer 1°] Item to Anthony Anthony' servaunt, in rewarde 1°] Item to Eichard Faith, a bowyer, in rewarde 1"] Item to John Sterkey, the King's fletcher 1°] Item to Thomas Smith, the King's fletchour 1°] Item to Henry Smith, a fletchour 1°] Item to John Seger, a fletchour 1°] Item to Symon Gowtly, a fletchour . 1°] Item to Humfrey Walker, a bovfyer 1°3 Item to Henry Lister, a bowyer 1°] Item to Henry Wodcocke, a bowyer item to John Awger, a bowyer . ;tem to John [William in anno 2"] Bateman that gave the King bowstringes xiij s. iiij d 1 1' 1°; in rewarde . . • • • :tem to John Kirkby, of the juelhowse . :tem to Henry Forrest, one of the King's surgions tem to Henry Makereth, one of the King's surgions 2 t xls. xs. Item to Aves the wief (of) Lewes the King's crosbowmaker, in rewarde Item to Giles Geringes, in rewarde . Item to Agnes Portingale, in liewe of plate for such as she gave the King's majestie, xls. xls. xls. xls. vj s. viij d. iij s. viijd. vis. viij d. iij s. iiij d. vj s. viij d. . XXX s. vs. V;,S. XX s. vj s. viij d. XV s. xiij s. iiij d. X s. xs. X s_ xs. xs. xs. xs. xs. vj s. viij d. X s. XX s. xiij s. iiij d. xs. X8. xiij s. iiij d. xs. xs. xs. xs. CCCXVlll APPENDIX. [2°] Item to Jolm Kerne, the King's maiesties lockesmithe, in rewarde . vj s. iiij d. [2°] Item to John Halile, of the King's maiestie jewelhouse . . . xl s. [2°] Item to sir Thomas Sampson, preist, that gave the King a painted staffe, in rewarde . . ...... xls. [2°J Item to Jasper Gaffoyne, who gave the King two Spanish quisshens . xxvj s. viij d. [2°] Item to EauiF Hudson's wieff, that gave the King xx" powne gamards (pomegra- nates), in rewarde . . . . . . . . x s. [2°] Item to Leonerd Storye, one of the King's ryders, who gave the King a paire of guilte spurres . . . . . . . . . xx s. [2°J Item to sir Dowglasse, the Scottish preist, in rewarde . . . xl s. [2°] Item to master Fisher his servant, in rewarde . . . vj s. viij d, X. . ORDINARY CHARGE OF THE ROYAL HOUSEHOLD, 1549-50. In MS. Lansdowne 2, No. 32, is a paper entitled: " The charge of the howsholde for one whole weeke, beginning the xxix of December, in the iijd yere of King Edward the syxt." The total amounted to 1,003Z. 2s. ll^d. The expenses of New year's day (which are the highest) will serve for a specimen. Mercur' primo die Januar', ib'm, v't's dispens' x li. xiiij s. ij d. Butt' xxviij li. iiij s. iiij d. Gard' xxviij li. xxij d. ob. Coquina xxij li. xvj s. viij d. PuU' xx li. xix s. xj d. ob. Scuir Ixix s. Sals' xxxvij s. ij d. Aula et earner' iiij li. v s. viij d. Stab' vij li. ix s. xj d. ob. Vad' xxxiiij li. Elemozina iiij s. Clxiiij li. xij s. ix d. ob. that is, former expenses unpaid, lOZ. lis. 2d. ; Buttery 281. 4s. id. ; Wardrobe 28Z. Is. 10|flf. ; Kitchen 221. 16s. 8d.; Poultrey 20Z. 19s. Hid; Squillery 61. I9s.; Saucery 11. 17s. 2d.-, Hall and chamber il. 5s. 8d ; Stable 71. 9s. ll^d. ; Wages Sil.; Ahnonry 4s. Total 164Z. 12s. 9p. A second page gives a week's expenses in March, which amount to 828Ze. 6s. O^d.; and a third gives a week in August, amounting to 775K. 10s. llfd PRAYER FOR THE KING DURING HIS LAST ILLNESS. CCCxix n. PRAYER FOR THE KING DURING HIS LAST SICKNESS. This prayer is apparently referred to by John Burcher in a letter to BuUinger, dated from Strasburgh on the 8th of July, in which he writes : " A most painful report has reached us respecting our most christian King, — ^for it is fitting to attribute to this real christian the title of Most Christian, rather than to another " who assumes that title without any pretensions to it On the 24:th of June the English ambassadors had arrived in Brussels, and brought word that the King was suffering under severe illness, but by the blessing of God was so far recovered as to be out of danger. God therefore must be praised, and entreated to preserve this our sovereign very long among us. The whole Church of England implores our great and gracious God in united prayer both for his restoration to health and long preservation. I intreat you also to commend both our King and Church to God in your continual prayers." (Zurich Letters, iii. 683.) A Prater sayd in the Kinges Chappell in the tyme of his grace's Sicknes, for the restauracion of his helth, commaunded to be sayd by the right honorable Erie of Bedford, and mete to be used of all the Kinges trew subjectes. Set forthe the xix. day of June, M.D.un. Allmighty and most merciful Lorde, the onely lyfe and helth of all theym that trust in Thee, which workest salvacion in thy elect as weU by sicknes as other wise, and therefore bringest theim very lowe, and yet restorest to helth againe ; look downe wyth thy pytyfull eies upon thy servaunt Edward our Kyng, and upon this realme of England professing thi word and holy name, and as Thou didst most favorably deliver King Eze- chias from extreame sicknes, and prolongedst his lyfe for the salvegarde of thy people the Israelites, and defendedst theim and the citie from the tyranny of the Assyrians, so we moste entierlye appeale to thy great mercies graciously to restore the helth and strength agayne of thy servaunt Edward our soveraine Lorde, that as thou hast begune by him the rooting out of Errour, Idolatry, and Supersticion, and the planting of trew Religion, trew worshippyng and veritie: so it may please thy mercyful goodnes longe to preserve hym for the confyrmacyon and establishment of the same, and also for the saulfgarde and defense of this Realme from all outward and inwarde enemies, for the glory of thy holye name. Looke not herin (O Lorde) upon our desertes, whyche for abusinge thy worde, and sinfulnes, deserve great punishmentes. but upon thy plentiful mercyes, whyche • Henri II. 2 t 2 CCCXX APPENDIX. rejoycest to heale the greatest myseries. Be no Jesse favorable (O Lorde) at this present to Edward our Kyng, restorynge thy true Eeligion: then in times past to Ezechias refourmyng thy Eeligion. Be no lesse mercyfull to England thy Churche now: then in those dayes to Jury thy Churche than. But as thy heavenly grace hath ben more reveled in these dayes by the commyng of thy deare Sonne our Saviour and mayster Chryste, and preachyng of the Gospell, so it may please thy fatherlye love and goodnes to bestow upon us more abundance of the same favorable grace and mercy, according to thy wyl in this our humble request. Do thys, most mercyfal Father, for thy owne name's sake, and for the merytes and death of thy Sonne our only medyator and redeemer Jesus Christe. Amen. Imprynted at London in Plete Strete, at the Sygne of the Rose Garland, by Wyllyam Copland. xn. DESCRIPTION OF KING EDWARD'S EXERCISE BOOKS. I. In the British Museum, the MS. Arundel 510 : This is a quarto paper book, of which less than a third is fiUed. The binding (though not specially designed for the King) is remarkable, being stamped on both sides from two duodecimo blocks, one containing the whole-length figures of four saints, with the initials G. E., and the other the arms of France and England, under a crown, and sup- ported by a dragon and greyhound, above which are small shields of St. George's cross and the arms of the city of London; and on either side the royal arms are the letters G. R. as on the other block. A marginal border is inscribed Confitemittt Iramtnu poniam tonus pontam in eeculunt ntta ems Iteus mens vtspice. On a fly-leaf at the beginning of the book is this memorandum in the King's hand: 19 Martij Biblia incipimus 1549. The substance of the MS. however, was written in the autumn of 1548; and the first thirty-five pages consist of sentences from the Tusculan Questions of Cicero, of which the following is a specimen, taken from the first page : 1548. 21° Septembris dies Veneris. De Tusc. questionibus. 1. Omnium artium quae ad rectam vivendi viam pertinent ratio & disciplina studio sapientise qu83 philosophia dicitur, continetur. 148. 2. Mandare Uteris suas cogitationes qui eas disponere & illustrare non possit nee aUicere lectore hominis est male Utentis ocio et Uteris. 149. DESCRIPTION OP KING EDWAED's EXERCISE BOOKS. CCCXXi 3. Honos alit artes, omnesq' incenduntur ad studia gloria. 148. 4. Philosophia perfecta de magnis questionibus potest ornate copiose dicere. 149. 5. Moriendum est omnibus, quae mors est finis miserise. 150. [Phrases verborum.J 1. Accipere poetica. 148. 2. Obijcere probrum. 148. 3. Deolamare causas. 149. 4. Ponere causas. 149. 5. Conferre in libros. 149. 6. Eespondere glorise. 148. [Phrases nominum.J 1. Magnitudo animi. 148. 2. Genus literaru. 148. 3. Instituta vitse. 148. 4. Studium sapientise. 148. 5. Labor defensionis. 6. Lume literaru. These exercises were continued nearly every day until the 14th of November, when Edward writes Finis to the last from the Tusculan Questions. The next is in the following form: — (Fol. 36.) Figurse et Phrases ex oratione Ciceron. 1* contra Catilinam. 28 Januarij die Lunse 1549. 1. Quousque tandem et c. usq' ad nihil ne. Exclamatio. 2. Nihil ne te noctumu usq' ad patere. Repetitio. 3. Constrictam jam eic. Msg''a Waagen says that Mary is " here represented younger and prettier than Elizabeth." The truth is merely this, that their names on the frame are transposed. The queen is called Jane Seymour, and Jane the Fool is inscribed " the wife of Will Sommers." = At Althorp, CO. Northampton, Earl Spencer's, is a picture containing Henry VIII. his daughter Mary, and Will Sommers, which was engraved by W. HoU for DibJin's ^des Althorpianas, 1821. CCCliv APPENDIX. A face (?) of muche nobillitye lie in a little roome, Four states with theyr conditions heare are shadowed in a showe, A Father more than valyant, a rare and vertuous Soon, A zealous Daughter, in her kynd, what els the world doth knowe. And last of all a Vyrgiu Queen to England's joy we see Successyvely to hold the right and vertues of the three. Walpole supposed that the Elizabethan engraving by W. Eogers (described below) was derived from this picture. Old Engravings. King Henry VIII. seated on his throne ; holding a sceptre in his right hand, and with his left delivering his sword to King Edward, who kneels by his side. On the right are Queen Mary and King Philip standing, and behind them War, in Eoman costume, is entering at a door; on the left is Queen Elizabeth, standing in the foreground, splendidly attired, accompanied by allegorical figures of Peace and Plenty. Beneath, in three com- partments, are the following verses : Behoulde the figure of A Eoyall Kinge, One whom sweet victory euer did attende, From euery parte wher he his power did bringe, He homewarde brought y" Conquest in y" end, And when ye fates his vitall thred had spunne, He gaue his glory to A Vertuous Sunne. Now Prudent Edward dyinge in tender youth, Queen Mary then the Royall Scepter swayd. With foraine blood she matcht, and put down truth. Which England's glory suddainly decayed. Who brought in warr & discord by that deed, Which did in comon wealth great sorow breed. But Sorow, care, & ciuill broyles lykewise This Sacred Queene ELIZABETH exylde : Falshood did fall before her Grratious eyes, And perticution turn'd to mercy mylde. Plenty and peace throughout hir dayes are seene, And all the world admyr's this mayden Queene. Dedicated, To the Ryght Beuerend father in God, John hy the Prouidenee of God, Archb. ofCanterb. primat of Engl. ^ Metrapol. health. Grauen ly W. Rogers, — ^it is supposed about the year 1585. It is a large oblong half-sheet, 19:^ inc. by 14, and only three copies are known: 1. In the Eoya,l collection; 2. in the Imperial collection at Paris; and 3. in the British Museum. The last was purchased at the Strawberry Hill sale in 1842 for PORTRAITS OP EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCClv twenty-one guineas. It is inscribed " Are to be sould in Popes head Alley, by John Sudbury and George Humble." By Virgilius Solis, of Brussels, well cut in wood, prefixed to Jugge's New Testament, 1552, 8vo. In an oval frame, inscribed, edvaedds sextvs dei geacia, anglie, fkancie et HffiEENIE EEX . ETC. ^TATIS SVM . XV. Size 4^ inc. by 3\ Edwaedus VI. &c. in " Atrium Heroicum Csesarum, Eegum, &c. calcographo et editore Dominic. Custode, cive Aug. Vindel. 1600-2." Small folio: a scarce book, of which there is a copy in the Bodleian Library (as mentioned by Granger). By Simon Pass, in the Bazihologia, 1618, fol. " Si. Passseus sculp. &c." With the King's dying prayer [see p. cxcix]. " The true portraicture," &c. This is said to have been taken from Holbein's picture formerly at Whitehall: it is the same as those at Petworth and Christ's Hospital. In the Heroologia AngHca, published by Henry Holland, 1620, fol., without engraver's name, (copied from the preceding print by Pass, but reversed,) inscribed: — Edvaedvs Sbxtvs Kex. Deluium (sic) populi, et verse pietatis alumnus, Ut bona cunota, diu viuere non licurt (sic). The King's head in profile in an oval, circumscribed EDOAEDVS DEI GEATIA ANGL. FKANCL3E ET HIBEEN. Eex. with these verses below : Eex fuit ext'mi hie EDVARDVS Aosque Britanni; Mox, ut flos perijt ; indole semper erit. In an oval frame, a profile to the left, in furred dress ; circumscribed odoaedo ee d'enghilteea. In NelU's series, 4to. By Delaram and Elstracke, a whole-length. (Bromley's Catalogue, now unknown.) On horseback. No. 21 of the very rare equestrian set of the Kings of England, in quarto, by John Overton: of which the copy formerly belonging to the duke of Bucking- ham at Stowe is now in the hands of Mr. Graves of Pall Mall. It is thus inscribed : — Edward the vi. King of Eng: Prance & Ireland at y^ age of .9. years was crownd. Hee seem'd in wisdom Aged in his Youth With zeale and courage he maintain'd the truth From vertue vnto vertue still he stroue His sowle vnto it's maker soard aboue. Printed and sould by Eo. Watton. In an oval frame, half-length in armour, and hat surmounted by a crown, inscribed on the frame edvwaedvs vi. d. g. angli^e feanci.* et hibeeni^ eex. and below, Eduward de VI. Coninck van Enghelant Vrancryck ende Irlant. Apparently engraved early in the seventeenth century. By Eobert Vaughan, 1630, in the title-page of sir John Hayward's Life of King Edward. CCclvi APPENDIX. Small quarto; the head in an oval frame, inscribed: " The true portraioture of Edward the Sixt, King of England, France and Ireland. Eo. Vaughan fecit 1630." In the margin figures of Majesty and Power hold a wreath of laurel over the King's head, which is copied from that by S. Pass. By W. Marshall, a small oval, in the title-page to the smaller edition of Hayward's Lives of Edward and Elizabeth, 1636. " Edouard 6"="^ Eoy d'Angleterre et d'Irlande a Kegn6 6 ans et demy. L. Petit sculp. 1646. E. Eocolet auec priuilege du Eoy." Small quarto — a bad likeness. No. 21 of the set of Kings, by . It is a half-length figure; the King's cap is surmounted by a crown, and he holds a sceptre and orb. It is inscribed: — " Edward borne at Hamton Court, at the age of 9 yeares began his raigne the 31 of Janu: 1546. Crowned at Westm: the 20 of februa: folowing, he raigned 6 yeares 5 monthes, died the 6 of Julie, buried at Westminster." The same was afterwards printed at the back of the title of the English translation of bishop Godwin's Annales of England, 1630, the inscription having been taken out, and in its place this motto inserted, Ve tibi Terra, cuius Bex Puer est. Edward VI., Henry Prince of Wales, Henry Duke of Gloucester, and WiUiam Duke of Gloucester: four ovals on one plate, folio. S. Gribelin sculps. Motto, Wee Reign in Heaven. Dedicated to Queen Anne by H. Playford, on an additional slip of copper. In Vertue's small set of the Kings, 8vo. From the same original as that of Pass. Another copy, but with gloves placed in his hand, in lieu of the dagger at his side. Inscribed, " Edwardus D. G. Angl: Franc: & Hibern: Eex. J. Faber excud." Mezzo- tinto, in octavo. A whole-length, in modernized attire, from Scheemaker's statue at St. Thomas's Hospital, by J. Faber, mezzotinto, in large folio. The same (without Faber's name). Printed for I. Kendall, at Bury St. Edmund's, and dedicated to the Comptrollers, Governors, &c. of Bury School, 1780. Another, by Faber. (One of a set of Pounders.) Three-quarters, in mezzotinto, by E. Houston. In Eolt's Lives of the Eeformers, 1759, fol. Historical Pictures. Pkocession to Prince Edward's Christening. (Engraved in the Antiquarian Eepertory in 1782.) This print is inscribed as belonging to the Christening of Prince Arthur. It was apparently designed from the description of Prince Edward's Christening, as recorded in the MS. M. 6 in the College of Arms, and in which there is a copy of the original drawing; but the costume agrees with the fashions of 1554, when queen Mary was expecting to give birth to an heir. Procession to the Coronation. From a picture formerly at Cowdray, but destroyed PORTRAITS OP EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCclvU by fire in 1793. Engraved for the Society of Antiquaries, in 1787, by James Basire, from a drawing made by S. H. Grimm (the plate 4 feet 2^ inc. by 1ft. 10 inches). There is also a copy in lithography, by Howard Dudley, 1836, about half the original size; and two portions are given in Wilkinson's Londina Illustrata, one (published in 1809) as a view of Cheapside cross (which the King is passing), and the other as a view of " The Strand in its antient state, anno 1547." Kins Edwaed in Council, 1548. Seated on a throne, a row of councillors on either side, and attendants in the rear, altogether eighteen figures, besides the King. A small design, placed at the head of the engraved title of the Statutes of the King's first year, printed by Eichard Grafton, 1548, folio (see Herbert's Ames, p. 525); also in HaU's Chronicle in the same year (ib. p. 527) ; and in Marbeok's Concordance, 1550 (ib. p. 532). There is a Copy (somewhat enlarged) etched by J. P. Malcolm, 1810, in his Anecdotes of the Manners and Customs of London, &c. 4to. 1811, vol. i. p. 102. King Edward issuing the Printed Bible. Seated on his throne, and holding a sword in his right hand, he presents with his left a volume inscribed biblia to three mitred bishops and two other clergymen who kneel on his right hand. To the left are peers in their robes and coronets, also kneeling. Engraved on wood, 4J inc. by 2. In Cranmer's Catechism, printed by Gwalter Lynn 1548. This design is attributed to Holbein. One of the woodcuts in the book, that of Christ casting out an evil spirit, has his signature at fuU, HAUS holben. There is also a smaller woodcut of the same subject, 3 inc. by 2^. In this the clergy are kneeling and the laity standing. It is part of a larger design in Foxe's Actes and Monuments, prefixed to the reign of Edward VI. King Edward receiving a Book from John Bale. The King seated on his throne, and Bale kneeling. Woodcut in Bale's Scriptores, 4to edition, 1549. 4 inc. by 3|. Another of the same subject : the King, crowned, standing behind a reading-desk ; Bale, louting with his right knee and holding his cap in his left hand, presents the book with the right. 2^ inc. by IJ. Latimer Preaching before the King and Protector at Whitehall. In Eoxe's Actes and Monuments [see pp. cvi, cxxvi.] Copies, 1. In later editions of Foxe. 2 By J. P. Malcolm, 1810, in his Anecdotes (as above), p. 102. 3. In the Parker Society's edition of Latimer's Works. The foundation of the City Hospitals, a large picture at BrideweU Hospital. It is at least ten feet square, and all the figures are of life-size. The King is in the centre, seated on a throne; and the other persons represented were thus appropriated by Vertue: " The lord mayor sir George Barnes, and the sheriffs William Gerrard and John Maynard, are kneeling, receiving the royal donation; near them William Blackwell the town clerk 3 a CCClviii APPENDIX. standing. On the right hand of the King the lord chancellor Goodrich," on the left sir Eobert Bowes the master of the rolls and the earl of Pembroke. [There are two other persons in the background, and] in the corner the face of Hans Holbein the painter." (Description of Vertue's Nine Historical Prints, republished by the Society of Antiquaries; folio, 1776, p. 7.) Not only Vertue, but Walpole also, considered this picture to be the work of Holbein. Walpole says, " Holbein has placed his own head in one corner of the picture. It is believed it was not completed by Holbein, both he and the King dying immediately after the donation." It is now not regarded as Holbein's work, as it bears no comparison with his capital picture at Barber-Surgeons' hall of King Henry VIII. granting the charter to that company. 1. Engraving by G. Vertue in large folio, " Pnblisht 16 Feb. 1750, according to Act of Parliament." 2. By W. P. Sherlock 1817. A modern version of the same scene was designed by Thomas Stothard in 1796, and engraved by J. Parker for Bowyer's Historic Gallery in the same year. The foundation of Christ's Hospital : Picture in the Great Hall of that institution. Engraving by Augustus Fox, publ. Dec. 10, 1833, being the frontispiece to Trollope's History of Christ's Hospital, 1834, 4to. This picture is evidently an amplification of the picture at Bridewell hospital. The figures of the King, chancellor, master of the rolls or secretary of state, and two noblemen (Knights of the Garter) are copied ; so also are the mayor and sheriffs kneeling, but multiplied into further figures of aldermen, with a numerous body of governors, standing, with wands in their hands. On the King's left hand, opposite the mayor, is a kneehng ecclesiastic, no doubt meant for bishop Ridley. In the foreground are files of the children of the Hospital, both boys and girls. This great picture contains altogether more than ninety figures, and measures 27 feet by 13|-. It was perhaps painted in the reign of James the First, or possibly still later. A correspondent painting by Verrio represents the foundation of the Mathematical School, King James the Second ^ being the principal personage ; it is of the same height, but stretches to the enormous length of eighty-five feet, having been made for three sides of the old Hall. Statues. 1. At St. Thomas's Hospital, Southwark, in bronze, by Scheemaker, with this * This figure is sometimes assigned to bishop Ridley, following an error made by Strype, in his edition of Stowe's Survay, p. 180. *■ It is supposed that the King's features were originally to have been those of Charles the Second ; but, as Verrio had not finished his picture before the beginning of the next reign, those of the reigning monarch were preferred. PORTRAITS OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. CCcHx inscription : " This Statue of King Edward the Sixth, a most excellent prince, of exemplary piety, and wisdom above his years, the glory and ornament of his age, and most munificent Founder of this Hospital, was erected at the expense of Charles Joyce, esquire, the late worthy Treasurer thereof, by the appointment of his will, in the year 1737." [Litho- graph by H. Tiflfin, 1849, 4to. also engraved in line in" the certificate of the St. Thomas's Medical School.] 2. At Christ's Hospital, in a niche above the south gateway. Of stone. Erected by sir Robert Clayton, 1682. 3. At Christ's Hospital, in chesnut, dated 1696, " reaching out his right-hand as in the act of delivering the Charter.'' Now in the Architect's office. 4. At .Christ's Hospital, in a niche at the end of the new schools. Made in 1832, in white metal, at the cost of 70Z. from a design by Nollekens, 5. A statue by M. de Triqueti, representing Edward emphatically as the Protestant King, holding the Bible. Purchased by Queen Victoria in 1858. Busts. Among Mr. Cracherode's prints at the British Museum is an engraving of a remarkable Bust of King Edward, designed in the antique style and apparently of early date. The King's features are represented somewhat after the negro model ; and he has an iron crown, with five points. On the base of the bust is inscribed anno , x . etatis . sv^. 1547. The print has an oval border (nearly 10 inc. deep by 7 wide) inscribed raws ADOAEDVS EEX ANGLiAE. It is probably a foreign work Whether the original of any such Bust exists I have not ascertained. On Holbein's porch at Wilton is a bust of King Edward VI. (Waagen, 1854, iii. 155.) In terra cotta ? Over the centre arch of the arcade of the New HaU at Christ's Hospital, the King is carved holding with both hands a purse. This is copied from some old design, which probably represented not the Founder, but a boy of the foundation soliciting alms. Medals, ^c. In Gold, 117 grains. Profile to the left, in armour, bareheaded, circumscribed scvtvm PIDEI PROTEGET EVM. Eeverse, a rose, slipped, under a crown, and between the letters e . r . circumscribed edwaed' vi. rex angl. franc, hiber. zc. Engraved in A Series of Enghsli Medals, by Francis Perry, 1762, 4to. Plate II. fig. 6, being then in the collection of Andrew Coltee Ducarel, LL.D. (It is supposed to have been a pattern for a half- sovereign.) A Silver medal of 98 grains is engraved in the same plate. No. 2, with this remark, " Said to be struck at his coronation. In the collection of Matthew Duane, esq., F.S.A." It bears the same design as the Reverse of the last ; and on its Reverse this inscription is CCClx APPENDIX. in four straight lines, insignia potentissimi regis anglie 1647. (In the cabinet of John Lindsay, esq. of Cork, 1858, weighing 93 grains.) A Silver medal, 2 J inc. in diameter, and weighing 1 oz. 19 dwt. has on one side a half- length figure of the King in profile, looking to the left ; in armour, crowned, a sword in his right hand, and the orb in his left. Around are the badges of the rose, fleur-de-lis, harp, and portcullis, each crowned, with the King's style in Latin and the date of the coronation, disposed in three lines. The Eeverse of the medal is covered with the same inscription in Hebrew and Greek, above which (probably engraved) is the word LamhMth. There is an engraving of this, " F. Perry delin. et sculp. 1761,'' on which it is described as " The first English Coronation Medal, after an original in silver in the possession of Thomas Hollis, esq., F.E. and A.S.S." It is also in Perry's English Medals, Plate II. but is not there recognised as the coronation medal. Also engraved for the Society of Antiquaries from a medal, " penes Sam. Mead I.otm-"; and by J. Bate after the Collas method. There is a modern copy of this medal. In design it is entirely correspondent ■with a medal of Henry "Vlll. which was struck on his assuming the title of Supreme Head of the Church, and which is engraved with the words "iora&W 1545" (instead of LamhhitK). In Silver, oval, 2|- inches by 2, The King's portrait to the breast, front face, slightly turning to the right, wearing cap and feather and collar of the Garter. Eeverse, arms of France and England quarterly, in an antique shield held by an angel. No legend on either side. The copy of this medal at the British Museum is set within a wreath of laurel. In Lead, a profile to the left, with a high collar, bonnet and feather: oval 3^ inc. by 2\. Engraved in Perry's English Medals, 1762, Plate II. fig. 5, being then in the possession of Dr. Ducarel. (There is a small Engraving copied from it inscribed Edwaed Peince of Wales.) The Silver medal given as a prize at Christ's Hospital is 1| inc. in diameter. Obverse, the King's head in profile to the right, a crown over his hat, i. pingo sc. Eeverse, the bible opened at Exodus, legend heae read maek leaen. Exergue, Christ's hospital INST. MDLH. A Silver medallet, in a frame, at Christ's Hospital, signed j.a. without other legend. Presented in 1837 by John Thackeray, esq. (This, it is believed, is from a die of a previous prize medal given at the Hospital, or of one worn by the Amicable Society of Blues.) The King's Great Seal is engraved in Speed's Chronicle and in Sandford's Genealogical History of England, fol. 1677, p. 428. On the Obverse, he is seated on his throne, between two shields of France and England quarterly, within the Garter. On the Eeverse, he is on horseback in armour, brandishing a -sword over his head. On either side the badges of the rose and fleur-de-lis, both crowned. Beneath the horse a greyhound, coUared, running. THE LITERAEY REMAINS KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. LETTERS. LETTER I. To Archbishop Cbanmeb, his Godfather : from AmptMll, June 18, 1545. [Foxe's Acts and Monuments of the Church.] Foxe does not inform us whence he procured " this little epistle of his own handwriting to the Archbishop of Canterbury his godfather." He adds in a note, " Prince Edward, when he wrote this epistle, seemeth to be very young, not above seven years of age, lying then at Ampthill." Perhaps we may rather regard it as having been written in 1545, when he was in his eighth year. It was extracted from Foxe's work into a book entitled Bao-tXiKct Awpa, sive Sylloge Epistolarum, Orationum, et Carminum Eegalium, 1641, sign. b. A copy (not the original) is among the MSS. of Corpus Christi Coll. Oxon. ccxcviii. p. 148. Impertio te plurima salute, colendissime praesul, et charissime susceptor. Quia abes longe a me, vellem. libenter audire te esse in- columem. Precor autem ut vivas diu, et promoveas verbum Dei. Vale. Antilse, decimo octavo Junij. Tuus in Christo filius, Edouardus Princeps. B 2 LITERABT REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1545. LETTER II. To the Earl of Hertford : from Hunsdon, November 8 [1545 ?] [Grig, in MS. Cotton. Nero C. x. fol. 7.] Though there is nothing in this letter beyond a recognition of the writer's relationship to the Earl of Hertford, and of his desire to send him some token of his regard, its senti- ments are prettily arranged, if not clothed in the most elegant Latinity. It was pubhshed by Fuller in his Church History, book vn. sec. 18 ; and by Hearne, in his " Sylloge Epistolaruni a variis Anglise Principibus scriptarum,'' appended to his edition of T. Livii Foro-Juliensis Vita Henrici Quinti. 1716, 8vo. Natura movet me ut recorder tui, Avuncule cliarissime, etsi ne- gotia tua impediunt te ne videas me, ideo do literas ad te, quae literse ferent testimonium recordationis m.e3e quam. habeo de te. Quod si haberem ilium melius inonum.entumL benevolentise mege erga te, quam literae sunt, illud ad te mittereni. Puto autem te accepturum literas meas bene, non pro bonitate literarum, sed pro benevolentia scrip- toris. Et tu non eris adeo letus in accipiendis Uteris a me, ut ego gaudebo si intellexero te in bonam partem accepisse illas, quod puto te facturum. Optim^ valeas in Ohristo Jesu. Hunsdonise, octavo Novembris. E. PrinCeps. LETTER III. To the Lady Mart : from Hunsdon, Jan. 11, 1545-6. Published in Halliwell's Royal Letters, 1846, vol. ii. p. 5, as a translation from the Latin, and derived from the Eawlinson MSS. ; but the Eawlinson MSS. in the Bodleian Library have in vain been searched for it. It is so long since I last wrote to you, my very dear sister, that it may chance so that you may think 1 have entirely forgotten you, but affection ever holds the chief place in my heart both for you and my jET. IX.J LETTERS. 3 dearest mother. I hope soon to see you, and to tell you in truth how much and how greatly I esteem you. From Hunsdon, this 11th of January. Edwaed p. LETTER IV. To Archbishop Cbanmek, his Godfather : from Hertford, , Jan. 13, 1545-6. [Poxe's Acts and Monuments of the Church.] This letter is accompanied in Foxe by the following from the Prince's schoolmaster, which, it is remarked, " seemeth to be written by Dr. Coxe." " Eight honourable and my singular good Lord, after raj most harty commendations; the opportunitie of this messenger forceth me to write at this tyme, having litle matter but only to signifie unto your grace, that my lord's grace your godsonne is mery and in health, and of such towardnes in learnyng, godlinesse, gentlenes, and all honest qualities, that both you and I and all this realm ought to thinke him and take him for a singular gifte sent of God, an impe worthy of such a father ; for whom we are bound sine intermissione to render to God most hartie thankes, with most humble request of his long and prosperous continuance. He hath learned almost foure books of Cato to construe, to parse, and to say without booke. And of his owne courage now, in the latter booke, he will needes have at one tyme xiiij. verses, which he konneth pleasauntly and perfectly, besides thynges of the Bible, SateUitium Vivis,* jEsop's Fables, and Latin-makyng, whereof he hath sent your grace a little taste. Dominus Jesus te diutissime servet." Btsi puer sum, colendissime susceptor, non tamen immemor sum vel oflS.cii erga te mei, vel humanitatis tu£e quam indies mihi exhi- bere studes. Non exciderunt mihi humanissimse tuae literse pridie * SateUitium animi, vel symbola, was a collection of CCXIII Satellitia, or mottoes, with commentaries, made (in 1524) by the learned Juan Ludovico Vives ; who was consulted by his countrywoman queen Katharine of Arragon respecting the education of her daughter the Lady Mary: see Sir F. Madden's Memoir of Mary, prefixed to her Privy Purse Accounts, p. cxx. b2 4 LITERAEY EBMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1545. divi Petri ad me datse. Quibus antehae respondere nolui, non quod illas neglexerim, ant non meminerim, sed nt illarum diuturna medi- tatione frnerer, fideliqne memoria reponerem, atqne demum bene ruminatis pro mea virili responderem. Proinde affectum erga me tuum vere paternum, quern in illis expressisti, amplector et veneror, optoque ut multos vivas annos, tuoque pio ac salubri consilio pergas esse miM venerandus pater. Nam pietatem ante omnia mihi am- plectendam et exosculandam esse duco, quoniam divas Paulus dicit,* Fietas ad omnia utilis est. Optime valeat tua paternitas in plurimos annos. Hartefordise, tertio decimo Januarij. Tui studiosissimus, Edotjaedtis Puinceps. The Archbishop returned the following answer : " Non magis poterat ipsa me servare sakis (fili in Christo charissime) quam salus tua. Mea vita non dicenda est vita absque tua et salute et valetudine.j Quapropter cum te incolumem ao salvum intelligo, vitam etiam mihi integram esse et incolumem sentio. Neque certe absentia mea tarn est injucunda tibi quam sunt literse tute perjucundse mihi. QuEB arguunt tibi.juxta adesse et ingenium dignum tanto principe et preceptorem dignum tanto ingenio. Ex quibus tuis literis te sic literas video colere, ut interim doctrinse coelestis tua nequaquam minima sit cura; quEe cuicunque sit curse, non potest ilium qusevis cura frangere. Perge igitur qua via incepisti, princeps iUustrissime, et Spartam quam nactus es hanc orna, ut quam ego per literas video in te virtutis lucem eadem olim illuminet universam tuam Angliam. Non scribam prolixius, turn qiddem ut me intelligas brevitate nonnihil affici, turn etiam quod credam te Eetate quidem adhuc parvulum parvo gaudere, et similem simili ; tum etiam prsterea ne impolita mea oratio in causa sit, quo generosa ilia tua indoles barbarise vitium oontrahat." This letter, like No. I. occurs in the MSS. of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, ccxcviii. f 149; and was included in BacriXiKo. Auipa, 1641. * 1 Tit. iv. I AUudit ad verba Terentii in Comcedia. — Note by Foxe. iET. ix.j LETTERS. 5 LETTER V. To Doctor Coxe, his Almoner : from Hertford, March 11, 1545-6. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 2.] A short letter, but, being well meant, he knows it will be as well received as if it were longer. It has been translated in Halliwell's Eoyal Letters, 1846, vol. ii. p. 5. Dr. Coxe was Edward's first schoolmaster: and in most of the letters addressed to him which follow, the Prince continues so to address him. He had now, however, relinquished his continuous attendance upon this duty, and had become the Prince's almoner.* The present letter, therefore, as well as most that follow, we may conclude were -bitten under the inspection of Coxe's successor as schoolmaster, Mr. Cheke. Richardo Coxo. Scribo ad te paucis, elemosynarie charissime, quia scio te accipere breves literas eque bene ac longas. Scio enim te certe legisse in primo libro Catonis et vigesimo versu : Exiguum munus cum dat tibi pauper amicus, Accipito placide, plene et laudare memento. Etsi literse mese sint breves, tamen non carent benevolentia. Precor Deiun ut te servet incolumem. Hartfordise, imdecimo Martij anno 1545. Edouabdus Princeps. LETTER VI. To Doctor Coxe, his Almoner : from Hertford, March 24, 1545-6. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 1.] Though the Almoner had not answered the Prince's former letter sent by his servant Wheler, yet he writes again, being as confident of his friend's kindness as if he had been assured of it by writing. (This letter is hitherto inedited.) Richardo Coxo. Quia vellem indicare benevolentiam meam erga te, elemosynarie * Edward himself writes in his Diary, "At the sixth year of his age he was brought up in learning by master doctor Coxe, who was after his almoner." 6 LITERAET REMAINS OF KING EDWABD VI. [a.d. 1546. charissime, scribo ad te ; etsi tu non adhuc ad literas meas, quas ad te misi per Whelerum servum meum responderis. Prseterea scribo ad te etsi non scripseris ad me. Si tu scripsisses ad me, voluissem ad te scribere, quoniam literge tuse faissent dignse responsione, sed nunc scribo ad te, quia benevolentia tua placet eqne bene miM ac misisses ad me literas. Oro te ut literse mege tibi placeant etsi non siat dignse, sed quia animus donantis voluit eas esse meliores; Vale ia Jesu Christo servatore mundi, mi elemosynarie charissime. Hartfordise, vigesimo quarto Martij anno 1545. Edouahdus Peinceps. LETTEE VII. To DocTOE, CoxE, his Almoner : from Hertford, April 2, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 3.] The Prince, in his letters, continues to address Coxe as his master, and at the close of the present letter he signs as his " most loving pupil," but the very fact of the doctor's prolonged absence shows that the active part of his duties as preceptor was now surren- dered. The Prince alludes to '' other boys," his schoolfellows, who had been Inore negli- gent than himself in writing to Coxe : a passage corroborating the circumstance of which we have other evidence, that the Prince did not receive his instruction alone, but in a little school which was formed for the purpose : see the Biographical Memoir. Towards the close of the letter, the Prince claims for it acceptance, because it was made consiiio et labore meo, — by his ovsm device and labour. This letter is translated by HaUiwell, ii. 6. Richardo Coxo. Ago tibi gratias pro Uteris quas ad me scripsisti. Debeo enim agere tibi gratias pro Uteris, quia in his video amorem, benevo- lentiam, et generositatem tuam erga me. Amor tuus est magnus, et benevolentia tua est libera, et generositas tua est acceptabUis. Amor tuus est magnus, quia cogitas de me absens ; et benevolentia MT. ix.J LETTERS. 7 tua est libera, quia scribis ad me, cum habeas majora ad agendum quam id est; et humanitas tua est acceptabilis mibi, quia nihil potest venire abs te, quod mihi non acceptabile sit. Sed ubi scribis in Uteris tuis te debere plus mihi quam aliis pueris qui hie sunt, etsi illi fuerint negHgentes it; scribendo, ego tamen feci nisi officium meum. Illi vero fuerunt negligentes in scribendo, quia non fecerant officium eorum, id est, non scribebant ad te. Ego vero feci nisi officium meum, quod officium meum est ad te scribere. Porro oro te, ut in bonam partem accipias literas meas. Yellem enim ut accipias eas in bonam partem, quia fiunt consilio et labore meo. Deus det tibi sapientiam Aronis et Samuelis. Vale mi prseceptor amantissime. Hartfordiae, secundo ApriHs anno 1546. Discipulus tui amantissimus, Edouardus Princeps. LETTER VIII. To DocTOB, CoxE, his Almoner : from Hertford, April 9, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 4.] In this the Prince playfully begs his almoner to take as much pleasure in his letters as others did' in hunting and hawking : for letters were better than treasures. He then begs him to greet the King's secretary, sir "William Paget, and to thank him for his present of a little sand-box. This letter is printed by Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. Appx. L. No. viii. and translated by Halliwell, ii. 6. Richardo Coxo. Quemadmodum officium meum postulat, scribo ad te literas, Eleemosynarie charissime, ut scias me tui meminisse. Si enim non scriberem ad te, esset signum me tui oblivisci ; sed nunc cum scribam ad te, est signum me te amare, et tui meminisse, Et quemadmodum 8 LITERARY REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1546. qui scribit ad unum non potest non meminisse illius, quia scribit illius nomen in superscriptione; sic ego cum scribo ad te, non possum oblivisci tui. Prseterea hortor te, ut literse sint eque dulces tibi ac venatio et aucupium delectant alios. Literse enim sunt meliores thesauris. Et quicumque tenet literas, tenet magnum thesaurum. Nam dicitur in paradoxis Ciceronis, Quod solus sapiens dives, literce enimi sunt divitice. Saluta quseso Secretarium Regis, ac illi gratias age pro pixidicula arenaria. Nunc optime vale, mi eleemosynarie ornatissime ac amantissime. Deus ne sinat pedem tuum averti a justa via. Hartfordise, nono Aprilis anno 1546. Tui amantissimus discipulus, E. Princeps. LETTER IX. To his Sister Mart : from Hunsdon, May 8, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 6.] Although. Edward did not often write to his sister, he begs to assure her that he loved her as much as if he wrote more frequently, and esteemed her as one who possessed all the ornaments of virtue and honour. In the same way as he loved his best dresses most of all, though he wore them very rarely ; so he loved his sister very much, though he wrote to her but seldom. He further expresses his pleasure that she had recovered from an illness that had lately aflBicted her. (Translated by Halliwell, ii. 7.) Sorori Marise. Etsi non scribo ad te frequenter, soror charissima, tamen noUem te putare me esse ingratum et tui oblivisci. Nam diligo te eque bene ac si misissem crebrius ad te literas, et amo te sicut frater debet amare cbarissimam sororem, quse habet omnia ornamenta virtutis et honestatis in se. Quemadmodum enim induo optimas vestes rarissime, illas tamen amo plus aliis ; sic scribo ad te rarissime, sed amo te plurimum. Prseterea gaudeo te convaluisse, audivi enim ^T. ix.J LETTERS. 9 te segrotasse. Sic enim facio propter fraternum amorem quern tibi debeo, et benevolentiam erga te meam. Opto tibi perpetuam salutem turn corporis turn animi. Vale in Christo, mea charissima soror. Hunsdonise, octavo Maij. E. Princeps. LETTER X. To Queen ICathabine : from Huiisdon, May 12, 1546. Published by Mr. Halliwell, ii. 8, under the same circumstances as Letter III. The Editor has been ttnable to find the Latin original. The warning Edward directs to his sister, a woman of thirty, that she should curb her predilection for " foreign dances,'' is especially remarkable. Sir Frederick Madden has collected several notices of Mary's skill in that accomplishment in his Memoir of her, p. cxxxix. Pardon my rude style in writing to you, most illustrious Queen and beloved Mother, and receive my bearty tbanks for your loving kindness to me and my sister. Yet, dearest Mother, tbe only true consolation is from Heaven, and the only real love is the love of God. Preserve, therefore, I pray you, my dear sister Mary from all the wiles and enchantments of the evil one, and beseech her to attend no longer to foreign dances and merriments ^^hich do not become a most Christian Priacess. And so, putting my trust in God for you to take this exhortation in good part, I commend you to his most gracious keeping. Prom Hunsdon, this 12th of May. Edwabd the Prince. LETTEE XI. To his Sister Mary : from Hunsdon, May 20, 1516. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 10.] Although Mary had not answered his former letter of the 8th of this month, Edward tells her that he does not grieve so much on that account as he rejoices that her health C 10 LITERARY REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1546. was improved ; for he did not doubt her kindness towards him. Altogether this composi- tion, in the childish simplicity of its sentiments, and also in its Latinity, appears to be thoroughly the prince's own. He concludes with a prayer that God might give his sister the wisdom of Esther ; and sends his salutations to lady Tyrwhitt, lady Herbert, and lady Lane. These are the very three ladies whose names occur in the anecdotes given by Foxe of the latter days of Henry the Eighth, when he relates that the Romanist party, headed by the chancellor (Wriothesley), is said to have plotted the destruction of the queen, but was defeated by Katharine's adroit management of her suspicious lord and master. Wishing to assail the queen, her enemies "thought it best, at the first, to begin with some of those Ladies whom they knew to be great wyth her, and of her bloud. The chiefest wherof, as most of estimation, and privie to all her doyngs, were these : the lady Harbert afterward countesse of Pembroke, and sister to the queen, and chief of her privie chamber; the lady Lane, being of her privye chamber, and also her cosine germane; the lady Tyrwhitte, of her privie chamber, and for her virtuous disposition in very great favour and credite with her." Lady Herbert was the queen's elder and only sister, Anne, daughter of sir Thomas Parr, by Maud daughter and coheir of sir Thomas Green. Her husband sir William Herbert was not knighted until 1544, and evidently owed his rise principally to his matri- monial alliance. At the death of Henry VIII. being chief gentleman of the privy chamber and a privy councillor, he was left one of the king's executors; in 1548 he became master of the horses to king Edward; he was , elected knight of the garter Dec. 1, 1548; and in April following constituted lord president of Wales. In October 1551 he was created the first earl of Pembroke of the present race. His wife died only four months after, at his mansion ofBaynard's Castle in London, and an account of her funeral in the cathedral church of St. Paul, on the 28th February 1551-2, will be found in Machyn's Diary (printed for the Camden Society, 1848,) p. 15. Her effigy was placed on her husband's monument in old St. Paul's, and in the inscription she was characterised as " pruden- tissims foemina;, pietatis, religionis, probitatis, omnisque avitse virtutis retinentissimEe, fidis comitis conjugi." The lady Lane was the queen's cousia-german, being Maud the eldest of the four daughters of her chamberlain William lord Parr of liorton. She was married to sir Ealph Lane, eldest son of William Lane esquire, of Orhngbury, co. Northampton, and inherited from her father the manor of Horton, which descended in the Lane family until sold to sir Henry Montagu about a century after. See Bridges's Northamptonshire, i. 368. The lady Tyrwhitt was Elizabeth, daughter of sir Goddard Oxenbridge of Brede in Sussex, and wife of sir Robert Tyrwhitt, of Leighton, co. Huntingdon, Sir Robert was the second son of sir Robert Tyrwhitt of Kettleby, in Lincolnshire, by Maud, daughter of sir Robert Tallboys, of Kyme. Through his aunt Agnes, wife of Thomas Burgh, he was a cousin of queen Katharine's first husband. He became an esquire of the body to king Henry, and master of the horses to queen Katharine. His wife was still attendant ^T. ix.J ' LETTERS. 11 upon the queen at the time of her accouchement and fatal illness at Sudeley castle in Sept. 1548. In 1549 lady Tyrwhitt was appointed governess of the lady Elizabeth, in con- sequence of the misconduct of mistress Katharine Ashley. (Burghley Papers, by Haynes.) In Bentley's Monument of Matrones, published in 1582, will be found " Morning and Evening Praiers, with divers Psalmes, Hymnes, and Meditations, made and set forth by the Ladie Elizabeth Tyrwhit," occupying pp. 103-138. This letter is printed by Strype, Eccles. Memorials, vol. ii. Appx. L. No. vi. Sorori Marise. Non doleo tantum quod non scripseris ad me hoc longo tempore, Soror charissima, quantum gaudebam te recuperasse valetudinem tuam. Nam etsi non scripseris ad me, scio tamen te non carere benevolentia erga me. Yaletudo autem tua letificat m.e, quia amo te ; et egritudo tua facit me tristem eodem nomine. Gero autem amorem erga te, tum quod sis soror mea, turn, quod natura facit me amare te. Quare cura valetudinem tuam ; et ne labores ut scribas ad me, quando egritudo tua non vult sinere te. Benevolentia enim et amor tuus accipitur in bonam partem, etsi niliil literarum des. Deus det tibi sapientiam Hester. Saluta, quseso, dominam Turwit, d. Herbard et d. Lanam. Vale, Soror charissima. Hunsdonise, vigesimo Maij anno 1546. E. Pbinceps. LETTER XII. To Doctor Coxe, his Almoner : from Hunsdon, May 23, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 5.] A short letter, but, as accompanied with kindness, better worth than a longer with malice. (Hitherto inedited.) Richardo Ooxo. Quia parum habeo temporis, scribo ad te parvas literas, Eleemo- synarie charissime : si autem haberem multum temporis, scriberem ad te longiores literas. Parvse autem literse cum benerolentia sunt c2 12 LITERAEY REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1546. meliores majoribus cum malevolentia. Quare sum certus te accipere in bonam partem, quod bonum est ; ideoque velle accipere libenter literas meas, scribuntur enim beneyolentia. Vale Eleemosynarie cbarissime. Hunsdonise, vigesimo tertio Maij anno 1546. E. Peinceps. LETTER XIII. To Queen Katharine : from Hunsdon, May 24, 1546. [Orig. in MS. Cotton. Vespasian F. m. f. 18.] This letter is also in the copy-book, MS. Harl. 5087, No. 7, with the date of May 11, and the variation of expression noticed at the foot of the page. It was printed by- Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. book i. chap, i ; in Hearne's Sylloge Epistolarum, p. 115; in Seward's Anecdotes of Distinguished Persons, 1798, vol. i. p. 119 ; in Ellis's Original Letters, I. ii. 132; and it is translated by Halliwell, vol. ii. p. 9. Heginse Catharinse. Eortasse miraberis me tam saepc ad te scribere, idque tarn brevi tempore, Regiaa Nobilissima et Mater Cbarissima, sed eadem ratione potes mirari me erga te officium facere. Hoc mibi nunc facio Hben- tius, quia est mibi idoneus nuncius servus mens, et ideo non potui non * dare ad te literas ad testificandum studium meum erga te. Optime vale, Regina Nobilissima. Hunsdonise, vigesimo quarto Mali. wj o^JidiiMijitmus jifhs Directed, lUustrissimse Reginse Matri mese. * Jam quia est mihi idoneus nuncius, non possum non, in the copy MS. Harl. 5087. ^T. ix.J LETTEES. 13 LETTEE XIV. To Queen Katharine : undated. [Orig. in MS. Cotton. Nero C. x. f. 4.] In the preceding letter the prince speaks of his frequent writing to his step-mother. His letters were not always in Latin, but also in English and in French. The present undated letter was probably written at about the period at which we have now arrived. A fac-simile in lithography of the whole of this letter is given in " One Hundred Let- ters,'' &c. copied by Joseph Netherclift and Son, 1849, 4to. It has also been published in Sir Henry Ellis's First Series of Original Letters, vol. ii. p. 131 ; in Mr. Halliwell's Collection, vol. ii. p. 4 ; and by Miss Strickland in her Life of Queen Katharine Parr. Most honorable and entierly beloved mother, I have me most humbh recommended unto youre grace, with lyke thankes, both for that your grace did accepte so gentylly my simple and rude letters, and also that it pleased your grace so gentylly to vowchsaufe to directe unto me your loving and tendre letters, which do geve me much comfort and encouragement to go forward in such thinges wheria your grace bereath me on hand * that I am alredy entered. I pray God I male be hable in part to satisfy the good expectation of the kinges majesti my father and of your grace : whom God have ever in his most blessed keping. Your loving sonne, E. Prince. * To " bear-on hand " was a phrase equivalent to " endeavour to persuade." I beare, hym in hand, Je luy fais accrotjse. Palsgrave, TEclarcissement de la langue Francoyse. 14 LITEEART REMAINS OE KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1546. LETTER XV. To the King- : from Hunsdon, June 2, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 8.] The Prince tells his father that he had not addressed any letter to him for a long time, from having heard that his Majesty was troubled with martial affairs ; alluding to the war with France. The other contents of the letter are merely assurances of the writer's love and duty. (It is translated by Halliwell, vol. ii. p. 9.) A transcript of the original draft of this letter is preserved in the Library of GonvUle and Caius College, at Cambridge : and, being dated on the 4th of May, it shows how long the letter had been in preparation. As there are very considerable variations of expres- sion in the draft, besides the date, a copy is annexed : — [MS. Gonv. et Caii Coll. Camb. 73, p. 89.] Non misi ad te literas tarn seepe quam vellem, nobilissime Eex et pater charissime, quia audivi majestatem tuam perturbari negotiis belliois contra regem Francias. Etenim ante hoc tempus nolui soribere ad majestatem tuam ne ullo tempore impedireris puerilibus illis literis meis. Sed nunc do literas ad majestatem tuam, cum propter ofEcium, tum propter amorem erga te meum, denique quia Deus dioit, Honora parentem; postremo ne ob ullam causam putares me ingratum ; nullum enim signum nee ullum aliud tam indicat tibi mentem meam absentis, sed cupientis admodum esse tecum, ac literse, quse declarant mentem meam tibi cum alia signa non declarent. Prsterea rogo majestatem tuam ut impertias mihi benedictionem tuam. Deus qui prsebet omni carni cibum tueatur ac servet majestatem tuam. Vale rex nobilissime et pater observandissime. Hunsdonise, quarto Maij. Filius observantissimus Majestatis tuse, Edouaedus Peinceps. On the back of folio 90, and in the same handwriting as the letter, are, — at the top, " The prince his grace to the king's maiest: 4*° Maij, 1546." Along the side, about the middle : " Nobilissime regi patri meo." In the left-hand corner, at the top off. 89, is the note, " Transcrip. B." Strype printed this letter (as in the draft) in his Eccles. Memorials, vol. ii. book i. chap. i. as " E Biblioth. C. C. C. C. d. No, 23," an erroneous reference for the MSS. of Caius college, vol. 73 ; and he also printed the amended letter from the MS Harl. 5087 in his Appendix L, No. iii. Regise Majestati. Nihil ad te literarum dedi hoc longo tempore, Eex illustrissime atque pater nobilissime, non quod fui aliqua ex parte negligens, sed ^T. ix.J LETTERS. 15 quod ego coneiderans majestatem tuam perturbari negotiis bellicis pxi- tavi me perturbaturum majestatem tuam his puerilibus Uteris meis. Atque ideo veniebat in mentem mihi scrupulus quidam, num scri- berem ad te an non. Sed nunc considerans quod sicut quivis labo- riosus post diuturnum laborem cupit recreare animum ; sic spero, cum majestas tua longo intervallo babuerit negotium, has pueriles literas meas potius recreaturas animum tuum quam pertuvbaturas. Nam quia es amabilis et benignas mihi pater, et spero me futurum obsequentissimum tibi filium, ideo judico benevolentiam tuam boni consulturam literas meas ex se indignas. Prseterea rogo majesta- tem tuam, ut impertias mihi benedictionem tuam, optoque tibi bonum eventum in omnibus negotiis tuis. Vale pater nobilissime et Rex illustrissime. Hunsdonise, secundo Junij anno 1546. Edotjardtjs Princeps. LETTER XVI. To DocTOE, CoxE, his Almoner : from Hunsdon, June 3, 1646. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 12.] He had not written to Coxe for some time, because lie had had no messenger to send his letters by, since Fowler left him. After expressing his desire not to be surpassed in industry by the ant, he proceeds to thank his correspondent for having told him of some error, " since those are my friends who show me my faults.'' This letter is printed by Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. App. L. No. ix. (mis- dated Tertio Julii) and translated by Halliwell, ii 10. Richardo Coxo. Ex quo Eoulerus abiit, Eleemosynarie charissime, non misi ad te epistolam, quia cognovi neminem iturum ad te ab illo tempore huc- usque. Quod autem non exaravi ad te phrases, elegantes senten- tias, et elegantia verba, hujus rei negligentiam expulsurum spero. Si enim fuero tardus in conatis, formicse essent meliores me. Eor- 16 LITBBABT KEMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 15'46. micse enim laborant, et ego essem negligens. Atque miM videtur quadrare huic, quod ait Hebrseus ille sapiens, Tarda manus facit pauperem, ceteris autem divitem* Ago tibi gratias etiam, quia narrasti mihi erratum meum. lUi enim sunt amici mei, qui indi- cant mihi culpam meam. Deus immortalis et exbilarator omnium afficiat te gaudio, et servet te incolumem, et augeat sapientiam tuam, atque det tibi gratiam, ut consequeris voluntatem ejus, ut post banc vitam vivas cum Cbristo in seterno regno ejus. Optime valeas praeceptor cbarissime. Hunsdonise, tertio Junij anno 1546. E. Princeps. LETTEU XVII. To Queen Katharine : from Hunsdon, June 10, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 9.] This letter is remarkable as containing an encomium on the Queen's penmanship. Her last letter had been written Romanis Uteris, that is, in the Italian hand \ : and so admi- rably that the Prince's preceptor could not be persuaded but that the Queen's secretary had written it, until he saw her Majesty's signature written equally well. " I also,'' adds the Prince, " was much surprised. I hear besides that your highness makes progress in the Latin language and in good literature, on which account I feel no little joy, for literature is lasting whilst other things perish." After further passages in praise of learning, he again quotes a sentiment of Ludovico Vives (see before, in p. 3.) This letter is translated by Halliwell, ii. 12. Reginse Catharinae. Etsi omnes literse tuse mihi dulces erant, tamen arridebant hse * Proverbs, xiii. 4. •f Dr. Croke, the schoolmaster of the King's natural son the duke of Eichmond, was an earnest admirer of the Italian hand, and taught his pupil to be a great proficient therein. (See a curious passage in one of Doctor Croke's letters introduced into my Memoir of the Duke of Eichmond, in vol. iii. of the Camden Miscellany.) Edward and his sister Elizabeth were also apt scholars in this hand, though not equal to the duke of Eichmond. MT. IX.J LETTERS. 17 postremse literse prse ceteris, Regina nobilissima atque mater benevo- lentissima, ob quas ingentes tibi gratias ago. Sane vero in his video te diligentiam adbibuisse Romanis literis, ita ut non potnerit persuaderi preceptori meo quin Secretarius tuus scripserit, donee vidisset nomen tuum scriptum eque bene. Ego etiam miratus fui. Audio etiam celsitudinem tuam progredi in Latiaa lingua et bonis literis, quam ob rem non parvo affectus sum gaudio. Literse enim manent, csetera autem quae videntur pereunt. Literse etiam conducunt ad bonos mores, ignorantia autem ad malos ducit. Ac quemadmodum sol est lumen mundi, sic est doctrina lux mentis. Onme quod venit ex Deo bonum est : literse ex Deo veniunt : pro- iade doctrina est bonum. Lodovicus etiam Vives ait : Quod vides, non diu : significans divitias et csetera bona hujus vitse peritura. Precor numen coeleste ut servet celsitudinem tuam incolumem. Hunsdonise, decimo Junij anno 1546. E. Princeps. LETTER XVIII. To the King : from Hunsdon, June 10, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 11.] The Prince's letter to his father of the 2d of the preceding month had probably been receiyed with approbation, so that he was now encouraged to write again. He expresses his joy at hearing that a peace was on the eve of conclusion with France. (Translated by Hamwell, ii. 11.) Regise Majestati. Opto tibi pacem cum hostibus duas ob causas. Rex nobilissime et pater illustrissinie, cum quod sperarem citius me te visurum, tum quod esset tibi requies. Contra, si retineres beUum, non haberes requiem, sed torquereris. VeUem autem te videre, quod cupiam cognoscere certo te incolumem esse. Nam etsi nonnihU credo auditui aurium, D 18 LITERAUT REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1546. attamen plus fiducise habeo oculis meis. Et vellem libenter, ut majestas tua caperet requiem ; quia ea non solum esset tuis subjectis causa gaudendi, verum. etiam prsecipue mibi ipsi. Sicut enim bellrnn affert tumultum, sic pax tranquillitatem ducit. Turba malum, est, ergo bellum est malum. Requies est bonum, ideo pax est bonum. Portasse etiam ad hsec quadret quod ait Periander Corintbius : Bona res quies. Opto tibi optima, ac proinde opto tibi pacem- Porro precor Deum, ut afl&ciaris gaudio et sis incolumis in bac vita, et post banc peregrinationem vivas cum Cbristo in paradyso. Optima valeas, Eex illustrissime atque pater observandissime. BEunsdonise, decimo Junij anno 1546. Edouardus Princeps. LETTER XIX. To Doctor Ooxe, bis Almoner : from Hunsdon, June 13, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 14.] Coxe had often directed him to write good letters, and never bad ones ; and, knowing that the composition of a letter was very useful to him, and that he should improve by practice, he sets about the present, and hopes by degrees to be able to write better, and such as would entirely please his master, trusting that he should be as diligent in his studies as the ants in seeking their food. (Hitherto inedited.) Ricbardo Coxo. Quia mibi persuasum est, Eleemosynarie cbarissime, tibi magis arridere ut ad te literas frequenter potius quam raro dem, mihi visum est nunc nonnibil literarum dare. Ssepe enim mibi jussisti, ut bonas literas scriberem, nunquam autem malas. Et Cato dioit: Tw KaOiTY'rjTrjv SeBi6i : id est, magistrum metue. Prseterea exarare epis- tolam mibi multum prodest, exercet enim manum meam. Usus enim promptum facit. Quare mibi persuasum est banc epistolam ad te scribere. Spero autem, ut cresco estate, sic quotidie pede- ^T. K.J LETTERS. 