BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF HenVQ W. Sage 1S91 ^.ZA^7Sf /-?//^/'^-^ - Cornell University Library 28140 .W77 oljn 3 1924 029 636 051 The original of tiiis book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://archive.org/details/cu31924029636051 CABOT BIBLIOGRAPHY CABOT BIBLIOGRAPHY WITH AN INTRODUCTORY ESSAY ON THE CAREERS OF THE CABOTS BASED UPON AN INDEPENDENT EXAMINATION OF THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION BY GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP LONDON HENRY STEVENS, SON & STILES 39 Great Russell Street over against the South-West Corner of the British Museum new york : dodd, mead & company MDCCCC T K.1Ij1-|s:oi CHISWICK PRESS : CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO. TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON. PREFATORY NOTE SMALL CABOT BIBLIOGRAPHY prepared at the suggestion of Mr. W. E. Foster, of the Providence Public Library, for use during the celebration of the four hun- dredth anniversary of John Cabot's visit to North America, was the origin of the present volume. In the hope of making that bibliography more widely and more permanently useful, the scope of the work has been greatly extended, and an effort has been made to include in it a description of every publication which has in- fluenced noticeably the popular or the scholarly conceptions of John and Sebastian Cabot, or which is likely to prove useful to those who wish to study the careers of the Cabots and their contemporaries. A list of those to whom the compiler is indebted- for suggestions and for assistance, would include the names of nearly every writer who took a part in the anniversary discussions of the Cabots' achievements. With every other student of the period of discovery, his greatest obligations are to Henry Harrisse, whose researches have made it possible to arrive at approximately definitive opinions in regard to the men who revealed to England and to Europe the westward way to America. The Introdudlory Essay tries to set forth fully, fairly and without prejudice, the fadls upon which some of these opinions are established. The printer and the compiler of these pages have been separated by the Atlantic Ocean during the composition of the volume. The care and attention of the proof-room at Iprefatoi's IRote the Chiswick Press, and the diligent oversight with which Mr. Henry N. Stevens has watched every detail throughout the preparation of the volume, have saved those who will use this work from many annoying errors. Nevertheless, in a work of this description, containing numerous references to specific passages in a large number of widely different books, it is reasonable to suppose that many mistakes may not have been detedted. The compiler, and the publishers, ask for the indulgence of the reader, in respeft to these Errata, in the words of two ancient authors quoted below. Providence, Rhode Island. TO THE READER "Who faulteth not, liueth not j who mendeth faults is commended : The Printer hath faulted a little : it may be the author oversighted more. Thy paine (Reader) is the least; then erre not thou most by misconstruing or sharpe censuring; least thou be more vncharitable, then either of them hath been heedlesse: God amend and guide vs all." — Foulke RoBARTES, ne Ke'venue of the Gospel is tythes. — Cambridge, 1613. ^to. " Reader, Carthagena was of the mind, that unto those Three Things which the Ancients held Im- possible, there should be added this Fourth, to find a Book Printed without Errata s. It seems, the Hands of Briareus, and the Eyes of Argus, will not prevent them." — Dr. Cotton Mather, Magnolia Christi Americana. London, 1702. Fol. CONTENTS PAGE PREFATORY NOTE INTRODUCTORY ESSAY ix-lli Career of John Cabot x-xv Career of Sebastian Cabot .... xvi-xxxv La Plata Expedition . . . xxii-xxxii, xlvi-xlviii Cabot Controversies xxxvi-Iii Date of Discovery xxxviii-xl Location of Landfall xiii-xiv, xl-xlii Cabot Map of 1544 xlix-1, 13-26 CABOT BIBLIOGRAPHY 1-180 Sources of Information 1-103 Cabotiana, Secondary Writings . . . 104-180 INTRODUCTORY ESSAY The marginal numbers refer to the books and docn- ments described under these numbers in the Bibliography. THE CAREERS OF THE CABOTS. I HE commercial, social, and intelledual life of fifteenth-century Europe centred in Venice. The Venetian merchants sent their fleets of galleys to every port in what was then the world of European civilization, and everywhere they controlled that best of mono- polies which belongs to the largest dealer and the soundest credit. Genoa had rivalled Venice in every field during the preceding century, when the intro- spe(5bion of the mediasval mind was giving place to ideas of a larger world and a broader humanity than could be seen and known in any single city. Genoa, facing the wrong end of the Mediterranean, did its full share of the work of opening the trade routes of the Middle Ages, and in establishing commercial