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 3 1924 029 882 002 
 
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 REPORTS 
 
 ■ / 
 
 UPON 
 
 THE PRESENT CONDITION AND FDTDRE NEEDS 
 OF THE SCIENCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY 
 
 PRESENTED BY 
 
 W. H. R. Rivers, A. E. Jenks, and S. G, Morley 
 
 at the request of 
 The Carnegie Institution of Washington 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 November 1, 1913 
 

 Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029882002 
 
REPORTS 
 
 UPON 
 
 THE PRESENT CONDITION AND FDTURE NEEDS 
 OF THE SCIENCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY 
 
 PRESENTED BY 
 
 W. H. R. Rivers, A. E. Jenks, and S. G. Morley 
 
 at the request of 
 The Carnegie Institution of Washington 
 
 
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 Washington, D. C. 
 November 1, 1913 
 
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REPORT ON ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 
 
 The object of this report is to consider which part of the world outside 
 America presents the most favorable opportunities for anthropological 
 investigation and the kind of inquiry from which the most valuable results 
 may be anticipated. In considering these matters I propose to lay especial 
 stress on a feature which serves to differentiate anthropology from other 
 sciences, viz., the special urgency of its needs due to the character of its 
 material. The importance of this distinction is so great that it may be 
 dwelt upon for a moment. In the sciences deaUng with inorganic matter 
 and with living creatures other than man, the phenomena which form their 
 subject-matter are stable. The decision of a chemist whether he will use 
 the present moment to attempt the synthesis of a substance is not influenced 
 by the probability, much less the certainty, that in a few years the materials 
 for the synthesis will have wholly disappeared. It is only in certain depart- 
 ments of systematic biology that there is any serious loss and change of the 
 material with which science deals. With this exception the evidence now 
 present will be equally available a hundred or a thousand years hence. This 
 factor of urgency, wholly or almost without importance in other branches of 
 science, is one from which the anthropologist can never escape, and it is of 
 such vital importance that I have no hesitation in using it as my chief guide 
 in this report. 
 
 The aim of anthropology is to teach us the history of mankind, of his 
 physical structure, mind, social organization, language, morals, religion, and 
 the useful and aesthetic arts. Taken in the widest sense, it would include 
 history in so far as it can be studied through written records; but it is 
 customary to limit the application of the term by reserving the study of 
 such records as belonging to the domain of history in the narrower sense 
 and to restrict anthropology to the study of the evidence preserved in the 
 unwritten records of the past and of the present — and the distinction of past 
 and present forms the dividing line between the two chief departments of 
 anthropology, viz., archseology and ethnology. 
 
 I begin by considering how these two chief departments of anthropology 
 stand with respect to their urgency. It is only very exceptionally that the 
 investigation of archaeological problems can be said to be urgent. Relics 
 of human culture, whether they be the rude workmanship of palaeolithic 
 man or the highly elaborate work of Greek or Roman, which have lain under 
 the surface of the earth for times varying from two to twenty thousand years, 
 are not likely to suffer any material change if they are left undisturbed for 
 
6 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 
 
 another century or two. It is only in places such as Egypt, where the buried 
 objects have a great intrinsic value and are thus likely to be the prey of 
 pillagers and amateurs, that the question of urgency arises. Indeed it is 
 possible to go still further; science will gain by delay. No one who com- 
 pares a recent exploration of a Pompeian house or an Egyptian tomb with 
 one of only ten or twenty years ago can fail to see how great has been the 
 positive gain for exact Imowledge through the delay. Archaeology is a rela- 
 tively young subject and it is only now that its students are beginning to 
 recognize the need for attention to minute detail and for the systematic 
 record of features and aspects of ancient remains which may seem trivial to 
 us now, but in a more advanced state of knowledge may become of priceless 
 importance. Looking at the subject, not from the narrow point of view of 
 our own scientific and historical curiosity, but from that of the future, I 
 believe science will gain in the long run by delay of archaeological exploration. 
 
 How different is the case with ethnology ! Here we have material, much 
 of it indeed hidden from the ordinary gaze, but yet open to all the influences 
 now being brought to bear upon it by the rapid spread of western culture 
 over the earth's surface. In many parts of the world the customs of savage 
 and barbarous man are undergoing rapid and destructive change. Even 
 now in many places all religious ceremonies may have disappeared, all the 
 old arts may be neglected, even the niceties of language may be blurred 
 or lost. The brightest side of the matter is the extent and fidehty of the 
 memories of ancient times. Nearly everywhere, among rude peoples whose 
 culture is vanishing, there are to be found old men, often more alert and 
 mentally vigorous than their juniors, who seem to be inspired by a fervor 
 fit to be called religious, as it is found how closely and exactly they have 
 preserved in their memories the minute details of rites and customs which 
 they have had no opportunity of practising for years. Such old men have 
 only to meet one in whom they recognize an interest akin to their own to 
 become fountains of knowledge which seem almost inexhaustible, and yet 
 each case of this kind only brings more forcibly to the mind how great will 
 be the loss when these fountains have been dried by the inevitable conse- 
 quences of a few years' delay. In many parts of the world the death of every 
 old man brings with it the loss of knowledge never to be replaced. 
 
 The fact that the material of the ethnologist is not stationary, but is 
 continually undergoing change, raises another practical problem. If the 
 material for knowledge is thus undergoing change it becomes our business to 
 inquire closely which period of this change presents the most favorable oppor- 
 tunity for the ethnologist; but before I come to this topic it is necessary to 
 say something about the nature of ethnological investigation. 
 
 Generally speaking, ethnological inquiry has two main varieties, which 
 may be called "survey work" and "intensive work," respectively. By the 
 former is meant work in which much ground is covered, observing and com- 
 paring the customs of different tribes and places. Often the worker is espe- 
 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA, 7 
 
 daily interested in some special subject, such as religion, language, or the 
 useful arts, and does not attempt to study the culture of the people as a 
 whole. His object is to gain knowledge of a number of peoples and of a 
 variety of cultures, and in so doing he is obliged to be content largely with 
 superficial information. The essence of intensive work, on the other hand, 
 is limitation in extent combined with intensity and thoroughness. A typical 
 piece of intensive work is one in which the worker lives for a year or more 
 among a community of perhaps four or five hundred people and studies every 
 detail of their life and culture; in which he comes to know every member of 
 the community personally; in which he is not content with generalized infor- 
 mation, but studies every feature of life and custom in concrete detail and by 
 means of the vernacular language . It is only by such work that one can realize 
 the immense extent of the knowledge which is now awaiting the inquirer, 
 even in places where the culture has aheady suffered much change. It is 
 only by such work that it is possible to discover the incomplete and even 
 misleading character of much of the vast mass of survey work which forms 
 the existing material of anthropology. 
 
 I have presented this rough sketch of the two main varieties of anthropo- 
 logical work at this stage of my report because, if the distinction be accepted 
 and the need for intensive work recognized as the more important, it will 
 follow that the state of flux which characterizes the material of the science 
 is of great importance. Such intensive work as I have considered is not pos- 
 sible among a people who are as yet wholly untouched by western influence. 
 A friendly reception and peaceful surroundings are essential to such work. 
 It is only a people already subject in some measure to the mollifying influ- 
 ences of the ofiicial and the missionary who will not fear, or be offended by, 
 inquiry into their customs. 
 
 Probably the most favorable moment for ethnographical work is from 
 ten to thirty years after a people has been brought under the influence of 
 official and missionary. Such a time is sufficient to make intensive work 
 possible, but not long enough to have allowed any serious impairment of the 
 native culture and, even if it has been changed, full and trustworthy infor- 
 mation about the past can still be obtained from those who have participated 
 in the rites and practices which have disappeared or suffered change. 
 
 If one were guided solely by the desire to obtain the most complete and 
 ample records of human culture and to acquire the maximum amount of 
 information in the shortest time, it would be best to seek out such places as 
 I have indicated. There are, however, other considerations which must be 
 taken into account. The rapidity with which culture changes varies greatly 
 in different places, not only according to the extent of the external influence, 
 but also with the susceptibility of the people to change. In many of the 
 places which would provide the most profitable fields of work change is pro- 
 gressing so slowly that such a period as ten years will probably produce no 
 very decided loss. We know, however, that ten years will see, not merely 
 
8 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 
 
 a change, but the complete extinction of knowledge in many other places, and 
 the problem presents itself whether it is not most important to save this 
 rapidly vanishing knowledge, even although its collection may be laborious 
 and apparently unfruitful as compared with the rich harvest of other regions. 
 "We have to choose between knowledge seemingly less valuable and certainly 
 less extensive, but on the point of extinction, and knowledge abundant and 
 full of interest, for the collection of which a good range of years seems to 
 remain, so that the need is less urgent and immediate. 
 
 There is one feature of external influence upon human culture, which is 
 of great importance in considering this relative urgency of different fields of 
 anthropological inquiry. There can be no doubt of the existence of a prin- 
 ciple at work which makes external influence far less destructive among a 
 people with a relatively high culture than among those whose culture is very 
 rude or barbarous. In such a country as India more than two centuries of 
 western influence have had but little real effect upon the essential features 
 of the culture of the people. The social organization, the language, and the 
 religion are almost unaffected, and it is chiefly in material matters that any 
 decided changes are to be found. 
 
 In such a region as the islands of the Pacific, on the other hand, external 
 influence far less in amount and carried by far fewer people has had an 
 infinitely greater effect in a much shorter time, an effect so great indeed 
 that often we have not to discover what traces of external influence there are 
 in native thought and custom; we have rather to inquire what relics of this 
 thought and custom still remain. This difference, according to the scale 
 of culture upon which western influence has been exerted, is a factor of 
 great importance when we are considering the relative degree of urgency of 
 different fields for anthropological inquiry. 
 
 Before I begin an attempt to compare the urgency of the need for investi- 
 gation in different parts of the world and the existing means by which this 
 need is being met, I must say something about the different kinds of agency 
 by which ethnographical work is now being carried out, considering the 
 special advantages and disadvantages which pertain to each. 
 
 If it be conceded that the special need of the present time is for intensive 
 rather than survey work, it would seem at first sight that the most suitable 
 people to undertake it are those whose life-work brings them into intimate 
 relations with the cultures it is wished to understand more fully, viz., the 
 official and the missionary. The advantage possessed by these residents is 
 that they usually know the native language and are often on terms with 
 the people which enable them to command their loyal and affectionate 
 service, while the very nature of their work brings them into close relation 
 with subjects of the greatest ethnological interest. In spite of these advan- 
 tages, the amount of work we owe to the two groups of persons is disappoint- 
 ing both in extent and in scientific value, and it will throw some light on the 
 problem before us to consider to what causes this is due. 
 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 9 
 
 First and foremost must be put the fact that both officials and mission- 
 aries are busy people, living often in climatic and other surroundings which 
 leave but little energy for the performance of extra work after the necessary 
 tasks of the day have been performed. The daily routine of life may leave 
 time and energy sufficient for the record of impressions but not for the exact 
 and methodical work which is the essence of intensive inquiry. 
 
 A second factor is want of training, and this affects not merely the way 
 in which work is done but, strangely enough, often prevents work from being 
 done at aU. I have myself met with persons living among those of rude 
 culture who possess a wide knowledge of native custom and that genuine 
 sjonpathy with native thought which forms the first requisite for successful 
 work, who have yet made no systematic records of any kind because their 
 want of training has not allowed them to know where to begin, or how to 
 tackle in any exact manner the teeming wealth of strange lore and custom 
 with which they find themselves surrounded. 
 
 Still another difficulty, and perhaps the gravest of all, because it is one 
 which can not be overcome merely by the acquirement of training or leisure, 
 is that the occupations of both official and missionary bring them on occasion 
 into conflict with native ideas and customs, so that their inquiries arouse 
 suspicion in the minds of those whom they are trying more fuUy to under- 
 stand. The official is necessarily driven at times to interfere with the normal 
 course of native custom, and the mere fact of such interference leads the 
 native to reticence, if not suspicion. He does not understand the point of 
 view of those from another culture who have been set over him, and in order 
 to be on the safe side will keep from the knowledge of his rulers matters 
 which, if he knew better, would furnish no cause for interference but rather 
 lead to measures conducing to his happiness and comfort. 
 
 The position of the missionary is even more difficult from this point of 
 view. The government official does not come with the duty to destroy which 
 is an essential part of the task of the missionary. The latter comes in order 
 to replace a large part of the ideas and customs of the natives by new, and, 
 since the ideas he wishes to change permeate the life of the people far more 
 deeply and widely than he supposes, an atmosphere of reticence is liable to 
 arise which greatly impairs the value of any record, even the most pains- 
 taking and thorough, which the missionary may attempt. The difficulty is 
 so great that it is only the very exceptional man, one who combines scientific 
 zeal with a real sympathy with native thought, who can give us such exact 
 work as is now the need of anthropology. Even in the best work of this kind 
 which has come from missionaries, it is probable that matters have been 
 hidden from them which might have been revealed to others. The total 
 mass of the contribution of missionaries to ethnology is so great that it is 
 difficult to imagine what would have been the position of the science to-day 
 without it, but it is only exceptional men, such as Codrington, Junod, Roscoe, 
 and Strehlow, whose zeal and skill have enabled them to overcome the 
 
10 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 
 
 obstacles which their calling has put in their way, and even if the general 
 body of missionaries were far more deeply and widely interested in ethno- 
 graphical studies than they are, it would still be necessary that their work 
 should be supplemented by inquiries from other sources. 
 
 These sources have in the past been of two chief kinds: private enter- 
 prise perhaps assisted by grants from governments or scientific bodies, and 
 expeditions organized directly by governments, museums, universities, or 
 other public bodies. 
 
 It is to private enterprise that we owe much of our most valuable work 
 in ethnology, and the reasons for this are clear. The mere fact that persons 
 have been led by their knowledge and inclination to undertake such work 
 implies that they have put the best of themselves into their task, while most 
 of those so led have had some training in exact methods in other sciences. 
 It should be one of the objects of any organization which hopes to further 
 ethnographical inquiry to seek out such persons and help to direct into 
 the most favorable channel energies which might otherwise fail of their 
 full effect. Even if the work of a department is to be mainly directed to 
 some special field of anthropological inquiry, it would be wise economy to 
 devote a certain sum to supplement the resources of those who are prepared 
 to give themselves to ethnographical work in other fields. Such persons 
 are often prepared to give readily of their own financial resources, but these 
 are usually insufficient for the inevitable expenses of the work they wish to 
 undertake, and a relatively small sum set aside to assist the collection and 
 publication of the results of individual enterprise would be an economical 
 means of promoting the science of anthropology. It would be necessary to 
 insure that such private enterprise was not directed merely by the love of 
 adventure, but to see that the training or previous work of an applicant gave 
 reason to expect such exact investigation as is now needed. 
 
 It is not, however, the zeal alone of the private worker which has given 
 so great a value to his work ; there is another cause worth dwelling upon 
 briefly, because it suggests measures which will assist the productiveness of 
 any collective work on a large scale. A recent German writer, Friederici,^ 
 has noted that investigators working alone seem to obtain more valuable 
 results than expeditions endowed with a whole staff of experts. He suggests 
 as a cause the disturbance and excitement produced among the natives by 
 the various activities of the different members of an expedition. A number 
 of people working together at different aspects of ethnographic work interfere 
 with one another and impair the general efficiency. The cause suggested 
 appUes especially to survey work. The general condition of excitement 
 produced by the temporary visit of a set of strangers among a people of rude 
 culture is quite incompatible with any kind of serious work. As Friederici 
 points out, the only possible cou rse is to remove oneself and one's informants 
 
 iWissenschaftliche Ergebnisse einer amtlichen Forschungsreise nach dem Bismarck-Archipel im Jahr 
 1908 (Beitrage zur Volker-und Sprachenkunde von Deutsch-Neuguinea), Berlin, 1912. 
 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 11 
 
 as completely as possible from the general throng. Friederici's explanation 
 applies especially to the short visits of a survey, but there are other factors 
 which apply also to intensive work and to a long-continued stay among a 
 people. 
 
 It is one of the characters of rude culture as compared with that of 
 civilized peoples that it is far less easy, often indeed impossible, to separate 
 those different aspects which are readily distinguished in a higher culture. 
 Among ourselves it is possible to distinguish clearly religious from political, 
 educational, and artistic activities, and each of these from the useful arts. 
 The different domains often overlap, but those who wish to study one of these 
 aspects of life find no difficulty in doing so, and are able to enter into any one 
 subject thoroughly without having more than an ordinary and superficial 
 working knowledge of the rest. Such specialistic treatment is difficult or 
 impossible among peoples of rude culture or, if it be attempted, can result 
 in nothing but incomplete and largely barren work. Thus, for instance, 
 among many peoples of rude culture a useful art is at the same time a series 
 of religious rites, an aesthetic occupation, and an important element in the 
 social organization. One who studies the art merely on the obviously 
 utilitarian side will miss whole worlds of thought and custom, by means 
 of which alone the art and its details become intelligible. Similarly, the 
 student of religion or of sociology who regards such technical occupations 
 as without his province will pass over large fields of religious or social activ- 
 ity without which any complete understanding of his subject is impossible. 
 Even a subject which seems as independent and self-sufficient as linguistics 
 is now suffering severely from the attempt to separate it from other aspects 
 of human activity with which it has the most intimate and vital connections. 
 It follows that specialism in the collection of ethnographical details must be 
 avoided at all costs, and one of the reasons why individual workers have been 
 so successful in ethnology is that their isolation has driven them to take an 
 interest in every aspect of the life of those among whom they are working, 
 and whole departments of knowledge have not been allowed to remain below 
 the threshold because they did not interest a specialist. Once this danger 
 has been recognized, it is evident that it is one which can be avoided in collec- 
 tive work even of any magnitude. The work of an expedition will attain 
 its highest efficiency if it takes note of this feature of ethnographical inquiry, 
 and seeks to combine the advantages of individual enterprise with the work 
 of specialists where this seems indispensable. Such combination should take 
 the form of a division of the members of an expedition into workers who 
 attempt to cover the whole field of ethnographical inquiry within a limited 
 district, and experts and specialists whose task will be the survey and assist- 
 ance of the intensive workers and the coordination of their results in the 
 special departments in which they are interested. 
 
 Two other features of ethnographical work may be considered which 
 may help the decision as to the kind of inquiry from which the most profitable 
 
12 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 
 
 results may be obtained. The inadequate results of many anthropological 
 expeditions are due to the fact that their primary aim has been the collection 
 of materia] objects for museums. Persons who visit a savage or barbar- 
 ous people with the idea of collecting for museums as their primary motive 
 must inevitably come into conflict with the most cherished emotions and 
 sentiments of the people. Any object used by a savage has not merely a 
 utilitarian interest, so that the object can be replaced by another like it; it 
 has, as I have already indicated, a wide aesthetic and religious interest. The 
 man of rude culture is often bound to his implements and utensils, not only 
 by the affectionate familiarity of long usage or even by hereditary interest, 
 but often by emotions of reverence and awe associated with the religious 
 character of the useful arts to which I have already referred. It is no mere 
 coincidence that we so often read the record of the collection of so many 
 thousand museum specimens side by side with the statement that the religious 
 ideas and practices of the peoples were found to be wholly inaccessible. A 
 man of rude culture is not likely to unbosom himself and reveal his most 
 sacred thoughts and rites to one who begins his acquaintance by depriving 
 him, even by honest and generous trade, of objects which stand in the closest 
 relations to these thoughts and rites. To anyone who understands the place 
 taken by his religion in the life of savage and barbarous man it is not sur- 
 prising that expeditions organized to enrich museums should so often show 
 so little acquaintance with the deeper elements of human nature. 
 
 This view by no means implies any depreciation of the value of museums 
 or of the collection of objects to illustrate the arts and modes of life and 
 thought of people of rude culture. When the intensive worker has found his 
 way into the confidence and affection of those among whom he is working, 
 he may often obtain objects ungrudgingly which would never even be seen 
 by the mere collector. Still more important is the fact that everything which 
 he obtains will have an infinitely wider and deeper meaning than anything 
 which can be obtained by the cursory visitor. His collection will not consist 
 of objects to hang on museum walls as meaningless structures, perhaps even 
 as sources of misunderstanding and confusion, but will be definite and valu- 
 able contributions to the understanding of the history of human thought and 
 action. What would otherwise be empty forms become full of meaning and 
 interest in relation to the culture of which they are an integral part. An 
 expedition which makes its collections the means of illustrating other knowl- 
 edge rather than its primary and self-suflacient motive will perhaps obtain a 
 smaller number of objects than a rapid and superficial survey, but each object 
 will have a value which perhaps surpasses that of the whole collection of an 
 expedition which tears the objects from their surroundings without adequate 
 inquiry. Further, it is only by intensive work that it is possible to work out 
 the processes of manufacture, and their illustration by the preservation of 
 successive stages of a process, which are even more important than the col- 
 lection of the finished object. 
 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 13 
 
 Another and closely allied problem is concerned with the relation between 
 physical anthropology (somatology) and other branches of ethnological 
 inquiry. Natives do not like being measured and they like it the less the 
 more complete and thorough the examination by which the measurements 
 are obtained. Such an apparently insignificant detail as snipping off a piece 
 of hair for the purpose of microscopical examination may not merely offend 
 the personal feelings, but may produce the utmost misery or even sickness 
 through the infringement of a religious injunction. One who begins his 
 acquaintance with a people by getting them to submit to physical examina- 
 tion can hardly expect to have obtained a satisfactory introduction to the 
 confidence and sympathy of the people, if he wishes to carry his investigations 
 beyond the superficial and the obvious. The case is exactly parallel with 
 that of the work whose primary aim is the collection of material objects. 
 If the physical measurement be postponed till a later stage of the inquiry, 
 all that is wished can be done, and done far more effectually and completely, 
 while other lines of inquiry will prevent misunderstanding and confusion 
 which may be the chief outcome of the measurements alone. Pedigrees may 
 show that many members of the population are the descendants of steady 
 streams of immigration which have perhaps for generations been coming from 
 other places, and an exact knowledge of relationship may convert a collection 
 of figures useful only for the study of a limited range of problems into material 
 of the utmost value for the study of heredity and racial intermixture. Here 
 again the measurements may be fewer and they may cover a narrower 
 geographical field, but they will form a far more valuable and a many-sided 
 source of exact and trustworthy knowledge. 
 
 If the general principles and points of view which I have so far out- 
 lined be accepted, it will follow that the prime need of anthropology is for 
 the intensive investigation of those living examples of human culture which 
 are most likely to disappear or suffer serious decay. The primary and imme- 
 diate task of any undertaking designed to further anthropological science 
 should be the investigation of such examples of human culture by the most 
 exact and thorough methods which are available, in which the collection of 
 material objects and the examination of man's physical characters shall 
 occupy such a place in the inquiry that they do not interfere with the general 
 success of the undertaking, but are coordinated with other lines of work. 
 
 It is evident, however, that such intensive work as I propose, even if 
 carried out on the most extensive scale, will succeed only in studying samples 
 of human culture taken from the vast mass of material now awaiting the 
 investigator. The question arises whether this intensive work should not 
 be supplemented by survey work, less thorough but covering a wider field. 
 There is at least one feature of the position which makes such survey work 
 essential if the intensive work is to have its full value. It will be necessary 
 to choose places to become the seat of the intensive work and for this purpose 
 a preliminary survey will be essential; without it we should have an example 
 
14 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 
 
 of random sampling to which the varying conditions would give a misleading 
 and unsatisfactory character. Not only at the beginning, but throughout 
 the whole inquiry, survey work designed to choose the places whence the 
 samples are to be taken must form an essential branch of the undertaking. 
 
 Further, survey work will have another function. Even in a field of 
 restricted extent, the intensive investigation of a whole area will be impos- 
 sible. There must be places where it will be necessary to be content with 
 less thorough work, and these gaps will be the more numerous and extensive 
 the larger the area chosen as the field of work. It would be very dangerous 
 to leave these gaps wholly unexplored, and survey work must thus furnish 
 an integral and essential part of the work of an anthropological expedition 
 if its more intensive work is to be complete. 
 
 I have now outlined a number of considerations which should act as 
 guides in the attempt to assign to different parts of the world their relative 
 importance to anthropology and the urgency of their needs for investigation. 
 I propose now to undertake a brief survey of different regions of the globe 
 outside America, with the object of ascertaining the urgency of the needs and 
 how far these needs are being met by existing agencies. 
 
 EUROPE. 
 
 From the point of view of the anthropologist the interest of Europe lies in 
 its archseology and in those survivals of past culture which form the subject- 
 matter of folk-lore. At the present moment the archseology of Europe, 
 and especially of its most ancient] palaeolithic and neolithic periods, forms a 
 subject of the most entrancing interest. The factor of urgency is here, 
 however, largely absent except in so far as the interest of the subject is 
 tending to interest the amateur and thus lead to the performance of rough 
 and imperfect excavation. Further, there is one aspect, both of this line of 
 work and of the study of European folk-lore, which makes unnecessary any 
 special effort from without. The fact that the objects of research lie close 
 to the homes of archaeologists and ethnologists makes it possible for the work 
 to be undertaken by those best quahfied to do so. It is possible for those 
 engaged in academic or other pursuits to undertake this work in their spare 
 time and, as a matter of fact, much of the best intellect and skill of Europe 
 is now being attracted to the exploration of caves and other sites of pre- 
 historic human activity. The nearness of these sites to the universities of 
 Europe makes the means for research far more adequate to its needs than in 
 any other branch of anthropological inquiry. 
 
 These considerations also hold good of the exploration of the remains of 
 the early historical cultures of Italy, Greece, and the islands of the Mediter- 
 ranean. In some of these, and especially in some of the Mediterranean 
 islands, the depredations of dealers introduce an element of urgency, but 
 there are already so many agencies at work that there seems to be no decided 
 need for any new effort on a large scale. 
 
ANTHEOPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 15 
 
 Perhaps the most urgent needs in Europe are for the study of the existing 
 cultures of Lapland in the north and of the countries of its southeastern 
 corner and especially of Albania. The former task could, however, be most 
 suitably undertaken by one of the Scandinavian countries, while political 
 conditions make the present an unsuitable moment to attempt the study of 
 Albania or other countries of the Ba,lkans. 
 
 AFRICA. 
 
 The reasons which make Europe a field in which there is no urgent need 
 for external help apply also to the more northern parts of Africa. Morocco, 
 Algeria, Tripolitania, and Egypt are so close to Europe that it is possible for 
 European experts to combine archaeological and ethnological investigations 
 with the performance of academic or other duties at home. Even apart from 
 this accessibility, however, these countries excite so much interest that they are 
 already the seat of many agencies for scientific work. Most of these agencies 
 are devoted to archaeological research, but existing cultures are not neglected. 
 Those of Algeria and Morocco have been the subject of several valuable 
 studies by French authors, while for several years Professor Westermarck 
 has been carrying on inquiries into the religious and social institutions of 
 Morocco, combining this with academic work in England and Finland. 
 
 On passing further south in Africa there is much scientific activity which 
 may also be ascribed to the nearness to Europe. Thus, it is probably the 
 frequent visits of its officials to Europe and consequent bringing into touch 
 with the modern movement of thought which have led to the employment of a 
 government ethnologist in British Nigeria and the undertaking of an anthro- 
 pological survey of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan by its government. Many 
 officials of the governments of northern Africa employ their furloughs in 
 obtaining a training in ethnological methods, and such training has now been 
 made compulsory for its probationers by the Sudanese government. From 
 Uganda we have now a large mass of intensive work of the highest order from 
 the Rev. John Roscoe and much excellent work from officials of British East 
 Africa. Though there is still much to be done, there is reason to hope that 
 the British possessions in northern and central Africa may become one of 
 the most thoroughly worked regions of the world from the point of view 
 of the ethnologist. 
 
 In the Belgian Congo a government official is now employed to work at 
 ethnology, and much has been learned by the work of officials, missionaries, 
 and special expeditions, but there stiU remains a vast amount to be done, 
 especially in the way of intensive work. We know very little at present of 
 the details of the social organization and religion of the people. 
 
 In the German possessions in Central Africa the conditions are much 
 the same as in the Belgian Congo. Though no direct encouragement to 
 ethnographical research is given by the government, this is counterbalanced 
 by the larger mass of work produced by residents and expeditions. Much 
 
16 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 
 
 of this work, however, has been done in the interest of museums and suffers 
 from the defects of such interest; very much still remains to be done in 
 the intensive study of native culture as a whole. 
 
 The Portuguese possessions of Africa present almost an unworked field, 
 so far as intensive work is concerned. 
 