19 tentim me exaraturum ad te meliores literas, et incubiturum Uteris pro viribus, atque tandem per omnia tibi placitunmi. Et coniido me talem operam daturum literis, qualem formicae dant ad quEe- rendum cibum quem comedant hieme. Mos enim illorum est semper laborem accipere, nee unquam desinere, ut consulant hibemo cibo. Has etiam literas ex se indignas ut boni consulas exoratum te volo, exaratoris enim benevolentia longe maxima est. Deus pro- sequatur te sapientia Aronis et Samuelis. Vale prseceptor mi charissime. Hunsdonise, 13° Junij anno 1546. E. Peinceps. LETTER XX. To DocTOB CoxE : from Hunsdon, June 28, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087,No. 13.] The Prince wrote to Coxe when he had no good excuse for addressing the Queen or any of his more immediate relations. The real object was his own improvement, which was suggested to him when he sat down to write the present letter, and he makes that argument the subject of the composition. He tells Coxe that he wrote to exercise his hand, to sharpen his wits, and to improve his Latin style ; which was particularly requisite as he was Kkely to be required to speak in Latin to foreigners, of which several instances will occur in the following pages. He again quotes a sentiment of Ludovico Vives, and afterwards one of the colloquies of Erasmus. (Translated by HaUiweU, ii. 13.) Eicbardo Coxo. Scribo ad te, Prseceptor charissime, non solum quia sit officium meum, verum etiam quia exerceat manum meam, atque etiam ex- colat turn ingenium, tum Latinam Unguam. Si autem nihil exara- rem, non essem tarn paratus ad Latine loquendum, atque ingenium meum esset torpidum. Quare mihi videtur Lodovicum Vivem prae- clare dixisse : Ingemum inexercUattm, torpidum. Res enim, qua re sumus vixi, qua a belluis differrimus, est mens et ingenium, quae si d2 20 LITEEABT REMAINS OP KING- EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1546. non exerceas componendis epistolis, et excogitandis Uteris diu, quando veils excogitare libenter, ignara et torpida erunt. Et fortasse hue quadret quod scribit Erasmus in Dialogo : Otium sen pestem quandam fugio. JEx otio enim omne naseitur malum. Quare nol- lem ingenium meum otio languescere, et torpore perire. Prseterea pluribus verbis ad te scribam, quando plus otii miM nactus fuero. Optime valeas, Prseceptor amantissime. Hunsdonise, vigesimo octavo Juuij anno 1546. E. Princeps. LETTER XXI. To the King : from Hunsdon, July 4, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 15.] This letter was written to thank the King for having sent his servant Philip, " who was both excellent in music and a gentleman,'' in order to instruct the Prince in playing the lute. Philip of the king 's privy chamber is frequently mentioned in the King's Privy Purse Expenses in 1530-32, edited by Sir Harris Nicolas; also in the Privy-purse Expenses of the Princess Mary 1536-44, edited by Sir Frederick Madden. His entire name was Philip van Wilder : he instructed Mary, as well as her brother, upon the lute. He took care of the king's musical instruments; and in 1538 received 66s. 8d a quarter. (See notes in the latter book, p. 256.) The Prince afterwards expresses his delight at having received an intimation that he was shortly to visit his royal father ; for his first wish had been that the King and his kingdom might have peace, and the next that he might see the King: which accom- plished, his happiness was complete. (Translated by Halliwell, ii. 14.) Ad E-egem. Ago tibi ingentes gratias, Eex nobilissime et pater colendissime, quod dignatus fueris ad me mittere Philippum servum tuum, turn excellentem musica, turn generosum. Tu enim ilium ad me misisti, quo essem excellentior pulsando testudinem. Qua in re videtur amor tuus erga me maximus. Prseterea nonnibil gaudii animo meo attulit, quod audiverim me ad majestatem tuam venturum. Natura enim me movet plurimum. Hoc cum verum sit, potior secundovoto MT. 1X.J LETTERS. 21 meo, Primum enim votum meum Mt ut esset tibi pax et regno tuo, deinde vero ut te viderem. Quibus factis felix sum. Vale Rex nobilissime atque pater illustrissime. Ac majestatem tuam oro, ut mibi impertias benedictionem tuam. HurLsdouise, quarto Julij anno 1546. Edouardtjs Peinceps. LETTER XXII. To the King : from the Moor, August 4, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 16.] Since the preceding letter was written, Edward had apparently paid his promised visit to the King at Westminster, where his father had gratified him with many great and costly presents, as chains, rings with balls, jewels, collars, brooches, dresses, and many other things. He assures the King that he regards them all as conspicuous tokens of his fatherly affection, and that he was aware that they were not given him to make him proud, but to incite him to the pursuit of all true virtue and piety. This letter and the next are dated from the King's dom/us palustris, meaning the manor of the Moor in Hertfordshire, which was then in the hands of the Crown. This letter was published by Ellis, I. ii. 135, and translated by Halliwell, ii. 15. Regise Majestati. Ingentes tibi gratias debeo agere, Rex nobUissime atque pater colendissime, quod me tam humaniter tractasti, sicut pater mei amantissimus, et qui me velles nunquam non recte agere. Gratiam etiam tibi babeo, quod dedisti mibi magna dona et preciosa, ut catenas, annulos cum globulis, gem mas, torques et bullas, et monilia, vestes, et permulta alia. In quibus rebus et donis apparet paterna tua pietas in me. Si enim me non amares, noUes prsebere mihi dona tam gemmea. Mihi autem prsebes hsec omnia, non ut essem superbus, et mihi nimium placerem, vidererque excellere omnes, sed ut me impeUeres ad studium omnis verge virtutis et pietatis ; et ut ornares et excoleres me omnibus ornamentis, quae digna sunt principe ; denique ut ego tanto amore affectus essem in te, ac tu in 22 LITEEARY REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1546. me. Quod si non facerem, essem ingratissiimis. Deus enim me jubet amare inimicum, et multo magis amare patrem meum, qui duxit me in hanc lucem. Vale, Rex noMlissime atque pater vene- rande ; atque precor Deumi ut te servet. E domo tua palustri, quarto Augusti aimo 1546. E. Princeps. LETTEE XXIII. To Queen Katharine : from the Moor, August 12, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 17.] He writes to thank tlie Queen for her kindness to him during his recent visit to West- minster, and excuses himself for not having written before, because he daily thought he should again be with her highness ; and when Fowler first left him, he had barely time to write to the King's majesty. He further begs to know whether the Lord Admiral, who was expected from France, was a good Latinist, as in that case he should be the more anxious to learn properly what he had to say to him when their meeting took place. This was Claude d'Annebaut, who came to conclude the treaty of peace made with France in 1546. He landed at Greenwich on the 19th August; and on St. Bartholomew's even (the 23d) on his way to Hampton Court was met by the Prince, having with him the archbishop of York, the earls of Hert- ford and Huntingdon, and above two thousand horse, when the Prince " embraced hym, in such lowly and honorable maner, that all the beholders greatly rejoysed, and muche mar- veiled at his wit and audacitie." Hall's Chronicle, 1548. This letter is translated by Halliwell, ii. 15. Reginse Catharinse. Ingentem tibi gratiam habeo, Nobilissima Regina atque mater iUustrissima, quod me tam humaniter tractasti, cum tecum fui West- monasterii. Quse benigna tractatio suifundit frigidam* mihi ut te plurimum amem, quanquam te melius amare nequeo. Mihiigitur videtur seculum ex quo te vidi. Prseterea exhortatam celsitudinem tuam volo, ut mihi ignoscas, quod hoc longo tempore ad te literas * See note in p. 29. £T. IX. J LETTERS. 23 non exaravi. Volui quidem, sed quotidie putavi me cum celsitudme tua futurum. Quando autem Poulerus ivit primum, vix mihi fait tempus scribendi ad regiam majestatem. Porro celsitudinem tuam oro, ut mihi significes num Prsefectus maris, qui e Gallia proficiscitur, calleat Latine ; quod si calleat, vellem plus discere quod iUi loquar, cum. ei obviam venero. Precor Deum ut te custodiat, atque det tibi doctrinam et virtutem, tutissimas divitias. E domo Palustri, duodecimo Augusti anno 1546. E. Pbinceps. LETTER XXIV. To Doctor Coxe, his Almoner : from Hatfield, August 20, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 18.] He expresses his grief that the Almoner was ill, and quotes passages of Job and Paul by way of consolation. (Translated by Halliwell, ii. 16.) Ejichardo Coxo. Maximus mihi dolor fuit, Eleemosynarie charissime, quia audi- verim te admodum segrotum fuisse hac nocte prseterita. Tibi autem semper reminiscendum est dicti sancti Jobi, qui quando uxor dixit : Execrare Bernn et morere : respondit : Loqueris sicut stuUafemina, vis recipere prosper as res a Deo, et non adversas? Quare mihi videtur huic aHudere quod Paulus scribit ad Hebrseos : Fill mi, ne despicias castigationem Dommi, nee deficias quando redargueris ab eo. Quern enim Dommus amat, castigat. Quia horum te memi- nisse puto, non mihi opus est scribere plura verba. Prseterea precor Deum ut convalescas. Hatfeldise, vigesimo Augusti anno 1546. E. Pbinceps. 24 MTEBART REMAINS OP KING- EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1546. LETTER XXV. To the King : from Hatfield, September 4, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 19.] He again takes for the subject of his letter the pleasures he had received at Court, one of the chief of which had been his frequent opportunities of seeing the King ; and he expresses a hope that he may soon again enjoy the same indulgence. He also thanks the King for sending him a buck. This letter is printed by Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. Appx. L. No. i. E-egise Majestati. Ex omnibus quae me oblectabant cum. essem tecum, Rex nobilis- sime atque pater illustrissime, nihil magis recreavit animum meum, quam quod m.ihi copiam feceris videndi et observandi majestatem tuam. Amor enim mens ia te conspectu tuo excitatur, tum quod natura id confirmat, tum quod paterna tua pietas magis ac magis quotidie erga me augescit. Quamobrem ingentes gratias tibi ago, et contendo etiam atque etiam abs te ut te iterum visam, cum tibi libitum faerit. Quod quo citius faerit, hoc mihi gratius erit. Deinde ingentes tibi gratias ago pro cervo, quem ad me misisti; quod signum est te etiam mei absentis meminisse. Denique rogo te, ut des mihi benedictionem tuam. Opto tibi multam salutem. Vale, Rex nobUissime atque pater illustrissime. Hatfeldise, quarto Septembris anno 1546. E. Princeps. LETTER XXVI. To Doctor Ooxe, his Almoner : from Hatfield, September 7, 1646. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 20.] He expresses his joy that Coxe had recovered from illness, acknowledging his obligation ^T. IX.J LETTERS. 25 in gratitude to love Him, as having been his teacher in learning and literature, which are the best riches. (Translated by Halliwell, ii. 18.) Richardo Coxo. Plurimo affectus fui gaudio, cum audiverim te convaluisse et esse flrmiorem, Prseceptor cliarissime. Tu enim me doces literas, cum sis mecum. Quare tu miH es amandus, et oportet me gaudere de tua bona valetudine. Atqui si te non amarem, essem ingratissimus ; cum tu me id doces, quod plurimum mihi proderit. Doctrina enim et literse sunt maximse divitise ; sic contra vitium atque ignorantia sunt pessima omnium. Sicut enim desiderium oculorum facit corpus tenebrosum, sic et ignorantia et vitium faciunt animum tenebrosum. Atque quemadmodum oculus est lux corporis, sic est doctrina lumen ingenii. Quare cum me rem ad tam multa utilem doces, necesse est me te plurimum amare, et gaudere de tuse valetudinis recupera- tione. Quamobrem cura valetudinem tuam diligenter, ut cito ad me redeas. Ego enim tui desiderio maxime teneor. Vale, Eleemosy- narie cbarissime. Hatfeldise, septimo Septembris 1546. E. Pbinoeps. LETTER XXVII. To DocTOB CoxE, bis Almoner : from Hatfield, Sept. 13, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No.21.] The Prince again expresses his satisfaction that his preceptor was stronger, and that he was likely soon to return to him. (Hitherto inedited.) E-icbardo Coxo. Audivi te recuperasse valetudinem tuam et esse fortiorem, Elee- mosynarie et Prseceptor cliarissime, atque te visurum me brevi, quod mibi maximo solatio est. Quare jam cura teipsum, ne iterum E 26 LITEKAKT REMAINS OP KIN& EDWABD VI. [a.d. 1546. segrotes. Multi enim qui incipiimt esse fortes, qui nolunt curare seipsos, in alteram valetudinem iacidunt pejorem priore. Quia autem parum temporis mihi est, ideo exaro ad te parvam epistolam. Vale, prseceptor et Eleemosynarie charissime. Hatfeldise, decimo tertio Septembris anno 1546. E. Princbps. LETTER XXVIII. To Queen Kathakine : September 20, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 22.] Acknowledging the kindness he had received from her during his stay at Court, and expressing his joy at hearing how she proceeded in all virtue and goodness. (Hitherto inedited.) E/eginse Catberinse. Cum essem in aula apud Regem, Eegina nobilissima atque mater charissima, tarn multa in me contulisti benejQ.cia, ut ea vix animo complecti possim. Quae cum non possum rependere, faciam tamen quantum in me est, id est geram erga te multam benevolentiam, et gaudebo cum audivero te procedere in omni virtute et bonitate ; in quibus rebus precor viventem Deum, qui omnia gubernat et regit, ut procedas. Et jam bas literas ad te scribo, ut sint testimonium amoris et studii mei erga te. Mbil enim mibi est quod opinor gratius tibi et acceptius erit Uteris meis ; quae quanquam non ad- modum elegantes sint, tamen spero Ulas non iajucundas tibi futuras, quas ad te scribo tum amoris, tum officii causa. Precor Deum ut det tibi doctrinam, qua optime gubernare possis totam vitam tuam. Vale, Regina nobilissima atque mater charissima. Vigesimo Septembris anno 1546. E. Peincbps. .ET. IX.] LETTERS. 27 LETTER XXIX. To his Sister Mart : September 26, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 24.] His fraternal affection, and his sister's great virtue, provoke him both to think of her, and to express his thoughts in this epistle. (Translated in HalliweU, ii. 17.) Sorori Marise. Amor m.eus erga te, et fratema benevolentia, atque natura etiam cogit me, ut ad te scribam literas, soror charissima, quern amorem erga te potest ex animo nuUo mode expellere. fsic.J Et si non esses soror mea, tam.en necesse esset miM te amare, et literas ad te exarare ob magnam tuam virtutem. Virtus enim est magnes amo- ris, et nunquam peribit ; alia autem cito dilabuntur. Quam ob rem necesse est Tnihi absenti ssepe de te cogitare, et iuterdum, cum mihi sit occasio et ocium, ad te literas exarare, quas oro te ut boni con- sulas. Precor Deum, ut defendat te contra omnia mala, et tuus sit clipeus. Vale, soror cbarissima. Vigesimo sexto Septembris anno 1546. E. Princeps. LETTER XXX. To tbe King : from Hatfield, September 27, 1546. [Orig. in MS. Cotton. Nero C x. f. 3. Contemporary copy in MS. Harl. 5087, No. 23.] The Prince admits that he had but one topic for his letters to his father, namely, the many favours that he had bestowed upon him. This letter was printed by Fuller in his Church History, book vu. sect. 16 ; by Hearne, in his Sylloge Epistolarum, p. 115; and a translation by HalliweU, ii. 19. Regise Majestati. Literse mese semper babent unum argumentum. Rex nobUissime atque pater amantissime, id est, in omnibus epistolis ago tibi gratias e 2 28 LITEEAET REMAINS OP KING EDWABD VI. [a.d. 1546. pro beneficentia tua erga me maxima. Si enim ssepius multo ad te literas exararem,* nullo tamen quidem t modo potui pervenire officio literarum ad magnitudinem benignitatis tuae erga me. Quis enim potuit compensare beneflcia tua erga me ? nimirum nullus, qui non est tam magnus Rex ac Nobilis Princeps, ac tu es : cujusmodi ego non sum. Quamobrem pietas tua in me multo gratior est mihi, quod facis mihi quae nullo modo compensare possim ; sed tamen adnitar, et faciam quod in me est, ut placeam Majestati tuse, atque precabor Deum ut diu te servet incolumem. Vale Rex Nobilissime, atque Pater lUustrissime. Hatfeldise, vicesimo septimoj Septembris Majestati tuse obsequentissimus filius, Edouardus Princeps. LETTER XXXI. To the King : from Hatfield, September 7, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 25.] Like many of the preceding, a mere exercise in Latin phraseology, though a longer and more elaborate one. The sentiments are the same as those in the previous compositions. The date is not to be depended upon. The two next letters are both dated Nov. 7, whilst that immediately preceding is dated Sept. 22, but was not despatched until Sept. 27. As there is no other guide than the copybook with respect to these letters, its arrangement is retained. (Hitherto inedited.) Regise Majestati. Quia nullo alio modo possum ingerere Majestati tuse in oculos meam pietatem, quam scribendis epistolis, Pater cui veneracionem omnem debeo, ideo mihi visum est, ut ad sublimitatem tuam fre- quentius literas darem. Ego enim absens nequeo prudentise tuse * Si enim ad te ssepius literas exararem in MS. Harl. 5087. •)• quidem omitted in MS. Harl. I Vigesimo secundo in the copy-book, MS. Harl. MT. X.J LETTERS. 29 verba facere. Literae vero, etsi subobscurse, possunt tamen esse testes benevolentiEe filii erga patrem. Porro cum tarn idoneum ad amplitudinem tuam audivissem legatum ire, certe cum animo meo decrevi fuisse officium meum ad prudentiam tuam has pueriles nugas mittere. Si enim nibil ad celsitudinem tuam scriberem, non solum omitterem officium meum, verum etiam prseberem specimen sceleratae ingratitudinis. E,ogo pietatem tuam, ut nuuquam cesses patema benedictione tua me beare. Denique banc precem Deo effando, et augeat te in omni pietate atque heroicis virtutibus. Pelicissime valeat tua majestas, Hatfeldise, septimo Septembris anno 1546. E. PUINCEPS. LETTER XXXII. To his Sister Mart : from Hatfield, November 7, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 26.] To -write to Hs sister, was an impulse of nature which he could not resist. Moreover, he has now to thank her for writing to him. (Translated in Halliwell, ii. 19.) Sorori Marise. Natura mihi frigidam suffundit,* soror charissima, ad te literas mittere, q\xse quidem natura a nemine expelli potest. Horatius enim longe eloquentissimus atque doctissimus sane poeta, qui multas scripsit elegantes sententias, hoc dictum quidem exaravit, Naturam expellas furca, tamen usque recurret. Porro tibi ex animo gratias ago, quod ad me literas scripseris ; in * This phrase, which the Prince thrice employs (pp. 22, here, and 37), and evidently in the sense of " compels " or " enforces,'' is derived from a proverbial expression in Plautus, Oistell. 1, 1, 37; to which the Latin lexicographers Littleton and Ains worth have given the very different sense, " to cool one's courage." In Bayley's edition of For- cellini and Facciolati also it is explained, " hominum erga nos calidam amorem minuunt veluti aquam frigidam suffendendo,'' which is equivalent to our English phrase of "throw- ing cold water." 30 lilTEEABY REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1546. quibus sane videtiir tuus erga me ineffabilis amor, quod mM optes plurimum bonorem, et exoratum Deum vis, ut proficiam in omni pietate. Opto tibi plurimam salutem. Vale, amantissima Soror. Hatfeldise, septimo Novembris anno 1546. E. Prinoeps. LETTER XXXIII. To the Queen : from Hatfield, November 7, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 27.] He thanks the Queen for her former kind acceptance of his letters : and admits that he should be greatly deficient in duty did he neglect to write to her. (Hitherto inedited.) Reginse Catharinae. Debeo tibi ingentes gratias, Mater venerandissima, quod tam boni meas consuluisti literas ; quae quidem, etsi nullius moment! sitit, tua tamen humanitas pro illis mihi gratias immerito agit. Quisque enim illud obire debet, quod oiiicium suum postulat. Idcirco me cum ad prsesens constitui bas literas tum ineleganter compositas, turn negligenter quidem scriptas, ad te dare. Porro si non functus essem officio meo, hoc est, si non ad te literas darem, pessime de te meritus essem. Quare nihil omnino debet tua celsitudo mihi, cum omnia quae facio sint partes mese. Tua sublimitas laudat me indignum laude. Verum tua amplitudo multo majores meretur laudes, quae tua virtute multum conciliasti tibi honorem. In qua quidem virtute exoratum Deum volo, ut feliciter proficias. Valeat tua celsitudo. Hatfeldise, 7° Novembris anno 1546. E. Princeps. ^T. X.J LETTERS. 31 LETTER XXXIV. To his Sister Elizabeth : December 5, 1546. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 28.] We have not hitherto had any letter addressed by the Prince to his sister Elizabeth, apparently because they had been recently resident together at Hatfield. They were now separated, and Elizabeth had been the first to write, inviting the Prince to reply to her. He expresses his gratification at her kindness, and his desire to return it in equal measure, and adds that he took comfort in the hope of soon seeing her again, as his chamberlain had told him might be the case if no unforeseen accident happened to either of them. This letter has no date of place. Although the Prince speaks of his sister's " depar- ture,'' or separation, from him, it seems, from the ensuing letters, that a removal from Hatfield also took place on his own part. This letter is printed by Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. Appx. L. No. vu. and translated byHalHweU, ii. 21. Sorori Elizabethse. Loci quidem mutatio me non tantrun angebat, charissima soror, quantum discessus tuus a me. Nunc autem nihil omnino mihi gratius accidere potest quam tuse literse, ac prsecipue, quod ad me prior dedisti literas, ac me scribere literas provocasti. Quare ingentes tibi gratias ago tum ob benevolentiam tuam, turn ob cele- ritatem. Itaque adnitar pro viribus te si non superare, saltem sequare benevolentia ac studio. Hunc vero meum dolorem conso- latur, quod spero me brevi visurmn te, si nullus interim neque apud me, neque apud te casus interveniat, ut mihi retulit mens Oamera- rius. Vale, soror charissima. Quinto Decembris anno 1546. E. Pmnceps. LETTER XXXV. To the Ladt Elizabeth : from Tittenhanger, December 18, 1546. [Orig. in MS. Petyt, in Inner Temple Library.] The lady Elizabeth had probably written to her brother in French, and invited him to 32 LITERARY REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1546. reply to her in the same language. He thanks her not only for her letter, but for her good advice and example, which he hoped would serve him as a stimulus to follow her in his learning. We have one other of his French letters preserved, which was written to the Queen in 1547 (see No. xLvm.) The present letter is dated from Tittenhanger in Hertfordshire, a manor-house formerly belonging to the abbat of St. Alban's, which had been occupied by Wolsey in right of that abbacy, and in 1528 became the refuge of Henry VIII. during the prevalence of the sweating sickness. The king then had some improvements made in it for his own accommodation (see State Papers, 1830, i. 307, 313, 316); and, after the dissolution of monasteries, it continued in the crown until the close of his reign, when it was sold to sir Thomas Pope (ibid. p. 897, and Clutterbuck's Hertfordshire, i. 207). The lady Mary was there in 1540 (see her Memoir by Sir Fred. Madden, p. 89). This letter was published by Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. book i. chap. i. Puisque vous a plen me rescrire, Tres cliere et bien aymee Soeur, je vous mercie de bien bon cuer, et non seullement de vostre lettre, mais aussy de vostre bonne exhortation et example, laqnelle, aiQsy que j'espere, me servira d'esperon pour vous suivre en appre- nant. Priant Dieu vous avoir en sa garde, De Titenhanger, 18 jour de Decembre, et I'an de nostre Seigneur 1546. Vostre frere, Edouardus Prince. Directed, A ma trescbere et bien aym^e Soeur Elyzabeth. LETTEE XXXVI. To his Sister Mary : from Hertford, January 10, 1546-7. [Orig. in MS. Harl. 6986, art. 11. Contemporary copy in MS. Harl. 5087, No. 29.] To acknowledge a new-year's gift, and also to fulfil his desire of writing to her. Printed in Park's edition of Walpole's Royal and Noble Authors, i. 67 ; and translated by Halli- well, ii. 22. Sorori Marise. Una hsec epistola ad duas res valet, Charissima Soror, tiim ad ^T. X.J LETTERS. 33 agendas tibi pro strena tua gratias, tiim ad explendum studium meum scribendi ad te. Strena tua talis est, ut mibi necesse sit earn plurimi facere ob dignitatem rei, et multum probare ob donantis amorem. Studium meum ad te scribendi tantum est, ut quanqukm me te brevi visurum sperem, tamen, cum mihi sit otium, vix queam miM ipsi satisfacere nisi ad te scripsero. Non possum enim te non vehementer amare, h. qua sentio me plurimum diligi. Hartfordise, decimo Januarii, anno 1546. Amantissimus tui Erater, Edotjabdus Princeps. Directed, Cbarissimse mese Sorori Marise. LETTEE XXXVII. To tbe Queen : from Hertford, January 10, 1546-7. [Orig. in MS. Cotton. Nero C. x. f. 5. Contemporary copy in MS. Harl. 5087, No. 30.] The Queen had sent the Prince for a new-year's gift the portraits of the King and herself in one picture. He declares that the pleasure of contemplating the features of those whom he desired so much to see in person was so great that he was more thankftil for such a new year's gift than if he had received costly robes or chased gold, or any thing of the highest estimation. This letter was published by Fuller in his Church History, book vii. sect. 17 ; by Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. App. L. No. rv. ; by Hearne, Sylloge Epistolarum, p. 117 ; and a translation by Halliwell, ii. 22. Reginse Catbarinse. Qu5d non ad te jam * diu scripserim, Begina lUustrissima atque Mater Cbarissima, in causa fuit non negligentia sed studium. Non enim. boo feci, ut nunquam omnino scriberem, sed ut accuratius scriberem. Quare spero te faturam contentam et gavisuram qu6d * jam omitted in MS. Harl. 5087. E 34 LITERARY REMAINS OE KING EDWARD VI. [a d. 1546-7. non scripserim. Tu enim velles me proflcere in omni honestate et pietate, quod est signum insignis et diuturni tui amoris erga me. Atque hunc amorem multis beneficiis milii declarasti, et prsecipu^ liac strena, quam proximo ad me misisti, in qua Regise Majestatis et tua effigies ad vivum expressa continetur. Nam plurimum me delectat vestras imagines absentium contemplari, quos libentissime * videre cupio prsesentes ; ac quibus maxime turn natura, tum officio, devinctus sum. Quamobrem majores tibi gratias ago ob banc strenam, quam si misisses ad me preciosas vestes, et aurum coelatum, aut quidvis aliud eximium. Deus tuam Oelsitudinem, quam me brevi visurum spero, servet incolumem. Hartfordise, decimo Januarij. Directed, Nobilissimse Reginse & Matri mese Cbarissimae. Ornqtmimus On the inner leaf of this letter — in the handwriting, not of her Majesty, but probably of one of her most learned clerks — is written the draft of the Queen's answer, in which she warmly congratulates the Prince on his improvement both in Latin composition and in writing. It is as follows : " Istam ad me scribendi harum aliquot diecularum intermissionem, Charissime fih, quo modo non prseclaris literarum studiis potiusquam uUi negligentise ascribere possim, cum animo meo ac cogitatione metiar quanto et me matrem et bonas literas simul amore prose- quaris, ut hinc te pietas in matrem, hinc discendi cupiditas te prorsus vel ab omni suspi- cione negligentise etiam indicta causa liberare possit. Quam magna autem diligentia hoc temporis intervallo Musas excolueris literse quas ad me dedisti jam nuperrime locupletis- simi testes esse possunt, quse et Latinas orationis puritate ac literarum elegantiori forma- tione reliquis omnibus k te profectis mihi longissime prsenitere videntur. Quod vero strenulam quam ad te miserim tanti facias plurimum sane gaudeo, sperans fore, te pr»- clarissimi patris tui facta in omni vita meditarum ac adeo expressurum esse cujus imagi- * lubentissime, in MS. Harl. MT. X.] LETTERS. 35 nem depictam ob oculos gestare tantopere placebit : ad cujus raras virtutes conspioiendas observandasque dum mentis tuse oculos flexeris rem profeoto dignissimam utilissimamque et tibi et liuic Eeipublicse prsestabis, quod ut seri6 seduloque facias faxit Deus, qui te totum donis suis ocelestibus exornet atque perficiat." " Westmonasterii." This is erroneously described in the Catalogue of the Cottonian Manuscripts as " A rough draft of a letter from Henry VIII. to prince Edward." LETTER XXXVIII. To the King : from Hertford, January 10, 1546-7. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 31.] To return thanks for his Majesty's new year's gift, the nature of which is not specified. He promises to endeavour to become a good son of so excellent a father, and to follow the example of his virtue, vrisdom, and piety. (Printed by Strype, Ecclesiastical Memo- rials, ii. App. L. I\o. II.) Regiae Majestati. Cum tot et tanta in me contuleris beneflcia, Rex nobilissime atqne pater pientissime, quae vix numerare queam ; tum hsec strena, quam ad me postremum misisti, videtur mihi non solmn prseclara, verumetiam patemse tuee pietatis erga me plenissima, ob qnam ingentes tibi gratias ago ; et cogito me, quanquam adnitar pro viribus omne tempus vitse mese, et laborem in omni genere oflS.cio- rmn, tamen vix magnitudinem beneflciorum tuorum attingere posse. Quare conabor, quod natura et officium me postulant, majestati tuse placere, atque esse optimi patris bonus Alius, ac sequi exem- plmn virtutis, sapientiae, et pietatis tuse.. Quam rem spero tibi futuram gratissimam. Atque boc melius prsestabo, si pergas in benevolentia tua erga me, et mihi quotidianam tuam benedictionem impertias. Dominus Jesus te servet incolumem. Hartfordise, decimo Januarij anno 1546. E. Peinceps. f2 36 LITERARY REMAINS OE KINGr EDWARD VI. [a,d. 1546-7. LETTEE XXXIX. To Archbishop Cranmer : from Hertford, January 24, 1546-7. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 32.] The Prince had also received a new-year's gift from his godfather the archbishop, and this letter tells us what it was — a cup, which the archbishop had accompanied with a letter recommending perseverance in his studies. With the help of his present master, the Prince is enabled to return some adages of Aristippus and Cicero in recognition of the archbishop's sentiments in the praise of learning. This letter was edited by Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. App. L. No. v. ; and by Ellis, I. ii. 136 ; a translation is given by Halliwell, vol. ii. p. 23. Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo. Duse res milii calcar addiderunt, ut ad te literas scribam, Susceptor amantissime. Prima, ut tibi gratias agam ob calicem ; deinde, ob literas tuas, quas ad me postrem.uin misisti. Poculum tuum per- hibet testimonium te mibi plurimos felicissimos annos optare ac precari. Ex Uteris autem tuis multum fructus accepi, quod in illis me bortaris, atque veluti stimulum addis ad perdiscendas bonas literas, quae mihi usui futurse sint, cum ad virilem perveniam setatem. Literse vero bonse et artes liberales mibi discendse sunt, quod Aris- tippus hoc dicere solet : Disce puer, qnce tibi viro sunt usuifutura. Atque etiam huic quadrat quod ille Cicero eloquentissimus autor narrat : lAterarum studia adolescentiam alunt, senectutem oblec- tant, res sectmdas orncmt, adversis perfugvum ac solatium prcsbent, delectant domi, non impediunt foris, pernoctant nobiscum, peregri- nantur, rusticantur. Denique exoratum te volo, ut boni consulas Latinitatem meam ipsa barbaric barbariorem, cum tua eloquentia sit excellentissima. Vale, susceptor amantissime, oculis meis mibi charier, cui multum foelicitatis opto. Hartfordise, 24" Januarij anno 1646. E. Princeps. ^T. X.J LETTERS. 37 LETTER XL. To Doctor Day, Bishop of Chichester : from Hertford, January 25, 1546-7. [MS. Harl. 5087-, No. 33.] The bishop of Chichester had also sent the Prince a present, and probably as a new- year's gift ; although the many other letters of thanks which the Prince had been required to write had deferred the despatch of this until the 25th of January. The bishop (who is addressed as one more learned than Minerva) had sent to the Prince some (printed) books, a letter, and also some little tomes, which contained extracts from the writings of Cicero, very probably made in manuscript by the bishop's own hand. George Day, after having been master of St. John's and provost of King's college in Cambridge, was consecrated bishop of Chichester in the year 1543. Bishop Day was unwilling to yield to the alterations of the Eeformers, and though he bore a share in the compilation of the first liturgy, published in 1548, he continued firmly attached to the adoration of images, and would not submit to the arguments of archbishop Cranmer and bishop Goodrich for the removal of altars In 1550 bishop Coxe was sent into his diocese to preach against popery ; and in 1551 he was deprived, together with bishop Heath. He was restored by queen Mary in 1554, and died in 1556. The letter is translated by Halliwell, ii. 24. Episcopo Cicestrensi. Tria mihi frigidam suffundunt,* ut ad te literas exararem, Pontifex Minerva doctior. Primum, ut tibi pro libris gratias agam, quos nuperrime ad me misisti; deinde, ob literas; denique, ne videar Timone inhumanior, plurima a me tibi habetur gratia ob libellos quos Cicero ille princeps excogitavit, qui non solum eloquentiam, exuperant instar aurei flumiuis, verumetiam continent divinum quendam sensum ; deinde ob epistolam, quod sit testimonium in- signis ac mirabilis tui amoris erga me. Eloquentia enim Ciceronis fuit insignis atque mirabilis, commentarius suus elegans et jucundus. Denique si conferas meam latinitatem cum tua, esset quemadmodum * See note in p. 29. 38 LITERARY REMAINS OF KIN& EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1546-7. si lutum cum gemmis comparares ; meam tamen ut equi consulas te precor. Yale Pontifex eruditissime. Hertfordise, vicesimo quinto Janiiarij anno 1546. E. Princeps. LETTEE XLI. ■ KiN& Edward to the Queen : from the Tower of London, Eebruary 7, 1546-7. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 34.] The Prince had scarcely completed his round of acknowledgments for new-year's gifts, when he was called upon for another series of letters upon a graver occasion. His father's death, on the 28th Jan. 1546-7, made him the head of his family as well as sovereign of the kingdom ; and, upon assuming the royal dignity, he wrote to his step-mother, and his sisters, to assure them of his love and regard. These three letters were published by Strype, in his Ecclesiastical Memorials, and by Sir Henry Ellis, in his First Series of Letters The present letter is in Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. Appx. L. No. x. ; Ellis, I. ii. 141 ; translated in HalUwell, ii. 25. E-eginse Catharinse. Plurimas tibi gratias ago ob epistolam, quam ad me postremam misisti, charissima Mater, qu.se sane est signum insignis tui ac quotidiani amoris in me. Porro cum visum est Deo optimo maximo, ut meus pater et tuus conjus, Rex illustrissimus, hanc vitam flniret, nobis ambobus communis est dolor. . Hoc vero nobis consolationem affert, quod jam sit in coelo, atque quod ex hac vita misera pro- fectus sit in foelLcem atque seternam beatitudinem. Quisquis enim hie felicein agit vitam, atque rempublicam recte gubernat, sicut nobiHssimus meus pater fecit, qui promovit omnem pietatem, atque expulit omnem ignorantiam, habet certissimum iter in coelum. Quamvis vero natura jubet dolere, ac lacrymas effundere, ob disces- sum ejus absentis; tamen scriptura ac prudentia jubent moderari ^T. X.J LETTERS. 39 affectus istos, ne videamur nullam omnino spem habere resurrec- tionis mortuorum et vita defanctoram. Prseterea cum tua celsitudo in me tot beneflcia contulit, ego debeo qnicquid commodi possem tibi afferre prsestare. Opto tuse celsitudini plurimam salutem. Vale, Regina veneranda. E Turri, septimo Februarij anno 1546. E. Rex. LETTER XLII. To Ms Sister Mart : from tbe Tower of London, February 8, 1546-7. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 35.] The sentiments of this letter are commonplace, and void of any sentiment beyond those of a school exercise. It concludes, however, with the important assurance that the writer would approve himself the dearest and kindest of brothers. It was published by Strype, Eccl. Mem. ii. Appx. L. No. xi. and in EUis, I. ii. 1 ; and translated by HalliweU, ii. 26. Sorori Marise. Natura, non sapientia, nobis classicum canit ad lamentandum patris nobis charissimi mortem. Natura enim putat se ilium amisisse mortuum ; at sapientia credit, quod is, qui vivit cum Deo, est in seterna foelicitate. Quare cum Deus miserit nobis talem sapientiam, non debemus mortem illius lugere, cum ejus voluntas sit, qui omnia in bonum operatur. Quod ad me autem pertinet, ero tibi cbarissimus frater et omni benevolentia exuberans. Deus apti- mus maximus te imbuat suis donis. Vale. E Turri Londinense, octavo Eebruarij anno 1546. E. Rex. 40 LITERARY REMAINS OF KINa EDWARB VI. [a.d. 1546-7 LETTER XLIII. To his Sister Elizabeth : from the Tower of London, Eebruary 8, 1546-7. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 36.] This letter to Elizabeth pursues the same argument as that to Mary, that wisdom was to gain the victory over nature, in moderating the grief which their father's death occa- sioned. Edward was himself reconciled to the loss, and was much pleased to perceive, in a letter he had already received from Elizabeth, that she was of the same mind. (Printed in Strype, Eccl. Mem. ii. Appx. L. No. xii. ; EUis, I. ii. 143.) Sorori Elizabethse. Miaime opus est mihi te consolari, charissima Soror, quod eru- ditions tua cognoscis quid sit faciendum, prudentia vero et pietate tua, quod eruditio docuit te cognoscere, facto prsestas. Non enim lugendus est pater noster, quamvis nobis cbarissimus fuerit, quod jam sit in coelo ; nee mors ejus deploranda, quae est via ex hac vita misera ad longe feliciorem. Quare quisque debet adniti pro viribus, ut sapientia vincat naturam, et fortitudo moderetur afiFectus, et con- silium guberaet judicium populi. Quisquis enim hoc facit, is vere Christianus appellatur ; at si quis dicat qui huic contrarium facit Christianum, eum certe falso atque illi indigno nomine nuncupat. Praeterea literse tuse mihi admodum arridebant, tum quod in illis elegantes sententise continentur, tum quod ex illis sentio te aequo consuluisse animo mortem patris nostri. Porro si ullo modo possum tibi commodare, libenter praestabo. Optime vale. E Turri, octavo Eebruarij anno 1646. E. Rex. £T. x.J LETTERS. 41 LETTER XLIV. To Qtjeen Katharine : dated May 30, 1547. > [MS. Corpus Christi College, Camb. 119. MS. Harl. 5087, No. 37.] This letter, ■when rightly interpreted, aiFords evident proof both of the altered position of the queen, and of the restraint which was imposed upon the young King in regard to his intercourse with her. He had been put off from writing to her as he used to do, because he was now resident very near her, and it was customary only to write to people at a distance. Besides, he was told, day after day, that he would probably see her. But the protector had taken care that no such interview should take place ; for he had strong suspicions at least of the queen's intentions with regard to his brother the lord admiral, which he desired in every possible way to discountenance, and one mode by which he sought to do so, was by barring the access of either party to the King. At last, the royal boy, having received a letter from the queen, entreating him to write to her, could not be persuaded any longer to defer those acknowledgments which his previous education and practice had taught him to be her due. The queen in her letter had naturally made some allusion to the deceased King; this is caught at by the tutor, and forms the key-note of the homily which her step-son is now instructed to address to her. He exhorts her to proceed in her good beginning — of widowed love, and to pursue his father's most noble memory with an eternal affection, for in so doing she would fulfil the duty of a good wife and subject. This recommendation is accompanied with the further request that the queen would continue her marks of kindness towards himself; and, lastly, with the expression of a hope that she would persevere in the study of the holy scriptures, — an occupation which the protector and his friends recommended as best suited to engage the solitary hours of the royal widow. Matters, however, had already proceeded too far in the dowager's palace at Chelsea to be checked by such gentle hints. A few weeks after, when the lord Seymour got access to the King, the latter was easily persuaded to write to his step-mother in a very different strain (see Letter xlvi.) This letter is published by Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol.ii. book I. chapter v., and in Hearne's Sylloge, p. 116 ; it is translated by Halliwell, vol ii. p. 33 (but there mis- appropriated to the year 1548), and also in Miss Strickland's Lives of the Queens, edit. 1853, iii. 264. The original draft is preserved among Archbishop Parker's MSS. in the library of Corpus Christi college, Cambridge, vol. 119, art. 8, whence Strype derived it; and a lithographed fac-simile thereof is given in the Appendix to " The Gospel according to St. Matthew, &c. translated by Sir John Cheke," edited by the Kev. James Goodwin, B.D. 1843, 8vo. & 42 LITERARY REMAINS OF KIN& EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1547. Reginse Catharinge. Cum non* procul abs te abessem, et quotidie me te visurum spe- rarem, mihi optimum videbatur non omnino ad te lit eras dare. Literse enim sunt cujusdam memoriae et benevolentise longe absen- tium signa. Sed ego petitione tua tandem aecensus non potui non ad te literas mittere. Primum ut tibi gratum faciam ; deinde vero, ut tuis literis respondeam benevolentia plenis, quas e Sancto Jacobo ad me misisti. In quibus primum ponis ante oculos tuum amorem erga patrem meum NobUissimge memorise E-egem ; deinde benevo- lentiam erga me ; ac postremo pietatem, scientiam, et doctrinam in sacris literis. Perge igitur in tuo bono incepto, et prosequere patrem amore diuturno ; ac exhibe mihi tanta signa benevolentiae, quse semper hactenus in te sensi ; et ne desinas amare et legere sacras literas, sed semper in eis legendis persevera. In prime enim indicas officium bonse conjugis et subjectse ; in secundo ostendis laudem amicitisB tuse ; et in tertio tuam pietatem erga Deum. Quare cum ames patrem non possum non te vebementer laudare ; cum me ames, non te iterum diligere ; et cum verbum Dei ames, te colam et mirabar ex animo. Quare si quid sit, quo possum tibi gratum facto vel verbo facere, libenter prsestabo. Vale. Tricessimo Maij. E. Eex. LETTER XLV. To the Earl op Hertford : from St. James's, June 9, 1547. [Grig, holograph, in MS. Lansdowne 1236, p. 14. Copy in MS. Harl. 5087, No. 38.] This letter is written by the King to his " sweetest cousin" Edward earl of Hertford, the duke of Somerset's eldest son, who, it appears, had for the first time addressed him, pro- bably in congratulation of his accession to the throne. * The word non is omitted in the copy-book, by error of the scribe. JET. X.] LETTERS. 43 The King is instructed to reply to liim witli the warmest encomiums of his amiability and his diligence in study, in order, no doubt, to encourage the estimation of those good, qualities in the breast of the royal writer. Edward Seymour, earl of Hertford, the eldest son of the Protector by his second wife Anne Stanhope, and his heir by special remainder, lived through the reign of Elizabeth, and nearly through that of James the Eirst, and died an aged man in 1621. He was about nine years of age when he received this very flattering letter from his royal cousin. He was restored to the earldom of Hertford by queen Elizabeth in 1559; but for a time incurred her displeasure by his adventurous match with the lady Katharine Grey. There is a second letter to the earl of Hertford in a subsequent page. Strype, in his catalogue of the King's writings (Life of Cranmer, p. 298) has mentioned " A letter to the earl of Hertford his cousin in Latin :" quoting Sir W. Hatton's MSS. — whether a copy of one of these two I have not been able to ascertain. Sir Henry Ellis printed the present letter in his First Series, ii. 144, but fell into the error of supposing it to have been addressed to the duke of Somerset ; and so has Mr. Halliwell, in his Koyal Letters, vol. ii. p. 27. Literse tuse, Cognate suavissime, mihi longe gratissimse fuerunt, multis de causis. Primnm quia cum eas bene perpendo, sentio in te maximam gratitudinem, et animi humanitatem, deiade video te literis imbutum esse, postremo vero animadverto tuam insignem diligentiam. Perge igitur in preclaro tuo incoepto, sisque erga omnes gratus et bumanus, nee amorem tuuni subtrahas erga literas et preclaram pbilosopbiam, denique adhibe diligentiam in omnibus tuis conatibus. Si etenim * humanitate precellueris, omnes naturae tuse bonitatem valde suspicient ; prseterea si amore literas prose- quaris, et legi divinse des operam, optimus quisque te ad ccelum usque extoUet ; postremo si fueris assiduus, omnia tibi felicissime succedent. Itaque pro tua erga me humanitate non possum non te masime diligere, pro studio tuo erga literas infracto,t non te vebe- * enim in MS. Harl. 5087. t infracto in literas in MS. Harl. 5087. g2 44 LITEBART REMAINS OE EINa EDWAKD VI. [a.d. 1547. menter laudibus vehere, proque diligentia tua incomparabili non te merito admirari. Vale. Ex divi Jacobi, nono die Junij. Directed, Oognato meo Ohariss° Edouardo Hardfordiensi. LETTER XLVI. To Qtjeen Kathaeine : from St. James's, June 25, 1547. [From transcript by Thoresby in the Bodleian Library.] Strype appears to have possessed tbe original of this letter, having printed it in his Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. book i. chap. xvi. from " MSS. penes me;" afterwards Thoresby, by whom a copy was transmitted to Hearne, which is now preserved among the correspondence of the latter in the Bodleian Library, under letter T. ; and subse- quently Thane, who engraved the signature and date in fac-simile under the portrait of the King in his British Autography. It is stated by Thoresby to be " endorsed by an ancient hand, ' The Kyng's Majestie to the Queue after marriage.' " Mr. Halliwell, in copying the letter, (ii. 35) has given an inaccurate copy of this indorsement, and has incorrectly stated that "the letter is still preserved among the Cottonian MSS:'' where it is now preserved has not been ascertained by the present editor. This very remarkable letter, so opposite in its intent to that which the King had written not a month before (No. XLIV.), was perhaps as little as the other the natural reflection of the King's own wishes or sentiments ; but its meaning was more obvious, and we may therefore suppose that, on this occasion at least, Edward knew the purport of what he was writing. Its contents were evidently dictated by the lord admiral himself. He procured it with the object that it should bear testimony that his marriage with the queen dowager had been not merely sanctioned, but even advocated and solicited, by the King. This little plot had been laid with the queen's co-operation; she had "merrily" written " requiring help against" the lord admiral; he went to receive the King's answer, and appears to have easily induced the young monarch to write all that he required. About a year after Seymour endeavoured (as we shall see) to repeat the same policy, with less success: his brother's jealousy at that time excluded him from personal access or open communication with the King. The existence of the present letter was known to the privy council at the time of the lord admiral's prosecution. Among the articles objected to him (as recorded in the council-book) were the following: — " 20. It is objected and laid to your charge. That you married the late queen so soon after the late King's death, that, if she had conceived strait after, it should have been a ^T. X.] LETTERS. ..X5 great doubt whether the child born should have been accounted the late King's or yours ; ■whereupon a marvellous danger and peril might and was like to have ensued to the King's majesty's succession, and quiet of the realm. " 21. It IS objected and laid to your charge, That you first married the queen privately, and did dissemble and keep close the same, insomuch that, a good space after you had married her, you made labour to the King's majesty, and obtained a letter of his majesty'.'' hand, to move and require the said queen to marry with you; and likewise procured the lord protector to speak to the queen to bear you her favour towards marriage ; by the which colouring not only your evil and dissembling nature may be known, but also it is to be feared that at this present you did intend to use the same practice in the marriage of the lady Elizabeth's grace." The love-letters of the queen and lord admiral, of which several are preserved, help to show the progress of this memorable wooing. Between the principal parties there had been little if any difficulty, for it was the renewal of a former attachment ;* but to obtain the assent- and concurrence of those in power was an undertaking which required the utmost skill and management. One of the queen's letters, which are undated, begins thus:' " My Lord, As I gather by your letter delivered to my brother Herbert, ye are in some fear how to frame my lord your brother to speak in your favour. The denial of your request shall make his folly more manifest to the world, which will more grieve me than the want of his speaking. I would not wish you to importune for his good- will if it come not frankly at the first ; it shall be sufficient once to require it, and then to cease. I would desire you to obtain the King's letters in your favour, and also the aid and further- ance of the most notable of the Council, such as ye shall think convenient; which thing obtained, shall be no small shame to your brother and loving sister, [this was a sneer at the duchess of Somerset,] in case they do not the like." On the 17th of May, — -when the private marriage alleged in the article already cited had evidently taken place, but whether before or after the queen had written as above f * To this point we have Katharine's own earnest testimony. " I would not (she assures her chosen) have you to think this mine honest good-will toward you to proceed of any sudden notion of passion ; for, as truly as God is God, my mind was fully bent, the other time I was at liberty, to marry you before any man I know." t In the passage following those quoted, the queen proceeds to notify her consent " to change the two years into two months:" if this implied two months reckoned from king Henry's death at the end of January, then, in compliance with such arrangement, the secret marriage would be made at the end of March. It appears, however, from a letter written by Seymour on the 17th May, that at that date the queen's intention was only just communicated to her sister lady Herbert, with whom she lived on terms of perfect confidence and familiarity. 46 LITEKABY REMAINS OP KING EDWABD VI. [a.d. 1547. it is difficult to determine, — the lord admiral tells the queen, " I have not as yet attempted my stren'gth, for that I would be first thoroughly in credit ere I would move the same ; but, beseeching your highness that I may not so use my said strength that they (evidently meaning the leading members of the privy council) shall think, and hereafter cast in my teeth, that by their suit I sought and obtained your goodwill, for hitherto I am out of all their dangers for any pleasure that they have done for me worthy of thanks, and, as I judge, your highness may say the like, wherefore by mine advice we will keep us so, nothing mistrusting the goodness of God but we shall be able to live out of their danger, as they shall out of ours ; yet I mean not but to use their friendship to bring our purpose to pass, as occasion shall serve." It appears from the 21st article of his impeachment that the lord admiral, at length, not only obtained the present letter from King Edward, but also was successful where he apprehended the most difficulty. He " procured the lord protector to speak to the queen to bear him her favour towards marriage :" — that is to say, the duke, apprised that the matter had already proceeded past remedy, was at last persuaded to notify his acquiescence in the marriage ; and afterwards, when the queen-dowager gave birth to a child, he certainly addressed to his brother a note of congratulation conceived in very cordial terms, though attached to a letter of expostulation and reproof, and remarkable, like the protector's other letters, for its assumption of the regal " We." (See this in Miss Strickland's life of Katharine Parr.) We thank you hartely, not onlie for your gentle acceptatione of our sute moved unto you, but also for your lovinge accomplishinge of the same, where in you have declared not onlie a desire to gratifie us, but also moved us to declar the good will likewise that we beare to yow in all your requestes. Wherfore ye shal not nede to feare anie grefe to come, or to suspecte lake of ayde in nede ; seing that he, beinge mine uncle, is of soe goode an nature that he wUl not be troblesome oney meanes untoe yow ; and I of that minde that of divers juste causes I must favor yow. But even as without cause yow merelye require helpe against him whome yow have putte in trust with the cariage of thes lettres ; so male I merelie retourne the same requeste unto yow, to provide that he male live with yow also without grefe, wich bathe givene him hoeli unto yow. And I will so provide for yow bothe, that hereafter, if any greafe befall, I shall be a suflS.ciente socore in your godlie or praisable ^T. X.] LETTERS. 47 enterprises. Pare ye welle, with muche encreas of honor and vertne in Christe. Prom Saincte James, the fife and twentie daie of June. Edwabd. Directed, To the queenes grace. We must not quit this subject witliout the further remark, that the lord admiral also addressed the lady Mary, soliciting her to recommend his suit to the queen. His letter is not preserved; but the lady Mary's careful and judicious reply, in which she told him it did not become her either as daughter of the late King, or as a maid, to interfere in such matters, may be seen in Sir Henry Ellis's First Series of Original Letters, vol. ii. p. 150, or Miss Strickland's memoir of Katharine Parr, Lives of the Queens, 1853, iii. 263. LETTER XLVII. To the Dtjkb oe Somerset : from Hampton Court, August 24, 1547. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 39.] The Protector had now undertaken the war with Scotland, and King Edward is taught that his uncle was endeavouring to restore to the English crown a portion of " its own" inheritance, by making the Scots its subjects. He further acknowledges his uncle's care in promoting the peace and rehgion of the kingdom ; and lastly thanks him for having undertaken to execute all the business of the royal office during, the writer's boyhood. Edward thinks he can send the duke nothing more acceptable than this token of his esteem, begging him to be always mindful of these virtues — first equity and justice, then faith and true religion, finally, courage and valour. He prays God for the duke's safe progress and return. Edouardo Duci Somers. Agnosco me multis nominibus tihi debere, charissime avuncule, ob tuam ingentem benevolentiam. Primum quia suum mese reipub- licse restituere conaris, ac das operam uti Scoti sint nostri subjecti. Prgeterea tu studes, ut hoc regnum sit quietum et repletum vera religione, hoc est fide in Deo. Quamobrem tibi ingentes gratias ago; Ulud enim, quod reipublicse, mihi etiam prodesse debet. 48 LITERARY REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1547. Postremo maxime tibi devincior, quod, me puero, suscipis omnia negotia quEe mea sunt. Cum autem tot beneflcia in me contulisti, non possum non aliquod testimonium beneyolentise mese erga te prsebere. Ciimque nihil aliud possum tibi mittere, quod gratius hoc erit, ad te hoc munusculum do ; in quo a te contendam ut semper reminiscaris harum virtutum, scilicet sequitatis et justicise, deinde fidei et ver^e religionis, denique fortitudinis et strenuitatis. Deum precor, ut felicissime te producat, atque reducat. Ex aula Amptoniensi, 24 Augusti. E. Rex. The King's Answer to the Polish Ambassador, at Hampton Court, September 9, 1547. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 40.] This answer to the Polish Ambassador being entered in the King's Latin letter-book, it is retained in the present position. The king of Poland at this time was Sigismund I. who died in 1549. He witnessed the progress of the Eeformation in his dominions with liberality and toleration, but without taking a decided part in its favour. In answer to John. Eck, who dedicated to him a work against Luther, and recommended to him the English king as an example worthy of imi- tation, he publicly replied, " Let king Henry write against Martin ; but with regard to myself, I shall be king equally of the sheep and the goat." Not long after the present date, in 1548, the distinguished Polish reformer, John Laski, or a Lasco, was invited to England by Cranmer, and in 1550 he became the head of the foreign Protestant congrega- tion, to which the church of the Augustine Friars in the city of London was assigned. Responsio Regis E^ 6. ad nuncium Regis Polonise, anno 1°. 9" Septembris. Agamus ingentes gratias domino tuo, Regi Polonige, ob suam ingentem humanitatem et benevolentiam erga nos. Intelligo enim hoc esse exemplum literarum ejus ob patris mei discessum maximo dolore affici ; et contra, maxime ilium gaudere, quia prospera succes- sione veni regnum meum. Quare non parum illi debeo. Cum ^T. X.] LETTERS. 49 vero Rex Polonise, Dominus tuus, oret et a me petat, ut tibi copiam facerem pertransiendi regnum meum, videasque omnia oppida, cas- tella, fructusque huj as terrse ; tibi libenti animo concedo, facioque tibi copiam turn Mc manendi, tum regrediendi, cum tibi libuerit. Ex aula Amtoniensi, 9" Septembris. E. Eex. LETTER XLVIII. To the Queen : from Hampton Court. [Orig. in MS. Harl. 6986, part 12.] In this letter Edward again compliments tlie Queen upon her beatitiful writing, and on the excellent composition of her letters, to which he admits his own to be very inferior, yet relies on her good-nature for acceptance. This letter was published by Sir Henry Ellis, Original Letters, First Series, i. 132 ; and translated by HaUiwell, ii. 33 Je vous mercie, tresnoble et tresexcellente Roine, de voz lettres lesquelles vous m'envoiastes dernier ement, non seulement pour la beaute de voz lettres, mais aussy pour I'invention des mesmes lettres. Car quand je voiois vostre belle escriture et I'excellence de vostre engin grandement precedant mon invention je nausois vous escrire. Mais quand je pensois que vostre nature estoit si bonne, que toute chose procedant d'un bon esprit et vouloir seroit accept- able, je vous ay escrit ceste lettre cy. De ma maison de Hampton court. Directed, A la tresnoble et tresexcellente Roine. H 50 LITERARY REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1546. LETTER XLIX. To the Duke oe Somerset : from Hampton Court, September 12, 1547. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 41.] Another letter sent into Scotland. It Was despatdied by the hands of sir Thomas Wroth, who was a gentleman of the King's privy chamber, and became one of his chief favourites ; and who was expected by the King to bring back a fuUer account of i,he war and of every thing else he might see, than Edward had been able to gather from former messengers. It speaks of a letter which the King had received from Somerset ; for which search has been made in the State-paper office, and the British Museum, but it does not appear to be extant. Edward is confident of victory, because the English were fighting for the cause of God, the Scotish for the cause of the pope ; and as his uncle had told him that all the priests, bishops, monks, and friars were about to fight in the front of the Scotish army, he expresses the boy-like wish that the whole of them might be vanquished and destroyed. He concludes with his salutations to the earl of Warwick, who held the second command in the army. E. Duci Somerset. Cum postremis meis Uteris uon tibi potui integre explanare meam sententiam (tanta erat festinatio), jam, cum m.ihi sit tarn idoneus nuncius, ojDtimum visum est has ad te literas dare. "Wrothum enim ad te misi, Avuncule charissim.e ; ut ille ad me reversus possit mihi plene significare quomodo te habeas, modum pugnse, aliaque omnia quEe videbit. Alii enim nuncii paucis narrant summam rerum tuarum. Ubi autem in tua epistola dixisti sacerdotes, episcopos, monachos, fratresque omnes pugnaturos, futurosque in prima acie, masuno gaudio afficior. Spero enim illos victum et fusum iri, turn demum omnes authores hujus tumultus et negotii ex hac vita decedere. Non est autem dubium, quin nos vicerimus ; pugnamus enim ob causam Dei ; illi vero ob causam papse. Deus tibi victoriam donet. Salutabis nomine meo dominum Warwicensem. Ex aula nostra Amptoniensi, 12° Septembris. E. Rex. MT. X.] LETTERS. 51 LETTER L. To the Duke of Somerset : from Oatlands, Sept. 18, 1547. [Orig. holograph in MS. Lansd. 1236, p. 16,] This letter was printed by Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol.ii. book i. chap. iii. ; in Sir Henry Ellis's first series of Letters, vol. ii. p. 148 ; and by Halliwell,ii 32. Derest Uncle, by your lettres and reporte of the messenger, we have at good length iinderstanded, to our great comfort, the good succese it hathe pleased God to graunt us against the Scottes by your good courage and mse forsight, for the wich and other the benefites of God heaped upon us, Kke as we ar m.ost bounden to yeld him. most humble thankes, and to seke bi al waies we mai his true honour, so do we give unto you, good Uncle, our most hartie thankes, praying you to thanke also most hartehe in our name our good cosia therle of Warwike, and all the othere of the noble men, gentlemen and others, that have served in this journei, of whose service they shall all be well assured, we will not (God grante us lief) shew our selfes unmindfull, but be redy ever to consider the same as anie occasion shall serve. Teven at our house of Otlandes, the eighteneth of September. Your good nevew, Edward. Directed in another hand. To our derest uncle the duke of Somerset. LETTER LI. To Queen Katharine : from Oatlands, September 19, 1547. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 42.] The sentiments in this letter are pretty and happily expressed. The King thanks his stepmother for a recent letter, which had been very acceptable to him, because it testified h2 52 LITERARY REMAINS OP KING- EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1547. to the continuance of her old love for him ; and again compliments her on her eloquence and her diligence in study, which he hopes to emulate though he can never surpass. It has not been before printed. ReginEe Catlieriiise. Perjucundse mihi fuerunt tuse literse, nobilissima B/egina, quas novissime ad me scripsisti. Priimmi quia intelligo tuum veterem araorem in illis inesse. Deinde, quia illse longissime eloquentia et ornato dicendi modo aKorum literas prsecellebant. Postremo quia mihi ob oculos ponis et manifestas tuam sedulitatem in scribendo longe pulcherrimam. Tuus enim vetustus amor adhuc permanens me maxime provocat incitatque, ut tibi mutuum. referrem amorem ; tuaque eloquentia et sedulitas maximum mihi classicum canit, uti ego totis viribus summaque potentia mea eniterer ad assequendum saltem, quamquam antevenire non possum, tuam eximiam virtutem. Deus foelicissime te prosperet. Otlandise, 19° Septembris. E. Eex. LETTER LII. To Edward Earl op Hertford : undated. [MS. Harl. 5087, No. 43.] He again addresses his cousin in terms of the utmost affection, expressing himself con- vinced of his kindness, his readiness to wait upon him, and, when that had been prevented, his attention in Vfriting. Translated byHaUiwell, ii. 20. Edouardo Comiti Hartfordige. Intelligo ex tuis Uteris, cognate charissime, non tuam negligen- tiam, qua te accusatum iri apud me putasti; non socordiam et ignaviam, quam tu quidem semper effugisti, et tanquam serpentem et venenum vitasti ; sed animi promptitudinem, diligentiam, bene- ^T. XI.] LETTERS. 