intercourse upon a peaceful, regular basis. But gradu- ally Venice gained the leading position, and therefore we now hear very little of the youth and glory of the X Careers of tbe (la&ots rival city in which were born and on whose bdttoms were bred the men who did more than the sons of any other city to open up the unknown world. England, meantime, was beginning to take a hand in the affairs of Europe, very much as the full-blooded, clear-headed country lad enters into the life of the metropolitan cousins who offer him a place in their city office. All over Europe men's hands and brains were filled with the new learning, the new ideas, the new things to do, which the Renaissance brought out of the infinite into the real and the praftical. Beyond Europe, to the south, lay Africa, along whose western shores the sailors of Prince Henry of Portugal were slowly and persistently feeling their way. To the east lay the far distant somewhere where grandeur and wealth had been seen by Marco Polo. Nearer, and blocking the way thither, the Turk had settled down to enforce his laws which permitted no dealings with the infidel Christians. To the north and the west of Europe rolled the black waters, out of which now and again came some storm-tossed, heaven-pro- teded mariner returning with tales of distant island- havens of refuge and of promise. A crew of English sailors in the closing years of the fifteenth century announced to Europe their dis- covery of a new land beyond the North Atlantic waters. To their leader England is indebted for her proud claim to priority in the revelation to the Christian world of the fairest inheritance of the British race. He was a son of Genoa, where he was Careers of tbe CaUbts xi born before the middle of the century ; at Venice he received his inspiration to maritime ambitions; in England he found the co-operation and the support which made his great achievement possible. John Cabot, this English discoverer of America, lived and did his work apparently without a thought of the interest future generations might have in him and his career. Of his charadter and personality nothing whatever is now known. Scarcely more can be found out about his life before and after the voyage which showed Englishmen the way to North America. In the year 1476 Zuan Caboto, as he was (538) called, had been a recorded resident of Venice for fifteen years, and in consideration of this probation he (224) was admitted to citizenship in the RepubHc. At one time he travelled to the marts of Mecca, where he talked with men who told him of trafficking at other markets far away towards the north-east, where they (190) traded with merchants who came from yet a further east. At another time he visited- Lisbon and the cities of Spain, where, or elsewhere, he came in con- (7) tad with ideas and suggestions which were the (532) common property of the travelling, thinking men of his time — ideas about the shape of the world and suggestions as to its remotest charafteristics. Eventu- ally he went to England, and there he settled down to follow the trade of merchandising in London and (213) Bristol. The trading voyage to Iceland very early became (238) a part of the yearly routine of the Bristol sailors and (420) :ji Careers of tbe Cabots merchant venturers. The settles about the Bristol firesides to which Cabot was welcomed had long since ^rown familiar with tales told by the returning mariners of wonderful islands in the Western ocean, iway from the tracks of commerce, and of strange idventures befallen those who had sailed in search of ihese mysterious lands. The last of these voyages, andertaken by one who was styled the Master- Mariner of England, was a matter of recent occur- rence when Cabot went to Bristol. Like most of its predecessors, this voyage had almost succeeded, and :he listener must have felt sure, as he heard the story, :hat where so many had tried there must be some ■eality to reward the persistent searcher. Cabot, lupplementing and explaining the theories of his Bristol neighbours by what he had heard and seen luring his hfe in the Mediterranean lands, can have lad little difficulty in persuading the West Country nerchants — ever anxious to extend and broaden the icope of their adtlvities — to aid him in his projedts for olving the mystery of what lay westward from reland. For nearly a decade, it would seem, he )ersisted in his efforts to find the land in that tVestern ocean. At last he succeeded, and one norning in June, 1497, less than a score of English- nen, with John Cabot as their leader, anchored their raft upon an unknown coast. A few weeks later, )n August 10, John Cabot kneeled before the English :ing, and presented him with the discoverer's claim to . new world. Careers of tbe Cabots liii The story of this voyage, upon which Englishmen are accustomed to base the title to their American empire, may be told in few words. In March, 1496, John Cabot and his three sons received a