 It is difficult to ascertain how rapidly the native culture is changing and 
 how great is the consequent urgency of the needs in the countries I have just 
 considered. We loiow that some of their peoples, such as the pygmies of 
 the Congo forests, are not yet ready for intensive work, and that, on the 
 other hand, the ravages of sleeping sickness have decimated large tracts of 
 country, and must thus have produced a most urgent need for inquiry in 
 many places. Many parts of Africa have now been opened up for just about 
 that time which would lead us to expect its people to be in the most favorable 
 condition for intensive inquiry, but on the whole it would seem as if the native 
 culture of this part of Africa was somewhat less liable to disintegration as the 
 result of external influence than in some other parts of the world. 
 
 In one part of Africa, however, the urgency of the need for research 
 stands beyond all question. South Africa was formerly inhabited by two 
 of the most interesting peoples of the world, the Bushmen and the Hottentots, 
 but all that now remains of these unique peoples are small wandering bands 
 rapidly approaching complete extinction. The Bushmen of the Kalahari 
 Desert have recently been studied by Dr. Rudolph Poch, and Miss Winifred 
 Tucker is now working with a band of Hottentots near Walfisch Bay, with 
 results which show how much of value is still to be elicited by modern 
 methods of research. With these exceptions, however, nothing is being done 
 to save knowledge of the utmost value which is now almost extinct. 
 
 The Rev. H. A. Junod has recently given us a work of extraordinary 
 merit on the Thonga, a Bantu tribe, but with this exception little intensive 
 work has been done among the other peoples of South Africa. The superior 
 culture of the Bantus seems, however, to make them less readily affected by 
 external influences than many other peoples. The matter does not appear 
 to be of immediate urgency, though it is to be hoped that adequate inquiry 
 will not be long delayed. 
 
 ASIA. 
 
 In the parts of Asia lying nearest to the Mediterranean the conditions 
 are similar to those of northern Africa. The region is one which through its 
 past history excites the greatest interest, while it is accessible as a field of 
 work for those holding academic or other positions in Europe. 
 
 Perhaps one of the least-known parts of the world, both archseologically 
 and ethnologically, is Arabia, and this country would therefore seem to be 
 a very favorable field for work, but there is no reason to believe that its needs 
 are in any way urgent. The postponement of the exploration of Arabia, and 
 the investigation of its culture for some years, will almost certainly do good 
 rather than harm. 
 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 17 
 
 The northern parts of Asia present a very attractive field for work, but 
 much has been done in this region by Professor Sternberg and the Jesup 
 Expedition; until this work has been fully published it is hardly a region 
 which calls for new work. It is probable, moreover, that the uninviting 
 character of the country will prevent such rapid changes as would make its 
 investigation a matter of any very great urgency. A more urgent problem 
 is presented by the study of the Ainus of northern Japan, with whom little 
 field work of an intensive kind has been done. Central Asia presents a vast 
 field for research, but with one exception it does not seem to be a profitable 
 field for inquiry nor does it probably present any great urgency. The 
 exception to which I refer is that of the peoples of the western border 
 of China, whose culture probably possesses features destined to illustrate 
 many vexed ethnological problems. The investigation, however, would be 
 one of great difiiculty, and there is no reason to believe that these people 
 are undergoing such change in culture as makes the problem one of special 
 urgency. 
 
 The same holds good of Tibet and Nepal. Interesting as these countries 
 are, there is little doubt that they will give as fruitful results twenty or even 
 fifty years hence as at the present time. 
 
 A more immediate field for research is presented by British India. 
 Partly through private work, partly through the initiative of the government, 
 a vast mass of survey-work has now been carried out, but there still remains 
 an ample field for intensive work. The governments of India and Ceylon 
 have, however, shown themselves ready to subsidize any private workers 
 who wish to undertake such investigation, and the Indian problem, though 
 urgent, is less so than that of many other parts of the world. Changes 
 are now in progress among many sections of the population, but the more 
 secluded peoples, who are of especial interest to the ethnologist, are not likely 
 to be appreciably affected by a few more years' delay. 
 
 The same may be said of Burma and the other countries of the southeast 
 corner of Asia. We know very little of the more backward elements of the 
 population of these countries and a thorough exploration would certainly 
 lead to the discovery of facts of the greatest interest, but the countries are 
 in a relatively stable condition and there is no prospect of any great changes 
 in the immediate future. 
 
 It will have been noticed that nearly everywhere I have spoken of the 
 ethnological problems of Asia as presenting no special urgency. Before 
 passing on to other regions, it may be well to point out that this is chiefly 
 due to the working of the principle that relatively high cultures are not 
 especially susceptible to external influence. Asia is in general the seat of 
 well-established cultures of a high order and, though these are undoubtedly 
 undergoing modification as the result of western influence, the changes in 
 progress are not of that rapidly disintegrative character which is having such 
 blighting and ever annihilating influences elsewhere. 
 
18 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 
 
 MALAYSIA. 
 
 This term is used to comprise a large region including the Malay Penin- 
 sula, the islands of the Malay Archipelago, Borneo, the PhiUppines, Formosa, 
 and also Madagascar, which (though situated close to the African continent) 
 is linked by its culture more closely to the islands southeast of Asia. This 
 vast and scattered region is one of great ethnological imity, which presents 
 a very important field for research. 
 
 We possess extensive records of survey work from this region, but only 
 here and there has any intensive work been done, and even that lacks much 
 that we wish to know about social organization and the details of rite or 
 custom. The larger part of the region is formed by the Dutch colonial pos- 
 sessions and is not undergoing any rapid change, but in some regions, such as 
 the Malay Peninsula, Sumatra, the Philippines, and probably Madagascar, 
 changes are taking place with sufficient rapidity to make the matter one of 
 some urgency. 
 
 NEW GUINEA AND MELANESIA. 
 
 The island of New Guinea is the greatest storehouse of ungarnered lore 
 which remains for the ethnologist. Many parts of the island have not yet 
 been visited at all, while there are others where native life still goes on almost 
 wholly undisturbed by the influence of western peoples. In consequence, 
 many regions of the island are not yet ripe for intensive ethnological investi- 
 gation and may safely be left for some years. Other regions have now been 
 subjected to the influence of official and missionary for just about that time 
 which gives the opportunity for work of the most fruitful kind, and in still 
 other places the changes due to external influence have been so rapid that 
 the native culture is already on the point of extinction and only a few years' 
 delay will mean the complete loss of unique varieties of human culture. This 
 is particularly the case in the neighborhood of Port Moresby and Samarai, 
 the two chief settlements in British New Guinea, but there are similar places 
 in German New Guinea, though the more recent settlement of this part of 
 the island perhaps makes the urgency somewhat less acute. 
 
 Of the three poUtical divisions of the island, the western half, which is 
 a Dutch possession, is so Httle explored that there is here no urgency, except 
 perhaps in a few districts of the coast. In the British portion, which is now 
 governed by AustraUa, much has been done by officials and missionaries, and 
 by expeditions from England, among which the Cambridge Expedition to 
 Torres Straits and the work of Messrs. Sehgmann, WiUiamson, and Landt- 
 man must be especially mentioned. All of this work, however, has only 
 collected samples here and there out of the vast variety of human culture 
 represented by this region, and there remains work for many investigators, 
 some of it of great urgency. 
 
 In the German portion of New Guinea much has been done in the last 
 few years by various expeditions, but this work has been largely of the survey 
 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA, 19 
 
 kind and there is ample scope for intensive work in every part of the country. 
 The work hitherto done also sviffers from the defect that it has been carried 
 out largely in the interest of museums. Even now the attention of German 
 ethnologists is being almost exclusively directed to a region, that of the 
 Kaiserin Augusta River, which is extraordinarily rich in objects of museum 
 interest, though it would seem to be not yet ripe for intensive investigation. 
 The people of the coast, on the other hand, who have largely passed beyond 
 the stage in which they provide striking objects for museums, are neglected, 
 although they are just in that condition which makes them the most fav- 
 orable subjects for intensive work. 
 
 The islands of the Bismarck Archipelago are in much the same condition 
 as New Guinea. Some of its peoples, such as those of the south coast of 
 New Britain (Neu-Pommern), are still almost wholly untouched by external 
 influence, so that they are still unprofitable subjects for intensive work, while 
 in other places, such as parts of the Gazelle Peninsula and Duke of York 
 Island (Neu-Lauenburg), the native cultures are in urgent need of study. 
 Much has been recorded about these islands, especially by Parkinson, and 
 work has been done by recent German expeditions. Only when this has been 
 fully pubhshed shall we know how much still remains to be done. 
 
 Some of the smaller islands of this region are places where the urgency 
 of the need for investigation perhaps reaches its maximum. As only one 
 example out of many, I may mention the small island of Luf , west of the 
 Admiralty Islands and north of New Guinea. In 1909 Dr. W. Miiller visited 
 this island and found only 36 survivors of its former abundant population, 
 a number which had already shrunk to 29 when he returned to the island a 
 year later. ^ Luf is one of a chain of islands which have furnished some of the 
 most wonderful objects which our ethnological museums contain, but we 
 know practically nothing of the social organization or religion of any one of 
 them. As Dr. Miiller says, now that these islands have been deprived of their 
 museum curiosities, ethnologists seem to take no further interest in them. 
 
 In the more southern parts of Melanesia, under the protection of Great 
 Britain and France, either jointly or singly, the conditions are much the same 
 as in New Guinea and the Bismarck Archipelago. In the interior of the 
 larger islands of the Solomons there are peoples who are stiU far too wild to 
 be profitable subjects for intensive investigation, but nearly everywhere 
 else the people are either in a state which makes them admirable subjects 
 for intensive work, or the native culture has disappeared to such an 
 extent that the need for investigation is very urgent. Much valuable 
 work has already been done, especially by Dr. Codrington and other mis- 
 sionaries, and the Percy Sladen Trust Expedition, which went to Melanesia 
 five years ago, worked out very thoroughly the culture of one district of the 
 Solomon Islands. The survey work of this expedition shows, however, that 
 the work which has been done is negligible in amount beside that which still 
 
 •Arch. f. Religionswissenschaft, 1913, Bd. XLVI, S. 200. 
 
20 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 
 
 remains to do. There is probably no part of the world where a larger amount 
 of valuable material can be saved during the next few years than in Melanesia, 
 and yet at the present moment little or nothing is being done. 
 
 AUSTRALIA. 
 
 The aborigines of this country have attracted so much attention in recent 
 years and have already been the subject of so much work that we may nov/ 
 hope to know their culture far more completely than that of most other 
 peoples of the world. There still remains, however, much work to be done, 
 and this of great urgency. Many Australian tribes have already followed 
 the Tasmanians into extinction, and there are many others of which hardly 
 anything remains. A large amount of good intensive work has, however, 
 already been done, and one of the ablest of the younger English ethnologists, 
 Mr. A. R. Brown, is now engaged on a thorough study of the peoples of West 
 Australia, about whom our knowledge has hitherto been very defective, and 
 he proposes to extend his work to other regions. Further, the importance 
 of the problems presented by the aboriginal culture has been recognized by 
 the governments of Australia, as shown by their encouragement of research 
 and their appointment of protectors of the aborigines, who have contributed 
 largely to our knowledge. It is to be hoped that the approaching visit of 
 the British Association will arouse even more fully the interest of Australians 
 in the vanishing culture of their continent, the study of which can safely be 
 left to their enterprise. 
 
 POLYNESIA AND MICRONESIA. 
 
 The islands of the Pacific Ocean present a difficult problem from the 
 
 point of view of their suitability as a field for ethnographical investigation. 
 
 In most of them the native culture has been so influenced that it would seem 
 
 to have passed beyond the point at which any exact knowledge of its former 
 
 condition is to be expected. Nevertheless the culture of these islands was 
 
 so unique, and raises so many important problems, that it is necessary to 
 
 consider fully whether anything should be done to save what remains of the 
 
 culture in the memories of the people, if not in working activity. Some facts 
 
 are available which show that the matter is not so hopeless as is usually 
 
 supposed. There is no part of the Pacific where the native culture would 
 
 appear to have been wrecked more completely than in the Hawaiian Islands, 
 
 and yet during a brief visit, five years ago, I was able to collect details of 
 
 ancient social organization which agreed closely with information recorded 
 
 forty years earlier by Morgan and Hyde. Again, in Tonga I was able to 
 
 obtain information, the correctness of which was shown by its agreement 
 
 with the records of earlier workers, together with other facts which were 
 
 previously quite unknown to ethnologists. In New Zealand Mr. Elsdon 
 
 Best is now obtaining from old Maories large stores of information hitherto 
 
 unrecorded; and in Fiji, a place supposed to have passed beyond the scope 
 
 of profitable inquiry, Mr. A. M. Hocart has been able, in the last four years, 
 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 21 
 
 to collect a large mass of knowledge of the utmost value by the use of modern 
 methods of research, especially through the use of pedigrees. 
 
 If information of value can thus stiU be collected from such places as the 
 Hawaiian Islands, New Zealand, and Tonga, where western influence has 
 been especially pronounced, there must still be much to be learned in the 
 more remote groups of Polynesia, such as the Paumotu, Marquesan and 
 Harvey groups, and in the smaller scattered islands. In some of these in the 
 neighborhood. of Melanesia, such as Tikopia, Anudha, Bellona, and Sikaiana, 
 it is certain that the native Polynesian culture still remains in an almost 
 pure form. A thorough survey of Polynesia will yet provide material of the 
 utmost value to the ethnologist. 
 
 While the opportunity still remains for intensive research in Polynesia, 
 little or nothing is being done. An expedition has recently gone from England 
 to investigate the archaeology of Easter Island and, as I have already men- 
 tioned, Mr. Elsdon Best is putting on record the memories of Maori culture, 
 but with these exceptions nothing is being done to save vanishing knowledge. 
 In such centers of western culture as the Hawaiian Islands and New Zealand 
 most of those who are interested in native lore and custom spend their time 
 in linguistic and other speculations rather than in endeavoring to recover 
 from the natives such evidence of past history as still remains. 
 
 In Micronesia the conditions are more satisfactory. In some islands, 
 as in those of the Ladrones or Marianne Group, the native culture would 
 seem wholly to have disappeared, but much still persists in others, such 
 as the Caroline, Pelew, Gilbert, and EUice Groups. Not only is there thus 
 a better field for work, but the work is being done. The large expedi- 
 tion which went to the Pacific Ocean from Hamburg a few years ago has 
 carried out a thorough investigation of the groups which form part of the 
 German possessions, viz., the Caroline, Pelew, and Marshall Islands, but 
 there still remain other -islands, such as the Gilbert and Ellice Groups, about 
 which our existing knowledge is trivial, and where there is a rich harvest 
 awaiting the investigator. 
 
 The main result of this survey has been to show that there are two parts 
 of the world outside America which present a combination of great urgency 
 and favorable conditions for work with very deficient attempts to do what 
 is needful. These two places are the southern parts of Africa and Oceania, 
 both of which contain peoples of the greatest scientific interest, whose 
 culture is on the point of extinction; in both a large amount of work of the 
 utmost value can be done comparatively easily and economically and, with 
 the exception of the German possessions in Oceania, practically nothing is 
 now being done to meet the urgent needs presented by the rapid disappear- 
 ance of the native cultures. In other parts of the world, such as the coun- 
 tries of Asia, Australia, and northern Africa, the need is either less urgent or 
 there is a definite prospect of the accompUshment of the necessary work by 
 agencies already in operation. 
 
22 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 
 
 There is little to choose between Africa and Oceania in the matter of 
 urgency, and the choice between these two fields must turn on other factors 
 and especially on the degree of their scientific interest. In order to deal 
 with this subject of scientific interest it. is necessary to say something about 
 the present condition of the science of anthropology; and since in both of 
 the regions which seem most favorable for work the interest is ethnological 
 rather than archaeological, I propose to deal chiefly with the ethnological 
 aspect of anthropology. 
 
 Ethnology is a very young science and is at present in the stage at which 
 it is seeking for principles and methods by means of which to obtain a firm 
 footing amidst the vast complex of facts with which it has to deal. At the 
 present moment there exists the widest divergence of opinion among students 
 of the subject. According to some the course of man's history has been a 
 simple and direct evolution in which the various cultures of the world are 
 the outcome of diverging processes of development starting from some com- 
 mon source. According to this view some of the existing cultures of the 
 world represent stages in the process whereby western civiUzation has reached 
 its present height, while others are the outcome of lines of development which 
 have failed to develop into civilizations fit to compete with those which have 
 become dominant in the world's history. 
 
 Other students of human culture reject the view that any peoples now 
 existing on the earth are to be regarded as simple representatives of stages 
 of human development, but believe the course of this development to have 
 been highly complicated — every existing culture, even when it is apparently 
 most simple, being the result of the blending of cultures which have been 
 carried over the earth's surface by the movements of migrating peoples. To 
 them the primary task before the ethnologist is the analysis of the complexes 
 presented by existing examples of human culture. 
 
 The settlement of the dispute between these two opposed schools of 
 thought will turn largely on how far the process of ethnological analysis will be 
 found possible. This must first be attempted in places where the conditions 
 are relatively simple and favorable, and there is much reason to believe that 
 such favorable conditions are to be found in insular rather than in continental 
 areas. An insular area prevents or limits those secondary movements of 
 people which are apt to obscure the main results of the blending of peoples, 
 and thus gives a simpler product for the process of analysis. An insular 
 region, especially one so vast and diversified as that of the islands of Oceania, 
 allows different parts to be affected in very different degrees by any immigrant 
 culture, while the fact that certain islands or groups of islands may wholly 
 escape an incoming influence allows the application of the method of difference 
 in a way which is most exceptional, if it ever occurs, in a continental area. 
 
 Further, there is another way in which an insular region has a special 
 interest. If the task of ethnological analysis is to have any chance of success, 
 a number of preliminary problems will have to be settled. There will have 
 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 23 
 
 to be determined how far elements of culture carried from one part of the 
 world to another tend to disappear or become modified, and what are the 
 causes which lead to this disappearance or modification. There has also 
 to be settled how far introduced influences can modify the native culture and 
 produce customs and institutions which were not present before the blending 
 of the two peoples, but only came into being as the result of their contact. 
 Here again the variety of an insular region and the greater isolation of its 
 constituent parts allow such processes to be studied in a purer form than in 
 a continental area. 
 
 Whether it be for these or some other reasons, it stands beyond question 
 that the culture of Oceania presents a variety, combined with a relative sim- 
 phcity of its various elements, which makes it a most suitable field for the 
 application of the process of ethnological analysis. It has attracted the atten- 
 tion jof the leading adherents of the school which believes in the complexity 
 of human culture, and some of the chief attempts to study human culture 
 from this point of view have taken the peoples of Oceania as their starting- 
 point and have worked from that to other parts of the world. Such attempts 
 have hitherto been far from satisfactory, but that is inevitable with the exist- 
 ing defects in our knowledge. This defectiveness of existing knowledge in 
 a region the theoretical importance of which has been so widely recognized 
 furnishes a most cogent motive for the choice of this region as a field of work. 
 
 There is yet another reason which should lead to the choice of this field 
 of work by an American institution. There is no part of the world where 
 the problem of simplicity or complexity of culture is of a more burning 
 and yet more difiicult character than the American continents. It has 
 become almost an axiom among the majority of students of ethnology that 
 the culture existing in America before the advent of the early Spanish 
 navigators was of wholly indigenous growth, and that all the features are 
 to be accounted for as the results of a process of evolution starting from 
 some elementary form of human culture. It would take me beyond the 
 scope of this report to consider this matter fully, but I should like to deal 
 briefly with this subject in so far as it suggests openings for investigation. 
 The conclusion that the culture of the American continents has had a wholly 
 independent growth ignores certain features of human intercourse of which 
 even now we have some knowledge. History and ethnology combine in pro- 
 viding us with evidence that all the great movements in human progress are 
 the results of the contact and interaction of peoples and their cultures. All 
 the evidence goes to show that a culture left to itself suffers degeneration, and 
 that it is only the coming in of some new awakening influence which can save 
 it from the inevitable decay which isolation brings. Further, there is clear 
 evidence that such influence from without has been an essential factor in the 
 production of the special developments of American culture. There is no dis- 
 agreement about the foreign origin of the Incas, and immigrations of peoples 
 from elsewhere form an undoubted element in the beginnings of Mexican 
 
24 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 
 
 culture. The vast majority of the students of American culture, however, 
 conclude that the movements of people which produced these outbursts of 
 development came from some other part of the American continent. It 
 has only been possible to reach this conclusion by ignoring certain factors in 
 the movements of peoples about the earth's surface of which we already 
 have some knowledge. 
 
 There are many features of human culture which point strongly to 
 the vast extent of the influence which can be exerted by relatively small 
 numbers of migrating peoples.^ If the influences which produced the out- 
 bursts of activity of American culture had been necessarily the work of 
 vast migrating hordes of peoples, there would be much reason to agree with 
 the conclusion that American culture is wholly an independent growth, but 
 if stimuli to special developments can be applied by small bodies of wanderers, 
 perhaps no more numerous than the occupants of a single vessel, many of 
 the objections to the complexity of American culture wholly lose their force. 
 
 A second factor which has been ignored by the upholders of the unity 
 of American culture is the extent to which arts, even the most useful, can 
 disappear. We know that an object such as the canoe can disappear among 
 islanders to whose welfare it would seem to be absolutely essential,^ and if 
 such a means of transport can thus vanish much of the evidence which has 
 been trusted to disprove the complexity of American culture loses its validity. 
 
 These two considerations are sufficient to show that the unity or com- 
 plexity of American culture is no subject for dogmatic statement. The whole 
 problem of this unity or complexity will have to be reconsidered from the 
 beginning, with open and unbiased minds, and, if this be so, one conclusion 
 is obvious. If we are to consider the complexity of American culture, even as 
 a possibility, it is evident that the problem can never be solved by the study 
 of American culture itself. No problem concerning the possible relation of 
 one culture to others is ever going to be decided by an examination, however 
 minute and accurate, of one culture alone. It is only through the comparison 
 with cultures elsewhere, both of the present and of the past, that we can 
 expect any solution. 
 
 If with this necessity in mind we study the possible relations of the 
 American to other cultures, we find on one side of America cultures so ad- 
 vanced that it would seem hopeless to seek in them for any traces of influence 
 which may have reached America in early times. The vast changes in the 
 culture of the American continents initiated by the voyages of the Spanish 
 navigators were probably not the first results of influence from the east, 
 but, if such earlier movements westward from Europe ever took place, they 
 must have been in so remote a past, and the cultures from which they sprang 
 
 II have considered this subject fully in a paper shortly to be published in "Essays and Studies pre- 
 sented to William Ridgeway." 
 
 ''See a paper on "The Disappearance of Useful Arts," in the "Festskrift tillegnad," Eduard Wester- 
 marck, Helsingfors, 1912, p. 109. 
 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 25 
 
 are so overlain by later changes and developments that it would seem 
 hopeless ever to expect evidence from the study of existing European cultures. 
 If evidence of value is to be obtained in this matter, it will come, not from the 
 study of existing peoples, but from the buried records of the past. On this 
 side of America archaeology must have a greater interest than ethnology. 
 
 If it is therefore hopeless to look to the east for an ethnological clue to 
 any factors which have influenced the early course of American culture, we 
 are driven to look to the west, and as a matter of fact it is in this direction 
 that the eyes of students of American culture have been turned. Influenced, 
 however, by the beUef that the means of transport now found on the western 
 coast of America are an index of the past, attention has been directed exclu- 
 sively to the northwestern corner as the path by which any influence can 
 have reached the American continents from without, and any other route has 
 been put on one side as unworthy of serious consideration. If, however, the 
 art and means of navigation may atrophy or disappear, it becomes necessary 
 to take into account the possibility that influences may have reached America 
 by the vast ocean which bounds its western shores. 
 
 I have ventured to include this topic in my report because the consider- 
 ations I have brought forward seem to furnish the strongest grounds for an 
 investigation of the cultures which lie on the western side of the American 
 continents, viz., those of Polynesia, Melanesia, the Malay Archipelago, and 
 the eastern parts of Asia. It is not possible to predict from which of these 
 regions we are likely to obtain the most definite clues to any influence or 
 influences which may have reached the American continents from the west, 
 but all these cultures have obvious elements in common, and this interrela- 
 tion of the different regions makes the study of any one fruitful in relation 
 to the rest. It is possible, however, to point out certain features of the 
 different regions which suggest roughly the order in which their investigation 
 may most profitably be undertaken. 
 
 The culture which lies nearest to America is that of Polynesia and it is 
 the culture of this region which shows most clearly traces of affinity to that of 
 America. Further, it is in this region that the need for investigation is most 
 urgent. Nowhere else in the world, perhaps, have we a form of human cul- 
 ture so near extinction, so urgently demanding investigation if any addition 
 is to be made to our far too scanty knowledge. Even now in many parts of 
 Polynesia it will only be possible to study the wreckage of a culture which 
 probably stands in a closer relation than any other to that of the American 
 continents. 
 
 Next in order of importance comes Melanesia. The reason for this 
 importance is that Melanesian culture bears the clearest evidence of the 
 influence of the migrant peoples who form the population of Polynesia. 
 Around Melanesia there are to be found Polynesian colonies which have 
 probably preserved, even more purely than any part of Polynesia proper, the 
 culture which the ancestors of the Polynesians brought with them from their 
 
26 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 
 
 former home. It is in such little islands as the Reef Islands, Tikopia, Anudha, 
 Bellona, Sikaiana, and Ongtong Java that we may expect to find the purest 
 traces of such Polynesian and pre-Polynesian influences as seem to be the 
 most probable sources of any stimuli from without which may have reached 
 the American continents. 
 
 From the point of view now under consideration the interest of the islands 
 of the Malay Archipelago lies in the fact that they form a region through 
 which the ancestors of the Polynesians passed on their way eastward. 
 In some islands of Malaysia, such as Mentawei, Engano, and Nias— and 
 probably also in the interior of the larger islands— there stiU remain cultures 
 which seem to be closely related to that of the founders of Polynesian culture, 
 and an investigation of these places will be an indispensable preliminary to 
 any complete understanding of influences which may have reached America 
 from the west. There are, however, two reasons which make the matter 
 somewhat less important and urgent than the study of Polynesia and Mela- 
 nesia. One is that the earher culture of the Malay Archipelago has been 
 overlain by relatively recent Chinese, Mahommedan, and Hindu influence, 
 so that we are here confronted with the difficult task of analyzing out these 
 elements of the culture, and abstracting them from the existing cultures, 
 before we are able to place ourselves in a position to study the earlier 
 cultures related to those of America. Secondly, there is reason to believe that 
 the need for investigation is less urgent here than in the case of Melanesia 
 and certainly far less so than in the case of Polynesia. Nevertheless, it is 
 to be hoped that the ethnographical investigation of this vastly important 
 region will not be long delayed, for it probably contains the clue to many 
 now mysterious features of man's history. 
 
 There remain the peoples of eastern Asia, the most important of which, 
 from their possible relation to American culture, are probably those of the 
 southern and northern corners. The southeastern corner of Asia and the 
 regions bordering on the southern parts of China have probably been the seat 
 of very important developments of the cultures of the peoples who populated 
 the islands of the Pacific Ocean, and it is to be hoped that these regions will 
 sooner or later receive attention at the hands of ethnologists. There do 
 not appear, however, to be such changes in progress in these regions as give 
 any special urgency to the need for investigation. It is probably only when 
 we have succeeded in formulating problems more exactly that exploration of 
 these regions will be undertaken most profitably. 
 
 The relation of the northeastern corner of Asia to American culture is 
 clear, but this relation is already fuEy recognized, and the work of the Jesup 
 Expedition has been especially devoted to the problems so suggested. Till 
 the accounts of the work of this expedition are complete, it seems hardly 
 needful to consider how it may be supplemented by further work. 
 
 The relation of the civilization of China and Japan to American culture 
 does not seem a profitable subject at the present moment. In so far as there 
 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 27 
 
 is any relation between the two, it must be in their being vastly different 
 developments starting from similar origins, and till we know far more than at 
 present of the more backward elements of the culture of these peoples, little 
 is to be expected from a study of China and Japan in relation either to the 
 general problem of the interaction of cultures or to the more special problem 
 of the origins of American culture. 
 