53 volentiam, denique amorem ilium tuum, quo semper me prose- qutus es. Non solum enim tu me hue advenientem conabaris, quantum in te erat, adire et comitari ; sed etiam cum non feliciter succederet, ad me Kteras dedisti, ob quas tibi non parvas gratias ago ; cujus enim aspectus mihi asset gratissimus, ejus etiam literas injucundas esse quis putabit ? Deus te servet incolumem. Vale. This is the last of the Latin letters in the folio copybook. LETTER LIII. To the Lord Admiral Sexmour : from St. James's, June 26, 1548. [Burghley Papers, by Haynes, p. 74] The lord admiral's success with the queen encouraged his other ambitious views. He desired to become Governor of the King's person, and thus to obtain a paramount influence over the mind of his young sovereign ;* and in this object he probably did not want the countenance of the queen dowager, who had partially lost the position she had formerly enjoyed in respect to her royal step-son. This project occupied the lord admiral's atten- tion during the year 1547. According to his own admission (when brought to question in the Tower), " he had heard, and upon that sought out certain precedents, that there was * It appears from several passages in the examinations taken for the prosecution of the lord admiral that he never openly avowed any desire to supplant his brother in the oiEce of Protector of the kingdom, but aimed at being declared Governor of the King's person. In the confession of sir William Sharington, his scheme is unfolded thus : " I have also heard him say that he thought it was not the king's vrill that dead is, that any one man should have both the government of the King that now is and also the Eealm : and that in time past, if there were two uncles being of the mother's side, the one should have the one, the other the other." (Haynes's Burghley Papers, p. 90 ) When in the Tower he said to his keeper, Christopher Eyre, " As for my lord my brother, I never meant evil thought to him. Mary ! this before the last parliament I thought, that I might have the King's majesty in my custody, with the consent of the lords and commons of the parliament : and to say that ever I went about to take the King from my lord my brother by force, I never meant nor thought it." (Ibid. p. 106, and more, to the like effect, in p. 108.) At the same time, according to the testimony of the marquess of Dorset, the lord admiral declared that he " would not have any Protector, but said he would have the King to have the 54 LITERARY REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1547. in England at one time one protector, and another regent of France,* and the duke of Exeter and bishop of "Winchester governors of the King's person ; upon that he had thought to have made suit to the parliament-house for that purpose, and he had the names of the lords, and totted them whom he thought he might have to his purpose, to labour them. But afterwards, communing with mr. comptroller [sir William Paget] at Ely place, being put in remembrance by him of his assenting and agreeing with his own hand that the lord protector should be governor of the King's person, he was ashamed of his doings, and left off that suit and labour." (The lord admiral's answer to three of the articles objected against him, printed in Burnet's History of the Eeformation, part n. book i. Eecords, Number 31.) This is his own account ; but there is abundant evidence that he stiU endeavoured by every possible means to increase his own interest with his royal nephew, and at the same time to lessen that of the protector. According to the preamble of the act for his attainder, " beying dysapoynted of hys malytyous enterpryse, the same admyrall contynuing nevertheles in his great ambycion and moste detestable malycyous trayterous purpose, thinking by tumulte and vyolence openly to acheve that thing which by slieght he coulde not secretlye compasse, traveled with your Majestie, being yet for your tendre yeres not hable to conceyve his falshed, by craftie and subtyle and trayterous meanes and persuasyons, havyng allso prepared abowt your grace by oorruptyon sundrye persones to be instrumentes to help forwardes all his naughtie trayterous purposes, to have cawsed your grace at his contemplacion to have written a bill or lettrej of your Majesties owne hande to your highe courte of parla- ment, desiringe the same therby to be good unto the saide lorde Seymour in such honour of his own things ; for (said he) of his years he is wise and learned. Marry, he thought it meet the lord protector might be chief of the Council. And though he (the said admiral) could not as then do that he would wish, to alter the thing, yet (saith he) let me alone, see me, I will bring it to pass within these two years." (Ibid. p. 76.) He also confided the same notions to the young earl of Rutland (pp. 82, 87). * Alluding to the dukes of Gloucester and Bedford, in the minority of Henry VI. I This charge, which is grounded upon the King's statement (p. 57), is put forward as if it belonged to the lord admiral's political aspirations, and in the memorandum of his confession it is made still more obviously to appear as if it had reference to a bill intended to have been presented to parliament to place the lord admiral in the position which sir Michael Stanhope (being the deputy of his brother-in-law the duke) held as the immediate governor of the King. But it seems more probable, from the expression repeated by the King that " it was for the queen's majesty," that the object of the letter which Seymour at that time required from his royal nephew was to obtain the disputed jewels claimed by the queen, but withheld by the protector. ^T. xi.J LETTERS. 55 suites and matters as he shoulde open and declare unto them, which bill or lettre the saide lord admyrall thought and determyned, not onely in his owne persone to have brought into the nether house of your saide courte of parlyament, but allso to have lykewise opened the same in the higher house, having in both the same howses laboiired stired, and moved a nombre of persons to take part and joyne with him in such things as he wolde sett fourthe and enterpryse, wherby he thought to brede suche a tumulte, up- rore, and sedycion as well in the saide courte as in the hole realme, as by the troubling of the hole state and bodye of this your realme he might the more facily and easelye bring to passe his moste fearefull, dyvelyshe, and naughtie purpose. For the more sure and certaine compassing wher of, lyke as he feared not to saye to certaine noble men and others that he wolde make the blackest parlyament that ever was seen here in Englande, * so moste traiterouslye, for the further accomplishment of his lewde enterprise, he reteyned a great nomber of men and prepared a great furniture of weapons and habylements of warre ready for the execucion of his saide trayterous attemptates ; and, to colour and cloke his saide myschevous purposes, did, by all such wayes and meanes as he cowlde possiblye devise and ymagin, practyse as it were for his entree towardes the same to seke and attaine the governement of your moste noble person, and therby to have gotten in to his handes the order of your realme and domynyons ; wherunto he aspired in such sorte as he did even then travail expresslye with the moste part of your highnes moste honorable counseU to help him to the saide gouvernement, doing lykewise all that he * This was reported against him by the marquess of Dorset: " My lord admiral spake these words, my lord Clinton being behind me " — apparently as they were riding to the parliament one day during the session of 1547: ' If I be thus used, — they speak of a Black Parliament, by God's precious soul ! I will make the blackest parliament that ever was in England.' To whom my lord Clinton answered, ' If you speak such words, you shall lose my lord (z. e. the favour of the protector) utterly, and undo yourself.' Who then, staying his moyll (mule), turned to my lord Clinton, saying, ' I would you should know, by God's precious soul ! I may better live without him, than he without me. Well ! (said my lord,) who so ever shall go about to speak evil of the queen, I wiU take my fist from the first ears to the lowest,' — speaking of the act that was passed, whereby he gathered that men might speak evil of the queen, saying that she was not the king's lawful wife. (This must have referred to the act 1 Edw. VI. ch. xii. which repealed the famous act of the six articles and various other penal statutes of the previous reign.) To whom I (the marquess of Dorset) answered, saying, ' My lord, these words needs not: for I think there is no nobleman that will speak evil of her, for he should then speak evil of the king that dead is ; wherefore you have no cause to doubt therein ; and I trust all shall be well, and you (and your brother the protector be) friends again." Haynes's Burghley Papers, p. 75. 56 LITEEARY REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1547. cowlde in the parlyament by himself, his servaunts and ministers, not onely to hinder andlett all things there proponed, which touched the honour, suretie, and benefyte of your Majestie and the realme, but allso spredding abrode sondrye slaunders touching your Majesties persone, your derest uncle the saide lorde protector, and thole state of your counsell, over vyle, daungerous, and unmete to be here recyted." The act next states how the protector and council attempted to conciliate the lord admiral, giving him lands to the yearly value of 800Z. ; but, notwithstanding, how that he had endeavoured to pro- vide large sums to be coined at the bank of Bristol, how he accumulated large military stores at the castle of Holt on the Welsh border, and how " he laboured sondry of your nobles* and other your grace's subgectes to joyn with him, devysing with dyvers of them how and by what policyff, wayes, and meanes they shoulde make themselfes stronge in their countrej's for that purpose, and how they shoulde wynne unto them the hedd yeomen and ringleaders of the common people,! declaring how he ment to have matched and sett one nobleman against such another nobleman as he thought he cowlde never compasse and wynne to assent to his factyon and false con- spiracye, promysing to dyvers of them sondrye benefytes, yea, taking so much upon him for th'accomplishment of his sayde trayterous entent and purpose, as he spared not to promyse your moste excellent personue in marryage to a nobleman's daughter of your realme ;;j: and yet not contented herewith, for the further advauncement of his moste naughtie and trayterous purpose, did trayterouslye and unnaturallye practyse even with your highnes owne personne, to make your moste excellent Majestie (for your tendre yeres unliable to understande his false and trayterous purposes) an instrumente towardes the undoyng and distructyon of your Highnes, and the subvertyon of thole state of your Grace's realme, per- swading your Majestie, as much as in him did lye, not onelye to take uppon yow now in your * The chief noblemen whom Seymour endeavoured to win to his party were the marquess of Dorset, the marquess of Northampton, and the young earl of Rutland ; each of whom were examined on the subject, and their evidence will be found in the Burghley Papers, by Haynes. f " He further willed me (the marquess of Dorset) that I should not trust too much unto the Gentyllmen, for they had somewhat to lose, but bad me make me strong with the Franklens, for they were able to rule the Commons." (Haynes, p. 77.) So also the mar- quess of Northampton related: " Then he counselled me to make much of the Gentyllmen in my country, but more of such honest and wealthy Yemen as were ringleaders in good townes ; for, he said, as for the JentyUmen, there is no greate trust to be to them ; but for the other, making much of them, and sometimes dining like a good fellow in one of their houses, I should by that gentle entertainment aUure all their good wills to go with me, whither I would lead them.'' (Ibid. p. 82.) J To the lady Jane Grey, eldest daughter of the marquess of Dorset. JET. XI. J LETTERS. 57 yonge and tendre age, the rule and order of yourself, entendinge and meanynge by the colour therof to take into his handes your moste royall personne, the rules and orders of all th'affayres of your realmes and domynyons, being allredy by the saide lorde protector, with th'advyce of your Grace's moste honorable counsaill, as well prudentlye and polyty- kelye governed as valyauntlye and nobly e defended against outwarde ennemyes, to the encrease of your immortall fame and honnor ; but allso to conceave and engendre an hatred in your most noble hartt against your derest uncle the saide lorde protector, and all your trewe and faithfull counsaillours, to the which his dyvylishe persuasyons and assauts God gave your Highnes, even at this age, to the great rejoyse of us your faithfull snbgects and servaunts, a spetyall grace to resyste, above comen reasone and all expecta- tyon, and moste gratiouslye withowt anny advyse or counsaill to refuse and denye his yvell advertysements and persuasyons ; and further the saide admyraU did moste falselye and trayterouslye corrupte sondrye of your Highnes' privye chamber with manny gyftes and otherwise, to th'intent they shoulde move and procure your Majestic to ivright sondre lettres at his and their devyses, and to put into your Grace's hedd a spetyall and a sjfnguler affectyon and trust towardes him, and a dysposycion to follow whatsoever he would have wroughte towardes all others, that he mighte the rather have compassed his moste trajrterous purpose, which must needes have tended to your Majesties destruction (which God forbyd), and to the utter ruyne of all us, your Highnes' most loveng faith- ' full and obedyent subjectes." The Bang's own testimony was procured against his uncle, and the following record of it is preserved. It is contained in two papers, both signed, but it is presumed not written, by the King's hand. The originals are at Hatfield. The lorde admyrall cam to me in the tyme of the last parliament* at "Westminster, and desyred me to wryght a thing for hym. I asked hym what : He sayd it was none yll thyng ; it is for the quene's majesty. I sayd, If it were good, the lordes wold allow it ; if it were yll, I wold not wryght in it. Than he sayd they wold take it in better parte if I wold wryght. I desyred hym to lett me alone in that matter. Oheke sayd afterwards to me. Ye were not best to wryght. At another tyme,t Within this two yere at lest (he sayd,) * The session of parliament in the first year of king Edward's reign lasted from the 4th November to the 24th December 1547. t Seymour addressed to his brother, when in the Tower, the following admission, which appears to relate to the same occasion. " I do remember (he states) that when I first came to Hampton Court with your grace out of Wiltshire, one night, as the King's majesty I 58 LITEBABT REMAINS OF KING EDWAUD VI. [a.d. 1548. ye must take apon you yourself to rule, for ye shall be hable enough as well as other kyngs ; and than ye may geve your men sumwhat ; for your unkell is olde, and I trust wyll not lyve long. I answered, It were better that he shuld dye. Than he sayd. Ye ar but even a very beggarly Kyng now ; ye have not to play, or to geve to your servaunts. I sayd, Mr. Stanop * had for me. Than he sayd he wold give Eowler money for me, and so he dyd, as Eowler told me. And he gave Cbeke mony, as I bad hym; and also to a boke- bynder, as Belmayn t can tell ; and to dyverse others at that tyme, I remembre not to whom. The lord admirall tolde me theise thyngs before at diverse tymes, twise or thrise. Eowler oftentymes sayd to me, Ye must thanke my lord admiraU for gentylnes that he shewed you, and for hys money ; and was alwey praising of hym. Edwabd. In the month of September, Anno Dom. 1547, the lord admirall told me that my lorde protectour went to Scotland, but that he shulde never passe the Pease $ without losse of a great nombre of men, or of hymseK; and therfor that he spent a great summ of money in vayn. At the returne of my lord my uncle, the lord admirall sayd, I was to bashfull in myne owne matters, and asked me why I did not speak to beare rule, as other kynges do. I sayd walked in the gallery, I began to say unto his Grace that since I saw him last he was grown to be a goodly gentleman, and trusted that within three or four years he should be ruler of his own things : whereunto his Highness said. Nay. I marvelled thereat to myself, and began to number his years, and said, Within this four years his Grace should be six- teen years old ; and said, That I trusted that by that time his Grace should help his men himself with such things as fell in his Grace's gift, or like words in effect; whereat his Grace said nothing. And thus I fell in other talk of other matters ; but what I remember not." Burghley Papers, by Haynes, p. 87. * Sir Michael Stanhope was chief gentleman of the King's privy chamber. He was half-brother to the duchess of Somerset, and beheaded in 1551-2, as one of the leading partisans of the protector. I The King's French master. I The first difficult pass after leaving Berwick: see note to the Jonrnal. MT. xi.J liETTERS. 59 I neded not, for I was well enough. When he went into hys con- trey he desyred me, that yf any thing were sayd agaynst hym, that I shuld not beleve it tyll he cam hymself. Edward. Besides this examination, or confession as it may be termed, there are also extant, under Edward's own hand, three other proofs of his having held communication with the lord admiral through John Fowler, one of his privy chamber. One consists in the two following lines prefixed to a letter of Fowler, dated from St. James's on the 26th June 1548. [Burghley Papers, edited by Haynes, 1740, fol. p. 75 : from the MSS. at Hatfield House.] I commende me to you, my lord, and praie you to credit this writer. Edward. Fowler wrote to the lord admiral as follows : — After most humble recommendations to your good lordship. This shalbe to sertefy you that the King's majesty is in good healthe, thankes be gyvin to God, and has him * hartely recommended to the Quines grace and to your good lordship. And his grace wyllid me to wrytt to your lordship, declaring to me that his mynd and love, notwithstanding your absens, is towards your lordship as mouche as to any man within Ingland. Also his grace willid me to wrytt to your lordship dissierring yow, as your lordship has wilUd him to do, if he lak any monny, to send to your lordship. His grace dessiers you, if you conveniently may, to let him have summ monny; I askid his grace, whatt summ I shuld wrytt to your lordship for ; his grace wold name no summ, but as it pleasid your lord- ship to send him, for he determins to gyve it away, but to home he wooll not tell me as yet. I am not abull to send your lordship no newes, but that my lord of Winchester f precMs afore the King upon sainct Peter's day at Westmyster. His grace is now at St. James's, and my lord protector Hes ther every night, but he dines at Westminster. I will send your lordship the bishop's sermon, God wilhng, the next time I wrytt to your lordship ; and if army newes cumm then I woll sartify jour lordship. The King's majesty dessiers * Misprinted bin by Haynes. f This was the sermon which Gardiner was enjoined to preach in order to test his principles. Certain " points " upon which he was to be explicit were dictated to him by the council ; but as he did not give satisfaction he was arrested two days after. See the full particulars under the head of the 7th Article charged agamst him, in Foxe's Acts and Monuments : also the protector's letter to him, requiring his attention to the " points," dated Sion, the 28th June, in Burnet's Plistory of the Reformation. Notes of the sermon itself are preserved in the MSS. of Corpus Christi Coll. Camb. Misc. viii. 15. i2 60 LITERARY REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [ad. 1548. your lordship to send him this monny as shortly as you can ; and bycause your lordship may credit me the better, his grace has wrytten in the beginning of my letter himself. And thus making an ende, I commytte your lordship to allmighty God, to home my dally prayer is to preserve the Quines grace and your lordship, with all yours, to his godly plessur. Wrytten in haste at St. James the 26th of June, By your Lordship's most bounden to command, Jhon Fowlee. I dessier your lordship to burne my letter. Directed, To the right honorable and my especyall good lord my Lord Admyrall be this geven. In the examinations of the marquess of Dorset, as reported by secretary Petre, it is stated that " He (the admiral) hath also declared unto me that the King's majesty hath divers tymes made lus moan unto him, saying that ' My uncle of Somerset dealeth very hardly with me, and keepeth me so strait, that I can not have money at my wihe: but my lord admiral both sends me money, and gives me money.' And this hath not been only my lord admiral's tale, but I have also heard the same tale reported of HaTington.'' On this point see further under the next Letter. LETTER LIV. To the Lord Admiral Seymour : from Hampton Court, July 19, 1548. [State Paper Office, Domestic Edw. VI. vol. iv.] The following letter of John Fowler is indorsed : " Fowler's Lettres, with the kynges bylles." The King's " bills '' shall be first given, and Fowler's letter, with its explanatory illustrations, may follow : On a slip of paper : ^ My lord, i thank yow, and praye yow to have me recommended to y^ queue. Edward. From Hampton, 18 of July. On a piece of paper torn out of the corner of a sheet : My lord, send me for Latimer as much as ye think good, and deliver it to Eouler. Edward. Directed at the back, To my lord admiral. ^T. XI.J LETTEBS. 61 John Fowler to my Lord Admiral. I most humbly thank your lordship for your letter dated the xv of this present, which letter I showed to the Kinges majesty. And wher as, in my last letter to your lordship, I wrytt unto you if his grace could gett any spare tyme his grace wold wrytt a letter to the Quines grace and to you, but his highnes dessiers your lordship to pardon him, for his grace is not half a quarter of a nower alonne. But, souche lesser [i. e. leisure] as his grace had, his majesty hath written (here inclosid) his recommendations to the Quines grace and to your lordship, willing me to signify to your lordship that he is so mouche bound to you that he moust nides [needs] remember you always, and as his grace may hare tyme you shall welle perseve by souche small lynes of recommendation with his oon hand. Newes I have none to wrytt to your lordship, but that we have good hope that Had- dinton shall be abuU to bide this grate brount.* The Kinges majesty lukes every ower for good newes ; for as they cumme my lordes grace I sendes the letters to the Kinges majesty. My lady of Somerset is browhte to bed of a goodly boy, thankes be to God ; and I trust in allmighty God the Quines grace shall have another. The Kinges majesty shall crysten my lordes grace sonne.J I cannot tell your lordship whether his grace [z. e. the King] shall goo to Shine § him self or not, for as yet the chyld is uncrystenid. I must, among other neues, declare un to your lordship that my lord protector's grace is so good lord unto me, that his grace hath gyvin me the kiping of the grett park of Pettworthe, or ellse of Wollawyngton, which I woll chusse ; and monday next I intend, God willing, to go into Sothesex and see them. I dessier your lordship, when you send me ooney letters, lett them be delyvered to myself ; trusting also your lordship wyU provide that this shall tell no more taUes after your reading ; for now I wrytt at lengthe to your lordship by cause I am promest of a trusty messenger. And thus I commytt your lordship to almighty God, who preserve your lordship, with the Quines grace, and aU yours, to his pleasure. Wrytten in haste, at Hampton Court, this xix of July. Your lordshipes most bounden, John Fowller. * Haddington, garrisoned by the English, was besieged by the Scots. The siege was raised by the earl of Shrewsbury: see the King's Journal hereafter. I The protector. i This accounts for the very extraordinary fact of the duke of Somerset having a third son named Edward, the two former being both alive. The eldest was by his first marriage, and died sir Edward Seymour of Berry Pomeroy, co. Devon (the ancestor of the present duke). The second was the earl of Hertford, akeady noticed in p. 42. The third is named by Dugdale (Baronage, ii. 367), as " another Edward," but, as that genealogist says nothing more about him, it may be presumed that he died in infancy. § The duchess of Somerset was brought to bed at Sheen. 62 LITEKABY REMAINS OF KING- EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1548. I had forgotten to declare to your lordsMp consernyng the mony your lordship wold my friend shuld have. When he has nid [z. e. need] I shalbe bold to send. Directed, To the righte worshipful and my especiall good lord my lord admyrall be this geven. When desirous to make his peace by a confession of the misdemeanors of which he was accused, the lord admiral endeavoured to recollect all the occasions on which he attempted by money to purchase an interest in the royal household; and to the charge of " corrupting with gifts, and fair promises, certain of the privy chamber, to persuade the King's majesty to have a credit towards you, and so to insinuate you to his grace that, when he lacked any thing, he should have it of you and none other," (articles 2 and 10,) he made the following reply : — " He gave money to two or three of them which were about the King. To mr. Cheke he saith he gave at Christmas-tide was twelve-months, when the queen was at Enfield, 40 Z., whereof to himself 2QI. the other for the King to bestow where it pleased his grace amongst his servants. Mr. Cheke was loth to take it; howbeit he would needs press that upon him ; and to him he gave no more, at no time, as he remembreth, sith the King's majesty was crowned. To the grooms of the privy chamber he hath at new-year's tide given money, he 'doth not well remember what. To Fowler, he saith, he gave money for the King, sith the beginning of this parliament now last at Loi^don, 20 I. ; and divers times, he saith, the King hath sent to him for money, and he hath sent i\,. And what time mr. Latimer preached before the King, the King sent to him to know what he should give mr. Latimer, and he sent to him by Fowler 40 I. with this word, that 20 I. was a good reward for Mr. Latimer, and the other he might bestow amongst his servants. Whether he hath given Fowler any money for himself he doth not remember." (Burnet's Hist, of the Eeformation, Part ii. book i. Eecords, Num- ber 81.) Fowler's present letter, and the King's " bills," were first published by Mr. Tytler in his " Edward VI. and Mary," but Mr. Tytler had no notion who that " Latimer" was. From the time of his resignation of the bishopric of Worcester, on the 1st Jan. 1539, Latimer had been sequestered from preaching, and the accession of King Edward had found him a prisoner in the Tower of London. On his release, as Foxe says, " the golden mouth of this preacher, long shut up, was opened again." Heylin (from what authority I have not discovered*) gives the following particulars: " On new-year's day, being Sun- day [1547-8] he preached his first sermon at St. Paul's Cross (the first, I mean, after * There is a passage in Stowe's Chronicle which states that Latimer's sermons were preached on the 1st, 8th, loth, and 29th January, — the last not on the 25th, the feast of St. Paul's Conversion, but on a Sunday. MT. XI.] LETTERS. 63 his re-admission to his former ministry), and, at the same place again on that day seyen- night, and on the Sunday after also ; and finally on the day of St. Paul's Conversion, the twenty-fifth of that month. By means whereof he became so famous, and drew such mul- titudes of people after him to hear his sermon, that, being to preach before the King on the first Friday in Lent, it was thought necessary that the pulpit should be placed in the King's Privy Gaxden [at Whitehall], where he might be heard of more than four times as many auditors as could have thronged into the Chapel. Which, as it was the first sermon which was preached in that place, so afterward a fixed and standing pulpit was erected for the like occasions : especially for Lent sermons on the Sundays in the afternoon, and hath so continued ever since tiU these later times.'' (History of the Eeformation, first published in 1660.) In Foxe's Acts and Monuments edit. 1576 is a very graphic and interesting representation of " Maister Latimer preachyng before Kyng Edward the sixt, in the Preaohyng-place at Westminster." The majority of the audience stand in the garden : the King and Protector are seated at a window of the palace. No report of the sermons preached by Latimer in 1547-8 is preserved, except a short note from the second by Stowe (see the Addenda). The whole series of his Lent sermons preafched before the King in the year 1549 are in his works (edited by the Parker Society); they are seven in number, one preached on each Friday in Lent ; and also one preached in the Lent of 1550. It is remarkable that in two of the sermons of 1549, the fourth 'and the seventh, he gave utterance to reflections of the utmost severity upon the character of the late lord admiral. LETTER LV. To Baenaby EitzPatkick : dated May 8, 1548. [MS. Addit. Brit. Mus. 5845, MS. Cole, vol. xuv. p. 5.] Barnaby FitzPatrick was the eldest son of an Irish chieftain, Bernard or Barnaby Gill-Patrick, the lord of Upper Ossory, who after the suppression of the rebellion of the Geraldines in 1537 made his submission to the English monarch, was created a peer of Ireland by the title of Baron of Upper Ossory in 1541, and was knighted in 1543. His first wife, the mother of his successor, was Margaret, widow of Thomas FitzGerald, second son of the earl of Desmond, and eldest daughter of Pierce earl of Ormonde. We have no notice of the date of the younger Barnaby's birth : but he was probably a few years the senior of prince Edward ; and, being retained at the EngBsh court as a hostage for his father's good behaviour, as well as for his own education, he became the favourite schoolfellow and companion of the prince, and had the reputation of being his 64 LITERAKT REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [ad. 1548. highness's " proxy for correction."* His cousin the earl of Ormonde was also a feUow- pupil. On the 15th Aug. 1551 Barnaby was sworn a gentleman in ordinary of the King's privy chamber, together with sir Eobert Dudley, afterwards earl of Leicester.f When of an age to travel, Barnaby MtzPatrick went to the French court, furnished at king Edward's cost; and his royal friend continued to supply his expenses J throughout his stay in France, which lasted for about twelve months. To this circumstance we are indebted for the interesting series of Letters contained in the ensuing pages. The French king appointed the young Irish lord to be a gentleman of his chamber, whereby he enjoyed the advantage of being continually with his majesty, both in the court and in the camp ; and at the close, of his visit he dismissed him with the very flattering letter to the bearer's own sovereign which is printed (for the first time) in a subsequent page. After his return from France, mr. Barnaby, as he was usually called in England, accompanied his cousin the earl of Ormonde § into Kent to oppose the rebellion of Wyat, at the beginning of Mary's reign; and in 1558 he went with the expedition into Scotland, where the duke of Norfolk knighted him at the siege of Leith. The date of his father's death is not recorded, but on the 12th Jan. 1559 he was present at the parliament in Dublin as lord of Upper Ossory. He continued through life a faithful subject of the English crown, and was constituted lord lieutenant of the King's and Queen's counties, || and of several Irish counties adjoining. The lord deputy Sidney, in a relation of the state of Ireland written in Dec. 1575, states that " Upper Osserie is so well governed and defended, by the valour and wisedome of the baron that now is, as, savinge for suertie of good order hereafter in succession, it made no matter if the countrie were never shired, nor her majesties writt otherwaies curraunt than it is; so humblye he keepeth all his people suject to obedience and good order;" and again, in 1580, in his * On this subject see the Biographical Memoir : where the passage of Fuller's Church History, in which this assertion is made, wiU be found cited. f See the King's record of this occurrence in his Journal. J See the extracts from the Privy Council books in p. 91. § One night in Dec. 1553 the earl of Ormonde, sir Courtenay, and mr. Barnaby were together embroiled in a London street affray, originating in a quarrel with a priest, whose part was taken by a gentleman passing by, " and so they fell by the ears." They were in consequence taken by the two sheriffs to the Poultry counter, where they remained for some days. Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, (printed for the Camden Society,) p. 33. II The King's and Queen's counties were first constituted by an act of the parliament of Ireland 3 and 4 Philip and Mary, ch. 1 and 2. PhUipstown was the name given to the capital town of the former, and ilfarj/borough to the chief town of the latter county. Ml. XI.J LETTERS. 65 instructions to Arthur lord Grey his successor, sir Henry Sidney declares that the most sufficient and most faithful men that ever he found in Ireland " were the barren of Upper Ossery, sir Lucas Dillon, and sir Nicholas Malbie: these for principall men both for counceU and action ; and who ever most diligenthe and faithfuUie discharged that which I committed to them; and trulie they be men of great sufEciencie." Thus Bamaby Fitz Patrick fully maintained the high character which in early life he had won in Prance, as we receive it from various hands in the ensuing pages. In 1577 lord Upper Ossory signalized his devotion to the English crown by slaying the great rebel Oge 6 Moarda, or Rory O'More, who had been the scourge of Leix (or the Queen's county) for eighteen years. (Thady Bowling's Annals.) He died at Dublin, Sept. 11, 1581, without issue, and was succeeded by his brother Florence; whose male descendants were peers of Ireland until the year 1818. The King's present letter to Barnaby is the only one preserved of a date anterior to the latter's visit to France. Though evidently indited in haste, Edward was required to write it in Latin, probably as the condition upon which his wish to see his friend had been comphed with. It must have been written in the year 1548, when the 9th of May fell on a Wednesday. The King thanks his " dearest and most loving " friend for a letter he had received, and though he had scarcely time to reply to it, not to appear ungrateful he writes these few lines to say that he had requested his uncle (the duke of Somerset) that Baxnaby might be summoned to court, and the protector had decided that he should come the next day. The King desires his greetings to " D. Or. and D. Br.'' meaning the young earl of Ormonde and perhaps his mother the lady Bryan ; for Joan, widow of James earj of Ormonde, married for her second husband sir Francis Bryan, knight marshal of Ireland, who died in 1549. She was the daughter and heir of James 11th earl of Desmond; and was married, thirdly, to Gerald 16th earl of Desmond. This letter was printed at the private press of the Hon. Horace Walpole in 1772, under the circumstances of which an accotmt is given hereafter. Directed, Suo charissimo et amantissimo Barnabse. Tibi ingentes gratias ago, Mi cbarissime Diie Barnaba, quia ad me scripseris. Verumetiam ut tibi referrem literas quamquam tempus vix suflBciat, ne ingratus viderer ad te scripsi literas bas, ut setiam tibi dicerem me rogavisse avunculum meum ut vos accersere posse, eumque velle te adesse eras. Saluta D. Or. & D. Br. dicas- que tempus mihi deesse ut ad eos scriberem. 66 LITERARY REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a. d. 1551. Vale ! 9° Maij die Mercurij vesperi hora octava, secundo novae Lunse. Tui amantissimus, E. Eex. On the back of this letter are written these different sentences, but they are not in the King's hand as Mr. Cole supposed. Meq' mei causa doloris. Meaq' mecu porto. Incidit in syllam qui vult evitare carybden. Tu ventre extenta iudica de pingui polenta. Nonne Diavol Amor, nonne est mala coda Cupido, Que facit Sanios hoies tot habere Pazzias. LETTER LVI. To Barnabt EitzPatrick : from Westminster, Dec. 20, 1551. [MS Addit, Brit. Mus. 5845, MS. Cole, vol xliv. p. 8.] The originals of this and some of the following letters to Bamaby FitzPatrick are still in existence, in the possession of his descendant the Eight Hon. John Wilson FitzPatrick. In the year 1771, when they were in the possession of John earl of Upper Ossory, they were by him lent to the Hon. Horace Walpole, for whom a transcript was made by the Eev. Wilham Cole, the Cambridge antiquary, from which they were printed at the press of Strawberry Hill, in 1772, in small quarto. Mr. Cole, not trusting to the accomplishment of that intention, also entered them in one of his MS. volumes ; from whence they are transcribed for the present edition.* But besides these letters, which Cole copied, and Walpole printed, there are two more of Bang Edward to Barnaby which, with some other * The Editor has since been favoured with a sight of the originals, as acknowledged in the Preface, p. iv. They had been noticed in the Dubhn University Magazine for Nov. 1854, in a paper on the Land of Leix and Ossory. In a leathern box at Grantstown, belonging to Mr. FitzPatrick, the same writer found many letters from distinguished persons of the last century, of which he prints three, one of them being a note of Georgiana duchess of Devonshire to Horace Walpole, requesting a copy of Edward the Sixth's Letters, for her house at Chiswick. iET. sv.] LETTERS. 67 world by doctor Fuller, partly in his Churcli History and partly in his Worthies of Eng- land. With these additions, and some letters of Barnaby to the King which are pre- served in the Cottonian collection, and other documents relative to him which I have discovered in the State Paper Office, the series is now rendered much more complete than it has hitherto appeared. Mr. Halliwell, in his Eoyal Letters, merely followed Walpole ; whose edition was also reprinted in the Dublin University Magazine for November 1854. Four of Edward's letters to Barnaby FitzPatrick, when in France, were published by Dr. Fuller, partly in his Church History, fol. 1655, and partly in his Worthies of England, 1662, where he notices Edward the Sixth as a native of the county of Middlesex. In the latter place Dr. Fuller remarks : '' Guesse the goodness of his head and heart by the following letters written to Barnaby FitzPatrick (gentleman of his bedchamber and brought up with him), copyed. out from the originalls by the Reverend ArchBishop of Armagh, and bestowed upon me. Say not they are but of narrow and personal concernment, seeing they are sprinkled with some passages of the PuiZzjae. Neither object them written by a child, seeing he had more man in him than any of his age. Besides, epistles are the calmest communicating truth to posterity, presenting History unto us in her nicjht cloths, with a true face of things, though not in so fine a dress as in other kindes of writings." Barnaby FitzPatrick went on his travels armed mth Instructions from King Edward, which were not among the papers lent to Horace Walpole by the earl of Upper Ossory, but which were thus printed by Fuller in his Church History, as " transcribed out of the original in the King's own hand :" — " 1. First, he shall go in the lord admiral's company;* and, at the same lord's depart- ing, he shall have a letter to the French king, which the lord admiral shall deliver, and present him to the French king ; and if it shall chance that the French king will give him any pension, entertainment, or reward at his being there for the time he tarrieth there, he shall receive it, and thank his majesty for it, and shall serve when he shall be appointed. Nevertheless, when he is out of the court he shall be most conversant with Mr. Pickering.f " 2. And at his setting forth shall carry with him four servants, and if the wages amount to any great sum (more than I give him,) that the French king giveth him, to live there after that proportion, advertising me of the same. * Edward lord Clinton, then lord admiral, was sent to France as the proxy for king Edward as a godfather on the christening of the duo d'Angouleme, the King's third son. He landed at Boulogne on the 24th Nov. 1551. The infant prince received the names of Edouard- Alexandre ; but at his confirmation in 1565 they were altered, by his father, to Henri, and he was afterwards king Henri III. t Sir William Pickering, the leiger or resident ambassador from England. k2 68 LITERARY REMAINS OF KING EDWARD TI. [a.d. 1551. « " 3. Also all this winter lie shall study the tongue, and see the manner of the court, and advertise me of the occurrences he shall hear ; and if he be desirous to see any- place notable, or town, he may go thither, asking leave of the king ; and shall behave himself honestly, more following the company of gentlemen, than pressing into the com- pany of the ladies there; and his chief pastime shall be hunting and riding. " 4. Also his apparel : he shall wear it so fine as shall be comely, and not much superfluous. And the next summer, when either the king goeth or sendeth any man of name into the wars to be his lieutenant, or to lead an army, he shall desire to go thither; and either himself, or else shall will mr. Pickering to declare to the French king, how he thinketh not himself to have fuUy satisfied nor recompensed neither his majesty's good entertainment nor mine expectation who had sent him over, if he should return, having so delicately and idly almost spent the time, without he did at this time of service be desirous to go himself into the wars, by the which thing he might at this time do his majesty service, and also learn to do me service hereafter, yea and his majesty too if the case so required. And therefore seeing this nobleman shall now go, that his request is to have leave to go with him. " 5. Having said this to the French king, he shall depart into the wars, waiting on this nobleman that shall be sent ; and there he shall mark the divers fortifications of places, and advantages that the enemy may take, and the ordering and conduct of the armies: as also the fashion of the skirmishes, battles, and, assaults ; and the plats of the chief towns where any enterprises of weight have been done, he shall cause to be set out in black and white, or otherwise as he may, and shall send them hither to me, with advertisement of such things as have passed. " 6. Furthermore; he shall at all times when he taketh money advertise me of it, and I shall send him. And so, the next year being well spent, upon further advertisement, and taking leave of the French king, he shall return. " 7. And if there arise or grow any doubt in any matter hereafter, in the which he shall need advice, he shall advertise by the post, and shall have answer thereof." Fuller published the greater part of the following letter in two portions: the first in his Worthies, and the second, commencing with " Litle hath been done," and ending vrith " to the contrary," in his Church History. The former portion was reprinted by Seward, in his Anecdotes, vol. i p. 111. Walpole printed the letter as transcribed by Cole, who sup- plied certain words that were lost by the friction of the paper, from the Church History, but not others which he might have derived from the portion in the Worthies, of which he was not aware. The letter is consequently here printed complete for the first time, the copy in Mr. HalliwelFs collection, ii. 48, being just as in Walpole's book. Whatever historical references are required by the King's account in this letter of the trial of his uncle the duke of Somerset, may be deferred to the passages of his Diary which Ml. xv.J LETTERS. 69 relate to the same subject: but we may preserve in connection with the present letter Dr. Fuller's very sensible reflections upon it: " Hereby (he observes) it plainly appeareth, that the King was possessed with a persuasion of his uncle's guilteuess : whether or no so in truth, God knoweth ; and generally men believe him abused herein. And it seemeth a wonder to me that, six [more than seven] weeks (from December 1st to January 22d) interceding betwixt the duke's condemnation and execution, no means were made during that time to the King for his pardon. But it is plain that his foes had stopped all access of his friends Tinto the King." Horace Walpole's remarks on this topic are as follow : " In one point the young King seems to have missed an opportunity of conciliating our affection. I allude to the cold indifference with which he speaks of the death of his uncle the protector ; as he has done too in his Journal, where with the same unfeeling exactness he notes do'svn the condemnation and death of his other uncle the admiral. In a Journal this may be excused: in a private letter to his dearest friend there is, methinks, a strange want of tenderness, at least of compassion, for so near a relation, that does not prejudice one in favour of the prince. If one may be allowed to form conjectures on a character from such advanced blossoms, I should suspect that his humanity was not so mature as his understanding. It is at least a strong presumption that Fuller had no reason for sup- posing that the King's consumption was occasioned by grief for the death of his uncle.'' Advertisement to Letters from King Edward VI. to Barnaby FitzPatrick. Edwaed. We have received your letters of the 8 of this present monthe, whereby we understand how yow are wel entertained, for which we are right glad, and also how yow have ben procured once to goe a pUgrimag. Eor wich cause we have thought good to advertise yow, that hereafter if any such chaunce happen, yow shall desire leave to go to Mr. Pikering, or to Paris, for your busines, and if that wiU not serve, to declare to some men of estimation with whome yow are best acquainted, that as yow are loth to offend the French king bicause yow have bene soe favourablie used, so with sauf conscience yow can not doe any such thing, being brought up with me and bounden to obey my lawes. Also that yow had commaundment from me to the contrary : [yet if yow be vehemently procured yow may goe as waiting on the king, not as entending to the abuse, nor willingly seeing the ceremonies, and so yow loke [not] on the masse. 70 LITEBAKY REMAINS 01" KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1551. but in the meane season reade the Scripture, or som good boke, and give no reverence to the masse at all.*] Furthermore, yow shal remember when yow may be conveniently absent from the court, to tary with sir [WUHam t] Pikering, and to be instructed by him how to use yourself. For women, as far- forth as yow may, avoyde ther company. Yet if the French kinge commaund yow, yow may sometimes daunce, so measur be your meane. Els aplie yourself to riding, shoting, or tennes, with such honest games. Not forgetting sometim, when yow have leasur, your lerning, chefely reading of the Scripture. This I write, not doubting but yow wold have done soe though I had not written, but to spurre yow [on. Your exchange] of 1200 crownes yow shal receive either monthly or quarterly by Bartholomew Campaign's factour in Paris. He hath warrant to receive it by here, and hath written to his factour to deliver it yow there. "We have signed your bill for wages of the chaumber, J wich Piz Williams hath. Likewise we have sent a lettre into Irland to our deputy, that he shal take surrender of your father's landes, and to make again other lettres patentes that those landis shal be to him, yow, and your heires lawfully begotten for ever, adjoining thereto tow religious bowses yow spake for.§ Litle hath ben done here sins yow went ; but the duks of Somer- set arraignment of felonious treason, and the musters of the new erected gendarmery. * This passage is added by the King in the margin of the letter. f These and the following words in brackets are now supplied from Fuller's copy. J As a gentleman of the King's privy chamber. § These were probably the monasteries of Aghmacart and Aghabhoe, in the Queen's , county, of which a grant was made to Florence baron of Upper Ossory by queen Elizabeth a. r. 43, and confirmed in 1611. Aghabhoe had been founded in 1251 by Gilpatrick, ancestor of the lords of Upper Ossory, under dedication to St. Canice, having in still earlier times been the see of the bishop of Ossory, which was t. Hen. II. removed to Kilkenny. In 1346 Dermot Mac Grilpatrick, another of the family, burned the town of Aghabhoe, and the shrine and relics of Saint Canice were lost in the conflagration. ^T. xv.j LETTERS. 71 . The duke the first of this month was brought to Westmynster hall, where sate as juge, or high stuard, my lord treasaurowr ; 26 lordes of the parliement went on his triall. Enditement was read, wich were several : some for treason, some for traiterous felony. The lawers redd how Paulmir had confessed that the duke once minded and made him prevy to raise the North ; after to cal the duke of Northumberland, the marquis of Northampton, and th'erle of Pembroke to a feast, and so to have slaine them. And to doe this thing (as it was to be thought) he levied men 100 at his house at London : wich was scanned to be treason, bicause unlawful assem- blies for such purposes was treason by an act made in the last sessions. Also how the duke of Somerset minded to slay the horses of the gendarmes, and to raise London. Crane confessed also the murdering of the lordes in a banket. Sir Miles Partrig confessid the raising of London. Hammon his man having a watch at Gren- wich of 20 weaponed men to resist, if he had ben arrestid. And this confessed both Partrig and Paulmer. He answerid, that when he levied men at his house, he ment no such thing, but only to defend himself. The rest very barly answerid. After debating of the matter from 9 a cloke to three, the lordes went together, and there wayyng that the matter seamed only to touche there lifes, although afterward more inconvenience might have folowed, and that men might thinke they did it of malice, acquitted him of high treason, and condemned him of felony, wich he seamed to have confessid. He hearing the judgment fell down on his knees and thanked them for his open triall. After he asked pardon of the duke of Northumberland, the marquis, &c. whom he confessid he ment to destroy, although before he sware vehemently to the con- trary.* The next day after he confessid how he had promised Bar- tiville to deliver him out of prison if he wold kill the duke of Northumberland . * Here ends the portion of this letter printed by Fuller in his Church History. 72 LITERAET REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1551. The mustars was of 1000 men of armes the 7 of this present. They had noe pages, questrells, nor demilaunces, but al wel armed, and soe horsed as was never sene, I dare say, so many good horses, and so wel armed men. "We thinke yow shal see in Prannce none like. Thus fare you well. Prom Westmyster the 20 of December A" Dni 1551". This letter of the King went to France, accompanied by the foUowing from mr. secre- tary Cecill: — [Fuller's Worthies of England : Middlesex.] " Mr. Barnaby, I have of late sent you a letter from Bartholemew Campaigne, for your payment, by the French . embassador's pacquet. I doubt not but your good nature shall profitably and wisely receive the King's majesties letter to you, fatherly of a child, comfortably of your soveraign lord, and most wisely of so young a prince. And so I beseech you that you will think, wheresoever you go, you carry with you a demonstra- tion of the King's majesty, coming a latere suo, and bred up in learning and manners with him. With your conversation and modesty let them * therefore believe the good reports of the King to be true ; and let them perceive what the King is, when one brought up with him haheat virtutis tam clarum specimen. This I write boldly, as one that in you willeth our master's honour and credit ; and, I pray you, use me as one that loveth you in plain termes. Scribled in hast, from Westminster, the 22 of December, 1551. " Yours to use and have, W. Cecill." To the foregoing sir William Pickering made the following acknowledgment, in a postscript to his despatch addressed to sir William Cecill from Paris on the 29th of the same month : [State Paper Office, France, 108.] " Your frendly letters of good counsell unto mr. Barnaby were no les praise worthy tiien a, vere sygne of your good affeccion towardes him. I assure you his good and gentill nature so moche inclyned to vertu promessithe the utter performance of all that your letter requyrithe at his handes. I doubt never a deale but that he wuU follow to the uttermost poynt all your good expectacions. Quapropter, quemadmodum superiori- bus tuis Uteris vitas ejus optime institutse rationem habere voluisti, ita ne graveris iterum atque iterum prascor, proximis illi consulere, ne ita operam det linguas Gallicas, ut videatur Latini sermonis castitatem unquam negligere. Vale. " Tuus omnino Pyckeeinghs." * I have ventured to alter this passage from " with your conservation and modesty, let me,'' as Fuller printed it. — Edit. MT. xv.J LETTERS. 73 The following was Barnaby's answer to the preceding letter of the King : [Fullef's Worthies of England : Middlesex.] " To the King's majesty. " According to my bounden duty, I most humbly thauk your highness for your gratious letters of the 20 of December ; lamenting nothing but that I am not able by any meanes, nor cannot deserve any thing of the goodness your highness hath shewed towards me. And as for the avoiding of the company of the ladies, I will assure your highness, I will not come into their company, unless I do wait upon the French king. As for the letter your majesty hath granted my father for the assurance of his lands, I thank your highness ; most humbly confessing myself as much bound to you as a subject to his soveraign for the same. " As for such simple news as is here, I thought good to certifie your majesty. It did happen that a certain saint, standing in a blind corner of the street where my lord admirall* lay, was broken in the night-time, when my lord was here; which the French- men did think to have been done by the English-men, and the English-men did think it to have been done by some French-men, of spite, because the English-men lay in that street; and now since that time they have prepared another saint, which they call Our Ladie of Silver, because the French King that dead is made her once of clean silver, and afterwards was stoln, like as she hath been divers times both stolen and broken in the same place; which ladie was, at this present Sunday, being the 27 of this month, set up with a solemn procession; in the which procession came first in the morning divers priests of divers churches, with crosses and banners, and passed by the place where she should stand; then afterwards, about 11 of the clock, came the Legat of Eome, in whose company came first afore him sixty black canons of our Ladies church ; then came after them one that carried the legate's hat, in such sort as they carry the great seal in England; then came the master of Paris, next to the cardinall which carried the image that should be set up ; then came the legate himself, all in red, and with a white surpless, stUl blessing, accompanied with the bishop of Caers|; and after him came the four presi- dents of the town, with all the councel of the town : also there went before, and came behind, divers oflacers of the town with tip-staves. And so they have set her up with great solemnity, and defended her with a double grate, to the intent she should be no more stolen nor broken ; and the poor people lie still in the foul streets worshiping her. Further, as I am crediblie informed, the legate that lieth here doth give pardons and bulls daily; and one of the King's treasures standeth by, and receiveth the money to the King's use. Other news I have none. The meanest and most obhgest of your subjects, " December the 28. Barnaby Fitz-Patbik." * Lord Clinton. f Cahors. 74 LITERABY REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1551-2. LETTER LVII. To Barnaby EitzPatbiok : from Westminster, Jan. 25, 1551-2. [MS. Addlt. Brit. Mus. 5845 ; MS. Cole, vol. xliv. p. 10.] This letter was printed by Fuller in his Worthies, somewhat modernised : by Horace Walpole, as now given; and again by Halhwell, ii. 52. To our welbeloved sarvaunt Barnabe Eizpatrike, one of the Gentlemen of our Prevy Chamber, dd. Edward. We have received your lettres of the 28 of December, wherby we perceive your constancy, both in avoyding al kind of vices, and also in folowing all thinges of activitie, or otherwise, that be honest and mete for a gentleman, of the wich we are not a litle gladde, nothing doubting your continuaunce therin. We understand also by cer- tain lettres you sent to th'erle of Penbroke and mr. vice-chamber- lain,* that ye have some lakke of mulettis,-}- and that ye desire to have sent to yow some of ours. Wherupon we have considerid that our mulettis being old and lame will doe yow but litle service, and at least lesse than good ones bought there. Eor wich cause we have willed Bartholomew Oampagne to deliver you 300 crownes, by exchaung, for the bieng of your tow mulettis, over and besides your former allowance. Hier we have litle newes at this present, but only that the cha- leng that ye hard of before your going was very well accomplished. At tilte there came 18 defendauntis, at tournay 20. At barrieres the(y) fought 8 to 8, a Twelf Night. This last Christmas hath bene well and merely I past. Afterward ther was rone a match at tilte 6 to 6, wich was very well ronne. Also, bicause of the lord Riches sikenes, the bishop of Ely was made Chaunceiour of Englaunde during the parliement. * The earl of Pembroke held at this date the office of master of the horses : the vice- chamberlain was sir John Gates. t i. e. mules. ^ i. e. merrily. MT. XV.] LETTERS. 75 Of late here hath bene such a tide heire as hath overflowen al medowes and marshes. All th'Isle of Dogges, al Plumsted marshe, al Sheppey, Poulnes in Essex, and al the sea cost was quite drowned. We here that it hath done no lesse harme in Flandres, Holland, and Zellaund, but much more. Eor townes and cities have ben their drouned. We are advertized out of Almaine, that duke Moris is tourned from th'emperour, and he with the Protestauntes levieth men to deliver the old duke of Sax and the landsgrave out of prison. The cause of our slownes in writing this letter hath been lake of messangers, els we had written before time. Now shortly we \vill prove how ye have profited in the Prench toung, for within, a while we will write to youe in Erench. Thus we make an ende, wishing you as moch good as ourself. At "VVestmister the 25 of January 1551. I have since received your lettres of 19 of this instaunte, assuring you that I am the gladder the oftener I here from yow. Note by Rev. W. Cole. The address or direction is in the King's hand. This on the back of the letter in another hand: " xxv^^ of January 1551. From the King's Ma"'=." LETTER LVIII. To Barnaby EitzPatrick : from Westminster, Eeb. 25, 1551-2. [MS. Addit. Brit. Mus. 5845 ; MS. Cole, vol. xliv. p. 6.] Mr. Cole remarks : " This letter is much worn by frequent doubling and folding. It is directed by the King himself." The words which had become deficient from friction are now supplied from the copy in Fuller's Worthies of England. In HaUiwell's work, ii. 55, it appears as in Walpole's copy. Barnaby's letter of the 12th February, which Edward here acknowledges, has not been found: nor sir William Pickering's to the duke of Northumberland; but letters addressed to Cecill on the same occasion, both by Pickering and Barnaby himself, are preserved in the State Paper OiSce, and are as follow : — l2 76 LITERARY REMAINS OE KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1551-2. Barnaby FitzPatrick to sir "William Cecill. [State Paper Office,- France, in. In the hand of a secretary.] I have receyved your gentle lettre, wherin I do perceyve ye shewe your self still towardes me so moche my veray freinde that ye make me think the care that ye take for me is more fatherly than freindly, and not only declaryd by your last lettre, but by all your doinges towardes me of a good oontjmuaunce, which I do not only take in most thankefiiU parte, but also trust by the ayde of the lyving God to perfourme that thing ye have so muche requyred at my handes. And alwais assure your self that I am and shalbe to my litle powre ready and willing to do you suohe simple pleasure as shall lye in me. To wryte of newis to you that be uncertain I think it not convenyent: therfore I think it better to leave hfere thenne to troble any further. Willing you as my neres[t frie]nd to fare. From Paris the xij"" of February 1552. Yours most assuredlye, (Signed) Baknabe Fizpatpjk. Postscript in Barnahy's hand. Hie recipies libellum inclusum in quo omnia nostra nova continentur. Directed, To the right honourable Sir William Cycill knight, oone of the princypall Secretory es to the Kinges Ma*'^. Sir William Pickering to sir W. Cecill: extract from despatch dated Feb. 12, 1552: " Mr. Barnabie standithe great nede of a good solicitour to procure the augmentyng of his enterteynement here, and specially as the season now servithe, to thend he may compayre fellow-lyke in theis wars with his equalls : otherwise yt shuld be a reproche to the place he commithe from, and discouraging peradventure to his forwardnesse, that meritethe in my judgment any preferment. Wherfore, knowing yow his verie good frend by the diligente care ye Lave in oft advising him (as your wise letters of good counsell to him do well wittnes), I beseche yow lykwise to assay what may be done for the settyng forthe of his person as reason requyrithe in this tyme. 300". will stande him in small stede, tho his horsses be sent owt of England. The derthe of all thinges, and specially belonggyng the war, are suche that a great deale makithe a small muster in theis quarters. Thus far entred in making you a soliciter, I most hartely requyre yow to have this berer my servant Morgan's long seute for recommended; his greatest bussyness is mr. Barnabies matters, which I wold he shuld well dispatche before his retourne, so then ye may please yow to hasten him hyther agayne." To our welbeloved servant Barnabe Eizpatrike. Edward. We have received your lettres, dated at Paris the 12 of this instant, and also mr. Pikeringes letter written to our trusti and ^T. XV.] LETTERS. 77 welbeloTed cousen the duke of Northumberland, on your behalf, wherby we parceive both the great preparacion for the warre wich the French king [our brother*] maketh, and also how [that you are ill furnijshed of all things me[et to] goe such a jorney, so that he [thiiiket]h that your costes wil not be bo [me] under thre hundred pounds. Wherupon we have given order to Bartholomew Campaigne for to deliver yow in Paris 800 Erench crownes over and besides al moneys sent yow heretofore, and beside your diet. Also wheras yow seme to find a lake for the moilettis,t ther was apointed to yow 300 Prench crownes for the bieng of the same, because they could not be wel transported. Also order is gevin for your horsis to be caried over to yow with diligence, wich we trust shal like yow wel. We [have no] more to yow but to wiU yow not to live toe sumptuously, as an ambassadour, but so as your proporcion of Uving may serve yow, we meane bicause we know many will resort to yow, and desire to serve yow. I told yow how many I thought convenient yow should kepe. After yow have orderid your things at Paris, goe to the courte, and learn to have more intelligence, if yow cane, and after to the warris, to leame somwhat to serve us. Newes from hense I shal write yow, when yow send us some. In the meane season none but that (thankes be to God) al is well for the present.. Pare yow well. Prom "Westmister the 25 of Pebruary, A. Dni 1551. LETTER LIX. To Barnaby Pitzpatrick; : from Greenwich, May 3, 1552. [Fuller's Worthies of England : Middlesex.] This letter was not one of those lent by the earl of Upper Ossory to the hon. Horace Walpole, and has hitherto been published only in Fuller's Worthies * The words in brackets are supplied from Fuller. f A lack for the moilets, i. e. mules; already mentioned in the preceding letter. 78 LITEBAKT BEMAINS OF KING EDWAED VI. [a.d. 1551-2. The King acknowledges two letters received from Barnaby. The second of them, written from Nanci on the 15th April, is now preserved in the British Museum; it is considerably injured by the fire from which the Cottonian collection suffered, but may be read as follows : [MS. Cotton. Caligula E. iv. p. 286.] , . . of February etters and also Mr. Pikering receved them, but also fulfilled the conte .... he whiche I have alredye receved as my last letters of the 2 of Aprille. Fu[rther, whereas] your heyghnes dothe warne me not t[oo live sumpjtuuslye like an ambasateur, I trust your [heyghnes doth] understand I do not, and in the mean tyme [I beseech] you beleve not the contrarie. The occurrances [here are] that, as I writt to your heynes in my last [letter,] that the duches * had submitted her selfe and h[er son] the duke to the Frenche kinge (being neuters), [and in] lyke wyse he passed quietly thrughe there t[owns] and cities, and takinge the keyes of everye [town] hath left garisons of hys oun men in them ; and [on] thursday last he came to Nancye, the [chief] town of Loren, wher the duk and the duches [were,] and there taried friday all day, and a Saturday in the morninge departing sumwhat erlye touward the armye, hymselfe armd, with a few gentelmen, and a sort of carnall cardinalles and bushops armd wyth shyrtes of mayl and whyte scarfes, left behynd hym in the town monsyneur mareshall Seynt Andreu, who soone after the kinges departyng caried [away the young duke towards France] | marye the kinges second . . gl . . , but the duches and all hys lament muche hys departynge. Fu beyng a verye fayre toune | as they say and they have delivered there keyes [to the conist]able, who at thys present lieth ther [with his] armye. Also they have taken a certeyn [town called] Gousa, who as they say abyd 80 shot of [the ordinance] and at lenght cam to a paley, in the w[hich season] the French men scaled the walles and w[ent into] the toun and slue all savinge the capitay[ne and] 16 souldiers, the whych the conistable c[aused] to be hanged at nighte. Also they have ta[ken] an other place called Marangis, the whyche [the] souldiers forsoke and went away, and after the French men came thether, and thynking [it] not mete to be kept raysed yt. Ther ys [no] more nues, but that the Frenche kinge doth m[ake] haste forward to mete duke Mores, and wythyn 15 [days] entendeth to campe about the river of Ee[ne]. * Christina duchess of Lorraine. Her son the young duke was now taken to the French court for education, and married in 1559 to the king's daughter Claude. t See the corresponding passage in the King's Journal. J Metz. ^T. XV.] LETTERS. 79 The Frenche quene hathe ben verye sore syk, and in a maner past hope, but now she ys welle amended, and lieth at Seintjarvile. Thus, having no more, I wyshe your heyghnes as much helth and prosperitye as evef kinge hade or shal have. From Nanoie, the 15 of Aprille. Your heyghnes ys obedient sarvaunt, Baenabe Fizpateik. Edward. We have received your letters of the second and fifteenth of Aprill ; whereby we perceive then you were at Nancy, ready to go together with mr. Pickering to the Prench camp. And, to the latent you might be better instructed how to use your self in these warrs, we have thought good to advertise you of our pleasure therein. Eirst, we would wish you, as much as you may conveni- ently, to be in the Erench king's presence, or at least in some part of his army where you shall perceive most business to be, and that for two causes : one is, because you may have more experience in the warrs, and see things that might stand you in stead another day ; the other is, because you might be more profitable in the lan- guage ; for our embassador, who may not weare harness, cannot well come to those places of danger, nor seem so to serve the Erench king as you may, whom we sent thither for that purpose. It shall be best for you therefore hereafter, as much as you may, to be with the Erench king ; and so you shall be more acceptable to him, and do yourself much good. We doubt not also but of such thiugs as you see there done you wiU not faile to advertise us, as you have well begun in your last letters ; for thereby shall we judge of your dili- gence in learning, and seeing things that be there done. We shall be nothing wearied with often advertising, nor with reciting of par- ticularity of things. And to the intent we would see how you profit in the Erench, we would be glad to receive some letters from you in the Erench tongue, and we would write to you again therein. We have a little been troubled with the small pox, which hath 80 LITEBART REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 155?. letted US to write hitherto ; but now we have shaken that quite away. Thus fare you well. At Greenwich, the third of May, anno 1552. LETTER LX. To Barnabt EitzPatrick : from Christchurch, August 22, 1552. [MS. Addit. Brit. Mus. 5845 ; MS. Cole, vol. xliv. p. 6.] In this letter the King gives a lively account of his summer progress in Hampshire, which is also described in his Journal, where the reader will find some illustrative notes. It was printed entire by Fuller in his Church History. Again by Horace Walpole : and also in the Gentleman's Magazine for August 1792; and in Halliwell, ii. 56. To our trustie and welbeloved servaunt Barnabe Eizpatric. Edward. The causis whi we have not hitherto writen unto you, have partly ben the lakke of a convenient messanger, partly bicause we ment to have some things worthie writing ere we wold write any thing. And therfor, being now almost in the middel of our journey wich we have undertaken this somer, we have thought good to advertise how sins our last letters dated at Grenwich, we departed from and toward a thing far contrary to that wherin, as we perceive by your diligent advertisement, you and al the country you ar in, ar occupied. Eor wheras you al have ben occupied in killing of your enemies, in long marchings, inpeined journays, in extreme heat, in sore skirmishings, and divers assaultes, we have ben occupied in killing of wild bestes, in pleasant journeyes, in good fare, in vewing of fair countries, and rather have sought how to fortifie our own then to spoile another man's. And, being this determined, cam to Gilford, from thens to Petworth, and so to Coudray, a goodly house of Sir Anthony Broune's, where we were marvelously, yea rather excessively, ban- ketted. Erom thens we went to Halvenaker, a prety house besides iET. XV.] LETTERS. 81 Chicliestir. Trom thens we went to Warblington, a faire house of sir Eichard Cotton's, and so to Whaltam, a faire great old house, in times past the bishop of Winchester's, and now my lord treasaur- our's house. In aL theis places we had both good hunting and good chere. Prom thens we went to Portismouth toune, and there viewed not only the toune itself, and the haven, but also divers bulwarkes, as Ohaterton's, Haselford, with others. In viewing of wich we find the bulwarks chargeable, massie, wel rampared ; but il facioned, il flanked, and set in unmete places, the toune weake in comparison of that it ought to be, to houge great * (for within the wallis ar faire and large closis, and much vacant rome), the haven notable great, and standing by nature easie to be fortefied. And for the more strenght therof we have devised tow strong castellis on either side of the haven, at the mouth therof. Por at the mouth the haven is not past tenscore over, but in the middel almost a mile over, and in lenght for a mile and a hauf hable to beare the greatest ship in Cristendome. Frome thens we went to Tichfield, th'erle of Southampton's house, and so on to Southampton toune. The citesens had bestowed for our comeng great cost in peinting, repairing, and ramparing of their wallis. The toune is ansome, and for the bignes of it as faire houses as be at London. The citeseins made great chere, and many of them kept costly tables. Prom Southampton we came to Beuley, a litle village in the mid- del of the New Porrest, and so to Christchurch, another Utle toune in the same forrest, where we now be. And having advertised you of al this, we thinke it not good to trouble yow any further with newes of this countrye, but only that at this time the most part of England (thankis be to God) is clere of any daungerouse or infecciouse sikenes. * too hugely great. > M 82 LITEKARY REMAINS OP KING EDWAED VI. [a.d. 1552. We have received al your lettres of the 26 of May, of the 19 [29] of June, and the first [of] August. Thus fare yow wel. Prom Cristchurch the 22 of August. The three letters from Barnaby which the King acknowledges as above, are all preserved in the Cottonian collection, and are here appended. Barnaby FitzPatrick to the King: from Liestorfft in Lorraine, May 26, 1552. [MS. Cotton. Caligula E. iv. p. 288.] du roy, et a estre .... . . pleusieurs choses dignes d'estre veues jamais. Le deuxifeme de bien marquer et bien con .... etles certifier a vostreMajest^; la quelle chose con .... [jene] suys suffisant afayre aussibienquejedesyre, nonobstant .... et diligence nefauldrontjammais en choses que vostre [Majeste me] commande. Et touchant le troisieme que est pour [ecrire a vostre] Majesty en la langueFrancoise, je ne ose pas fallier de . . . . ' . pas d'estre disobessant au commaundement de vostre Ma[jest6] . . . que je suis bien marri de donner a vostre Majestie fasch . . . cela, jusques autant que je serois un peu mieux appris. . . . mon trescher sire etsoverainge seigneur, apresm'estertreshumble . . . a vostre bonne grace, je prie au Creatur vous donner treslonge [et he]ureuse vie. Thus being lothe to trouble your heyghnes enie [more with] my rude and unframed Frenche, I thought good to certy[fie to your] heyghnes of the occurrances that be here in Ingleshe, emon[ges which] I though(t) gode to lett your Majestye understand of ou[r marches] we have made in thes quarters. First, after our commyng [from] Meates we marched towardes Strausbrouge, and when we came [to] wythyne a 2 or 3 leges of hyt we turnede towardes Spyre and Wormes, whyche stand on the syde of the [river] of Rene ; but in the mean tyme came nues of the [taking of] a certaine toune in the borders of Loren called Astene, whych was taken by the quen of Hungrey and begoun to be fortified, wheropon we turned streyght thether, and passed throughe a very great strayte betuen towe hylles, wher we wer fayn to devide our companie into 3 partes, and to marche 3 sundreye wayes, the kinge hym selfe betwene the hylles, and one companye on the ryght hand beyond the hylle. . . . . the cariage of the campe hys ambasadors, that ys to saye your heynes ambasadeur, the ambasadeur of Venis, the ambasadeur of Mantua, the ambasadeur of Farare, wyth an hundreth men at armes, and 3 hundreth lyghte horsemene, besydes the garesoun of Meactes, whyche metethe them by the waye. The common sayinge ys the kinge wyll [go] to Lusenbruge, but men conjec- ture hys meaninge ta be no other then to gooe to Astene. Also they teU here of a JS.-!- XV.] LETTERS. 83 certayne toun in Piemount which the Spaniards have taken harde by Kere ; yt was nether veri s[trong] nor great, bnt necessarie for Kere. Thus havinge [no] more nues to trouble your heyghnes withale,! wyshe you as muche honer and felicitie as ever [king] had. From the campe at Liestorfft in Loren, the [26] of Maye. Your heyhnes most obe[dient] servant and subject, Baenabe Fiz[pateik.] Barnaby FitzPatrick to the King: from Chalons, June 29, 1552. [MS. Cotton. Caligula E. i. p. 37.] [May it please] your hyeghnes to understande that the cause of my not [writin]ge to the same at Francis' last departynge from hens [was] my beynge at the campe wythout understandynge of [any su]re worde of hys beynge here. But sythens having occatione [to] cum to my lorde ambasateur, and fyndynge a convenient messenger, I thought yt my bounden dutye to declare unto your Majestye of the jurnye the Frenche kinge hath made sythens hys returne out of Almaynge. After our cumminge into the duchye of Lusenburge, we passed by a smalle castelle called Rodemanche, whether the kinge sent to have had vitayUe, comaundinge them also to yelde, but they refusede both. Opon whyche occation ther were the same night 10 peces of ordynaunce planted agaynste hyt, and the next mominge, after they had beten hyt an houre or more, the capitayne began to parle, yeldynge hymselfe to the kinges plesure, but to late, for the Frenche men beynge gredye of spoyle and seynge sum avauntage, entred and slue all wythyne, savinge the capitayne, hys wyfe, and hys 2 doughters. Ther was feu found wythyne hyt at the same tyme other then pesauntes, for the Spaniardes conveyed themselves awaye the night before to a very stronge place called Tweynville, a leage of, and 4 leages from Meats, whyche we aiFyrme to be so stronge as the kinge wyll not medelle wyth hyt. From thys castell he marched touwardes Astene, as I wrote to your heyghnes in my last letters that he was determined to do, but wythyne 2 dayes the nues was brought that hyt was yelded to the admiraUe, so that the kinge chaunged hys purpose ther in and passed [to . . . which] he burnt to the grounde, and fro[m thence to a town] called Damviler, of such strenght as [your Majesty] may percev by a plat herin inclosed [drawn by] the handes of an unkunninge payn .... aproche the lyght horsmen und. . . . Domayll offered the skirmishe, and mounsieur . . [and] mounsieur mareshall de la Mars remayned .... the Bur- guniuns could be by no mea[ns drawn] from ther gates, whyls at lenght . . . ". . given opon them, wher ther we . . . both the sydes. The next daye th . . . incamped wythyne a leage of the . . . the kinge and the conistable the day .... abowte the toune. The daye af[ter their] cummynge the admirall planted opon . . . canons as well to bete there houses .... of ther bulwarks, and also to dismo[unt their] peces. Afterward the kinge layed 2 [batteries to] yt, the one of 7 canons and 2 M 2 84 LITEEARY REMAINS OF KINa EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1552. [long culve]rins, the other of 4 longe culverins [and . . . ] canons, whych made a great breage [therin] consyderinge the thyknes of the wall[s, and in] the eveninge about the sun set they [desired to] speake, in the whyche they desyred to [depart] wyth bagge and bagage, but the kinge [thought] hyt not mete, seynge they had abydyd [the] shot of the canon, but at lenght he was [pleased that the] souldiers should depart wythe ther lyves and [that the] capitayns should be prisoners, opon whyche [condi]tions they agreed, and the kinge entered into the town, wher he found by men's jugment vitayll and munition for a yere, and they departed owt wyth whyte stiokces * in ther handes. From thens we departed to a toune called Ivoy, verye stronge, and in the waye we passede by a castelle called Mount Midye, where we skyrmished and lost sum menn, and emongst them mounsieur de Toge's brother ; but sythens the wyninge of Ivoy, yt is yelded to the kinge. Wythyn Ivoy we found count Mansfelde, who ys the emperour's lieutenaunt of the duchye of Lusenburge, who had a band of 300 verye valeant horsmen wythyn, who were as redye ether to cum to the skyrmishe or provoke hyt as culd be, and put us to the wors often tymes, but speciallye twyes : the one tyme they came in to the toun wher the hole band of our lyght hors lay and slue our men wythyn the toun, and after retyred them home, in the whyche they allured us so nye ther shot that we lost divers horses, and had many men slayne and hurt ; the other was that a dosene came into the admiral's campe and slue men, and retyred without hurt. But when the trenches wer made, the kinge planted 20 great peces in baterye, whych bet the walls a hole day wythout doynge harme, untyll 4 devout chaplyns found the means to runn owte of the toun, sheuynge the constable the weakest part of the toun, wher the same nyght wer pl[anted . peces] moo in batrye, whych bet the [walls from . .] a clok in the morninge ontyll 12 [at noon] and made a greate breaohe, (but no. . . .) opon whych the saut was apoynted [to be made] at 2 a cloke and the fagotes were [brought, at] the syght wherof the Flemynges ha[d fear] , and they sayed that they would not [defend] the toun anye longer; the whych w[hen count] Mans- feld hard, lying syk in hys b[ed, J and brought all the monye he had, [parted] hyt amongst them, persuadinge them [to hold] the toun, and declaringe what an [honour it] was to kepe out a kinge, also offring [him]selfe wyth hys 300 horsmen to [defend] the brege,! and they shud do nothynge [but keep] themselves upon the wall, but all [in vain,] for they thretned hym to hurl hym o[ute] or enye other that woud goo to [defend] the breche ; the nombre of them was 400 . . . (as a Spaniard told me . . the toun) that caused thys gentel[man to yield], who remayneth now prisoner w[ith . ] moo gentelmen, but the soudiars [be gone] wyth whyte wandes. The brut ys [that] the kinge returnethe home, and sendeth [part] of hys armye into Piemount and part in[to] Picardy, and therfor I would be glad to [know] what your heyghnes would commaund me to doo. sticks, or wands (as afterwards at Ivoy). f breach. ^T. xv.J LETTERS. 85 Thus havinge no mor nues worthy the writynge, I besech God to preserve your Majesty longe iu helth to hys pleasur. Prom'Shalouns the 29 of June. Your heygnes moste humbl and obedient servaunt, Baenabe Fizpateik. Directed, To the Kinges most excellent Majestye. Bamaby Fitzpatrick to the King: from Couci, Aug. 1, 1552. [MS. Cotton Caligula E. iv. p. 289.] .... wryte to your Majesty jurnye as I hade done of the rest From the takinge of Ivoye we [marched to] the borders of Shampanye, sendinge mens .... bak wyth certayne fotemen to summenne [two forts] called Mountmiddye and Lumes, whyche ye[ilded at] the firste wythout strikinge stroke ; they [were very] stronge, but of no great importance. Aft[er that] we marchede on opon the borders (of) Shampanye [to] burne in the queue of Hungrey's cuntrye lyk[e as] she had burned both in Picardye and Sh[ampanye], and passynge by a certayne stronge forte called [Boulioune] the kynge sent mounsieur mareshaU de la Mars [with] certayn fote- men and 2 or 3 peces of artelerye to [try] yt yf it woulde yeld for askinge, but al thys w[ould] not serve, for they would not yelde, onles they myght se the constabl, opon the whych th[ey] apareled one lyk the constabl, who when he came and spake wyth them, they hurled doun [their] weapons and yelded at the kinges pleasure. After the wynnynge of Boulioune we marched towards Avene and towardes Laundersee, whyche they sayd (we) shoud have beseged, but when we [came] wythynne 2 leages of Avene we turned bak, they sayd because of the foule wether, for ther was never a daye in 30 dayes together but y t rayned one parte of the daye ; but I thynke y t was . . ourt, and amongest oge, who sythens died at Laon, [but the] castel was yelded to the kinges pleasure, [and is] sythens raysed. We came also to a fayre town called Semey, whych after a small resystance yelded lyke the rest at the kinges pleasure; after yt was burnt, beynge a thynge of no streynghte. After thys we marchede streyght homwarde, and cam to a toune called Trepo[unt,] whyche the queue of Hungrey bourned when our campe brake upe, and our soudiers were devided, 22 en- segnes into Loren, wherof monsieur de Guies ys made governor, also into Shampanye and Picardye ys sent as manye, and all the viel bandes ar layed in garison [as] well in the kinges oune touns opon the [frontier] as in thos touns he toke of hys enemies. Here ys no nues, but that sythens our [coming] from the campe 400 Frenche horsmen [have] dyscunfeted 1400 Burguniuns, and have [taken] 7 ensegnes of them to the kinge to Cousy, where he lyeth at thys present wyth [the] queue. Also the prince of 86 LITEBAE.T EEMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1552. Salarne ys now [on] hjs jurnye towards Napls wyth. mounsieur de Terms and divers French gentelmen [to] do what they may agaynst the vis[eroy] of Naples. . . . . wyshe your heynes al . . . . other hart can thynk, tunge [can tell,] or pen can wryte. From Cousy [the] fyrst of Auguste 1552. Your heynes most .... and obedient servant, Baenabe Fizpateik. Directed, To the Kinges most excellent Majestye. LETTER LXI. To Barnabt EitzPatrick : from Windsor, September 24, 1552. [MS. Addit. Brit. Mus. 5845 ; MS. Cole, vol. xliv. p. 11.] The King writes to summon his friend back : and informs him how he had completed the circuit of his progress. He makes a mistake in the date of his own last letter from Christchuroh. This letter was not printed by Fuller, but first by Horace Walpole. Again in the Gentleman's Magazine for August 1792; and by Halliwell, ii. 59. To Barnaby Eizpatrick. Edward. After our right harty recommendacions ■unto you, this shal be to signifie to you, bow that as wel upon consideracion of your long absence from us, one hoUe yere almost being expired, as also for divers other causes us therunto moving, wich you shal the perfectlier know at your comming hither, we have thought good to cal you home again at this present, with as much expedition as yow with your ease can conveniently make. And for that pourpose you, or mr. Pikering for you (if you so thinke good), to declare to the Erench king, that, wheare yow have waited on his majesty for this yere past, now, considering the dead time of the yeare for warris draweth nere, yow ar determined to repaire homward to your countre, to visite your frendes, declaring that for your part yow wil at any other time, when he shal have nede, with leave of your master, searve him with al you can make, with other good wordes. MT. XV.] LETTERS. 87 requiring Ms majesties good leave for the same purpose. Wich. when you have, you shal repaire to our presence with as much hast as conveniently yow can make. Por occurrances here, we leave to write them bicause of your soon accesse hether, save only that we, sins our last lettres dated at Ohristchurch, the 7 [22] of August, we have seen our tounes of Salis- bury and Winchester, Newbery and Reding, and so returned to this castel ia good helth. Further, for siknes, I heare of no place wheare any sweat or plage hath reigned, but only in Bristow, and in the countre nere about. Some suspected it to be among a few in the toune of Poole in Dor- setshier, but I thinke rather nat. Por I was withia three mile of it and lesse, and yet no man feared it. And thus God have yow in his keping. Written at our castel of Windsour the 24 day of September, the sixt yere of our raigne. A" Dni 1552. On the back, " The Kinges Ma*y«* Letters by Francis y^ Post y^ of Septembre." LETTER LXII. To Barnabt EitzPatbick : from Hampton Court, October 7, 1552. [Fuller's Wortliies of England : Middlesex.] This letter is edited only by Fuller, and not by Walpole. Barnaby's letter, written from Rheims, has not been found. Edward. We have received your letters, dated at Rhemes the fourth of this instant ; by which we understand how the Erench king doth mean now to set forth a new army to resist the emperour, and that for that cause you think you cannot yet ask leave to return, without suspition, till this bray do cease. In which thing we like your opinion very well ; and the rather, because you may peradventure 88 LITERAET REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1552. see more things in this short journey (if so be it that the emperor doth march towards yon) then you have seen all the while you have been there. Neverthelesse, as soon as this businesse is once overpast, you, with mr. Pickering's advice, may take some occasion to ask leave for this winter to come home, because you think there shall few things more be done then have been already, in such man- ner and form as we have written in our former letters. We pray you also to advertise for how long time you have received your diets. Bartholomew Campaigne hath been paid six weeks agon, till the last of September ; and we would be very glad to know whether you have received so much at his factor's hands. More we have not to advertise you ; and therefore we commit you to God. Prom Hampton Court, the 7 of October, anno Dom. 1552. Acting upon the intimation conveyed in tlie King's letters, Barnaby FitzPatrick now began to make preparations for taking leave of France. On the 12th of October he thus addressed the King : — [MS. Cotton. Caligula E. iv. p. 292.] . . . . ys otherwyse . geste all that he goeth not in to the feld this Majesty's correction) 1 thynk the tyme serveth [for me to] aske my leve to cum home, yf yt might so [please his] heynes. The admyrall was dyspasched a sonday [last] to Lafayre, there to set order agaynst the quene of [Hungary] whom they loke shortlye to cum thether, for her army [has] arryved opon the borders of Pycardye, to the nombre of 3 . . . 13,000 fotemen. The constable as they say lyeth at Sem from Vardun, but what he doth yet we here not. [Monsieur mareshall] Seyntandre hath the charge of Vardun, and prepareth for [the emperor's?] commynge thether. Also mounsieur de Guys maketh greate prepara[tion] for the emperour's commynge thether, but whate the emperour [will] do non of them can teU, but they say that at thys present h[e lies] syk at Spyrs, and hys army at Deupount. Ther ys a [pestilent] deth in thes partys as they say, whych in some places distroys [whole] touns and villages. I have no more nues worthye wrytynge [to your] Majesty; therfor now I take my leve, prayinge almyghty God [ever] to preserve your heynes in al honor and prosperitye. Fr . . . the 12 of October. Your Majesties most humble and obedient servant, Barnabe Fizpateik. j;t. XVI.] LETTERS. 89 LETTER LXIU. To Babnabt EitzPatrick : from Westminster, November 14, 1552. [From the original in the possession of the Right Hon.. J. W. FitzPatrick.] This letter was not published by Dr. Fuller, but hitherto only by Walpole, and by Halliwell, ii. 61. Edward. Having now dispacht one to onr embassadour for certein our affaires, we have thought by him to write unto yow, how we hitherto hearing that the Erench King rather seaketh to kepe home, then to rescue his townes, do now loke for yow here shortly. An.d we therfor writ this lettre to yow bicause yow might understand that we geave yow leave to cum home at such time, and upon such occasion, as unto yow and our embassadour shal be thought. Sende me word, or bring tidinges yourself, wither our lettres of the last month, sent by Mons. Villandry, be cumme to your handes. And thus we bidde yow farewel. Erom Westmister, the 14 of November A* Dni 1552. Directed, To our welbeloved sarvant Barnabe Eizpatrik. The mutilation of this letter in 1831 is recorded in the following memorandam written by the late Lady Holland : — " Nota bene. From the 7 letter of Edward the sixth to his well beloved servaunt Barnabie Fizpatrick, dated the 14 November, 1552, and in the possession of the Ladies FitzPatrick, I, with the permission of the said Ladies, cut out the signature of the King, namely, Edward, and cut off the direction, To our welbeloved servant Barnabe Fizpatrick, on the 9th December, 1831. (^Signed) Vassall Holland. Anne FitzPateick. Gertrude FitzPatrick.'' Bamaby FitzPatrick took his leave of the French court on the 9th December, carrying with him these honourable testimonials to his general conduct and character, which are still extant in H. M. State Paper Office : — N 90 LITERARY REMAINS OP KING- EDWARD VI. [a.d. 155-2. Henry II. of France to King Edward. [State Paper Office, France, No. 27.] Treshault tresexcellent et trespuissant prince, nostre trescher et tresam^ bon frere, fil, cousin et compere, salut. Nous ayant le S'' Barnabe gentilhomme de nostre ohambre, present porteur, faict entendre le desir et besoing aussi qu'il a d'aller faire ung Toiage par dela pour aucuns ses affaires Nous luy en avons voluntiers donne cong^ non sans regret de son absence Pour le bon honneste et grant devoir quil a faiot aupres de nous durant qu'il y a , est^ Et le plaisir et oontantement que ce nous est de ly veoir Dequoy nous n'avons vouUu faillir a vous advirtir Et prier tresaffectuesement quil vous plaise en ceste consideraoion Ten avoir de plus en plus en vostre bonne reoommandacion comme celluy qui en est ti-esdigne Et que pour rhonneur de vous aussi nous avons tousjours tenu si pres de nous quil vous scaura bien rendre compte dela parfaicte et entiere amytie que nous vous portons, dont nous vous remectons a sa suffisance Et de vous dire de noz bonnes nouvelles Priant atant nostre Seigneur, Treshault tresexcellent et trespuissant prince nostre trescher et tresam^ bon frere filz cousin et compere, vous avoir en sa tressaincte et digne garde. Escript a Compieigne Le liuit"'' Jour de Decembre mil cinq cens cinquant deux. (Signedj Vre bon frere pere cousyn et compere, Henry. (Countersigned) De Laubespine. Directed, Treshault tresexcellent et trespuissant prince N're trescher et tresam^ bon frere filz cousin et compere Le Roy dangleterre. Indorsed by Cecill, 8 December 1552, y<= if. King to y« K. Ma""^. Mr. Barnaby. The Constable Montmorenci to King Edward. [State Paper Office, France, No. 28.] Sire, J'ay veu le S"^ Barnabe, gentilhomme dela chambre du Roy vostre bon frere et pere, present porteur, se porter et conduire si honnestement et vertueusement en toutes ses actes pardela Que je penserois grandement faillir si je ne vous en faisoys tesmoignaige par ceste lettre Lequel je vous supply e tant et si treshumblement que faire puis vouUoir agreablement recevoir comme dela personne de ce royaulme qui desire plus vous faire de service Et qui s'estimeroit bien heureux s'il s'offroit occasion de vous en povoir donner parfaite cognoissance par quelque bon effect Priant sur ce nostre Seigneur, Sire, vous donner en sante tresbonne ettreslongue vye. De Compieigne Le huit™'=jour de Decembre 1552. Vostre treshumble et tresobeissant serviteur Montmoeency. Directed, Au Roy Dangleterre. .ET. xvi.J LETTERS. 91 Extract from a despatch of Sir William Pickering to Sir William Cecil), dated from Compeigne, Dec. 9, 1552. [State Paper Office, France, No. 125 a] Of other the newes here I have delivered a brief memoriall unto Mr. Barnabe, who pre- sently retoumeth fully instructed in those thinges. In asking leave of the king for his departure hence, I said that, as certain his freindes in Englonde, knowing his father extremely seke in Irelande, hadde ben earnest sewters unto the kinges highnes that he might repaire homewardes to give ordre unto his thinges there, (if Godde called his father unto his mercy,) so Mr. Bamabe most humblie beseched his Majestie that it might stande with his pleasure to lycence him to see his countrye for that purpose ; wherin having taken some good waie, and satisfied also the greate desire he hadde to see the kinges majestie my master, he woulde be reddy, at any his grace's commaundements, to retourne hither unto his service again, as he that confessed him selfe most bounde to recognise his majesties exceeding grete goodnesse towardes him for the great good and honnour he hadde received at his majesties handes in placing him so nigh unto his grace's persone, &c. The king saide he was very well contented to satisfie his honnest and raisonable request, and that he shoulde take the tyme as he thought best. He sett him furthe with many good praises bothe for his wisdome and diligent service, saing he woulde be a very good and mete servant for the kinges highnes his good brother and sonne, and was very sorry, he saide, that he hadde done no more for him, that worthely deserved any goodnes. I assure your lordeshipp that his demenours have bene suche towardes all men sythen his comming hither, his facions so sobre and discrete in every place, that he hathe gotten greate praise in this cowrt, and alle men his weUe willers that knowe him. In a postscript in sir William Pickering's own hand is added, Mr. Barnebe shalle have in reward a 1000 crownes. The paper marked 125 C. is "A brief memoriall gyven to Mr. Barnabe Fizpatrik at his departure from Compeigne the 9 of Decembre 1552." This is a despatch from the ambassador on the progress of public affairs. The following are extracts from the Register of the Privy Council : — 1551. October 13. A warrant to sir Edmond Peckham, knight, to pay to Barnabie FitzPattrick one hundreth markes to be employed upon certain apparell for hym of the King's Ma*^ gyft. Nov. 14. A warrant to {blank) to pay unto Bamabe FitzPatrik, in way of the King's Ma*« rewarde at his present going into Fraunce with the Lord Admyrall, the summe of fifty marks. N 2 92 LITERARY REMAINS 01" KING EDWARD VI. Nov. 28. A lettre to Barthilmewe Campayny to take ordre for the making over in to Fraunce xij c. Frenclie crownes by yere to Barnaby fytzPatrik, one of the gentlemen of the King's Ma'' privie chamber, presently repayred to the Frenche courte to remayne there for a season, so as he may have the sayd pencion of xij c. crownes by yere from tyme to tyme as the same shall growe accordingly. 1551-2. Feb. 21. Warraunt to (blank) for iiij C. markes to Barnabye Fitzpatrick towards his charges in the Frenche king's service, March 10. To Mr. Pickering's seiTant, by way of his Ma'^ rewarde to his maister following the Frpnche king to his warres m. markes. To Mr. Barnaby for the lyke purpose cccc. markes. To Barthelmew Campaigne for soe muche by him delyvered by way of exchange to Mr. Barnaby in ccc. Frenche crownes at vj s. viij d. the pece, 1 li. 1552. April 28. A warraunt to Theschequier to pay to Barthilmewe Compagni ccxxxviij li. dewe to hym in surplusage for the dietts of Barnaby Fitzpatric by reason that he payd more then he receyved, for that he was constrayned to pay in Fraunce viij s. for the crowne. Sept. 1. A warraunt to Sir John Williams to ijc x li. to Barthillmew Compagny to be sent over by exchaunge unto Mr. Barnabie FitzPatrik. Dec. 18. A warraunt to Thexchequier to pay to Mr. Barnaby FitzPatrick, one of the gentlemen of the King's Mats Privie Chamber, the summe of cl. Frenche crownes after the rate of viij s. the crowne, for two monethes behind of his diets appointed unto hym during his being in Fraunce. (MS. Addit. 14,026.) 1551. Dec. 21. A letter of thankes to the Frenche king aswell for his liberall graunt of xij c. tunnes of wheete to be bought in Fraunce for the rehef of the citie of London, as for his gentle receyving of Barnaby FitzPatrick in to his service, and placing of him in his privye chambre. (Billse Signata;, MS. Eeg. 18 C. XXIV. fol. 170 v.) In February following, a liberate was granted to Barnabie FitzPatrick, one of the gentlemen of the privie chamber, upon an Annuytie of a hundred and fiftie pounds granted to him by the King's Majesties lettres patentes sexto die mensisinstantisFebruarij, durante bene placito, habendum a festo sancti Michaelis archangeli ultimo preterito, with th' arrerages. (MS. Cotton, Julius B. rs. f. 122.) ORATIONES. We have seen the series of the King's Latin letters cease shortly after his accession to the throne, and it is evident that his exercises in that language no longer took the form of Epistoke. He was now instructed to compose declamations, or Orationes as they were called by his tutors, of which a very considerable number is still preserved. A few, some of the earliest, are fairly transcribed into the same copy-book with the Latin Letters, now the MS. Harl. 5087. Two of these were published by Strype, and the whole six are noW' printed. But a much larger collection, amounting to more th'an fifty in Latin, and nearly as many in Greek, the whole (excepting one) as originally written by the King, now forms the volume in the British Museum marked as the MS. Addit. 4724. From this volume a further selection is made ; but of the remainder it is deemed sufficient to give the following account. The MS. Addit. 4724 was presented to the national collection by Mr. HoUis, as is recorded by a memorandum inserted before the first page : — " Thomas Holhs is desirous of having the honor to deposite this manuscript in the British Musaeum. " Fall Mall, mar. 10, 1763. " To The Trustees of the British Musaeum.'' It is a folio volume of 222 leaves, of which the first half consists of the King's Latin orations, and the rest of those in Greek. They were written on loose sheets of paper, with uncut edges, and subsequently bound together. Though in some degree placed in the order of their composition, they are evidently partially disarranged. Many of them are dated, but many are not. Few have any title or theme ; but their general character may be gathered from the introductory lines, which are extracted in the following account. The first is headed thus : — 1. Ed. Eex. Kpeia. Anno D'ni milesimo 500° 48°. Apri. 22°. Plato dicit : nos non debere habere voluptatem quasi virtutem. (Four full pages, fir. 2—3.) 94 LITEKABT REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. 2. Cicero dicit : Adolescentia est senum consilio et prudentia gubernenda. (Four pages, ff. 4—5.) 3. Xpeta. Chreia.' Christus dicit : non debetis facere quioquid contra mandata Dei, ut sequamini vestra ipsius prascepta. (ff. 6 — 7.) 4. Isocrates : Oportet regem regnare inquit cum mansuetudine et dementia. Tliis is printed hereafter, Oratio VII. 5. 1548. 21° Septembris. Num Cato recte censuit evertendam esse Carthaginem. (Four pages, ff. 12—13.) 6. 1549. 23 Junij. Omnes quidem et Philosophi, &c. Printed hereafter, Oratio I. 7. 3° Junij, 1549. An prescientia rerum sit utilis. (Four pages, ff. 17 — 18.) Printed hereafter, Oratio II. 8. 13° Martij, 1551°. a° 6° E. E. E. 6'. Quandam diffioilem quidem et arduam provinciam postrema hebdomada suscepimus, videlicet disserere quse sit natura angelorum, qui seepe in specie et forma humana ad homines eos {sic) mittuntur, quos Deus vult converti ad pietatem, &c. (Two pages, sixty lines, f. 18.) 9. 17 Maij, 1551°, post pascha. Quanquam illi opus sit (auditores optimi) non solum magna oognitione, et scientia, sed etiam bene spectata atque diuturna experientia, qui velit de rebus civilibus ad Eempublicam pertinentibus graviter atque acute disserere. (Foiir pages, ff. 20 — 21.) 10. 31° Maij, 1551. Hac qusestione proposita (judices optimi) utrum liceat lugere mortem amici. (Four pages, ff. 22—23.) 11. 14 Junij, 1551. Nullum est fortius neo munitius prsesidium, (auditores optimi,) nulla arx tam firma, nuUus murus ita validus ut veri amici. (Four pages, ff. 24 — 25.) 12. 28° Junij, 1551°. Ciim multi viri sint, quorum alii student scientiis mathematicis, alii coeli et steUarum ordinibus et cursibus, aiii in rebus belUcis magnam operam navant, quserentes quomodo optime possint adoriri inimicum et fortissime seipsos defendere, atque hostem vincere, alii etiam sunt qui in actibus qute ad usum vitas pertinent perfecte ediscendis elabo- rant, nullum est liberalius, nobilius, prsestantique viro dignius studium, qukm illud quod in cognoscendo et investigando mala bonaque consistit. (Four pages, ff. 26—27.) 13. 12 Julij, 1551°. Non temer^, nee sine causa, (auditores optimi,) veteres illi sapientissimi et gravissimi philosophi soliti sunt ponere tria genera bonorum, prascipua in animo quasi totius OBATIONES. 95 hominis divinis§ima, celerrima, prsestantissima, et prEeclariasima parte, secunda in coipore, tertia in fortuna. (Two pages and a half, ff. 28, 29.) 14. Bellum esse Turcis inferendum, religionis gratia. Printed hereafter, Oratio VIII. 15. 9° Augusti, 1551°. Quemadmodum ocio, languore, et desidia, (optimi auditores,) hominum mentes et ingenia corrumpuntirr, ita etiam dUigentia, labore, et exeroitio corrobantur, con- firmantur, et ad perfectionem quandam perveniunt. (Pour pages, ff. 32 — 33.) 16. 23 Augusti, 1551°. 5° R. Quemadmodum (Judices clarissimi) est unius cujusque artificis officium (si modo peritus esse volet) non solum probfe scire, quomodo ex aptis instrumentis, aut ex apta materia, illud quod conatur perfici possit. (Three pages, pp. 34 — 35.) 17. 1° Septembris, 1551°. Cum varise sint mutationes hujus mundi, varii status fortunas. (Four pages, ff. 86, 37.) 18. 20 Septembri_s, 1551°. Sffipe contingere (auditores optimi) video cum hi qui bonis fortunes aut corporis ut appellant sint exornati, improbitati et nequitias totos sese dedunt. (Three and a half pages, ff. 38—39.) 19. Cum omnes virtutes sint in his rebus quse eis sunt subjectse maxima laude afficiendK. (Two pages, f. 40, with date at the end — ) 31 Oct. 1551. 20. Non possumus beatam pacatamque vitam degere (optimi auditores) nisi normam aliquam et regulam imitemur. (Four pages, ff. 42 — 43, concluding thus — 18° Octobris. E. E. Eduardus Eex. Finis orationis. Anno domini. 1551°. Non licet naturam imitari. 21. Nihil magis est necessarium his omnibus qui Kerumpublicarum et nationum mag- narum gubernacula atque curam tenant quam ut malos suppliciis afficiant, bonos autem prsemiis donent. (Four pages, ff. 44 — 45, signed) 1° Novembris, 1551°. E. Eex. 22. 29° Novembris, 1551°. Duo inter omnes philosophos (optimi auditores) constituuntur genera vitse, quorum uniun totum ponitur in actione. (Two pages, f. 46.) 23. 13° Decembris, 1551°. Cum quisque instituerit post maturam deliberationem (auditores et judices optimi) 96 LITEEART REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. aut.facultatis bonitate, aut commodo, aut sua ad aliquid inclinatione persuasus, quod genus vitas velit imitari et sequi, &c. (Four pages, fF. 48 — 49, concluding — ) Dixi. Dixi. Dixi. Finis. 13° Decembris Anno domini 1551°. Eduardus Eex. 24. NuUa res utilior, &c. on the question. Qua rectfe cbgnita a multis magnis et gravibus periculis hominem liberat et tollit,ignota vero opplet vitam miseriis et calamitatibus. (Four pages, ff. 50 — 51, signed) E. Eex. 1551°. 10 Januarij. 25. Quanquam sapientis sit (optimi auditores) non nimium scrutari, aut exquirere iUarum rerum naturam quss supra oaptum suum existunt. (Three and a half pages, if. 52—53.) 24° Januarij, 1551°. 26. 14° Februarij, 1551, a° 6° E° E' E. 6. Sapientis est (auditores optimi) nibil conari, nihil aggredi, nibilque incipere, quod non antea perpendit et secumipse cogitavit bonum ne esset, et num perficere possit. (Four pages, ff. 54 — 55.) 27. 28° Februarij, a° d'ni 1551°. Quanquam admodum sit mirus et vix narrabilis ordo ille quo supremus Deus noster et dominus (optimi auditores) regit, gubernat, et dirigit ea quae creavit. (Three pages, ff. 56 — 57.) 28. 14° Maij, 1552° Nullum quidem donum, nullum munus, nullum ornamentum a Deo datum est homini melius ex omnibus illis ornamentis quibus abundfe fuit ditatus, et mirificfe ornatus, nullum inquam ex illis fuit perfectius, nullum absolutius, nullum excellentius, nee quo magis differret homo a brutis animantibus et beluis qakm ratio. (Four pages, ff. 58 — 59.) 29. 5° Julij, a° d'ni 1552°. Quemadmodum nee ille armorum opifex qui nescit unde paranda sit materia ilia ex qua conficiuntur arma, nee ille coriariarus (szc) qui ignorat ubi emends sint belluarum pelles, nee ille, panni confector quern latet ubi sit acquirenda lana, possunt vel arma conficere, vel corium, vel pannum, sic equidem nee homo ille qui profitetur se rerum honestarum et bonarum studiosum et dili- gentem imitatorem, potest aliquid facere quod vel perfectum, vel bonum, vel ulla laude dignum videatur, nisi sciat et bene intelligat unde sit petendum auxilium, &c. (Four pages, ff. 60—61.) 30. Ciam (ut Plato reoth dicit,) non nobis solum nati sumus. (Four pages, ff. 62—63.) 31. Quanquam (judices optimi) non sit consuetudinis veterum oratorum de his rebus consilium capere qua; pra:terita sint. (Four pages, ff. 64 — 65.) 32. Non sumus sponte mali. (ff. 66—67.) Printed hereafter with Oratio XII. OEATIONES. 97 33. Hi (auditores optimi) qui ita flagrant studio et amore rei optimae et quse prsecla- rissima videatur, ut csetera nihili ducentes contemnant. (Four pages, ff. 68 — 69.) 34. Quemadmodum ille non est habendus bonus calciarius qui nescit quomodo optime fiant cftlcei, nee ille bonus domuum artifex qui, cum duas videat domus, hanc bonam et illam malam, nesciat inter eas recte dijudicare, nee ille Consul qui reipublicas statum ignorat, sic nee ille jure in hominum numero est habendus, qui quid bonum, quid malum, quid ad felicitatem adjuvat, quid calamitates afferat, ignorat. (Four pages, ff. 70—71.) 35. Miramini fortasse, auditores clarissimi, nos, qui tantos labores insumimus ut corpus in sanitate conservetur, et in morbis existens restituatur sanitati, has partes jam defendere, mortem non esse malam, cum factis videamur contrarias confirmare. (Four pages, ff. 72—73.) 36. Cum nulla natio bene institui possit, nisi inferiores superioribus obtemperant. (Four pages, ff. 74 — 75, signed, Eduardus Rex.) 37. Quanquam multse sint queestiones admodum obscurse in philosophia morali, &c. (Four pages, ff. 76—77.) 38. Magnum mehercule (auditores clarissimi) certamen institui contra illustrissimos et sapientissimos philosophos Platonem et Socratem. (Three pages, ff. 78 — 79.) 39. Principio cum populus nuUis tenebatur legibus, sed unusquisque hoc solum cogitabat ut proximum interficeret sui commodi causa. (Three pages and a half, ff. 80 — 81.) 40. Inter omnia Ola innumerabOia beneficia quse Deus in humanum genus contidit, . . . nullum majorem, &c. quandam potestatem eligendi et boni appetendi, maK vero fugiendi. (Four pages, ff. 82—83.) 41. Nulla est prsestantior scientia, &c. qukm quomodo quis vitam gubernaret. (Three pages and a half, ff. 84 — 85.) 42. Quanquam multa erant inter majores nostros genera Eeipub"^^- (Four pages, ff. 86—87.) 43. Nulla est firma possessio, nuUje facultates diuturnse, nihil quod hominis proprium bonum meriti appellari possit, nisi sola virtus. (Four pages, ff. 88 — 89.) 44. In omniKepublica,&c. The declamation against Adultery, printed hereafter, Oratio IX. 45. Quanquam multa, &c. The question discussed is, Utrum ilia Eespublica sit beatior et felicior, num magis tranquilly vivant iUi cives qui prasscriptione legum bonarum. gubernantur, aut ilia, qu» nuUam habens legem, arbitrio et judicio viri boni et justi gubematur. (One page and & half, unfinished, f. 92.) 46. Quanquam solem e mundo toUere videtur (judices prsBStantissimi) qui amicitiam e vita toUit. (Four pages, ff. 94 — 95, signed, Eduardus Eex.) 47. .Satis vobis manifestum est (auditores optimi) quod nuUa Eespublica, nee hominum multitudo, civiliter vivere possit, nee bene regi, nisi quosdam habeat magistratus constitutes. (Four pages, ff. 96 — 97, signed, E. Eex.) O 98 LITERARY REMAINS OP KINa EDWARD VI. 48. An argument, Magis decere Patrem qakm Preceptorem amare, printed hereafter, Oratio X. 49. Inter omnia munera quae donantur, vel eburnea, vel aurea, vel argentea, vel preciosis lapillis ornata, quse quidem magno labore inveniuntur, et magno precio emuntur, nihil et mihi aptius, et vobis utilius, qakm patefactio officii, demonstrans quid quemque facere oporteat, et quomodo suo officio fungi, videbatur. (Four pages, ff. 100—101.) 50. Manifestum est et omnibus vobis cognitum (judices et auditores clarissimi) unum- quemque natural! quadam dispositione et motu prsditum esse, in hoc ut foelicitatem consequatur. (Three and a half pages, fF. 102 — 103.) 51. Multi fuerunt, &c. On Astronomy, printed hereafter, Oratio XI. 52. Quanquam fateor (optimi auditores) nie rerum magnarum ita esse inexpertum, in usu loquendi ita imperitum, et propter juvenilem setatem ita invahdum et debilem, ut in dubia et difficili quKstione ne certare quidem cum viris doctis possim. He proceeds to consider, Utrum homines possint vivere sine peccato. (Three pages, ff. 106—107.) 53. Si praecipuus sit scopus finisque philosophic moralis (ut certe est, optimi auditores,) prospicere quid in unaquaque re sit bonum, quidque malum. (Three and a half pages, ff. 108—109.) 54. Cum nulla alia re homo sit prssstantior CEeteris animantibus quim ratione. (Two pages, f. 110.) 55. On the question, Utrum quis sit sponte malus. Printed hereafter, Oratio XII. Here end the Latin Orations, and at fol. 116 commence those in Greek, which are just fifty in number. Very few have any title, but those that have are, — the fourteenth, Trepi evcprjfiias, at fol. 142 ; the eighteenth, Trepi tov epSey^Ofxivov, Torepov av e'lrj, de con- tingentia, at fol. 150; the twenty-second, Justitia prsestantior prudentia, commencing with one page in Latin, and continued in three pages of Greek, fol. 158 ; the twenty-third, Qavaros ovk €esse morte muletandos. ^quitas enim hoe vult, justitia rogat, lex naturge constituit, ut supplicia legum moderemur secundum duas regulas, quarum una est magni- tude vitii, altera prompta natura gentis ad maleficium. Gravissima enim supplicia decern! debent in ea crimina, ad quse nos sumus maxima apti, in hoe ut severitate supplicii a malefaciendo deterreamur. Si igitur et hse ambse causae concurrant, tum gra- ^T. XIV.] ORATIO^^ES. 129 vissima supplicia sunt demonstranda. Quare primum prObabo aliqua supplicia esse morte mulctanda, turn vero si aliquid sit ita mulctandum, adulterio esse locum in eodem supplicio. Si enim malos non oportet morte punire, quare gerit gladium magistratus ? Oerte frustra, quanquam Paulus afiirmat eum gerere gladium, in hoc ut sit impiis terrori. At quis dicet Deum nolle mortem peccatoris, sed ut convertatur et vivat. Cujus loci interpretatio vera nihil pertinet ad supplicium mortis, a magistratibus affectum, sed sibi vult Deum suas leges hominibus demonstrare, sua prsecepta facere cognita, quia non querit mortem peccatoris, nee damnationem alicujus vitiosi,' sed potius gaudet ciim ad ilium convertamus, nihilomiaus tamen puniens si nolimus conrertere. Attamen Deus in lege prsebita erga Judeos jussit et latrones, et adulteros, et patrum execratores et idololatras esse morte mulctandos. Quare est manifestum, licere aHqua peccata morte mulctare. Si autem liceat aUqua mala morte mulctare, ut ex supradictis manifestum est, tum ea licet morte mulctare quae minimi sunt mihi necessaria et aliis maximo incommodo. Quod autem malum majus, et detestabilius esse potest, qukm adulterium ? quod majus scelus, quam uxorem proximi contaminare ?■ quae major injuria quam hominem spoliare sua carne ? Etenim latrones, qui non sine causa maxima secundum leges morte damnantur, solum pecunia spoliant hominem, quae ut cito dilabitur, sic multis variisque hominibus iterum paratur.* At adulter non vestes aufert, qu£e corpus ornant ; non equos, quibus homines insident ; nee pecuniam, quae res corpori utiles parat ; sed uxorem, qua nihil est preciosius, nihil charius, nihilque magis ab homine diligendum. Nam Deus ciim. Evam crearet ex osse Adami dixit, Haec est unum tuorum ossium, et caro de carne tua. Propter banc relinquet homo patrem, et matrem. * Who steals my purse, steals trash ; 'tis something, nothing ; 'Twas mine, 'tis his, and has been slave to thousands. Were King Edward and Shakspere alike indebted for these expressions to some previous writer ? S 130 lilTEEART REMAINS OF KIN& EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1551. uxori adhserens. Quare qui h.anc conjunctionem a Deo constitutam talibus verbis, et prseceptis, violare velit, hominemque spoliare suis membris, siiEe cupiditatis et affectus causa, multo pejor et major hostis videtur quam fur aut latro, qui hac et iliac currens, ubi populum frequentare videt, bona aufuratur, pecuniis spoliat, vestibus nudat, et res necessarias sibi ipsi toUit ab alienis. Alter enim pecuniis spoliat, alter uxore ; hie quidem res necessarias sibi ipsi a te tollit, ille ardet amore rei inulitis, et contra mandatum divinum. Si igitur ilia lex qusB de suspendendis furibus recta de causa sit facta, et multum prosit Reipublicse, non video qui fiat adulteros non debere eandem aut raajorem psenam subire, cum majori in crimine et delicto versentur. At fortasse dicent adversarii, Paulum excommunicasse adulteros, non morte mulctavisse. Cui objection! respondeo, Paulum ideo non mulctasse morte quia se fatebatur nuUam habere autboritatem nisi spiritualem, in qua solum consistit authoritas excommunicandi. Tum asserunt Ckristi exemplum, qui videns Pbariseos lapidantes adulteram, dixit illis, Quicunque est sine criminibus primum lapidem in eam conjiciat. Cui etiam exemplo respondeo, Christum non reprehendisse legem, sed eorum vitia qui legem administrabant. Illi enim cum majoribus crimini- bus erant onerati, illam puniebant, sua vitia non corrigentes. Cum igitur maxima sint supplicia Dei inusta in multos propter hoc teterrimum vitium, quod multb est gravius et majori psena dignius qucim furtum, morte mulctatum, sequitur adulterium esse morte mulctandum. Dixi. Einis. ORATIO X. [MS. Addit. Brit. Mus. 4724, fo. 98.] [Magis decere Patrem quam Preceptorem amare.] Si sit justitise (auditores clarissimi,) suum cuique tribuere, si sit gequitatis non eodem modo compensare cos qui magna fecerunt, et ■MT. xiv.J ORATIONES. 131 pericula obierunt patriae causa, quo eos qui domi quietam sine peri- culis et laboribus degunt vitam, si denique gratitudinis sit, in eos maxima conferre beneficia, qui maxim^ nobis sunt amici, turn est perutile, his qui quserunt se justos, sequos, et gratos prsestare, cog- noscere quae quibus sint majora beneficia, inhoc ut unusquisque secundum dignitatem compensetur. Quamobrem non inutile miM visum est, cum quosdam viderem dicentes, nos magis debere amare prseceptorem qukm patrem, contrariam sententiam veriorem mihi visam suscipere defendendam, in hoc ut Veritas melius cognoscatur, et ex disputatione utraque ex parte penitus excutiatur (sic). Prima autem ratio quae me suadet has partes tueri, Magis decere Patrem quam Frceceptorem annare, est eo quod pater nos magis amet, et naturaliter dUigat, quam prseceptor, atque hoc declarat semper expe- rientia, unumquemque (ut Ajistoteles optim^ docet) proprium opus maximi diligere, poetam sues versus, philosophum suos ipsius libros a se composites, artificem unumquemque opus a se fabricatum, quoque major labor est in opere conflciendo eo majore amore affici artificem erga opus. Patris autem est opus filius, eamque ob causam (eoque magis quod sit naturale opus) maximfe debet pater a filio, et filius a patre diligi. Discipulus autem non est opus prseceptoris, nisi eo quod sit relatio. Quare sequitur magis unumquemque teneri erga patrem quam prseceptorem. Quid quod pater non solum sit causa quare sit filius, sed etiam suse bonse educationis in sacris Uteris, in liberalibus scientiis, in honestis disciplinis, et honesto instituto vivendi ? Num. nihili est, curare eum nutriendum, proprio sumptu alendum, et libenter ei relinquere copias omnes et caetera necessaria ad vitam, quae ei ad aliquod opus commoda esse possunt ? Qui potest igitur quis rect^ comparare beneficia et amorem prae- ceptoris cum amore et beneficiis paternis, ciun pater hsec faciat et hsec conferat beneficia ita magna in fiilium, non munere aliquo, nee benevolentia in alium, provocatus, sed quodam naturali in ilium amore commotus et illectus; praeceptor autem tantum insumat laborem in puero educando, non amoris causa in. ipsum puerum, sed s 2 132 LITEBAE.Y REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1551. aut benevolentia erga patrem commotus aut munere astrictus, ant ut Reipublicse possit prodesse in bene instituendo eo, qui postea ejus membrum futurus est. Yidetur autem. hoc satis cognitum fuisse omnibus pbilosopbis, qui maximum honorem attribui volunt parenti- bus, et talem qualem nulli alio, prseceptorem autem. inter CEeteros qui beneficia conferiint minora qu^m parentes ponunt, satis legis- latoribus, prgecipu^ autem a Deo ipso in lege Mosaica consideratum, ubi severissima supplicia constituuntur erga eos qui parentibus sunt oilensi, et non obediunt, miaora autem multo prseceptoribus com- prehensis in numero aliorum proximorum. Ipsa etiam lex civilis, quse jam est maxim^ vulgaris et palam usitata, statuit maximam potestatem esse paternam in filium, et vult filios maxime esse sub- ditos eorum potestati, nullam autem statuit potestatem prseceptorum. Lex autem divina, quae eo tempore non sine magna causa erat ab ipso Deo constituta et stabilita, mansitque inter Judeos usque ad tempus Ghristi, mira intolerabilia et acerbissima sumit supplicia in eos qui parentes aut percutiunt aut execrantur ; cumque omnes alios percutiens aut execrans mulctetur solum poena talionis, ut oculum reddat pro oculo, dentem pro dente, et sic in similibus, iUe Exod. 21" c. qui percutit patrem aut matrem et iHis maledicet, mortis mulcta punitur. Hoc prseterea indicat manifesto officium filii in patrem, et munus ilUs constitutum qui ilia (sic) observant, quod scribitux in Deut. 5°B. 5° Deuteronomii, Honora patrem tuum et matrem tuam, sicut prsecepit tibi Deus tuus, ut longo vivas tempore, et bene sit tibi, in terra tua. Ipse etiam Christus, cum nobis omnium virtutum sit dux, tum clarissimum prsebuit exemplum amoris et obedientise Luc. ii. erga parentes, cum (ut apparet in Luc£e Evangelio) subditus erat parentibus, et parebat eorum imperio. Cum ergo videamus ita clara sacrarum literarum testimonia, de bonore et officio debito parentibus, apparet quantum sit officium filLorum erga parentes, quantus amor, quamque praeluceat officio erga prseceptores. Alteram enim devincitur solum uno vinculo, alterum autem duobus. Nam causa quare amare debemus prseceptorem est, quod magnos labores ^T. xiv.J ORATIONBS. 133 STiscepit in hoc ut nos erudiret, et ille labor est compensandus amore quodam et benevolentia. Si enim non observetur, turn inde oritur ingratitude, et injustitia, ciim eos nuUo modo compen- semus, qui in nos tanta beneflcia contulerint. Duobus autem modis cogimur prsebere patri honorem ; quorum unus est quod nos genuit, aluit, curavit educandum, et hseredem fecerit, alter autem quod ipsa natura inseruerit patris amorem in filium vix adbuc natum, qui procul abest a cognitione boni et mali, honesti et rubonesti. Hoc autem ex eo manifestius, esse naturalem amorem inter filium et patrem, quod pater, Alio nuUo modo ne compensante quidem suum beneficium nee compote alicujus rationis, curat eum educandum, alendum, nutriendum, et maxima beneficia confert in eum, quasi puer maximum in eum beneficium contulerat. Prseceptoris adhsec ofl&cium non tantum procedere videtur ex amore in discipu- lum, ac patris, qui animus et amor conferentis beneficium magis est curandus, et perpendendus, in compensandis beneficiis quam ipsa magnitude beneficii. Si enim magnitudine divitiarum meteremur beneflcia, et non animo dantis, injustfe admodum perpetraremus, qui majores gratias ageremus diviti, nobis id danti quod ille vilipendet, quam pauperi danti illud ex quo victum et sibiipsi et suis parat. TJnde et Obristus, ciim vidit pauperem quandam viduam mittentem in Gazopbylacium parvulum quoddam seneum nomisma, magis earn laudibus dignam existimavit, qa^m omnes divites, qui ingentem summam pecuniae in illud miserant. Quare ciim major sit amor paternus erga filium quam prseceptoris, omnes leges constituant majora supplicia in eos qui violant parentes quam prseceptores, et lex divina (ipso Cbristo exemplum prebente) jubet maximo amore prosequi parentes, sequitur nos debere magis amare patrem quam praeceptorem. Dixi. Pinis. 134 LITEBABT REMAINS OE KING- EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1551. ORATIO XI. [MS. Addit. Brit. Mus. 4724, fol. 102.] [EXPERIBNTIAM ESSE PE^STANTIOBEM QUAM DOOTRINA.] Manifesttjm est et omnibus vobis cognitum (judices et anditores charissimi), unumquemque natural! quadam dispositione et motu prseditum esse in hoc ut fselicitatem consequatur, summum. bonum obtineat, et vitam beatam habere possit ; atque quanquam alii igno- rantia rei ducti, alii autem modi per quem fselieitatem obtinerent, (alii enim divitias putant, alii honestum, alii voluptatem, et eorum qui divitias putant, alii mercaturam esercent, alii agros colunt, aliique aliis artificiis victum parant,) tamen omnium borum finis est summum bonum ad quod tanquam scopum collimant. TJtilissimse idcirco sunt illse tractationes, quae modum quomodo quis virtutum prsecipuarum habitus assequi possunt, manifestent et indicent. Quam ob rem de hac qusestione disserere non inutile putavi, Utrum experientia an doctrina homini sit utilior, quia indicat modum quomodo quis cognitionem assequi possit, quam aliis rebus omnibus anteposuit sapientissimus Solomon. Mea autem est sententia experientiam multo plus valere doctrina et hominem reddere sapientiorem. Haec enim quseruntur in inqui- sitione cognitionis, ut modus obtinendi eam sit certus, bene probatus, et sine ambagibus, quae omnia maxime video in experientia versari, in doctrina autem multo minus. Nam quod ad rerum stabilitatem attinet, nuUi vestrum est ignotum (judices clarissimi,) quin ita sint incerti casus rerum ut nuUus sit talis nee tam perfectus philosophus in morali philosophia qui possit perfectum opusculum de eis tradere, et (ut Aristoteles dicit) multi putent e lege et non ex natura honestum oriri, et potius hominis esse inventionem qukm naturae constitutionem. ^T. XIV.] ORATIONES. 