 One consideration may be suggested as justifying the study by American 
 ethnologists of cultures different from that of their own continent. The 
 proverb that "outsiders see most of the game" is nowhere truer than in 
 science. One coming to the study of a problem from some other field of 
 scientific work is very likely to find the solution of a problem which has 
 escaped those who, through long absorption in the details of their subject, fail 
 to see the conclusion to which those details lead. If this be true of science 
 in general and of a change from one science to another, it is still more true of 
 the different fields of work which form the objective of such a subject as eth- 
 nology. It would, I believe, be difficult to overestimate the advantage which 
 would accrue to the study of American ethnology by the establishment in 
 America of a body of workers devoted primarily to the study of some other 
 people. Oceanic culture, though allied to that of America, is yet so different 
 that it would furnish a field the study of which should react on that of Amer- 
 ican culture, and bring into the latter new points of view, new modes of 
 thought, and new methods of inquiry. The study of Oceania or of some 
 other external field of work must do much to stimulate and fertilize American 
 ethnology. It may perhaps in the long run turn out to be the best way to 
 advance our knowledge of the processes whereby there came into being the 
 indigenous culture of the American continents. 
 
 SUMMARY OF REPORT. 
 
 In considering the claims of different kinds of work and the choice of a 
 region where work is needed, especial stress is laid on the factor of urgency, 
 which is taken as the chief guide throughout the report. Anthropology 
 differs from all other sciences in that its material is undergoing rapid change. 
 In many parts of the world examples of savage or barbarous cultures are so 
 near extinction that, if anything is to be saved, a special effort must be made 
 within the next few years. 
 
 Of the two chief departments of anthropology, viz., ethnology and archae- 
 ology, it is the needs of the former which are especially urgent, while with 
 some exceptions archaeology will even gain by delay. 
 
 The nature of research in ethnology is considered and two main vari- 
 eties distinguished, survey and intensive work. Through a large amount of 
 survey work we already possess a wide knowledge of savage and barbarous 
 cultures in their more superficial aspects, but it is only in quite recent years 
 that methods have been developed by which the deeper elements of such 
 
28 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH OUTSIDE AMERICA. 
 
 cultures can be studied exactly and intensively. It is this exact and inten- 
 sive study of which there is such urgent need at the present moment. 
 
 If intensive work be recognized as the immediate need of anthropology, 
 this has a definite bearing on the choice of a field of work. There are still 
 parts of the world where savage peoples are so untouched by external in- 
 fluence that intensive study is not yet possible, and these places should be 
 left for the future. In other places human culture is in a condition most 
 favorable for intensive work, so that a large mass of information of the greatest 
 value can be readily obtained. Such places would no doubt give the largest 
 returns for a given expenditure, but it is necessary to weigh their claims 
 against those of other places where there is less to be learned, but where the 
 imminent disappearance of their culture introduces the factor of urgency. 
 
 The nature of the agencies by which work is now being done is then con- 
 sidered. It is shown that the official and the missionary who might seem, 
 through their Icnowledge of the people and their language, to be best fitted for 
 intensive work are nevertheless subject to grave disadvantages for such work, 
 even if they have the necessary time and training. Attention is drawn to the 
 obstacles which arise if undue prominence be given to physical measure- 
 ments or to collecting for museums. What is needed is work in which trained 
 investigators can give their whole attention to ethnological work, untram- 
 melled by official or other duties, in which different lines of research shall 
 be coordinated in such a way that no one of them shall interfere with the 
 general efficiency of the undertaking. 
 
 The different regions of the earth outside America are then surveyed 
 with respect to the urgency of their needs and the agencies by which these 
 needs are now being met. It is shown that the amount of attention given 
 to ethnological research in different parts of the world stands in a definite 
 relation to their distance from centers of western civilization, and that 
 two regions, southern Africa and Oceania, combine an extreme degree of the 
 urgency of their needs with very inadequate attempts to meet those needs. 
 Of these regions it is suggested that Oceania should have the preference. It 
 includes places where interesting and important examples of human culture 
 are on the verge of extinction and other places which are in a condition espe- 
 cially suited for intensive work, so that a large mass of valuable material can 
 be obtained with relative ease. Through its insular character Oceania pre- 
 sents conditions of especial importance in the study of certain theoretical 
 problems, and it has a special interest in that its culture stands in close rela- 
 tion to that of the American continents. It is suggested that the study of a 
 region allied in culture to that of America may react on the study of American 
 ethnology and may prove the best means of reaching positive conclusions 
 concerning the exact nature of the indigenous culture of America. 
 
 August 4, 1913. 
 
REPORT 
 
 ON THE 
 
 SCIENCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY IN THE WESTERN HEMI- 
 SPHERE AND THE PACIFIC ISJ^S 
 
 By ALBERT ERNEST JENKS 
 Professor of Anthropology, UniversiMj of Minnesota 
 
 29 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Subject-matter of Anthropology 31 
 
 Physical Anthropology 31 
 
 Ethnic Anthropology 32 
 
 Cultural Anthropology 32 
 
 Prehistoric Anthropology 33 
 
 Present Status of Anthropology 33 
 
 Physical Anthropology 34 
 
 Ethnic Anthropology 34 
 
 Cultural Anthropology 35 
 
 Prehistoric Anthropology 36 
 
 Research Problems and Opportunities in Anthropology 38 
 
 The Pacific Islands 38 
 
 Polynesia 38 
 
 Melanesia 40 
 
 Micronesia 41 
 
 Malaysia 41 
 
 Negritic Territory 43 
 
 Prehistoric Stone Remains 44 
 
 The Western Hemisphere 45 
 
 Origin of the Aboriginal American 45 
 
 The Eskimo Problem 47 
 
 Antiquity of Man in America 48 
 
 Origin and Spread of Aboriginal American Culture 52 
 
 An American Chronology 54 
 
 Modern Problems 54 
 
 Ethnic Heredity 55 
 
 Influence of Environment on Mankind 56 
 
 Human Amalgamation 57 
 
 An Anthropological Laboratory 59 
 
 Conclusion qq 
 
REPORT ON THE SCIENCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY IN THE WESTERN 
 HEMISPHERE AND THE PACIFIC ISLANDS. 
 
 SUBJECT-MATTER OF ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 For working purposes to-day, the science of anthropology may be classified 
 as follows: (1) physical anthropology, (2) ethnic anthropology, (3) cultural 
 anthropology, and (4) prehistoric anthropology. The field of anthropology 
 has been variously divided and its divisions have been variously named. 
 The terms physical anthropology, somatology, ethnology, ethnography, cul- 
 ture anthropology, archaeology, prehistoric anthropology, and numerous others 
 have been used. In this report the aim is to unify the names of the divisions 
 of the field for the sake of clearness, and they are therefore given in terms of 
 anthropology. A brief statement of their subject-matter will be given, and, 
 for further elucidation, some of the general research problems of each will be 
 suggested. The divisions serve mainly as avenues of approach to the exten- 
 sive anthropological domain, and no permanently fast and fixed lines can be 
 drawn between them. 
 
 PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 Physical anthropology has as its subject-matter the entire biological 
 history of man : his origin, development, variations, and decline as a member 
 of the animal kingdom. 
 
 The most important problem of the physical anthropologist is to make 
 clear, so far as possible, the origin of man. The theory of evolution, as 
 applied to man, is accepted by a majority of educated people to-day, but 
 its proof is not yet universally conceded. Evidence of man's presumptive 
 ancestral or collateral kinship should be gathered from the living primates 
 and from fossil animals, now and then fortunately discovered, until the 
 suspected relationship is proved or disproved. Present-day experts in 
 schools of palseontology, of human and comparative anatomy, physiology, 
 neurology, embryology, and psychology should be brought into sympathetic 
 touch with the large phylogenetic problem set before the physical anthro- 
 pologist until such an array of comparative data is at his disposal that there 
 can no longer be reasonable doubt as to man's exact zoological position. 
 Those characteristics which are essentially human must be selected, and the 
 point in development determined at which the manifestation of certain other 
 characteristics becomes the essence of humanity. In the solution of this 
 problem one will be led into the midst of the seething biological problem 
 of mutation versus slight and continuous variation. 
 
 Typical individuals of the important groups of men should be exhaust- 
 ively studied, that data may be at hand for comparative individual and 
 
 31 
 
32 ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 
 
 ethnic studies. Hand in hand with the study of man's phylogeny should go 
 that of his ontogeny or individual development. From birth to death the 
 life of normal man under different typical environmental conditions should 
 be known and recorded. Every infinitesimal step of the life of the normal 
 individual should be scrutinized, with the practical object of enabUng the 
 man of the future to reach the highest possible point of development. 
 
 The physical anthropologist should know and teach the value of types 
 of men already naturally adapted by selective process to diverse environ- 
 ments. So subject to hereditary variation is mankind that all typical vari- 
 ations should be studied as to manifestation, cause, and result. The laws 
 of human inheritance should become such common knowledge that nian- 
 kind, always largely controlled in conventional marriage by pubUc opinion, 
 may be controlled by an educated public opinion. When society is so con- 
 trolled man can, and it is hoped very largely will, build up his successive 
 generations with intelligent purpose, looking more and more to the welfare of 
 unborn generations. 
 
 ETHNIC ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 Ethnic anthropology has as its subject-matter all those descriptive data, 
 zoological and cultural, which enable a student to distinguish between vari- 
 ous human groups, such as the different races, peoples, and tribes. It deals 
 with all human groups, except such as exist primarily because of unity of 
 behef, interest, or social function. 
 
 The research aim of the ethnic anthropologist is, first, to study unde- 
 scribed ethnic groups; second, from all descriptive ethnic material, whether 
 new or old, so long as it is authoritative, to discover the distinguishing char- 
 acteristics of various ethnic groups together with the causes, the meaning, 
 and the importance of such characteristics; third, to study the modification of 
 ethnic groups and group characteristics, resulting from amalgamations and 
 blendings, from migrations, and from change of environment, whether geo- 
 graphic, ethnic, or cultural. This division of the science, in conjunction with 
 physical anthropology, brings the anthropologist into closest touch with 
 modern peoples and practical problems. 
 
 CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 Cultural anthropology has as its subject-matter all of those artifacts, 
 activities, and institutions of man which characterize him as a creature of 
 developing intelligence. Man's manual, psychical, and social expressions 
 are cumulative, the results of ceaselessly developing intelligence; those of the 
 other animals are almost entirely stationary, the result of age-long inherited 
 instinct. 
 
 The research aim of the cultural anthropologist is fourfold: 
 First, to discover the mainsprings of development and the origins of 
 culture — or, in other words, those things which early characterized man as a 
 developing animal. 
 
ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 
 
 33 
 
 Second, to discover the place, cause, and manner of the beginnings of 
 the most important cultural developments. For instance, what was it caused 
 or enabled man to develop from an instinctive animal to an exploiting savage 
 who broke over the faunal barriers which confined all other animals; what 
 caused or enabled certain savages to develop into barbarians with artificial 
 food supply enlarged and controlled by agriculture or zooculture; what caused 
 or enabled certain barbarians to develop into civilized men equipped with 
 stored-up written knowledge; and, finally, what causes certain civilized men 
 to develop into men of enlightenment, who recognize that the possibilities of 
 their individual development are limited only by their own capacity and by 
 every other man's equal right so to develop himself? 
 
 The third research aim of the cultural anthropologist is to study at their 
 typical centers unique aspects of and salient variations in primitive culture. 
 
 The fourth aim is to discover the conditions of the decay and loss of 
 forms of culture. 
 
 The cultural anthropologist necessarily deals mainly with primitive cul- 
 ture. His final purpose is to tell the entire story of cultural development up 
 to the point where it becomes common historical knowledge. Ultimately he 
 is a generalizer, and uses all legitimate methods to arrive at his conclusions. 
 
 PREHISTORIC ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 Prehistoric anthropology has as its subject-matter the remains of 
 vanished men and cultures. The field of the prehistoric anthropologist is 
 separated from the preceding three fields because his training and methods 
 of work necessarily differ so greatly from the others. His methods are prin- 
 cipally archaeological. His research aim is generally to learn as far as possible 
 the entire human story of a definite geographical area. If he is successful, 
 he will unearth valuable physical, ethnic, or cultural data. At any time he 
 may be so fortunate as to discover some of the numerous "missing links" 
 of cultures, of races, or of man and his ancestry, and so assist in reconstructing 
 the larger story of the evolution of mankind. 
 
 PRESENT STATUS OF ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 For about half a century modern anthropological work has been carried 
 on in the areas under consideration. The amount of research accomplished 
 during that time has been rich and varied. Among the most important 
 older institutions engaging in research work are the following: 
 
 American Museum of Natural History. 
 Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum, Hono- 
 lulu. 
 Bureau of American Ethnology. 
 Ethnological Survey, Manila. 
 Field Museum of Natural History. 
 
 Museo de la Plata, Argentine. 
 Museo Nacional de Mexico. 
 Peabody Museum of American Archae- 
 ology and Ethnology. 
 Polynesian Society, New Zealand. 
 United States National Museum. 
 
 There are about a dozen other similar institutions, from whose doors 
 individuals doing research work have gone forth. Chairs of anthropology 
 
34 ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 
 
 exist in eight universities in the United States, in connection with all of which 
 anthropological research work is successfully carried on. Certain European 
 institutions have also prosecuted important researches in the Americas and 
 in the islands of the Pacific, several being especially rich in museum collec- 
 tions from these areas. 
 
 PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 Physical anthropology has as yet scarcely made a beginning in the 
 Western Hemisphere and the islands of the Pacific. There is only one 
 expert physical anthropologist in America devoting his entire time to this 
 division of the subject. It is gratifying that occasionally others, such as 
 psychologists, neurologists, biologists, and other anthropologists, have been 
 enticed into the field and have made contributions of note. 
 
 To render valuable, in comparative study, all anthropological measure- 
 ments hereafter to be made by experts, America has recently assisted in 
 standardizing a universal anthropometric system. 
 
 Physical anthropology has critically examined the claims advanced 
 for the existence of extremely early man in both North and South America. 
 It has made important contributions to our knowledge of the physical 
 characteristics of many tribes of American Indians. It has revealed the 
 inheritance of many normal and abnormal human characteristics, such as 
 pigmentation, malformations, feeble-mindedness, and tendencies to various 
 diseases. Studies have been made of European immigrants, showing cer- 
 tain physical modifications apparently due to environment. In the study 
 of children, especially adolescent boys and girls, the science has gone far 
 and has reached conclusions of permanent and wide influence. 
 
 Scarcely a museum exists in America which has not osteological speci- 
 mens of the American Indians, so that large amounts of such materials are 
 assembled in their local life-zones. In the United States National Museum 
 there has been accumulated not only the best collection of physical anthro- 
 pological material in America, but one of the best in the world; the collection 
 bids fair soon to eclipse all others. 
 
 ETHNIC ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 Large things have been accomplished in ethnic anthropology among 
 primitive people in the areas under consideration. Many typical tribes in 
 many of the linguistic stocks of natives have been studied and described, 
 some of them more or less thoroughly, like the Arapaho, Eskimo, Hupa, 
 Iroquois, Maori, etc. A great many others have been described superficially 
 or fragmentarily. A large mass of rehable descriptive data is therefore 
 ready to contribute to the solution of the larger anthropological problems. 
 
 The linguistic affinities of the hundreds of tribes north of Mexico have 
 been determined, with only a tribe now and then in question. The geo- 
 graphic range of the linguistic stocks north of Mexico has been determined 
 and mapped. The migration routes of a few linguistic stocks have been 
 
ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 35 
 
 traced from their original areas of differentiation. The linguistic stocks of 
 Mexico, Central America, and the Pacific islands are commonly agreed upon, 
 together with their present geographic distribution. For South America 
 the problem has not yet been conclusively settled; but there is agreement 
 that about four-score linguistic stocks exist there, though the geographic 
 distribution and component tribes of several stocks are still matters of 
 conjecture. There has just been published in the United States a map 
 presenting the present status of our knowledge concerning the distribution 
 of linguistic stocks in that continent. 
 
 Extensive ethno-cultural areas have been outlined, covering in substan- 
 tial detail all of the tribes of America north of Mexico and also the Philippine 
 Archipelago, and with less complete detail covering much of the remainder 
 of the Western Hemisphere and the Pacific Ocean. In some parts of South 
 America and the Pacific islands almost nothing is known of such areas. 
 
 A great final work in ethnic anthropology in America is the "Handbook 
 of American Indians," published by the Bureau of American Ethnology. 
 It is a compilation or encyclopedia of data covering descriptively the entire 
 life, as far as known, of the native peoples of America north of Mexico. It 
 is authoritative and will endure. 
 
 Vast stores of museum specimens have been gathered from the native 
 peoples of the Western Hemisphere and Pacific islands. These specimens 
 are scattered well over the earth, though there is a tendency for the large 
 museums to possess the most important collections from the peoples in their 
 own areas. For instance, Honolulu has the best Poljoiesian collection in 
 existence. The store-rooms of the large museums of the Western Hemi- 
 sphere are literally packed with native materials illustrating practically all 
 phases of aboriginal American life. As is true of the printed, illustrative, and 
 manuscript data, so it is of all museum materials : they are saved, are inval- 
 uable, and are ready to contribute to the solution of the larger anthropological 
 problems as well as the smaller local ones. 
 
 CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 Only a few anthropologists in America have interested themselves in 
 attempts to solve cultural beginnings, or marked transitions from simpler 
 culture grades to more complex ones. A large part of the work thus far has 
 been ethnic, and descriptive of cultural expressions. However, certain con- 
 structive studies of cultural beginnings have been completed which are of 
 more than local import and show that the cultural anthropologist already 
 has asserted himself seriously in the Western Hemisphere. 
 
 Tools and weapons of stone were a wonderful invention of the savage; 
 they improved upon hands and teeth for tearing, piercing, and cutting, and 
 upon fists for striking heavy or crushing blows. It has been shown in Amer- 
 ica how the shaping of such fracturable stones was accomplished by the 
 savage. There were serious handicaps in the uses of fracturable stone (or 
 
36 ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 
 
 metal) artifacts ; their sizes and forms were greatly limited. So a very impor- 
 tant step forward was taken when men learned how to make their needed 
 tools and weapons from malleable metals, such as copper and iron. This 
 forward step from fracturable to malleable metals has been discovered in 
 America. The importance of these two inventions can scarcely be overesti- 
 mated, since they lead directly to the apparently endless development of metal 
 crafts. Here one of the so-called "keys to history" has been discovered. 
 
 Maize, one of the most valuable cereals in the world, has been traced in 
 its geographical origin in ancient times to the highlands of Mexico or Central 
 America. Cultivated "wild rice" has been studied, and its development 
 traced from the wild, unharvested fields. Other agricultural beginnings are 
 being discovered to-day, though in early agriculture, as in most other primi- 
 tive economic activities, the studies of beginnings are yet to be made. 
 
 There are some forms of objects and some decorative designs which are 
 universally recognized as beautiful. The origin and development of some 
 of these aesthetic inventions have been traced from the crude savage of the 
 Americas and of the islands of the Pacific. 
 
 Early religion has been traced in America to a simpler systematic stage 
 than that of universally recognized animism, which was previously considered 
 the earliest systematic form of religion. 
 
 The studies of language in America now publishing are acknowledged 
 the best studies of primitive linguistics ever attempted. They will, beyond 
 doubt, be among the best studies in cultural anthropology in their time. In 
 America there have been published a study of pictography and a book on 
 the beginnings of writing. In the Western Hemisphere written language 
 may be studied in the pictograph, the ideograph, and the phonetograph or 
 the presentation of the conception of a sound by means of a picture. In 
 other words, the beginnings of written language have been found as highly 
 developed as word-sounds and perhaps even syllable-sounds, though not 
 sounds of letters as in a modern alphabet. 
 
 These studies, taken from among the most important in cultural anthro- 
 pology, reveal the richness of the field. Most of the important work of the 
 cultural anthropologist belongs to the "larger problems" of anthropology 
 and can best be done after stores of data have been gathered for comparison 
 and final conclusions. As has been noted, much material concerning arti- 
 facts, activities, and institutions is now available. 
 
 PREHISTORIC ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 Generations now vanished have left interesting remains of their culture 
 over extensive areas of the Western Hemisphere and the Pacific islands. 
 The investigation of vanished peoples and cultures in the Pacific islands has 
 been shght and fragmentary, not having progressed far enough to solve any 
 of the problems. In the Western Hemisphere thousands of mounds of vari- 
 ous types have been examined, and the much-disputed question of the 
 
ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 37 
 
 mound-builders has in this way been settled. They were the ancestors of the 
 present-day American Indians, and some aspects of their culture have been 
 continued until to-day. 
 
 The fables about the cliff-dwellers have been corrected. Many dwelling- 
 places have been studied, and often surprisingly minute details of cliff-culture 
 have been revealed. Those people were the kin of the pueblo inhabitants 
 of to-day. The geographical range of the ancient pueblo culture has been 
 outlined and its sedentary agricultural life by irrigation has been in part 
 revealed. In attempting to disclose the connection between this ancient 
 and modem pueblo culture, one may say that the ancient culture is rather 
 like the worn and broken end of a tapestry; a part of the fabric is service- 
 able and in hand, while the ancient end only now and again reveals the 
 connecting threads. 
 
 Still farther south, in central Mexico, the romantic Mexican culture 
 which set all Europe ablaze with stories of its untold hordes of precious metals 
 and its marvelous heights of culture, is popularly and superficially known, 
 largely through the Aztec people. 
 
 For more than twenty years exploratory work has been carried on in 
 the area of the ancient Maya of southern Mexico and Central America. 
 Many facts have been gathered about the migrations, architecture, sculpture, 
 painting and writing, food and clothing, religion and social life of this people, 
 probably the most advanced ethno-cultural group of aborigines in the West- 
 ern Hemisphere. Reconnaissance work among them has progressed so far 
 that the larger anthropological problems may now be confidently undertaken. 
 
 Work somewhat similar to that among the Maya, though less extensive, 
 has been done among the ancient Inca of the South American Andes area. 
 That culture was marvelous in many ways. In governmental system, zoo- 
 culture, and geographic extent, covering as it did well the length of Peru and 
 Chih, the Inca culture was unrivaled in the Western Hemisphere in pre- 
 Columbian times. 
 
 One of the most satisfactory pieces of prehistoric anthropological work 
 ever carried on in the Americas is that completed in 1912, when the ancient 
 Peruvian capital "Machu Picchu," called the "cradle of the Inca empire," 
 was so successfully rescued from the destruction of nature. The large prob- 
 lems of the Inca, like those of the Maya, are unsolved. 
 
 Enough work has been done on shell-heaps, gravels, caves, rock-shelters, 
 etc., in the Western Hemisphere to interest all anthropologists in the problem 
 of man in America at a period eariier than any commonly agreed upon. In 
 Argentine problems have been raised in the beginnings of mankind which 
 are to-day the center of world-wide scholarly controversy. 
 
38 ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 
 
 RESEARCH PROBLEMS AND OPPORTUNITIES IN ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 THE PACIFIC ISLANDS. 
 
 Expansive as is the area of the Pacific Ocean, it is the seat of a unit, 
 though complex, anthropological problem, namely, that of the origin and 
 spread of the Pacific islanders and their culture. Fortunately this large 
 problem must be approached and solved through its smaller separate prob- 
 lems, each largely confined to a distinct ethnic tj^e. The large problem of 
 the Pacific islands will remain with us until the problems of these several 
 ethnic groups have been solved separately and also in their numerous inter- 
 relations. There are five of these ethnic groups: Polynesian, Melanesian, 
 Micronesian, Malayan, and Negritic. 
 
 POLYNESIA. 
 
 Polynesia is the best-known island area of the Pacific and has been the 
 most thoroughly studied scientifically. Polynesia extends southward from 
 the large Hawaiian Archipelago and embraces the smaller Cook, Austral, 
 Society, and Tuamotu Archipelagoes, and again the Samoan, Tongan, and 
 Marquesan Archipelagoes, with Easter Island lying alone far to the eastward; 
 lastly, the large group of islands, far to the southwest, called New Zealand. 
 
 Over all these islands a single race, the Polynesian, has spread. So far 
 as history or reliable traditions tell, it was the original race in that area. 
 There are some stories of an early dark race and, as will be presented later, 
 some unknown vanished people once resided in several of the Polynesian 
 islands, leaving there gigantic stone remains which, sphinx-like, have not 
 yet told the mysterious story of their creators. 
 
 The Polynesians are a brown-skinned people with dark wavy hair, stat- 
 uesque in bearing, and often with straight Caucasian-hke features. They 
 have an elaborate oral history, including much information which has been 
 reduced to writing by several able students. In speaking of this history, 
 Churchill says, in contrasting the Polynesians with the Melanesians: 
 
 "In the case of the brown Polynesian race the circumstances are far other. 
 We have ample traditions of migration, we have the names of halting-places; we 
 find a whole race, widely sundered upon the sea, looking back to the west with a 
 single gaze to an ancestral home." 
 
 All authorities agree that in comparatively recent times the Poljrnesians 
 came to their present area from an earlier home to the west. Of their origin, 
 and of their migration before they entered Malaysia, from which they went 
 eastward, theories are legion; the problem is yet unsolved. Keane, struck by 
 their physical resemblance to the so-called Caucasian type of Eurasia, makes 
 them a branch of that division of mankind which in neolithic times migrated 
 from the Asiatic mainland to the Indian Archipelago; Giuffrida-Ruggeri 
 regards this similarity as due to independent mutations in their respective 
 habitats. Brinton considered them a branch of the Malayan stock. Bopp 
 
ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 39 
 
 believed them to have sprung from the same original stem as the Indo- 
 Europeans; Max Mtlller claimed for them Turanian affinities, and recently 
 Macdonald has championed a theory of Semitic origin. The Ganges Valley 
 is their primeval home, according to J. R. Logan and S. P. Smith. E. Tre- 
 gear says they originated either in India or in central Asia, and passed through 
 India, from which they took to the sea, journeying eastward through the 
 Malayan Archipelago. 
 
 Churchill recently has largely solved the Polynesian migration problem 
 in the Pacific Ocean. These diverse views on Polynesian origins and migra- 
 tion are presented here to show how varied have been the theories about the 
 Polynesians, concerning whom more is known than of any other Pacific island 
 peoples. Even Churchill's study has left unsolved the origin of the Poly- 
 nesians and their migrations before they entered Malaysia, as well as the origin 
 and migration of the entire Tongafiti swarm of Polynesians. ''This much is 
 certain," he declares, "the Tongafiti migration has left absolutely no trace of 
 its passage in Melanesia." Whence, then, did they come? The answer must 
 be left for further study. 
 
 There are many unsolved problems of Polynesian culture. Where and 
 by whom were their cultures originated? Among these phenomena are those 
 of tabu; of hereditary aristocracy which developed such superior men as 
 Kamehameha III and left us our present Hawaiian royalty; there are impor- 
 tant agricultural beginnings; and those of zooculture, perhaps founded on 
 royal decree to spare certain birds from which were obtained the brilliant 
 feathers woven into royal robes. 
 
 Among the interesting cultural discoveries perhaps possible in Polynesia 
 is one which so many students have said can not be attained, namely, "a 
 true knowledge of the genesis of the speech of man." Churchill says that 
 the Polynesian languages are of "the most elemental character" whose "parts 
 of speech have but just begun to make their appearance." He even says posi- 
 tively: "we find ourselves engaged with a language family in which we can 
 discover the beginnings of human speech." 
 
 In Polynesia the student is brought face to face with frequent decay and 
 loss of culture forms. Among such cultural features is the almost complete 
 absence, amid many other evidences of advanced culture, of such arts as 
 pottery and weaving, and the occasional loss of the art of navigation in a race 
 otherwise more completely naval than any other. In many coral islands the 
 absence of suitable pottery clays is sufficient to explain the absence of the art 
 of pottery, but this explanation will not answer in New Zealand, where there 
 is excellent clay. Neither may the loss of weaving there be explained by the 
 absence of textile fibers, because such fibers are abundant. The Polynesians 
 of Easter Island are said to be devoid of canoe-craft. Absence of suitable 
 growing timber in Easter Island may explain largely the loss of this central 
 cultural factor of the Polynesian people there, though American-grown cedars 
 drifting in the open sea furnished the material for the large war canoes of the 
 
40 ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 
 
 Hawaiian Islands. In Mangareva, where the art of canoe-craft has been lost, 
 there is an abundance of timber in the mountains, and a protecting reef 
 gives advantages of a quiet harbor which should have developed navigation. 
 Such conditions offer opportunities to shed light on the problems of ethnic 
 psychology. 
 
 MELANESIA. 
 
 Melanesia includes New Guinea, New Britain, New Ireland, Admiralty 
 Islands, Louisade Archipelago, Solomon, Santa Cruz, New Hebrides, Loyalty 
 Islands, New Caledonia, and Fiji. This group of islands takes its name from 
 its dark-skinned inhabitants, the Melanesians. The people living in New 
 Guinea are also called Papuans, a Malay word meaning frizzly-haired. Some 
 authorities make a distinction between the Papuans and the inhabitants of 
 the rest of Melanesia. As a collective name Keane suggests "Papuasians." 
 