135 Neque vero hoc fit in pMlosophia solum ad mores pertinente, sed etiam in muitis aKis artibus, ut medicina, cosmographia, rhetorica, et dialectica. Ille medicus enim qui magnam liabet ex libris doc- triaam et multa cognoscit ex authoribus et scriptoribus in re medica, si experientiam rerum non habeat niliil prsestare poterit, quod quotidie ex muitis exemplis facUe videre possumus. Nam multos videmus ignaros artis qui experientia edocti plures sanant quEim ii qui estimantur periti et docti medici ; videmus eos qui ex libris scientiam cbirurgorum edidicerunt pauciores posse curare qukm anus vetulas quotidiana experientia edoctas {sic); videmus adbsec mercatores qui muitis laboribus terras longinquas peragrant per- fectius scire descriptionem terrse, quam hi qui arti cosmograpMcae multos annos operam dederint. Denique videmus eos qui in senati- bus Hberarum civitatum et foris fuerunt, multo ornatius et gravius posse disserere et disputare de rebus qu^m eos qui diu dialecticam et rbetoricam in academiis didicerint. Ex quibus exemplis mani- festo patet experientiam esse multo prsestantiorem et certiorem doc- trina, quia homines docti et inexperti facUius errant, quam hi qui experientiam habent in scientiis. Eamque ob causam in deligendo magistratus publicos non tantum inspicitur et curatur [ut] homo ad ea ministeria delegatus sit doctus in mathematicis qukm ut expe- rientiam habeat earum rerum quae pertinent ad administrationem E-eipublicse, quanquam quidem fateor utraque, videlicet experientia et doctrina, sint admodum quserendse in magistratu civili. Quia autem virtutis laus maximO in actione consistit (ut Cicero testatur), et ii qui res prseclaras et excellentes {sic) magis laudantur qu^m ii qui rerum cognitionem habent et quae cognoscunt non exequuntur, idcirco mihi videtur earn cognitionem quse maximO apta est ad agendum res quse honestse existentes in mente et intellectu versantur, esse prsestantissimam et maximO eligendam. Ducit enim ad eam rem quse est scopus quare homines boni doc- trinam cupiant. At ille aptior est ad actionem, et paratior ad perpetranda ea quse cognoscit, qui experientia est edoctus, et quo- 136 LITERARY REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1551. tidiano usu res didicerit, quam ille qui ex libris legendis intellexe- rit quid sit agendum. Quod quidem non sine causa accidit. Nam nullus sermo nee scriptura potest ita manifesto res actas aut agendas perscribere et denotare, et quid in unoquoque casu sit faciendum demonstrare, atque illi qui viderunt possunt in mente imaginem circumferre. Quod ex eo apparet, quod juvenes (sic) (secundum proverbium) et non expertis dulce sit bellum, quia nullus ejus miseriam jDOSsit, ita ut est, perfecte vel oratione vel stilo depingere. Qui autem experti sunt pericula quae accidunt ia bello, et ejus miseriam satis gustaverint, exclamant, et vocife- rantur, nullas esse tales miserias, nulla tam magna tormenta, nuUos tantos dolores corporis et animi timores, quanti quotidie accidunt in bello, et propter ingentem multitudinem a militibus contemnuntur. At contra illi qui legerunt liistorias Trojse, ubi Achilles et Ulisses simul versabantur, atque etiam Alexandri res gestas, putant potius se fore in ludo aut comsedia qukm in bello, tibi res serio agetur. At dici potest opus esse et majore labore, et tempore diuturniore, in cognoscendo res ex experientia, quam ex doctrina, quia multo citius leguntur Mstoriae rerum qukm res ipsse aguntur. Eespondeo autem eos qui nolint laborem suscipere, cognitionis causa, nunquam fore sapientes, et homini esse prsestantius pauca bene et firm iter in memoria retinere, qukm multa percurrere legendo ; et ea quae ex experientia discuntur, multo firmius memorise inbserent, qukm ea quae leguntur. Adhsec jucundus est ille labor qui suscipitur cognitionis causa, prsecipu^ autem rerum experientia, illi qui honestus est, quia majus delectamur iis rebus quas ipsi excogitamus, quam iis quas alii homines invenerunt. Cum igitur et certior et aptior ad actionem rerum nobilium et prseclararum sit experientia doctrina, sequitur, ut mihi quidem videtur, experientiam esse multo prestantiorem et utiliorem generi humano qukm doctrina, quanquam neutri suam laudem derogare vellem. Dixi. MT. xiv.J ORATIONES. 133* OEATIO XI B. [ASTRONOMIAM TJTILEM ADMOBTJM ESSE HTJMANO GBNERI.J [MS. Addit. Brit. Mus. 4724, fol. 104.J This oration, being a defence of the study of astronomy, is remarkable, as showing how that sublime science was subject to disrepute, in consequence of its professors having generally presumed, either from motives of worldly advantage, or themselves misled by vain imaginings, to profess to foretell the future course of human affairs. It was assumed that the stars influenced the destiny of each individual, according to their aspects at the time of his birth or other great events of his life ; and those who, having given credit to such fancies, found themselves deceived, were naturally irritated, not only against astrology, but also against astronomy, between which they could not distinguish. Edward's tutor, sir John Cheke, certainly gave some attention to both the legitimate and the illegitimate sister, as shown by the Bang's quadrant, which is described in the Preface, and his entertainment of Cardano, noticed in the King's Memoir. Mttlti fuerunt apud majores nostros (auditores clementissimi) qui cum aliquod crimen falso objectum. cuiquam esset, aut hominem purgare a vitio aut defendere susceperant, prsestantius opus putabant hominem innocentem defendere, quam vitiosum oppug- nare. Quo magis igitur mihi elaborandum est in bac parte defen- sionis, cum non hominem aliquibus vitiis contaminatum, non quid fragile et caducum, sed artem, scientiam et cognitionem nobilissi- mam, omniumque aliarum prope certissimam defendendam susci- piam, oppugnatam quidem sed non victam multis firmis validisque argumentis adversariorum. Scientia autem et ars de qu£i boc tempore disseremus est Astro- nomia. Sunt enim qui tenent eam neque utilem esse corpori neque animo neque Reipublicse, quae quidem sententia multo vituperio baud immerito affici debet. Nam quid turpius esse potest quam eam dicere cognitionem quam omnes ab instiuctu divino moti appe- tunt et avent, ad niMl utile necessariumve esse ? Prudentia enim, quae a Deo fonte omnis boni oritur, dividitur in cognitionem rerum S* 134* LITBBABY EEMAINS OP EDWAUD VI. [a.d. 1551. naturalium, rerum ad sermonem pertinentium, ut ars Rhetorica et Dialectica, atque rerum moralium, qu.se ad mores privatorum et ad rectionem Rerumpnblicarum pertinent. Quid vero magis naturale quam cognitio elementorum, coeli, astrorum, stellarum, planetarum, per quorum cursus nostra corpora, et non solum nostra sed etiam omnium bestiarum eis subjectarum, omnium herbarum, florum, arborum, frugum, vinorum, ceterorumque omnium gubernantur et reguntur ? Cum itaque sit pars prudentise, quse, a Deo procedens, omnia secundum rectam rationem facit et constituit, res naturales investigare, ciimque qaasi instinctu divino provocemur ad inquisi- tionem omnium rerum (ratio enim hoc in nobis efficit), necessario sequitur Astronomiam utilem admodum esse humano generi, quia Deus non solum omnia membra corporis sed etiam omnes scientias artesque quas hominibus revelavit ad aliquam necessitatem sive summam utilitatem instituit. Adbsec, is qui res satis perfectfe et exquisite prsecipu^que in hac arte existentes contemplari velit, inveniet eam non inventam fuisse sine mira diligentia, cognitionis maxim&j cupiditate, et quodam sin- gulari instinctu et inflatu divino. Nullum enim ingenium humanum est ita perfectum, ut per se tarn divinarum et coelestium rerum cog- nitionem invenire possit, prsesertim cum eos videamus ardu^ ea intelligere quae Uber demonstrat atque prseceptor doceat. Perpen- damus ideo perfectfe et deliberate quis homo eam artem invenerit, videlicet, fQius Adami, Setb, qui plus et honestus admodum fuit : eos etiam qui eam magna perfectione locupletariint, videlicet ^gyptii, Israelitee, viri sanfe doctissimi, eruditissimi, sapientissitni, omnique genere cognitionis et virtutis prsediti. Putamus autem tantos tarn insignes sapientesque viros quales iUi fuerant non solum tantum laborem in res nibili insumere voluisse, sed etiam tantum temporis quod est prseciosissima impendere cogitasse, nisi res admodum utilis foret ? aut etiam eos tarn alienos ab bumanitate fuisse, quod si res iQventa fuisset inutilis aut incommoda humano generi, eam voluisse promulgare ? Minime. ^T. xiv.j OE.ATIONES. 135* Prseterea, non video quomodo isti novi qui earn videntur contem- nere, et nihili facere, sint pares vel gravitate vel judicio vel auctori- tate vel doctrin&, iis viris antiquis, qui ei arti studuerunt, atque in hoc ut alios allicerent ad idem studium atque multos socios sibi asciscerent, scliolas adificarant, prseceptores nutrierent, et ipsi summo studio eidem operam dabant. Quam enim multse scholse ia Graecia constitutEe erant non solum a regibus sed etiam a liberis civitatibus ad eam artem propagandam, ita cognitum unicuique est vestrum ut mihi opus non sit demonstrationis magis amplse. Inter Ulos etiam, omnes juvenes qui ullam operam Uteris dabant studebant mathe- maticis scientiis, videlicet, Astronomise, Geometrise, et Arithmeticse, has etiam cum aliis quatuor liberales, videlicet dignas viro libero dicebant. Quare cum hi viri tanti, tot, tam eruditi, tanta auctori- tate, tant&que gravitate Astronomiam (ut digna est) in magno prsecio habuerint, in ea soleant instruere juventutem, eam nominibus prsestantissimis appellare, stult^, inept^ atque temer^ faciunt hi quidem, qui Astronomiam nulli rei ess6 usui affirment. Si enim nihil aHud inesset in hac arte nisi quod animum tran- .quiUum et pacatum reddat, cupientem omnium rerum cognitionem adhibere, nihil sibi ignotum esse, nil latere, tamen utile non imme- rito appellari debet, quia implet illam naturalem et bonam cupidi- tatem mentis aventis omnia cognoscere eoque modo ei satisfacit. Si vero esset ars quEe in omnibus rebus incerta atque varia existeret, tum aliquam causam forte aut saltem aliquem prsetextum veritatis habere possent. Sed cum sit ars omnium certissima et verissima, (quid enim certius quam cursus stellarum, planetarum, coelorum, cseterarumque rerum quas Astronomia nobis commendat?) non recte faciunt qui in eam tantum vituperium conjiciant. Adhsec, omnes artes quae gloriam Dei propagant inter homines non temer^ appellantur utiles. Hoc enim est summum bonum hominis, ut Deum cognoscat, et cognito adhsereat. Sed Astronomia indicat opera Dei, ex quibus pateflt hominibas. "Cceli enim (ut David dicit in suo Psalterio,) enarrant et patefaciunt coelestem. 136* LITEEARY REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1551. invisibilem et immarcessibilem gloriam Dei, atque orbis terrse suam potentiam." Paulus etiam in 1° capite in epistol& sua ad Romanos dicit gentes, quanquam perfects non norant Deum, tamen cogno- cisse Deum ex suis operibus. Quo magis autem discimus Astro- nomiam, eo magis admirabilia esse Dei opera comperiemus. Prseterea, cum optimse Respublicse magna ex parte consistant ex mercatoribus et agricolis, Astronomia non parvam utilitatem in eis beneficio afficiendis Eeipublicse affert. Agricola enim cognoscens tempestates quas verisimile est futuras quietas, aliasque perturbatas, potest opportune terram seminare, arare, metere, et in horrea adducere, cum his diebus ssepissimfe, per ignorantiam Astronomise cseterarumque artium ei similium, tempestate, pluvia, tonitru, inter- dum etiam siccitate multse fruges consumantur et perdantur. Mercator vero sine cognitione stellarum nullo modo navem suam recta dirigere neque gubernare potest. Omnes enim illi secundum astrorum motionem suas naves gubernant. Quare, cum omnis cognitio sit naturalis, et donum Dei insitum in cordibus humanis, cam ingenia inventorum et augentium Astro- nomiam fuerent divina, cum sit ars liberalis, veritatem demonstret, satisfaciat cupiditati mentis aventis omnia cognoscere, ciim denique utilis sit agricolis et mercatoribus, gloriam Dei demonstrans toto orbi, putamus non esse inutilem corpori, animo, et E,eipublic8e. Dixi. ^T. xiy.J OEATIONES. 137 ORATIO XII. [MS. Addit. Brit. Mus. 4724, fol. 112.] The following declamation, though imperfect, from a portion of its first leaf having been torn away, is printed because, in conjunction with another paper, it shows how these exercises were carried on. The only declamation in the volume which is not in the King's own handwriting is that at fol. 66, the argument of which is Non sumus sponte mail This heathenish doctrine was evidently supported by one of the King's schoolfellows ; whilst he adopted the more orthodox one, Multos esse sua sponte malos. The former declamation is written in a firmer hand than the King's. At the head of the third page, among other scribbling, is the name of his friend Barnabas, who may have tried his pen there ; but if so, it was after the copy was finished. On the second page is the more remarkable dotting (of which a fac-simile is given), the author of which seems to have been inclined to attribute the worst vices to the duke of Suffolk. This little bit of malice is scarcely deserving of much regard, though a faithful editor could not pass it uimoticed. At any event, there is no reason to conclude that such an ill opinion of the duke was entertained by Edward himself.* The argument of the King's opponent shall be first given. NON SUMTJS SPONTE MALI. Cum communis sit omnium mortalium natura, ut nunquam vacent contagione mali, et perpetu6 in maxima vitia incurrant, certe ilU mihi videntur in maximo errore versari, qui nos sponte malos esse affirmant. Etenim multEe rationes me decent, et omnino mihi persuadent, peccata omnia minime esse voluntaria. Quis autem peccat, nisi per ignorantiam ? Duplex vero est ignorantia, quemadmodum et ipse Aristoteles, philosopKus sagacissimus, scribit. Prima est ea quae dicitur rei ipsius ignorantia, atque efficit ut, cum aUquid agamus, ignoremus eventum improbum faturum. Altera et secunda ignorantia est ctim res universas ignoremus, hoc est cum ea quse sunt peccata prorsus non esse * Another explanation suggests itself. Henry Grey, duke of Suffolk, was not created to that dignity until the 10th October, 1551. If this declamation was written before that date (as it may well have been) , the reference must be to Henry Brandon his pre- decessor, whose death did not occur until the 16th of July in the same year. He was a boy, and a fellow-pupil of the King ; and it is not impossible that the dotting was made by his own hand, and that this exercise was his. But if not so, and the dotted side-note was intended to have reference to the text, we can only regard it (supposing the compo- sition to be of the earlier date) as a piece of boyisfc satire perpetrated by one of his school-fellows. 138 LITEUA-RY REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1551. peccata existimemus. Qusecunque vero per ignorantiam delinquimus, quis voluntaria peccata dicenda esse putabit ? Nemo certe, nisi rationis expers sit. Cum igitiir omnia peccata atque scelera per ignorantiam admittantur, et ea quas per inscitiam agimus non sint voluntaria, concludamus peccata non esse voluntaria. Praterea, unde mali dicimur? Annon quod actionibus improbis utamur. Ad hsec omnia, facile apparet, nos sponte malos non esse, quod nobis non insit libera voluntas recte agendi. Quocirca nee pecca- mus, nee rectfe agimus, nostra sponte. Quicquid enim boni honestive agimus, a Deo proficiscitur. Similiter, diabolus in omnia scelera nos detrudit. Preterea Plato philo- sophorum princeps nos nee sponte beatos esse posse affirmat, nee sponte miseros. Ille vero summam putabat esse miseriam male agere. Ego existimo, hujus gravissimi philo- bophi autkoritate, vos debere frangi, et de vostra sententia depelli. Nam, quod ad philosophiam attinet, quis unquam divinior ? quis propius accessit ad Dei oognitionem ? quis verius atque sanctius de rebus omnibus judicavit ? quis unquam philosopbus tot, tanta, tamque pia prascepta tradidit posteritatis memorise ? Nemo certe quem aut legi aut audivi. Tamen nil Eequius puto, quam ut omnes eatenus de rebus liberfe loquantur, quatinus ea qu£e dicant ejusmodi sint, ut a ratione prorsus non abhorreant. Sed nunc ista omittamus, et ad rem redeamus. Quis prorsus tam alienus a ratione est, qui sua sponte illas res acturus sit, quae ipsi postea maximarum miseriarum causae erunt ? Nullum enim est peccatum, nullum maleficium, nullum scelus, quod non sequatur aliquod damnum. Quemadmodum si hominem occidamus, si furtum admittamus, si patriam prodamus, si leges saorosanctas offendamus (sic enim omnes pias et sanctas leges appel- landasputo), vel capite, vel aliquo alio supplicio, pro atrocitate criminis, mulctamur. Sed quEe major miseria esse potest quam cruciatibus afEci ? Simul enim poena et infamia insunt. Quamobrem manifestum est, miserias omnia peccata sequi. Jam ad ea peccata veniamus, quEe legibus non puniuntur, etiamsi puniri deberent. Ista sunt, adulterium, .'^ • ■ stuprum, ignavia, ingratitude, pauperum oppressio, largitionum receptio, blas- ,_ : J'-'l. '-..--■ pyemia, obtrectatio, invidia, odium, lis, et reliqua ejusmodi. Ista omnia aut - " ■' ,■_•■ ofFensiones corporum, et plagsB a Deo inustse talibus viris, aut inopia amicorum, T ;• _ aut mendicitas, aut bonarum amissio sequuntur. Prseter ista omnia est quiddam ", . •_•' .'.-'■- majus, nimirum infamia. Certfe, si in nobis esset non peccare, ista omnia nos a ,--j_ '_ . peccando deterrerent. Quem enim non moveret, ut propter sua scelera ab omnibus exosus sit ? Certe si quis rectfe ista contemplatur, facilUme intelliget, neminem tam stolidum et insipientem esse, qui voluerit istas tot tantasque miserias voluntate sua aubire. Hae omnes rationes in unum coactse manifestissimfe demonstrant, nos non peccare sponte, sed diaboli impulsu ad scelera admittenda cogi. Necessitas peocandi nobis imponitur. Velimus nolimus malefacimus. Etenim cum Adam pater noster, quasi angel-US Dei, fuisset ab omni contagione peccati solutus, ipsius delicto ita infectus est natura nostra, ut in peccato nascamur, et cum adhuc nihil egerimus peccatores fimus. Quocirca nemo est mortalium, qui non aliquando peocat. Cum igitur ea sit nostra imbecillitas, ut a peccato abstinere non possimus, num peccata sint voluntaria, vestris ^T. XIV.] ORATIONES. 139 judiciis relinquam, modo aequi judices esse velitis. Quicquid autem ex impulsu et neces- sitate fit, non est voluntarium. Sed necessitate impulsi peccamus. Itaque peccatum non sponte fit nee voluntarium est. Neque ista dico quo probem quod peccata non sint punienda, tametsi non sint voluntaria. Sed cum Paulo dico, Bonum quod volo non facio, malum vero quod nolo hoc facio. Hie igitur videtis Paulum electum a Deo, ut nomen suum gentibus predicaret, hominem plenum spiritus sancti, Paulum inquam videtis, sua sponte non peccasse, sed, ut ipse de seipso fatetur, se ad peccandum impulsum, vitio c&rnis. Ipse enim dicit, se lege mentis servire Deo, sed se affirmat invenire in membris suis aliam legem, huic contradicentem, et rebellantem, quae se devinctum cap- tivumque tenet, atque reddit obnoxium peccato. Cernitis nunc Paulum invitum ad peccandum rapi. Similiter et cseteri omnes. Objicietis nunc fortasse eum virum bonum et pium fuisse, nee quod ille peccata oderit, propterea consequi omnes odio prosequi peccata. Huic objectioni ita respondeo. Paulus improbis hominibus hac in re prastitit quod qusenam peccata assent melius scibat. Sed et homines maxinie improbi ea qua mala quseque peccata judicant, quam maxim^ possunt, vitant. Jam ut ad portam tandem veniamus, ea sponte agimus, quae cum rationem et mentem consuluerimus, facinms. Hsec vero mens atque ratio pia et sancta est, et nil nisi quod pium est appetit. Cum vero perturbationibus dimota sit mens mea de sede propria, non ego ampUus pecco ; sed perturbationes, quse in me sunt, me in hoc malum intrudunt. Quare non sponte malus jam sum, sed necessitate. Jam igitur, ciim tot rationes, in unum con- currentes, quasi summatim probant nos sponte non esse malos, certe nunquam de mea sententia dimovebor, donee confutatas rationes meas audiero. Jam igitur orationi mese, qua nimis diu vos detinui, finem imponam. Dixi. MULTOS ESSE SUA SPONTE MALOS. Cum unumquodque animal, prsecipu^que homo, qui rationis est Exorc particeps, appetat omnium rerum quae aliquid emolumentum afferunt cognitionem et scientiam, (quod quidem apparet ex omnibus artibus, ut Geometria, Musica, Arithmetica, Dialectica, atque aliis compluribus,) tum maxime desiderat earum rerum, quas scit sibi maxim^ profuturas, ut membrorum corporis, affec- tuum animi, et virtutum mentis. Aliis enim externis quanquam animus interdum delectetur, tamen earum rerum cognitio non est ita utUis hominibus, ut propinquiorum, neque ad vitam degendam, neque mores instituendos. Quemadmodum enim omnes boni gubernatores rerumpublicarum magis student et quserunt T 2 140 LITERARY REMAINS OE KING- EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1551. quid sit proprise eorum patriae utilissimuni, qukm quid emolu- menta afferat externa, sic unusquisque honestus vir magis appetit reriim cognitionem quae in se existunt, quam rerum externarum. Quocirca cum sit haec qusestio proposita, utrum Narratio. quis sit spoute malus, quoniam pertinet ad voluntatem in animo consistentem, admodum utilem judico, de qua hoc tempore disseram, et meam sententiam demonstrem. Ilia igitur hgec est ; nhiltos esse qui sponte, et sua voluntate, mali impiique sint {the leaf torn away) virtutes omnes sponte suscipiantur, necesse est nos nostrapte sponte. Si autem essent invitee, turn Nil enim ad quod cogimur, fit, laude est dignum, a quicquam ad quod nos neque agimus aut infidelis imperator capiens Christianum, eum cogeret sua vi et manu, adorare imagines, aut aliquas creaturas, Christianus non esset in ea re vituperandus, neque redarguendus. Sed si sponte, nullo manus inferente, neque cogente, summo cum supplicio dignum, omnino judico. Sic etiam contingat in tempestatibus. Qui enim sponte bona ejecit de navi, nulla tempestate coactus, insipiens et negligens est habendus ; qui autem tempestate obrutus, sapiens est judicandus, eo quod vitam, in qua possit prodesse suae patriae, pluris fecerit, quam divitias, quae tarn cite et affluunt et difla.uunt. Sequitur ergo aut vitia non esse vitu- periis afficienda, aut sponte fieri. Omnes autem qui aliquam rationem. sequuntur, fatentur omnia vitia esse vituperanda, om- nesque virtutes esse laude dignas. Videmus ergo eos malos, qui in magnum opprobrium cadunt, sponte malefacere. Prseterea quare non dicitis vos qui mihi contrarias tenetis partes, omnes leges, et ta constituentia mails supplicia, esse crudelia et injusta, quam bona et saluta[riaj enim crudelius dici, aut cogitari Vitus aliquid committentem, suni- are, quid inbumanius, qu^m coactum XT. XIV. J ORATIOMES. 1, denique injustius, qu^ manu, ad malefaciendum nocei Adhsec si virtutes non fiant sponte nostra, quamobrem aut di ad fortitudinem milites suos hortaretur, et omnem timorem abji< endum, aut consul cives ut obtemperent legibus, aut concionator auditores ut caveant a bixuria, aut rex subditos ut prosint su patriae, nuUo modo cernere queo. Si enim in eorum potestate non s sua sponte benefacere, quare notitiam, et cognitionem, in anin conaris inserere, qui nil bonum efficire potest. Nam nemo conat ea persuadere, quae scit nos credere non posse ; neque ad ea horta: quae fieri non possunt; nee denique ea vitare, a quibus nen abstinere possit, at a cibo, potione, cseterisque necessariis. Deniqi cum bonos eoaetos ad benefaciendum, malos vero ad malefaciendui dicatis, quis nos cogat malefacere non satis videre possum. Dice1 fortasse aliquem malum genium, aut diabolum, qui nostros sensi occcecat suis illecebris, et rationem voluptatibus absurdis, quae ; corpus pertinent. Audite vero quid ille pientissimus propheta, sanctissimus testis verbi divini, Hoseas dicat : Perditio tua (inqu Dominus, alloquens populum Israeliticum qui eum irritavit muli libidinibus, et cultu imaginum,) ex te est, salus autem a me prqfici citur. Videmus igitur ilia horrenda peccata, quae Judaei comm serunt, sua sponte, non coaete fecisse. Si vero mala fecerint st sponte, sequitur non invitos fuisse malos. At dicet quis fort unumquodque animal simul atque natum sit, quae sibi utilia sii quaerere et investigare, ea vero quae noceant fugere et vitare. H( enim insitum dicet in natura omnium animantium, et praecipi hominis, ut se suaque defendat. Si ergo cupiat sibi prodesse, qu modo sponte ea facerit, quae sibi noceant, ut quomodo in ebrietater nimiam iram, intemperantiam, caeteraque turpia vitia incidet Respondeo equidem neminem omnino cupere ut sibi noceat, neqi ad banc quasi finem spectare, sed saepe ciim quis putet se sibi ip prodesse, revera multum nocere, falsa opinione adductum. Quu: enim quis nimium bibat, aut absurdam voluptatem ex eo percipi putans sibi Ulum potum fore maximum emolumentum, aut familia 142 LITERARY REMAIKS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1551. consuetudine putat se amicos multos parturum, quanquam re vera et corpori noceat et animum loco moveat, et se contemptum orbi terrarum reddat. Cum ergo satis probaverim multos esse sua sponte malos, et adversariorum rationes confutaverim, nolo vos diutius hac mea inculta oratione (auditores optimi,) detinere, vos rogans quae dixerim sequi bonique consulere. Dixi. ORATIO XIII. [MS. Addit. Brit. Mus. 4724, fol. 182.] This Oration is selected as a specimen of the King's composition in Greek, because its subject has something of a political bearing, and it may be presumed to show the current opinions of the time with respect to Mahometans, One of the Latin Orations already given is on the same topic. The King's Greek is written without accents or aspirates, but he has generally dotted the letter iota. The iota subscriptum is also omitted. Except in contracted characters, the following copy corresponds with his manuscript. Mfov e^eirjv rrj? 6pr)(TK€iaf ei/e/ca nva Toup/cai/ ayroKreiveiv. n«i/Tey o» KaXoi Kai aya^oi av^pes (toy vo[*.ifw, 3eXr»(r7-oi aKpoarai,} ev^ovrat koli (xaAiOTa e7r<6u|xooa-i, iva o apiS[J.os jfov XpKTTiavwv au^avoiro^ Kui 7j T«)i/ ToupKwv Tj MaofueTKTTwv eXXaTToiTO CO? [xa'AiTTa, iva TTAeiouy avopwTTot vpos TO evu-yye'Kiov Kai aurotj yvwrriv eXflajfriv, /cai Trairai at aipe(rsif Kud'auTou oocrai o')\ws avaipovro ^ai €k twv ■yi/toftajv rcov av^pcoirivwv eo^us e^eXKoiVTo. TouTO 8e eifjtvj Soo-i raiy oSojy 7ravTe7\.cos Troieia-Bai Suvarat, wv TO f«,ev ea-ri to) to euayyeXtoi* Kripfji]0-/(6(ay ayaTTvjy /cat Trio-reoy ejy toi/ 0eoi/ ei/e^a, otj o< a7^r;Stiy Xpi(J"Tiavo< fj.a'K'Xov uipcovrai atvocrTepecr^ai Travrcov twv yprjixarcov Kai Te aTroQv7](yK€tv, r} uttu^ aTrapveia-^ai tov XpitrTOi/ tj ti »Aoi/ ej!/ai, Ka« T7j7iiKauT7]v ^X.^iv ayaTrr^v, wcTTe ooSeTTore (xeS' auroo opyi^€] ;£0iv7j ayaTTi] o) jutev 7rai/u ttjv cfsiAiav avaipeiv (sic). Ei 8e Aeyoieiv av ny, oti rjixeiy ou jxovoi/ jratrrjy rijy ayaTrrjy /ca- TaAeAeifAfjievijy to pardonnez : Bienheureux est celuy auquel Dieu n'impute point de pech6. Venoit ceste benediction sur les circoncis, ou incirconcis ? Nous disons certainement que foy etoit estimee ^ Abraham pour justice. Comme estoit foy estimee, au temps de circoncision, ou incirconcision ? Certainement nompas au temps apres qu'il fut cir- concis, mais devant sa circoncision. Et il recevoit le signe de la circoncision comme un seau de justice laquelle est par foy, laquelle foy U avoit devant qu'il fust circoncis, qu'U seroit le pere de tous ceux la qui croient, et ont leur esperance en Dieu le pere, et createur de toutes choses, visibles ou invisibles, nonobstant qu'ilz ne soient circoncis, acellefin aussy que justice soit imput^e a iceux, pourtant qu'il devoit estre pere, nompas des circoncis seulement, mais aussy de ceux la qui cheminent en la mesme foy en Dieu, nostre sauveur, laquelle foy estoit trouv^e et experiment^e en nostre pere Abraham devant sa circoncision : car la promesse qu'il seroit h^ritier du monde n'adviat pas a Abraham et a sa semence par la Loy, mais par la justice de la foy ; car si ceux la qui sont de la Loy sont hdritiers, adonc foy est vaine et la promesse de nul effect ; y2 164 LITERAET REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1548. car la loy engendre ire, et la ou il n'y a nuUe loy, la n'y a nulle transgression, Pourtant I'heritage est donn^ par foy, acellefin qu'il vienne de grace, et favenr, et que la promesse soit certaine a toute sa semence, non seulement a cenx la qui sont de la loy, mais aussy priacipalement a ceux qui sont de la foy d' Abraham qui est nostre pere, conune il est escrit, Je te feray pere de toutes nations du monde devant Dieu, auquel tu as creu, lequel rend les mors a vie, et appelle les choses qui ne sont point, comme si elles estoient; laquelle chose Abraham, au contraire d'espoir, croit, en espoir qu'U seroit pere de plusieurs nations; comme il est dit, Ainsysera'ta semence. Car lors n ne fut pas debile en la foy, et ne consideroit son corps, lequel estoit alors mort, quand il avoit quasi cent ans, et que Sara sa femme avoit pass^ le temps d'enfanter, il ne vacilloit pas en la promesse de Dieu par mescr^ance, mais estoit confirm^ en la foy, et donnait I'honneur a Dieu, estant certain que celuy qui avoit fait la promesse povoit aussy et vouloit accomplir ; et pourtant sa foy luy estoit imput^e k justice ; mais cecy n'est escrit seulement pour luy, et acause de luy, que foy estoit reput^e pour justice, mais aussy pour nous, ausquelz il sera impute a justice, si nous croyons en celuy qui a resuscit6 Jesus Christ d'entre les mors ; lequel estoit donn^ pour noz pechez, et qui resuscita de mort a vie pour nous justifler. Eom. 4. A. b. c. Pourtant done que nous sommes justifidz par foy, nous aurons paix par foy en nostre seigneur Jesus Christ, par le quel nous avons un chemin aux cieux par foy en ceste grace et faveur, en laquelle grace nous sommes mis, et nous resjouissons en esp^rance de la gloire laquelle sera donn6e de Dieu. Et nous ne faisons seulement cela, mais aussi nous nous resjouissons en tribulacion; car nous congnoissons que tribulacion ameine pacience, et que pacience ameine experience, et aussy nous congnoissons que experience ameiae esperance; et esperance ne fait honte a personne, pourtant que I'amour et grace de Dieu omnipotent est demonstr^e en nous, et totalement respandue en noz cuevirs par le saint esprit, qui donne consolacion a Fame, lequel esprit nous est donn^. Rom. 5. a. MT. xi.J PASSA&ES OF SCRIPTURE TJPON FAITH. 165 Que dirons nous done ? nous disons que ceux la qui ne suivent pas justice ont obtenu justice. J'entens la justice, laquelle vient seulement de foy. Mais Israel, le quel suivoit la loy de justice, ne povoit pas atteindre a la loy de justice : et pour quoy, pourtant qu'Uz ne la cherclioient pas par foy, mais par les oeuvres de la loy ; car ilz ont cliopp6 a la pierre de choppement, comme il est escrit, et k la roclie laqueUe fera tomber l6s bommes ; mais nul qui croit et met sa fiance enluy, aura bonte. E,om. 9. p. Cbrist est la fin de la loy, pour justifier ceux qui croient, et ont leur esperance en Dieu. Moseb demonstre la justice, laquelle yient par la loy ; c'est que I'homme qui fait les cboses commandoes par la loy, vivra en la loy : mais la justice laquelle vient par foy, dit autrement. Ne dictes pas qui montera aux cieux, car ce la n'est autre cbose que tirer Cbrist de la mort. Mais quelle cbose dit TEscritufe ? la parolle de Dieu est pres de ta boucbe et pres de ton cueur : ceste parolle est la parolle de la foy, laqueUe nous prescbons : car si tu confesses de boucbe que Jesus est le Seigneur, et si tu crois en ton cueur qu'il resuscita de mort, tu sera sauv^ : car croire de cueur justifie, et confesser de boucbe sauve. Aussy I'Escriture dit que quiconques croit en Jesus Cbrist sera sauve, et n'aura point de bonte. II n'y a point de difference entre le Juif et le Gentil; car il y a un seigneur et maistre de tous, lequel est ricbe pour tous ceux qui invoquent son nom : et quiconques iuvoquera le nom du seigneur sera sauv6. Mais invoqueront Uz eeluy auquel ilz n'ont mis leur esperance ? Et comme pceut quel- qu'un croire en celuy, duquel ilz n'ont pas ouy parler ? et comme poeut quelqu'un ouyr sans prescbeur ? et comment pevent Uz prescber s'Uz ne sont envoy^z ? Comme il est escrit, Voyez la beauts des piedz de ceux la qui disent, ou apportent bonnes nou- veUes de paix, et apportent nouvelles de bonnes cboses. Mais tous n'ont pas obey a I'esvangile ; car Isaie dit. Seigneur, Seigneur, qui croira a noz ditz ? Donques foy vient par ouyr : et ouir vient par la parolle divine, et de I'Eternel Dieu. Mais je te demande, n'ont ilz pas ouy ? sans doute leur son venoit en toutes terres, et leurs 166 LITERARY REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1548. paroUes aux boutz du monde. Et je demande si Israel I'avoit congneu ou non ? Premiferement Moseh dit, Je vous provoqueray a envie par un estrange nation, et par une vile et sotte nation je vous courrouceray. Isaie le prophete apres cela dit, et s'enliardit de dire apres luy, Je snis trouv6 de ceux la qui ne me demandoient pas, et de ceux la qui ne m'ont point cliercli6, et me suis apparu a ceux la qui n'estoient pas inquisitifz ou j'estois. Et a I'encontre d'Israel, il dit, Tout le long du jour j'ay estendu ma maia a un peuple et nation laquelle est si mauvaise, et a en soy tant d'impiet6, malice et vice, qu'elle ne veult pas croire a mes le9ons et ditz. Rom. 10. A. B. c. D. Oertainement les dons et vocations sont en telle mani^re qu'il ne se poeut repentir d'iceux. Car comme au temps pass6 vous ne croyez point en Dieu, et maintenant par leur incredulity avez obtenu misericorde, aussy maintenant ilz n'ont pus creu a la misericorde qui vous est advenue : affin qu'Uz puissent aussy estre participans de ceste grande misericorde de Dieu omnipotent : pourtant que Dieu a envelopp^ toute nation en iacredulit^, a ceUe fin qu'il eust pitie de tous, et monstrast sa misericorde a toute nation du monde, quelle qu'elle soit. Rom. 11. D. Or par la grace laquelle est donn^e, je dy a un cbacun d'entre nous, que nuUe personne n'estime de soy mesme plus qu'il ne doit : mais qu'il juge discrfetement de soy mesme, et estitne selon que Dieu a donne et distribu6 a cbacun la mesure de la foy. Rom. 12. A. Le Dieu de tout espoir vous remplisse de joye et paix en croyant en luy, affin que vous puissi^z estre riches en esperance en Dieu le tout puissant, qui a fait toutes clioses du monde, par la tres grande puissance et force du saint Esprit, qui est le seul conforteur, et santifieur de noz ames. Rom. 15. c. Celuy qui fait conscience de manger, et mange, il est condemn^ : car cela qui n'est pas de foy, est pecbe. Rom. 14. r. Mais si tous propbetisent, et si quelqu'un entre qui ne croit pas, et n'ayt pas la congnoissance des choses, non S9avant ou ignorant iET. xi.j PASSAGES OP SCRIPTURE UPON FAITH. 167 en choses divines, il est reprouv^, et redargue d'un chacnn qni le congnoist, et est jug^ et condemn^ de tons : et ainsi les secretz de son cneur sont ourers, et il tombe dessus sa face, disant que Dieu est avec nous. 1 Coriu. 14. e. Soyez fermes et stables en la foy, et creance en Dieu le pere : aquit^z vous comme bommes vaUlans : et demonstrez vous comme bonunes fors. Soient toutes voz affaires en amour et cbarit^. 1 Corin. 16. c. Si nostre Evangile est cacbee de quelqu'un, elle est cacb^e entre ceux qui sont perdus, et a qui le Dieu de ce monde a cacb6 les yeux de ceux la qui ne croient pas, aceUefln que la lumiere de I'Evangile ne luisist pas entre eux. Veu que nous avons le mesme esprit en Christ, comme il est escrit en I'escriture, J'ay creu, et pourtant je parle, nous croyons, et pourtant nous parlous ; car nous congnois- sons que celuy qui a resuscit6 le seigneur Jesus Christ, nous resuscitera aussy par le moyen du mesme Jesus en foy, et nous mettra en luy ; car je fais toute chose du monde pour 1' amour de vous, affin que I'abondance de grace, par Taction des graces donn^es de plusieurs gens, puisse redonder a vous seulement. 2 Cor. 2. A. B. c. Nous qiii sommes naturellement Juifz, et nompas pecheurs des Gentilz, congnoissons qu'un bomme est justifie par foy en Jesus Christ, et nompas par les oeuvres de la loy. Pourtant avons nous creu en Jesus Christ, aceUefin que nous puissions estre justifiez par la foy et esperance en luy, et nompas par les CEuvres de la loy : pourtant que par la loy nuUe chair poeut estre justifl^e. Si donques nous qui voulons estre justifiez en foy par Christ, sommes tous pecheurs, est done Christ le miaistre de pech^ ? ia Dieu ne plaise, car si je r^difie les choses que j'ay destruites, je seray pecheur devant tout le monde. Galat. 2. c. d. Je voudroye seulement apprendre si vous avez receu 1' esprit par les oeuvres de la loy, ou par le preschement de la foy, et croyance en Dieu. Estes vous si folz que quand vous avez commenc6 en 168 LITEBART REMAINS OF KIN'G EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1548. esprit, vous voulez finir en la chair ? avez vous souffert tant de choses en vain (s'ainsi est que la chose dont vous parlez soit vaine) ? Celny qui ministre ou fait miracles entre vous, fait . U cela par les ceuvres de la loy, ou par le preschement de Christ, en , foy en luy ? Comme Abraham croioit, et mettoit sa fiance en Dieu le pere et createur de toutes choses, laquelle foy luy fat imputee k justice : ainsy nous devons penser que ceux la qui sont de la foy, sont les filz et heritiers d' Abraham nostre pere, car la paroUe con- gnoissoit bien auparavant que Dieu vouloit justifier les GentUz par foy : et pourtant la paroUe disoit a Abraham ces bonnes nouveUes, En toy toutes nations seront beneites. Ainsy ceux la qui sont de la foy, sont beneitz, et justifiez avec Abraham pleia de la foy. Et ceux la qui sont desouz les ceuvres de la loy sont desouz maledic- tion, car U est escrit, Maudit soit celuy qui n'est pas permanant en toutes choses lesquelles sont escrites en la loy, afiin de les ac- complu' : mais que nul , est justifie par la loy il appert et est manifeste en I'escriture, laquelle dit, Le juste vit de foy. Aussy I'Escriture conclud toute chose en pech6, afl&n que la promesse par la foy en Jesus Christ poeust estre donned a ceux la qui croyent : car devant que la foy vint nous estions gard^z dessous la loy, pour ceste foy qui viendroit apres et seroit monstree et declaree : parquoy la loy nous apprenoit jusques a ce temps la que nous estions justifiez par la foy en Christ. Or maintenant que la foy est venue (puis que par foy nous sommes justifiez) nous ne sommes plus soubz la loy nostre maistresse d'escole; car vous tons estes les filz de JesUs Christ par foy en luy; et vous tous qui estes baptizez avez mis Christ dessus vous. II n'y a ne Juif ny Gentil ; Serf ny Franc. II n'y a homme ny femme quelconque au monde entier, mais tous et hommes et femmes, et Juifz et Gentilz, sont une chose en Jesus Christ. Done si vous estes de Christ, vous estes aussi d' Abraham, et de sa semence. Gala. 3. a. b. c. d. Vous qui estes alMz hors de la religion Chrestienne, et pensez estre justifiez par la loy, vous vous estes separdz de la grace : car JET. XI,] PASSAGES OF SCRIPTURE UPON FAITH. 169 nous esp^rons que sommes en esprit justifiez par foy : pourtant qu'en Jesus Christ U n'y a point de circoncision, ou incirconcision, mais seulement foy; laquelle par amour este forte en operation. Gala. 5. a. Pour I'aniour de Christ j'estime toute chose perdue, pour la con- fiance que j'ay d'avoir Christ : affin que je puisse estre trouv^ en luy, nompas me glorifiant en ma mesme justice, laquelle est de la loy, mais en ceste justice laquelle vient par foy en Jesus Christ. J'entens la justice laquelle vient de Dieu par foy en la congnoissance de luy : et par la vertu de sa resurrection, et society de ses passions, pour estre conformable a sa mort, et que puisse attendre a la resur- rection des mortz. Philip. 3. b. Soyez done fermes, et ceignez voz reins de veritd, ayans I'escusson de justice, et chaussez des sellers de I'Evangile, preparez pour la pais d'icelle. Et aussy prenez le bouclier de la foy, avec lequel vous puissiez esteindre tous les dars du feu des mauvais. Ephe. 6. c, Comme vous avez receu Christ, ainsi cheminez en action de graces; et soy^z fermes en la foy ainsi que vous avez appris. — Collos. 2. B. Pour ceste cause nous labourons, et souffrons ignomuiie, entant que nous esp^rons au Dieu vivant, qui est le sauveur de tous ceux la qui croyent. Commande telles choses et les enseigne. Nul ne doit despriser la jeunesse : mais soy^z telz en exemple k tous, qu'ilz puissent honestement vivre, en parolle, en maintien, en amour, en esprit, en foy, et croyance en Dieu, et en nettete de cueur. 1 Tim. 4. c. Evitez les voluptdz de jeunesse, et suivez justice, foy, amour, et paix, avec ceux la qui sont bons. 2 Tim. 2. d. Toute chose est nette a ceux qui sont netz, mais a ceux la qui sont souill^z toute chose leur est orde. Tite, 1. D. II ne prouffite pas a ceux qui ont ouy sa parolle, pourtant qu'ilz ne Font pas conjoiate avec foy. Mais nous qui avons creu en Dieu, entrons en sa tranquilite et repos : pource qu'il dit au contraire aux z 170 LITERABT REMAINS OF KING EDWABD VI. [a.d. 1548. autres, disant quilz n'entreront pas devant sa presence ny deyant la lumiere de sa face. Ebrieux, 4. a. Eoy est une ferme conflance en choses ausquelles nous avons espoir ; et nne ' certainete des choses qui ne sont pas veues. Par ceste foy, noz ancestres comme noz peres et parens estoient louez et estim^z. Par foy nous entendons que le monde fut ordonn^ par la paroUe de Dieu : et les choses qui sont veues furent faites des choses qui ne sont pas veues. Par foy Abel offrit un meilleur sacrifice a Dieu que son frere Cain, par lequel il obtenoit tesmoignage qu'il seroit juste, quand Dieu tesmoignoit de ses dons, dont luy main- tenant mort parle. Par foy Enoch fut transporte, affin qu'il ne veist pas la mort, et il ne fut pas trouv^, pourtant que Dieu I'avoit oste : mais devant qu'il fust transports on disoit qu'il avoit pleu a Dieu. Or sans foy U est impossible de plaire a Dieu : car celuy qui vient a Dieu croit qu'U y a un Dieu lequel rSmunere ceux qui le requierent. Par foy Noe bonoroit Dieu apres qu'U fut admoneste de luy des choses qui ne estoient pas veues : et prepara I'Arche acellefln de garder sa famiUe, par la quelle il convainquit le monde, et fut heritier de la justice, laquelle vient par foy. Par foy quand Abraham fut appellS, il obeit, et s'en alia en un lieu lequel il devoit posseder, et s'en alia dehors, non congnoissant en quel lieu il devoit aller. Par foy il retourna en la terre de promesse comme en pais incongneu, et habitoit en des tabernalces, et aussy faisoient Jacob et Isaac heritiers de la mesme promesse, car il cherchoit une cit^ de laquelle Dieu avoit fait la foundacion. Par foy aussy Sara recent force d'estre grosse d' enfant, dont fut delivr^e quand elle estoit vieUe, pourtant qu'eUe I'avoit estime loyal, lequel luy avoit promis qu'elle seroit enceinte. Et pourtant d'un qui estoit autant que mort sortirent gens en nombre comme estoilles du ciel, et comme le sablon de la mair lequel est innombrable. Et tous ceux cy mouroient en foy, et ne recevoient pas la promesse, mais ilz voyoient les promesses de long et les salvoient, et confessoient quilz estoient pelerins en la terre : car ceux qui disent ces choses d^clarent qu'ilz ont cherchS ^T. xi.J PASSAGES OF SCBIPTUEE UPON PAITH. 171 un pais : et aussy s'ilz eussent eu quelque affection a leur mesme pais, ilz avoient loisir d'y retourner, mais ils desiroient un meilleur pais qui est celeste. Pourtant Dieu n'a pas honte d'eux, ny d'estre appell^ leur Dieu, car il a prepare une cit6 pour eux. Par foy Abraham offrit Isaac quand il fat esprouv^, et offi-it son filz unique qui avoit receu les promesses, duquel il estoit dit, d'Isaac viendra ta semence : car U consideroit que Dieu povoit resusciter son filz de mort, parquoy Dieu le recent pour exemple. En foy Isaac donna la benediction a Jacob et Esaii pour les cboses futures. Par foy Jacob mourant donna la benediction a deux des fils de Joseph en s'enclinant sur son sceptre. Par foy Joseph mourant congnoissoit et luy souvenoit que le peuple d' Israel seroit conduit de Dieu, et donnoit la charge de ses os. Par foy Moseh fut cache par ses pere et mere, pourtant qu'il estoit un tresbel enfant, et il ne leur challoit du commandement du roy. Par foy Moseh desja ancien ne vouloit pas estre nomme filz de la fille de Pharaoh, et choisissoit plustost adversity avec le peuple de Dieu qu' avoir volupte pour un temps : et estimoit plus I'opprobre de Christ que la richesse d'Egipte : car U s'attendoit au salaire. Par foy U s'enfuit hors d'Egipte, et n'avoit pas paour du Roy : car il tint bon comme s'il eust veu I'invisible. Par foy il ordonna I'agneau paschal, et 1' effu- sion de sang. Par foy Uz passerent la mair rouge, laquelle quand les Egiptians voulerent passer, Uz furent noyez incontinent. Par foy les murailles de Jericho tomboient, apres ce qu'elles eurent este environnees pour I'espace de sept jours. Par foy Raab ne fut pas destruite avec les autres. Et quelle chose diray-je d'avantage, car le temps me defaudra si je veux parler de Gedeon, de Barak, Sampson, Jephthae, David, Samuel, et les autres prophetes, lesquelz par foy subjuguerent et surmonterent les royaumes : par justice ont obtenu les promesses : ont estouppe la guelle aux lions ; ont estaint la violence du feu ; ont ^vit^ le trenchant des glaives ; vaillans en bataiUe mettoient leur ennemies en fuite : et les femmes recevoient leurs hommes mortz resuscitez a vie. Ebri. 11. A. b. c. d. e. p. z2 172 LITEBABT EEMAINS OF KING EDWAED VI. [a.D. 1548. Pourtant vous povez bien et manifestement voir, non par ce texte seulement, mais aussy par autres, que chacun qui croit en Jesus Christ, et a mis toute sa fiance en lui, sera sauve : et que foy est la principale et plus notable chose qui soit en la religion chrestienne ; laquelle est aussy la chose plus acceptable a Dieu le cr6ateur, et aux hommes ses creatures. Tin. TREATISE THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. [MS. Bibl. Publ. Cantab. Dd. 12, 59.] There are two Manuscripts of this Treatise, and at least three printed editions of an English translation. The King's autograph copy is preserved in the British Museum, MS. Addit. 5464, under the title " Alencontre les abus du monde." This was formerly in Sir W. H [atton ?] 's Collection of Manuscripts, being so mentioned in Strype's Life of Cranmer ; afterwards it belonged to James West, esq. Pr.E.S. who has left his name on the fly-leaf; and subse- quently to John Jackson, esq. F.S.A. from whose library it was purchased by the Trustees of the British Museum for 191. 19s. in 1794. It is a 4to. paper book bound in parchment, the edges gilt, and the sides stamped with the King's arms and initials in gold. The title under which this manuscript has always been described in the catalogues was that which the royal writer himself adopted on commencing his essay, and it still Stands at the head of the first page : — *' Alencontre les abus du monde, 13 De. 1548." At the close is written : — " 14 Mars, 1549. " Finis. " EDOvard." It thus appears that the composition of the treatise occupied the King during three months: and it was more than five months after when he wrote the introductory address to the duke of Somerset (which does not exist in the MS. 5464), dated at the end of August, 1549. The manuscript is corrected throughout by another hand, — I conclude by his French tutor Belmaine, and at the close of the book is the following very interesting attestation, apparently proceeding from the same quarter : — " Tout ainsi qil'un bon Paintre peut representer le visaige, regard, contenance et 174 LITERARY REMAINS OF KIN& EDWARD VI. [ad. 1549. corpulence d'un Prince : Ainsi par les escritz, parolles et actions d'un Prince, on pent facilement entendre quel esprit est en luy, et aquoy II est adonn^, comme on pent veoir par les Escritz de ce Jeune Roy, lequel composa et escrivit ce livre, n'ayant encores douze ans accomplis, et sans I'ayde de parsonne vivant, except^ des propos qu'il avoit ouys de plusieurs, et la souvenance qu'il avoit des livres qu'il avoit leuz. Car des ce qu'il commenoa a escrivre ledict livre et jusques a ce qu'il I'eust acliev6, ledict livre a tousjours este en ma garde jusques a present." The second Manuscript (from which the text is here printed), is preserved in the University Library at Cambridge. It consists of fifty paper leaves, with gilt edges, measuring 65- inches by 4:^. The English translation was first printed in 1682. It is stated in the preface that the autographon of the treatise had been " found in the library of one of the most eminently learned men of the last age,'' and that it had been " faithfully translated by a person of very great quality in this ; " who was also the author of some Remarks on Heylin's character of Edward VI. which conclude the book. This volume is now rare; it does not occur in the library of Syon College : but in the Museum there are two copies, one of them belonging to the Grenville Collection. I shall here introduce the prefatory matter: and the " Remarques :" the author of which I have been unable to discover. The book appears to have been reprinted in 1811, under this title: — "Declaration against the Pope's Supremacy. Wrote by his Majesty Edward VI. in the year 1549. Republished and dedicated to his Majesty George III. By the Rev. John Duncan, LL.D., F.A.S. 1811." This is mentioned in Lowndes's Bibliographer's Manual, and Watt's Bibliotheca Britannica, but I have been unable to find a copy, either in the British Museum, Syon College, or elsewhere. Again in the year 1831 the Religious Tract Society reprinted this treatise, in English, in their volume of the " Writings of Edward the Sixth, William Hugh, Queen Catherine Parr, Anne Askew, Lady Jane Gray, Hamilton, and Balneaves." 12mo. [^Title of the English Translation.] K. Edward the Yl^^ His Own ARGUMENTS Against the ^^l)5pe's Supremscs : Wherein several Popish Doctrines and Practices, contrary to God's Word, are animad- verted on ; and the Marks of An ti- Christ are applied to the Pope of Eome. Translated out of the Original, written with the King's own Hand in French, and still preserved. To which are subjoined some Remarks upon his Life and Reign, in Vindication of his Memory, from Dr. Heylin's severe and unjust Censure. London, Printed by J. D. for Jonathan Robinson, at the Golden-Lion in St. PauVs Church-Yard, 1682. MT. XII.] TREATISE AGAINST THE SUPREMACY OP THE POPE, 175 [Second Title.*'\ The Pope's Supremacy Confuted. By King Edward the VI. Translated out of his French Original. Luke ii. 42. And ivhen he was twelve years old, they went up to Jerusalem, ^c. Ver. 46. And it came to pass, that after three days they found him in the Temple, sitting in the midst of the Doctors. Ver. 47. And all that heard him, were astonished at his Understanding, and Ansioers. London : Printed by /. D. for Jonathan RoUnson, at the Golden-Lion in St. PauVs Church- Yard, 1682. The Publisher to the Reader. As the Heavens are higher than the Earth, so are my Ways higher than your Ways, and my Thoughts than your Thoughts ; "Was what God Almighty, by his Prophet Esay, spake to his People Israel : and Soveraign Princes, his Vicegerents here, may, with due allowances, say the same of their Ways and Thoughts, compared with those of their Subjects. The Eoyal Blood, which swells their veins, is frequently impregnated with diviner Spirits, than are communicated to others ; of which perhaps a natural account might be given. But I should chuse rather to resolve it into Faith, from the Assurance, that God My Grace is will exhibit to them Grace sufficient for their High Calling. sufficient for But some are in an especial manner called forth to extraordinary Work, and these receive more immediate divine Influence, and Assistance : which I think may well be thought of this matchless Prince, whose Autographon of the Treatise against the Papacy now published, was found in the French Tongue, in the Library of one of the most emi- nently Learned Men of the last Age, and is here presented as 'twas faithfully translated, by a Person of very great Quality in this. This Pious King was ihe true Defender of our Faith, and under God and his Christ, the Captain of our Eeformation : And as the ensuing Discourse will demonstrate to the World, what Principles he went upon in it, so questionless, it will vindicate his most Glorious Memory, from the Aspersion cast upon it by Dr. Heylyn, who thought it no Infelicity to the Church of England, that he was so short liv'd.f I am sure it may well be said of him, who was so far beyond aU ordinary Measures, Immodiois brevis est «tas, et rara senectus. Immoderate Men live much in a short space, And rarely to old Age prolong their Race. " This second Title-page is found in the copy in the Granville Library, but is deficient in the other copy in the British Museum. t Heylyn's History of the Reformation, Pref. p. 4, " Whose death I cannot reckon for uu Infelicity to the Church of England, for being ill-principled in himself," &c. you. 176 LITERACY REMAINS or KING EDWAEB VI. [ad, 1549. By comparing the date of his Dedication to his Uncle with the Day of Ms Birth, it appears that he was but twelve years old when he wrote this little Tractate ; in which there is nothing but what was extraordinary for his Years, yet many things that may satisfy the World they were his Genuine Thoughts, and not the Dictates of a Tutor. Indeed in several Things, one would pronounce him Inspir'd ; he was no older at the writing this, than our blessed Saviour was when he confounded the Jewish Doctors ; and I doubt not, but this wonderfuU Young Prince will put those of the Bomish Church to Shame, and confusion of Face. Luke 2. 'Tis said of our Saviour at those years, that The Child grew, and waxed strong in ^^^' ' Spirit, filled with Wisdom; and the Grace of God was upon him. Tho the Grace of God, and divine Aid, were constantly with him ; yet even His Wisdom encreased with his years : When he was a Child, he did as a Child, he thought as a Child : And perhaps, 'tis not piaoular to say, that in many Things, wherein his Mediatory Office was not concern'd, he was lyable to Mistakes. Which is to me a means to remove many Objections against Holy Writ. For, admit our Modern Philosophers can demonstrate, that the Ancient Prophets were out, in what they spake of the Moving of the Sun, and the Stability of the Earth, and the hke ; this were no Argument against their having the Spirit of Prophecy, which was concerned only for the Matter to be delivered, leaving the Manner to be according to Notions then received, without which they could never have been understood in their Similitudes or Allusions, And this may be the Reason of the Difference in the Stiles of the Sacred Pen-Men, some whereof had many Things bvcrvorjra, or hard to be understood ; the Sacred Spirit working according to the Tempers, or Faculties, which it found. The Consideration of this might induce one to believe, that it was not without extra- ordinary Assistance from above, that this Heroick King encountred the Papacy, tho now and then, like young David conquering the Philistine Giant, it were with Pebble Stones. Remarques upon the Life and Reign of King Edward the Sixth, in Vindication of his Memory, from Dr. Heylin's severe and unjust censure. When I consider what exemplary Vertue and Piety shone forth in the Words, Actions, and Writings of this Illustrious King, some of whose Papers I have been an unworthy Instrument of transmitting to the admiration of Posterity, I cannot but with Pref. to Hist. Indignation repeat the thought of Dr. Heylin's snarling censure, who counted it no of Kef. sup. Infelicity, that he was so soon succeeded by Q. Mary, a bloody Popish Queen, and had Ibid. the malice to charge him with being ill principled in himself, and easily inclined to embrace such councils, as the Doctor look'd upon as pernicious to the Church. Nay, he says ex- f. 131. ' Pi"esly> that his Minority was abused to many Acta of Spoil and Rapine, even to an jis6 JET. xii.J TREATISE AGAIXST THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. 177 Jtgree n( SJacrilelrge, and having affirmed that this was only to the raising of some, and to the enriching of others about him, without any manner of improvement to his own Estate; he, with a. sly Insinuation, leaves it to the Header's Judgment, whether the King being in the Hist, of Ref. sixteenth year of his Age, were either better study ed in Ms own Concernments, or seemed to be ^^^' worse principled in matters which concerned the Church. Hereby the Doctor wipes away all the Eulogies, which in several places of his Book Truth had drawn from him. Indeed, he cites the Passage out of Josephus, who, speaking of good King Josias, says, " When he grew to be twelve years old, he gave manifest Ibid. f. 38. proof of his Piety and Justice ; for he drew the People to a conformable course of Life, and to the detestation and abolishing of Idols, that were no Gods, and to the Service of the only true God of their fore-Fathers ; and, considering the Actions of his Predecessors, he began to rectify them in that wherein they were deficient, with no less circumspection than if he had been an old Man, and that which he found to be correspondent and advisedly done by them, that he did both maintain and imitate: all which things he did both by reason of his innate Wisdom, as also by the Admonishment and Counsel of his Elders: in following orderly the Laws, not only in matters of Eeligion, but of Civil Polity." Which as the Doctor acknowledges, " puts the Parallel betwixt the two young Kings beyond all exception." But then the forementioned Reflection is big with a monstrous Intimation, as if all the vast hopes which this young King gave, were blasted in their too forward Spring. And the ground of all this Sacriledge, as I may call it, against his Memory, was taken from some Instructions (which a learned Author excuses, from their being signed as they Dr. Burnet's were brought to him in his sickness), whereby he appointed Visitors to examine, " What '^ ^ 217. Jewels of Gold and Silver, or Silver Crosses, Candlesticks, Censers, Challices, Copes, and Heylin's Hist, other Vestments were then remaining in any of the Cathedral or Parochial Churches, or f- 95. and 132. otherwise had been embezelled or taken away." What was convenient for use, was to be jj™ f* 217 distributed to every Church, Chappel, or Cathedral; of the Surplusage part was to be given to the Poor, and the other part was to be delivered to the King's Treasurer. Now, admit that the young King did not think every thing to be God's, which was given him by superstitious Piety, not believing that God would accept that as his peouUary, which serv'd either for vain Pomp, and Ostentation, or else administred to the Luxury and Pride of the lazy Priests ; was not his well manag'd Zeal against Popery, and his full purpose of reforming the Nation from Idolatry and Superstition (and that too crown'd with success, far beyond what could have been expected from such a conspiration of circumstances as then were against it,) enough to atone for this ? The Doctor himself was obliged to own, " That by clear light of Holy Scripture, and Heylin's Hist. the principal Duties of Eeligion laid open to them, the People were the better able to discern the Errours and Corruptions of the Church of Rome," from tolDitfi 68 tfi* ?P«tS of tjia ^Prince tjeg toere fulls trttO. And is not the good of Souls, and the Edification of 2 A 178 LITEKART REMAINS OE KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1549. God's Church and People, preservable before the Ornaments of the Altar, and the excessive Riches, or vain Vestments of Church-men ? But the supposed Sacriledge is Death in the Pot. . . . Manet alta mente repostum, Judicium V^toatU spreti^ue injuria spectrt. If you look to the bottom of this clamour about Sacriledge, it is not for robbing God of vphat is his ; for if it vrere so, Church-men could have no Power of disposing of things once given to the Church, tho vrith the consent of the Pounder, whereas even in the most superstitious Times, some Spiritual Corporations might have alien'd their Church- 1 Inst. f. lands, without consent of the Founders. So that, in short, the Sacriledge lies in clipping the wings, and abridging the Power of Church-men, who were little God-almighties in the Affairs of the Church; in which they would have nothing done without their Consent. But truly I must submit it to better judgments than mine own, whether what is dedicated to Superstitious Uses in the service of the true God, be much more pleasing to him than the Idolatry what is devoted to false Gods : Nay, I have Authority from Dr. Stillingfleet to say, that of the Church there' may be Idolatry in an unwarranted, or at least forUdden, dedication of things to p 47 ' God's Service. Wherefore some perhaps would be likely to compare Dr. Heylin's Censures upon King 2 Kings 23. 8. Edward, to the ravings of one of Baal's Priests, when good King Josias defiled the high places where the Priests had burnt Incense. To be, sure Cardan, tho a Papist, yet had so much of a Philosopher in him, that Mother Church could not bribe him to defraud so brave an Enemy of his due Praises ; Burnet's but, in a transport of Admiration, he declares, that " Not only England, but the World has reason to lament his being so early snatc'd away.'' While Dr. Heylin an English Divine, so great is Diana of the Ephesians ! seems to rejoice, that Queen Mary secured to the Church her Ornaments, and to Church-men that Power, which, no doubt, he thought the Spirit of Reformation, working in, and like a Glory adorning this Prince, would be like to reduce to the Primitive Authority of Preaching, and Administring the Sacraments. P. 12, 13, 14, That indeed is a Principle which this young King discovers in the papers here set ' ' forth, and if I hereby expose his Memory to farther rudenesses, I am perswaded the thinking and disinterested part of Mankind will laugh at such impotent MaHce. But I shall offer a few Considerations, besides what have been already interspers'd, which may revive the Protestant Reader's sense, of the loss our Religion had by this King's immature Death. The first thing remarkable to this Purpose, was the Ingenuity and Sweetness of his Cardan. Disposition ; which, as a Papist himself confesses, " raised in all good and learned Men, the greatest expectation of him possible;" this without doubt, was in great measure Heylin's Hist, deriv'd from his beautiful Mother. Who has left behind her the Character of being the of Eef f 7. discreetest, humblest, and fairest of all King Henry the Eight's Wives. MT. xn] TREATISE AGAINST THE STJPEEMACT OP THE POPE. 179 Dos est magna Parentum virtus, says tlie Poet, and certain it is, that the rich Dowry of Vertue, which his Mother brought with her, descended with advantage on the Son ; whose mind was a vast Treasury of Graces, and contained more than the scene of his short Life could give him occasion of exerting ; so that if there were any one thing for which the Lives of former Hero's might have been more memorable than his, it proceeded from the want of time to give an Example to all following Kings in every thing praise-worthy. Wherefore Cardan said rightly. Specimen virtutis exhibere potuit, non exemplum But the love of Truth was natural to him ; and indeed that Sweetness and Evenness of Dr. Burnet's Temper, which won upon the Hearts of all that approach'd him, gave him an extra- u^ i ordinary Capacity for the finding it out. The Light of Reason, as an elegant Writer has p. 7. it, is Lumen tranquillum et amicum : " This Candle would shine more clearly and equally, rfj^^^'e^ ^ if the winds of Passions were not injurious to it.'' Nature, p. 66. But, besides that his Temper of Mind fitted him to attend to the consequences of things, and to judg without disorder or partiality, it was very pious, and he had an inbred Veneration for God's Word, which is sufficient to lead us into all needful Truths ; and 'tis not to be question'd but God will reward the esteem of the Sacred Truths there con- tained, with a proportionate degree of understanding in them. It has been observed even by his Calumniator, That " in the Days of his Childhood, Heylin, f 14. when being about to take down something, which seemed to be above his reach, one of his EeUows profiered him a bossed-plated-Bible to stand upon, and heighten him, for taking that which he desired: when he perceived it to be a Bible, with holy Indignation, he refused it, and sharply reprehended him that made the proffer." Nay, Dr. Heylin is forced upon this to Eemarque, that it was " a gitrong assuranre of tfjst licar ffistecnt antr Veneration, in toJicS f)t Jellr tjat Sacrelt Booft in Jis riper gears." 