 The Melanesians are dark, often black in skin color, with thick lips and 
 woolly hair. They greatly resemble certain African Negroes. 
 
 Practically no large Melanesian problems have yet been solved. The 
 fundamental question "Who are the Melanesians?" remains unanswered. 
 Are the people an easterly migrating branch of African Negroes? Or are 
 the latter a westwardly migrating branch of the Melanesians? Are they 
 both remnants of a much more extensive group of black men which occupied 
 Africa, Melanesia, and intervening areas? Or are the Melanesians an indige- 
 nous group with skin and hair similar to the Africans, yet a group independ- 
 ently evolved? Are they greatly like the Africans, or would a scientific study 
 prove the two only superficially similar? 
 
 Keane regards all of Oceania as the original range of the Melanesians 
 now restricted by the intrusion of the Polynesians. Some conceive New 
 Guinea as the possible center of Melanesian dispersion. It seems fairly well 
 agreed that the Melanesians were the earliest inhabitants of the region they 
 now occupy. However, is it not possible that the Melanesians are an amal- 
 gamated product of some (at present unidentified) peoples with the existing 
 primitive Negrito, the small, frizzly-haired man found in the Philippines and 
 beUeved to be the aboriginal inhabitant there, and who lives also in New 
 Guinea, Malay Peninsula, Sumatra, and the nearby Andaman Islands? 
 
 The typical physical, temperamental, and cultural characteristics of 
 the Melanesians must be compared with those of other groups in an effort 
 to solve the now open problem of this fiercest and most savage of all 
 Oceanic peoples. 
 
 One of the most important large cultural problems which study of the 
 Melanesians may assist in solving is that of cannibalism. "Were all men 
 cannibals in the early natural exploitation stage of their development, eating 
 the people they killed as they ate other animals? Ward thinks so. Or was 
 cannibalism largely a local matter due to other conditions, such as absence 
 of large food-animals? 
 
ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 41 
 
 MICRONESIA. 
 
 The islands called Micronesia lie weU scattered to the east and south- 
 east of Japan. They are the Marianne or Ladrone Islands, together with 
 the Pelew, Caroline, Marshall, Gilbert, and Ellice groups. The inhabitants 
 are known jointly as Micronesians, and are a hybrid people. Physically 
 and culturally they stand between the Polynesians and the Melanesians. 
 Tradition points to migrations from both the east and west; the former 
 migration is said distinctly to have come from Samoa, hence is Polynesian. 
 The migrations from the westward are said to have been more numerous; 
 they are believed to have been largely from the Philippines and islands 
 farther south, and to have been subsequent to the Polynesian immigration. 
 Thus they were Malayan in large part, if not entirely. 
 
 Though the Micronesians differ in appearance in the various island 
 groups, depending upon the proximity to or contact with neighboring peoples, 
 they should probably be considered to-day as of Malayan stock, which 
 modified the early Polynesian settlers and which in turn was probably modi- 
 fied in historic times by Melanesians and even Japanese and Chinese. 
 
 The Micronesian languages are as compficated as is the ethnic composi- 
 tion, and they have been studied but little. This "melting-pot" of the Pacific 
 offers, among other problems, a good field for research in ethnic amalgamation 
 and cultural assimilation. 
 
 MALAYSIA. 
 
 Malaysia includes the Malay peninsula of continental Asia, and the vast 
 island world of Sumatra, Java, Borneo, the Celebes, the Philippines, Formosa, 
 and many smaller islands. This area receives its name from the small Malay 
 group or tribe, the last of many swarms of people now widely scattered under 
 the name Malayan. People speaking the Malayan language have gone far 
 beyond the bounds of Malaysia. They went northward to southern Japan, 
 which was heavily impregnated with Malayan blood, and again they migrated 
 to the westward across the Indian Ocean to Madagascar, off the southern 
 part of the east coast of Africa. What was the cause of their early remark- 
 able pioneering instinct? 
 
 Much discussion and controversy have been waged about the Malayans. 
 Who are they? Where did they come from? What are their ethnic char- 
 acteristics? They were formerly regarded as merely an offshoot of the 
 Mongolian stock; this view was upheld by Wallace, and is the one most 
 commonly taught in American colleges to-day. Others, especially those 
 who know them personally, believe them to be a distinct race, some regarding 
 them as the most recent of all the great races, and insular in origin, not 
 continental. The Polynesians were formerly believed to be a branch of the 
 Malayans, and the Oceanic languages are still commonly called " Malay o- 
 Polynesian." It has recently been established that the Polynesian is the 
 older language, and the two peoples are radically distinct linguistically. 
 
42 ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 
 
 Among the large group of unsolved problems which Malaysia presents is 
 that of the so-called Indonesians. Is there an Indonesian strain in Malaysia, 
 or are the brown men there members of one stock scattered from the same 
 parent nest successively after repeated cultural developments? This is a 
 working hypothesis. 
 
 Besides the general Malayan problems of origin, migration, language, 
 and material culture, there are specific problems in the Philippines of great 
 practical importance to America. It is an historical fact that no pure 
 Malayan people of their own initiative have attained any considerable devel- 
 opment. The most highly developed were the Mohammedans, the " Moros," 
 of the Philippines; but the germs of peaceful progress were not in them and 
 are absent to-day. Their historic turbulent restlessness was not Malayan in 
 origin, but was due to the personal genius of Mohammedan Arabs, who now, 
 as 450 years ago, easily secure and hold leadership among them. What are the 
 facts as to inherent qualities of leadership among pure Malayan peoples? 
 
 Another practical anthropological problem in the Philippines is that of 
 the relative fitness for physical and cultural development of the Filipino of 
 pure Malayan stock and the one of mixed Chinese blood. This is not an 
 academic question. It is one whose solution should assist in settling prob- 
 lems of Philippine immigration. 
 
 Before leaving Malaysia we may briefly suggest three additional prob- 
 lems which are not specifically incorporated in the large Pacific island 
 problem, but which, since their research field is located in Malaysia, must 
 be studied there. 
 
 Malaysia is believed by some anthropologists to be the cradle of man- 
 kind. In 1891-92 Dubois found in eastern Java certain fossil bones of an 
 animal scientifically known as PitJiecanthropus erectus, or erect apeman. As 
 to the exact zoological position of this animal, anthropologists have divided 
 into three groups, each group, on account of its personnel, meriting equal 
 confidence. One group claims the animal as a true man, another regards 
 it as a gigantic anthropoid ape, and the other takes the middle ground of 
 the "missing hnk." The question is still open. The extensive rocks in 
 which Dubois found these fossils contain those of many animals. Digging 
 Trinil rocks for additional fossils of members of the same species as Pithe- 
 canthropus erectus is an uncertain undertaking; but presumption is in favor 
 of the behef that sufficiently extensive excavation would reward the endeavor, 
 in spite of the failure of the Selenka expedition to make such discoveries. 
 It matters not whether this creature proves to be, as so many think, the 
 eariiest discovered proto-human being; the real problem is to determine 
 what its kinship with man is, and then determine at what geological age 
 such creatures lived. To the anthropologist neither time nor labor would 
 be considered wasted, if this twofold question could be conclusively solved 
 for the expectant world. 
 
ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 43 
 
 It is an ethnic law that the most restless and vigorous migrating peoples 
 go farthest from their nest. In consequence, one ought to find, unless they 
 have perished, primitive and backward people near the human nest, wherever 
 that was. Such people are still found in various parts of Malaysia; and in 
 Java there has been noted the most simian-like people known, the Kalang. 
 It is beheved that pure-blood members of this group are extinct, but all 
 available data, scant as it may be, should be secured of those persons having 
 Kalang aflSnities. 
 
 StiU Malaysia holds the interest of the anthropologist, because one of 
 the four living anthropoid apes, the orang-utan, survives only in Sumatra 
 and Borneo; Java lies between the two. The anthropologist should have 
 a mass of accurate data about this ape. The individual and communal life 
 of this singularly man-like animal should be exhaustively studied, and the 
 anatomist and physiologist should gather a full store of facts before the ape 
 vanishes. Very little data, such as needed, exist to-day. 
 
 NEGRITIC TERRITORY. 
 
 The last of the five ethnic groups in the Pacific is the Negritic. These 
 people are to-day found bearing different names in several isolated areas, 
 in the Philippines surrounded by Malayan Filipinos, and in New Guinea 
 surrounded by Melanesians. They occur as the Aket in Sumatra, as the 
 Semang in the Malay Peninsula, and also as the Mincopi of the Andaman 
 Islands west of the Malay Peninsula in the Bay of Bengal. 
 
 There is little question that the Negritos preceded the Malayans in 
 whatever areas they both occur. De Quatrefages and others regard them 
 as representatives of the parent stem of which the Pygmies of Africa are 
 a branch. Another theory is that the Negritos are the common ancestors 
 of the African Negroes and the Oceanic Melanesians. Again it has been 
 suggested that the Negritos, as well as the Melanesians, are a branch of 
 the original negroid stock, perhaps African. Keane regards the Negritos 
 as the true aborigines of Indo-China and western Malaysia. The Negritos 
 are regarded by some as closer to the primitive human type than any other 
 existing race. Quite a different view is that of Keith, that "there is no 
 human race known that has so little claim to be regarded as a primitive 
 human type. They are the last race in the world to answer to the criteria 
 required in an ancestral type for modern man." What are these criteria? 
 Evidently there is not agreement as to what constitutes a primitive type. 
 This suggests further research in physical anthropology. 
 
 Since the Negritos are fast being displaced by other people, and since 
 their language is practically extinct over much of their present range in the 
 Philippines, problems such as their origin, their former distribution, their 
 kinship to other peoples, their language, and the part they have played in 
 originating culture are most urgent. 
 
44 ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 
 
 One ought only to recall how difficult it is to get at the beginnings of 
 things human in order to see the importance of an exhaustive and compara- 
 tive study of the Negritos. They are culturally the most primitive Pacific 
 people of to-day, and are perhaps as primitive as any in the world. 
 
 PREHISTORIC STONE REMAINS. 
 
 Not all of the great anthropological problems of the Pacific are among 
 the living people. One of the greatest world mysteries before the prehistoric 
 anthropologist is that of the carved stone remains found in Easter Island. 
 This island is a small piece of land about 45 square miles in area, lying 2,000 
 miles from the west coast of South America. Several attempts have been 
 made to solve the riddle of its stone remains, but unsuccessfully. 
 
 Churchill, in his recent study of the language of Easter Island, says of 
 these rude masses of tufa-crowned human shapes mounted as termini upon 
 platforms along the edges of the cliff: "Utterly beyond our comprehension, 
 since apparently so utterly beyond the present capacity of the islanders, the 
 enduring memorials of workers in cyclopean stone are preserved in the South 
 Sea." Again he says the natives claim that these gigantic carved rocks are 
 the work of their quite recent forefathers, yet, "despite the tradition, we 
 can not see how a people unacquainted with metals could hew these great 
 masses of hard volcanic rock; nor can we see how, without mechanical 
 assistance of which they had no knowledge, they could lift the weights over 
 the crater rim, transport them for considerable distances, and rear them on 
 end." On these monuments are carved images of men and animals, and 
 also characters which may be picture writing, though all attempts to decipher 
 them have so far failed. 
 
 Who were the authors of those records in Easter Island? Some students 
 have been led to ascribe them to early Papuans, because skulls of the type of 
 those people were found at hand. Sir Clements Marldiam rather inclined to 
 identify the skulls with those of the Aymara of Bohvia. The question is still 
 open. Stevenson was right when he called one of these carved rocks of 
 Easter Island 
 
 "the rude monument 
 Of faiths forgot and races undivined." 
 
 Great as is the mystery in Easter Island, the problem becomes larger 
 and vastly more alluring, and perhaps more certain of reasonable solution, 
 when we note that similar carved rocks extend in a broken line from the 
 Carolines and Mariannes, just east of Japan, to Easter Island. Some of the 
 best-known monuments are the massive walls of Metalianum Harbor in the 
 Carolines, rows of pillars on Tinian in the Mariannes, Fale o le Fe'e in the 
 mountains of 'Upolu behind Apia in Samoa, the great trilithon of Tonga, 
 and the scarped mountain erections on Rapaiti. 
 
 Who erected these rocks? Was there once a migrating people who 
 crossed the vast Pacific by its longest island route, leaving records of a stone 
 culture which the present islanders do not and apparently never did possess? 
 
ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 45 
 
 If SO, did they reach Japan or the continent of Asia? Or did they pass on to 
 South America? No one knows, but the problem is strung along the Pacific, 
 and it fascinates us while it waits. 
 
 The diverse Pacific island problem is a unit problem. Scattered as the 
 Pacific peoples are in their numerous island homes, the warm languorous sea, 
 more than anything else, has made them what they are. While the sea 
 separates them, it binds them together. It is confidently behoved that this 
 unit problem of the Pacific island peoples can be solved within a reasonable 
 length of time, if it is approached through physical, ethnic, cultural, and 
 prehistoric studies among the five great Oceanic ethnic groups. 
 
 THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE. 
 ORIGIN OF THE ABORIGINAL AMERICAN. 
 
 Fundamental among the unsolved large anthropological problems of the 
 Western Hemisphere is that of the origin of man in America. Whence did 
 the ancestors of the American Indian and Eskimo come? The answers have 
 been numerous and varied. Some who believe in the plural origin of the 
 human family regard the American continent as the birthplace of one of the 
 independent branches. Some who believe in the single origin hold that 
 America may be the original home of the human family from which all the 
 diverse races and ethnic groups of the earth sprung. Recently the discovery 
 of certain skeletal remains in Argentine has led to a theory of this sort. 
 
 For many reasons, geographical, geological, zoological, and anthropo- 
 logical, it may apparently be wisely assumed to-day that man is not autoch- 
 thonous in America, but that he migrated here from some earlier home. 
 
 Several anthropologists believe in the dual or plural origin of our aborig- 
 ines. Ratzel reminds us that isolation for sufficient time would result in the 
 production of a unit race from two or more ancestral stocks. This is pos- 
 sible by means of amalgamation and the selective influence of environment. 
 
 Anders Retzius, on the basis of two types of American crania, grouped 
 the American aborigines in two extensive geographic divisions. The western 
 group he classed with the brachycephalic Mongols and Malays, and to the 
 eastern group he ascribed affinities with the dolichocephalic Berbers and 
 Guanches by migrations from northwestern Africa and the Canary Islands. 
 
 Keane also recognizes two primitive types. He traces the dolicho- 
 cephalic type to a migration from Europe in palaeolithic times over a supposed 
 land-bridge through the British Islands, Iceland, and Greenland; the Eskimo, 
 and Botocudo and tribes farther southward in South America are repre- 
 sentatives of those migrants. He derives the brachycephahc type, in greater 
 numbers and in several migrations, from Asia in later or neolithic times; 
 certain short-headed tribes in the highlands of Mexico are representatives of 
 this later movement. The remaining aborigines, he beheves, are a product 
 of a blending of the distinct European and Asiatic types. 
 
46 ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 
 
 Brinton believed that all of the original stock of the American abo- 
 rigines were descendants of palseolithic Europeans who crossed the North 
 Atlantic by a land-bridge. 
 
 Topinard assunaed that American aborigines are the blended product of 
 an autochthonous American branch of mankind and an Asian branch. 
 
 Mason propounded a theory of the peophng of America from Indo- 
 Malaysia. 
 
 De Quatrefages, in order to explain an alleged "black" skin color on the 
 Pacific coast, introduced a Melanesian element into the aboriginal American. 
 
 Several students, especially in Europe, have urged that the Pacific 
 peoples early came to America and that the highest culture of pre-Columbian 
 times was theirs. On the other hand, EUis, an early authority on Oceania, 
 looked to America for the peophng of the Pacific. From our present knowl- 
 edge of the recency of Polynesian migration such a view is untenable as 
 regards the living population. But, as already suggested, it is possible that 
 the prehistoric people with the strange stone-culture of Easter Island may 
 have continued eastward to South America. The data accumulated in the 
 exhaustive study of the subordinate problems of the Pacific islands, already 
 presented, may very reasonably be expected to contain evidence of acceptable 
 value on the theory of southern Pacific migration to America. 
 
 The weight of opinion among American experts to-day is in favor of the 
 theory that the great mass, though not necessarily aU, of the early inhabi- 
 tants of America came from northeastern Asia by way of Bering Strait. 
 Favorable as this theory appears, it is not without its objections; they may 
 not be unsurmountable, yet need to be overcome. Among those objections 
 are questions of cultural development, of acclimatization, and perhaps of 
 physical differentiation. 
 
 Some students believe that the Aleutian Islands, as a possible migration 
 route, merit further research. While in the light of our present knowledge 
 this route has its difficulties, there also appear certain advantages in such a 
 route over the more northerly Bering Strait route. The Aleutian route is 
 part of the horseshoe-shaped littoral stretching up along the Asiatic coast, 
 eastward across Bering Sea, and down the American coast. Geographically 
 and ethnically this littoral is part and parcel of the continental areas which 
 it fringes. This island route might well prove a fertile field for research on 
 the problem of the origin of the peoples of America, and also a fertile field 
 for research on the problem of the Pacific islands, under which head it might 
 logically have been presented. It is confidently expected that such a survey 
 would reveal osteological material and probably also artifacts that would 
 show clearly certain important facts of the race and culture which early 
 found its way to America, and about which we already have too much con- 
 jecture. Such insular investigations as just suggested should be only the 
 connecting link between the most thorough research on the bordering con- 
 tinental areas, especially the Asian area. 
 
ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 47 
 
 If man is a migrant to America, he probably tarried for a considerable 
 time along the sea-shore. Rock-shelters and caves there should be explored. 
 Shell-heaps or "kitchen-middens," as they are sometimes called in Europe, 
 so plentifully scattered around the entire coastal fringe of the Western 
 Hemisphere, should be carefully studied for what data they may reveal of 
 man's early, or earliest, migration routes to America. If the problem should 
 prove to be primarily that of autochthonous man, researches should be con- 
 ducted in those areas where strata are found carrying fossils of animals most 
 likely to have been contemporary with such man ; for instance, in the Pampean 
 formations of South America, where already alleged discoveries of very ancient 
 man, and even prehuman ancestors of man, are said to have been made. 
 
 The many theories of the origin of man in America show that the fore- 
 most students of anthropology have been interested in the unsolved problem 
 at hand, and their diversity shows the need of a solution. 
 
 THE ESKIMO PROBLEM. 
 
 A special problem, a unit in itself, in connection with that of the origin 
 of the American aborigines, is that of the Eskimo. It is commonly agreed 
 that there are to-day distinct physical and cultural differences between the 
 Eskimo and the Indian. Are the Eskimo a variant of the American type? 
 Or do they represent the ancestral stock of the American Indians, the Indians 
 being the variants? Are the Eskimo representatives of one of the ancestral 
 stocks of the Indians, or are they a distinct race in origin? If so, when did 
 they come to America, and from where did they come? 
 
 It has been suggested that if man were in the Western Hemisphere in 
 glacial times, the Eskimo maybe direct descendants of a geographical division 
 of those early men who have remained glacial, while the Indians are descend- 
 ants of those who were driven southward and westward by the glacier. 
 Their long separation by the ice might account for the marked physical and 
 cultural differences between the two peoples. Others classify the Eskimo 
 with the present-day people of northeastern Asia, with the implication that 
 they are more recently and immediately derived from Asia than are the 
 Indians. Recent researches have shown that while indisputable evidence 
 exists connecting the people on both sides of Bering Strait physically, lin- 
 guistically, and otherwise culturally, the evidence points strongly to an ethnic 
 and cultural movement from America to Asia. The Yuit of the west shores 
 of Bering Strait are a branch of the Eskimo stock which in recent times 
 migrated from America to Asia. Boas has formulated the theory that "the 
 so-called False-Asiatic tribes [Chukchi, Koryak, etc.] must be considered as 
 offshoots of the American race, which may have migrated back to the Old 
 World after the retreat of the Arctic glaciers." 
 
 There is still debate as to the original American nest of differentiation of 
 the Eskimo, provided his physical and cultural characteristics were fixed in 
 America. Rink placed it in Alaska; many American anthropologists assign 
 
48 ANTHROPOLOGY IN AVESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 
 
 the nest to the area west of Hudson Bay. Another aspect of the Eskimo 
 question is the effect of contact with the Norwegian expeditions to America 
 and settlements in Greenland which lasted 400 years. The recent discussion 
 concerning the origin of the "blond Eskimo" and various features of Eskimo 
 culture ascribed to Norse influence suggest researches which might yield valu- 
 able facts about pre-Columbian relations between Europe and America. 
 
 It would seem that the Alaskan and other shell-heaps and ancient 
 village sites in the Eskimo area ought to reveal evidence of value in assisting 
 to solve not only the Eskimo problem but the larger problem of the origin 
 of the American aborigines as a whole. 
 
 ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA. 
 
 Inseparable from the problem of the origin of the American aborigines 
 is the problem of their antiquity. Controversy has been waged on the 
 question of antiquity even more than on that of origin, and a lesser degree of 
 agreement exists on this question among those who claim to speak with 
 authority. The chief point at issue is whether man existed in America in the 
 geological period covered by the glacial invasions of North America. It is 
 definitely known that man lived in western Europe during the period of 
 European glaciers. Many students hold the belief that man was also in the 
 Western Hemisphere in pre-glacial or glacial times. The evidence adduced 
 for such belief may be classified as (1) direct, (2) indirect or circumstantial. 
 By direct evidence is here meant the discovery of indisputably human 
 artifacts or remains of man himself, which can be decisively proved to be of 
 glacial or pre-glacial antiquity. Geology should decide the age of the forma- 
 tion in which the remains are found. Physical anthropology should speak 
 with authority about human remains. Cultural anthropology should speak 
 in case the remains are artifacts, since there should be an interpretation 
 from the point of view of culture history. 
 
 For nearly three-fourths of a century human skeletal material has been 
 found which has been ascribed to glacial antiquity and even pre-glacial 
 antiquity. Several of the finds, as the Calaveras skull, the Trenton skulls 
 and femur, and the Kansas and Nebraska finds, have been widely discussed. 
 The names of many eminent anthropologists and geologists are found on 
 the roll of those who have adhered to the opinion, often amounting to con- 
 viction, that these discoveries prove the existence of man in America in the 
 Quaternary age. Others, perhaps a larger number to-day than before, remain 
 • unconvinced. The latter view may be summed up in the words of Hrdlicka : 
 
 "Thus far on this continent no human bones of undisputed geological antiquity 
 are known. This must not be regarded as equivalent to a declaration that there 
 was no early man in this country; it means only that if early man did exist in 
 North America, convincing proof of the fact from the standpoint of physical anthro- 
 pology still remains to be produced." 
 
ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 49 
 
 In South America fossil remains have been found which have created 
 even greater interest and discussion than those of North America. Remains 
 found in Argentine were adduced as evidence not only of the existence of 
 early man but of the existence of prehuman ancestors. South America was 
 regarded as the original home of mankind, and several European anthro- 
 pologists have accepted, wholly or in large part, the conclusions of the Argen- 
 tine advocates of this theory. But there are those in the United States, 
 speaking with authority, who say "the evidence thus far furnished fails to 
 establish the claim." 
 
 Artifacts have also been found in both North and South America which 
 have been regarded as from the hands of Quaternary man. Especially 
 famous are the finds in the Trenton gravel in New Jersey. These artifacts, 
 like the skeletal remains, have been convincing proof to many American and 
 European students. On similar grounds, as in the case of the skeletal remains, 
 probably the majority of anthropologists are unconvinced of the great age of 
 any artifacts so far discovered in the Western Hemisphere. 
 
 Indirect or circumstantial evidence has been adduced for and against 
 the probability of man's existence in the Americas in geologic antiquity. 
 The greater part of this evidence favors the probability of his early existence. 
 Among the facts cited in favor of belief in the expiration of a great extent of 
 time since the occupation of America by the aborigines are the following : 
 
 (1) The unit race extending from Alaska to Tierra del Fuego. 
 
 (2) The numerous distinct cultural groups. 
 
 (3) The remarkable and unparalleled linguistic diversity. 
 
 (4) The evident northward trend of migrations over areas once glaciated. 
 This condition is best explained by the presence of some formidable barrier, 
 upon the removal of which the tribes released sprang northward. 
 
 (5) The relative fewness of linguistic stocks in the north and east as 
 compared with the Pacific and Southwest areas, where so many small stocks 
 have remained penned up. 
 
 (6) The radical differences between the Indian and the Eskimo, over 
 whose extensive area of distribution the people physically, linguistically and 
 otherwise culturally are very similar. Has not the Eskimo survived as 
 glacial man in his area of snow and ice? 
 
 Against the probability of a very early occupancy of America may be 
 cited the following circumstantial evidence : 
 
 (1) Man probably originated in the tropics, where the anthropoid apes 
 are found to-day, and his food was largely vegetable. Such a man would 
 not willingly migrate into inhospitable lands where his mode of life would 
 be greatly changed. Man did not migrate until compelled by pressure of 
 numbers on the food supply. 
 
 (2) Under the most generally accepted theory of migration, by way of 
 northeast Siberia, a degree of culture was necessary, implying skill as hunters 
 
50 ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 
 
 and fishers and knowledge of the use of fire and suitable clothing. Such 
 cultural development required a long period of time. 
 
 Thus the problem of the antiquity of man in America remains an open 
 question. Holmes says it is "a difficult, a perplexing, but a most fascinating 
 field for research." To solve this problem there must be thorough and sys- 
 tematic investigation, greatly prolonged if need be. The aim should be to 
 discover physical or cultural remains which would demonstrate conclusively 
 to impartial students the age when man was in the Western Hemisphere. 
 
 On the theory that man is a migrant to America two separate researches 
 are needed to solve the question of his antiquity: 
 
 1. The first research concerns the general question of man's antiquity 
 in America and is inseparable from researches into the origin of American 
 aborigines. Nearly the entire coastal area of the Western Hemisphere is 
 well supplied with shell-heaps which were made by men so primitive that 
 a large part of their food came from the sea shore. In such shell-heaps are 
 found numerous evidences of the culture-grade of the builders. Probably 
 grades of culture, rather than geological chronology, would be revealed by 
 most of the sheU-heap explorations. Dall found shell-heaps in the Aleutian 
 Islands which clearly told of men of three distinct culture grades who had 
 eaten there. First was a people who apparently had neither fire nor arti- 
 facts, and whose food was echinoderms; then followed men of superior 
 culture who ate mainly fish; lastly, a people with culture not so unhke that 
 of recent coastal savages. However, records of geological time may be found 
 happily, perhaps, with artifacts or human skeletal remains, for Lovisato says 
 that the shell-heaps of Elizabeth and other islands at the extreme southern 
 end of South America show a subsidence below the sea and again a rise above 
 the sea since they were first deposited by men. 
 
 There should be an exhaustive exploration of shell-heaps; first, at those 
 points where it would seem, from the configuration of the continents, island 
 routes from other lands, the drift of ocean currents, atmospheric streams, 
 etc., early man might have reached America; also where conditions would 
 seem to have favored early men with plentiful food and easy protection. In 
 the neighborhood of all such shell-heaps careful survey should be made for 
 caverns, rock-shelters, and promontories which might have been used by men 
 at the time; these should also be explored. The results of these researches 
 would dictate whether other coastal areas should be similarly searched for 
 data of man's antiquity. 
 
 The importance of shell-heap exploration in work on this research is 
 suggested by Boas: "It seems plausible that the antiquity of man on the 
 South American Continent is very great, and that in the large shell-heaps 
 which are found, particularly on the Atlantic coast, his remains may be 
 traced to very early times." We may also well recall here the conspicuous 
 part played by explorations of shell-heaps and kitchen-middens in the 
 
ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 51 
 
 European Continent, where the knowledge of ancient peoples surpasses in 
 completeness and exactness that of any other part of the world. 
 
 2. The second research should be primarily to solve the specific problem 
 of so-called glacial man; to determine whether man was in America in glacial 
 or pre-glacial time. If no evidence is found, the researches should be so 
 capably carried on that the absence of non-autochthonous man from America 
 in the above-named geological times would be satisfactorily proved to all 
 except those who would believe the other way. The inherent diflficulty of 
 proving a negative is here in mind. 
 