2. The Probity of his Manners was so great, that one may well say, his Zeal for Divine Truth was not without true saving Knowledg, nor his Knowledg unoperative : and this " made him very inclinable to love and cherish true Eeligion." Dr. Burnet, 3. His early Diligence and Application of Mind to understand the Principles of his ^"P'"^' Eeligion was wonderful. I my self have seen a collection of his, under his own Hand, of the Texts of Scripture relating to the Nature of Faith and Justification, put together with great Care and Judgment, and translated into the French Tongue, which was done when he was but Eleven Years of Age, the year before he wrote the Treatise now published; it is likewise dedicated to his Uncle vdth a great deal of Piety and Manly Sense. 4. He Liv'd and Dyed in an utter detestation and abhorrence of Popery ; his Sister Hist, of Ref. Mary was a bigotted Papist, and Dr. Heylin takes pains to shew us, that she was obliged by her Interest to be so ; to be sure the Emperour engaged so heartily for her having 2 a2 180 LITERARY REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1549. Liberty to keep up her way of Worship, that the Council perswaded the King to consent to it; which he not only opposed with such Eeasons as amazed his Bishops, who were for complying with the Emperour ; but with so much true Compassion for her Errours, Heylin, f. 103. and pious Displeasure that he should be prest to suffer her in her Sin, that the Tears ran down his Cheeks, and made his Bishops weep too, it may be, to see their tardy zeal rebuk'd by the King's. But that which gives the greatest Demonstration of his abhorrence of Popery, and true Heylin, f. 140. value for the Protestant Keligion, was his dying Prayer; which as Dr. Heyhn himself tells us, was " not so much aiming at the prolonging of his Life, as the continuance of Eeligion ; not so much at the freeing himself from his Disease, as the preserving the Church from the danger of Popery." Which dying Prayer, as it was taken from his Mouth, was in these Words following: — " Lord God, deliver me out of this wretched and miserable Life, and take me among thy chosen. Howbeit not my Will but thine be done. Lord, I commit my Spirit to thee. O Lord, Thou knowest how happy it were for me to be with thee ; yet for thy Chosen's sake, send me Life and Health, that I may truly serve thee. Oh my Lord God! Bless my People, and save thine Inheritance. O Lord God, save thy chosen People of England. O Lord God, Defend this Realm from ^^apistfj, and maintain thy true Eeligion, that I and my People may praise thy Holy Name, for Jesus Christ his sake." Add to all this, his undaunted Courage, which he discovered as far as his Opportunities could give him leave, his great Conduct in the management of publick Affairs, his exact Judgment in all things ; and consider the esteem which flowed from all these, and would have facilitated the success of any Undertaking, with Forreign Princes, or amongst his own Subjects, for the advantage of the Protestant Cause: and certainly, it cannot but be thought a great Infelicity to the Protestant Eeligion, that he liv'd not to finish his glorious Designs of setling and confirming the true Eeligion at home, and encouraging it abroad, till it became the prevailing Interest of Christendom. If any think that this would have been fatal to the Church of England, certainly they put a great Scandal upon it ; but God keep that Church from fiourishing, to which the length of such a King's Eeign would be fatal. Vid. the character given him by Dr. Burnet. Hist. ofEef. 225, 226. ^T. xn.J TREATISE AGAINST THE SUPREMACY Or THE POPE. 181 « A l'encontre de la Primaute du Pape. [MS. Bibl. Univ. Cantab. Dd. 12, 59.] Sixiesme de ce nom, par la grace de Dieii roy d'Angleterre, I'rance et Irlande, Defendeur de la foy, et en terre apres Dieu chef de I'Eglise d'Angleterre et Irlande, A son trescher et bien aym^ Oncle Edouard Due de Somerset, Gouverneur de sa personne, et protecteur de ses Royaumes, Pais et subjectz. Apres avoir consid^re (trescber et bien ajm.6 Oncle) combien ceux desplaisent h Dieu, qui despendent tout leur temps en Mies et vanitez de ce monde, comme en passe temps frivoles et jeux des quelz ne vient prouJG&t et utilite, ny a soymesme, ny au gendre humain, je me suis amuse a faire quelque oeuvre, lequel me sera (comme j'espere) proufitable et a vous aussy acceptable. Puis done, que voions beau- coup de Papistes non seulement nous mauldire, mais appeller et nommer ber^tiques, pourtant qu'avons delaisse leur Antichrist avec ses traditions, et ensuyvy la lumiere qui nous est monstree de Dieu, nous souunes esmeuz de faire quelque oeuvre pour nous defendre de leurs contumelies et les mettre sur leur mesme dos. Car ilz nous appeUent her^tiques, mais euxmesmes le sent, puis qu'ilz laissent la pure voix de I'^vangile, et suyvent leur mesme phantasies ; comme il appert de ce que Boniface troiesme de ce nom (quand il estoit faict ^vesque universel) pensa en soymesme que ceste defection la de laquelle Paul parle en la seconde ^pistre aux Thessalon. deuxiesme chapitre, fust avenue en soy; Car S. Paul dit, Aussy, mesfreres, nous vous prions par V advenement de nostre Seigneur, que ne soyez tost esmeuz en vostre entendement, et que ne soyez troubUz, ny par esprit, ny parolle, ny epistre, comme si lajournee de Christ estoit pres. Que mil ne vous seduise aucunement, car le jour ne viendra point que prSmierement ne soit venu un departement, et que I'homme de peche 182 LITERARY REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1549. ne soit revele, le filz de perdition, et V adversaire de Dieu, et s'eslevera sur tout, jusques d^estre assis au temple de Dieu, etc. Toutes fois il suivit sa mesme phantasie, et ne se detourna pas de son erreur, lequel il syavoit estre bien mauvais. Veu, done, que j'aper^oy par voz faictz que vous avez une grande affection vers la paroUe divine et sincere religion, je vous dedie cest oeuvre present, vous priant de le prendre en gr6. Dieu vous donne sa grace per- petuelle, et vous monstre sa benignity pour tousjours. De mon palais de Ouestmester lez Londres, ce p^nultime jour d'Aoust, 1549. Petit Traite ; A l'encontre de xa Primaute du Pape. Nous povons tresbien voir et appercevoir par I'experience du monde que la nature bumaine est prompte a tous maux, et em- brouillee de tous vices : car quel pais y a il au monde auquel n'y ait quelque vice et abus, et principalement au temps present, veu que maintenant le grand empire d' Antichrist est en vogue ? lequel est la source de tout mal : fontaine de toute abomination, et vray filz du diable, pource que quand Dieu eut envoye son filz unique pour nostre infirmity, acellefin de reconcilier le monde k soy par la mort d'iceluy, le diable cbangea deslors les institutions de Christ en tradi- tions humaines, et pervertit les escritures k son propos par le pape son ministre Et pourtant si les astrologues " (lesquelz prouvent que toute cbose retournera k son element) disent la verity, le pape descendra en enfer : car il ne poeut estre de Dieu, pourtant que souz ■2Corin.ii.il. pretcncc de religion et commandement de Dieu il a usurpe k soy- mesme I'autborit^ de Christ, laquelle chose est veue en tous ses oeuvres. Parquoy il m'a semble le mieux en ce livre de condamner premierement la papaut6, et apres la doctrine d'iceluy pape. * Edward had ivritten in his rough draft les astronomiers, which his tutor corrected to les astrologues. MT. XII.] TREATISE AGAINST THE SUPREMACY OP THE POPE. 183 Toutesfois c'est une chose difllcile, pourtant qu'il y a beaucoup qui y contredisent : cenonobstant nous condanmerons la superiority du papa par les raisons ensuivantes. La Premiere Partie. Premierement la ou les papistes disent que E-omme est la mere de toutes eglises, et pourtant que I'evesque de Ronune doit estre le sup^rieur ; Je respons qu'il est impossible, entant que la premiere promesse estoit faite au peuple Judaique : et aussy que Romme estoit infidele, quand Jerusalem estoit fidele, car Paul, ecriyant aux E/Ommains, dit, Qucmd les Juifz tomboient, salut venoit entre les Rom. u.b. Oentilz. Mais pourtant que les papistes ne povent prouver que Eiomme est la mere de toutes autres eglises, ilz disent que I'evesque de E,omme a re9eu son povoir de Pierre, auquel estoit donn^e la mesme authorite de Christ, laquelle ledit evesque a maintenant, et tascbent de le prouver par ces textes ensuivans, Tu es Pierre, et Math. i6. c. dessus ceste pierre f edifieray mon eglise, dit Christ a Pierre. Et un peu apres, Je te donray les clefz du ciel ; et aussy ilz alleguent ce lieu ou Pierre dit ^ Christ, Je t'ayme. Seigneur : car ilz disent que jan, 21. e. celuy qui ayme Christ est le principal, et que Pierre aymoit Christ le mieux de tous, et pourtant qu'il est le principal. D'avantage ils afferment qu'il estoit command^ h luy seul de paistre les brebis et d' estre le pescheur des hommes ; et qu'il parloit le premier, et respondoit a Jesus, Voicy deux glaives ; lequel lieu les papistes interpretent que Pierre avoit une esp^e temporelle, et luc, 22. e. I'autre spirituelle. II alleguent aussy aucunes raissons humaines, que comme les mouches a miel ont un roy, ainsi tous les Chrestiens doivent avoir un pape : et que comme au temps passe U y avoit un evesque prin- cipal entre les Juifz (comme Moses et Aaron) aussy que maintenant Exod. 4. d. un evesque des evesques est necessaire. II y a deux grandes men- teries en peu de paroUes : I'une est, que I'authorite de la supremit^ 184 LITEBAEY EEMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI, [a.d. 1549. de I'eglise estoit donn^e k Pierre ; 1' autre que Pierre estoit h. Romme. Pour le premier, ou ilz disent que ceste authority luy estoit doiin6e Math. 16. c. par ces motz, Tu es Pierre et sur ceste, etce, Je respons que, si vous regardez la chose precedente, et ensuivante, vous voirrez que Christ ne parloit pas de Pierre entant qu'il estoit homme, mais entant qu'il estoit fidele : car le precedent est que Pierre disoit, Tu es le filz de Dieu ; par quoy il est evident que Christ ne disoit pas que Pierre estoit le fondement de I'eglise, mais qu'il parloit de la foy de Pierre. L'ensuivant est que Dieu appeUoit Pierre, Satan : mais I'eglise de Christ n'est pas fondee dessus Satan, et pourtant elle n'est pas fondee dessus Pierre : car si I'eglise estoit fondle dessus jNiath. 7. D. Pierre, elle auroit un feible fondement : et tout ainsi qu'une maison laquelle a un fondement d^bile ne poeut demeurer long temps, mais tomhe, ainsy I'eglise ayant si pauvre fondacion que Pierre est, et si debile, ne pourroit demeurer, mais tomberoit tout incontinent. Par lesquelles choses on poeut voir que ce texte, Tu es Pierre, et dessus ceste pierre j'edifieray mon eglise, doit estre entendu que sur la foy de Pierre, nompas dessus luy, est I'eglise fondle : pource qu'il estoit un vaisseau fragile et fort debile : car il renioit Christ par Jiath. 16. c. trois fois. Le second texte est que les clefz du ciel estoient donn^es iMaic, 8. c. a Pierre. Je respons que les clefz estoient donnees non seulement a Pierre, mais aussy aux autres apostres : et par cest argument je respons qu'il n'estoit pas le principal : car les autres recevoient la Gaiat. 2. b. mesmc authority des clefz, laquelle luy est commise. Pour laqueUe chose Paul appelle Pierre la coulomne, nompas le fondement, d'eghse, et son compagnon, nompas son governeur ; car queUes sont les clefz du ceil? I'authorit^ de pardonner les peches? non: mais le preschement de I'evangile de Dieu le pere ; ouy, bien de Dieu, nonpas du pape ou diable. Et tout ainsi que quand I'huys est ouvert quiconques veult poeut entrer, ainsy quand Dieu envoy oit son sincere commandement 2 Oorin. 2. D. et son ^vangile ilz ouvroient la verit6, la quelle est la porte du ciel, et donnoient aux hommes a entendre I'ecriture, la quelle s'ilz suivent ils seront sauvez. Parquoy on poeut entendre que I'evangile .ET. XII.] TREATISE AGAINST THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. 185 et la v6rit^ de I'ecriture sont les seules portes qui conduisent I'homme au royaume de Dieu. Pour laquelle chose saint Paul dit,* Rom. lo. c. Qmconque invoquera le ndm le Dieu sera sauve. Comment invoqueront ilz celuy auquel ilz ne croient pas ? Comment croiront ilz en celuy duquel ilz n'ont pas ouy parler ? Comment orront ilz sans avoir un prescheur ? Et un peu apres U dit, T'oy vient pa/r Rom. 4. a. ouir, et ouyr de la parolle de Dieu. Au quatriesme chapitre aux Eommaias aussi U dit, A celuy qui n'oeumre pas, mais croit en celuy qui justifie les meschans, sa foy luy est impulse a justice. Maintenant nous prouverons que le preschement de I'evangiLe est la clef du ciel. Au huitiesme cliapitre aux Rommaias (comme j'ay dessus dit,) Paul afBj-me que quiconques invoque le nom du Seigneur est sauT^, et que le preschement de I'evangLle est I'entree en rinvocation de Dieu : adonc il s'ensuit que le preschement de I'evangile est I'entree du salut. D'avantage Paul affirme que foy justi&e, et que le preschement de I'evangile fait la foy (laqueUe chose j'ay demonstr6e icy devant), pourtant il s'ensuit que le vray preschement est I'entree en justification; car tout ainsy qu'une terre s6m6e pcBut produire fruit pourveu que la semence ne soit Math. 13. a. semee en terre pleine de chardons, brieres ou pierres : et encore ^^^'^^ 4- a. s'eUe est sem6e en telle terre elle fera la terre un peu meUleure, ainsy si le commandement de Dieu est seme a cueur d'honnestes gens ou de ceux qui ont un bon zele a la v^rit^, il les confermera en toute bonte : mais si aucuns sont obstia^z et opiniatres, ilz ne pevent imputer la faute k I'ecriture, veu qu'elle est en euxmesmes. Pourtant nous nous devons efforcer que I'evangile soit presch^e par tout le monde, comme il est escrit, Tout povoir m'est donne en la Math. 28. u. terre et au ciel ; pourtant allez et preschez a toutes creatures, les ^^'■'=' ^^- " , , , • Luc, 24. a. oaptisa/ns en mon nom. Puis done qu'il est prouv6 que les clefz du ciel sont I'authorite de prescher, et que I'authorite de prescher estoit donn^e h. chacun * These and the next following texts are in Latin in the King's manuscript. 2b 186 LITEKABT REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1549. Math. IG. c. Galat. 2. A. Actes, 2. A. Jan, 2 1 . B. Jan, 6. B. Math. 27. c. Jan, 13. A. Math. 17. D. Math. 5. A. Luo, 6. B. Jan, 19. c. Luc, 2. A. apostre, je ne puis voir comme par ce texte I'authorite estoit donn6e a Pierre plus qu'aux autres : car Paul dit qu'il est aussy bon que quelqu'un des autres apostres ; laquelle chose s'elle est vraye, Pierre n'estoit pas meilleur que luy ; et s'on me demandoit lequel des deux est le meilleur, je dirois que Paul est le meilleur, pourtant qu'il preschoit le plus de tous. Mais nous devons tenir pour certain que I'esprit de Dieu tomboit entre tous, et que le mesme esprit de Dieu qui estoit en Pierre estoit aussi en Paul: par laquelle chose on poeut prouver que nul d'eux fust superieur de 1' autre. Puis les papistes disent que quand Christ estoit resuscite de mort a vie, il demanda qui Faymoit, et que Pierre respondoit qu'il I'ay- moit : et pourtant (comme ilz disent) qu'il est le principal. Mais s'ainsy est, adonc chacun honneste homme doit avoir la supremit^ dessus tous autres, pourtant que chacun qui est bon et honneste ayme Dieu : car cela est le point et oflB.ce de chacun vray chrestien. Or la question n'est pas, si Pierre estoit fldele, honneste, bon, saint ou vray chrestien : mais s'il estoit le principal chef, gouverneur, et roy par dessus tous autres : ou s'il estoit meUleur que les autres apostres et ministres de Jesus Christ : car si le pape vouloit avoir I'authorite de Pierre, laquelle est de prescher, je serois content : mais U ne fait rien moins que le commandement de Dieu : car Jesus s'en- fuioit quand les Juifs taschoient a le faire roy, et empereur : mais le pape par violence ou k tort ou k travers assubjetit k soy toutes nations. Jesus avoit une couronne d'espines, et une robe de pourpre, et estoit moqu6 de tout chacun ; mais le pape a trois cou- ronnes et est honor^ des rois, des princes, des empereurs, et de tous estatz. Jesus lave les piedz de ses apostres : mais les rois baisent les piedz du pape. Jesus paie tribut : mais le pape recoit et ne paie nul tribut. Jesus presche : et le pape se repose en son chasteau de saint Ange. Jesus remedie aux maladies : mais le pape se resjouit du sang respandu. Christ porte sa croix : mais le pape est port^. Christ venoit en paix comme un pauvre homme au monde : mais le pape prend grand plaisir a mettre guerre entre les rois et princes de JET. XII.] TREATISE AGAINST THE SUPREMACY OE THE POPE. 187 la terre. Christ vient dessus un pauvre asne humblement, et plein Math. 21. b. de pitie : mais le pape vient en toute pompe (combien qn'apres le beau temps vient la pluie). Christ est un agneau : mais le pape est Jan, 1. c un loup. Christ estoit pauvre : et le pape veult avoir souz son povoir tons les royaumes de Chrestient6. Christ jeta hors du temple Jan, 2. b. les changeurs et ceux qui vendoient : lesquelz le pape regoit. Jesus *^^*- ^^- "• ordonne la cene en memoire de soy : et le pape inventoit la messe ^uc '22 b maistresse de toute abusion. Jesus monte au eiel, et le pape tombe Marc, 16. d. en enfer. Dieu commande que nous n'ayons quelque autre Dieu ^^^*- ^- ^■ que luy : mais le pape veult estre honor6 com me un grand Dieu. j^^^.^ ^ '^ ' Dieu nous a deffendu de commettre idolatrie : mais le pape est I'au- Baruc, 6. a. theur de tons ymages. Dieu nous a defendu de jurer en vain : mais ^xod. 20. a. 1 J / X ^ J. • i -J • Math. 12. B. le pape a donne conge a tous ceux qui sont ses amis de se perjurer. Dieu nous a command^ d'observer les jours de festes, en priant, Usant, ou estudiant : et le pape passe ce jour la en pompe et jouant, en oysivet^, et en hurlant ou abayant en I'eglise. Dieu a deffendu de tuer quelqu'un : et c'est grand pitie de voir comme le pape persecute les Chrestiens ; mais Difeu nous a predit de ceste persecu- tion au vingt et quatriesme chapitre de Mathieu, Beaucoiip de faux Math. 24. a. prophetes (dit Christ) seront en ce temps la. Iniqtdte sera grande, et charitd s'en ira : mais I'evangile sera presche a toute creature : pourtant quand vows verrez V abomination au saint lieu, predit de Daniel le prophete, adonc ceux qui sont en Jerusalem s'enfuiront aux montaignes. N'est ce pas ainsi maintenant ? ouy, car il y a beaucoup de loups vestus de peaux de brebis : lesquels souz pretence de religion obscurissent la vraie doctrine de Christ, et toute 1' abomi- nation estoit quasi au lieu saint, c'est adire au temple de Dieu. Or, pour retourner au propos, Dieu a deffendu adultere : mais, 1 Corin. 5. a. pourtant que le pape veult estre obeisant a son pere Satan, il com- mande que les prestres entretienment beaucoup de concubines et putains, et que jamais ne se joignent a quelqu'une en mariage. Dieu a deffendu de derober quelque homme, femme ou enfant : mais le pape a este si vieux larron que maintenant il derobe I'honneur deu 2b2 188 LITERARY REMAINS 01" KING EDWARD VI. [a.D. 1549. k Dieu, et le transfere k soymesme. Dieu a defFendu de tesmoigner fausement alencontre de quelqu'un : mais le pape dit, Tout flaire bon, mais qu' argent vienne. Dieu a commande que nous fussions contens de cela qui est nostre; mais le pape veult que chacune maison luy paie tribut : et, pour concluire, U est en toutes choses contraire k Dieu. Mais je ne le puis blamer ; car il fait le com- Ephes. 6. A. mandement de Paul, qui dit, Filz, soyez obeissmis a voz parens, et ainsi fait il, car le diable nomme yprocrisie est son pere, auquel U se monstre obeissant : et le diable va comme un lyon rugissant pour 1 Pier. 5. c. decevoir le monde (comme saint Pierre dit), et le pape ne fait il pas auisy ? ouy ; car le pape ordonne non seulement injustes et mau- vaises loix : mais aussy cberche la mort d'un cbacun qui a un bon zele ou amour envers Dieu. Or, pour venir a la primaatd de Pierre, jevoudrois bien congnoistre combien de royaumes saint Pierre avoit souz son empire : car il estoit impossible qu'il eust tout souz soy, veu que saint Jaques estoit evesque de Jerusalem, laquelle cit^ estoit alors Obrestienne. Aussy je ne puis voir comme Pierre seroit le principal : car Paul dit que ] Corin. 3. d. ^6* apostres sont tretous nostres ; et que nous ne sommes a nul sinon a Christ, et que Christ est a Dieu. Semblablement Pierre ne 1 Pierre, 1. A. s'appcUc pas par autre nom que I'apostre de Christ. Par laquelle chose il est manifeste que nous ne sommes pas k Pierre, mais que Pierre est a nous. Davantage, quand Paul venoit en Antioche U Gal. 2. B. resist oit k Pierre, laquelle chose il n'eust pas fait si Pierre eust est^ en telle authorite qu'il ne povoit mentir (comme ils disent). Mais (comme j'ay dessusdit) Paul,, voyant la dissimulation de Pierre, luy dit. Si tu estant Juif fais comme un Oentil, et nompas comme un Gal. 2. c. Juif, pourquoy fais tu observer la maniere des Juifz aux Oentilz, nous qui sommes par nature Juifz et nompas pecheurs des Oentilz ? pourtant que nous sgavons que nulle chair sera justifiS par les ceuvres^ de la loy ; mais que nous sommes justifiez par lafoy en Jesus Christ, auquel nous avons mis tout nostre espoir, acellefin d'estre justifih par lafoy, et nompas par la loy, etcf. iET. XII.] TBEATISE AGAINST THE SUPREMACY OE THE POPE. 189 Voions done comme il po3ut estre que Pierre soit le principal; car si celuy estoit le principal qui aime mieux Christ, il appert "que Jan seroit le chef des autres ; car Christ luy bailla sa mere en garde; Jan, 19. c. et aussi Jan se couchoit entre les bras de Christ, quand il estoit h. '''^"^ ^^- "• souper. Mais h. propos je demande s'il y a quelque concile legitime sans que le pape le convoque ? Je scay bien que les papistes diront qu'il n'y en a nul. Adonc je demande si le pape devant qu'il soit eleu poeut convoquer un concile ? Je scay bien qu'ilz diront qu'il ne poeut. Si done nul concile n'est legitime sans le pape ; et nul qui brigue pour estre pape ne poeut convoquer un concile, adonc le concile qui confermoit le pape d'estre superieur de I'eglise n'est pas legitime; pourtant qu'il n' estoit pas convoque du pape: pource qu'alors il n'y en avoit point. Maintenant qu'ilz ont este repousez de ceste raison, ils fuyent k un autre, disans que Christ commandoit k Pierre de paistre ses Jan, 21. e. brebis ; mais ils commandoit ainsy k tous les autres, disant, Allez et prescJiez a toutes nations, les ba^tisans en mon nom : mais le pape ne Math. 28. c. fait pas le commandement de Christ ; car il ne paist pas le brebis, mais les devore, et mange comme un lyon rugissant qui cherche sa 1 Pier, 5. c. proye pour devorer les petits. Or je voudrois que le pape fist le commandement que Dieu donna k Pierre : car je ne suis pas marry pourtant qu'il a ceste authorite de prescher Christ a tout le monde, mais pourtant qu'il laise la predication de I'evangile, et usurpe k soymesme I'authorite laquelle de droit appartient a Christ, c'est d'estre le primat de I'eglise. II est vray que le pape est primat de I'eglise, nompas divine ou catholique, mais diaboUque : car il trans- gresse le commandement donn6 a Pierre et aux autres apostres en general : pourtant que quand Christ envoyoit ses douze apostres Math. 10. a. pour prescher I'evangile de penitence et le royaume de Dieu, il leur disoit, Allez vous en, et soyez comme brebis entre les loups : mais I'evesque de Romme est comme un loup entre les brebis : car il devore et mange toutes les pauvres brebis de Christ ; et quand elles se sont cachees de paour quelles ont, adonc il feint la voix d'une 1 Timo. 3. A. Math. 28. c. Jan, 21. E. 190 LITEEABY EEMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [ad. 1549, brebis acellefin de les manger. II se poeut excuser disant que prescber est trop vile oflfice pour luy, et qu'il a des officiers, et minis- tres, mais qu'il doit ouir cbanter les messes. Je respons pour la premiere partie, veu que 1' office de prescber n'estoit pas trop vile pour Pierre le quel avoit receu son povoir et autborite de Cbrist, il me semble que ceux la qui se disent les successeurs de Pierre, ne doivent penser que ceste office est trop vile pour eux. Saint Paul dit a Timotb^e quel cbose un evesque doit estre. Tin evesque (dit Paul) doit estre irriprihensible, le mary d'une seule femme, sobre, sage, hiengarny de vertw, chaste, logeant les pauvres, apte a enseigner, nompas yvrongne, malfaiteur, noisif ny desireux des Mens d'autruy ; mais il doit estre bon gouverneur de sa famille, ayant ses filz souz soy en chastetd. Maintenant nous ajournerons le pape devant Saint Paul, et verrons s'il est coupable ou non, selon la reigle de Saint Paul. Le premier commandement lequel un evesque doit observer est d' estre irrdprebensible : mais nous avons prouve que r evesque de Romme transgresse tous les commandemens de Dieu, pour laquelle cbose il est coupable. Le second est qu'il soit le mary d'une femme, en laquelle cbose I'evesque de Romme fault beaucoup : car il entretient des putains, et pense que mecbante forni- cation est meilleure que bon et bonneste mariage. Le troisiesme est qu'il soit sobre, sage, bien gamy de vertus et cbaste; desquelles cboses I'evesque de Romme n'observe nulles. Le quatriesme est qu'il soit liberal et loge les pauvres : mais I'evesque de E-omme est pleia de toute avarice. Le cinquiesme est qu'U soit apte k enseigner: mais nostre diable, ou pere diabolique, pense que de maintenir la gloire de Dieu et prescber est trop vile office pour luy, toutesfois son predecesseur Pierre prescboit I'evangile, ou autrement il pecboit a lencontre de Dieu, en ce qu'il n'observoit pas ce commandement, Allez et preschez I'evangile a tout le monde ; cenonobstant pour sa mesme commodit6 il veult emprisonner, tuer, brusler ou pendre celuy qui prescbe la parolle, et veult luymesme estre le bourreau, s'il n'en povoit trouver quelque autre ; parquoy nous voyons qu'il s'ayme .ET. xil.J TREATISE AGAINST THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. 191 mieux qu'il ne fait Dieu. Que diray plus? il transgresse tout I'ordre de saint Paul. Dites maintenant s'il est coupable ou non. Or nous respondrons a leurs argumens, Que Pierre est le principal. Ilz disent que Pierre estoit commande de paistre les brebis ; Je Jan, 21. e. respons qu'k tous les apostres leur estoit aussy commande de paistre les brebis en cecy, Allez preschans, etcf . Mais ce n'est rien autre Math. 28. c. cbose de paistre les brebis sinon de prescher I'evangile. Aussy leur autre argument est de la mesme substance, quand ilz disent que Pierre estoit le pescheur des bommes : car Andry et Jan estoient aussy pescbeurs des bommes : et ce n'est rien autre cbose d'estre pescbeur des bommes qu'estre prescbeur de Cbrist. Or si la pre- dication de nul n'est legitime sans I'autborit^ de Pierre ou du pape, adonc la predication de saint Paul n'estoit pas legitime, laquelle il n'a pas receu de Pierre. Cenonobstant le pape pense estre un Dieu, disant, Je ne puis mentir : pourtant ce que j'ay dit est vray. Mais acela je respons que, s'il n'est meilleur que Pierre, il poeut mentir : car Pierre renoioit Cbrist par troys fois : adonc Pierre Math. 26. g. mentoit trois fois. Aussy Paul le reprouvoit pour sa dissimulation. Gai. 2. c Mais I'evesque de Eomme ment grandement, quand ce ne seroit en autre cbose sinon qu'H se dit cbef de TegUse Cbrestienne, et avoir les clefz du ceil : car si le pape avoit les clefz du ciel, je demande ceste question, Quand le pape est mort, et nul autre a les clefz, comment entreront les ames au ciel ? car personne n'a les clefz s'il n'est pape. Adonc il avient que quand le pape est mort les huis du ciel sont fermez. Mais c'est une folle cbose de dire que le pape a les clefz du ciel et d'enfer : car Cbrist est nostre seul m^diateur, ^ Timo. 2. a. nostre porte, nostre cbef, nostre pasteur, nostre redempteur, et n ■■ / ,■^ I. ■ Ji f -4. Ji • ^ Math. 27. A. souverain maistre : lequel (apres qu'il eut enseign6, lait des nuracles, ^^^^^^ jg ^ souffert mort et passion pour tous fideles, donne salut k tout cbacun L«c, 23. b. qui croit en luy, et par sa mort pense fidelement estre sauv6,) monta j^,j°^^ gs^D. au ciel en toute gloire et bonneur, et se sied k la dextre de son Marc, 16. d. pere, priant pour nous ; lequel aussi demourra la avec son pere et le 3III21.I'. saint esprit, un en diete, trois en personnes : plein de toute vertu et Math. 26. a. •*■ Ephes. 1. c. 192 LITERAKY REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1549. Ebre. 4. A. exempt de tout vice, estant avec nous en esprit et par tout comme ati. 25. B. gQj^ pere, jusques au temps qu'il viendra juger le monde au jour du jugement : la bont^ duquel est invisible : la misericorde duquel est Psai. 23. A. ia^narrable ; la gloire duquel est inestimable. Iceluy est nostre gouverneur et maistre : iceluy est nostre berger : iceluy est nostre Jan, 10. A. redempteur : nous sommes ses subjets et brebis : nous sommes rachet6z par luy, et lavez de I'eau de baptisme, pour signifi- cation que nous sommes ses brebis. Nul autre n'est nostre pasteur, gouverneur, ny pape : car si quelqu' autre estoit nostre cbef, nous serious un monstre ay ant deux testes. Paul 6crivant aux Corinthiens dit que tout est nostre; et que Pierre, Apollo, 1 Corin. 3. d. et tous Ics autrcs apostres sont nostres, et nous a Christ, et Christ a Dieu. Parquoy il appert que Pierre n'est pas nostre chef, mais nostre ministre. Pourtant nous devons penser que Dieu est nostre pere spirituel, qui oste par sa passion toutes les peines de mort et d'enfer h tous ceux qui se flent en luy : car k luy nous crions, Kom. 8. 0. Abba pere. Done si le pape veult estre appelle pere spirituel, nous avons trois peres en tout, desquelz I'un est charnel, et deux spirituelz. 'Mais j'ause dire que si le diable n'est nostre pere spirituel, le pape aussi ne Test pas : car comme Christ est I'Agneau immaculd, et I'unique fllz de Dieu plein de toute vertu, ainsi au contraire le pape est un ord villain loup, et I'unique filz du diable son pere, duquel il a receu toute son authorite et office. Mais je voudrois bien s^avoir si le pape est nostre pere spirituel, charnel, ou diabolique. Premiere- ment, charnel U ne le poeut estre, pourtant qu'il professe chastet^, et n'est point mari^. Aussy il ne poeut pas estre spirituel, pourtant qu'il est adonn6 au monde : adonc il s'ensuit qu'il est le pere diabolique. Psai. 2. B. Or concluons que comme il estoit dit de Christ, Tu es mon filz, je fay engendre aujourd'huy, Dieu dira ainsy du pape, Tu es mon ennemy, je t'ay destruit aujourd'huy : et que comme Christ estoit Psai 110. A. del'ordre de Melchisedech, ainsi le pape est de I'ordre diabolique. Mais comme Chrestient^ est spirituellement tresbonne et est bien form^e en esprit, ainsi s'il n'y a bon ordre pour la confermer, elle est MT. XII. J TREATISE AGAINST THE SUPREMACY OP THE POPE. 193 destruite ; car tout ainsi que le corps d'un homme ne poeut estre sain s'il a deux testes, on quatre piedz, ainsy ces pais de Chrestiente ne pevent estre bien en ordre s'ilz ont deux qui dominent, et ayent I'empire de tout le monde. Maintenant on me diroit, Done vous ne voul6z pas qu'il ait des rois, et empereurs : je respons que Dieu qui a Math. i. e. envoys son filz unique en terra icy bas, I'a fait roy de la terre, en ^^^^- ^^^- ^■ spirituelle et temporelle authority. Celuy en son empire a mis des rois, lesquelz sont ses Ueutenans ; mais il n'en a ordonne nul pour son grand evesque : car il n'est pas ainsi ordonne en la sainte ecriture. Or, si les papistes disent que le pape est son heritier, je voudroye qu'il attendist jusques a ce que Christ mourust, affin d'avoir son royaume : pourtant que les h^ritiers ont I'lieritage apres la mort de leurs predecesseurs. Maintenant les papistes disent que Exod. 4. c. comme en la vieille loy il y avoit un arcevesque du peuple Israelite, ainsy maintenant il y doit avoir un cbef principal en Clirestiente. Je respons que la prestrise d' Aaron et Moses representoit la pri- maute nompas du pape, mais de Christ ; lequel vint en terre et Math. 1. c. souflfrit mort pour nous autres, car Christ dit de soymesme qu'il est Jan, 4. d. nostre Messias, et aussi qu'il est le vray pain descendant du ciel ; et Jan, 6; d. qu'il est nostre seul berger : car comme Jan testifie, il disoit, Certes jan, 10. a. je vous dy que celuy qui n'entre par moy en Vestable des brebis, mais vient par ailleurs, il est larron : car Celuy qui entre par I'huis est Prover. 22. d. le berger : celuy qui garde I'huis luy ouvre, et les brebis ont ouy sa voix, et il appelle ses brebis, et s'en va devant elles, et les brebis le suivent pourtant qu'elles congnoissent sa voix, et autre elles ne suivront. Done le pape, qui ne vient pas de par Christ, est un abominable larron : pour laquelle chose toutes vrayes et honnestes brebis doivent s'en partir de luy : car il vient pour les devorer et nompas pour les paistre : pour les englouter, et nompas pour les enseigner. Maintenant, puis que les papistes sont batus de leur mesme baston (cela est de leur mesme argument) ilz disent qu' apres que les disciples de Christ avoient presch^ long temps Uz retournoient h Jesus, lequel leur demanda s'ilz avoient eu quelque glaive tout ce 2 c 194 LITERARY REMAINS OE KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. J549. temps la, et qu'ilz disoient, Voicy deux glaives. Or ilz disent que run signifie le povoir temporal, et I'autre le spirituel : laquelle raison (comme il sera demonstr^ icy apres) est sotte et vaine. Oar premierement nous devons considerer de quel lieu les apostres Marc, 6. A. venoient, car ilz avoient este envoyes pour prescher Christ a toutes Luc, 9. A. nations, et demonstrer la lumiere a ceux qui estoient en tenebres. Secondement nous devons considerer quel pouvoir Christ avoit en la terre. II dit que son royaume n'est pas de ce monde : car U y a deux manieres d'authorite, I'une spirituelle et I'autre temporelle. Pour laquelle chose saint Paul en sa primiere epistre aux Corin- 1 Corin.i2.B. thieus dit que comme il y a au corps divers membres pour diverses causes, ainsy il y a en I'eglise de Christ aucuns ministres spirituelz, comme apostres, prophetes, et docteurs : et aucuns temporelz, comme, rois, empereurs, gouverneurs, et lieutenans. Or Christ estoit ministre spirituel, comme il dit soy mesme, disant, Mon royaume n'est pas de ce monde. Et aussi quand deux freres venoient a luy Luc, 12. B. le requerantz de diviser leur heritage, il respondoit. Qui m' a fait juge entre vous ? La troisiesme chose laquelle doit estre considerde, est que Christ parloit en moquerie. La quatriesme, que tons les apostres disoient ensemble, Voicy deux glaives. La cinquiesme chose est que les apostres n'entendoient pas ce que Christ disoit. Par toutes ces choses cy nous povons facUement entendre ce texte : car apres que les disciples estoient envoyez pour prescher I'evangile de verity, ilz retournoient a Jesus, lequel leur disoit, Aviez vous quelque esp^e tout ce temps ? comme en voulant dire, Quand je vous envoiois vous vouliez avoir des bastons avec vous : maiatenant que pensez vous, ma grace ne vous a elle pas gardee de tout mal ? ou autrement, Aviez vous quelque besoing d'avoir esp^e ? Adonc les disciples (et nompas Pierre seul) lesquelz n'entendoient pas ce que Christ disoit, respondoient qu'ilz avoient deux glaives. Parquoy nous voyons que Christ parloit en moquerie, et que tous les disciples respondoient, et nompas Pierre seul, comme en disant, J'ay deux espies, I'une qui signifie la temporelle authority : et I'autre qui £1. XII.] TREATISE AGAINST THE SUPREMACY OP THE POPE. 195 signifie la spirituelle jurisdiction. Aussy Christ ne povoit et ne votdoit pas donner la temporelle authorite, pourtant qu'il estoit ministre spirituel. Mais les papistes faillent beaucoup en un argument : ear ilz disent que Cephas est un chef, oii en verity Cephas est une pierre. Maintenant (quand ceux cy leurs argumens sont aflPoibliz) ilz disent qu'U est vraysemblable que Pierre estoit le chef, pourtant qu'il parloit le premier : et au temps dessus dit il respondoit pour tous. Mais il est plus vraysemblable qu'il n' estoit pas le chef des autres, pourtant que Paul se dit n'estre inferieur a 2Corin. ii.b. 12. D. nul des apostres : du nombre desquelz estoit Pierre. Or nous ne devons disputer maintenant quelle chose semble estre vraye, mais quelle chose est vraie sans faute. Toutesfois nous verrons s'il est vraysemblable ou non : car Andry parloit aucunefois le premier : et ne doit on douter que chacun d'eux ne parlast aucunesfois le premier : mais il ne s'ensuit pas pourtant que qui parle le premier aucunesfois soit evesque des evesques : car entant qu'il parloit le premier cela signifie qu'U estoit d'une nature pleine de courage : ou autrement qu'il desiroit estre le plus grand : mais Christ dit, Oelui/ Math. is. a. qui veult estre le plus grand sera le plus petit entre vous. Ainsy il ^^''' ^■^- ^- ^■ n'y a point d'orgueilleux tUtre en I'eglise de Christ : car Dieu ayme p^jjp ^ ^^ humUite, et dit que celuy qui regoit un petit enfant en son nom, le Jaques, 4. b. revolt : et aussy que celuy qui n'est pas semblable k un enfant, ne ^ p^^""- ^- ^• sera pas apte pour le royaume de Dieu. Mais Pierre soymesme ne s'attribue pas si hault tiltre, que le pape attribue k soymesme : car il dit, Pierre Vapostre et serviteur de Jesuschrist, et non plus : i Pier. i. a. mais le pape, que dit il ? " Paul tiers de ce nom, par la grace de ^ ^'®'"- ^' ""' Dieu tressaint pere et pape, vicaire de Christ, lieutenant de Pierre, Dieu en terre, evesque des evesques, prince des princes, et roy des rois." Voyez icy comme il se dit Dieu, et blaspheme Christ. Voyez comme il est plein de toute magnificence et orgueil. Voyez comme il a un beau tiltre et nom, combien qu'U soit un serpent venimeux : car il se dit tressaint pere la ou il est un abominable larron, et con- tamine de tout immundicite. II se dit pape, lequel mot signifie 2 c 2 196 LITERARY REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1549. pere de toutes nations, la ou il les destruit. II se dit vicaire de Christ, et lieutenant de saint Pierre, et Dieu en terre, ou il est vicaire de Belzebub, lieutenant de Lucifer, et le diable terreste : car 2Corin. 11. D. H semblc estre bon, mais il est mauvais. Et comme saint Paul dit aux Oorinthiens, ce n'est pas merveille si les ministres du diable sont plaisans et triumpbans k I'oeil, veu que le diable soymesme se trans- forme en un ange de lumiere ; pourtant vouz povez bien apper- cevoir les vrais ministres de la paroUe d'entre les faulx Antichrists, pource que les vrais apostres cheminent selon 1' esprit de Dieu, mais les faulx apostres chemiaent selon la chair. Nous verrons done si le pape est ministre de Dieu, ou du diable. Certainement U est du diable, ce ay je grand paour : car il se dit honneste homme, tressaint evesque, roy des roys : la ou il'est tiran des tirans ; car tons les autres tirans exer9oient leur tirannie dessus les corps des gens, mais ce diable, ce loup, ce tiran, exerce sa tirannie dessus les ames, contreignant les pauvres et simples agneaux de Dieu delaisser leur foy par laquelle Gal. 2. c. 3. A. ilz sont sauv^z, et suivre ses abomiuables tradicions et preceptes Rom. 3. A. diaboliques. ' Aussy s'ilz ne font ses preceptes, c'est adire adorer des ymages, offrir aux ydoles et diables, il les brule, ou leur fait faire amende honorable,* ou les gehenne et tourmente. Du temps du feu roy mon pere,t quand son nom fut effac6 de livres, il estouppa les bouches des Ohrestiens avec ses six articles, comme avec six poins.J Aussy maintenant en Prance, devant qu'on brule quelqu'un, on luy couppe la langue un peu auparavant, a celle fin qu'il ne parle. Veu done que le pape est le ministre de Lucifer, j'ay bon espoir que * The King uvote this passage, il nous brasle et nous fait porter un fagot. His master altered it as above. In 1682 it was translated, he burns, wracks, and torments them, or forces them to a costly Recantation. f Aux jours de mon pere, in the King's MS. \ siz points in the King's manuscript, probably for ses poings, " his fists " The passage is thus translated in 1682 : During the Eeign of my late Father the King, when the Pope's Name was blotted out of our Books, he stopt the Mouths of Christians with his six Articles, as if he would choak them. JET. XII.], TREATISE AGAINST THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. 197 comme Lucifer tomboit hers du del en enfer, ainsy que le pape son vicaire tombera bors de ceste gloire de la papaut^ en graitid derision. Car David dit au Pseaumes, que Dieu veult estre pervers avec les Psai. is. c. pervers : et saint avec les saints. Or le pape a oste I'bonneur k Dieu, pourtant j'ai bon espoir que Dieu luy ostera ses honneurs et sa gloire. Aussy Marie mere de Christ a dit que Dieu a oste la Luu, i. e. gloire des riches, et Va donnee aux. humbles. Pourtant (6 pape) garde toy bien, car si tu tombes tu auras une grande cheute. Et tout ainsi qu'un homme qui est monte en une tour, s'il tombe il prendra un grand fault, ainsi vous qui avez monte jusque aux cieux, tomberez jusque en enfer, ainsy que Christ a predit de Tyr et Sidon. Math. w.o. Mais pour venir \ la primaute du pape, je sf ay bien que I'ecriture parle d'un Dieu, d'une foy, d'un baptesme, mais nompas d'un pape. Ephe. 4. a. Or si Pierre estoit Dieu en terre, et vicaire de Christ, nous eussions ^ ^°"°- ^- '^• este baptisez en son nom ; mais Paul (lequel dit qu'il n'est inferieur -^^^ ^g ^ k nul des autres apostres), ne veult pas que nous soyons baptisez en Ephes. 3. a. son nom. Et tant seulement ne veult U que nous soyons baptisez 2 Conn. 11. e. au nom de Pierre, mais aussy ne veult pas qu'on disse, Je suis a 2 Corin. 12. d" Pierre, je suis a Paul, je suis a Apollo. ^ °'''"' ^' ^" Maintenant que les papistes ne pevent prouver par I'ecriture que nous devons avoir un pape, ilz ont recours aux simUitudes, disans. Tout ainsy que les bestes de la terre (comme les mouches a miel) ont un roy qui domine sur elles, ainsy tous Chrestiens doivent avoir un roy et pape : alaqueUe raison je respondray en trois manieres. Premierement, leur raison n'est pas extraite de la sancte escriture, mais est de leurs mesmes invencions. Secondement, pourtant que toutes les mouches k miel qui sont au monde, ou en Chrestient^, n'ont pas un roy. Tiercement, si toutes les mouches a miel avoient un roy, aussi avons nous, c'estadire Jesus Christ. Ephes. i.i>. Mais les papistes diront que si nous voulons condamner la papaut^, nous condamnerons leurs peres aussy pour h6r6tiques. Je leur respons ainsi que Dieu respondoit a Eliah : car quand Eliah disoit |^^^^j^^-^- au Seigneur qu'il n'y nompas un qui fust juste, mais que tous 198 LITERARY REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1549. estoient injustes et mauvais, Dieu respondit, Je me suis reserve sept mille hommes qui rCont point fait ob^issance a Baal ; ainsy il ne fault pas douter qu'il n'y ait eu beaucoup Chrestiens au monde, desquelz aucuns parloient a rencontre de la papaut6 apertement et autres gardoient leur sgavoir a eux mesmes. Mais les papistes ne veulent pas que nous sachions plus que nos peres. Je sgay bien que nostre religion ne consiste pas en la vielle coustume et I'usance de nos peres, mais en la sainte ecriture et paroUe divine, laquelle (si vous pensez que viellesse et coustume fasse la chose bonne,) est Jan, 1. A. plus vieille que le monde n'est vieil. Car Dieu est la paroUe, lequel ^ xo .3. D. gg^ gg^j^g commencement, et sera sans fin ; et si vous pensez que la verity doit estre ensuivie, toute v6rit6 consiste en ce livre la. Mais nostre religion ne doit pas estre gouvern^e par noz peres : car Ezechiel dit, Vous ne devidz pas suivre vos peres, car ilz estoient Ezech. 20. e. mauvais. Aussy nostre Dieu, sauveur, et redempteur Jesus Christ Jan, 14. A. ^ jjj^^^ jg g^j^g ^^ voye, vdritd, et vie ; il n'a pas dit, Je suis la vieille coustume. Les papistes done disent que combien que Christ n'ordonnast pas le pape, qu'il en a laiss6 faire a son eglise : adonc je demande comme Pierre estoit esleu evesque universel ? Aussy toutes choses necessaires a nostre salut sont ecrites en la Bible, comme Paul 2 Tim. .3. u. testifle en son epistre k Timoth^e, disant, Tu dois persister aux choses lesquelles te sont commises : pourtant que tu as appris V ecriture, laquelle te donra salut par la foy en Christ Jesu. La Seconde Pabtie. A quelle intention, done, voulons nous prouver que Pierre n'est pas le chef de I'eglise, prenez le cas qu'il I'ait est6 ; car cela n'ap- prouve pas que I'evesque de Romme est le chef principal ; pourtant que tous les papistes ne pevent pas prouver que Pierre fut jamais a E,omme ; car par I'escriture ilz ne le pevent prouver, ny par vraye histoire. Parquoy I'evesque de Pomme a perdu un de ses grans ^T. xii.J TREATISE AGAINST THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE. 199 tiltres, c'est JPapa, ex jure divino. Car nuUe authority ne poeut estre ex jure divino si elle n'est approuv6e par I'ecriture. Bien maintenant nous I'avons en un destroit, puis qu'il est constraint de dire, " Paul pape par les traditions humaines :" car s'il n'est pas evesque par la parolle divine, mais seulement par les tradicions humaiaes, adonc tous rois, tons princes et autres magistratz pevent abroguer les status et institucions faites par leurs pares, comme nous avons yeu par cy devant. Done si chacun eust congneu cela, le pape est este pauvre il y a long temps. Or les papistes disent que I'evesque de Eomme estoit constitue par I'eglise primitive ; mais nompas plus que Mahommet : car ilz commengoient tous deux quasi en un mesme temps : mais le pape fut esleu quand toutes mauvaises erreurs estoient grandes en Chrestiente. Toutesfois pour prouver que Pierre estoit k E-omme ilz demonstrent les epistres Clementines, lesquelles nous prouverons estre fauses et contrefaites par les papistes : car il est la ecrit que Pierre estoit a Romme en I'an deuxiesme du regne de Claudius, demourant la vint et cinq ans, mais Christ fut crucifie I'an de Tiberius dixbuitiesme, lequel regna ciaq ans apres. Caius Caligula regna quatre ans, et Claudius deux, c'est en tout unze ans devant que Pierre fust a Romme. Et I'an du Seigneur dixbuitiesme Paul trouva Pierre en Jerusalem : parquoy nous voyons que leur bis- Gal. 2. a. toire est fause, et nous prouverons qu'il n'est pas vray que Clement ecrivoit les epistres a Jaques : car Jaques estoit mort devant I'evesque Clement. Aussy Pierre estoit evesque des Juifz, nompas Gala. 2. b. des Gentilz : car saint Paul se glorifie, en beaucoup de places, qu'il Epte. 3. a. est I'Apostre des Gentilz. Davantage Paul, ecrivant aux Galatbiens, ^ai. 1. d. dit qu'il s'en alloit en Jerusalem acellefin de voir Pierre. Parquoy il est vraysemblable que Pierre pour la plus part du temps demouroit ' ^ Jerusalem et aux lieux d'alentour. Mais voy^z icy I'astuce du diable, et le pouvoir de Dieu : car cenonobstant que le diable (acellefin de confirmer son povoir) ait invent6 les epistres Clemen- tines (combien qu'elles soient contrefaites par les papistes), toutes 200 LITBBAKY REMAINS or KING EDWARD VI. [ad. ] 549. fois je dy que Dieii par sa clemence et bonte envers ses esleuz, a ainsy souffert les epistres estre ecrites, que chacun qui a leu les Mstoires poeut facilement comprendre et entendre que elles estoient feintes par I'astuce serpentine, et par aucuns obstinez et abominables papistes. Aussy nous povons voir leur astuce en beaucoup d'autres Baruc, 6. a. cboses : Car quoy que I'ecriture die que les ydoles n'ont point de vie, ilz faisoient que les ymages aucunesfois tournoient leurs yeux, aucunesfois leur teste, aucunesfois leurs mains, et aucunesfois tout leur corps : et ainsy faisoient accroire aus gens que les ymages faites de bois les entendoient, ou toute la chose estoit faite a viz, lesquelles (entournant) faisoient tourner les yeux et la teste de I'ymage. Mais comme Daniel avec des cendres ou du sablon prou- L'histoire de voit quc I'ydole Bel ne mangeoit pas, mais que les prestres man- geoint, ainsi par les saintes ecritures et par la confession de plusieurs gens et notoire experience, il a este prouv6 que tout estoit fait a viz et autres instrumens. La tierce P ARTIE. Maintenant, puis que nous voyons non seulement que Pierre n'est pas le principal, mais aussi qu'il n'estoit pas k E,omme (veu qu'ilz disent que le pape ne poeut pas mentir), nous verrons si eux mesmes n'ont pas confess^ que nul ne doit estre primat de I'eglise ; car Gregoire, premier de ce nom, ecrivoit que nul ne devoit estre pape pour ce qu'alors que Gregoire estoit evesque de Romme et Maurice empereur, il y avoit beaucoup d'heresies en Chrestiente : adonc le patriarche et evesque de Oonstantinoble pretendoit d'estre evesque universel, auquel Maurice favorisoit, mais Gregoire ecrivit que nul ne devoit estre principal de I'eglise. Maintenant que les papistes sont vaincus, ilz disent que par le consentement des docteurs, et des conciles generaux, on doit avoir un evesque universel qui ait nom de pape, la ou quatre ou cinq cens ans apres Christ il n'y en avoit pas un en tout le monde qui fust ainsi nomm^. Et aussy quand il y avoit aucunes conteilcions pour ^T. XII.] TREATISE AGAINST THE SUPREMACY OE THE POPE, 201 la papaut6, tous les gens sgavans detestoient ropinion qu'il fausist Ciprianus de 1 -nT 8implicitate avoir un pape : et aucunesiois les evesques de Romme euxmesmes preiatorum. le detestoient. Aussi saint Ciprian, ^crivant de I'unite de I'egHse, dit, II y a un evesque dont chacun evesque tient porcion; car comme il y a pluisieurs rais au soliel, et la clart6 est une, plnsieurs branclies et un arbre, plnsieurs ruysseaux deconlans d'une fontaine, ainsi I'eglise est une, estant iUuinia^e par la clart6 du Seigneur qui estend ses rais par tout le monde, et toutesfois la clart^ est une, c'est adire Jesus Christ. Pareillement luy mesme estant evesque de Car- Cipria. epist. thage appeUe 1' evesque de E,onime son compaignon. D'avantage saint Jerome evesque de Romme abaisse le stile du primat, disant, S'il est question d' authority qui sera le primat de I'eglise, combien qu'il y "^V"^^- ^P'^'- ait des evesques aux villes et nations, il ne s'ensuit pas pourtant qu'U y ait un primat de tout le monde ; car le monde est plus grand qu'une ville. Aussy au concile de Cartbage U fut conclu que nul ^tap. 47. ne seroit appelle premier, ou primat des evesques. Que diray plus ? tous consentent en un, jusques h. sis cens ans apres Augustinus, Christ, que riul ne devoit estre pape. Comment done est ce que Pierre Constan. povoit estre le primat, ou le pape estre son successeur ? car Pierre :^^«"^*- ^^ en son epistre ne commando pas aux ministres de Dieu, mais le prie. August. Semblablement quand on I'accuse d' avoir conununique avec les cipria. epist. Gentilz, il ne brule pas ses accuseurs comme le pape fait les siens, p^errefi'lT' mais il s'excuse et monstre submission. D'avantage quand il Actes, 11. a estoit envoy6 en Samarie par ses compagnons, il obeit h. leur decret. -^.ctes, s. ... La QUARTB P ARTIE. De cest abominable et diaboHque pape I'ecriture nous a assez pleinement demonstr^ en beaucoup de places, desquelles je demonstre- ray aucunes maintenant. Premierement au septiesme chapitre de Daniel, il est demonstre que Daniel (le mieux aym^ de Balzasar) vit une vision, laqueUe estoit telle : Je vey (dit Daniel) en ma vision, et voicy les quatre vens du del combatoient en la grand mair ; et 2Ti 202 LITERARY REMAINS OP KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1549. quatre hestes sortirent de la terre. La premiere estoit comme une Lionesse, et avoit les esles d'un Aigle, et je voyois jusques a ce que les esles estoient ostees, et le cueur d'un homme luy fut donne. La Dani. 7. A. seconde beste estoit semblable a un Ours, et se mettoit dessus un coste : et on luy dit, Mange beaucoup de chair. La tierce estoit sem- blable a une Leoparde, et avoit sur son doz quatre esles d'oyseaux : et ladite beste avoit quatre testes. Apres je regardois et voicy la quatriesme beste estoit epouventable, terrible et forte grandement. Mle avoit grans dens de fer, et devoroit toutes choses. Icelle avoit dix comes : et voicy ume petite come montoit entre elles, et devoroit trois comes, et avoit deux yeux et une boucJie, laquelle parloit blasphemes. Mais je regardois jusque a ce que Vancien de temps estoit assis. Apres je regardois (dit Daniel) le jugement de la come, et la beste estoit tuee et brulee aufeu : sa vie ne duroit qu'un temps, deux temps, et demy temps. Les quatre vens, et les quatre bestes (comme Melanchton, CEcolampadius, et toutes gens S9avans disent,) signifient les quatre monarchies. La premiere estoit des Assirians, oil Nabuchodonosor tint 1' empire, auquel (apres avoir este long temps fait beste) le cueur d'un bomme luy fut donn6. La seconde beste signifioit I'empire des Persans, laquelle estoit tres cruelle. La tierce signifioit I'empire des Grecz, lequel estoit bientost gaign6. Et les quatre esles et quatre testes signifient les quatre empereurs apres Alexandre en la monarcbie des Grecz, car Seleucus fut fait roy de Syrie, Ptolom^e d'Egipte, Antigone d'Asie, Cassandre de Grece. La quatriesme beste signifie la terrible monarcbie des Rommains, hors de laquelle montoit une petite corne, laquelle est Anticbrist. Anticbrist a deux yeux, c'est adire le Pape et Mahommet ; car, combien que le Pape ne parle pas a I'encontre Cbrist (comme Ma- hommet fait), toutesfois je dy que le Pape est aussi bien ou plus Anticbrist que Mahommet. Et comme celuy qui nous flatte est nostre ennemy (ja9oit ce qu'il semble estre nostre amy), ainsi le pape, qui se dit serviteur des serviteurs de Dieu, est ennemy de Christ. Pourtant que sous I'umbre de religion il met en vogue ^T. XII.] TREATISE AGAINST THE SUPREMACY OP THE POPE. 203 toute ypocrisie, dissimulation, et ydolatrie, avec toutes autres tradi- tions. Son temps sera un temps, deux temps, et un demy temps : c'est a dire que les jours seront abbregez ; carle nombre de sept est prins pour un nombre parfait en I'ecriture, comme saint Paul dit : Le juste tombe septfois en un jour, c'estadire beaucoup de fois. Et la moytie de sept sont trois et demy ; pourtant le lieu doit estre Marc, 13. c. ainsi entendu, que les jours seront abbr^g^z. Saint Paul aussi en deux epistres propbetise du pape. Premierement, ecrivant aux 2Thessoi.2.A. Tbessaloniens, il dit, Aussy, mes freres, nous vous prions par Vavenement de nostre Seigneur, que ne soyez tost esmeus en vostre entendement et que ne soyez troublez, ny par esprit, ny parolle, ny epistre, comme si la journie de Christ estoit pres. Que nul ne vous seduise aucunement, car le jour ne viendra point que premierement ne soil venu un departement, et que Vhomme de peche ne soit revM^, le filz de perdition, et Vaversaire de Dieu, et s'eslevera sus tout jusques a estre assis au temple de Dieu, etc^. Aussy Saint Paul, ecrivant a Timotbee, dit en ceste maniere. Or Vesprit demonstre notamment qu'aux dernier s jours aucuns defaudront de la foy, iTimotii.4.A. s'amusans aux doctrines du diable, par Vypocrisie de plusieurs qui parlent mensonges, defendans mariage, et manger aucunes choses lesquelles Dieu a creees de grace. Demandez a un cbacun si le pape n'a pas deffendu de manger aucunes viandes en aucuns temps, et cbacim vous dira que ouy : car la pluspart I'a bien sentu : ou paraventure je ne mentirois pas si je disois que tous quasi I'ont bien sentu. Aussy toucbant la prohibition de mariage, demandez aux prestres. Saint Pierre dit. Nous sgavons qu' aux derniers jours il viendra des moquers, etcf. . Saint Jan en I'Apocalipse dit que sept 2 Pien-e, 3. a. anges jetterent sept fiolles d'indignation dessus la terre ; pourtant il est vraysemblable que la signification est telle. La primiere Apoc. 16. a. fioUe estoit la monarcbie des Assirians, la ou le peuple d' Israel devint captif souz Nabuchodonosor. La seconde fioUe estoit la monarcbie des Persans. La troisiesme fioUe estoit la monarcbie des Grecz : laquelle monarcbie Alexandre gaigna le premier. La quarte 2 D 2 204 LITERARY REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. [a.d. 1549. fioUe estoit la monarcMe des K/Ommams : laquelle I'Apocalipse (a cause de sa grandeur) dit qu'elle estoit jett6e sur le soliel. La cinquiesme est le pape nostre Antichrist. La sixiesme fioUe est la royaume de Mahommet. La septiesme fioUe signifle la fin du monde et jour du jugement. Au chapitre ensuivant il demonstre comme le septiesme ange luy denionstra le siege, honneur, et richesses du pape, car il dit qu'il voyoit une femme se seante sur une Apooa. 17. A. beste pleine de noms de blaspheme, ayant sept testes, et dix cornes. Ceste femme estoit orn^e d'or et pourpre, et tenoit une couppe d'or en sa main pleine des abominations de la terre : elle avoit ecrit en son front, La paillarde de Babilone, mere des abominations. Les sept testes signifient les sept montaignes sur lesquelles Antichrist demeure : car E)Omme est edifice sur sept montaignes. Les dix cornes sont le nombre des rois qui sont a I'encontre de I'Agneau, Apoc. 18. A. lesquelz I'Agneau battit et vainquit : car il est le roy des rois. Adonc vint 1' Ange du Seigneur, disant, Babilone est tombee au few : ainsi j'ay bon espoir que le royaume d' Antichrist sera destruit, car combien que les mauvais ayent prosp^rite pour un temps, leur regne Deutero.is.A. j^q gera pas long : mais ceux qui estudient la loy du Seigneur tousjours, leur prosperity sera longae. Saint Paul aussy, ecrivant a 2Tiinotii.3.ji. Timothee, dit. Or, sachez quaux derniers temps, les hommes 2 Pierre, 3. a. s' aymeront eux mesmes, et seront avaricieux, vanteurs, orgueilleux, Tsaie, 11. A. ingratz, etcf . Isaie le prophete dit que Christ battera la terre de la verge de sa bouche, et occira I'homme mauvais par I'esprit sortant de sa bouche. Puis done que nous voyons que le regne d' Antichrist ne demourra pas pour jamais, il nous fault attendee la destruction de Babilone, et nous contenter de la voulont6 du Seigneur. ^t. xii.] treatise against the supeemacy oe the pope. 206 Conclusion. En la premiere partie de nostre livre nous avons declare et prouv6 comme Pierre n'estoit pas le primat de I'eglise, confutans les raisons papistiques. En la seconde nous avons prouve qu'ilz ne pevent aUeguer quelque vray tesmoignage que Pierre ait este a Romme. En la troisiesme partie nous avons prouv6 par leurs ditz mesmes qu'Uz ne devroient pas avoir la primaut^. En la quatriesme partie nous avons demonstr^ les prophesies parlantes de 1' Antichrist. Puis done que le pape est le vray filz du diable, homme mauvais, un Anti- christ, et tiran abominable, prions le Seigneur qu'il preserve ceux qui ont veu la lumiere, en la lumiere: et qu'il monstre k ceux qui sont , en tenebres la vraye, sincere, et pure lumiere : aceUefin que tout le monde en ceste vie glorifie Dieu, et en I'autre monde soit participant du royaume eternal par Jesus Christ nostre Seigneur ; auquel avec le Pere et le Saint Esprit soit gloire, honneur, empire, et louange pour tousjamais. Amen. EINIS. 206 VERSES ON THE EIJCHAEIST. [Foxe's Actes and Monuments, edit. 1596, fol. 1936. J This is tlie only poetical composition attributed to King Edward that is known to be extant. It is neither better, nor worse, than the generality of the religious poetry of the time, which is usually written in this prosaic baUad style. From the term "pamphlet" used in Foxe's supplementary note, it would appear to have been circulated in print during the Bang's lifetime. The Instruction of King Edward the sixt, given to Sir Anthony Seyntleger, Knight of his privie chamber, being of a corrupt judge- ment of the Eucharist. Upon this saying of an auncient Doctor of the Catholicke Church : Dicimus Hucliaristia/m Panem vocari in scripturis, Fanis in quo gratice actce sunt, 8fc. In Eucharist then there is bread, Whereto I do consent : Then with bread is our bodyes fed ; But farther what is ment ? I say that Christ in flesh and bloud Is there continually : Unto our soule a speciall food. Taking it spiritually. And this transubstantiation I Beleeve as I have read : That Christ sacramentally Is there in forme of bread. S. Austen sayth the Word doth come Unto the element : And there is made, he sayth in somme, A perfect sacrament. VERSES ON THE ETJCHAEIST. 