 In Europe the evidence of glacial man is abundant. Both the skeletal 
 and artifact remains are found at the very foot of the glaciers, and even 
 on promontories which, though not covered, were within the glaciated area. 
 When one sketches on a map of the United States the locations of those 
 skeletal and artifact remains over which the controversy of glacial man 
 largely exists to-day, he finds, suggestively, that most of them, except those 
 from California, are located in the zone of glacial terminal moraines extend- 
 ing from the Atlantic westward toward the Rocky Mountains. This strongly 
 suggests an important field for research. The zone of the terminal moraines 
 should be surveyed for all those available localities which in pre-glacial or 
 glacial times could well have furnished dwelling-place or occupation ground 
 for man. All caves, rock-shelters, glacial river-beds, exposed beaches, and 
 promontories which could have served as hunting-grounds or sites for look- 
 outs or dwellings should be systematically investigated for coveted evidence 
 of possible glacial or pre-glacial existence. The most trustworthy evidence 
 of man's existence would be found in the undisturbed glacial deposits, or 
 in interglacial deposits. It must be understood that the location of man's 
 remains in glacial deposits proves only the existence of man, not the geo- 
 graphic location of such existence; whereas, remains in interglacial deposits 
 afford definite knowledge as to location and time. 
 
 The chief reasons why we in America, as compared with Europe, are 
 in such a state of uncertainty about early man in our continents are : first, the 
 lack of systematic and extended research; secondly, the ignorance and careless- 
 ness often shown in connection with discoveries which have been made. In the 
 majority of cases the lack of accurate information given by the discoverers 
 is the most striking thing about them. A case in point is that of the skele- 
 ton found in Quebec, said to have been "dug out of the solid schist rock," 
 which proved to be a Silurian formation! 
 
 Geologists and physical anthropologists have worked out certain criteria 
 for determining the geological and zoological position of human fossil remains. 
 All these criteria should be critically applied to every individual case by 
 experts on the spot. Otherwise some feature or relation of the rehc or its 
 surroundings may be overlooked or misstated, thus rendering worthless, or 
 forever doubtful, the whole discovery. 
 
52 ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 
 ORIGIN AND SPREAD OF ABORIGINAL AMERICAN CULTURE. 
 
 There are students who admit the migration of early man to America, 
 yet hold that for all purposes American culture is autochthonous; Powell 
 believed that man came to America before he had acquired articulate speech. 
 Other students, who hold the idea of great antiquity, even autochthony, of 
 the American aborigines, believe there is evidence of the influence of Old 
 World culture in America in pre-Columbian times. 
 
 A dogmatic assertion of the complete autochthony of American primi- 
 tive culture would appear premature in view of our present insuflBcient 
 knowledge. The foremost hving student of primitive American culture says : 
 "It seems highly probable that the western world has not been always wholly 
 beyond the reach of members of the white, Polynesian, and perhaps even 
 the black races." Among the similarities in culture-form which are the 
 most striking and have the greatest presumption of transmission are the 
 gouge or stone adze and the banner stone of New England and farther north, 
 which resemble those of northern Europe; forms of pottery and implements 
 in the West Indies and Brazil, which resemble manufactures of the Medi- 
 terranean region; certain objects in Panama, which suggest the metal works 
 of Benin, in Africa; correspondencies between the architecture of Yucatan, and 
 those of Cambodia and Java; and adzes and pestles of the American north- 
 west coast, which resemble those of the Pacific islands more than those of 
 eastern America. These and like phenomena should be made the objects 
 of painstaking research on the problem of the extra-American origin of 
 culture. The solution of this problem would contribute not only to the 
 present subject, but to the anthropological world-problem of culture simi- 
 larities — ^whether similar cultural expressions in isolated areas had a common 
 origin, or independent origins, or are due to transmission. 
 
 Though research may prove the extra-American origin of parts of the 
 culture of the American aborigines, it seems probable that most of that cul- 
 ture originated in the Western Hemisphere. Some of these beginnings of 
 culture have already been found, as has been noted, but most of them are 
 still unknown and await research. America "can be expected to furnish a 
 fuller reading of the early chapters of human progress than any other part of 
 the world." 
 
 In the spread of culture the Western Hemisphere holds several problems 
 of almost continental extent. 
 
 Boas speaks of the large fundamental problem of the "peculiar unity of 
 culture types" seen among the tribes extending from near the extreme north 
 to near the extreme south of the Americas. 
 
 There is the problem of the relations between the various American cul- 
 ture centers. 
 
 Studies of culture-spread between the different tribes in contiguous or 
 nearby areas, such as are now being worked out among the tribes of the 
 Great Plains, should be prosecuted broadly. 
 
ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 53 
 
 These last three problems should be studied with trade routes, hunting 
 routes, fishing routes, and war routes in mind. 
 
 The problem of the Antilles line of culture contact between South and 
 North America is an important one; so also is that of the presumptive 
 line across the Gulf of Mexico. Both these route-areas should be studied, 
 but the major part of the research work would need to be done among the 
 cultures, vanished or present, on the two continents at both ends of each 
 connecting island route. Among these peoples are living tribes whose culture 
 is entirely unknown, whose names even are unknown to anthropology. 
 
 Among the prehistoric culture remains in the Western Hemisphere are 
 some of wonderful richness in the ruins of the advanced peoples in the high- 
 lands of Mexico, Central and South America. 
 
 If it were not for the accompanying extensive report on the Maya of 
 Yucatan by Mr. Morley, it would be necessary to present in a much larger 
 way research opportunities among those advanced and marvelous cultures 
 to the south of us, which were suddenly blighted by Spanish conquest. 
 
 There is the question as to whether Maya or Mexican culture was re- 
 sponsible for the beginning of the high development of their area, or whether 
 both raised themselves on the shoulders of a third, to use Seler's expression. 
 According to this authority, the two unquestionably had mutual influence. 
 
 The relationships between the Inca and Aymara cultures of South 
 America, and the meaning of the general resemblance between these cultures 
 and those farther northward, as the Maya and the Mexican, are problems 
 of great importance and about which nothing is now definitely known. 
 
 The culture of the Inca of Peru and Chili, that of the Aymara of Bolivia, 
 the Mexican of central Mexico, and the Maya of Yucatan and Guatemala 
 should be thoroughly studied; among them aU are rich research opportunities 
 similar to those Morley presents for the Maya. A comparative study of the 
 cultures would be most enlightening. The excavation of the Inca capital, 
 Machu Picchu, needs only to be mentioned to convince the anthropologist 
 that South America has many small and many large prehistoric problems 
 demanding serious study. Some of the important Inca sites in which valu- 
 able research work could be carried on are Tiahuanaco (Keane calls this an 
 independent Aymara development); then the very important Sierra ruins; 
 those of Cajamarca, Chan-Chan, Nasco, Piura; the ruins of the Cuzco region 
 and of the unknown Moquequa region. These are virtually untouched fields. 
 One of the avenues open to research on the problem of the spread of 
 American culture is that of American and European archives. Many letters 
 were written and sent back to Europe by Europeans contemporary in America 
 with the last days of Mexican, Maya, and Inca culture. Several beautiful 
 Maya boolcs have been found in European countries, and doubtless research 
 would bring to light a considerable amount of valuable data. 
 
 The whole problem of the origin and spread of aboriginal American cul- 
 ture is varied and large. While this problem would necessitate much research 
 
54 ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 
 
 in the field, valuable conclusions could be arrived at in the interpretation of 
 data already at hand in libraries and museums. Work that would bring 
 important results could be begun in almost any part of this large problem. 
 
 AN AMERICAN CHRONOLOGY. 
 
 The field of American anthropology has neither geological nor cultural 
 measure of time, except the Columbian. A definite chronology is one of the 
 great needs of the science. 
 
 In Europe prehistoric culture-history is measured by the eolithic, 
 palaeolithic, and neolithic stone ages, each of the last two being subdivided 
 into several definite epochs; and, later, by the age of the malleable metals. 
 The fossil bones of man are sometimes found in positively identified geologi- 
 cal strata. It has been possible to coordinate these cultural and geological 
 chronologies so that there is at hand a sufficiently exact measure of the time 
 element in the evolution of man in Europe. 
 
 It is greatly hoped, and may be confidently expected, that work on the 
 four large problems just presented would reveal such facts that a chronology 
 of the evolution of man in America would be the result. 
 
 MODERN PROBLEMS. 
 
 It must not be supposed that the anthropologist is limited in his interest 
 and his field of work to man's evolution of the past. He knows man is still 
 in the making. He studies man's present-day evolution in its individual and 
 ethnic aspects. He makes his studies of both the past and the present, with 
 an eye to the future, in order that those things which vitiated or benefited 
 the evolutionary process in the past, and which vitiate or benefit it to-day, 
 may serve as guides for future generations. 
 
 The field of anthropological study of modern people is new and unoccu- 
 pied, only the barest beginnings having been made. The horizon of this 
 coming field for research among present and future man and ethnic groups 
 is seen to extend indefinitely into the future. It would be difficult to over- 
 estimate the practical value of these continued studies. Their utility would 
 be world-wide. 
 
 First and most urgent among these modern studies, to quote Hrdlicka, 
 "is the gradual completion * * * of the study of the normal white man 
 living under average conditions, and the complete range of his variations— 
 these facts to form a solid and sufficient basis for all comparisons." This 
 study should cover thousands of cases and should be as continuous as pos- 
 sible from birth to death. 
 
 The other so-called races of man should be studied. 
 
 All typical variations of man should receive careful investigation. 
 
 All different typical environmental groups should be studied thoroughly. 
 
 Blending or hybridizing groups also should pass under the eye of the 
 trained investigator. 
 
ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 55 
 
 These researches must be carried on in a strictly scientific manner, with 
 accurate and abundant observation, then classification and comparison, and 
 eventually hypothesis and demonstrable conclusion. 
 
 The Western Hemisphere and the islands of the Pacific offer unparalleled 
 opportunities for useful and practical anthropological research among modern 
 peoples. Here are inhabited areas typical of practically all environments. 
 Here great numbers of persons, from all the large races of man and many of 
 the smaller natural divisions, make their home. The contagion of New 
 World ideas and ideals is such that racial barriers are often lightly held in 
 mind. It is probable that the solidity of all ethnic groups is beginning to 
 crumble in the heat of this great melting-pot. 
 
 Three of the most important modern anthropological problems of the 
 Western Hemisphere and the Pacific islands will be briefly presented under 
 the following titles: ethnic heredity, influence of environment on mankind, 
 and human amalgamation. 
 
 ETHNIC HEREDITY. 
 
 Man, like every other form of life, is a product of the factors of heredity 
 and environment. Heredity in mankind ceaselessly acts to perpetuate the 
 parental characteristics in the offspring, and so successfully that persons 
 recognize at sight a member of any of the great races of mankind, because 
 each member bears such a number of typical characteristics. 
 
 Though a number of able investigators are rapidly working out a long 
 list of universally hereditary human characteristics, only anthropologists have 
 investigated the inheritance of ethnic characteristics, and even they have 
 scarcely begun. 
 
 An ethnic group may be "pure blood" in many characteristics, and so 
 breed true, as other animals may. Such a group of people as, for instance, 
 the Negrito of the Philippines has so long intermarried and so long remained 
 in the same stable environment that only shght visible variations occur. 
 
 If, to avoid controversy, it is granted that all ethnic groups on the whole 
 have naturally equal capacity, still no one will claim that ethnic groups do 
 not differ in their characteristics. What are the salient characteristics of 
 important modern ethnic groups? 
 
 In the Wester;i Hemisphere study should be made of the normal white 
 man, of the American Indian and Eskimo, and of the Negroes where, because 
 of cultural reversion in Central and South America, they are found in sub- 
 stantially all the conditions they occupy in Africa, and in much superior ones 
 also. There should be studies of the Japanese and Chinese in America, 
 Hawaii, and the Philippines, and of the brown peoples of the Pacific Ocean, 
 emphasizing, if desirable, the inhabitants of our own insular possessions. 
 
 For long generations after removal to other areas and even to other 
 environments than those in which hereditary characteristics were fixed, many 
 such characteristics persist and reappear in the descendants. Thus the Irish 
 
56 ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. , 
 
 lip, the Jewish nose, the Teuton's blue eyes, the African's hair and skin color 
 persist in America. Ethnic characteristics, such as the social instinct of the 
 French, the "love of Ufe" of the German, the conservatism of the Enghshman, 
 survive in the American environment. But migration to new environments, 
 and amalgamation or intermarriage between two or more different ethnic 
 groups tend to cause or permit variation from the otherwise normal heredi- 
 tary types. Studies of the influence of environment and amalgamation on 
 the hereditary characteristics of ethnic groups are therefore necessary. 
 
 INFLUENCE OF ENVIRONMENT ON MANKIND. 
 
 Man's physical, mental, and moral fitness to meet his enviromnent is the 
 sine qua non of his survival. 
 
 Human skin color probably offers the most patent illustration of the 
 selective influence of environment on mankind. The dark races have their 
 natural geographic areas of distribution in hot, sun-flooded lands, where the 
 heavily pigmented skin protects the delicate human organism from the 
 destructive rays of the tropical sun. Norway, with so much of its light from 
 the "midnight sun," has favored the selection of blondness or relative absence 
 of skin pigment. 
 
 Extremely high and extremely low temperatures weaken the mental 
 powers. The dominant and progressive races have flourished in the earth's 
 temperate climates, not in areas of extreme heat or cold. 
 
 Early man, like the instinctive animal, was largely a product of environ- 
 ment. Gradually, however, developing man modified his environment. One 
 may almost say that the majority of man's efforts have been to make his 
 environments what he wishes them to be. 
 
 Man has already crossed many of his natural environmental barriers. 
 One of three conditions must inevitably follow such a challenge to nature. 
 Either he must adapt himself to the new environment by becoming modified, 
 or he must modify the new environment to become similar to the old, or he 
 must perish. In apparently flattering measure migrating man to-day modi- 
 fies his environment through ceaseless effort. There are insuperable obstacles 
 to wholesale modification. The Anglo-Saxon can not make a Temperate 
 Zone of the Tropical. The Scandinavian emigrant to America can not draw 
 a veil across the brilliant sunlight of Minnesota and the Dakotas. The Brit- 
 ish race in India has modified the environment only in spots. There is no 
 knowledge that the race is being successfully modified to meet the tropical 
 conditions of India. The breakdown of noticeable numbers of Scandinavians 
 transplanted to our central Northwest is an historical fact. Is the cause 
 environmental? Is the number of those who break simply the toll of adapta- 
 tion to the new environment, or is it the first sign of a wholesale weakening? 
 
 Eventually the incessant and insinuating influence of environment con- 
 quers man. Every distinctive environmental area, in its own time, shapes 
 and claims its own sons and daughters; others there, unfitted, perish; the 
 environment disowns them and casts them out. 
 
ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 57 
 
 The biological problem of evolution is success in surviving. Because of 
 the ever-advancing mastery of the materials, laws, and facts of the universe 
 by increasing intelligence, is not the problem of human evolution, for the 
 ethnic group as well as for the individual, success in surviving on an ever 
 higher plane of culture? If so, nations ought to know the influence of envi- 
 ronment on their children. Study should be made of radically different 
 environmental groups of men. 
 
 First should be studied the purest and most stable groups which have 
 lived long in areas where their hereditary characteristics were fixed. 
 
 Next should be studied peoples from these groups who have lived for 
 some generations in radically different environments. 
 
 Last, since men have gone wherever gold has gUttered, and nations have 
 raised their flags wherever there were lands too weak to stay them, we should 
 study the immediate influence of new environments on mankind. The 
 environmental influence of the Americas upon the entire life and culture of 
 transplanted Europeans, Africans, and Orientals should not be guessed at, 
 but should be known. As Americans, we should be especially interested in 
 the influence of Porto Rican, Hawaiian, and Philippine environments on 
 Americans. 
 
 HUMAN AMALGAMATION. 
 
 For unknown hundreds of generations large and small groups of men 
 were separated from one another by environmental differences of land, sea, 
 altitude, temperature, humidity, and various conditions of culture. In this 
 way, because the hereditary type of man was favored and the variations 
 weeded out, the so-called great races and the smaller divisions of men resulted. 
 Patent differences of pigmentation, stature, texture of hair, form of eye, nose, 
 lips, chin, and head have thus been produced. Ethnic groups noticeably 
 differ in temperament. AU these characteristics, and many more, pass gener- 
 ation after generation, from parents to offspring. 
 
 For many generations groups of men were born with almost instinctive 
 fear, loathing, and enmity toward persons in other groups; yet during all that 
 time, here and there, the reproductive instinct has been stronger than all 
 anti-group feeling, and amalgamation slowly developed until it became an 
 increasingly strong influence. 
 
 As has been said, the biological problem of evolution is success in surviv- 
 ing; always the physically, mentally, and morally weak must perish before 
 the stronger. Here is the great amalgamation problem. What effect has 
 amalgamation on the survival-fitness and possibiUties for development of 
 ethnic groups? The entire Western Hemisphere and America's islands in the 
 Pacific are filled with amalgamating peoples. In the United States alone, 
 thousands of Orientals, hundreds of thousands of American Indians, millions 
 of Negroes, and ten times as many white men from a score of ethnic groups 
 are amalgamating. 
 
58 ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 
 
 What will be the result? As an illustration of the facts of amalgamation 
 that may be obtained, I cite a recent investigation of about 40,000 families 
 in Minneapolis, conducted primarily to ascertain local ethnic conditions. 
 Among the interesting facts revealed were the strength of the natural pre- 
 judices to intermarriage between the thirty-seven ethnic groups studied, 
 the relative rapidity with which the different groups amalgamate, and the 
 influence of amalgamation on fecundity. For instance, it was found that 
 the so-called pure-blood families (those in which husband and wife are both 
 Irish or both Scandinavian, etc.) were more fecund than families of mixed 
 ethnic parentage. In Minneapolis to-day fecundity decreases with increas- 
 ing amalgamation, even when social, economic, and geographic conditions 
 are taken into consideration. Here man and woman of the same ethnic group 
 appear to have become mutually fitter for parenthood than man and woman 
 of different groups. 
 
 ' Though there are so few available facts on amalgamation among con- 
 siderable numbers of individuals, those cited emphasize the value of a thor- 
 ough study of the subject in the light of the rapidly accumulating knowledge 
 of human heredity. Only when the facts of amalgamation are known can 
 modern nations wisely encourage, prohibit, or regulate this factor which so 
 powerfully operates before our open eyes which see not. 
 
 There have been many theories about the "half breed"; the time has 
 come to know the facts about him. Great opportunities for the scientific study 
 of amalgamation are open in the Hawaiian Islands, the Philippines, Brazil, 
 Argentine, and the United States. Brazil, perhaps, offers the best opportunity 
 for the study of unhindered amalgamating tendencies, because of the mini- 
 mum of race prejudice between the three races amalgamating there. 
 
 AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL LABORATORY. 
 
 A permanent laboratory should eventually be established in connection 
 with these studies in ethnic heredity, environment, and amalgamation where 
 records of research would continually accumulate and where they would be 
 kept indefinitely. From this laboratory new data should be published fre- 
 quently, not alone for conclusions which might have been arrived at, but that 
 such data might assist investigators in various parts of the world. Such a 
 laboratory should be so equipped and manned that it would become the world 
 clearing-house for anthropology for all time. 
 
 It may be argued that, even were the facts of heredity, environment, and 
 amalgamation obtained and available, they would be of little use to-day, 
 since influences are already at work which would be impossible to control. 
 To a certain extent this is true, but one of the essentials of human progress is 
 that man works not for his own generation alone, but for future generations. 
 One can not measure the beneficial results to future generations of a body of 
 accurate and scientific facts available on these subjects. Moreover, facts of 
 this kind to-day in America become a part of educated public opinion sur- 
 prisingly soon, and have their inevitable and far-reaching influence. 
 
ANTHROPOLOGY IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE AND PACIFIC ISLANDS. 59 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 The large anthropological problems of the Western Hemisphere and the 
 Pacific islands have been presented and visualized in a broad way, largely 
 with absence of detail. Each of these problems is available for research now, 
 in some one of its integral parts. 
 
 For instance, in the Pacific islands work could be begun among any of 
 the five ethnic groups or on the problem of the prehistoric stone remains. 
 In the Western Hemisphere research could be prosecuted among the Maya 
 culture ruins, as suggested by Mr. Morley's report. Shell-heap explorations 
 could be started which might be expected to contribute toward the solution 
 of the two problems of the origin of the American aborigines, and of their 
 antiquity; or various culture or ethnic studies could be carried on; or, again, 
 important research work could be undertaken on any aspect of the modern 
 problems in anthropology. Individual and ethnic studies relating to the 
 immigrant peoples in the Americas might be a good starting-point. 
 
 No matter in how small a way any of the researches suggested in this 
 report might be begun, the cultivation of the entire domain of the larger prob- 
 lem could constantly be held in mind and could be forwarded in proper time, 
 so far as practicable and necessary. 
 
 Students are fortunate that many restricted smaller problems are 
 comprised in the larger ones, so that valuable results may be obtained and 
 published, marking mUe-stones on the longer road of research. 
 
 Institutions now engaged in the field of anthropology can not undertake 
 any of these large problems as a whole, for they are all Umited by such 
 practical conditions as money, or by historical relations, such as lease of life, 
 patronage of a particular government, or limiting conditions of organization. 
 They have done and are still doing the highest grade work on many aspects 
 of some of these problems, but because of their natural Umitations a great part 
 of the research necessary on the larger problems can not be undertaken by them. 
 Such large, prolonged, and geographically extensive researches must be under- 
 taken by an institution bent primarily on the solution of large problems. 
 
 From the work of these other institutions vast accumulations of museum 
 specimens and of printed, illustrative, and manuscript data are available. 
 The time to undertake the larger work seems ripe. 
 
 It is beheved that the entrance of a properly equipped new institution 
 into the field of anthropological research would hearten the anthropologists 
 already at work, would attract capable young men to the science, and would 
 enable the subject to receive greater consideration in the curricula of Ameri- 
 can colleges and universities. Moreover, it seems reasonable to expect that 
 the extensive field of anthropological data might, by corporate research in 
 all four divisions of the field presented, be more quickly united into a 
 strong, unified science whose findings would be valued by scholars everywhere, 
 and whose practical results would hasten the development of mankind. 
 
ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF 
 CHICHEN ITZA, YUCATAN 
 
 By SYLVANUS G. MORLEY 
 
 61 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Introduction 63 
 
 "The Greeks of the New World" 63 
 
 The Area covered by the Maya Civilization 64 
 
 The Ancient Maya 64 
 
 Previous Work in the Maya Field 68 
 
 Present Needs of the Maya Field 71 
 
 Advantages of Chichen Itza as a Base of Operations 72 
 
 Scientific Reasons: 
 
 1. Chichen Itza — ^The Political Center of Yucatan 72 
 
 2. Chichen Itza — ^The Religious Center of Yucatan 73 
 
 3. Chichen Itza — The Foremost City of the Maya Renaissance 73 
 
 4. Chichen Itza — The Key to the Correlation of Maya and Christian Chronology 74 
 
 6. Chichen Itza — The Connecting Link between the Maya and Nahua Civilizations 74 
 
 6. Chichen Itza — The most likely spot at which to find a Maya "Rosetta Stone" 75 
 
 7. Chichen Itza — The most notable Historic Site in the Maya Culture Area 75 
 
 Practical Reasons: 
 
 1. Accessibility 76 
 
 2. Length of the Field Season 76 
 
 3. Healthfulness 77 
 
 4. Labor Conditions 77 
 
 5. Field Quarters 78 
 
 Nature of the Project herein presented 79 
 
 Conclusion 82 
 
 Appendix I. List of Books on the Maya Civilization 83 
 
 II. List of Writings relating to the Archaeological Sites mentioned in this Report 86 
 
 III. Incomplete List of Groups of Related Structures at Chichen Itza 89 
 
 IV. Description of Human Sacrifices at the "Cenote of Sacrifice" 90 
 
 V. Description of the Aztec Ball Game "Tlachtli" 91 
 
 LIST OF PLATES. 
 
 Plate 1. General View of the Castillo or Principal Temple. 
 
 2. The Cenote of Sacrifice. 
 
 3a. The Front or North Fagade of the Castillo. 
 
 3b. The Ball Court. 
 
 4a. Detail of a Frieze, from the Temple of the Jaguars. 
 
 4b. Temple of the Initial Series, from the front. 
 
 6. The Temple of the Jaguars. 
 
 6. The Temple of the Jaguars, restored after Maudslay. 
 
 7. The Monjas Group. 
 
 8. The East Wing of the Monjas. 
 
 9. The Main Range of the Monjas, from the South. 
 10. The Casa Colorado. 
 
 Ua. Spruce Tree House, Mesa Verde National Park, before Excavation and Repair. 
 llB. Spruce Tree House, Mesa Verde National Park, after Excavation and Repair. 
 
 12. Map of Southern Mexico and Central America, showing Region covered by Maya 
 
 Civilization. 
 
 13. Map of the Ruins of Chichen Itza, Northern Yucatan. 
 
 14. Panorama of the Ruins of Chichen Itza. 
 
 62 
 
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Plate 1 
 
 
 B 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 B 
 
 •c 
 
 CU 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 IS 
 
 U 
 
ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH AT THE RULNS OF CHICHEN ITZA. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 "THE GREEKS OF THE NEW WORLD." 
 
 This question is often asked: What aboriginal people of the New World 
 had achieved the highest culture before the coming of Europeans? And 
 indeed it is a matter of recognized importance to determine which native 
 American race had traveled farthest on the road from savagery to civilization. 
 
 A comprehensive review of man and his achievements in the Western 
 Hemisphere discloses but two peoples whose claims need be considered for 
 this distinction, namely, the Inca^ of Peru and the Maya of southern Mexico 
 and Central America. These two nations were the leaders of civilization in 
 their respective continents, and in each case their nearest competitors were 
 far behind. But when it comes to a choice between the two, to awarding 
 preeminence to one over the other, justifiable differences of opinion exist. 
 In the first place, neither race surpassed the other in every branch of human 
 activity. In some fields the Inca excelled, and in others the Maya. The 
 Inca were preceded by several earlier civilizations, to which they were largely 
 indebted for essential features of their culture, whilst the Maya had no such 
 inheritance. They were originators and not adapters of art and architecture. 
 Maya remains present an unbroken cultural development extending over 
 1,500 years. It is admitted that the Inca surpassed the Maya in the textile 
 arts and possibly also in governmental and social organization. But even 
 granting this partial superiority, the writer believes that a broader compari- 
 son of the two cultures will award first place to the Maya. It is certain that 
 the latter far excelled the Inca in the arts of sculpture, painting, and archi- 
 tecture, and in the sciences of writing, arithmetic, astronomy, and chro- 
 nology. Their history recorded in their hieroglyphic inscriptions covers a 
 range of more than a thousand years; their observations in astronomy reveal 
 a knowledge of the movements of heavenly bodies equalled by that of few 
 peoples of antiquity; their system of chronology kept an account of elapsed 
 time which in accuracy rivals our own; while in sculpture, painting, and 
 architecture the Maya have been most aptly termed "The Greeks of the 
 New World."'' 
 
 'By Inca is here meant the people who dominated Peru at the time of the Spanish Conquest. The Inca 
 civilization, like, the Aztec, was of comparatively recent origin, not extending back more than three or four 
 centuries before the first coming of Europeans in 1525. 
 
 'For a brief bibliography of the Maya civilization and culture area see Appendix I, page 83. 
 
 63 
 
64 RESEAKCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICKEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 
 
 THE AREA COVERED BY THE MAYA CIVILIZATION. 
 
 The region occupied by the Maya was the low Atlantic coastal plain in 
 what are now the northern parts of Honduras and Guatemala, all of British 
 Honduras, and the Gulf States of southern Mexico, an area approximately 
 500 miles north and south by 300 miles east and west. (See Plate 12.) 
 
 The southern part of this region is abundantly watered by a network of 
 streams, which have their rise in the Cordillera, while the northern part, com- 
 prising the peninsula of Yucatan, is entirely lacking in such water-courses and 
 were it not for large natural wells found here and there it would be unin- 
 habitable.^ In the south the country is densely forested, though occasional 
 savannas break the monotony of the tropical jungles. The surface is rolling 
 and is traversed in places by ranges of hills, which in British Honduras rise to 
 a maximum elevation of 3,700 feet above the sea-level.^ In the north the 
 nature of the soil and the scarcity of water are not favorable to the growth of 
 a luxuriant vegetation, and this region is therefore covered with a smaller 
 forest growth and a sparser bush than the area to the south. The deer, 
 monkey, tapir, peccary, jaguar, and numerous other mammals .are abundant 
 throughout the entire region and doubtless formed a large part of the food 
 supply in ancient times. The chmate is tropical. There are two seasons, 
 the rainy and the dry, the former corresponding roughly to our summer and 
 autumn, and the latter to our winter and spring. At present there are over 
 twenty different tribes, representing more than a million people, who speak 
 dialects of the Maya language. It might be added in this connection that in 
 spite of the loss of their former glory the Maya still remain the finest abo- 
 riginal people of North America. 
 
 THE ANCIENT MAYA. 
 
 The ancient Maya probably emerged from savagery about 2,000 years 
 ago, at least their earliest-dated monuments can not assuredly be referred 
 to a more remote period, and any estimate as to how much time before that 
 had been required to develop their complex calendar and hieroglyphic system 
 to the point of graphic record is only conjectural. One thing alone is cer- 
 tain: a long interval must have elapsed from the first crude and unrelated 
 scratches of savagery to the elaborate and highly involved hieroglyphics 
 found on the earliest monuments. 
 
 By the end of the second century a. d., the Maya had emerged from 
 savagery and were at the threshold of civihzation. There then began an 
 extraordinary development throughout the southern part of the area. City 
 after city sprang into prominence, each contributing by its growth to the 
 general uplift. During this period all of the great southern cities flourished : 
 Tikal, Copan, Palengue, Naranjo, Pied ras Negras, Yaxchilan, Quirigua, and 
 
 'These large natural wells, often 200 feet in diameter, are called by the Maya cenotes. 
 
 'Victoria Peak, in the Cockscomb Mountains of British Honduras, is said to reach this elevation. 
 
EESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICKEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 65 
 
 Seibal.i Besides being the largest, the first three mentioned were also the 
 leaders in cultural progress. The period during which these cities flourished 
 lasted for upwards of 400 years, or until the close of the sixth century a. d. 
 It has been called "The Golden Age of the Maya," since, in so far as sculpture 
 IS concerned, it is best comparable with the classic period of Greek art. 
 
 The causes which led to the decline of civiUzation in the south are 
 unknown. It has been suggested that the Maya were driven from the vari- 
 ous cities above mentioned by barbarian pressure from the south, east, and 
 west; or again, that the Maya civilization, having run its natural course, 
 collapsed through sheer lack of physical ability to go forward— or, in other 
 words, through racial decay and deterioration. It matters httle what explan- 
 ation is advanced to account for the general decline, this one all-important 
 fact remains: Just after the close of Cycle 9 of Maya Chronology, or about 
 600 A. D., there is a sudden and final cessation of dates in all the southern 
 cities. Some universal calamity apparently overtook the Maya people at 
 the opening of their Tenth Cycle, as a result of which their homes were 
 abandoned and their country left desolate. 
 
 About a century before the end of Cycle 9, however, the country lying 
 to the north, i. e., the peninsula of Yucatan, seems to have been discovered 
 and colonized for the first time. Some have even gone so far as to ascribe 
 the downfall of the southern cities to this very event; and it does not seem 
 improbable that, after the discovery of Yucatan by the Maya and the subse- 
 quent opening of that vast region to colonization, the southern cities com- 
 menced to decline. As the new country waxed in strength and power the 
 old waned, so that by the end of the sixth century a. d. the rise of the one 
 and the fall of the other had been accomplished. 
 
 The occupancy of Yucatan marked the dawn of a new era for the Maya, 
 although their Renaissance did not begin at once. At first the struggle for 
 bare existence must have largely absorbed the energies of all, and not until 
 their foothold was secure could there have been much time or wealth available 
 for the cultivation of the aesthetic arts. Then, too, at first there seems to have 
 been a feehng of unrest in the new land, a shifting of houses and testing of new 
 locaUties, all of which retarded the development of sculpture, architecture, 
 and other arts. Bakhalal (see Plate 12), the first settlement in the north, 
 was abandoned after an occupancy of only 60 years. Chichen Itza (Plate 
 12), destined to become the greatest of all Maya cities, was the next settle- 
 ment, and although occupied for more than a century, it also was abandoned 
 and the search for a new home resumed. One group of Maya, moving west- 
 ward from Chichen Itza across Yucatan, occupied the city of Chakanputun, 
 in the western part of the peninsula (Plate 12), about the beginning of the 
 eighth century. Here they are said to have lived for about 200 years or until 
 960 A. D., when this city was destroyed by fire. By this time, however, the 
 
 Tor the location of these sites, see plate 12, and for a description of them, as well as the others men- 
 tioned in this report, consult the references given in Appendix II, page 86. 
 
66 RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICHEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 
 
 Maya had become familiar with their new environment and their energies 
 once more had begun to find outlet in artistic expression. The Transitional 
 Period was at an end, and the Maya Renaissance was under way. 
 
 The opening of the eleventh century witnessed important and far- 
 reaching political changes in Yucatan. After the destruction of Chakan- 
 putun, the horizon of Maya activity expanded. Some of the Maya returned 
 to their former homes at Chichen Itza and reoccupied that city, while others 
 estabhshed themselves at a new site called Mayapan (Plate 12). At this 
 time also the city of Uxmal was founded. In 1000 a. d. these three cities 
 formed a confederacy, under the terms of which each shared equally in the 
 government of the country. Under the peaceful conditions which followed 
 this coalition, the arts blossomed anew. This was the second and last great 
 Maya epoch. During its course there doubtless arose the many cities whose 
 crumbling ruins are to be found to-day throughout the length and breadth of 
 Yucatan. When these were occupied, the country must have been one vast 
 hive of activity, for only large numbers of people, actuated by a great religious 
 and aesthetic awakening, could have left remains so extensive. 
 
 This era of universal peace was abruptly terminated about 1200 a. d. by 
 an event which shook the political structure to its foundations and disrupted 
 the "Triple Alliance," under whose beneficent rule the land had grown so 
 prosperous. The ruler of Chichen Itza seems to have plotted against his 
 colleague of Mayapan, and in the disastrous war which followed, the latter 
 (by the aid of Nahua allies brought from Mexico) utterly routed his opponent 
 and drove him from his capital. 
 
 The conquest of Chichen Itza seems to have been followed during the 
 thirteenth century by attempted reprisals on the part of the Itza, which 
 plunged the country into civil war. After the dissolution of the "Triple 
 Alliance" it seems probable that Chichen Itza was given by the ruler of 
 Mayapan to his Nahua allies in recognition of their assistance. At least 
 many of the buildings at Chichen Itza are strongly Nahua in character, a 
 condition which prevails at no other large city in the Maya area.'' 
 
 According to the early Spanish chroniclers, the fourteenth century was 
 characterized by increasing arrogance and oppression on the part of the 
 rulers of Mayapan, who found it necessary to surround themselves with 
 Nahua fighting men to keep in check the rising discontent of their subjects. 
 This unrest culminated about the middle of the fifteenth century, when the 
 Maya nobiUty, goaded to desperation by this oppression, banded themselves 
 together under the Lord of Uxmal, sacked Mayapan, and slew its ruler. 
 
 The destruction of Mayapan sounded the death-knell of the Maya civili- 
 zation. As the native chroniclers tersely put it, "(After this) The chiefs of 
 the country lost their power," and again, "They were destroyed and it was 
 ended with those called Mayas. ' ' The population was split into a number of 
 
 »This is particularly true of the Ball Court, which is a purely Nahua type of building. See page 75 
 and plate 3 b. 
 
EESEARCH AT THE EUINS OP CHICKEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 67 
 
 warring factions. Ancient feuds and jealousies, no longer held in leash by a 
 strongly centralized government, were doubtless revived, and again the land 
 was rent with strife. Presently, to the horrors of civil war were added those 
 of famine and pestilence, each of which visited the peninsula in turn, carrying 
 off great numbers of people. 
 
 These several calamities, however, were but forerunners of worse soon to 
 come. In 1517 Francisco de Cordova landed the first Spanish expedition on 
 the coast of Yucatan,^ and, although he was repulsed after having accom- 
 plished little more than the discovery of the country, this was the beginning 
 of the end. The following year Juan de Grijalva descended on the peninsula, 
 but meeting with such determined resistance, he also sailed away, having 
 gained nothing. The next year (1519) Hernan Cortes landed on the north- 
 eastern coast, but reembarked for Mexico after a few days' stay. Seven 
 years later, in 1526, Francisco Montejo obtained the title of "Adelantado of 
 Yucatan" from the King of Spain and set about the conquest of the country 
 in earnest. He landed an expedition of 500 men on the northeastern coast 
 and, with the elaborate formalities customary to such occasions, took pos- 
 session of the country in the name of Charles V. This empty ceremony 
 proved to be only the prelude to a sanguinary struggle which broke out almost 
 immediately thereafter and continued with extraordinary ferocity, the Maya 
 fighting desperately in defense of their homes. Indeed it was not until four- 
 teen years later, or on June 11, 1541 (old style), that the Spaniards, having 
 defeated a coalition of Maya chieftains near the city of Ichcansihoo (Merida), 
 effected the permanent occupancy of the country. 
 
 Here ends the independent history of the Maya. For fifteen centuries 
 this remarkable people had preserved their cultural life singularly intact and 
 free from alien influences, only to succumb in the end to causes working from 
 within. Through racial decay and internecine strife, the product or perhaps 
 the price of its development, the Maya civilization came at length to naught, 
 and while the Spanish conquest was the immediate cause which shattered this 
 once great culture, the seeds of its decay and downfall had been sown long 
 before the discovery of America. 
 
 'This expedition, however, was not the first appearance of white men on the shores of Yucatan. In 
 1511 a caravel, bearing the Regidor Valdivia from Darien to Espauola (Cuba), was wrecked near Jamaica, and 
 all aboard were lost except Valdivia and about 20 companions, who took to a small open boat. After untold 
 Buffering, during which half of them died, the miserable survivors were cast upon the eastern coast of Yucatan, 
 where they were seized by the Maya, thrust into prison, and held for sacrifice. One by one they were killed 
 until only a half dozen were left. These, rendered desperate by the cruel fate of their comrades, broke out of 
 their prison one dark night and fled to a neighboring village whose lord was notso bloodthirsty. Herethey were 
 enslaved. In the course of time all but two died, Geronimo de Aguilar and Gonzalo Guerrero. The former, 
 after eking out a miserable existence for eight years, was rescued by Hernan Cortes in 1519, and lived to play 
 an important r61e in the conquest of Mexico as one of Cortes' two interpreters. Gonzalo Guerrero had even 
 a more picturesque career. He exhibited such proficiency in military affairs that his master, a Maya lord, 
 put him in charge of his army. His successes here won him an Indian wife of noble blood, by whom he had 
 several children. He became a Maya in every respect, covered his body with tattooing, allowed his hair to 
 grow, pierced his ears for earrings, and as the pious chronicler concludes :" It is even believed he was an idolater 
 like them."— Relation des Choses de Yucatan, p. 16. Diego de Landa, Paris, 1864. 
 
68 RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OP CHICHEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 
 
 PREVIOUS WORK IN THE MAYA FIELD. 
 
 The archffiological importance of the Maya field was first made known 
 by John L. Stephens, who visited the Central American republics in 1839 
 and 1840, on a special mission from the United States Government. His 
 charming book entitled "Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas and 
 Yucatan" still remains, after the lapse of 75 years, a standard authority on 
 the subject; and, indeed, so far as the purposes of general description are 
 concerned, this book and its sequel, "Incidents of Travel in Yucatan," have 
 never been superseded. 
 
 Following the prehminary work of Stephens, there was a hiatus of nearly 
 fifty years before a real scientific study of this region was undertaken. In the 
 decade 1881-1891, Mr. A. P. Maudslay visited the principal ruin groups pre- 
 viously mentioned, and, through an arrangement with the editors of "The 
 Biologia Centrali Americana," pubUshed a superb set of photographs, maps, 
 plans, and drawings of monuments and buildings at these sites. This work is 
 of such a high character that it easily ranks as the greatest single contribution 
 to the study of Maya archaeology. It consists of four volumes of text and 
 some 400 plates. Mr. Maudslay's work, however, was largely of a preliminary 
 character. He did Uttle excavating, but devoted the greater part of his time 
 to surveying and mapping the sites visited, and photographing and making 
 molds of various sculptures. The wealth of material for the study of Maya 
 sculpture, architecture, and hieroglyphic writing, which his work made 
 accessible, gave a tremendous stimulus to Maya archaeology and awakened 
 an interest which is still maintained. 
 
 In 1888 the Peabody Museum of Harvard University entered the Maya 
 field. The first work undertaken by this institution was the exploration of 
 the ruins of Labna in northern Yucatan (Plate 12) ; this was continued in 
 the two years following and several other sites in the vicinity were explored. 
 
 In 1891 a more ambitious project was inaugurated, namely, the excava- 
 tion of the large ruined city of Copan, in the western part of Honduras. This 
 work was carried on for four years, and during its course much valuable 
 material was obtained. Unfortunately, its discontinuation became necessary 
 in 1895, bringing to a close the most important research ever made in the 
 Maya area and, with one exception, the only intensive study of a large repre- 
 sentative site^ that has yet been undertaken. 
 
 After the discontinuance of the Copan project, the Peabody Museum 
 returned to exploratory work. In 1896 and 1897 the valley of the Uloa 
 River was visited and important collections of pottery were made.* In 1899 
 Mr.Teobert Maler,of Merida, Yucatan, was sent to the Department of Peten, 
 northern Guatemala, where for the next five years he made extensive explora- 
 tions, which, however, were largely preliminary in character. Mr. Maler made 
 
 'The results of the various expeditions to Copan were published in "Memoirs of Peabody Museum of 
 American Archseology and Ethnology," Harvard University, vol. i (Noa. 1, 5, and 6), Cambridge, 1896-1902. 
 ' Memoirs of Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, vol. I, No. 4. 
 
RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICHEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 69 
 
 sketch-maps of the different sites visited, prepared plans and cross-sections of 
 the principal buildings, and photographed all the sculptured remains he 
 could locate. The results of his studies have been published by the Peabody 
 Museum.! His chief contribution to the science has been his admirable 
 photographs, which constitute a treasury of hitherto unknown material 
 for the study of Maya art and hieroglyphic writing. In 1910 the Peabody 
 Museum resumed its operations in northern Guatemala^ by sending an 
 expedition to this region. A survey and a map of the large ruined city of 
 Tikal were made, and several other sites in the vicinity were explored. This 
 reconaissance was continued in 1911 and 1912, and resulted in the discovery 
 of several ruin groups of secondary importance. 
 
 To the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago is due credit for the 
 standard handbook on Maya architecture. Under the auspices of this insti- 
 tution, Mr. W. H. Holmes visited the principal northern ruin groups in 1894 
 and published the results of his observations in "Archaeological Studies 
 among the Ancient Cities of Mexico." The clear architectural sketches and 
 restorations, and the panoramic views of the different sites described, make 
 this pubUcation the best scientific handbook on Maya architecture that has 
 yet appeared. 
 
 Since 1904 the Archaeological Institute of America has maintained a 
 Fellow in this field, and considerable data on archaeology, ethnology, and 
 linguistics have resulted from this activity.' In 1909 the School of Ameri- 
 can Archaeology, a branch of the same institution, began the investigation of 
 the ruins of Quirigua, Guatemala, with the cooperation of the St. Louis 
 Society of the Institute and the United Fruit Company. Work has been 
 conducted for three years and will be continued until an exhaustive study 
 of this site has been made.^ 
 
 The University of Berlin has sent out exploring and collecting expedi- 
 tions from time to time, which have resulted in the acquisition of much new 
 archaeological and ethnological material. These expeditions have devoted 
 themselves chiefly to reconnaissance work, little or nothing in the way of 
 close study at particular sites having been attempted. 
 
 In addition to the field work above described, considerable research has 
 been carried on at some of the larger universities and scientific institutions. 
 Here should be included the pioneer work of Dr. D. G. Brinton, of the Uni- 
 versity of Pennsylvania, in the field of Maya history and mythology;' the 
 masterly studies of the illuminated manuscripts by Prof. Ernst Forstmann, of 
 
 ^See Memoirs of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, 
 vol. II, vol. IV, and vol. v (No. 1), Cambridge, 1901-1911. 
 
 ^im., vol. v (No. 2), Cambridge, 1911. 
 
 'See "A Comparative Study of the Mayas and theLacandones," by Alfred M. Tozzer, New York, 1907. 
 
 ■*See Bulletin of the Archaeological Institute of America, vol. ii, pp. 117-134; and vol. iii, pp. 163-171. 
 
 '"The Maya Chronicles," Dr. D. G. Brinton, Philadelphia, 1882. "The Annals of the Cakchiquels," 
 Dr. D. G. Brinton, Philadelphia, 1885. "American Hero Myths," Dr. D. G. Brinton, Philadelphia, 1882. 
 "Essays of an Americanist," Dr. D. G. Brinton, Philadelphia, 1890, and other writings. 
 
70 RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICHEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 
 
 the Royal Library at Dresden,^ and Dr. Cyriis Thomas, of the Bureau of 
 American Ethnology;^ and the definitive researches in the hieroglyphic writ- 
 ing and Maya chronology by Mr. J. T. Goodman, of Alameda, California,' 
 and Mr. C. P. Bowditch, of Boston.* These scholars have laid the broad 
 foundations of archaeological research in Central America, and it is on their 
 work that succeeding generations of students must build. 
 
 Maya Art has been studied by Dr. H. J. Spinden, of the American 
 Museum of Natural History, whose researches have estabUshed the chrono- 
 logical sequence of Maya sculpture beyond all doubt.* The work of Mr. 
 Juan Martinez, of Merida, Yucatan, on post-Conquest Maya documents,* 
 also is entitled to special mention. Mr. Martinez is easily the foremost 
 authority on the Maya language and his studies have shed much light on the 
 subject of Maya mythology. The contributions of Mr. Thomas E. Gates, 
 of Point Loma, California, on Maya manuscripts^ are also worthy of notice/ 
 The writer's own researches have been concerned chiefly with Maya history, 
 chronology, and hieroglyphic writing.' 
 
 ^"Commentary on the Maya Manuscript in the Royal Public Library of Dresden," Dr. Ernst Forst- 
 mann, in Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, vol. 
 IV, No. 2, Cambridge, 1906, and other writings. 
 
 ''"A Study of the Manuscript Troano," Dr. Cyrus Thomas, Washington, 1882, and other writings. 
 
 '"The Archaic Maya Inscriptions," J. T. Goodman, London, 1897, in Biologia Centrali Americana, 
 Appendix to section on Archseology, and other writings. 
 
 *"Maya Numeration, Calendar, and Astronomy," C. P. Bowditch, Cambridge, 1910, and other 
 writings. 
 
 *" A Study of Maya Art: Its Subject-matter and Historical Development," Dr. H. J. Spinden, in 
 Memoirs of the Peabody Museum of American Archs3ology and Ethnology, Harvard University, vol. vi, 
 Cambridge, 1913. 
 
 '" Los grandes ciclos de la historia maya segun el Manuscripto de Chumayel, " Juan Martinez Hernandez, 
 Merida, 1910. "LaCreaciondelMundosegunlosmayas. PaginasineditasdelM.S.deChumayel." Juan 
 Martinez Hernandez, Merida, 1912. 
 
 '"Commentary upon the Maya-Tzental Perez Codex," William E. Gates, Cambridge, 1910. Papers 
 of the Peabody Museum of American Archasology and Ethnology, Harvard University, vol. vi, No. 1. 
 
 *"A Group of Related Structiu-es at Uxmal, Mexico," Sylvanus G. Morley, Papers of the School of 
 American Archisology, No. 6. "The Inscriptions of Na,ranjo, Northern Guatemala," Sylvanus G. Morley, 
 Ibid., No. 9. "The Correlation of Maya and Christian Chronology," Sylvanus G. Morley, Ibid., No. 11. 
 "The Historical Value of the Books of Chilan Balam," Sylvanus G. Morley, Ibid., No. 18. "An Intro- 
 duction to the Study of the Maya Hieroglyphics," Sylvanus G. Morley, to be published as a Bulletin of 
 the Bureau of American Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution. 
 
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Plate 4 
 
 A. Detail of a Frieze from the Temple of the Jaguars, showing the Motive from which this 
 
 structure takes its name. 
 
 B. Temple of The Initial Series, from the Front. The inscription shown in text figure is 
 engraved on the under side of the Lintel supported by these Atlantean Columns. 
 
Plate 5 
 
 3M , -^%if", , 
 
 Mm 
 
 The Temple of the Jaguars. 
 
Plate 
 
RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICKEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 71 
 
 PRESENT NEEDS OF THE MAYA FIELD. 
 
 From the preceding section it is clear that by far the greater part of the 
 archaeological work hitherto conducted in the Maya field has been of a pre- 
 liminary nature. The work of most of the expeditions mentioned has been 
 exploratory in character, and few of them have undertaken an intensive 
 study of particular problems. Useful as this exploratory work has been in 
 establishing the boundaries of the Maya civilization and in ascertaining its 
 more obvious features, such as the number, size, and distribution of its differ- 
 ent centers, the character of its art and architecture, the nature of its hiero- 
 glyphic writing, etc., the time has now come for a more detailed study of these 
 problems — ^for research rather than reconnaissance. 
 
 Maya archaeology has passed through its preliminary stages. It is 
 now generally conceded, by those most competent to judge, that in the 
 future the greatest contributions to the science will come from the intensive 
 study of representative sites. Such study necessarily involves the vigorous 
 and continued prosecution of archaeological work at some important site 
 for a number of years. So large and complex are these ancient Maya cities 
 that the problems they present can be solved only by an expedition operating 
 over a considerable period. 
 
 The project contemplates the conduct of archaeological research at one of 
 the largest centers of the Maya civilization, and the intensive study for a 
 number of years of the site chosen. After the work has been thoroughly 
 organized and has proceeded to the point of producing noteworthy results 
 (perhaps a matter of several years), its scope should be gradually extended to 
 cover the surrounding region through subordinate expeditions emanating 
 from the original base of operation. This extension of the research is sug- 
 gested simply to indicate the magnitude of the problem awaiting investigation 
 in any special archaeological province of the Maya culture area. These 
 problems are not so large as to be incapable of definite solution within a 
 reasonable period of time, but yet extensive enough to engage the energies 
 of a fairly large expedition for at least a score of years. 
 
 In selecting a site for the concentration of such research, there are sev- 
 eral general qualifications which the place chosen should possess, namely: 
 
 1. It should be large enough and of sufficient importance to offer material 
 
 for study for at least twenty years. 
 
 2. It should be the center or metropolis of the surrounding region. 
 
 3. Its archaeological significance should be such as to justify intensive 
 
 investigation. 
 
 4. It should be as healthful and at the same time as accessible as possible. 
 
 On these last two factors very largely depends the efficiency of any scien- 
 tific expedition operating in the tropics. The site which combines the greatest 
 number of these factors is therefore the one at which extended research can 
 be carried on most advantageously. 
 
72 RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICHEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 
 
 ADVANTAGES OF CHICHEN ITZA AS A BASE OF OPERATIONS. 
 
 After a careful comparison of the largest Maya cities, the writer has con- 
 cluded that there are many important reasons, practical as well as scientific, 
 why Chichen Itza, in northern Yucatan, is better fitted for immediate inten- 
 sive investigation than any other Maya center. Before giving these reasons 
 in detail, a word as to the situation of the site may not be out of place. 
 
 The ruins of Chichen Itza are in the northeastern part of the peninsula of 
 Yucatan (Plate 12), 15 miles from the nearest railroad and 100 miles from 
 Merida, the capital of the state. The surrounding country is a vast lime- 
 stone plain, level as a table-top and destitute of water-courses. 
 
 This ancient city was named after the tribe which founded it, and from 
 the two great natural wells (or cenotes) found there: Chi, mouths; chen, 
 wells; and Itza, the name of the people which settled there, hence Chichen Itza: 
 " The mouths of the wells of the Itza." To these two large natural reservoirs 
 (see map of the city in Plate 13, and k and l in the panoramic view in Plate 
 14), the city may be said to owe the fact of its existence. As the Maya moved 
 northward into Yucatan from their former haunts, the more arid character of 
 the new land must have troubled them greatly, hence where water was found 
 in abundance, as at Chichen Itza, inevitably a large city would rise. How- 
 ever, only one of these wells (k, Plate 14) seems to have been used as a source 
 of water supply in ancient times. This cenote is 100 feet in diameter and 
 about 70 feet in depth to the surface of the water. Down one of its vertical 
 sides there winds a steep stairway which terminates in a platform, where 
 formerly the water-carriers were wont to fill their jars. The remaining well, 
 "The Cenote of Sacrifice (l, Plate 14), had a more exalted use, which will be 
 explained in another place. 
 
 We will now present in more detail the reasons why Chichen Itza is 
 the most promising and, at the same time, the best adapted site in the Maya 
 field for intensive study. 
 
 SCIENTIFIC REASONS. 
 
 1. Chichen Itza, the Political Center of Yucatan. 
 
 Chichen Itza was the largest city of the Maya civilization and, as 
 such, offers a practically inexhaustible field for research. Its temples and 
 palaces cover an area a mile square, and surrounding this on every side, for 
 a distance of 5 miles, the bush is filled with groups of outlying buildings. 
 (The map and panoramic view given in Plates 13 and 14 show only the 
 religious and civic center of the city.) In addition to being the largest 
 city, Chichen Itza for many centuries was the political and governmental 
 center of Yucatan, and consequently every activity, such as sculpture, 
 mural painting, and architecture, experienced a correspondingly high devel- 
 opment there. 
 
RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICKEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 73 
 
 S. Chicken Itza, the Religious Center of Yucatan. 
 
 As a holy or sacred city, Chichen Itza was preeminent. In the native 
 manuscripts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries its inhabitants are 
 referred to as "The Itza, holy men,"i apparently indicating a widespread 
 belief in the sacred character of the city and its people. This holiness was 
 considerably enhanced by "The Cenote of Sacrifice," to which pilgrimages 
 were made from distant points, even outside the Maya area, until the 
 Spanish conquest in the sixteenth century. Offerings of all kinds were 
 cast into this cenote, even including human sacrifices in times of drought, 
 to appease the anger of the offended rain deities.^ Says an early chron- 
 icler, in speaking of "The Cenote of Sacrifice": 
 
 "From the court in front of these theatres' there goes a beautiful and broad 
 causewayto awell about two stone-throws distant. In this well theyused to have, 
 and still have, the custom of casting living men in sacrifice to the gods in times of 
 drought, and they hold that these do not die, even though they are seen no more. 
 They also cast into this well many other things, stones of value and whatever else 
 they regard as precious. And so if this country had had gold in it, it would be 
 found in this well, so great is the devotion of the Indians to it."^ 
 
 Recent archaeological investigations substantiate the sacred character 
 of this cenote and the fact that human victims were thrown into it. 
 
 The causeway above mentioned (Plate 13) commences at the edge of 
 the broad terrace in front of the Castillo (Plate 1 and 3a, also i, Plate 14), 
 the principal temple at Chichen Itza, and leads to a small shrine at the 
 brink of "The Cenote of Sacrifice" (Plate 2). From this latter point the 
 victims were hurled into the water below. The fact that Chichen Itza was 
 the hoHest city of the Maya, in short, "The Mecca of the Maya World," 
 considerably increases its archaeological importance. 
 
 S. Chichen Itza, the Foremost City of the Maya Renaissance.^ 
 
 When the Maya moved northward into Yucatan from the older centers 
 of their civiUzation, Chichen Itza was the first large city founded in the 
 new land. For this reason it is the best place at which to study the changes 
 effected in the old civilization by the new environment. Under the pres- 
 sure of these new surroundings, many of the customs and practices of 
 former times fell into disuse, and finally were forgotten altogether. But 
 side by side with this process of decay, there went on a corresponding 
 process of growth. New needs gave rise to new ideas, and these in turn 
 so leavened society that in due time the Maya civilization experienced its 
 renaissance. Chichen Itza was the leader in this cultural revival, and it 
 is probable that this site will furnish the best data on the various stages 
 of its development. 
 
 i"The Maya Chronicles," D. G. Brinton, pp. 101, 125, 145. 
 
 *For a description of these human sacnfices, see Appendix IV, p. 90. 
 
 * These two theaters appear just north of the Castillo in Plate 13. They were probably used for per- 
 forming certain religious rites, more or less public in character, and were theaters only in that limited sense. 
 
 * "Relation des Choses de Yucatan," Diego de Landa, pp. 344r-6. 
 
 *The Maya Renaissance took place during the tenth century, or after the close of the Transitional 
 Period in 960 a. d. See p. 66. 
 