207 The element then doth remaine, Or els must neecjes ensue : S. Austen's words be nothing plaine, Nor cannot be found true. Por if the Word, as he doth say, Come to the element : Then is not the element away, But bides there verament. Yet who so eateth that lively food. And hath a perfect faith : Receiveth Christes flesh and bloud, Eor Christ himselfe so saith. Not with our teeth his flesh to teare. Nor take bloud for our drink : Too great absurditie it were So grossely for to thinke. Eor we must eate him spiritually, If we be spirituall : And who so eates him carnally, Thereby shall have a fall. Eor he is now a spirituall meate. And spiritually we must That spirituall meate spiritually eate. And leave our carnall lust. Thus by the spirit I spiritually Beleeve, say what men list : None other Transubstantiation I Beleeve of the Eucharist, But that there is both bread and wine, Which we see with our eye : Yet Christ is there by power divine, To those that spiritually Do eate that bread and drinke that cup, 208 lilTERART REMAINS OF KING EDWARD VI. Esteeming it but light : As Judas did, which eate that sop, Not judging it aright. Por I was taught not long agone, I should leane to the spirit : And let the carnall flesh alone, Eor it did not profite. God save him that teaching me taught, Eor I thereby did winne : To put me from that carnall thought That I before was in. Eor I beleeve Christ corporally In heaven doth keepe his place : And yet Christ sacramentally Is heere with us by grace. So that, in this high mysterie. We must eate spirituall meate, To keepe his death in memory, Least we should it forget. This do I say, this have I sayd. This saying say will I : This saying though I once denaid, I will no more to dye. FINIS. ^ This young Prince became a perfect schoole-maister unto old erroneous men, so as no Divine could amende him, and therefore this piece is worthy of perpetuall memory to his immortall fame and glory. % "When Queene Mary came to her raigne, a friend of Maister Sentleger's charged him with this his Pamphlet. Well, quoth he, content your selfe, I perceive that a man may have too much of God's blessing. And euen heere Peter began to deny Christ, such is men's frailtie. INDEX. Abbeys, commission on proceeds of sales of, 468, 469 Aben, John, 447 Abergavenny, see Bergavenny d'Abrie, mons. 459 Abuses, the King's Discourse on the Re- formation of, 475 Adams, Clement, Ixxvii Admiralty, charges of, 287, 289, 543 Adultery, proposal to punish with death, cxxxvi, 128 iEpinus, Joh. cccxxxviii Africa, or Aphrodisium, the siege of, 289, 292, 294, 341 Alasco, see k Lasco Alderley, Arthur, 451 Aldemey, commission for fortifications in, 277, 278, 287 Aldeworth, Thomas, 453 Aldrich, dean, xxv Alee, Thomas, cccxii Alesse, Alexander, 479 Alexander, Nicholas, 316 Allan, John, 383 Allen, Eobert, conjuror, cxxviii AUerton, sir WUliam, knighted, cviii Allington, sir Giles, cclxii, ccxcvii Almaine camp taken, 227 Alms, the King's daily, C Alnwick, 364 Altars, &c. injunctions for pulling down, 280, 296 Alva, duke of, 461, 466, 468 Aman, William, 266 Ambleteuse, see Newhaven Amcotes, sir Henry, knighted, cccvii Amiens, 267 Ampthill, xxxviii, Ixxxi, 1 Anabaptists, 280 d'Andelot, Fran9ois de CoHgny, seigneu*, 222, 338 ; biographical note, 270 Andover, 418 Andrew, Nicholas, ccxxii d'Angouleme, Edouard-Alexandre due, birth and christening of, 67, 281, 346, 349, 380 Anhault, duke of, 407 d'Annebaut, Claude (admiral of France), Ixxviii, 22, 465 Anne of Cleves, lady, cccxiv ; named by the King as a wife for lord Sudeley, cxv Antar, Eichard, 444 Anthony, Anthony, cxi, cccxvii, 287 Mark, ccxxii Antwarpe, John, 417 Antwerp, 268, 285, 309, 314, 341, 406, 419,460, 472, 505 et seq.; description of its trade, 510 Apparel, bill for restraint in, 495 Appleby, sir John, a tilter, 274 Apryce, sir John, knighted, cccii Apsley, Allen, ccxcvii Archers of the guard, their feats, 318, 335 Archery, the King's skill in, ccxviii Argentine, 281 Arian, burnt, 312 Aristotle, studied by the King, cli, clx Armagh, difficulties in filling the see of, 487 ; the bHnd bishop of, see Waucop Armorer, WilUam, Ixxvi Armour, Eoger, Ixxvii Armstrong, Sandy, 291 Arnold, sir Nicholas, knighted, cccviii; cap- tain of Boulogne Berg, 224, 228 Articles of Eeligion, 377 Arran, earl of, 467 Arundel, clxxvii Henry earl of, Ixiii, xcii ; mourner at king Henry's funeral, ccxl; assistant 4 H 598 INDEX. to king Henry's executors, Ixxxiv, oclviii ; marshal at the coronation, cclxx, cclxxx, ccxciii, coxcvii; takes part against the protector, 233 ; made one of the six lords attendant, cxxxiii, 242 ; deprived of his offices and fin^, 245; his autograph, in Cheke's " De obitu Buoeri," 305 ; again summoned to the council, 336 ; inculpated with Somerset, 36 1 ; sent to the Tower, 365 ; his examination, 369 ; master of the game at Petworth, 435 ; compounds for his fine, 473; mentioned, 512, 516, 518 Arundel, Thomas earl of, xxiv I countess of, clxxvii, 362 Humphrey, captain of the Cornish rebels, 248 Arundell, sir John, committed to the Tower, 247; released, 426 sir Thomas, cclxi; destined for a peerage, cclxxii; active in the deposition of the protector, 245, 246; biogr. note on, 247; involved in Somerset's fall, 353, 355 ; condemned, 393 ; execution, 394 Ascham, Koger, xli, xlvii, 1, Iviii, Ixviii, Ixix ; teaches prince Edward writing, lii ; letter to Barnaby Fitzpatrick, Ixx ; letter on the King's studies, cxxxvii, cl ; letter (not Lever's) on Cheke's recovery, clxii, ccxlviii; books he is said to have read with the King, ccxi; on courtly sports, ccxviii ; on archery, ib. ; on riding, ccxx Ascheney, 420 Ascough, sir Hugh, knighted, 219 Ash Wednesday, observance of, cii Ashcote, John, 433 Ashridge, xxxviii, xxxix Asta, battle at, 358 Astene, the siege, 83 Astlow, Luke, 451 Astronomy, the King's study of, ccxvii ; the King's declamation on, 133* Atwood, sent commissioner to Alderney, 277, 278 (capt. Otwoodde, 286) Aucher, sir Anthony, ccxcv, ccci, cccxv, 273, 304, 306, 410 ; made marshal of Calais, 449 Audley, lord, at Somerset's trial, 371 : see Awdley Augmentation, the court of, 432, 500, 501, 544 Augsburg, 281, 289, 294, 353, 408, 420, 421, 445, 449, 459 (caUed Augusta) d'Aumale, Claude de Lorraine, due, 270 Austin friars, London, church given to the Germans, cxlix, 280 Aveines, siege of, 434 Awdley, lord chancellor, cclx, cclxiv, cclxv ; letter of, xxxvi Awdeley, sir George, knighted, 220 Ayland, dr. Henry, 306 ; death of, clxii Ayleworth, mr. 252 Aymouth, captured, 219; rased, 251,254 Ayssheley, John, cxix B Babthorpe, sir William, K.B., ccc, 386 Bacher (Baker?), John, 306 Bacon, Anne lady, xxxii Bagnall, sir Ralph, knighted, 219 ; ajouster, ccci Bagnell, sir Nicholas, 383 Baker, sir John, assistant to King Henry's executors, Ixxxiv, cxxxii ; under-trea- surer of the exchequer, cccv, cccxv, 233, 238, 242, 329, 336, 403 bis; speaker of the parliament, 409 bis; his fee as, 478; charge as a privy councillor, 499, 500 Baldwyn, WilKam, clxxv; his FuneraUes of Edward the Sixt, ccxli Bale, John, bishop of Ossory, 489; his character of King Edward, ci; refuses to perform a requiem at Kilkenny, ccxli; his Expostulation, &c. ccli; his vocacyon to the see of Ossory, ccliii Banester, John, 449 ; sent to the Tower, 355 ; release, 426 Bankers, negociations with, 314, 396, 400, 402,412,413,417,419 Barantyne, sir William, cclxi Barbaro, Daniel, Venetian ambassador, 322 Josaphat, narration of, cccxxxv Bards and bases, 375 Barclay, Henry, 451 Barker, sir Christopher, nominated K.B. ccc see Berkeley Barlow, bishop William, sermon by, ciii ; a Protestant bishop, cxl ; a commissioner on ecclesiastical laws, 398, 399 Barnaby, Patrick, Ixxvii see Fitz Patrick INDEX. 599 Barnes, William, to survey Calais, 424 sir George, clxxxii, clxxxv Bameston, or Barnardeston, sir Thomas, knighted, cccii Barriers, ccxx Barry, captain, 286, 288 Bartholomew fair, cheeses at, 227; men- tioned, 506 Base, or running, challenge at, ccxix, 311 Bases, 368, 375 Basiliqties, ordnance so called, 250 Basill, Theodore, 'see Becon Basing, the King's visit to, 452 Basse Fontaine, 282 Bassiam, or Bassiano, the family of, min- strels, cccxiii Bath, 374 Bath, John earl of, Ixii, ccxl, cclxxi; sum- moned to court, 270 ; at Somerset's trial, 371 Bath, Knights nominate of the, ccxcix Baynard's castle, 401 Baynton, sir Edward, xxv, xxvi, xxxi, cclxi sir Henry, cclxi lady, cccxv Beanor, Nicholas, 433 " bear on hand," 13 Bearbaiting, clxxix, ccxxii, 272, 273 Beaton, the King's organmaker, occxvi Beaulieu, otherwise Newhall, Essex, 297,' 308, 310 Hants, the King's visit to, 81, 445 Beaumont, John, receiver-general of the court of wards, 297; master of the rolls, charged with corruption and forgery, 397; his submission before the council, 422, 426, 427; his lands, 544 Beckwith, sir Leonard, 263, 312 Becon, Thomas, sermon at court, cv Beddington, cxxxi Bedford, John Eussell earl of (lord privy seal,) cix, clxxvii, cxcv; great steward at the coronation, 212; suppresses the in- surrection in Devonshire, 229 ; letters to, 2-35, 236; made one of the six lords attendant, 243 ; created Earl of Bedford, 248 ; commissioner for treaty of peace with France, 249, 266 ; at a chapter of the Garter, 260; attends the French am- bassadors, 272 ; nominated for Lord Pre- sident of the West, 277 ; his men at arms sent to the sea-coast, 285 ; his band of horse, 299,419,435; atEichmond, 336; at Court, 351, 352, 363; at earl of Arundel's examination, 369, and Somer- set's trial, 371; a commissioner, 383, 389, 403; mentioned 418,431,436,454, 469 bis, 474; his charge as a privy councillor, 498 — 501; mentioned, 513 Bedford, countess of, clxxvii, 360, 362 Bedill, servant to sir W. Paget, 240 Bedingfield, sir Edmund, cclxxi , sir Henry, knighted, ccviii Bekinsaw, Thomas, 451 Bell, dr. cclxii , sir Thomas, knighted, cccii , William, at Gardyner's sermon, cix Bell-ringing on the King's removes, ex Bellingham, sir Edward, ambassador to the emperor, cclxix ; sent deputy to Ireland, 221 ; his death, 289 Belmayne, John, the King's French master, xlv, li, cxix, cccxxxv, 58, 144, 173, 210 Belpoole, Peter, 306 Belsire, George, 451 Bentley, doctor, cccxiv Bergavenny, lord, ccxl, 235 ; goes to France, 315, 316; at Somerset's trial, 371; com- mitted to ward for striking the earl of Oxford, 403 Berkeley, lord, ccxl sir Maurice, a j ouster, ccci chaplain to the lady Mary, 297 Berkshire, tumults in, 228 n. Berteville, le Sieur, his memoir on the ex- pedition in Scotland, 217; knighted, 220; testifies against the duke of Somerset, 375 Berthelot, the printer, cccxvi Berwick, 216, 303; fall of the wall, 344; new fortifications at, 439, 544; oiEcers nominated, 462 Beston, [William,] captain in the royal navy, 404 Bethell, Richard, captain in the royal navy, xcvii, 404 Beverley, Eobert, 252 Bibliander, his praise of King Edward, ccii ; epigram addressed to by Parkhurst, cciv Bidding prayer, of Bishop Gardyner in 1 548, cvii Biddlecumbe, Edmund, 451 Bikeley, Henry, 442 4 H 2 600 INDEX. Bill, dr. William, cccxiv, 377, 394 Bills, seditious, 233, 242; proclamation against, 319 Birch, John, interlude player, 387 Bishops, &c. act for consecrating, 248 ; ge- neral character of, in Edward's reign, 478 Bishop's Stoke, cclii, ccliii Bishop's Waltham, the King's visit to, 441 Blaage, sir George, knighted, 219; at Gar- dyner's sermon, cviii ; death of, clxii , mistress, cccxv Black galley, 230 Blackheath, 328 Blackness, taken by the French, 227, 228 Blechingley, 319 Blewett, sir Roger, knighted, cccii Blockhouses, or bulwarks, in Essex, 461 Blois, 297 Blount, Eichard, Ixxvi, ccxciv; knighted, cocviii, 252, 263 Bocher, Joan, burnt for heresy, ccvi, ccxi, 264 Bodley, Christopher, 451 Bohemia, Maximilian king of, 368 Boisdaulphin, Claude, seigneur de, his em- bassy to England, clxxxvi, cxcii, 334; his nativity by Cardano, ccxiv Boisdelowe, mons. 470 Bold, Philip, 460 Boiler, Robert, 451 Bollonia, Alexander de, cccxii Bollonus, sir Dominic, knighted, cccvii Bond, R. xl Bonham, sir Walter, a j ouster, ccci, ccciii; knighted, cccvii, 220 William, a-jouster, ccciii Booth, George, xxi Borough, lord, ccxl, cccxiv, 371 Borthwick, sir John, sent ambassador to Denmark, 297 de Bossy, mons. 432, 466, 468 Both well, earl of, 311 Boucher, Anthony, cxviii Bouchetel, see de Sassy Boulenois (soldiers who had been employed at Boulogne), and their captains, 286, 292 Boulogne, besieged, 228, 232 ; restored to the French, 250, 257, 262, 263; visited by Henry II. 269; mentioned, 321, 335, 385, 410 Boulogne berg, defended, 224; evacuated, 228 Bourchier, lord, cclix sir John, cclxi Bovington, Edward, 306 Bowde, Thomas, ccxxi Bower, Eichard, cccxii Bowes, sir Martin, cccxv sir Robert, warden of the West marches, 222, 225, 266; commissioner for peace, 312; to remain warden of the East and Middle marches, 285 ; his in- formation given to the marquess of Dor- set, 304 (master of the rolls), clxvii, 347, 883, 403 bis, 406, 414; made master of roUs, 415; a commis- sioner, 469, 470, 471 ; charge as a privy councillor, 499, 500, 501 Boyton, WiUiam, 306 Brabazon, sir WiUiam, 292, 416, 425 Bradford, John, sermons at court, civ, clxxix, 377, 395 Bradshaw, Henry, made chief baron, 415 Bramborough, John, clxxxvi Brandenburg, Albert margrave of, embassy from 261; confederate with Maurice of Saxony, 357, 366, 405, 407, 412, 434, 445, 450, 459, 461, 468, 470 margrave Hans of, 460, 468 Brandling, sir Eobert, knighted, cccvi, 220 Brandon, lord Charles, nominate K.B. ccxcix; a j ouster, ccciii; verses on the death of Bucer, 306 ; his death, 330 Bray, John lord, cxix, cclix, cccxiv; a jouster, ccciii; joint almoner at the co- ronation, cccv; 257, 260, 263; goes to Prance, 316, 317; at court, 359, 362, 384 lady, cccxv sir Edward, sent to survey Calais and Guisnes, 385 Breeching or Whipping boy, Ixx Bremen, 294, 366 Brend, John, 361 Brentius or Brentzen, letter to, cxhii Brereton, sir Urien, knighted, cccii Brett, Alexander, 462 Brez^, Artus, seigneur de, 265 Bricket, Edward, at Gardyner's sermon, cix Bridewell palace granted to the city, clxxx ; pictures at, see List of Portraits Bridges, John, clxxviii Bridgwater, rebels at, 230 INDEX. 601 Brigham, Nicholas, teller of the exchequer, cccv Brisac, mareschal, 445, 447 Bristol, mint at, 56, 224; sickness at, 87; St. James's fair, 506 Brockett, sir John, knighted, ccoii Bromley, sir Thomas, executor to Hen. VIII. Ixxxiv; 398, 399,499 Brook, mr. 271, 350 Brooke, Robert, serjeant-at-law, 398, 403, 409, 415 ; recorder of London, cclxxxviii Broughty craig, taken by the English, 219 ; its captain, 220; defended against the Scots, 221 ; skirmish at, 224 Brown, George, archbishop of Dublin, 383, 410 sir John, cclxi lady, clxxvii Eichard, Ixxvii Thomas, Ixxvii Browne, sir Anthony, master of the horse, executor to King Hen. "VJii. Ixv, Ixxxiv ; rides to King Edward, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, Ixxxviii, cclvii, cclxxx (junior), nominate K.B. ccxcix ; imprisoned for hearing mass, 309 ; a tilter, 384, 388, 389 ; his enter- tainment of the King at Cowdray, 80, 436 Benedict, ccxxi Edward, Ixxi sir Edward, letter to, Pref. v John, interlude player, 387 justice, 409; his wife, 360, 362 Brudenell, sir Thomas, nom. K.B. ccc Bruges, 508 Bnmswick, Julius duke of, a suitor of the lady Mary, 262 Bruxelles, 321 Bryan, sir Francis, Ixix, Ixxvii, cclvii, cclxxx; his services in Scotland, 216; made a banneret, 219; marriage, and death, 65 (Margaret) lady, xxxii, cccxv ; let- ters of, xxxvii Brydges, sir Edmund, knighted, 219 sir John, cclxi, 363 Buccleuch, sir Walter Scott, lord of, killed, 467 Bucer, Martin, letter supposed to be written by King Edward to, Pref. v. ; letters ad- dressed to, cxii; letters of, cxliii, cxliv; death and funeral of, 304 ; his book De Regno Christi, 475 ; his Review of the Book of Common Prayer, 479 Buckden, 330 Buckinghamshire, tumults in, 228 n. Buckler, sir Walter, knighted, cccii Buckley, sir Eichard, knighted, cccvii William, Ixxvii, 306 BuU-baiting, ccxxii, 272 BuUinger, Henry, 1; letters addressed to, cxii; cxxxiv, cxxxvi, cxxxix, et seq., cxliv, clxix ; dedication to the King, cxii Bullion, exportation of, felony, 493 Bullocke, George, at Gardyner's sermon, cix Bulmer, sir Ealph, made captain of Eox- burgh, 220 Bulwarks, commission respecting, 404, 502, 544 ; those in Kent and Essex abandoned, 460 Burcher, John, character of his letters, cxii Burghley, 418 Burgoyne, Francis, cxlix, clviii Burnet, bishop, remarks on King Edward's Jourtial, xii ; errors in his copy, xiv Burrough, Stephen, William, clxxxviii Bushop, John, 451 Butcher, Joan, see Bocher Butler, Bartholomew, made Ulster king of arms, 395 sir John, of co. Glouc. knighted, ccci of Herts, knighted, cccii ■ lord, cclxi ■ sir PhUip, cclxii Philip, Athlone herald, 395 Butt, dr. WilKam, xxv Buttes, sir John, knighted, 219 Cabinet council, 501 Cabot, Sebastian, clxxxviii Caius, dr. John, 330 Calais, 263, 265, 290,318; alterations of the fortifications in 1550, 277, 307 ; money sent to, 287, 289, 292; victual- ling of, 293, 294, 304, 306 ; lord Wil- loughby appointed deputy, 294 ; quarrel with the French about Fines-wood, 2.95 ; 1000 men sent to, 296; survey of, 385, 424; jurisdiction of, 388; mentioned, 410, 433, 449 ; project for its capture, 454; change of deputy, 457 602 INDEX. Calthorpe, sir Philip, knighted, ccci Calthrop, lady, cccxv Calthropp, John, 460 Calvacant, Guydo, cccxvi Calvin, letter to Edward VI. cxliii; letters to, cxliv, cxlix, clviii; the King's in- quiries after, cxlix ; his letters to the King, cl Calwey, Kobert, appointed a commissioner of chantries, 221 Cambridge university, visitation of, ccxlv ; death and funeral of Bucer at, 304 Campagni, Bartholomew, 70, 72, 74, 77, 88, 92, cccxvi Canon law, see Ecclesiastical laws Canterbury, mint at, 344 Capell, sir Giles, cclxi Capua, prior of, see Strozzi Cardano, his character of King Edward, ccviii ; Latin verses on the King's death, cox; biogr. note on, ccxii; his scheme of the King's nativity, ib. Carew, sir Nicholas, cclvii * Nicholas, verses on the death of Bucer, 306 ■ sir Peter, a jouster, ccc, ccciii, 384, 388; goes to France, 317 ■ sir Wymonde, nom. KB. ccc Carlel, Christopher, 306 Carlisle, 418, 448 Camegy, Eobert, of Eannaird, 311, 333 Carr, Nicholas, letter on the death of Bucer, 306 Carvill, Nicholas, 306 Cary, sir John, knighted, cccii Caryl, John, serjeant at law, 398, 399, 41 5 Casanate, Guillermo, coxiv Cashel, persons proposed for the see of, 487, 489 Cassilis, earl of, 467 Castalio, Sebastian, cccxli Castiglioni, Gio. Battista, lii ' Castillione, Camillo, 339 CastiUon, the French ambassador, xxxviii Catlyn, Richard, serjeant at law, 416 Cavendish, sir William, treasurer of the chamber, xxiii b, cccxi, cccxv, 210, 297, 31,^ ; his fee, 432 Cawarden, sir Thomas, clxxii, ccxxi, cccxv, 368, 382, 387; King Henry's bounty to, cclxxiii Cecill, Mary, Cheke's epitaph on, 306 Cecill, Eichard, cocxii sir William, his wives, xlvii, xlix ; his communication with Gardyner re- specting his sermon, cvi ; present at its delivery, cxiii; argument (written by?) against court mourning, cxlviii ; letters to, clxxxvi ; letterto B. FitzPatrick, 72 ; letter of Barnaby to him, 70 ; one of the judges of the marshalsea, 215; conduct at So- merset's fall, 240, 241 ; assists in pre- paring articles for Gardyner's confession, 284 ; sworn secretary, 292 ; mentioned, 343, 347 ; writes letter from the King to lord chancellor Eich, 347 ; at the crea- tion of the duke of Northumberland, 351; knighted, 352; his conduct towards the duke of Somerset, 354; confers with ambassador from Germany, 357; a com- missioner on ecclesiastical laws, 398,399; mentioned, 403 Us ; courted and visited at Burghley, by the duke of Northumber- land, 418; signature, 425; mentioned, 434, 436, 458, 460, 463, 487, 488, 493, 499, 501; chancellor of the Garter, 516, 517 ; letters to, on the Garter, from duke of Northumberland and sir T. Chamber- layne, xvi ; his reasonings on giving aid to the emperor, 539 Chaderton, John, 442, 444 Chain of gold, mr. Perrot's, bought for Gui- dotti, 256; sir Thomas Palmer's for Jar- nac, 353 Chaloner, sir Thomas, present at Gardyner's sermon, cviii; knighted, 219; treasurer of the expedition into Ireland, 302 ; com- missioner for peace with Scotland, 312, 322, 404; clerk of the council, 333; pre- sumed author of an interlude, 387 Chamberlain, office of Great, cix Chamberlain, Edward, cclxii Chamberlayne, Leonard, 233 sir Thomas, ambassador to Sweden, 260; to the Netherlands, ccxxv, 291, 541; extracts from his letters, xvi, 321, 323; mentioned, 472 mr. clxxiv Chambley, Ealph, captain in the royal navy, 404 Chambre, doctor John, xxv, cccxiv Champaigne, war in, 349, 420, 428,465, 467 Champernoun, sir Arthur, knighted, cccvii Chancellor, Eichard, clxxxvi INDEX. 603 Chandlers, order taken with, 384 Chantries, act for suppressing, 220; com- mission for sale of their lands, 417, 544 Chaplains, the King's six, 376 Charles V., emperor, his war with France and demand of assistance from England, clxiv ; threatens England with war, ccxxii ; his movements, 281, 289; "hot about the council" of Trent, 294; war pro- claimed against him by the French, 343 ; demands that the lady Mary might have mass, 387; his flight from Innsbruck, 421 ; answer to his demands for aid, 432 ; 435, 457, 539 ; makes peace with duke Maurice, 445; marches from Augsburg towards the Low Countries, 459 ; audience to Morysine, 464; progress in his cam- paign, 466, 468; persons proposed for ambassadors to, 491 » Charter-house, London, 379 Chartres, Francois vidame of, ccxxvii, 253, 257, 259, 272 ; his supper in London, 276; entertained by the earl of War- wick, 279 ; by the lord admiral, ib. ; pro- ceeds to Scotland, 290 ; at Metz, 468 Chateau Brian, 324, 333 Chatelherault, duke of, 467 Chltillon, Gaspard de Cohgni seigneur de, 228, 232, 262; commissioner for peace, 249; biographical note, 250; comes to England as ambassador, 269, 273 ; enter- tains the English ambassadors in France, 324; at Metz, 468 the cardinal of, 325 Chaundler, John, 451 Cheap, the Goat in, ccciii " good cheap," and " better cheap," 296 Cheeses at Bartylmew fair, 227 Cheke, sir John, appointed schoolmaster to the prince, xxxix, xlv, 1; biog. note, xlvi, 520; his courtesy, Ixxix; present at Gardyner's sermon, cviii ; mentioned, cxvi, cxvii, cccxvi; opinion on the Eu- charist, cxli; his own account of his instruction of the King, cli : David Lloyd's account of, clii; illness of, clix ; vale- dictory letter to the King, ib. ; letter of Ascham on his recovery, ccxlviii; his epitaph by Haddon, clxi; his astro- logical nativity and reliance on astrology, ccxvii; called Diligence by King Edward, ccxxxvi; Funerall Elegie erroneously attributed to, ccxlii; his temporary dis- grace in 1549, ccxliv; letter to the duke of Somerset, ccxlv ; his translation of the Gospel of St. Matthew, 41 ; advises the King as to lord Seymour of Sndeley, 57 ; has money from Seymour, 58, 62; his letters on the death of Bucer, 305, 306 ; verses on the same, on sir Anthony Denny, and on Mary CeciU, 306 ; knighted, 352 ; employed on the ecclesiastical laws, 398 ; at Eton coUege, 458 ; letter of Curio to, cccxxx; praised by Curio, cccxxxi; by Omphalius, cccxli Cheke, mistress, cccxv Chelmsford, 314 Chenault, ambassador from France, 270, 335 Chester, sir Robert, knighted, cccviii ; men- tioned, 442, 461 Cheyne, sir Thomas, K.G. Ixxv, assistant to King Henry's executors, Ixxxiv, Ixxxviii ; continued treasurer of the household, xciv, cxxxii, cclxi ; destined for a peer- age, cclxxii, ccxciii, 233, 237, 241 ; sent ambassador to the emperor, 244; at a chapter of the Garter, 260, 516 ; receives the French ambassadors, 270, 271; his band of horse, 299, 375, 419, 435; a commissioner, 469; privy councillor, 498, 501 Chidley [Eobert, Serjeant at law], 487 Chobham, 345 Chohnley, sir Eoger, 345; made chief justice, 415 ; mentioned, 487 Cholmondeley, see Chambley Chrispes, clxxxv Christchurch, the King's visit to, 81, 445 Christmas, observance of, xcix, c ; festivities in, 1551-2, 381 festivities, 1552, clxxii, et seq. hall, 381, 388 Christ's hospital, establishment of, clxxx, clxxxiv Church plate, commissions for, 320, 409, 544 goods, Cranmer's conduct respect- ing, civ Chymere, the episcopal, cxlvii Clanricarde, Richard earl of, 387 Clarke, Rowland, 356 Claydon, Owen, 236 604 INDEX. Clerk, sir Eowland, knighted, 220 Clerkenwell, see St. John's , Clifford, lady Margaret, Ixv; destined for sir Andrew Dudley, cxcii Clinton, Edward lord, cxlvii, clxxvii, ccxl ; a jouster, ccci, ccciii, 55, 67; captain of Boulogne, which he delivers to the French, 262, 263; welcomed home, and made admiral of England, 265; taken into the privy chamber, 268 ; captain of the guard of Boulogne, ib.; attends the French ambassador, 272 ; entertains the Iting at Deptford, 279, 328; his men of arms, 299,419,435; elected knight of the Garter, cccix, 314, 516; sent as the King's proxy to christen the due d'An- goulgme, 349, 367, 369, 370, 380; his return, 383 ; entertains Northumberland at Sempringham, 418; returned to court, 436 ; a commissioner, 469 bis ; privy councillor, 336, 498, 501 lady, clxxvii Clonmines, 416, 425 Clothes, exportation of, 429; loan on, 460; ill-making of, 508 Clothiers, regulated by the privy council, 267 Cloughes, Thomas, cccxvi Cobham, lord, cxlviii, ccxl, cclix; knight of the Garter, cccix; deputy of Calais, 235, 252, 253, 258 ; ambassador to France, 268; returns, 269; attends the French ambassadors, 272, 273; his band of horse, 299,419; lieutenant of Ireland, 302; present at council, 336; at court, 351, 352; at the trial of Somerset, 371; his men of arms, 375, 435; duties as a councillor, 489, 499; at a chapter of the Garter, 516 Thomas, 388 sir William, knighted, cccvii ; goes to France, 317, 388 Cockes, or Cooke, grome of the chamber, cccxii or Coke, John, master of requests, ccviii, ccxiii, 290, 493, 499 Coffyn, sir William, xxiv Coinage, abasement of the, clxiv, 317, 329, 332, 338; commission thereon, 471; arrangements for a new, 342, 344, 346; description of the various coins, 347; with ragged staff, clxvi, 374 Coke, see Cookes and Cooke Colborne, William, York herald 352 Collars of jewellery, the King's, 444, and List of Portraits. CoUey, Eichard, cccxii Comets, the King's conversation with Car- dano on, ccix Commissions for revenue, &c. 468, 469, 470 Common Prayer, Book of, cxi, 223, 248, 276, 278; the second, 479 Communion, declaration against kneehng at, clxix Compton, Thomas, 433 Constable, sir Marmaduke, knighted, 200 lady, 362 sir Eobert, 386 Eobert, captain in the royal navy, 404 Contile, Lucas, cxcii Conway, sir John, knighted, 219 Conyers, lord, deputy warden of the West march, 304, 365, 389, 404, 448 captain, 286, 288 Cooke, sir Anthony, biographical note, xUx ; his opinion on the Eucharist, cxli; com- mendation by Curio, ccxliv ; epitaph, ib. ; nominate K.B. ccc ; his verses on the death of Bucer, 306 ; commissioner on the ecclesiastical laws, 398, 399 ; wit- ticism of, 439 lady, 360, 362 William, commissioner on the ec- clesiastical laws, 399 ; fee, 409 Copland, mr. xl Coppinger, sir Ealph, knighted, 219 Corbet, sir Andrew, knighted, cccvii, 220 sir Eichard, knighted, cccvii Corfe castle, 369 Cork, fortifications at, 302 Corn and victuals, proclamation respecting 293, 296 Cornells, Edward, the King's locksmith, ex, cccxvi Comewallys, sir John, xxvi, xxvii; biog. note, xxxi sir Thomas, knighted, cccvii Cornwall, rebellion in, 248 Coronation, xcv, cclxxviii, cccv Cossey, William, clxxxvi Cotton, sir George, xxxii,xlii, xliv,liii,lxxiii sir Eichard, Ixxvii, 240, 263, 357 ; knighted, ccci; entertains the King at Warblington, 11, 440 ; the queen dowager INDEX. 605 of Scotland, 358; sent to survey Calais and Guisnes, 385, 424; a commissioner, 406, 414; made comptroller of the house- hold, 448 ; commissioner, 458, 468, 469 his, 470, 471 ; privy councillor, 499, 501 Cotton, Thomas, captain in the royal navy, 404 sir Thomas, made porter of Calais, 457 Council, constitution under King Henry's will, Ixxxiv ; altered by the letters patent of the protectorate, Ixxxviii; summoned in full numbers to communicate with the lady Mary, 336; at other times reduced to a cabinet, 348, 501 ; the star-cham- ber, 267; distribution of their duties, 498-502, 552 et seq. clerks of, their fees, clxii of Trent, re-assembUng of, 292, 294, 579 Courtenay, Edward lord, excepted from the general pardon, 212 . — sir , 64 mr. a tilter, 384, 388, 389 Courts of revenue, &c. see Augmentation Couvrieres, Jean de Montmorency, seigneur de, comes from the regent of Flanders, clxv, 412, 413; departs, 426 Coventrie, John, 414 Coverdale, Miles, cxlv, cxlix, cc; made bishop of Exeter, 339 ; commissioner on ecclesiastical laws, 398, 399 Coxe, Richard (bishop of Ely), made Al- moner to the Prince, xxxii, xxxix; his first schoolmaster, (and biog. note,) xlv ; testimony to the Prince's diligence, Ixxvii, Ixxviii; his letter to Paget, ib.; present at Gardyner's sermon, cviii; preaches before the King, cxxvi ; " no longer tutor," cxli; called Moderation by King Edward, ccxxxvi; letter to archbishop Cranmer, 3: letters of Edward to, 5, 6, 7, 11, 15, 18, 19, 23, 24, 25; appointed almoner, 209 ; a commissioner for eccle- siastical laws, 398, 399 Cowdray, the King's visit to, 80, 436 ; the queen dowager of Scotland at, 358 Cramp rings, the King's, cii Crane, John and Barbara, 355, 361, 365, 369, 370, 372, 426 Cranmer, Thomas, archbishop, executor to Henry VIII. Ixxxiv, Ixxxviii; his address »t th^ coronation, xcv; his conduct re- specting church goods, civ ; on the sacra- ment, in the house of lords, cxii ; letter to dr. Parker, cxxv ; conduct at Somerset's deposition, cxxx; described by Hooper, cxl; has relaxed his Lutheranism, cxlii, cxlv; conduct towards Hooper, cxliii, cxlvi ; recommends Calvin to write often to the King, cl ; his advice respecting the emperor, ccxxiii, et seq. ; Morysine's cha- racter of, ccxxvii; performs the service at Edward's funeral, ccxH; sermon by, ccxlvii ; his new-year's gifts, cclxiv, ccxlv; godfather to King Edward, 209; Letters of Edward to, v, 1, 3, 36 ; letter to Prince Edward, 4; crowns the King, 212 ; his answer to the Devonshire rebels, 230 ; his conduct as to Joan Bucher, 264 ; conduct at Somerset's fall, 234, 239, 240 ; opinion as to the lady Mary's mass, ccxxi, 309; at Eichmond, 336; his labour on the ecclesiastical laws, 398 ; supports bishop Tunstall, 465; letters to Cecill, 487, 488; duties as a councillor, 498, 501 ; defence as to the succession, 566 Cratzer, Nicholas, ccxvii Croft, sir James, knighted, cccvi; commis- sioner for fortifications in Ireland, 302, 310 ; made lord deputy, 316 ; his instruc- tions, 338; a commissioner, 466 Croke, dr. Eichard, xli, xliv, liii, Ixxi Croydon, 319 Crumwell, Gregory lord, xli, ccxxi, 371; nom. K.B. ccxcix Thomas lord, cclviii, cclxiv, cclxv Cuffe, captain, 286, 288 CuUam, 237 Culpeper, Alexander, 328 John, 306 sir Thomas, 273, 329 Cumberland, earl of, negociations for the marriage of his daughter the lady Mar- garet, clxv; made joint lieutenant of Westmerland, cxciii Curio, on the King's education, ccxliv ; letter to Cheke, cccxxx ; his Cicero, cccxxxi Curthop, James, preaches at court, cxxv Curzon, sir Eobert, knighted, cccvi Cuttes, sir John, nominated K.B, ccc, 260 ; goes to France, 317, 582 606 INDEX. D Dacre, sir Thomas, knighted, 219; made warden of the West march, 448, 460, 471 William lord, ccxl; his command in Scotland, 215 ; warden of the West march, 291 ; in parliament, 493 Dacre of the South, lord, cclix Dallison, William, serjeant at law, 416 DamviUe, Henry de Montmorency dud de, 270 Danby, sir Christ, destined for a barony, cclxxii, cclxxiv sir Thomas, knighted, 220 Dansell, 252, 309 Dantzio, corn provided from, 303 DanviUiers, siege of, 83, 426 Danyell, Thomas, cclxxiii Darcy, sir Arthur, clxvii ; made lieutenant of the Tower, 358, 370 sir Thomas, made one of the four knights attendant and vice-chamberlain, cxxxiii, 244, 248, 249 ; mentioned, cxlviii,olxxvii S!S,ccxxvii, colxii, cclxxiv, cccxv; elected K.G. cccix, 219, 221, 238; lord lieutenant, 267; his band of horse, 299; made lord Darcy of Chiche and lord chamberlain, 312; in council, 336, 347; at court, 351; at Somerset's trial, 371 ; his men of arms, 375, 419, 435; receives the seal from Kich, 379; mentioned, 387, 403, 410,431, 436,458, 469 bis ; duties as a councillor, 498 — 501 Darrington, Richard, ccxxii Dartmouth, 455, 549 Dawbeney, Oliver, 425 Day, George, bishop of Chichester, preaches at court, cxxxvi, cclxii; letter of Edward to, 37 ; preaches against transubstantia- tion, 255 ; proceedings against, 343, 345, 347, 487; deposed, 349; recom- mended by Cheke to the King's favour, clxi ; preaches at the King's funeral and at Mary's coronation, ccxli Pebateable land, invaded by the Scots, 291 ; negotiations respecting, 300, 301, 389, 404, 407, 434, 460 Debts, the King's, 266, 292, 313, 314,343, 396, 406, 409, 412, 413,414, 417, 419, 460, 489, 543 due to the King, commissions for, 383, 389, 501 Declamations, the schemes of Quintilian and Erasmus for, Pref vi Denisot, Nicolas, cccxxxiii, 274 Denmark, embassy to, 297 Denny, sir Anthony, executor to Henry VIII. Ixxxiv, Ixxxviii ; his testimony to king Henry's wiU, cclxxi, cclxxiv ; king Henry's bounty to, cclxxiii; at the coro- nation, ccxcv ; his death, clxii ; verses by sir John Cheke on, 306 Dennys, George, Ixxvii Denton, mr. 492 Denys, sir Maurice, knighted, cclii; treas. of Calais, 258, 265, 266, 287, 290, 307 sir Thomas, cclxxi sir Walter, cclxi Deptford, 257, 271; King at, cxi, 279, 328 Derby, earl of, xcii, ccxl, ccxciii; created K.G. xciv, cccix, 328, 336, 371, 492, 516 Desmond, James earl of, 387, 467, 592 Dethiok, sir Gilbert, 412, 516; knighted, cccviii ; his creation as Garter, cxxxvii ; goes to France, 582 — 586 named for the see of Armagh, 488 captain, 222 Deuxpont, 466 Devenish, captain, 286 Devereux, sir Richard, nom. K.B. ccxcix; a challenger at jousts, ccc Devonshire, insurrection in, 229, 248 Edward earl of, cccxxxvii Diamonds, 390 Dieppe, 327, 340, 366 Dies, sir Christopher, knighted, 220 Digby, a jouster, ccci, ccciii Anthony, 384, 388, 389 Francis, clxxxvi Dobbes, sir Richard, clxxxii Doncaster, 364 Donne, sir Griffith, cclxii Donnington castle, the King's visit to, 453 Doodall, Patrick, 383 Doria, Andrea, 289, 292, 294, 322 Dormer, sir William, xxxix ' Jane (duchess of Feria), xxxix, ccxxxiv Dorset, Henry Grey, marquess of, xcii; constable at the coronation, cclxx, cclxxx, ccxciii, ccxcvii ; elected K.G. xciv, cccix ; mentioned, 53, 55, 56, 60, 260; attends the French ambassadors, 272; made warden of the North marches, 304; re- INDEX. 607 signs, 344; mentioned, S47; favours Protestantism, cxl, oxlii; created duke of Suffolk, 350. See Suffolk Dorset, Frances marchioness of, cccxv — Margaret dowager marchioness of, xxiv Douglas, lady Margaret, see Lennox Dover, 259, 289, 328, 335, 407, 548, 549 Dowche, Jasper, 315 Dowdall, George, archbishop of Armagh, 257, 489 Dowglas, Sir, a priest, cccxviii Doyle, sir Henry, knighted, cccii Dragut Eey, the corsair, 289, 292, 294, 322 Drury, mr. 384, 388 sir William, cclxii, cccii Ducket, Lyonell, 460 Dudley, lord Ambrose, knighted, Ixii, cccvii ; his love of learning, Ixvi; a tilter, 384, 388, 389; death of his wife, 418 sir Andrew, xliv, clxxviii, cxc, cxci, cxcii; appointed admiral in the North seas, 213; biog. notices of, ibid.; ap- pointed captain of Broughty craig, 220 ; which he defends, 221 ; made one of the four knights attendant, 243; when cap- tain of Guisnes quarrels with the deputy of Calais, 888 ; appointed to survey Ports- mouth, 417 ; revoked from Guisnes, 461 ; K.G. 516, cccvii; his proposed marriage to the lady Margaret Clifford, cxcii Edward, 364, 365 sir Edward, made captain of Home castle, 220 Elizabeth, xxxii lord Guilford, his projected alliance with lady Margaret Clifford, clxv, clxviii ; marriage to the lady Jane Grey, cxc Henry, accompanies the vidame of Chartres to Scotland, 290; vice-admiral of the King's navy, 404, 407, 443 lady, 360, 362 sir John, cclxi lady Katharine, marriage-of, Ixvii, lord Eobert (afterwards earl of Leicester), Ixvi, 64 ; his marriage, 275 ; sworn one of the six ordinary gentlemen, 338; at court, 359, 384, 389; elected of the Garter, 411; his copy of the statutes of the Garter, 511 Duke's place, Southwark, 228, 233, 234, 243, 244 Dungannon, the baron of, 387, 592 Dunglas castle, 217, 251, 254 ; delivered, 264 Dunow, 222 Duns, Henry, 433 Dunstalle, George, 235 Durham, proposed division of the see of, 377, 547 place, cxci, 270, 328, 330 Durham, Henry, betrays Broughty craig, 221 Duvall, mons. 459 Dybbins, William, 451 Dyer, sir James, serjeant-at-law, 415, 494; speaker of the parliament, clxxviii ; knighted, cccviii ; 569 sir John, knighted, cccii Dymock, sir John, champion at the corona- tion, 213 E. Earthquake in Surrey, 319 Easter, observance of, xcvii Eaton, Thomas, 460 Ecclesiastical laws, commission for, 397 Eden, Richard, clxxxviii, clxxxix Edmonds, William, clxxxvi Edmondstone, a pirate, 811 Edrington, 300, 301 Edward, King: His birth, xxi, 209; his seize quartiers, xxii; christening, xxiv, 209; ceremonial of, cclv, cclxiii; his nursing, xxvi ; household as Prince, xxvi; visits to him, xxxv; education, 209, xl, ccxliv; his penmanship. Hi ; his schoolfellows, Ivi; not elected of the Garter, Ixxxi; intended creation as Prince of Wales, Ixxxi, ccc, 210; accession to the throne, Ixxxv, 210; proclamation thereof, cclxvi, 210; style as proclaimed at his christening, cclix; at his. corona- tion, ccxcviii; brought to the Tower of London, Ixxxvi, 210; knighted, xci; coronation, xcv, 212; ceremonial thereof, cclxxviii — ccc; residences, xcvi; reli- gious observances, xcvii; progress in 1548, ex; his domestic life, cxii; con- duct towards lord Seymour of Sudeley, cxv ; passes from Suffolk place, in South- wark, through London to Whitehall, cxxviii, 228; carried to Windsor castle 4i2 608 INDEX. by the duke of Somerset, cxxix, 236 ; his parting from the protector, cxxxii; and the " faults" which, on the council's in- formation, he attributed to him, 240 ; six lords appointed to be attendant on him, and four principal gentlemen of the privy chamber, cxxxiii, 241 ; again rides through London, cxxxiv, 244; senti- ments attributed to him on the burning of Joan Bocher, ccvi, 264 ; receives the French ambassadors, 271 and 272 note; takes the oath for the acceptation of the treaty, 272 ; present at the marriage of lord Lisle, 273 ; and at that of sir Eobert Dudley, 275 ; his progress in 1550, cxxxviii, 275; entertained by the lord admiral Clinton at Deptford, 279 ; again, 328 ; and again, 388 ; receives his sister the lady Mary, 308 ; challenge for ath- letic sports, 310; runs at. base, 311; shoots at rounds and at rovers, 312; runs at the ring, 317; witnesses the musters of the archers of the guard, 318 ; describes the negociations for his mar- riage with a princess of France, 319, 325 — 327 ; elected a knight of the order of St. Michael, 322 ; which hie accepts, 323 ; is invested, 331, 587 ; and keeps the feast of Michaelmas, 346; entertains the marechal St. Andre at Hampton Court, 331 ; and displays his accomplishments before him, 332; progress in 1551, 343; entertains the queen dowager of Scotland, cliv, 363 ; falls sick of the measles and small-pox, clviii, 408 ; and consequently dissolves the parliament by commission, j'J. ; his progress of 1552, clviii, 428, et seq.; illness, clxxvi; temporary amendment, clxxxvi, cxlviii ; his devise for the succes- sion to the Crown, 561 ; minutes for his will, 575 ; last illness, cxcvii ; death, cxcix ; his death kept secret, ccxxxvii ; said to have been poisoned, ib. ; funeral, ccxxxviii. Character : by Udal, cc ; by T. Cooper, ccxlviii ; by Bale, cci ; by Sleidan, ccii ; Bib- liander, ib. ; Foxe, cciv ; Cardano, ccviii ; the Heroologia, ccx; sir John Hay ward, ccxi ; compared to Josias (see Josias), to Constantine, cclii; to Salomon, cccxl; personal appearance, ccxiv ; his sports, ccxvii; conduct towards his sister Mary, ccxxi ; intercourse with Elizabeth, ccxxxii. Anecdotes and sayings: his playing with Jane Dormer, xl ; his de- scription of his preceptors, xlv; royal swearing, Ixxiv ; remark on bishop Thirleby, cxii; on the marriage of lord Seymour, cxv ; on Windsor castle, cxxxi ; on altering the oath of supremacy, cxlv; his habits of study, clii; on Choke's ill- ness, clix; saying to sir Thomas Gres- ham, cxciii ; three swords at his corona- tion, ccii; at shooting vfith the duke of Northumberland, ccxix ; refuses to stand upon a bible, ccxxiii; regrets the de- struction of good monasteries, ccxxxiv; attention to sermons, xx ; and to common prayer, ib. note; account of his MS. remains, Pref. i. ; his writing-desk, xxi; his quadrant, xxib; autographs xxii; his exercise-books, cccxx ; his Hbrary, cccxxv ; his portraits, cccxxxviii Egerton, mr. 491 Egyptians, &c. privy search for, 280 Elderton, Christmas fool, clxxii Elford, Eoger, 367 Elizabeth, the lady, present at her brother's christening, xxiv, celviii, cclx; her skill in Italian, lii; her musical skill, liv; Leland's verses on her accomplishments, Ixxx ; earl of Devon and lord Maltravers both named as likely to marry her, Ixiv ; design of lord Seymour of Sudeley to marry her, cxx ; her report of Somerset's speech regarding his brother's execution, cxxi ; letter addressed to by Seymour at his death, cxxiii ; letter of the council to on Somerset's deposition, cxxx ; described by bp. Hooper, cxl ; account of Edward's intercourse with, ccxxxvi ; called his sweet sister Temperance, ib. ; her new year's gifts to prince Edward, cclxiii, colxv; book presented by her to her father, cccxxv; letters of Edward to, 31, 40; at Hatfield, 31; at Enfield, 210; letter of privy council to, 240 ; proposed in marriage to the prince of Denmark, 297 ; informed of the queen of Scotland's arrival, 359 1 — of France, cliv; biog. note, 319 ; proposed in marriage to King Edward, 319 ; negociations for, 325-327, 333, 387 ; receives a diamond from Edward, 390 Ellerker, sir Ralph, knighted, cccviii INDEX. 609 Ellerker, William, a jouster, ccci Elliott, John, 460 Ely place, 54, 233 Enfield, Ixxxv, ccxlvii, 62, 210 d'Enghien, Jean comte, 253, 259, 263,324. 583 Englefield, Francis, 336,339,340; knighted, cccii Enlesfeld, John, 386 Episcopal vestments, controversy on, cxlv, cxlvi Erasmus, 19,214; hislnstitutionof a Chris- tian Prince translated by lord Lumley, Ixiv ; his paraphrase of New Testament, cc ; his directions for themata, vi Erskine, Thomas, master of, 266, 268, 282, 311,312 d'Esse, Andr6 de Montalenibert, sieur, 222 Esses, the collar of, cxxxviii, 526 Essex, Henry Bourchier earl of, cclviii, cclix, cclxiv "WiUiam Parr earl of, assistant to king Henry's executors, Ixxxiv, Ixxxviii ; created marquess of Northampton, xciii Essex, sir Thomas, knighted, xoviii sir Williaim, cclxi Essex, insurrection and conspiracies in, 226, 227, 280, 313; bishop of London's in- junctions enforced in, 280 blockhouses in, 461 Esterby, Leonard, clxxxvi Eton college, visitation of, 458 Eucharist, disputation on, 224; Ponet's sermon, cxxxiv ; Lutheran book on, cxH ; verses on, 206 ; books, cccxxvii, cccxxx Euers, lord, goes to France, 316, 317; at court, 359, 363 ; at trial of the duke of Somerset, 371 ; warden of the Marches, 448, 471 ; present in parliament, 492 Exchange, proclamation respecting, 320,490 Exeter, marquess and marchioness of, xxiv, cclviii siege of, 229 Eyes, water for, used by King Edward, ccxv Eyre, Christopher, 53 dr. Giles, Ixxx ; sermons at court, cv, cxxiv F^ua, Paul, 304 Falmouth, 455, 549 Falcon, The, takes a Flemish ship, 402 Falstone, the King at, 448 Fane, see Vane Fargan, Martin, 306 Farms, large, proclamation against, 318; act against plurality of, 492 Farnese, (Ottavio,) 321 Farnham, the King at, 343 Farrer, bishop, disputes on the sacrament, cxii Faukner, Henry, 451 Fenn, Kobert, 451 Ferdinando, king of the Eomans, 412 Feria, Jane duchess of, xxxix, ccxxxiv Fernham, Eobert, 451 Ferrers, George, lord of misrule, clxxii ef seq. 217, 382, 383 lord, ccxl, see Hereford Filiol, family of, 445 Fines wood, near Calais, 295 Fireworks, see Wildfire, 272 Fisher, committed to the Marshalsey,. 356 Fitzgerald, lord, see Garrett Fitzherbert, sir Thomas, knighted, cccii Fitzpatrick, Bamaby, the King's favourite companion, xix, Ixix, Ixxvii ; biogr. notice of, 63 ; the King's instructions on his de- parture to France, 67; the King's letters to, 65 et seq. ; his letters to the King, 73, 76, 78, 82, 88; their literary history, Pref. iv ; sworn of the six ordinary gen- tlemen, 336 ; his companions to France, 346 ; presented to the French King, 380 Fitzwalter, Thomas lord, ccUx; a jouster, ccci, ccciii ; summoned to court, 270 ; goes to France, 316, 317; at court, 352, 359, 362, 363, 384, 388, 389; furnished for the campaign, 401 ; sent for home 457 Fitzwarine, John lord, Ixii ; knighted, cccvii ; a hostage in France, 252, 253, 262 ; a tilter, 384, 388 Fitzwilham, William, 70, 317, 582 sir William, knighted, cccviii Flanders, sir P. Hoby sent ambassador to, 396, 400, 402; embassy from, 412,413, 431; negociation with, 472, 543 Fleet, the King's, see Ships Fleet prison, 340 Flemmyng, sir Francis, master of the ord- nance, knighted, 219; mentioned, 287 Fogg, sir John, 449 FoUambray, or Follambro, 465, 467, 468 Fontenello, 334 610 INDEX. Forrest, Henry, cccxviii William, oocxxxv Forster, sir John, knighted, 220 Bridget, xxxv Fortescue, Anthony, 451 sir ?, excepted from the general pardon, 212 Foscue, Nicholas, xcvi, ox Foster, sir Humphrey, xxiv, cclviii Fowler, John, oxv, cccxii, 15, 22, 451; letters to lord admiral Seymour, 59, 61 Foxe, his character of King Edward, cciv France, declaration of war, 227, 577 ; peace with, 249; proclaimed, 254 ; comprehen- sion of Scotland, 268 ; treatyfor the King's marriage with, 326 ; English merchantmen annoyed by, 445, UOnote, 459, 463, 468, 540; the peasantry of, 481; the King's notes on the English occupation of, 555 et seq. Francis I. death of, 213 Franconia, 434 Frankewell, mistress, cccxv Frankfort, 434, 505, 510 Franklens, or yeomen, 56 Frauncis, sir William, knighted, 219 Frederick II. King of Denmark, 299 Fredwald, treaty of, 357, 406 Freman, John, 491 French crown, its value in England, 287 Frere, John, 306 Fress^, Jean de, 357, 367 " Frigidam sufFundit," 29 Fugger, Anthony, and nephews, bankers, 315, 319,396,402, 412,413,417,419; biogr. notice of, 315 Fulwell, Ulpian, his " Flower of Fame," 222 de Funette, mons. 255, 578 Fylpot, John, ccliii Gage, sir John, constable of the Tower, assistant to King Henry's executors, Ixxxiv ; continued comptroller of the household, xciv, cxxxii, cxxxiii, cclxi, ccxciii, cccxv, 211, 233, 235, 242, 259, 336; councillor 499 de la Garde, baron, cclxxix, ccxciii, 341, 356, 369 Gardens at the King's palaces, cccxiii Gardiner, Thomas, 306 Gardyner, Stephen, bishop of Winchester, XXV ; letter to Eidley on his sermon, ci ; letter on bishop Barlow's sermon, oil; his sermon on St. Peter's day, 1548, cvi et seq.; his presents to prince Edward, cclxiv, cclxv, 59 ; committed to ward for not receiving the Bang's Injunctions, 220 ; committed to the Tower, 223 ; questioned by the council, 276, 278, 283, 284; se- questered from his first fruits, 285 ; de- prived of his bishopric, 303 Gargrave, sir Thomas, knighted, cccvii Garrat, of the guard, cxix Garret, alderman, 460 Garrett, lord, 359, 363 Garter, order of, prince Edward not elected of, Ixxxi; his first chapter as sovereign, xciv; St. George's day in 1550, 260; carried to Henri H. of France, 325 ; to sir Andrew Dudley and the earl of West- merland, 412; alteration of its statutes, xvi, 411, 511 et seq.; new seal of, 534, 535, 538 ; list of knights dming the reign, cccix king of arms, creation of, cxxxvii Gates, sir Henry, knighted, 219; a tilter, 368, 369 ; a pensioner, 513 sir John, xliv, cclxxiii ; nominated K.B. ccc; a jouster, ccci, ccciii; sherifi" of Essex, 280, 284; allowed to retain forty persons, 409 ; made vice-chamber- lain, 312; in council, 347; mentioned, 370, 383, 389, 406; allowed twenty-five menof arms, 409, 416,419, 431; a com- missioner, 414; made chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, 430; attends the King on his progress, 436 ; a commis- sioner, 468, 469 bis, 470, 472; coun- ciUor, 498, 501, 567 ■ Henry, cclxxiii Gaudy, Thomas, a commissioner for the ecclesiastical laws, 399 ; Serjeant at law, 415 Gendarmery, musters of, 316, 350, 359, 375, 416 ; numbers appointed to attend the Eng on his progress, 419; reduced, 435 Gentlemen, the country, not to be trusted, 56; " extortiouse," 242 Gentlemen of the privy chamber, the four, appointment of, cxxxii, clxix, 242 ; called "six" by the King, 338 INDEX. 611 Genoa, 289 George, Saint, discussion on, 513, 593; pageant of, cclxxxviii German congregation in London, 280, 579 German princes, message from, 357; the answer, 366; message to, 413 Germany, Will. Thomas's advice respecting, clxiv; Geoill's, 539 Gests, of the progress, 275 Gianetti da Fano, Guido, clxxxix Gibbs, of the guaxd, 375 Gifford, sir Koger, knighted, cccii sir Thomas, knighted, cccii Gilgate, Philip, Ixi Gillingham water, 288, 323 Gilpin, Bernard, preaches at court, clxxvi Gingham, or Zinzan, cccxii Glasgow, archbp. of, see Gordon Gloucester, bishopric annexed to "Worcester, 414 Gloucestershire, insurrection in, 225 God save King Edward, song of, cclxxxii Godsalve, sir John, cclxxvii, cccii, cccxvi, 220, 265 Gold coined, 432 Golding, sir Thomas, knighted, cceviii ■^— — , esquire, 236 Gondi, mons., 258 Gonstone, Benjamin, 271, 287, 542 di Gonzaga, don Ferdinand, 334, 338, 471 Good Friday, observance of, xcvii Goodacre, Hugh, archbishop of Armagh, 257, 489 Goodrich, John, 306 ■ Eichard, 345, 398, 399,403,414; fee as attorney of the court of augmenta- tion, 432 ; a commissioner, 469, 487 — Thomas (bishop of Ely), clxxviii ; prepares lord Seymour of Sudeley for death, cxxiii; one of the Protestant bishops, cxl ; argued with Joan Bocher, 264; to assist in preparing articles for bishop Gardyner, 284; sent ambassador to France, 315, 319, 325; his reward, 337; custos of bishop Day, 345; made lord keeper, 381; chanceUor, 74, 390; a commissioner, 383 ; for the ecclesiastical laws, 398, 399; mentioned, 403, 458; duties as a privy councillor, 498, 501 ; ^ employed to distribute rewards at the close of the parliament, 409 ; a commis- sioner, 468, 469 Goodwyne, a jouster, ccci Gordon, Alexander, archbishop of St. An- drew's, 282 Goring, sir William, cclxxi, cclxxiv Gosnald, John, 345, 398, 399, 403 Ms, 414, 41 5, 488 ; fee as solicitor of the court of augmentation, 432; privy councillor, 499—501, 567, 573 Gosselyn, Elier, 433 Gousa, 408 Gracedieu, 418 Grafton, Eichard, cccxvi, cccxxxiv; his charity, clxxx Graemes, or Grahams, 291 Granado, sir Jacques, cccvi, cccxvi, 220 ; a tilter, 388; sent with horses to France, 392; his death, 394 Grantham, 364 Granvelle, the cardinal, ccxxiv Gravenor, sir Thomas, knighted, cccii Gravesend, 328, 329, 330 Gray, lord, accepts an English pension, 221 Great Harry, the ship, cxi Green boughs, bought for the royal pa- laces, xcvi, ex Greenway, Eichard, coxciv Greenwich palace, xcvi, 221, 265, 280, 317, 381, 383, 390, 412, 416, 428, 511, 512, 513; departure of Willoughby's expedi- tion, olxxxvii Grenier, Nicole, cccxxxi Gresham, sir John, knighted, 219; his losses in the mint, 307 sir Eichard, clxxx, ccci, ccciii, cccxv sir Thomas, his services to the King, 315, 391, 400, 413, 419, 460, 545, 550; the King's bounty to, cxciii GreviUe, sir John, knighted, cccii Grey, lady Jane, see Jane lord John, a jouster, ccciii ; surrenders Newhaven, 227 Lady Katharine, cxci Lady Mary, ib. Kalph, of Chillingham, 448, 472 lord Thomas, knighted, ccci; 570 sir Thomas, 364 of Wilton, William lord, ccxl; his Services in Scotland, 216 ; knighted, 219 ; leaves Scotland, 225; suppresses insur- rection in Oxfordshire, 228; sent into the West, 229; mentioned, 235, 257, 612 INDEX. 260, 271; involved in the duke of So- merset's fall, 353, 355 ; released from the Tower, 24; proposed for deputy of Calais, 457; made captain of Guisnes, 461 Grey, William, of Reading, 234; deceased, 354 Griffith, sir Roger, knighted, cccii Grimston, sir Edward, 449 Grindal, Edmund, 377, 591; preaches at court, clxxix Groat, in value xij d. 346 Grosvenor? see Gravenor Gryfiyn, Edward, solicitor-general, Ixxxix, 403 bis; made attorney-general, 415, 499, 500, 567, 573 Gualter, Kodolph, ccv Guard, yeomen of the, their qualifications and exercises, ccxii; furnished for the progress of 1550, 275; for that of 1552, 435; musters of, 318,334 Guernsey, 278, 433' Guidotti, Anthony, beginner of the talk for peace with France, 249, 256; knighted and pensioned, cccviii, 256; house at Southampton, 445; mentioned, 546, 582 Guildford, royal manor of, 434 ; the King visits, cxxxviii, 80, 290, 292, 428, 434; the queen dowager of Scotland at, 358 Guildhall, London, 233, 234 Guillam, little, 317 Guise, 428 Claude de Lorraine due de, his fatal illness and death, 256, 259, 285 — Francois due de (see Mayenne), 325 ; made governor of Lorraine, 85, 88, 44l ; mentioned, 455, 456, 465, 470 Guisnes, skirmish at, 232; repairs of the fortifications, 277, 278, 549 ; surVey, 385, 490 ; garrison, 444, 544 : jurisdiction, 388 Gundelfinger, Joachim, 417 Gunpowder, bought as the " fee penny " of a loan, 267, 309 Gustavus, king of Sweden, 255 Gji, Franfois seigneur de, 332 H Haddington, siege of, 61, 222 Haddon, Walter, Ixiv; visit to Prince Ed- ward, Ixxviii ; recommended by Gheke to the King's favour, clxi; his epitaph on Cheke, ib. ; sermon at court, clxxx ; exe- cutor to Bucer, and orator at his funeral, 305 ; verses on that occasion, 306 ; letter of Cheke to, ib. ; his labours on the eccle- siastical laws, 398 ; his answer to Osorius, ccxxxvii Haideck, baron, 446 Haidock, Michael, 451 Hales, sir James, nominated K.B., ccc; a commissioner on ecclesiastical laws, 398, 399 ; his fee, 409 " HaU, keeping of," 381, 387 Hall, Francis, commissioner for the French borders, 286; comptroller of Calais, 449 John, Ivi ■ Robert, 513 Hallam, Mr., his remarks on Edward VI., xiii; on Devise for the Succession, 565 Halnaker, the King's visit to, 80, 437 Hambleteu (Ambleteuse), see Newhaven Hamburgh, 294, 366, 402 Hamilton, archbp. John, ccxiv Hammond, Lawrence, 354, 365, 370, 375 . William, cccxii Hamond, of the guard, clxvi Hampshire, insurrection in, 225 ; duke of Somerset lieutenant of, 288 ; a " frantiek papist" of, ccli Hampton, Bernard, 459; his fee as clerk of the council, clxii, cchii John, 451 Hampton court, the birth-place of Edward VI. 21; his christening there, cclv; the chapel, cclvi ; mentioned, xcvi, ex, cxxix, cxxxii, 47, 48, 49, 50, 57, 60, 232, 233, 235, 241, 272, 330,f345, 428, 459,578; Queen dowager of Scotland entertained at, 359 ; note on, 360, Hancock, Thomas, cxxix Hanmer, sir Thomas, knighted, cccii Hannington, John, 451 Hans merchants, 429, see Steelyard Hanworth, cxvii Hardy, John, 457 Hare, sir Nicholas, cccxvi Harenden, Edmond, 451 Harington, , 60 I sir John, 363 Harleston, a jouster, ccciii _ Harley, bishop John, civ. cxxv, 377, 395, 591 ; preaches before the King, clviii Harman, Edmond, cccxii Garrot, 417 INDEX. 613 Harper, sir George, xxiv, cclviii, ccoii, 392 Harquebus, or hagbut, 250, 427 Harris, Edward, 451 Harry Grace a Dieu, the ship, cxi Harston, Henry, 513 Hart, sir Percival, cclxxx Harward, William, 306 Harwich haven, the Lion lost at, 213 ; block- houses at, 461 Haslewood, 364 Hassenet, Hans, ccxxi Hastings, Henry lord, Ixvii, cclix; nomi- nated K.B. ccxcix; mentioned, 252,418; marriage of, cxci ■ sir Edward, knighted, 219; at court, 363 Hatfield, Ixxviii, ex, cxxv, ccxxxvi, 23, 24, 25, 28, 29, 30; the lady EUzabeth with prince Edward there, 31 Havering, xxxvi Haulte, sir William, cclxi Hawking, ccxxii Hawkins, William, clxxxvi Hawley, Thomas, Clarenceux, 429 Hayward, sir John, his Life of Edward VI. Preface, i, ix; his character of the King, coxi Heath, Nicholas, bishop of Worcester, dis- putes on the sacrament, cxii; his matters examined, 343, 345, 347, 487; deposed, 349 Heding, siege of, 345, 471 Henadoy, see de la Hunaudaye Henchmen, Ixxv Heneage, Eobert, 433 ^— sir Thomas, xxiv, cclix, cccxv Henri H. accession of, 2 13 ; declares war with England, 227 ; marches to Boulogne, 228 ; appoints commissioners for peace, 249; visits Boulogne, 269; enters Eouen in triumph, 295 ; elected knightof the Garter, cccix, 314; embassy with, 315, 582; his conversations with sir William Pick- ering, 338, 341 ; his preparation for the campaign of 1551, 401; invites King Edward into the league, cMv, 405, 406, 407; refused, 410; soldiers allowed to go to, 417 ; progress of his campaign in 1552, 78, 82, 85, 417, 419, 426, 427, 430, 434, 445 ; project for taking Calais, 455, 462, 549 ; audience to Pickering,464 ; altered the names of his children, 67 ; goes a pilgrimage, 69 ; letters to King Edward, 90, 393 ; has no true claim to the title of Most Christian, cccxviii; christening of his son, 380, 592 Henri III. see Angoulgme Henry VIII. his marriage to Jane Sey- mour, xxi ; care in educating his children, xli; his death, Ixxxii; provisions of his will, Ixxxiii; his conduct towards Kath. Parr, 10; Prince Edward's Letters to him, 14, 17, 20, 21, 24, 27, 29, 35 ; death, 210; funeral, 211 Heralds, two, degraded for forgery, 429; accompanying the King on his progress, 434, 435; sent to France, 586; their fees at the creation of the duke of Suf- folk, &c. 590 Herbert, sir Walter, knighted, cccvii sir William (afterwards earl of Pembroke), executor to Henry VIII. Ixxxiv, Ixxxvui, cxxxii; his testimony to king Henry's will, cclxxi ; at the co- ronation, cccxv; a jouster, ccci, ccciii; puts down the Wiltshire rebels, 225; and those in Cornwall, 230 ; mentioned, 234; letters, 235, 236, 238; made pre- sident of Wales, 256, 277; at the earl of Warwick's, 279 ; examines bp. Gardyner, 283, 284; his band of horse, 299; at Blackheath, 328, 336, 347 ; reassures the duke of Somerset, 353, 372 ; created earl of Pembroke, 351 ; his copy of the Sta- tutes of the Garter, 511; see Pembroke Henry lord, marriage of, cxci ; no- minated K.B. ccxcix sir William, knighted, cccvii lady (Anne Parr), 10, 45 of Troy, lady, cclx, cccxv Hercey, sir John, knighted, ccoii Herd, John, 306 Heresbach, Conrad, xHi, Ixxiv Heretics burnt, 264, 312 Hereford, Walter viscoxmt, summoned to court, 270 ; attends the French ambassa- dors, 272; at Somerset's trial, 371; in parliament, 492 ; privy councillor, 498, 501; K.G. 516 Heron, a schoolmaster, presents the King as an example to his scholars, clii captain, 288 Hertford, Ixxviii, Ixxxv, 4, 5, 6, 7, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37 4 K 614 INDEX. Hertford, Edward earl of, (afterwards duke of Somerset,) present as viscount Beau- champ at Edward's christening, cclviii, cclx; his creation as earl of Hertford, xxiv; appointed lieutenant of the king- dom, xxxix; executor to Henry VIH., Ixxxiv; his legacy, Ixxxv; rides to King Edward, Ixxxv; conduqts the King to London, Ixxxvi ; elected Protector, Ixxxvii, xc ; made lord treasurer and earl marshal, xci; created duke of Somerset, xcii; Letter of Edward to, 2 ; meets the ad- miral of France, 22 ; see Somerset Edward (second) earl of, biog. notice of, Ix, ccxlvii; nominated K.B. ccxcix; Letters of Edward to, 42, 52; a hostage in France, 251, 252, 253, 259, 262; runs at the ring, 317 Hertfordshire, insurrection in, 225 Hesse, William landgrave of, 357 Hethfield, 273 Heydon, sir Christopher, knighted, cccviii sir John, cclxxi Heylyn, his censure on the '' sacrilege" committed in King Edward's minority, and the answer made to it, 176 Hillingdon, 237 Hilton, baron, 303 Hobblethorne, sir Hen. knighted, xci, cccvi Hoby, sir Philip, conduct at Somerset's fall, 239, 240: returns ambassador to the emperor, 242; master of the ordnance, cclxxiv, 275, 417 ; ambassador to France, 316, 319, 582, 585, 586; his reward, 837; mentioned, 342, 343, 369, 370, 403j sent to Flanders, 396, 400, 402, 407; allowed 25 men at arms, 409, 416, 427; provost of the Garter, 412; com- missioner, 414; mentioned, 435; pro- posed for ambassador to the emperor, 491; his men at arms, 416; were to go to Calais, 424; left in charge of the Tower, 431, 436; a commissioner, 469; examines earl of Arundel, 474; privy councillor, 499-501 ; usher or black rod of the Garter, 412, 516; letters to on King Edward's death, cxcv Hoggins, Thomas, 317 Holbeach, bishop Henry, Iviii, xcvii; preaches before the King, ciii; a Pro- testant, bishop, cxl; death of, 414 Holcot, William, 376 Holcroft, sir John, knighted, 220; nomi- nated K.B., ceo sir Thomas, 222, 577 ; sent to the Tower, 355; deprived of his offices, 423 Holgate, archbishop of York, 22 Holland, Thomas, clxvi, 374 Holleys, sir Thomas, knighted, cccii Hoist, duke of, 420 Holt, Humphrey, clxxxvi Holt castle, 56 Holy Ghost, mass of, xcix, civ Home castle, captured, 219; captain ap- pointed, 220 ; retaken by the Scots, 224 Homilies, appointed in 1547, 214; more, 548 Honington bridge, 229 Hooper, John, preaches before the King, cxxxiv, clxxx; recommends a sermon before the King every Sunday, ci; letters to BuUinger, cxl, cliii; made bishop of Gloucester, cxlii, cxlv, 285; difficulties on the vestments, cxlv, cxlvi ; a commis- sioner on ecclesiastical laws, 398, 399; made bishop of Worcester, 414; in par- liament, 492 bis, 493 Hopkins, John, Ivi Hopton, sir Arthur, cclxii sir Ealph, knight marshal, 370 mr. Eobert, 387, 388 chaplain to the lady Mary, ^97 Home, Eobert, dean of Durham, 377 ; ac- cuses the earl of Westmorland of con- spiracy, 463; promoted to bishopric of Durham, 464, 548 ; signs the articles, 591 Horses sent as presents to France, 392; their exportation forbidden, 495; given to the Scotish queen, 591 Horsey, sir Jasper, xxxii, xxxix sir John, cclxi; knighted, cccii Horsley, sir John, knighted, 220 Horton, 364 Hosier, , 248 Hospitals, the city, clxxx Hostages, ancient custom of, cxxxvi, 251; list of theEnglish andFrenchin 1549-50,252 Howard, mr. cxviii sir George, Ixxvi, clxxiii ; his Triumph of Cupid, clxxiv; a jouster, ccci, ccciii lord, cclx; knighted, 219; goes to France, 317 ; a reveller, 382 ; a tilter, 384 INDEX. 