74 
 
 RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICKEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 
 
 4. Chicken Itza, the Key to the Correlation of Maya and Christian Chronology. 
 Chichen Itza is the only site in the Maya area that is known to have 
 had dates recorded in both the old and the new system of Maya chro- 
 nology. After the colonization of Yucatan, the system of chronology 
 prevalent in the south, the so-called Initial Series, ^ 
 seems to have fallen into disuse. Indeed, Chichen 
 Itza is the only large site in the north at which it 
 has been found. A drawing of the lintel with this 
 remarkable inscription is given in the accompanying 
 figure. The date here recorded was the day 10.2.9.1.9 
 9 Muluc 7 Zac of Maya Chronology, or approximately 
 600 A. D. This date was found inscribed on the lintel 
 of the principal doorway of a small and apparently 
 insignificant temple. (See Plate 4 b.) In place of the 
 method of recording dates by Initial Series, there was 
 developed in Yucatan a more abbreviated method, 
 called the u kahlay katunob,'^ which, though less accu- 
 rate, was more easily recorded. This latter method, 
 because of its greater simplicity, prevailed until the 
 coming of the Spaniards; and, what is of more impor- 
 tance, it has been accurately correlated with Christian 
 chronology by means of several historical events, dated 
 in terms of both the Maya and the Christian calendars. 
 Since the whole question of the age of the Maya ruins 
 depends upon the proper alinement and correlation of q 
 the Initial Series with the u kahlay katunob, it follows 
 that Chichen Itza is the only site at which this impor- 
 tant question can be studied. In a word, it is the 
 key-site for the study of Maya chronology. \j^ _aJU^O^ 
 
 5. Chichen Itza, the Connecting Link between the Maya 
 and Nahua Civilizations. 
 
 In studying any ancient civilization it is important 
 to establish its cultural affinities ; that is, to trace not 
 only its influence upon surrounding cultures, but also 
 the influence of surrounding cultures upon it. Chichen 
 Itza is the only large Maya city that ever came under strong foreign influ- 
 ence. It has been explained that after the defeat of the Itza, about 1200 
 A. D., their city was probably given over to the Nahua allies of the victorious 
 
 'The Initial Series method of recording dates has been so named because when it is present it always 
 stands at the beginning of an inscription. It denotes, by means of five time periods, the number of days 
 which have elapsed from the starting-point of Maya chronology to the date recorded. It is interesting to 
 note in this connection that practically all of the southern Maya cities flourished during Cycle 9 of their epoch 
 or about 3,500 years after the starting-point. This long gap between the starting-point and the first recorded 
 dates clearly indicates the hypothetical nature of the starting-point, a parallel case being that of Bishop Usher's 
 date of 4004 b. c. for the creation of the world. The Maya doubtless developed their complex chronological 
 system two or three thousand years after the date which they selected for its starting-point. 
 
 'The u kahlay katunob (Maya for "Record of the Katuns") is, as its name signifies, a record of the 
 katuns, a Maya time period containing 7,200 days or nearly twenty years (19.71 +). In the u kahlay katunob, 
 thi katuns were regarded as following each other in an endless sequence since the beginning of the record, and 
 events were described as having occurred in such and such a katun. 
 
 Chichen Itza Initial Series. 
 The date in Maya chro- 
 nology here recorded corre- 
 sponds approximately to 
 600 A. D. 
 
RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICKEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 75 
 
 ruler of Mayapan. Here, then, are sufficient historical grounds to account 
 for the presence of a strong Nahua influence at Chichen Itza This influ- 
 ence is to be seen most clearly in the so-called Ball-Court group (see Plate 
 13; H, Plate 14; and Plate 3 b). The Ball Court proper is composed of 
 two massive stone walls, each 272 feet long, 34 feet thick, and 27 feet high. 
 These walls are parallel and 119 feet apart. A small temple faces each of 
 the open ends, and a very beautiful temple, "The Temple of the Jaguars" 
 (Plate 5), surmounts the eastern wall at its southern end. The name of 
 this temple is derived from a frieze of stalking jaguars, which forms a 
 conspicuous element of the facade decoration. (For a detail of this motive, 
 see Plate 4 a.) An admirable restoration of this temple, by Maudslay, is 
 figured in Plate 6. A comparison of this with the photograph of the same 
 building, illustrated in Plate 5, will show that it is correct, even to the 
 srnallest sculptural details. High on the side of each wall of the Ball Court, 
 midway between the ends, there is a large stone ring fastened vertically 
 to the face of the wall, as shown in Plate 3b. The game played in this 
 court was not unlike the modern game of basket-ball, except that in the 
 Maya game the ball was driven through an opening at right angles to, 
 instead of parallel with, the ground.' The Ball Court is a purely Nahua 
 importation. The game was originated and developed in the Nahua area, 
 whence it spread to Yucatan at a comparatively late date, probably after 
 1200 A. D., as we have seen. Indeed there is only one other certain occur- 
 rence of a Ball Court in Yucatan, namely, at Uxmal. There are many 
 other features of the architecture and sculpture at Chichen Itza that 
 bespeak Nahua origin, and few of them are found at any other Maya site." 
 This condition, coupled with the historical event which probably gave rise 
 to it, makes Chichen Itza the site -par excellence at which to study the 
 cultural affinities between the Maya and the Nahua, the two greatest 
 aboriginal civilizations of North America. 
 
 6. Chichen Itza, the most likely Site at which to find a Maya"Rosetta Stone." 
 
 The point just mentioned has an important corollary, in that the 
 meanings of a large number of the Nahua hieroglyphs, particularly those 
 denoting personal and place names, are known. In the lower chamber of 
 the Temple of the Jaguars there is sculptured a band of warriors, to each 
 of which is attached a hieroglyph drawn in Nahua style. The finding of 
 Maya equivalents of these glyphs would shed much light on the whole 
 question of the undeciphered parts of the Maya hieroglyphic texts. Should 
 there then exist such a thing as a Maya "Rosetta Stone," that is, a bilingual 
 text in Maya and Nahua, Chichen Itza is by far the most likely place to 
 find it. 
 
 7. Chichen Itza, the most notable Historic Site in the Maya Culture Area. 
 
 Chichen Itza has a recorded history extending over a period of eleven 
 centuries, or from 430 A. d. to 1540 a. d.' This is true of no other Maya 
 city, and indeed of no other aboriginal site in the Western Hemisphere. 
 Recorded history pertaining to pre-Columbian centers of population is 
 
 'See Appendix V, p. 91, for a full description of the game played in this court. 
 
 ""A Study of Maya Art, Its Subject Matter and Historical Development," Dr. H. J. Spinden, p. 205. 
 
 'See Papers of the School of American Archaeology, Noa. 11 and 18. Sylvanua G. Morley. 
 
76 RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICHEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 
 
 exceedingly rare; in fact, this lack constitutes one of the greatest obstacles 
 to the study of American archaeology. In Egyptian, Babylonian, Greek, 
 and Roman archaeology, history acts as a constant check against specula- 
 tion. Therefore, when there are definite historical references to a New 
 World site, its archaeological importance can not be overestimated. 
 
 In summing up the scientific reasons for the selection of Chichen Itza as 
 a base of operations for extended research in the Maya field, it may be said 
 that this site offers far more material for the study of Maya archaeology in its 
 various phases than any other center of the civilization. 
 
 PRACTICAL REASONS. 
 
 1. Accessibility. 
 
 Few Maya sites are so accessible from the United States as Chichen 
 Itza. This group of ruins may be reached from New York City, via the 
 New York and Cuba Mail S. S. Co. {i. e., the Ward Line) to Progreso, 
 Yucatan (seven days), and the United Railways of Yucatan, Progreso to 
 Citas, and wagon to the ruins (one day) ; or from New Orleans, via the 
 Montes Line to Progreso (three days), and Progreso to Citas and the ruins 
 (one day) . Excepting Uxmal (also in Yucatan) and Quirigua (Guatemala), 
 the same accessibility can not be claimed for any other large Maya ruin. 
 Indeed, most of the others are very difficult to reach. Palenque, Tikal, 
 Naranjo, Yaxchilan, Piedras Negras, and Seibal, for example, are hidden 
 in the jungles of southern Mexico and northern Guatemala, many days 
 distant from the nearest railroads or steamship lines, and they can be 
 reached only by very difficult travel over foot-trails, often blocked by luxu- 
 riant vegetation. The accessibility of the site recommended for the base 
 of operations has a direct bearing not only on the cost of placing an expedi- 
 tion in the field, but also of maintaining it there. A scientific expedition 
 can be sent to Chichen Itza and there maintained more economically than 
 at any other large center of the Maya civilization, with the possible excep- 
 tions of Uxmal and Quirigua, above noted. 
 
 2. Length of the Field Season. 
 
 Northern Yucatan has a shorter rainy season than any other part of 
 the Maya area, and this fact directly mfluences the length of the field 
 season at Chichen Itza. It was the experience of the Peabody Museum 
 at Copan (Honduras) and of the School of American Archaeology at 
 Quirigua (Guatemala) that excavation could not profitably be carried on 
 during the rainy season. The writer was in immediate charge of the exca- 
 vations at Quirigua in 1912, and he well remembers how torrential were 
 the first rains of the season, early in May, and how suddenly they put an 
 end to the work by flooding the diggings. The rainy season at Chichen 
 Itza commences about the close of May and extends until about the middle 
 of December, leaving at least five months during which it is possible to 
 conduct archaeological work without hindrance. At the southern Maya 
 sites, such as Palenque, Tikal, Copan, and Quirigua, the dry season is much 
 shorter. At Quirigua, for example, only the months of February, March, 
 and April are entirely free from rain, and similar conditions prevail at the 
 other southern cities. The field season at Chichen Itza and Uxmal is 
 almost twice as long as at any of the southern sites. 
 
RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICHEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 77 
 
 3. Healthfulness. 
 
 Chichen Itza is by far the most healthful site in the Maya area. It 
 is free from the malarial fevers which render Copan, Quirigua, and Uxmal 
 so perilous. These fevers are so pernicious at Uxmal that it is said no 
 child born at the hacienda has ever lived to adult age.* The untimely 
 death of Dr. J. G. Owens, of the Peabody Museum, at Copan in 1893, still 
 lingers in memory as a tragic reminder of the unhealthfulness of that 
 locaUty. During the three seasons the School of j\merican Archseology 
 carried on work at Quirigua, every member of the field staff suffered severe 
 attacks of malaria at one time or another. Such conditions are of course 
 inevitable where the rainfall is so excessive and where there is so much 
 standing water in which mosquitoes may propagate. Chichen Itza, with 
 its ideal natural drainage, offers a marked contrast to the above. Mosqui- 
 toes are practically unknown there, and with this element of danger absent 
 there is nothing to make the place unhealthful. Since the amount of work 
 which may be accomplished by any scientific expedition depends largely 
 on the health of its field force, the incontestable claims of Chichen Itza in 
 this respect should not be overlooked. 
 
 4. Labor Conditions. 
 
 The success of any large field research depends not a little upon local 
 labor conditions, and in selecting a site for intensive study this fact should 
 be borne in mind. In the south, two American industrial organizations 
 have established themselves during the last decade, and these have mate- 
 rially increased the cost of labor in certain parts of the Maya area: the 
 United Fruit Company, with plantations in eastern Guatemala, Hondu- 
 ras, and British Honduras, and the American Chicle Company in northern 
 Guatemala, southern Yucatan, and British Honduras. The increasing 
 number of laborers necessary to the activities of these two corporations 
 has steadily raised the price of labor in the regions where they operate. 
 In 1912 the School of American Archseology was obliged to pay 75 cents 
 (gold) a day for laborers at Quirigua, with every indication that the price 
 would soon advance to one dollar a day. Indeed, the Guatemala Northern 
 Railroad was already paying the latter price for Carib labor.^ Another 
 drawback at some of the large southern cities is their remoteness from 
 settlements of any kind, necessitating the importation of outside labor, 
 always a costly and usually an unsatisfactory proceeding. At Chichen 
 Itza eflBcient Indian laborers may be had at from 37^ cents to 50 cents 
 (gold) a day. These wages are doubtless as low as those prevailing else- 
 where in the Maya area, and they are from a third to a half lower than are 
 paid in Guatemala and British Honduras by the two corporations above 
 mentioned. The Maya Indian is intelligent, strong, and willing, and the 
 amount of work he can accomplish in a day is astonishing.' A working 
 force of 50 to 75 could easily be brought together at Chichen Itza, and 
 for efficiency would equal, if not surpass, a similar force from any other 
 part of the Maya area. 
 
 ' " Archffiological Studies among the Ancient Cities of Mexico, ' ' W. H. Holmes, Chicago, p. 80. 
 
 2 At Quirigua the native laborer at 75 cents a day was so inefficient as to be actually more costly than 
 the imported Carib laborer at $1 a day. 
 
 ' The writer has had experience with both the Maya and Guatemaltcco, and has found the former to be 
 about twice as capable and efficient as the latter. 
 
78 RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICHEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 
 
 6. Field Quarters. 
 
 Chichen Itza is peculiarly fitted for conducting an extended research 
 in another important respect. There is no other ruin at which an expe- 
 dition can be so inexpensively and at the same time so comfortably 
 quartered as at Chichen Itza. Indeed all the other large sites, except 
 Uxmal, Quirigua, and Copan, are in a tropical wilderness where it would 
 be necessary to build more or less expensive mosquito-proof field quar- 
 ters, and even these three groups of ruins have no such facilities as those 
 offered at Chichen Itza. The question of suitable field quarters may seem 
 relatively unimportant, but in inaugurating a work, to extend over a score 
 of years, the comfort of the field corps becomes an item of considerable 
 moment. 
 
 In summing up the practical reasons for conducting archaeological 
 research at Chichen Itza, in preference to every other Maya site, the question 
 resolves itself into one of maximum efficiency at minimum cost. More work 
 can be accomplished at Chichen Itza for a given amount of money than at any 
 other site. Measured by such a standard, only three large Maya sites — 
 Chichen Itza, Uxmal, and Quirigua — are sufficiently near railroad points to . 
 be worked at low cost. While cost of operation should not weigh too heavily 
 in selecting a site for intensive study, still a reasonable return of results for 
 the amount expended should be expected. Of the three ruins mentioned, 
 Chichen Itza has by far the most in its favor, and the writer firmly believes 
 that more can be accomplished there than anywhere else in the Maya field, 
 regardless of the amount of the annual appropriation. 
 
Plate 7 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 H 
 
Plate 8 
 
 IS 
 
 
 -13 
 Id 
 u 
 
 
 B 
 O 
 
 V 
 
 -X) 
 
 
 o 
 
 00 
 
 .S 
 
 n! 
 UJ 
 
Plate 9 
 
 The Main Range of the Monjas, from the South. 
 
RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICHEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 79 
 
 NATURE OF THE PROJECT HEREIN PRESENTED. 
 
 The project herein submitted to the Carnegie Institution of Washington 
 contemplates an exhaustive study of the ruins of Chichen Itza. This study- 
 would depend largely on excavation, but photography, mapping, drawing, 
 and molding should be utiUzed as well. The ruins at Chichen Itza divide 
 naturally into different groups of more or less closely related structures, each 
 group constituting a well-defined unit of work.^ Such are : the Ball Court 
 group (Plates 3b, 5, and 14h), the Monjas group (Plates 7, 8, 9, 10, and Plate 
 14 A, B, c, E, F, and g) ; the group of the Columns (Plate 14 j), etc. 
 
 It is recommended to excavate this ancient city, group by group, until it 
 is completely uncovered and the relations of its component parts are dis- 
 closed. This method has another obvious advantage: By dividing the 
 whole research into a number of units, it will be possible to issue fairly com- 
 plete reports covering finished units every four or five years. Such reports 
 would constitute a progressive commentary on the progress of the research. 
 It is confidently expected that important contributions to the study of Maya 
 architecture, sculpture, painting, ceramics, chronology, and hieroglyphic 
 writing will result from these excavations. Indeed, it is practically certain 
 that the knowledge of these subjects will be greatly extended as the work of 
 excavation advances.^ 
 
 Accompanying the work of excavation, a reasonable amount of repair 
 and restoration should be done. The time has passed when a scientific 
 expedition can rifle a site of its specimens and then retire, leaving weakened 
 buildings to fall under the destructive action of the elements. To-day the 
 best practice in archaeological work demands that walls weakened by exca- 
 vation shall be permanently repaired, and that any really important site 
 must be left in as good condition after excavation as it was found to be 
 before. This obligation is always binding in any tropical environment, 
 but particularly so when the site excavated is one of the largest and most 
 magnificent cities of aboriginal America. At Chichen Itza, moreover, the 
 need of repair work is especially urgent. Scarcely a rainy season passes that 
 some elaborately sculptured f aqade, loosened by the roots of clinging vegeta- 
 tion, does not fall. The whole front of the Castillo, the chief temple at 
 Chichen Itza (see Plate 3a), is a case in point. The wooden lintels of the 
 main doorway are gradually giving way under the tremendous weight of the 
 superimposed masonry, and unless repairs are speedily made this beautiful 
 example of Maya temple architecture will suffer irreparably. Examples of 
 this kind might be multipUed indefin itely, but the one given above is suffi- 
 
 if or an incomplete list of these groups and the structures composing them, see Appendix III, p. 89. 
 
 2 A caae in point is the Monjas (A, Plate 14 and Plates 7, 8, and 9) • This building clearly dates from 
 several different epochs, the addition shown in Plate 8 being one of the latest. Several styles of decoration 
 appear in the four or five different additions, which together make up the building, and excavation would 
 doubtless establish their chronological sequence. This chronological sequence of style, once determmed, 
 would serve asaguidein establishing the relative ages of buildings which show only asmglestyleof decoration. 
 
80 RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICKEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 
 
 cient to show the need for a reasonable amount of repair work in connection 
 with the excavation of Chichen Itza. 
 
 It is recommended to carry out at Chichen Itza a research similar to that 
 of the Smithsonian Institution in connection with the prehistoric remains in 
 our Southwestern States. At Casa Grande, Arizona,^ and in the Mesa Verde 
 National Park, Colorado," remarkable and praiseworthy work has been done 
 under the direction of Dr. J. Walter Fewkes and of Mr. J. L. Nusbaum. 
 Plate 11a shows Spruce Tree House, one of the cHff-dwellings of the Mesa 
 Verde National Park before excavation, and Plate 11 b the same building 
 after excavation. These views clearly indicate the great improvement which 
 a reasonable amount of repair work makes in the appearance of archaeological 
 remains. The only previous attempt of this kind in the Maya field has been 
 the work of the School of American Archaeology at Quirigua, Guatemala. 
 Here, in connection with the excavation of the principal building, the walls 
 were relaid in cement and finished with a cement cap to render them imper- 
 vious to the excessive rainfall of the region.' 
 
 In addition to the work of excavation and repair, extensive use should be 
 made of photography. Chichen Itza offers a particularly rich field for the 
 camera, and this phase of the work should receive special attention. It is 
 recommended to make a complete photographic record of the site, showing 
 the progress of the excavations, and other features also: groups of build- 
 ings, single buildings, architectural and sculptural details, statuary, hiero- 
 glyphic inscriptions, mural paintings, etc. If an archaeological expedition is 
 sent to Chichen Itza, its photographic equipment should be of the best, since 
 no branch of the work except excavation will be of greater importance. 
 
 The making of maps from accurate surveys is a necessary feature of such 
 research. A map of the entire city, with detailed ground-plans of its indi- 
 vidual structures, is a vital part of the general plan of work and will not only 
 shed much fight on the question of the assemblage of Maya structures, but 
 also on the much larger question of Maya social organization. The map 
 of Chichen Itza given in Plate 13, although accurate so far as it goes, does 
 not begin to cover the limits of the city, nor even to show all of the buildings, 
 pyramids, platforms, and causeways in the area surveyed. 
 
 Molds should be made of the different sculptures recovered, including 
 the statuary, facade decorations, hieroglyphic inscriptions, and the Hke. The 
 Mexican Government takes the stand that original objects shaU not be taken 
 out of the country, and the justice of this position can not be questioned. 
 
 '"Casa Grande Arizona," J. Walter Fewkes, 28th Annual Report, Bureau American Ethnology. 
 
 ^ "Antiquities of the Mesa Verde National Park. Spruce Tree House," J. Walter Fewkes, Bulletin 41, 
 Bureau American Ethnology. "Antiquities of the Mesa Verde National Park-Cliff Palace," J. Walter 
 Fewkes, Bulletin 51, Bureau American Ethnology. 
 
 '"Two Seasons' Work in Guatemala," Edgar L. Hewett, Papers of the School of American Arche- 
 ology, No. 22. "Third Season's Work in Guatemala," Edgar L. Hewett, Papers of the School of American 
 Archeology, No. 23. "Quirigua, an American Town 1400 Years Old," Sylvanus G. Morley, Scientific 
 American, vol. cvn, No. 5, August 3, 1912, p. 96. "Excavations at Qumgua, Guatemala," Sylvanus G 
 Morley, National Geographic Magazine, March, 1913, p. 339. 
 
RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICHEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 81 
 
 After more than a century of robbery and exploitation, both Greece and Italy 
 tound It necessary to forbid by law the removal of antiquities from their 
 domams. Mexico, with antiquities relatively as priceless as the Elgin 
 marbles of the Old World, has an equal right of protection against similar 
 exploitation at the hands of unscrupulous coUectors. The archaologist of 
 to-day has no more in common with the pot-hunter of forty years ago than 
 modern medical practice has to do with the quackery of the Middle Ages. 
 In the modern science of archaeology any specimen is of value only for the 
 story It tells of the people who produced it; and so long as the specimens 
 found are preserved for the use of future students it is immaterial where they 
 are housed. 
 
 This question of the ultimate disposition of objects found during the 
 course of excavation has been the rock upon which many an archsological 
 expedition has foundered, not only in Mexico but also in other parts of the 
 world. The stand herein taken, that arch^ological objects belong to the 
 country in which they are found, rather than to the finders thereof, it is con- 
 fidently expected, will enhst the active interest and sympathy of the Mexican 
 Government in this particular project. The antiquities at Chichen Itza, 
 whether they be in the form of statuary, reUefs, wood carvings, vases, metal 
 ornaments, or what not, were the product of a Mexican civilization, and for 
 that reason, originals should in all justice remain in the custody |of the Mex- 
 ican nation. For exhibition in museums and for scientific instruction, casts 
 would serve as well. 
 
 Concerning the length of time which will be required to complete the 
 work herein outlined, something has already been said. It was suggested 
 (p. 71) that research in the Maya field should not be organized for a period of 
 less than twenty years. The writer has reached this conclusion only after a 
 careful study of the situation. The experience of the Peabody Museum of 
 Harvard University at Copan, Honduras, and of the School of American 
 Archaeology at Quirigua, Guatemala, was such as to indicate that at least five 
 years are necessary to complete satisfactorily a single unit of work; and it is 
 only in the aggregate that completed units of work yield reliable scientific 
 data. In observational sciences, final proof of any point rests on the accumu- 
 lation of suflicient evidence touching thereon — upon corroborative material 
 from a number of sources — hence the desirability of continuing this research 
 long enough to obtain such corroborative data. As stated above, the writer 
 believes this would require a period of not less than twenty years.^ The 
 problems presented are numerous, and a number of years of sustained effort 
 will be required for their ultimate solution. Moreover, in making this esti- 
 
 ^ While the writer believes at least twenty years would be necessary to complete satisfactorily a definite 
 research in the Maya field, it is not to be supposed, on that account, that intensive investigations for a shorter 
 period would be devoid of important results. It is highly probable that much valuable scientific data would 
 be gathered during a ten years' study of Chichen Itza, though such a period of research would by no means 
 exhaust the possibilities of the site. The point which the writer wishes particularly to emphasize is that, to 
 complete a large and definite research at Chichen Itza and its environs, twenty years at least will be required. 
 
82 RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OP CHICKEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 
 
 mate, the number of laborers employed in the excavations, as well as the 
 length of the annual field season, are all-important factors. The above esti- 
 mate of time is based on an annual field season of five months, and on a 
 working force of fifty laborers. 
 
 In conclusion the writer believes that, as a result of the work outUned, it 
 will be possible not only to treat this particular site monographically, but 
 also to establish the larger part of the truth concerning the whole Maya 
 civilization. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 It is the writer's belief that no other archaeological field in the New 
 World offers such rich promise as the region occupied by the ancient Maya, 
 and, at the same time, no equally important field has been so inadequately 
 studied. An attempt has been made to show briefly in the preceding pages 
 that the Maya were the most highly civilized aboriginal people in the two 
 Americas; that their recorded history covered a range exceeding a thousand 
 years before the Spanish Conquest; and, finally, that, notwithstanding its 
 archaeological importance, this civilization has been the subject of very little 
 intensive study. The few exceptions noted, especially the work of Mr. A. P. 
 Maudslay and the Peabody Museum of Harvard University, are the more 
 conspicuous because they stand alone. It is generally recognized that the 
 most pressing need of Maya archaeology is intensive research at some repre- 
 sentative site through a period of years. The site best fitted for such research 
 is, in the writer's opinion, the great ruin group of Chichen Itza in northern 
 Yucatan. The various reasons, practical as well as scientific, which have 
 led him to this conclusion, have been set forth at some length, and they con- 
 stitute, it is believed, a strong argument for selecting Chichen Itza in prefer- 
 ence to any other Maya site. The character this investigation should assume, 
 together with its ultimate scope, has been described in detail with a brief 
 word respecting the nature of the results which may reasonably be expected. 
 Finally, the period of time that would be required to produce results worthy 
 of the endeavors of the Carnegie Institution of Washington has been judged 
 to be about twenty years. 
 
Plate 10 
 
 IS 
 
 >. 
 
 IS 
 
 a 
 
 is 
 ■3 
 
 -a 
 
 V 
 
 V 
 
 O 
 
 -a 
 
 _o 
 o 
 
 U 
 
 (S 
 
 U 
 
 V 
 
 H 
 
Plate I 1 
 
 B 
 
 Spruce Tree House, Mesa Verde National Park, Colorado. 
 A, before excavation and repair. B, after excavation and repair. 
 
RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICHEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 83 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 LIST OF BOOKS ON THE MAYA CIVILIZATION. 
 
 Arnold, C, and F. J. T. Fbobt. 
 
 1909. The American Egypt: A record of travel in Yucatan. New York. 
 Bancroft, H. H. 
 
 1875-1876. The native races of the Pacific States. 5 vols. New York and London. 
 BOWDITCH, C. P. 
 
 1901a. Memoranda on the Maya calendars used in the books of ChilanBalam. <Am. Anth (n s ) iii 
 
 pp. 129-138. 
 1901b. On the age of Maya ruins. <Am. Anth. (n. s.), in, pp. 697-700. 
 
 1901c. Notes on the report of Teobert Maler, in memoirs of the Peabody Museum, n, No. 1 . Cambridge. 
 1903o. Notes on the report of Teobert Maler, in memoirs of the Peabody Museum, ii. No. 2. Cambridge. 
 19036. A suggestive Maya inscription. Cambridge. 
 
 1904. Mexican and Central American antiquities, calendar systems, and history. Twenty-four papers 
 
 by Edward Seler, E. Forstemann, Paul Schellhas, Carl Sapper, and E. P. Dieseldorff. 
 Translated from the German, under supervision of Charles P. Bowditch. <Bull. 28, Bur. 
 Am. Ethnol. 
 1906. The temples of the cross, of the foliated cross, and of the sun at Palenque. Cambridge. 
 
 1909. Dates and numbers in the Dresden Codex. <Putnam Anniversary Volume, pp. 271-301. New 
 
 York. 
 
 1910. The nxmieration, calendar systems, and astronomical knowledge of the Mayas. Cambridge. 
 Breton, A. 
 
 1906a. Thewall paintingsat Chichen Itza. <Internat, Cong, of Americanists, 15th sess., Quebec, pp. 
 165-169. 
 Brinton, D. G. 
 
 1882a. American hero mjrths. A study in the native religions of the western continent. Philadelphia. 
 18826. The Maya chronicles. Philadelphia. <No. 1 of Brinton's Library of Aboriginal American 
 
 Literature.) 
 1882c. The graphic system and ancient records of the Mayas. <U. S. Geog. and Geol. Survey of the 
 
 Rocky Mountain Region. Cont. to Am. Ethnol., v, No. 3, pp. xvii-xxxvii. 
 1882(i. The books of Chilan Balam, the prophetic and historic records of the Mayas of Yucatan. < Penn. 
 
 Monthly, xiu, pp. 261-275. 
 1885a. The annals of the Cakchiquels. The original text with a translation, notes and introduction. 
 
 Philadelphia. <No. 6 of Brinton's Library of Aboriginal American Literature. 
 1890. Essays of an Americanist. Philadelphia. 
 
 18946. A primer of Mayan hieroglyphics. <Pub. Univ.of Penn., Ser.inPhilol., Lit. and Arch., in. No. 2. 
 Catherwood, F. 
 
 1844. Views of ancient monuments in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan. Folio. London. 
 Cababes, D. 
 
 1905. A notice of Yucatan with some remarks on its water supply. <Proc. Am. Antiq. Soc, xvii, pp. 
 
 207-230. 
 Charnat, D. 
 
 1887o. The ancient cities of the New World. Translation by J. Gonino and H. S. Conant. London. 
 
 FiiRSTEMANN, E. 
 
 1906. Commentary of the Maya manuscript in the Royal Public Library of Dresden. <Pap, 
 
 Peabody Mus., iv. No. 2, pp. 48-266. 
 Gann, T. 
 
 1897-1898. Mounds in northern Honduras. <19th Rep. Bur. Am. Ethnol., pt. 2, pp. 661-692. 
 Gates, W. E. 
 
 1910. Commentary upon the Maya-Tzental Perez Codex, with a concluding note upon the Ungmstic 
 problem of the Maya glyphs. <Pap. Peabody Mus., vi. No. 1, pp. 5-64. 
 
 Goodman, J. T. 
 
 1897. The archaic Mayainscriptions. <PartxviiiofBiologiaCentrali-Americana, Archaeology, London. 
 
 See Maudslay, 1889-1902. 
 Gordon, G. B. 
 
 1896. Prehistoric ruins of Copan, Honduras. A preUminary report of the explorations by the Museum, 
 
 1891-1895. <Mem. Peabody Mus., i, No. 1, pp. 1-48. 
 18980. Researches in the Uloa Valley, Honduras. Report on explorations by the Museum, 1896-1897. 
 
 <Mem. Peabody Mus., i. No. 4, pp. 1-44. 
 
84 RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICHEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 
 
 Gordon, G. B. — Continued. 
 
 18986. Caverns of Copan, Honduras. Report on Explorations by the Museum, 1896-1897. <Mem. 
 
 Peabody Mus., i. No. 5, pp. H2. 
 1902o. The hieroglyphic stairway ruins of Copan. Report on explorations by the Museum. <Mem. 
 
 Peabody Mus., i, No. 6, pp. 1-38. 
 1913. The Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel. < University of Pennsylvania, The Museum, Anthro- 
 pological PubUcations, vol. v. Philadelphia. 
 Hewett, E. L. 
 
 1911. Two seasons' work in Guatemala. <Bulletin Archaeological Institute of America, vol. ii, pp. 
 
 117-134. 
 
 1912. The third season's work in Guatemala <Ibid. vol. ni, pp. 163-171. 
 Holmes, W. H. 
 
 1895-1897. Archaeological studies among the ancient cities of Mexico. <Field Columbian Museum, 
 
 Anth. ser., i, pts. 1 and 2. 
 Landa, D. de 
 
 1864. Relation des choses de Yucatan. Paris. 
 Maler, T. 
 
 1901. Researches in the central portion of the Usumatsintla Valley. <Mem. Peabody Mus., ii. No. 1, 
 
 pp. 9-75. 
 1903. Researches in the central portion of the Usumatsintla Valley. Part Second. <Mem. Peabody 
 
 Mus., II, No. 2, pp. 83-208. 
 1908o. Explorations of the upper Usumatsintla and adjacent region. < Mem. Peabody Mus., iv. No. 1, 
 
 pp. 1-51. 
 19086. Explorations in the Department of Peten, Guatemala, and adjacent region. <Mem. Peabody 
 
 Mus., IV, No. 2, pp. 55-127. 
 
 1910. Explorations in the Department of Peten, Guatemala, and adjacent regions, continued. < Mem. 
 
 Peabody Mus., iv, No. 3, pp. 131-170. 
 
 1911. Explorations in the Department of Peten, Guatemala: Tikal. <Mem. Peabody Mus., v. No. 1, 
 
 pp. 3-91. 
 Martinez, J. 
 
 1910. Los grandes ciclos de la historia Maya segun el Manuscrito de Chumayel. Merida. 
 
 1912. La Creacion del Mundo segun los Mayas. Paginas ineditas del M. S. de Chumayel. Merida. 
 Maudslay, a. p. 
 
 1889-1902. Biologia CentraU-Americana, or contributions to the knowledge of the flora and faima of 
 Mexico and Central America. <AVch8eology, 4 vols, of text and plates. London. 
 Maudslay, a. C. and A. P. 
 
 1899. A glimpse of Guatemala and some notes on the ancient monuments of Central America. London. 
 
 MORLEY, S. G. 
 
 1909. The inscriptions at Naranjo, northern Guatemala. <Am. Anth. (n. s.), xi, pp. 543-562; also 
 
 Papers of School Am. Arch., No. 9. 
 1910a. A group of related structiires at Uxmal, Mexico. < Am. Jour. Arch., 2d ser., xiv, pp. 1-18; also 
 
 Papers of School Am. Arch., No. 6. 
 19106. Correlation of Maya and Christian chronology. <Am. Jour. Arch., 2d ser., xiv, pp. 193-204; 
 
 also Papers of School Am. Arch., No. 11. 
 
 1911. The historical value of the Books of Chilan Balam. < Am. Jour. Arch., 2d ser., xv, pp. 195-214; 
 
 also Papers of School Am. Arch., No. 18. 
 
 191 lo. Ancient cities and temples of the New World, Chichen Itza. < Bulletin of the Pan-American 
 Union, vol. xxxii, No. 3, pp. 453-468. 
 
 19116. Ancient temples and cities of the New World, Uxmal, the City of the Xius. < Bulletin of the Pan- 
 American Union, vol. xxxii. No. 4, pp. 627-642. 
 
 1911c. Ancienttemples and cities of the New World: Copan, the Mother City of the Mayas. <Bulletin 
 of the Pan-American Union, vol. xxxii. No. 5, pp. 863-879. 
 
 1912. Quirigua, an American town 1,400 years old. < Scientific American, cvii, August 3, pp. 96-97, 
 
 105. 
 
 1913. Excavations at Quirigua, Guatemala. <The National Geographic Magazine, vol. xxiv. No. 3, 
 
 pp. 339-361. 
 1914 (?) An introduction to the study of the Maya Hieroglyphics. In the course of publication by 
 the Bureau of American Ethnology. 
 Rio, Antonio del. 
 
 •1822. Descriptionof the ruins of an ancient city, discovered near Palenque, in the kingdom of Guatemala 
 in Central America. London. ■ 
 
RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICKEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 85 
 
 SCHELLHAS, P. 
 
 1904. Representation of deities of the Maya manuscripts. 2d edition revised. Translated by Miss 
 Selma Wesselhoeft and Miss A. M. Parker. <Pap. Peabody Mus., iv, No. 1, pp. 7-47. 
 Seler, E. 
 
 1908. Die Ruinen von Chich'en Itza in Yucatan. < Internat. Cong, of Americanists, 16th sess., Vienna, 
 pp. 151-239. 
 Spinden, H. J. 
 
 1913. A study of Maya art, its subject-matter and historical development. <Mem. Peabody Mus. 
 
 vol. VI. 
 
 Stephens, J. L. 
 
 1841. Incidents of travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan. 2 vols. New York. 
 1843. Incidents of travel in Yucatan. 2 vols. New York. 
 Thomas, C. 
 
 1882. A study of the Manuscript Troano. <U. S. Geo. and Geol. Survey of the Rocky Moimtain Region. 
 
 Cont. to Am. Ethnol., v, pp. 1-224. 
 1894-1895. Day symbols of the Maya year. <16th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Ethnol., pp. 205-265. 
 1897-1898. Mayan calendar systems. <19th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Ethnol., pp. 693-819. 
 1900-1901. Mayan calendar systems, ii. <22d Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Ethnol., pp. 203-303. 
 Thompson, E. H. 
 
 1897o. Cave of Loltun, Yucatan. Report of explorations by the Museum, 1888-1889 and 1890-1891. 
 
 <Mem. Peabody Mus., i. No. 2, pp. 1-24. 
 1897b. The chultunes of Labna, Yucatan. Report of explorations by the Museum, 1888-1889, and 
 
 1890-1891. <Mem. Peabody Mus., i. No. 3, pp. 1-20. 
 1898. Ruins of Xkichmook, Yucatan. <Field Columbian Museum Anth., ser. ii, pp. 211-223. 
 1904. Archaeological researches in Yucatan. Report of explorations for the Museum. < Mem. Peabody 
 Mus., Ill, No. 1, pp. 3-20. 
 TozzER, A. M. 
 
 1907. A comparative study of the Mayas and Lacandones. New York. 
 
 1910. (With G. M. Allen.) Animal figures in the Maya Codices. <Pap. Peabody Mus., iv, No. 3.) 
 
 1911. Preliminary study of the ruins of Tikal. <Mem. Peabody Mus., v. No. 2. 
 Valentine, P. J. J. 
 
 18796. The katunes of Maya history. <Proc. Am. Antiq. Soc, Oct., pp., 71-117. 
 Waldeck, J. F. DB. 
 
 1866. Monuments anciens du Mexique. Palenque et autres ruins de 1' ancienne civilization du Mexique 
 etc. (Introduction by Brasseur de Bourbourg.) Folio. Paris. 
 
86 RESEARCH AT THE RTHNS OF CHICHEN ITZA, TTJCATAN. 
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 
 LIST OF WRITINGS RELATING TO THE ARCHyEOLOGICAL SITES MENTIONED 
 
 IN THIS REPORT. 
 
 CHICHEN ITZA. 
 Stephens, John L. 
 
 1843. Incidents of travel in Yucatan. 2 vols. New York. < Vol. ii, chapters xvi and xvii. 
 Maudslay, Alfred P. 
 
 1889-1902. Biologia Centrali Americana. Archseology. London. <Vol. iii, text pp. 1-43, plates 
 1-66. 
 Chabnay, Desib£. 
 
 1888. The ancient cities of the New World. Chapter xviii. New York. 
 Holmes, W. H. 
 
 1895-1897. Archaeological studies among the ancient cities of Mexico. Chicago. <Field Colum- 
 bian Museum, Anthropological Series, vol. i, No. 1, pp. 101-137. 
 
 BANCHOrT, H. H. 
 
 1883. The native races of the Pacific States. San Francisco. <Antiquities, vol iv, pp. 220-236. 
 Arnold, C, and F. J. T. Feost. 
 
 1909. The American Egypt. New York. Chapter vi. 
 Morley, Sylvancs G. 
 
 1911a. Ancient cities and temples of the New World: Chichen Itza. < Bulletin of the Pan-American 
 Union, vol. xxxii, No. 3, pp. 453-468. 
 
 Two early (sixteenth century) descriptions of Chichen Itza are the following: 
 1900. "CoUecion de Documentos ineditos relativos al descubrimiento conquista y organizacion de 
 las antiguas posesiones Espanolas de Ultramar." Relacion de la Ciudad de Valladolid. 
 Madrid. < Vol. xm, pp. 3-40. A part of this account is given in Appendix iv, p. 90. 
 1864. Relation des Choses de Yucatan. Diego de Landa. Paris. < Pages 340-346. 
 COPAN. 
 
 Stephens, John L. 
 
 1841. Incidents of travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan. New York. < Vol. i, chapters 
 V, VI, and vii. 
 Maudslay, Alfred P. 
 
 1889-1902. Biologia CentraU Americana. Archseology. London. <Vol. i, text pp. 1-69, plates 
 1-119. 
 Bancroft, H. H. 
 
 1883. The native races of the Pacific States. San Francisco. < Antiquities, vol. iv, pp. 77-105. 
 Gordon, G. B. 
 
 1896. Prehistoric ruins of Copan, Honduras. <Mem. Peabody Mus. of American Arch, and 
 
 Ethnol., Harvard Univ., vol. i, No. 1. Cambridge. 
 1898b. Caverns at Copan, Honduras. <Mem. Peabody Mus. of American Arch, and Ethnol. 
 
 Harvard Univ., vol. i. No. 5. Cambridge. 
 1902o. The hieroglyphic stairway ruins of Copan. Cambridge. <Mem. Peabody Mus. of 
 American Arch, and Ethnol., Harvard Univ., vol. i, No. 6.) 
 
 MOHLEY, SyLVANTJS G. 
 
 1911c. Ancient cities and temples of the New World: Copan, the mother city of the Mayas. < Bul- 
 letin of the Pan-American Union, vol. xxxii. No. 5, pp. 863-879. 
 For an early (1576) description of Copan, see a letter from the Licenciado Diego de Palacio to 
 Phihp II of Spain. An English translation of this is given in Mr. Maudslay's text above 
 quoted. See pp. 5-7. 
 LABNA. 
 
 Stephens, John L. 
 
 1843. Incidents of travel in Yucatan. New York. <Vol. ii, chapter iii. 
 Thompson, E. H. 
 
 18976. The Chultimes of Labna, Yucatan. Cambridge. <Mem. Peabody Mus. of American 
 Arch, and Ethnol., Harvard Univ., vol. i, No. 3. 
 Arnold, C, and F. J. T. Frost. 
 
 The American Egypt. <Pages 193-196. 
 MAYAPAN. 
 
 Stephens, John L. 
 
 1843. Incidents of travel in Yucatan. New York. <Vol. I, pp. 130-141. 
 
RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICHEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 87 
 
 NARANJO. 
 
 Maler, Teobert. 
 
 19086. Explorations in the Department of Peten, Guatemala, and adjacent regions. Cambridge. 
 <Mem. PeabodyMus., American Arch, and Ethnol.,HarvardUniv., vol.iv.No 2 chapter 
 XXIII, pp. 80-127, plates 20-44. 
 PALENQUE. 
 
 Stephens, John L. 
 
 1841. Incidents of travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan. New York. < Vol. ii, chap- 
 ters XVII, XVIII, XIX, and xx. 
 Maudslay, Alfred P. 
 
 1889-1902. Biologia CentraU Americana. Archaeology. London. <Vol. iv, text pp 1-38 
 plates 1-93. ' 
 
 Charnat, Desire. 
 
 1888. The ancient cities of the New World. New York. < Chapters xiii and xiv. 
 Holmes, W. H. 
 
 1895-1897. Archseological studies among the ancient cities of Mexico. Chicago. < Field Colum- 
 bian Museum, Anthropological Series, vol. i. No. 1, part 2, pp. 151-209. 
 Bancbopt, H. H. 
 
 1883. The native races of the Pacific States. San Francisco. <Vol. iv, chapter vi. 
 
 WaLDECK, J. F. DE. 
 
 1866. "Monuments anciens de Mexique, Palenque et autres ruins de I'ancienne civiHzation du 
 Mexique. " Plates. Paris. 
 Rio, a. del. 
 
 1822. For an early (1786) description of the ruins of Palenque, see "Description of the ruins of an 
 ancient city discovered near Palenque." London. 
 PIEDRAS NEGRAS. 
 Maler, Teobert. 
 
 1901. Researches in the central portion of the Usamasintla Valley. Cambridge. <Mem. Peabody 
 Mus., American Arch, and Ethnol., Harvard Univ., vol. ii. No. 1, chapter vi, pp. 40-75., 
 plates vii-xxxiii. 
 QUIRIGUA. 
 
 Stephens, John L. 
 
 1841. Incidents of travel in Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan. New York. <Vol. ii, 
 chapter vii. 
 Maudslat, Alfred P. 
 
 1889-1902. Biologia CentraU Americana. Archaeology. London. <Vol. ii, text pp. 1-19, plates 
 1-66. 
 Hewett, Edgar L. 
 
 1911. Two seasons' work in Guatemala. <Bulletin Arch. Institute of America, vol. ii, pp. 117-134. 
 
 1912. The third season's work in Guatemala. <Bulletin Arch. Institute of America, vol. iii, pp. 
 
 163-171. 
 
 MORLEY, SyLVANUS G. 
 
 1912. Quirigua, an American town 1400yearsold. <The Scientific American, vol. cvii, No. 5, p. 96. 
 
 1913. Excavations at Quirigua, Guatemala. <The National Geographic Magazine, vol. xxiv. No. 
 
 3, pp. 339-361. 
 
 SEIBAL. 
 
 Malek, Teobert. 
 
 1908a. Exploration of the Upper Usumatsintla and adjacent region. Cambridge. <Mem.Peabody 
 Mus., American Arch, and Ethnol., Harvard Univ., vol. iv. No. 1, chapter xvii, pp. 10-28, 
 plates 3-10. 
 TIKAL. 
 
 Maudslay, Alfred P. 
 
 1889-1902. Biologia Central! Americana. London. Vol. iii, text <pp. 44-50, plates 67-82. 
 Charnay, Desire. 
 
 1888. The ancient cities of the New World. New York. <Page8 464r-473.. 
 Bancroft, H. H. 
 
 1883. The native races of the Pacific States. San Francisco. <Antiquities, voL iv, pp. 135-138 
 TozzER, Alfred M. 
 
 1911. Preliminary study of the ruins of Tikal, Guatemala. Cambridge. <Mem. Peabody Mus. 
 of American Arch, and Ethnol., Harvard Univ., vol. v, Nos. 1 and 2. 
 
88 RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICKEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 
 
 UXMAL. 
 
 Stephens, John L. 
 
 1841. Incidents of travel in Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan. New York. <Vol. n, 
 
 chapters xxiv and xxv. 
 1843. Incidents of travel in Yucatan. New York. <Vol. i, chapters vii, viii, x, xi, and xiv. 
 Holmes, W. H. 
 
 1895-1897. Archaeological studies among the ancient cities of Mexico. Chicago. <Field Colum- 
 bian Museum, Anthropological Series, vol. i. No. 1, part 1, pp. 80-96. 
 Chabnat, Desire. 
 
 1888. The ancient cities of the New World. New York. <Chapter xx. 
 Morley, Sylvanus G. 
 
 1910a. A group of related structures at Uxmal, Yucatan. < Papers of the School of American Archae- 
 ology, No. 6. 
 19115. Ancient templesand citiesof the New World: Uxmal, the city of the Xius. <Bulletin of the 
 Pan-American Union, vol. xxxii, No. 4, pp. 627-642. 
 
 For a very early (1586) description of the ruins of Uxmal see — 
 Spinden, H. J. 
 
 1913. AStudyof Maya Art: Its subject-matter and historical development. Cambridge. <Mem. 
 Peabody Mus. of American Arch, and Ethnol., Harvard Univ., vol. vi, pp. 5-8. This 
 description was written by one of the secretaries of Padre Alonso Ponce, a Franciscan 
 delegate who visited the ruins of Uxmal in 1586 on a tour of inspection of the provinces 
 of New Spain. An EngUsh translation of this accoimt appears in the work above cited. 
 YAXCHILAN. 
 
 Mattdslat, Alfred P. 
 
 1889-1902. Biologia Centrali Americana. London. <Vol. ii, text pp. 40-47, plates 76-98. 
 Maler, Teobert. 
 
 1903. Researches in the Central part of the Usumatsintla Valley. <Mem. Peabody Mus., Ameri- 
 can Arch, and Ethnol., Harvard Univ., vol. ii. No. 2, chapter xiii and plates 39-80. 
 Charnay, Desire. 
 
 1888. The ancient cities of the New World. New York. <Chapter xxii. 
 
RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICHEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 89 
 
 APPENDIX III. 
 
 INCOMPLETE LIST OF GROUPS OF RELATED STRUCTURES AT 
 CHICHEN ITZA. YUCATAN. 
 
 1. The Monjas Group. 
 
 The Main Range. 
 The East Wing. 
 The L-shaped Annex. 
 The Southeast Temple. 
 The Iglesia (church). 
 
 The Caracol (snail, winding stairway). This structure has an interior spiral stairway. 
 
 The Casa Colorado. 
 
 A small nameless temple, and about a dozen other structures now in ruin. 
 
 2. The Ak&tzih (writing in the dark), named after a hieroglyphic inscription in a dark. 
 
 mtenor chamber. 
 
 3. The Group of the High Priest's Grave. 
 
 The Temple of the High Priest's Grave. 
 
 The Temple of the Atlantes and four or five other structures now in ruin. 
 
 4. The Castillo Group. 
 
 The Castillo. 
 
 The Temple of the Cones. 
 
 The Sacred Way leading to "The Cenote of Sacrifice." 
 
 The small temple on the edge of "The Cenote of Sacrifice." 
 
 5. The Ball-Court Group. 
 
 The Ball Court. 
 The North Temple. 
 The South Temple. 
 The Temple of the Jaguars. 
 
 The Lower Chamber of the Temple of the Jaguars, and five or six other structures now 
 in ruin. 
 
 6. The Group of the Columns. 
 
 The Temple of the Tables. 
 The Temple of Chac Mool.^ 
 The Small Ball Court No. 1. (7)^ 
 The Small Ball Court No. 2. (?). 
 
 The Peristyle (this imposing structure surrounds a court of over five acres). 
 The Temple of the Little Tables. 
 The Temple of the Stairway. 
 
 The Sunken Court, and many smaller peristyles, temples, and pyramids. This group 
 covers more groimd and contains more structures than any other in the city. 
 
 7. The North Group (a mile north of "The Cenote of Sacrifice"). 
 
 The Temple of the Butterfly. 
 The Temple of the Jaguars No. 2. 
 
 The Causeway leading to "The Cenote of Sacrifice," and several other structures now 
 in ruin. 
 
 8. The Group of the Temple of the Initial Series (Old Chichen Itza). 
 
 The Temple of the Initial Series. 
 
 The Temple of the Phalli. 
 
 The Temple of the Owl and a dozen other structures now in ruin. 
 
 'This name has been applied to a claasof sculptures at Chichen Itza, which represents a human being, 
 partially reclining, lying on its back; the knees and elbows are raised, and the feet drawn in; the head is 
 elevated and turned to one side; the hands hold a bowl for binning incense. One of these Chac Mools was 
 found in front of this temple, hence its name: "The Temple of Chac Mool." 
 
 2 The identification of these two structures as Ball Courts is not certain, though probably correct. 
 Excavation would doubtless clear up this point. 
 
90 RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CPIICHEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 
 
 9. The South Group (a mile south of the Monjas. Old Chichen Itza). 
 
 The Temple of the Hieroglyphic Lintel. 
 Nameless temple. 
 Nameless temple. 
 
 10. The West Group (about a mile west of the Monjas. Old Chichen Itza). 
 
 This group contains a number of structures in an advanced state of ruin, which probably 
 
 date from the earliest occupancy of the city. 
 In addition to the foregoing, there are a number of other groups of related structures 
 
 at Chichen Itza, too ill defined to describe here, some of which are as much as six 
 
 miles distant from the center of the city. 
 
 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 DESCRIPTION OF HUMAN SACRIFICES AT "THE CENOTE OF SACRIFICE." 
 
 CHICHEN ITZA. YUCATAN. 
 
 The following description of human sacrifices at "The Cenote of Sacri- 
 fice" is taken from a letter written by three of the original conquistadores of 
 Yucatan, and is part of a general description of Chichen Itza. This letter 
 was written in response to a general circular sent out by the Council of the 
 Indies in 1579, asking for information about the discovery and conquest of 
 the colonial possessions, and about the native inhabitants thereof. 
 
 "At this Cenote, the lords and chiefs of all the provinces of Valladolid observed 
 this custom. After having fasted for sixty days without raising their eyes during 
 that time even to look at their wives, nor at those who brought them food, they 
 came to the mouth of this Cenote and, at the break of day, they threw into it some 
 Indian women, some belonging to each of the lords, and they told the women that 
 they should beg for a good year in all those things which they thought fit, and thus 
 they cast them in unbound, but as they were thrown headlong, they fell into the 
 water, giving a great blow on it; and exactly at midday she who was able to come 
 out cried out loud that they should throw her a rope to drag her out with, and she 
 arrived at the top half dead, and they made great fires round her and incensed her 
 with Copal, and when she came to herself she said that below there were many of 
 her nation, both men and women, who received her, and that raising her head to 
 look at some of them, they gave her heavy blows on the neck, making her put her 
 head down, which was all under water, in which she fancied were many hollows and 
 deeps; and in answer to the questions which the Indian girl put to them, they replied 
 to her whether it should be a good or bad year, and whether the devil was angry 
 with any of the lords who had cast in the Indian girls, but these lords already knew 
 that if a girl did not beg to be taken out at midday, it was because the devil was 
 angry with them, and she never came out again. Then, seeing that she did not 
 come out, all the followers of that lord and the lord himself threw great stones into 
 the water, and with loud cries fled from the place." 
 
RESEARCH AT THE RUINS OF CHICKEN ITZA, YUCATAN. 91 
 
 APPENDIX V. 
 
 DESCRIPTION OF THE AZTEC BALL GAME "TLACHTLI." 
 
 The following description of the Aztec ball game, "tlachtli," is taken 
 from a general account of the diversions of Montezuma and his court, by 
 Antonio de Herrera, in "Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en 
 las islas i tierra fierma del Mar oceano" (5 vols. Madrid, 1726-1730). As 
 the Ball Court at Chichen Itza is known to have been of Nahua origin, it is 
 probable that this same game, or at least one verj'- similar, was played there. 
 
 " The king took much delight in seeing sport at ball, which the Spaniards have 
 since prohibited, because of the mischief that often happened at it; and was by 
 them called tlachtli, being like our tennis. The ball was made of the gum of a tree 
 that grows in hot countries, which, having holes made in it, distils great white drops 
 that soon harden, and, being worked and molded together, turn as black as pitch. 
 The balls made thereof, though hard and heavy to the hand, did bound and fly as 
 well as our foot-balls, there being no need to blow them; nor did they use chaces, 
 but vied to drive the adverse party, that is, to hit the wall, the others were to make 
 good, or strike it over. They struck it with any part of their body, as it happened, 
 as they could most conveniently; and sometimes he lost that touched it with any 
 other part but his hip, which was looked upon among them as the greatest dexterity; 
 and to this effect, that the ball might rebound the better, they fastened a piece of 
 stiff leather on their hips. They might strike it every time it rebounded, which it 
 would do several times, one after another, insomuch that it looked as if it had been 
 aUve. They played in parties, so many on a side, for a load of mantles, or what 
 the gamesters could afford, at so many scores. They also played for gold and 
 feather-work, and sometimes played themselves away, as has been said before. The 
 place where they played was a ground room, long, narrow, and high, but wider above 
 than below, and higher on the sides than at the ends, and they kept it very well 
 plastered and smooth, both the walls and the floor. On the side walls they fixed 
 certain stones, like those of a mill, with a hole quite through the middle, just as big 
 as the ball, and he that could strike it through there won the game; and in token 
 of its being an extraordinary success, which rarely happened, he had a right to the 
 cloaks of all the lookers-on, by ancient custom and law amongst gamesters; and it 
 was very pleasant to see, that as soon as ever the ball was in the hole, the standers-by 
 took to their heels, running away with all their might to save their cloaks, laughing 
 and rejoicing, others scouring after them to secure their cloaks for the winner, who 
 was obUged to offer some sacrifice to the idol of the tennis-com-t, and the stone 
 through whose hole the ball had passed. Every tennis-court was a temple, having 
 two idols, the one of gaming, and the other of the ball. On a lucky day, at mid- 
 night, they performed certain ceremonies and enchantments on the two lower walls 
 and on the midst of the floor, singing certain songs, or ballads; after which a priest 
 of the great temple went with some of their religious men to bless it; he uttered 
 some words, threw the ball about the tennis-court four times, and then it was con- 
 secrated, and might be played in, but not before. The owner of the tennis-court, 
 who was always a lord, never played without making some offering and performing 
 certain ceremonies to the idol of gaming, which shows how superstitious they were, 
 since they had such regard to their idols, even in their diversions, Montezuma 
 carried the Spaniards to this sport, and was well pleased to see them play at it, as 
 also at cards and dice." 
 
N 
 
 lAJ- 
 
 III - — -_—- . - . . ■ ■ t>; - » ( Vt ^ ff-^ ^ f-^ ^ ■ .. ■ . ^^ Vif ^ ^ ■ r ' * 
 
 
 Panorama of the ruins of Chichen Itza, looking toward the north. After Holmes. 
 
 ard the north. After Holmes. 
 
WS: 
 
PLATE 13. 
 
 CeNOT£ OF SACRIFICE 
 
 /I. TFNNIS COURT 
 
 CASA COLORADA. ^ - 
 
 "'■J' 6. 
 
 /. CASA DE MONJAS. 
 
 X 
 
 Map of the ruins of Chichen Itza, northern Yucatan, after Maudslay. The point of view of the panorama 
 
 shown in Plate 14 is at "X." 
 
PLATE 14. 
 
 N 
 
 =^r3^ 
 
 
 Panorama of the ruins of Chichen Itza, looking toward the north. After Holmes.