615 Howard, lord Thomas, 352, 363 (afterwards duke of Norfolk), Ivii, Ix lord William, xxiv, xxv, cclviii. cclix; a jouster, ooci, cociii, 260,271, 358, 363, 384; made deputy of Calais, 461 ap Howell, Fulke, Lancaster herald, de- graded, 429 Hubblethorne, see Hobblethorne Hubert, Conrad, 304, 306 Huggons, Elizabeth, wife of William, im- prisoned for speeches against the duke of Northumberland, olxvi Hull, castle committed to the burgesses, 385; mart proposed at, 405, 505, 506, 549 Hume, lord, 467 de la Hunaudaye, Jean seigneur, 253, 257, 260, 272, 279, 289, 292 Hungary, queen of, 85, 291 Hungerford, sir Anthony, cclxi, 363 a tilter, 388 lord, cclx Hunnings, clerk of the council, 236 Hunnis, William, Ivi Hunsdon, xxxv, xxxvii, cxxv, 2, 3, 8, 9, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 288 Hunting, ccxxii Huntingdon, 364 countess of, 362 earl of, Ixvii, ccxcvii, 22, 226, 235; his men of arms, 299, 375, 419, 435; at council, 336; at court, 360, 362 ; at Somerset's trial, 371 ; allied with Northumberland, 418 ; attends the King on his progress, 436; a commissioner, 469; privy councillor, 498; K.G. 516, cccix ; a jouster, ccci, ccoiii Huntly, George earl of, taken prisoner, 218 Hussey, sir Henry, knighted, cccvi, 220 Lawrence, 290 Hutton, sir Edward, cclxi Hyde park, hunting in, 272, 335 ; banquet- ing house, 590 Images, proceedings for the abolishing of, 214; Gardyner's discussion on, 594 Inclosures, proclamations respecting, 225 Injunctions, the King's, in 1547, 214, 220, 547, 548, cccxxvii Innsbruck, 420, 421, 445 Interim of Augsburg, 294 Interlude, at court, 387 ; of Orpheus, cccii Italian band, 16 Ivoy, the siege of, 84, 427, 430 Ireland, money provided for, 281, 287, 289 ; men sent there, and arrangements for re- newing the Irish mint, 283 ; the office of deputy and his fee, 289 ; native lords sur- render, 292, 322, 579; the French ex- pected to attack, 300, 302 ; lord Cobham appointed lieutenant, 302 ; victuals pro- vided for, 303 ; French ships lost on the coast, 307 ; certain of the West lords set at one, ib. ; a king of arms made for, 395 ; financial arrangements for, 416, 424; money coined for, 425 ; revenues of, ib. ; government of, 466, 472; discharge of men, 417, 544; letters written to the loyal lords of, 592; mines in, 416, 425, 546 Ireland, play of the state of, clxxv Iron-mills, legislation against, 494 Jane, the lady, 56, 360, 362; marriage of, cxc the fool, xlv, ccoxliv Jamac, Guy Chabot, baron de, 349, 353 Jenhs, mons. 471 Jermyn, sir John, knighted, cccvi Jesus of Lubeck, ship ordered to be sold, 400 Jersey, sea-fight at, 227; commission sent to, 278 Jobson, sir Francis, cccviii, 433 Johnson, John, Ixxvi William, coxlvii Jonas, Hooper's sermon on, cxxxv, cccxxxii Jonson, Christopher, 451 Joseph, dr. John, preaches at court, cxxiv Josias, King Edward compared to, xcvi, cxxxv, cxl, cxUx, cxcviii, cciii, cciv, ccv, ccxxxiv, ccxxxvii, ccli, 177 Josselyn, sir Thomas, nom. K.B. ccc Judde, sir Andrew, knighted, cccviii; his losses in the mint, 307 Justs, ccxx, ccc, ccciii 4k2 616 INDEX. K Knyret, sir Edmond, cclxxiii Kytchin, Eicbard, 306 Karvill, see Carvill Katharine (Parr) queen, debarred from in- tercourse witii tlie King, cxiii; daily prayers in lier house, cxsiv; Letters of Edward to, 9, 12, 13, 16, 22, 26, 30, 33, 38, 41, 49, 51; her fair writing and scholarship, 16; her marriage to the lord admiral, 45; her claim of jewels, 54; list of them, 390; her Petrarch, cccxxvi Keat, Ealph, 451 KeUoway, Robert, appointed a commis- sioner of chantries, 221 Kemp, sir Thomas, knighted, cccii Kempe, sir WiUiam, cclxi Ker, sir Walter, slays the lord of Buocleuch, 467 Kent, insurrections in, 225, 264, 273 Thomas, ccxxi Kett's rebellion, 230 Keyes, Thomas (not Martin), cxci, 563 Keyme, John, 266 Keymes, Thomas, 433 Kingston, sir Anthony, cclxi, cccxv; a j ouster, ccc - lady, xxiv, cclviii, cccxv sir William, cclxi Kinsale, fortifications at, 302 Kirton, Henry, 451 Knighthood conferred, accompanied by a gold chain, on Guidotti, 256 Knightley, sir Valentine, nom. K.B. ccc Knights nominate of the Bath, ccxcix of the Garter, cccix of the privy chamber (the Four), see Gentlemen Knole, 450 KnoUys, sir Francis, knighted, 219; a jouster, ccc; 384, 389 Henry, 317, 471 sir William, 386 Knoppart, doctor, 297 Knox, John, taken prisoner at St. Andrew's, 282; preaches in England as one of the King's chaplains, 377 ; Northumberland's treatment of, 464 ; sermons at court, civ, clxix; signs the articles, 591 Knyvet, Anthony, cclxi sir Henry, xxiv his, cclviii Lacke, Edward, cccxii Lambe, John, cclxxvii Lambert, sent commissioner to Alderney, &c. 278 Lancaster herald degraded, 429 county palatine of, 430 Land sales, commission on, 469 Landaw, 466 Lane, lady (Maud Parr), 10 sir Ealph, 10 Langley, sir Eobert, knighted, cccii Lansac, (Louis de St. Gelais,) mons. de, 300, 304, 311 Laski, or a L^sco, John, 1, 48, 280; a commissioner on eccles. law, 398, 399 Francis, 367 Latimer, lord, joint almoner at the corona- tion, cocv; at Somerset's trial, 371 Hugh (bishop of Worcester,) letter on the birth of King Edward, xxiii; his sermons quoted, xl; sermons before the King, civ, cv, cxxvi, cxxxvi; his reflec- tions on lord Seymour, cxxiii; recovers money concealed by defalcation, cxxviii, 62; commissioner on eccles. law, 398; sermon on avarice, cccxxxiv de Laubespine, secretary, cxc, 394, 401, 593 Lauder, surrendered, 251, 254, 257, 259 Launceston, rebels at, 230 Lawrence, sir Oliver, knighted, 219 Oliver, 441 Laws prepared for parliament by the King's learned council, 376 Layton, dr. xxxviii Lead, proposed monopoly of, 545 Leases made by ecclesiastical persons, biU proposed for limiting, 492 Leohe, WiUiam, 306 a Lee, sir Eichard, commissioner to view the Scotish borders, 276 Leeke, sir Francis, 303 Leez in Essex, ex, 256, 288, 291, 579 Legh, Thomas, of Adlington, xlvi Leicestershire, insurrection in, 225, 227 a Leigh, John, 248 Leland, John, his Genethliacon, xxv, xxvi; verses on Cheke, xlvii; to E. Asoham, INDEX. 617 liii; his brother, Ixi; visit to prince Edward at Ampthill, Ixxx Lennox, Margaret countess of, 360, 362, 368, 364, 564 Lent sermons, see Sermons de Lenns, Gualter, cccxvi Lesley, bishop John, civ Lestrange, sir Nicholas, knighted, 219 Thomas, Ixxvii Lever, Thomas, sermons at court, civ, cxxxvi, clxxix; his epitaph, ccxlviii Leverous, Thomas, 489 Lewis, William, 306 Thomas, 306 Libels, see Bills Lieutenants of Shires appointed, 266 Lintz, 412, 450 Lisle, John Dudley, viscount, executor to Heniy VIU. Ixxxiv ; made great cham- berlain, xci ; and earl of Warwick, xciii ; intended to be earl of Coventry, cclxxiv, see Warwick John Dudley, lord, (son of the pre- ceding,) 252, 260, 263 ; runs at the ring, 272 ; his marriage, 273 ; goes to France, 315, 317, see Warwick Lister, sir Michael, xxiv Litany, the, 512 Liturgy, see Common Prayer Loan, mode of negociating, 267, 315, 460 Locke, merchant of London, cxviii sir William, knighted, cccvii London, the King's procession through to his coronation, xciv, cclxxviii et seq.; other state processions through, 228, 244 ; frays in, and watches ordered, 280; order for its preservation, 294 ; commotions in, 314; inclined to favour the duke of Somerset, 356, 370 ; bishop's palace at, 360; censured for deamess of victuals, &c. 424, 490 Long, sir Henry, cclxi sir Eichard, xxiv bis, cclviii Thomas, 374 Longie, (Orlando Longin,) treasurer of Flanders, 472 Lord of Misrule, 381 Lords Governors, the six, appointment of, CXXXIII Lorraine, 78, 82, 85, 88, 417, 441, 465 Christina duchess of, 78 ■ the Cardinal of, 325 Lorraine, djake of, 408 Lubeck, 366, 402, 473 Lucar, Emanuel, 460 Lucas, John, 398, 399, 400, 468, 469, 470, 499, 573 Lumley, John lord, Ivii, Ixiv Jane lady, Ixii Lunenburgh, duke of, Ixii, cccvii Lute, ccxxi LuttreU, sir John, captain of Broughty craig, 224 sir Thomas, 425 Luxemburg, 430, 431 Lyell, dr. Richard, 345, 398, 487 Lyons, 406, 505 Lysenay, Bastian, clockmaker, cclxiii Lyster, sir Eichard, chief justice, 416; house at Southampton, 445 Lytton, captain, 286 sir Eob. nominate K.B ccc M Macedonia, prince of, 334, 381 Mackereth, Henry, cccxviii Maclamore, an Irish rebel, surrenders, 292, 579 Maddockes, Eobert or Eichard, cccxii Magdeburgh, 341 Magnetic needle, variation of, clxxxix Maidstone, 329 Mainwaring, sir Arthur, knighted, cccvii, 220 Mallet, Francis, chaplain to the lady Mary, 297; committed to the Tower, 316, 323 Mallory, Eichard, 460 Malta, assailed by the Turks, 341, 353 Malton, Christopher, at Gardyner's sermon, ex Maltravers, Henry lord, biog. notice, Ixii; a hostage in Prance, 252, 253, 259, 262 Mandosse, le sieur de, 324 Manners, Eichard, cclxii Mansfeldt, count, 295, 405, 407, 445; his conduct at Ivoy, 84, 430 Mansions, soldiers', 267, 579 Manwaring, PhUip, xlvi, cxi Marignan, marquess of, 461, 466 de MarUlac, Charles, 335 Marina, sir Angell, nom. K.B. ccc 618 INDEX. Markham, sir John, 233, 238; discharged from lieutenancy of the Tower, 358 Martin, Christopher, 451 George, 451 Marts, proposed to be established in Eng- land, 405, 504 et seq. Martyn, Eoger, 460 Martyr, Peter, cxii, cxlvi, ccxlvii ; letter of, cxliv, 304, 305 ; disinterment and cre- mation of his wife at Oxford, 305 ; em- ployed on the ecclesiastical laws, 398 Mary, the lady, godmother to Edward, cclviii, cclix, 209; named by the King as a wife for lord Se3rmour of Sudeley, cxv ; letter of the council to on Somer- set's deposition, cxxx; summoned to Oking, but refuses, cxxxviii; visits her brother in Feb. 1552-3, clxxvii; last letter to King Edward, cxc; sir R. Morysine's discourse relative to her being allowed to use mass, ccxxiv; her intercourse with King Edward, ccxxxiv ; new-year's gifts to him, colxiii, cclxv : letters of Edward to, 2, 8, 9, 11, 27, 29, 32, 39 ; her dancing, 9 ; her cautious reply to the lord-admiral Seymour, 47 ; letter of privy council to, 240 ; the emperor desires leave that she might have mass, 258 ; asked in marriage by the infant of Portugal and Julius duke of Brunswick, 262; Scipperus employed to steal her away to Antwerp, 284, 288, 291, 323, 327; proceedings of the privy council relative to her hearing mass, 29'7, 309, 310, 313, 323, 336,340; visits her brother at Westminster, 308; informed of the queen of Scotland's arrival, 359; the emperor's ambassador demands leave for her mass, 387 ; visits her brother at Greenwich, 428 Mary of Guise, queen dowager of Scotland, 265 ; asks for a passport or safe-conduct, 290; has two, 341, 345; lands at Ports- mouth, 356 ; her progress to London, 357, 358; entertainment at Hampton Court, 359; in London, 360; at Westminster, 362 ; progress to Scotland, 364 ; diamond given her by the King, 391 ; her opinion of Edward, civ regent of Flanders, 396 Mary Willoughby, The, launched, 328 Mason, sir John, cclxxiv, cccxvi ; knighted, ccci; commissioner for treaty of peace with France, 249, 258; appointed am- bassador in France, 258; and a privy councillor, 26 ; goes ambassador to France, 268,316,582;letters,271,281,294, 295, 296, 579; recalled from embassy, 314, 327; mentioned, 347, 378; sent to the emperor, 407; at court, 436; a commis- sioner, 469 ; privy councillor, 499 Mason, lady, cccxv Masques, ccxxi ; at a marriage, 274, 276 ; at Christmas, clxxiv, 382, 388 Maton, Leonard, 451 Maundy Thursday, observance of, xcviii, c de Mauny, mons. cxc Maurice, duke, see Saxony Maximilian, king of Bohemia, 368 Maxwell, James lord, invades the Debatable land, 291, 389 Maxwell, Eobert lord, 300, 311 May, Anthony, ccxxii dr. William, 398, 399, 458 Maye, Edward or Eobert, cccxii de Mayenne, Frangois marquis, 252, 256, 259, 263, 265, 267, see Guise Mecardus, 450 Mecklenburg, John Albert duke of, 357, 366, 405 George duke of, 295 ; taken prisoner, 314 Medow, William, at Gardyner's sermon, cix Medyoxes, 382 Meggis, Thomas, cclxii Menvile, Ninian, 378 Mercers' hall, London, 233 Merchants, acts proposed for, 492, 494 Mervyn, sir John, knighted, 219 Metcalfe, Oswald, 306 Metz, 408, 459, 465, 466, 468 Meutas, sir Peter, cclxi, cccxvi ; ambassador to France, cclxix, 260, 328, 433 Michaelmas, the feast of, 346 Michele, Giovanni, cxcii Micronius, Martin, letters of, , cxli, cxUii, cxUv, cxlvi Middleham, 463 Middleton, Edward, 451 Mildmay, lady, 362 Thomas, 468, 469 bis, 470 sir Walter, knighted, cccvi, cccxvi ; appointed a commissioner of chantries, 221; surveyor or general receiver of the court of augmentations, 370, 432 ; a com- INDEX. 619 missioner, 383, 389, 406, 414, 424, 425, 468, 469 bis, 470, 472; privy councillor, 499,501 Minstrels, the King's, cccxiii; his new minstrels, cccxii Mint, at the Tower, arrangements for, 295, 313, 319, 322 ; silver lost by treason, 307; charges diminished, 412; change of officers, 491 in Ireland, orders for settina; to work, 283, 425 at Canterbury and York, 344 at Bristol, 56 at Southwark, 344 Mirandola, 338, 340 Misrule, lord of, see Ferrers MoUneux, Edward, 352 Molinox, mr. Serjeant, 409, 493 Molyneux, sir Edmund, nom. K.B. ccc Money, see Coinage and Mint Montagu, see Mountague Montmorency, Aime due de, constable of France, 249, 325, 353 ; letter to King Edward, 90; "bears all the swing" in France, 265; his armour at Wilton, 449 Fran9ois duo de, 253, 259, 263 Henry due de, see Damville Montpensier, Louis due de, 325 the Moor, 21, 22 Moorfields, muster in, 416 More, sir John, knighted, cccvii William, ccxxi, cccxii de Morette, monsr. Isxviii, 266 Morgan, Francis, serjeant-at-law, committed to the Fleet, 310 Morley, Harry lord, ccxl, cclviii, 238 Morpeth, 364 Morrys, James, cclxiv du Mortier, Andre Guillart seigneur de, 250, 269 Morton, sir Rowland, knighted, cccii de Morvillier, Jean, 335 Morysine, sir Eichard, his " Comfortable Consolation," &c. xxv; his discourse on King Edward's conduct towards his sister Mary, ccxxiii et seq. ; recall from his em- bassy, ccxxviii; sent ambassador to the emperor, 287; recalled, 313, 491; ex- tracts from his letters, 353 ; instructions in Sept. 1552, 456; audience with the emperor, 464 Mother Jak, xxvi Mottisfont, the King's visit to, 450 Mountague, sir Edward, cxxxii; executor to Henry Vin. Ixxxiv, Ixxxviii, cxxxii, cclviii, cclix, 233, 237, 238, 242, 336, 403, 493, 499, 566, 567 Mounteagle, lord, cccxiv, 492 Mountford, 303 Mountjoy, James lord, Ivii, Ix, cclxi Mountmydy, siege of, 84, 428, 430 Mourning, court, arguments against (written by CeciU?) cxlviii Moyle, sir Thomas, general receiver of the court of augmentations, cclxx, 432 Muret, Marc Antoine, cccxxxiii Musgrave, sir Eichard, 448, 460 Musicians, list of the King's, ccxxi Mussleborough, battle of, 217 Musters, see Gendarmery Musters of the gendarmery, 316, 350, 359, 375, 416 Mustin, Cornelius, cccxvii Myres, Matthew, 451 N Name, two sons of the same Christian, Ixi Nanci, surrendered to the French king, 78, 408 Naples, 428, 447 Nathngton, John, 441 Navy, the King's, see Ships Negro, sir Peter, knighted, cccvii, cccxvii, 220 Nemours, duke of, 468 Neville, Alex, his book on the Norfolk rebellion, 230 sir Edward, xxiv, cclviii sir Henry, made one of the four knights attendant, cxxxiv; made a gent. of the privy chamber, 257; goes to France, 349; knighted, 352; a tilter, ccci, ccciii, 368, 384, 389 grome of the chamber. Newark, 364 ■ lord, a jouster, ciii ■ sir Thomas, nominate K.B. ccc ■ (another) knighted, 220, cccii (another) cccvii 620 INDEX. Newbury, the King at, 87 Newcastle, 364, 509 Newdigate, Francis, Ix, 354, 368, 370, 373 Newhall, see Beaulieu , Newhaven (Ambleteuse.), taken by the French, cxxxii, 227, 240 Newnam, sir Thomas, knighted, ccci Newnham, lady, 360, 362 Newnhambridge, fort of, 277, 549 Newton, Francis, 306 New-year's gifts, to Prince Edward in 1 5 3 8 - 9, cclxiii; in 1539-40, cclxv; rewards for, in 1547-8 and 1548-9, cccxi et seq. de Noailles, Anthoine, clxxxvi et seq. Noble, John, 451 Nonesuch, the King at, xcvi, 293 Norfolk, rebellion in, 230 duke of, cclviii, cclxiv, cclxv ; king Henry's proposed division of his lands, cclxxiii ; godfather to King Edward, xxiv, 209 ; excepted from the general pardon, 212; his pardon solicited by the duchess of Eichmond, 491; more strictly kept, cxciv Norfolk, Mary duchess of, Ixii Norham, 364; the treaty of, 333 Norice, mr. 384 Norris, John, cclxxx, coxciv, cccxiii North, sir Edward, executor to Henry Vlll. Ixxxiv; at Gardyner's sermon, oviii; mentioned, cxxxii, 233, 237, 242, 499 sir John, ccxciii Northampton, WUliam Parr earl of Essex created marquess of, 211; his education, xU; at Gardyner's sermon, cix; carver at the coronation, ccxciii, ccxcvii; a j ouster, ccci, ccciii ; courted by lord Sud- ley, 56; sent against the Norfolk rebels, 231 ; present in council, 233, 237, 241 ; made one of the six lords attendant, 242 ; lord great chamberlain, 248, 249; at a chapter of the Garter, 260, 516; men- tioned, 260 ; a lord lieutenant, 267 ; cap- tain of the pensionaries, 268 ; attends the French ambassadors, 272, 279 ; his band of horse, 299; to revise the order of the Garter, 314, 513 ; sent with the Garter to France, 316, 317, 319, 323, 582 et seq. ; his reward, 337 ; partisan of Warwick, 347; at court, 352; his life said to be threatened by Somerset, 353 ; attends on the queen of Scotland, 359, 363; at earl of Arundel's examination, 369; on Somerset's trial, 371 ; his men of arms, 375 ; mentioned, 418, 458 ; keeper of Guilford manor, 434 ; attendant on the King, 436; has Reading abbey, 454; a commissioner, 469 bis; examines earl of Arundel, 474; duties as privy councillor, 498, 501; favours Protest- antism, cxh, cxlii; called by King Ed- ward his honest uncle and by King Henry his Integrity, ccxxxvi Northampton, marchioness of, clxxvii, 359, 362 Northamptonshire, tumults in, 228 n. Northumberland, John duke of (see Lisle and Warwick), creation of 350 ; his charges against the duke of Somerset, 353 ; at court, 362, 364 ; at earl of Arundel's examination, 369 ; and Somer- set's trial, 371 ; his men of arms, 375, 419; receives the seal from Rich, 379; letters to Gecill, 388, 450; mentioned, 405 ; persecutes lord Paget, 410 ; goes to the North, 418; letter to CecUl, ib.; re- turned to court, 436 ; appoints deputy wardens of the Marches, 439, 440 ; sum- moned to Windsor, 454 ; mentioned, 458 ; letters, 462, 463, 464; rumoured quarrel with the earl of Pembroke, 465 ; a com- missioner, 469; examines earl of Arun- del, 474; duties as a privy councillor, 498, 501; his mansion at Otford, cliv; unpopularity, clxvi,566 ; patronises Knox, clxix; Knox's censure of, clxx; letters of, clxxxvi; anecdote of archery, ccxix; dedication by Bale to, ccH; letter to Ge- cill on the order of the Garter, Pref. xvi Northumberland, Mary duchess of, clxxvii, cxci, 360, 362, 364 Norton, sir George, nom. K.B. ccc sir John, cclxi, ccci, ccoii, ccciii, 350 Thomas, Ivi, Ixi, clxxx, 547 Norwich, battle at, 231 castle, Robert Kett hanged on, 231 Newel, Alexander, cv, 306 ; his catechism, 547 John, Ixxvi Noyon, 465, 467 Nuremburg, 434 INDEX. 621 o Oatlands, the King at, xcvi, ex, cxxxviii, 51, 292, 293, 344, 428, 431 O'Bryen, earl of Thomond, 386 Ochine, Barnardine, xxxii, cccxxvii, cccxxx, cccxxxi O'Conor, Brian, submits to the English, 221 O'Connor's son, 466, 472 Ogle, lord, deputy warden of the Middle march, 304, 365, 471 Oking, cxxxviii, 288, 292 Okingham, 340 Oliffe, sir John, knighted, cccvii Olivarius, Petrus, cccxxxv Oliver, dr. John, ambassador to France, 316, 582, 587; commissioner on bishops of Worcester and Chichester, 345, 487 Olyverus, Joannes, cccxvii Omnia Vanitas, 439 O'More, Gilla-Patrick, submits to the Eng- lish, 221 Omphalius, cccxii Ordnance, surrendered at Boulogne, 250; delivered for duke of Somerset's use, 288 Orkney, Eobert bishop of, 311, 312 Orme, Humfrey, xcvii Ormonde, James earl of, Ixix, 64, 388 ; goes to France, 316, 317 ' Joan countess of, 65 Orpheus, interlude of, cccii Osborne, John, cccxii — Peter, 1, 459, 461 Richard, 451 Osorius, ccxxxvii Ostium, taken by the Turks, 349 Otford, cliv, 418 Otterburn, sir Adam, ambassador from Scotland, 213 Ottery St. Mary, burnt, 229 Otwood (Atwood), captain, 286 Owen, dr. George, xxv, xxxv, cxcvii, cc, cccxiv • John, clxxxvi Oxfordshire, insurrection in, 228; duke of Somerset lieutenant of, 280 Oxenbridge, Thomas, 577 Oxford, earl of, xci, xcii, clxxvii, cclx, cclxii, 236 ; mourner at funerals of Henry "Vlll. and Edward VI., ccxl; at the coro- nation, ccxcvi, ccxcvii ; a lord lieutenant, 267 ; struck by lord Bergavenny, 403 countess of, cccxv Page, sir Richard, xxx, xxxix, cclxi Lady, xxxi Paget, sir William, dr. Coxe's letters to him, Lxxviii; his influence as a statesman, Ixxxiii; executor to Henry VIII., Ixxxiv Ixxxviii ; his testimony to king Henry's will, cclxxi; at Gardyner's sermon, cix; at the coronation, ccxciii ; embassy to the emperor, ccxxv; presents prince Edward a sand-box, 7; his letter after king Henry's death, 41 ; his letter in favour of the lord admiral Seymour, 44 ; conduct at Somerset's fall, 234, 235, 242; letter to the council on Somerset's arrest, cxxxi; created lord Paget, cxxxiii, 248 ; commis- sioner for treaty of peace with France, 249, 266; attends the French ambassa- dors, 271, 272, 273; his band of horse, 297; present at council, 336; inculpated with the duke of Somerset, 361 ; sent to the Tower, 365; K. G. xciv, cccix; de- graded from the Garter, 410 ; submission before the council, 422,426, 429; put to his fine and pardoned, 473 ; appointed to revise the statutes of the Garter, 512, 518 Pagington, Thomas, cccxii Pakington, sir John, ccxxxvii Paleario, on the Benefit of Christ's Death, cccxxxviii Pallavicino, count, 447 Palm-play, ccxxii Palm Sunday, observance of, xcvii, cv Palmer, sir Thomas, services in Scotland, 222; commissioner to view the Border, 276; has the custody of the archbishop of St. Andrew's, 282, 283; his gold chain, 353 ; betrays the duke of Somer- set, 353 etseq. 370,372; pardon, 404, 491 ; commissioner for the Debatable land, 404 Little, a jouster, ccci Wilham, 45 1 Palsgrave, John, xlii Pardon, general, at the coronation, ocxcv, 212 Paris, Our Lady of Silver set up at, 73 Paris garden, clxxix Paris, George, Irishman, 466, 467, 472 van Paris, George, burnt for Arianism, 312 4 L 622 INDEX. "Parisli"of a bishop, 278 Parker, sir Henry, coxlii Matthew, (aftei'wards archbishop,) Ivi; his sermons at court, cxxiv, cliii, clviii ; addresses the rebels at Norwich, 230 ; executor to Bucer, and preaches at his funeral, 305 ; attends sir Thomas Arundell, 394; commissioner on ecclesi- astical law, 398, 399 Parkhurst, bp. John, epigrams on King Edward, cciv Parkins, Christmas fool, clxxii Parliament, meets 4 Nov. 1547, xcvi, xcvii, 220; mass of the Holy Ghost at, xcix, civ; second session 24 Nov. 1548, cxi, 223; third session 4 Nov. 1549, 248; prorogued, 255 ; further prorogation, 290, 295; laws prepared for, 376; bills reconsidered, 406 ; dissolved, cUx, 408 ; fees distributed thereupon, ib. ; bills pre- pared for, in 1551-2, 491; the second parliament of 1552-3, clxxvii, 546 Parma, siege of, 321, 334, 338, 340, 381 Parsons, the Jesuit, on King Edward, ccxxxv Partridge, sir Miles, knighted, 219 ; involved in the duke of Somerset's fall, 353 ; sent to the Tower, 355, 372 ; execution, 394, 396 Pasmart (Pascha market,) 419 Paston, Clement, a jouster, ccci, ccciii, 384 sir Thomas, ajouster, cclxxiv, ccci sir William, cclxx Pate, mr. cclxii Pates, doctor, excepted from the general pardon, 212 Patten's "Expedicion into Scotland," 215 Paul's Walk, 476 Paulet, mr , brother to the marquess of Winchester, 357 lord Giles, Ivii, Ix John, cclxi sir WiUiam, cclxi, cclxiv sir Hugh, cclxi, cclxxi Paunsy and the Lion, sea-fight of, 213 Pawle, mr. 381 Payton, sir Eobert, cclxii Peace with France, treaty for, 249; pro- claimed, 254; comprehension of Scot- land, 264 Peaths.the, 216 Peckham, sir Edmund, assistant to king Henry's executors, Ixxxiv, cxxxii, cccxv, 213, 233, 238, 242, 315, 288, 319, 410 Pelham, sheriff of Sussex, 273 sir Nicholas, Ixii, cccvii Pellicque, 224 Pember, Eobert, 306 Pembroke, Anne countess of, 10, 359 ; her death, 401 , see Herbert William earl of {see Herbert), created, 351; mentioned, 74, 363,364; proposed by the earl of Arundel to be arrested, 369; at Somerset's trial, 37; his men of arms, 375, 419; a commis- sioner, 403 ; resigns the office of master of the horse, 409 ; his portrait at Wilton, 449; mentioned, 418; rumoured quarrel with duke of Northumberland, 465; a commissioner, 469; examines earl of Arundel, 474; duties as a privy coun- cillor, 498—502; KG. cccix, 518; mourner at the King's funeral, ccxl Penal laws, commission for enforcing, 403, 404, 500, 545 Penn, or Penni, Bartilmew, cccxliv Penne, John, cccxii; Sibel, xxxiii, cccxv Penshurst, 391 Pensioners, Gentlemen, cclxxx, 263 268 359, 364, 375, 416 Perigliano, comte, 445, 607 Perigneux, the bishop, 335 Perlin, Etienne, cxcii Perne, Andrew, 377, 395 Perrins, James, 433 Perrot, mr. 256 Perrott, sir John, Ixii; knighted, cccvii; goes to France, 317; a tilter, 384, 389 Perusel, Franciscus, 635 Perusinus, Peter, 306 Peryn, John and Thomas, ccxxii Petre, sir William, secretary of state, assistant to king Henry's executors, Ixxxiv, cxxxii, cclxxiv, 233, 237, 242 ; commissioner for treaty of peace with France, 249, 258 ; ambassador to France, 268, 269 ; treasurer of the first fruits and tenths, 268; attends the French ambas- sadors, 271, 272; examines bishop Gar- dyner, 283, 284; at council, 336, 339; confers with ambassador from Germany, 357; mentioned, 365, 383, 398, 399, 403 his, 431, 436, 448, 459; duties as a privy councillor, 499—501 ; chancellor of the Garter, 518 INDEX. 623 Pett, Arthur, clxxxviii Pettyt, Thomas, surveyor of Calais, 308 Petworth, the King's visit to, 80, 435; stewardship of, 245, 474 Philip, duke of Almaine, cclxxix, ccxciii Philip, the lutinist, 20,3 17, see van Wilder Philippe, Francis, Ixxvi Philpot, John, ccUii, occxii PhcBnix, the emblem of queen Jane Sey- mour, cclxxxvi Pickering, sir William, cxc, cccii, 67 et seq.; letters to sir William Cecill, 72, 76, 91; at the French camp, 79; sent on an em- bassy to France, 304; returns, 310; made ambassador lieger there, 314, 316, 327, 334, 389 ; extracts from his letters, 369, 393, 394; furnished to accompany the French Bang on his campaign, 401 ; his services in France, 457, 464 Piedmont, war in, 343, 349, 358 Pierpoint, sir George, knighted, cccii Piers, John, 275, 354, 355 Pilgrimage in France, 69 Pinkey, battle of, 217 Pirates taken and hanged, 300 Pirry, Martin, 416, 425, 491 Plate furnished to the galley Subtill, 271; furnished for the King's use, 320 Play at court, 387 Players, iU, search for, 280 Plomer, Hynde, cccxvi du Ploych, Pierre, cccxxxiv Plymouth, 456 Poings, mrs. 358 Pointz, Robert, 451 Pole, cardinal, excepted from the general pardon, 212 Polish ambassador, Edward's Latin answer to, 48 Pollard, sir Hugh, cclxxi, cccxii sir John, knighted, ccovii Pomeroy, sir Thomas, knighted, cccviii Ponet, John, bishop of Rochester, preaches at court, cxxxiv; made a bishop, ciUii, 281 ; extract from his Treatise of Po- litic Power, 245 ; his opinion as to the lady Mary's mass, ccxxvi, 309 ; translated to Winchester, 312; commissioner on ecclesiastical law, 398,399; translation from Ochinus, cocxxvii Pontefract, 364 Poole, 356, 415; sickness at, 87 Poole, sir Giles, knighted, 219 Poor, great numbers in London and West- minster, clxxxi Pope, sir Thomas, cccxv Porchester, 416 Porte, sir John, nom, K.B. ccc Portman, sir William, knighted, xci, ccc\'i mr. 409, 569 Portsmouth, 288; the King's visit to, 81, 442 ; the dowager of Scotland lands there, 356 ; fortifications examined by the baron de la Garde, 369 ; survey of, 416, 417, 548 Portugal, Infant of, talk of his marriage with the lady Mary, 262 Posts, the, 544 Poulet, see Paulet Powis, lord, cccxiv lady Anne, cccxv, 397, 421 Poynings, sir Adrian, 350 Poyntz, sir Nicholas, cclxi, see Pointz de Prat, mens. 432 Prayer, the Book of Common, instituted in 1548, cccxxxv, 223 Preachers, itinerant, 376 Preston, little, killed in Scotland, 48 Primax, Alexander, ccxxii Privy chamber, orders for the, 259 ; the four principal gentlemen, 243, 334, 462 Procession, i.e. the litany, 512 Proclamations, commission for enforcing, 403 Progresses: of 1548, ex; of 1550, cxxxviii, 275; of 1551, 330; of 1552, plan of, clxviii, 416, 419; preparations for, 431, 432; particulars of, 434 et seq.; the King's train reduced, 435; Winchester verses on, 451 Prophets, search for, 280, 578 Protector, election of, Ixxxvi, ccxlvii; first letters patent, Ixxxviii; second letters patent, Ixxxix, cxvii, cxx Protestant princes of Germany, bOOOl. sent to, 284; negociations with the emperor for the council of Trent, 294 Protestant refugees, their entertainment, cccxxxix, cccxii; their church in Lon- don, 579 Pruckner, Nicholas, ccxviii Purveyors of the household, 293 Putney, 428 Puvall, Nicholas, ccxxii 4l 2 624 INDEX. E RadclifFe, mr. xxiv " Eagged staff," clxvi, 374 Railton, Gregory, treasurer in the Nortli, 287 Kainsford, sir John, cclxi sir "William, xcvi, cclxxx, ccxciv, cccxiii; knighted, cccii Eandall, John, 451 Eandolph the German, xlv, xlix, li Rangone, Pallavicino, 274 Eatcliff, clxsxv Eatclyffe, sir Humphrey, a jouster, ccoi sir John, Ixiv, ccci Eoger, colviii, colxi Eeading, 234, 354; the King's visit to, 87, 453 ; disturbances at, 289 ; lease, of, 543 Eebellions, cxxviii Eecord, Eobert, at Gardyner's sermon, cviii ; notices of, ccxviii, 417 Eede, sir Eichard, 345, 399, 487 Eeding, John, 451 Eedman, John, Ixix ; sermon at court, civ ; sermon on the death of Bucer, 305 Eeformation, Gardyner required to preach on its doctrines, cvi, see Protestants Eegal, a sceptre, cclxxxvi Eegalles, a pair of, ccxoi regalia, ccxcv Eegraters and forestallers, proclamations against, 318, 332; statutes against, 492 Eeiffenberg, landgrave, 407, 445 KehgioD, Articles of, 377, 547, 591 Eeligious observances early in the reign, xcvii — c Eequests, regulations for the commissioners of, 502 Eeservations on spiritual promotions, 491 de Eeux, mons. 471 " reward," 363 Rhinegrave, Otho-Henry, 222 ; biog. note, 270, 459 de Riband, Jean, 217, 375 ; knighted, cccvii Ricardes, chaplain to the lady Mary, 297 Rich, sir Hugh, Ixiv sir Eichard, assistant to king Henry's executors, Ixxxiv ; made lord chancellor, Ixxxviii ; a baron, xciv ; mentioned, cxxxii, cclxx, 211, 233, 241, 256, 336, 339, 498 ; a lord lieutenant, 267 ; regulates the clothworkers, 267; proposes to receive the lady Mary at Leez, 288 ; falls sick, 74, 291 ; returns a letter from the council, 347; resigns the great seal. 378, 591 ' Eioh, lady, 360, 362 Richmond, cxxxviii ; dispraised by a phy- sician, cxxxi; the King at, 295, 330, 336 Richmond, Henry duke of, xH, Ixxii, 16 duchess of, occxiv, 362, 364; solicits her father's pardon, 491 Eiding, ccxx Eidley, Nicholas, sermons before the King, ci, ciii ; disputes on the sacrament, cxii ; mentioned by Hooper, cxl; preaches to the parliament, clxxviii; his sermon be- fore the King which led to the grant of Bridewell, &c clxxxi; made bishop of London, 255 ; argued with Joan Bocher, 264 ; his injunctions, 280 ; prepares articles for Gardyner, 284; his opinion as to the lady Mary's mass, 309 ; commis- sioner on ecclesiastical law, 398, 399; commissioner for sale of chantry lands, 414; for Eton college, 458; mentioned, 487 ; in parliament, 492 ; privy council- lor, 499; his advice respecting the em- peror, coxxiii et seq. Riverius, Franciscus, cxlix, 685 Robinson, Alan, cccvii Robotham, Robert, cccxii, 587 Robsart, Amy, 275 de la Rochepot, Frangois de Montmorency seigneur, commissioner for peace, 249, 256, 266, 273 Rochester, Robert, comptroller to the lady Mary, 297, 336, 339, 340 Rochet, the episcopal, cxlvii Rodemanche, siege of, 83, 426 Rogers, sir Edward, knighted, cccii; made one of the four knights attendant, cxxxiii, 244; at court, 359 sir John, cclxi John, proposed to be sent commis- sioner to Alderney, 277; commissioner for fortifications in Ireland, 302 ; sur- veyor of Boulogne, 385 ; to survey Ports- mouth, 417 Rohan, vicomte de, 471 Rokeby, Ralph, serjeant-at-law, 416 Rokesby, to be marshal of Berwick, 462 Romanist party, assists to pull down So- merset, and is deceived by Northumber- land, cxxxiii Romford, 280, 310 INDEX. 625 Eonsard, Pierre, cccxxxiii Eopedancers at St. Paul's, ccxc Rose, manor of the, 387 Ross, bishop of, 312 Rosse, Thomas, 488 Rosso, Giulio Raviglio, cxcii Rotherham, sir Thomas, cclxi Rouen, 295 Rounds and Rovers, shooting at, ccxix Roussirion, prince of, 468 Rowlande, John, cccxii Rowly, Samuell, his historical play on Henry Vm. Uv, Ixxi Roxburgh, captured, 219; captain appointed, 220; rased, 251, 254 Royston, 364, 365, 618 Rudde, John, xcvii de Rue, mons. 465, 467 Rugge, (alias Repps,) William, bishop of Norwich, 255 Running, (or base,) ccxix at the ring, ccxx, 272, 279, 310, 317, 328 Russell, sir John, cclvii John lord, executor to Henry VHI. Ixxxiv, Ixxxviii, cxxxii ; made one of the six lords governors, cxxxiii; made earl of Bedford, ih. ; see Bedford Francis lord, Ixvi, 252, 260, 363 Jane, xxxv lady, 360 ■ sir Thomas, Ixii, cccvii Ruthven, master of, 312 Rutland, earl of, xxv, cclxii, cclxv; at the coronation, ccxciii, ccxcvi, ccxcvii; a jouster, ccciii; 54, 56, 225, 260, 270; his band of horse, 219, 313; reports against Whalley, 303; goes to France, 317; at court, 351, 352, 363; at Somer- set's trial, 371 ; his men of arms, 375, 419; in parliament, 492 countess of, cccxv, 362 Rutlandshire, insurrection in, 225, 227 Rybaude, see de Eibaud Rydley, mr. clxxiv Rye, 328 Ryther or Ryder, John, xxxii SackvUle, sir Richard, xli, Ixiii, cccxiv, 414, 432 ; knighted, cccvii Sacrament, discussion in the house of lords, 1548, cxii Sadler, Nicholas, xli Sadleyr, sir Ralph, assistant to King Henry's executors, Ixxxiv ; present at Gardyner's sermon, cviii, cxxxii, ccxciii; made a banneret, 219; a privy councillor, 233, 242 ; master of the wardrobe, 244 ; has fifty men at arms, 313, 396, 416, 419, 427; at council, 336; mentioned, 365, 395; MP. for Hertfordshire, 371; a commissioner, 469 ; privy councUlor, 499 St. Alban, servant of the earl of Arundel, 365 St. Alban's, lease of, 543 St. Andr6, the mar&hal, his visit to England, 321 et seq. ; biog. note, 331 ; services in Lorraine, 78, 88, 408, 468 ; ring given to, 589 St. Andrew's, the prisoners taken at, 282 St. Barbe, Thomas, cccxv St. George, the history of, 513 the feast of, xcviii, 514 St. James's field, 376 St. James's palace, xcvi, ex, 42 bis, 44, 53, 59 St. John's, GlerkenweU, the mansion of the lady Mary, 308, 309, 429 St. John, sir John, cclxi St. John, "William Poulet lord, executor to Henry VIH. Ixxxiv; his political con- duct, ib. cxxxii, cxxxiii, cxlviii, cclxv ; at the coronation, ccxciii, 233 ; the council meets at his house, 234 ; takes possession of the Tower, 238; made one of the six lords attendant, 243 ; created earl of Wiltshire, 248 ; made lord treasurer, ib. ; his men at arms, 299, 312; to revise the order of the Garter, 314, 512; see Wilt- shire and Winchester St. Leger, sir Anthony, verses on the Eucha- rist attributed to, Pref. viii; his cha- racter, ix, 206, 208 ; revoked from Ire- land, 221; sent to arrest the protector, 234; at a chapter of the Garter, 260; mentioned, 273; his men at arms sent to the sea coast, 285; 5,000Z. sent to, 287 ; sent to the south of Ireland, 302 ; revoked, 311; feud with the archbishop of Dublin, 383, 410; mentioned, cccxv, 416, 424 sir John, cclxii; destined for a ba- rony, cclxxii, cclxxiv sir John, knighted, cccviii 626 INDEX. St. Loe, sir John, cclxi; knighted, cccviii St. Michael, order of, King Edward elected of, 322, 323 ; ceremony of its reception, 587 ; King Edward keeps the feast of, 346 St. Nicholas, battle of, 471 day, observance of, xcix, c St. Omer's, captain of, 408 St.' Paul's cathedral, ceremonial of the Ser- jeants at, 416 St. Stephen's college, Westminster, 431 Saints, in the calendar of the church of England, 513, see St. George Salerno, prince of, 86, 428, 447 Sahsbury, the King's visit to, 87, 447 Salmon, Christopher, cc, cccxii Salvajm, sir Francis, knighted, 219 Salysbury, sir John, knighted, ccci Sampson, Eichard, bishop of Lichfield, commissionerfor peace with Scotland, 3 1 2 ' sir Thomas, cccxviii de San Sulpice, mons. ambassador from France, clxv Sandes, sir Richard, cclxii Thomas lord, ccix, 450, 492 Sandwich, 549 Sandys, bp Edwin, xlvii Santerianus, ccxxxvii Sapcotes, sir Edward, knighted, ccci de Sassy, Guillerm Bochetel seigneur, 250, 269 Saunders, James, xxiv sir Thomas, 371 ; knighted, Serjeant, 409, 492, 493 Savage, sir John, knighted, cccii Savoy hospital, clxxxiv; lease of, 423, 576 Saxony, John-Frederick duke of, 2:21, 434 Maurice elector of, 75, 78, 292, 313, 341 ; his poKcy, 357, 366, 368, 405, 407, 408, 412, 420, 421, 434, 460 Scilley, 278 Scipiaro, 338 Scipperus, (Cornelius, seigneur d'Ecke,) ex- pected to steal away the lady Mary, 284, 288, 291, 323, 327 Schetz, the, bankers, 419 Scory, John, sermons by, cliii ; preaches at Joan Bocher's execution, 264; commis- sioner on ecclesiastical law, 398, 399; made bishop of Chichester, 415 Scotish marches, disorders in, 6 18 ; wardens of, 304, 365, 448, 460, 47 1 ; see Debateable land Scotland, the duke of Somerset's manifesto on invading, 214; the war with, 47, 50; comprehension of in the peace with France, 269 ; commissioners sent to view the borders, 276 ; " made wholly French," 300, 302 ; treaty for settling the bound- aries, 311, 322; concluded at Norham, 333 ; forces sent to aid the French king, 467 Scots, see Mary Scott, sir Walter, of Buccleuch, slain, 467 Scrope, lord, mourner at funeral of Henry Vni. ccxl Sea-fights: the Paunsy and the Lion, 213; at Jersey, 227 ; with Flemings, 257 ; mock fight at Deptford, 279 Seal, the great, its surrender by Rich, 378 ; delivery to Goodrich, 381 ; again as chan- cellor, 390; its design, 594, occlix Seame, Christmas fool, clxxii Segrave, — a j ouster, ccci, ccciii Seman, John, 306 Sempringham, 418 Senarpon, monsieur, 408 Serjeants at law, creation of, in 1552, 416 Sermons, rare till after the Reformation, ci ; King Edward has one every Sunday, ib. ; required from those promoted to bene- fices,. 257; Ridley's lamentation on the disregard of, ciii ; Latimer's, cxxvi ; Gil- pin's, clxxvi ; Knox's, clxxviii at court, at the new preaching- place at Whitehall, cvi, cxxvi ; in Lent 1546-7, ci; in Lent 1547-8, ciii; in Lent 1548-9, cxxiv; in Lent 1549-50, cxxxiv; thanksgiving, cxxxv, 255; by bishop Day, cxxxvi; in Lent 1550-51, cliii; in Lent 1551-2, clviii; to the parliament, clxxviii; in Lent 1552-3, ib. on the death of Bucer, 305 Seven sciences liberall, cclxxxiv Severnake, John, ccxxi Seymour, Alexander, 373 lady Anne, cccxxxiii; her mar- riage to lord Lisle, 273 David, 355, 358, 365 the lord Edward (afterwards sir Edward Seymour of Berry Pomeroy,) Ix, 61; knighted, 219; mentioned, 236; n. INDEX. 627 tilter, 274; chief mourner at lord Went- worth's iuneral, cxlix Seymour, the lord Edward, the Protector's third son of the same name, and godson of the King, 61 sir Henry, nominated K.B. ccc ; his history, cxiv, 236 lord Henry, Ixi John, Ix, 354, 355, 368 sir Thomas, created lord Sey- mour of Sudley, xxiv bis; assistant to King Henry's executors, Ixxxiv; his legacy, Ixxxv; made lord admiral, xci, 212 ; and a baron, xciii, 211 ; at the coro- nation, ccxciii; elected K.G. cocix; his ambition and efforts to ingratiate himself with the King, cxiii ; Heylyn's character of, cxiv; John Fowler's account of his sayings and conduct, cxv; of the money he gave the King and his attendants, cxix; a jouster, ccc, ccciii; his courtship of the queen dowager, 41, 44; letter in his favour frondi the King to her, 46 ; his marriage, 215; his attempts to become governor of the King's person, 53 ; bil- lets of Edward to, 60 ; prosecution, cxx ; condemned, cxxii, 224; execution, cxxiii; remarks on his act of attainder, 371, 372; blamed by Latimer, cxxiii, cxxiv; and by his servant Wightman, ccxlvii queen Jane, her ancestry, xxi; letters under her signet announcing her son's birth, xxui ; her death, 209 lady Jane, cccxxxiii, 361 ■ Margaret lady, cxlvii ; argument against court mourning for, cxlviii lady Margaret, Ixv, cccxxxiii Seyton, William, xlv Sharington, sir William, 53, 224,258, 265, 266, 449, (misnamed sir Thomas in the Bang's Journal, p. 224,) cxix, cxx ; nomi- nated K.B. ccc, cccxvi Sheen, 61, 243, 273 Sheep, 2,000 only to be kept by one man, 318, 481, 483; various bills proposed for, 493 Sheffield, sir Edmund, created lord Sheffield of Butterwick, xciv, cclxxii, cclxxiv, cclxxvii, 211 ; slain by the Norfolk rebels, 231 John lord, verses on the death of Bucer, 306 Shelley, a jouster, ccc Edward, killed in Scotland, 218 Eichard, 266, 364, 365; nomi- nated for ambassador to the emperor, 491 William, 451 Shelton, sir John, knighted, ccci lady, cccxv Sheringham, sir Anth. knighted, cccii Shingleton, clxxxv Ships, the King's to be famished for the sea, 288 ; prepared for Ireland, 300 ; list of the royal navy, 323, 581; orders for furnishing, 323, 327, 587; some ordered to be sold and others let to merchants, 400 ; some sent to sea, 404, 407 ; taken by the French, 463 French, lost on the Irish coast, 306 Shooting, see Archery Shoreditch, 364 Shrewsbury, earl of, xcii, cxxxii, clxsvii ; mourner at funerals of Henry VHI. and Edward VI. ccxl, cclxiv, cclxv, ccxcvii; at the coronation, ccxciii, ccxcvi; Ueut.- general in Scotland, 223; mentioned, 226, 233, 236, 237, 241, 266, 332, 336, 356, 364, 469, 492; privy counciUor, 499, 501 countess of, clxxvii Sicily, attacked by the Turks, 359 Sidney, sir Henry, xlv, cxci, cxcix ; made a gent, of the privy chamber, cxxxiv, 257; goes to France, 317; made one of the principal gentlemen, 334; knighted, 352 ; a tilter, 368, 384, 389 ; mentioned, 418; his men of arms, 419, 427; his ship, 463; his description of the King's death, cchv lady Mary, 360, 362 sir William, xxvi, xxvii, xxxix; biog. note, xxx, 392 ; letters of, xxxiv ■ lady, xxxiii Sigismund I. 48 Silver mine in Ireland, 416, 425, 546 Sisinghurst, 329 Skinner, Anthony, 349 Skippe, dr. cclxii Skipwith, sir William, knighted, 219 " Slaughter-houses," 439 Sleidan, his praise of King Edward, coii Smith, sir Clement, knighted, cccvi ; chidden for hearing mass, 310 George, brother to sir Thomas, 239 628 INDEX. Smith, dr. Eichard, recants his opinions, 214 sir Thomas, secretary of state, knighted, cccviii; faithful to the pro- tector Somerset, cxxx, 239, 240; seques- tered from the secretaryship, and sent to the Tower, 234, 241 ; ambassador to France, 316, 582, 585; proposed for commissioner on ecclesiastical law, 398; confers with French commissioners, 459 ; his astrological MS. ccxvii; bp. Taylor died at his house, ciy Smyth, John, player, 382 ; Christmas fool, clxxii Snaythe, sir William, nom. K.B. ccc Soldiers sent to their " mansions," 267, 579 Solway moss, 301 Somerset, Anne duchess of, 253 ; sent to the Tower, 355; had little intercourse with the King, cxiii, cccxiv Edward dulte of (see Hertford), letters of Edward to, 47, 50, 51; his assumption of the Eoyal "We," 46; announces to the King his accession, and rides with him from Enfield to the Tower, 210; created duke of Somerset, elected protector of the realm and governor of the King's person, appointed lord trea- surer and earl marshal, 211 ; at the coro- nation, ccxciii; his style set forth, 214; his services on the Scotish border, 215; challenged by the earl of Huntly, 218; makes several knights, 219 ; his unwise proclamation respecting inclosures, 225 ; intended to go against the Norfolk rebels, 231; at Gardyner's sermon, cvi, cviii; occupies " the Queen's side " of the royal palaces, cxi; his intercourse with the King, cxiii; deposed from the protecto- rate, cxxviii ; cabal of the council against him, 232 ; course of proceedings against, 233, 234 ; and documents relating thereto, 235-243; deprived of his offices, 244; delivered of his bonds and came to court, 255; taken into the council, 256; his license for 200 retainers, ib. ; at a chapter of the Garter, 260; restored to his goods, 262; taken into the privy chamber, 268; death of his mother, cxlvii ; his band of horse, 299 ; rumours of his restoration to the protectorship, 303 ; to revise the order of the Garter, 314, 512; dines with the French ambassadors, 272 ; entertains them, 273; sups with the vicedam of Chartres, 276 ; his men of arms sent to the sea coast, 285 ; appointed lieutenant of Oxfordshire, &c. 267, 288, 289; at Eichmond, 336 : executes conspirators at Okingham, 340; at the creation of the duke of Northumberland, 352 ; the charges on his second prosecution, 353 ; his treat- ment from Gecill, 354 ; documents relating to his second fall, 369; his trial, 370; the King describes his trial, 7 1 ; and con- curs in his execution, 489, 490 ; his men of arms appointed to the duke of SuiFolk, 381 ; his execution, clvii, 390; amount of his guilt, 474; censured by Knox for sacrificing his brother, clxx ; lamented it, as stated by the lady Elizabeth, cxxi; neglected sermons to visit his masons, clxxix ; his children, Ix ; letter of Cheke to, on philautia, ccxlv; his character, ccxlvi Somerset, sir George, cclxii Sommers, Will, xliv, xlv, Ixxii Soranzo, Giacomo, 635 Southampton, the King's visit to, ccliii, 81, 444; Guidotti resident there, 256; mart proposed at, 405, 505 et seq. 549 Thomas Wriothesley, earl of, created, xciii, 211; mentioned, cclx, cclxiv, cclxv, ccxciii; deposed from the chancellorship, xc; takes an active part in the deposition of Somerset, cxxxii, 232, 245; and is disappointed, cxxxiii; put ofi' the council, 249 ; his death, 288 Southwark, 228, 233, 234, 244, 344 Southwell, sir Eichard, xxiv; assistant to King Henry's executors, Ixxxiv, cxxxii, cxxxiii,cclviii, cclxx, cclxxiv, cccxv,233, 237, 242; committed to the Fleet, 246 sir Eobert, cccxv, 246 Southwick priory, 357 Southworth, sir John, knighted, 220 Speke, sir Thomas, a j ouster, ccci, ccciii Spinola, Paul Baptist, 229 ; knighted, cccviii Spires, 410 Spring, sir John, knighted, ccoii Stafford, Henry lord, Ixvii, cccxxxii; at Somerset's trial, 371 ■ sir Humphrey, knighted, cccii sir Eobert, clxviii, 388 sir Thomas, 382 sir William, clxvi, 260, 349, 384 INDEX. 629 Stafforton, mr. 513 Stamford, 364, 365 William, serjeant-at-law, 398, 399, 415, 416, 487 Stamp of the King's signature, xxe, 236,338 Standon, Edmund, 436 Stanhope, sir Michael, Pref. iii, cxxviii, cccxv, 54, 58 ; sent to the Tower, cxxxii, 234; again, 355; charges against him, 361; commander of Hull, 385; keeper of Guildford manor, 434 ; letter of, ccxxi ; execution, 392 Stanley, sir William, knighted, ccci Stansted, 356 Staple, merchants of the, 506 Stapleton, Thomas, 451 Star chamber, 267, 357 Steedes (merchants), 429, see Steelyard Steelyard merchants, 390, 391, 401, 403, 413, 429, 489, 507, 509 Stephens, WiUiam, 384 ' Sternholde, Thomas, Iv, xccxii, cccxvii Stirling castle, 467 Stourton, lord, cclix, 225, 360, 363; at Somerset's trial, 371; mourner at the Kong's funeral, ccxl Charles, surrenders Newhaven, 227 — sir Charles, knighted, 219 — John, Ixxvii Stradling, sir Thomas, cccviii, 365 Strange, Anthony, 451 I Henry lord, Ixv ; a hostage in France, 252, 253, 262; runs at the ring, 272 ; testimony against the duke of So- merset, 361, 373 Strangways, sir Giles, cclxi, cccvii Strasburg, 405, 417 Strelley, sir Anthony, cvii, 220 sir Nicholas, deputy warden of the East march, 304, 364, 448; his charac- ter, 462 Stremer, mr. clxxv Streete, of the guard, 375 Strete, Thomas, cccxii Stretes, Guilliam, painter, cccxliv, cccli Strozzi, Leo, prior of Capua, 343, 353 Pietro, 222, 334, 338, 468 Strynger, mr. clxxiv Stuart, charged with intention to poison the queen of Scots, 318, 581 Stukeley, Thomas, 266; his information against the French king, 455, 457, 462, 464, 540, 542, 593; sent to the Tower, 462 Stump, sir James, knighted, cccviii Stumphius, John Eodolph, 1 Sturbridge fair, 506 Sturmius, John, his praise of King Edward, ccii ; letters to, cxxxvii, cl Subtle, the galley, 271 Succession, the King's devise for 561 et seq. : the lords' engagement to, 572 ; described by M. de Noailles, cxciv Sudley, 390 ; see Seymour, sir Thomas Suffolk, insurrection in, 225 Charles Brandon, duke of, godfather to King Edward, cclviii — ccixv, 209 ; his death, 434 Charles Brandon second duke of, liv, Ivi, Ivii, Ixii, Ixxix, xcii; at the co- ronation, ccxciii, ccxcvi; a hostage on the peace with France, 251, 252, 259, 262; runs at the ring, 272; his Latin verses on the death of Bucer, 306 ; death of, 330 the dukedom reconferred, civ Henry Grey, duke of {see Dorset), creation of, 350; at court, 360, 362; at Somerset's trial, 371 ; has Somerset's band of men of arms, 381, 419, 435; in progress with the Eng, 436 ; a commis- sioner, 469; in parliament, 492, 493; privy councillor, 498, 501; K.G. 518, cccix bad character attributed to one of the dukes of, 137 ■ Frances duchess of, 360, 362, 363, clxxvii, cxci • Katharine duchess dowager of, 364, 365 - place, Southwark, cxxviii, 228, 233, 234, 243, 244 Suits, regulations respecting, 427, 497 Suliarde, William, ccxlii Superantio, ambassador from Venice, 322 Supremacy, oath of, cxliii, cxlvi Supreme Head, the King's title, acknow- ledged by bishop Gardyner, cvii ; by the French, 269 Surgeons, the King's, cccxviii, cccxii Surrey, earl of, ccxx, ccxxi, ccxxii Sussex, insurrections in, 225 — 273 ; search for vagabonds, &c. 280 ; duke of Somer- set lieutenant of, 288 4 M 630 INDEX. Sussex, earl of, cclviii, cclix ; sewer at coro- nation, ccxovii; conducts the duke of Somerset to the Tower, 235 ; in council, 237; at Somerset's trial, 371; in parlia- ment, 492; mourner at the funerals of Henry VIII. and Edward VI. ccxl Sutton, Oliver, 383 Sweating sickness, 329, 587 Sweden, ambassador from, 255 ; his mes- sage and the answer, 260 ; departs home, 263 Swords, anecdote of the swords at Edward's coronation, ccii Sydenham, sir John, knighted, cccviii Sydney, see Sidney Symonde, Anthony, ocxxii Syon house, oxxxviii, 243, 279, 285, 460 Tables at court reduced, 458, 543 Tadcaster, 364 de Taille, mons. 428 Talbot, George lord, Ixi ; a hostage in France, 252, 253, 262 sir John, knighted, 220 Taverner, Eichard, 376 Taylor, John, sermon at court, civ; com- missioner on ecclesiastical laws, 398, 399 ; made bishop of Lincoln, 414 dr. Rowland, commissioner on ec- clesiastical laws, 398, 399 Temple, William, 306 Tennis-play, ccxxii, 425 Terentianus, Julius, ccxxxvii Terill, mr. 387 Terling, Levyn, cccxliv Teste, showing the position of the great seal, not of the King's person, ex Testerns, abased in value, 317, 329, 332, 338 ; proclamation against melting down, 343 ; proclamation for exchanging, 353 de Thermes, mons. 86, 321, 334, 335, 338, 340; biog. note, 322 Therouenne, 440 Thirleby, Thomas, disputes on the sacra- ment, cxii; letters to dr. Parker, oxxv, oclxii; made bishop of Norwich, 255; a commissioner, 312, 406, 414, 468, 469; in parliament, 492, 493; privy council- lor, 499, 501 Thomas, John, clxvi Thomas, William, his commendation of King Edward, Ixxxi ; made clerk of the council, 258; his fee in that office, clxii; his essays on state policy, ib ; translation of Barbaro, cccxxxv ; in France, 58 Thomond, earldom of, 386 Thornborough, sir William, knighted, 219 Thorpe, William, occxii Throckmorton, sir , excepted from the general pardon, 212 Throckmorton, sir Nicholas, goes to France, 317; at court, 359 Thynne, sir John, knighted, 219; sent to the Tower, 234, 240, 241; again, 365; deprived of his offices, 423 Tiberio, captain, 223 Tichborne, Edward, 451 Tichfield, the King's visit to, 81, 444 Tide, high, 75 Tilting, ccxx, 274, 275, 368, 384, 387, 389 Timber, act for preservation of, 494 Tittenhanger, 32 de Toges, mons. 224, 428 Tomsou, John, 306 Tonge, dr. Koger, Ixxx, cv Torrentinus, Laurence, 399 Toto, Anthony, Serjeant painter, cccv, cocxvi, cccxliv Toul, 471 Tournay, ccxx, 221, 275, 317, 387 Tower of London, the King's reception at, on his accession, 211 ; letters written by him there, 38,39,40; mentioned, 234, 235 ; sir Philip Hoby placed there during the King's progress, 432, 436 Towneley, sir Eichard, knighted, 220 Townsend, sir Eoger, cclxxi Traheron, Bartholomew, 1, 306 ; his report of discussion on the sacrament, cxii ; letters, cxxxix, cxlv; commission on ecclesiastical law, 398, 399 Travers, captain, 229, 230 Trent, see Council de la Tremouille, Louis seigneur, 253, 257, 259, 289, 292 Trepont, burned by the queen of Hungary, 85 Treves, 461, 466 Troyes, 401 Triumphs: ccxxi; at Greenwich, 221, 317, 1; at Blackheath, 328 INDEX. 631 Trumpet playing on the Thames at Green- wich, cxix Trumpeters, the King's, ccxxi Tuckar, Lazarus, 400, 419 Tuke, mr. xxxviii Tumblers, that played before the King, cxix Tunstall, Cuthbert, bishop of Durham, executor to Henry VIII. Ixxxiv, Ixxxviii, colxiv, cclxv; at the coronation, ccxciii, ccxcvii ; commission on his matters, 343 ; committed to the Tower, 378; decision deferred, 427 ; deprived, 464, 490 Turks, war with, advocated, for the sake of religion, 98, 125, 457; they prepare for war, 322; their proceedings, 338, 341, 343, 349; assail Malta, 353; their war- fare in 1552, 446; proposed league against, 457, 460, 539, 541 Turner, dr Eichard, 488, 548 Tumour, captain, 286 Tuxford, 364 Tweed, fishing in the, 300, 301 Tyboum, 248 Tye, dr. Chxistopher, liv Tyrol, 421 Tyrone, earl of, xxxviii, 465 Tyrrell, sir Henry, nom. K.B. ccc sir John, cclxii, 350 ; see Terill Tyrwhitt, lady, 10, 577 sir Robert, xxiv, Ixxv, cclviii, 10 doctor, cclxii Tytler, Mr. his remarks on King Edward's Journal, Pref. xiii U UdaU, Nicholas, 306 ; reported Gardyner's sermon, cviii ; his eulogy of King Ed- ward, cc ; dedication of the Anatomy of Geminus, cccxli Ulm, 412, 459 ab Ulmis, John, letters of, cxlv Ulster king of Arms appointed, 395 Underbill, Edward, cxxviii, 513 Uniformity of service, act for, 223, 547 Unton, sir Alexander, nom. K.B. ccc ■ sir Edward, 274 Ursiewe, Nicholas, cccxvii Utenhovius, John, letter of, clxix Uxbridge, 237 Vachell, Thomas, clxxxvi Vagabonds, act for the punishment of, 220 ; search made for, 280 de Valois, queen Marguerite, 274 de Vandeville, mons. 465 Vane, sir Ralph, cclxxiv; made a banneret, 219; involved in the duke of Somerset's fall, 353, 355, 356; condemned of felony, 391; execution, 392, 394, 396, 593 ; his forfeited oflSces and property, 431 Elizabeth lady, 392 Vanne, Peter, cccxv; sent ambassador to Venice, 257, 269 Vanrossi, Martin, 349, 420, 465 Vaughan, Cuthbert, ccxxii George, sent to the Tower, 355 Jeffrey, 400 sir John, knighted, cccii sir Eoger, knighted, cccviii Stephen, 316 Vavasour, mr. 364 Vendosme, Antoine due de, 465 ; birth of his eldest son, 346 Venice, Peter Vanne sent ambassador to, 269 ambassadors of, 635; their Rela- tions, 322, cccxxxv Ventrixe, John, xcvii Verney, Edmund and Francis, 582 Ralph, cclxi sir Eichard, knighted, 220 Vernon, sir George, destined for a barony, cclxii; nominate K.B. ccc Veysey, John, bishop of Exeter, notices of, 339 Victuals, proclamations on, 293, 295, 296, 342, 367; Londoners threatened thereon, 424 Vienna, 460 Villa Francha, 369 Villandry, ambassador from France, 463, 468, 470 Villars, count, 353 de Villesiege, sir Alonzo, knighted, cccvii, 220 Vincent, David, cccxii . of Calais, clxxxv mistress, cccxv Virginals, taught the King by John Ays- sheley, cxix, ccxxi 4 M 2 632 INDEX. Vives, Juan Ludovico, ccoxxtx, 3, 16, 19 Vowell, alias Hooker, John, his narrative of the Devonshire rebellion, 230 "W Wade,_ArmigeU, 378; his fee as clerk of the council, clxii Waldegrave, sir Edward, coxxxviii, 336, 339, 340 Walderton, sir "William, knighted, cccviii Wales, sir W. Herbert appointed lord pre- sident of, 256, 277 Walldyke, the lord, knighted, 219 Wallop, sir John, xxiv, cclviii, cccxv, 266; commissioner for the French borders, 286 Walpole, Horace, on King Edward's writings, Pref. xiii, xviii Waltham, 543 ; see Bishop's Waltham Walters, William, cclxxvii Warblington, the King's visit to, 80, 440 ; the Queen dowager of Scotland at, 358 Warcop, Mr. 384, 388 Wardrobe, the, xxivb, 544 Ware, 364 Warner, sir Edward, cclxxiii le Warre, Thomas lord, cclix, 273 ; elected a K G. cccix Warton on the character of King Edward, Pref. xviii Warwick, Anne countess of, see Seymour, lady Anne John Dudley, viscount Lisle, created earl of, 211; appointed great chamberlain, 212; and so attends the coronation, ccxciii ; second in command in Scotland, 50, 51, 215; almost taken pri- soner, 217; makes knights, 220; encoun- ters the Norfolk rebels, 231 ; his cabal against the protector, 232 ; made one of the six lords attendant, 243 ; re-appointed lord admiral, 244 ; lord great master, 248, 249; general warden of the North, 256; his entertainment at Syon, 279 ; examines bishop Gardyner, 283 ; excused from going to the North, 285; his band of horse, 299 ; revises the laws of the Garter, 314, 513, xvi; at a triumph (m Blackheath,328; atEichmond,336 ; made warden of the North, 344 ; his partisans, 347; favours Protestantism, cxl, cxlvi, cxlviii; illness, cxlii; created duke of Northumberland, civ, 351. See Northum- berland Warwick, John earl of, son of the pre- ceding {see Lisle), 360, 362, 368, 384, 389; has fifty men of arms, 391, 419, 435; made master of the horse, 409; biogr. notice of, Ixv ; marriage, cxlvii ; Wilson's Arte of Rhetoricke dedicated to, cccxli Warwickshire, insurrection in, 225 Waterford, fortifications at, 310 Watson, "Thomas, present at Gardyner's sermon, cviii Waucop, Robert, archbp. of Armagh, 257, 579 Welsborne, sir John, cclxi, cccxv Wendy, dr. Thomas, cxcvii, cc, cccxiv Wentworth, sir John, knighted, cccii Nicholas lord, cxxxii, 234, 241 ; made one of the six lords attendant, 243 ; made lord chamberlain, 245, 248; 'his band of horse, 299; his death, 306; funeral of, cxlix Thomas lord, 360; at Somer- set's trial, 371; deputy of Calais, 462, 635 ; in parliament, 492 sir Nicholas (or William?) porter of Calais, 457 sir Thomas, knighted, 219 lady, 360 West, servant to the lord admiral Seymour, cxviii Westmerland, earl of, 303, 404; K.G. cccix; accused of conspiracy 463 ; privy coun- ciUor, 498, 501 countess of, cccxv Westminster palace, xcvi, 577 Weston, sir Richard, cclxi Wetherby, 364 Whalley, Richard, receiver of Yorkshire, escapes arrest at Windsor, cxxxi; letter to Ceoill, civ ; sent to the Tower, 241 ; to the Fleet, 303 ; again to the Tower, 355 ; deprived of his office, 423 Wharton, Thomas lord, 364; at Somerset's trial, 371 ; commissioner for the Debate- able land, 404 ; warden of the Scotish marches, 439, 440 sir Henry, knighted, cccvi Wheler, prince Edward's servant, 5 Whipping or Breeching boy, Ixi Whitchurche, Edward, Ivi INDEX. 633 White, John, 357 bishop John and sir John, Ixi Stephen, 451 Whitehall palace, xcvi; the preaching- place at, cvi, cxxvi, 63 Whitehead, David, 488 Whitsuntide, observance of, xcix Whittingham, William, Ivi Whittington, mr. Ixxvi Wight, Isle of, descent of the French on, 113; duke of Somerset's intention to go to, 356 ; survey of, 417 Wightman, William, ccxlvii van Wilder, Peter, ccxxi ; Philip, liv, ccxxi, 20, 317 Wildfire on the Thames, 273 Wilford, sir James, knighted, 219; biogr. note, 222 Wilkes, master Eichard, cv Willanton, Robert, at Gardyner's sermon, cix Willems, Marc, painter, cccli Williams, sir John, treasurer of the aug- mentations, clxvii, cccxv, 92, 234, 271, 283; his fee, 432; committed to the Fleet, 421 John, cclxi William, assay-master, 425 Willot, mr. clxxiii Willoughby, sir Christopher, cclxii sir Edward and sir Francis, 445 George, 227 sir Hugh, his expedition, clxxxvi sir WiUiam, created lord Wil- loughby of Parham, xciv, cclxxii, cclxxiv, ccLxxvii, 211 ; appointed deputy of Calais, 294 ; at court, 360, 363 ; deputy of Calais, 388 ; revoked from Calais, 457, 461 ; in parliament, 492 Wilson, dr. cclxii Miles, 306 sir Thomas, verses on Bucer, 306 ; book on the dukes of Suffolk, 330 ; his Arte of Logique,and of Ehetorique, cccxl Wilton, 240 ; the King's visit to, 449 Wiltshire, insurrection in, 225; duke of Somerset lieutenant of, 288 George Boleyne, earl of, cclviii, ccUx, cclxiv . WilHam Paulet, earl of (see St. mines bishop Gardyner, 283 ; his band of horse, 299; at Richmond, 336; par- tisan of Warwick, 347 ; created marquess of Winchester, 352. See Winchester Wiltshire, John Paulet, earl of, 359, 860, 363, 364 Wimbush, sir Thomas, cclxxii Winchester, the King's visit to, 87, 450 William marquess of (see St. John and Wiltshire), created, 352 ; at court, 363; letter of, 362, 369; lord steward at the trial of the duke of Somer- set, 367, 371 ; his men of arms, 375, 419, 435; receives the seal from Rich, 379; with the King on his progress, 436 ; men- tioned, clxxvii, 493, 498, 501 ; his jest on St. George, 513; ruled all by counsel and wit, clxx; KJiox's diatribe against him, ib. ; his conduct with regard to the succession, cxciv; Mory sine's character of, ccxxxvii; chief mourner at the King's funeral, ccxl lady marquess of, clxxvii, 362 John), at a chapter of the Garter, 260, 512; at Gardyner's sermon, cix; exa- Windham, mr. Thomas, clxxiii, 382 Windsor castle, xcvi, ex, cxxxviii; the King's night journey thither, cxxix; his dislike to, cxxxi; the King at, 87, 233, 285, 286, 290, 339, 343, 454 altars defaced at, 280 Windsor, lord, at Somerset's trial, 371 ; in parliament, 492 bis; mourner at the King's funeral, ccxl sir Thomas, 382 Wingfield, sir Anthony, assistant to ex- ecutors of King Henry, Ixxxiv, cxxxii ; mentioned, cclxii; 234, 240, 242, 260, 308 ; made comptroller, 248 ; at Gar- dyner's sermon, cvii; arrested him, cix; arrests the duke of Somerset, cxxx ; his death, 448; privy councillor, 498, 501 Wingfield, sir Humphrey, xli James, 355 mrs. 355 sir Richard, captain of Ports- mouth, 356, 359, 417, 443 Winter, William, surveyor of the ships, 279, 288; his ship taken by the French, 463 ; to keep the Thames, 542 Wirtemburg, duke of, 445 Wisdome, Gregory, clxxxvi sir Robert, 488 Woking, see Oking 634 INDEX. Wolfe, Edward, sent to the Tower, 234 Eeine, occxvii Woodhall, Eicliard and Thomas, 441 Woodham Walter, 297 Woodhouse, sir Thomas, knighted, cccvii sir William, 271 Woodlands, the Eng's visit to, 445 Woodward, Eichard, ccxxii Wool-fleet, the, of Antwerp, 309, 341, 406, 508 Woolwich, 271, 328 Worcester, earl of, summoned to court, 270; attends the French ambassadors, 271 ; goes to France, 316, 317; at Somerset's trial, 371 ; mourner at the King's funeral, ccxl Worcestershire, insurrection in, 225 Wotton, sir Edward, executor to Henry Vni. Ixxxiv, cxxxii, 233, 238, 242; privy councillor, 499 — 501 dr. Nicholas, executor to Henry VIII. Ixxviii, Ixxxiv, cxxxii, ccxxviii, 233, 237, 242; appointed secretary of state, 244; mentioned, 273; resigns, 292; sent ambassador to the emperor, 307, 313; confers with ambassador from the German princes, 357, 435; with the French commissioners, 459 Wright, Henry, 306 Wrio^esley, secretary, xxy; executor to Henry VIII. Ixxxiv, Ixxxviii, cclxii ; created earl of Southampton, xciii. See Southampton Wroth, sir Thomas, iii, xlv, cviii, cxvi, cxviii, cxcix, 50; knighted, cccii; made one of the four knights attendant, cxxiii, 224; a commissioner, 403, 469; privy councillor, 499—501 Wyat, mr. xxxviii sir Thomas, knighted, cccviii Wye, John, xxiii Wymondham steeple, William Kett hanged on, 231 Wynburne, , 397 Wyndham, sir Edmond, sheriff of Norfolk, 231 sir John, knighted, ccci Wythers, Eichard, Portcullis, 429 Ychingham, Edward, Ixxvii Yeomen, or Franklins, honest and wealthy, 56 York, 364; mint at, 344 Yorke, Sir John, knighted, cccvii, 238, 234, 243, 244, 295; his loss by treason, 307; discharged from the mint, 491; master of the woods south of Trent, 433 Lady, 362 Yorkshire, insurrection in, 228 Young, doctor John, cv, cix Younge, John, 317, 582 Zinzan, Alexander, cccxii Zouche, Lord, cccxiv; at Somerset's trial, 371 de la Zouche, sir John, knighted, cccvii ERRATA. p. xxxi, line 6 from foot of notes, /or Astnigie read Ashrigie. P. xliv, line 2 of note,_/br comendam read comendum. P. Ixi, line 2 of note,/or 1582 read 1552. P. cxlix. Franoiscus Eiverius was not Burgoyne, but Perusel : see correction to page 579 below. P. clxii, note ^,read sir Anthony Denny died Oct. 28, 1549 : see Athense Cantab, i. 539. P. GOV, note, line 5, /or Bacon read Becon. P. ccviii, note * is incorrect, and corrected in p. ccxiLi. P. 4, second line of small type, /or ipsa me read ipsa mea mfe. P. 13, note,/or accroyse read accroyre. P. 43, line 12, for Sir W. Hatton read Sir WiUiam Hickes. The MSS. quoted by Strype as " Sir W. H. MSS." belonged to Sir William Hickes, to whom they had descended from Lord Burghley's secretary. They are now the MS. Lansdowne 1236. P. 98. No. 50 is the declamation printed as Oratio XI. That on Astronomy is Oratio XI b. P. 173, /or Hatton read Hickes (see above). P. 219, note, for [eldest] son read [second] son : see p. 236. P. 232, last Une of note,/ir as read by. P. 238, for sir Edward read sir Edmund Peckham. P 262, line 14,/br married read remarried. P. 288, last line of note, /or 21 Hen. YU. read 21 Hen. VHI. P. 290, last line of note, /or May read April. P. 291, note, /or James fifth lord Maxwell r«aJ Robert. P. 292, /or 20. Removing to Oteland read 26. P. 304, for sir Michael Strelley read sir Nicholas. P. 309, line 2,/or it read at. P. 322. The ambassador from Venice, called " Superantio" in the King's Journal, was no doubt Giacomo Soranzo. (List of Venetian Ambassadors to England, by the late John Holmes, esq. F.S.A. in British Museum, MS. Addit. 20,760.) Arms were granted to Giacomo Superantio by patent, dated 5 Feb. 6 Edw. VI. (MS. Ashmole 858, art. 19.) P. 335, note ^,for Sheen read 0\£oid. P. 339, note ', hue 16, read actual fellow 1487. If bishop Voysey was fellow in 1482, he would have been 87 at his death in 1554. P. 340, note ' refers to the fourth (not the second) paragraph of the text. P. 387, note, line 2,/or sir Edward read sir Lucius O'Bryen. P. 423, note ^,for June 5 or 12, read June 19. P. 447, line 16 of note, /or Weastley read Wrastley. P. 448, note \for Dane read Dacre (p. 471) ; and last line, /or p. 439 read p. 441. P. 462. Thomas lord Wentworth was appointed deputy of Calais by letters patent dated Sept. 13, 1558. P. 578, line 18, /or consolars read conselars {i.e. counsellors). P. 579, line 25, fiU up the blank with the name of Francis Perusel, afterwards minister of Wesel in the duchy of Cleves (see Foxe's narrative of the duchess of Suffolk^s exile). WESTMINSTER : NICHOLS AND SONS. M.DCCC.LVn.