royal (136) charter from King Henry VII., authorizing them to compete but not to interfere with Spain and Portugal (532) in the search for heathen lands unknown to Christen- dom. A year later, perhaps on the second day of (222) May, 1497, a small vessel which may have been named the " Mathew," and which carried eighteen (250) men, sailed from Bristol under the command of John Cabot. Passing around the southern point of Ireland, Cabot directed his course towards the north fora while, and then turned west, being driven back and forth by the North Atlantic spring weather. Holding as closely to the westward course as wind and currents, sky and compass would allow, he kept on until he came to land. June 24, 1497, was probably the date (319) on which he anchored somewhere on the eastern sea- (388) coast of British North America, between Halifax and (493) southern Labrador. The sailors went ashore and found (561) a pleasant, fertile land. Felled trees, snares for game, (183) and needles suitable for making nets showed them that the country was inhabited. The mission of the voyage was accomplished when land was discovered westward from Europe. Cabot had fulfilled his purpose as soon as he stepped on shore. Delay might involve his crew in a hopeless conflift with outnumbering natives. Further ex- ploration could add nothing of comparable signific- xiv Careers of tbe Ca&ots ance to what he already knew, and this knowledge (190) might easily be lost to Europe by an attempt to increase it. These considerations would have coun- (183) selled an immediate return to England, and there is no reason, in probability or in the sources of infor- mation, why Cabot and his companions need have spent more than a few hours on American soil during their first visit to the western continent. The stories they told after their arrival home which have been preserved to the present day, suggest only the shortest possible delay at the goal of their voyage and a (190) hurried return with the news. If, as is probable, (39®) they spent these hours on Cape Breton Island or thereabouts, they doubtless saw Newfoundland on their return, and coasted eastward along its southern (84) shore until they were clear of Cape Race. Thence an easy run would have brought them to Bristol, as (222) is reported, on August 6, in ample time to allow the (138) captain to post to the court, where he was rewarded for his success on August 10. The eight months that followed his return from the voyage of 1497 cover the only period of John Cabot's life during which we know anything about what he was doing and thinking. King Henry (183) promptly promised him the command of another expedition, to consist of several vessels conveying men and whatever else might be needed for the settlement and exploitation of the new found land. He also re- (139) ceived an allowance from the royal exchequer, and pro- vided himself with all the habiliments befitting the Careers of tbe Cabot5 xv high position and glorious prospers which the future seemed to hold in store for him. He talked freely of the region to which he intended to conduft his followers, and of his anticipations regarding its con- quest and development. His friends hailed him as Admiral, and as the weeks passed he came to con- sider himself as heir-apparent to princely power, with bishoprics and broad seigniories at his disposal. Only the necessary preparations for departure seemed to stand between him and the realization of his visions of a new English empire beyond the seas. The royal letters patent authorizing the impress- (140) ment of vessels and their equipment were dated in February, 1498, and it was doubtless Easter or later (153) before the fleet of four or five vessels was ready to (105) sail. The ships, fully loaded with merchandise suited (212) to all the wants of heathen markets, probably followed (7) much the same course as in the preceding year. Soon after leaving the Irish coast they encountered a storm which forced one boat to put back. After this, (142) nothing whatsoever is known regarding the fate of the (151) expedition. It may, in whole or in part, have reached the American coast in safety. Some of the members, besides those who were driven back to (142'') Ireland by the storm, may have returned to Europe to give an account of their experiences. According (105) to one account, apparently written in the early autumn of 1498, no news had then been received from the voyagers. The same statement may be made with equal truth in 1900, xvi Careers of tbe (tabots During the voyage of 1497, the numberless shoals of fish through which Cabot's ship made its way, (190) while off the coast of the new found lands, impressed his sailors more than anything else. The reports which they spread abroad after their return doubtless (575) induced English sailing-masters to visit the fishing grounds now known as the Newfoundland Banks. (212) It is recorded that Bristol merchants also pro- jedted exploring expeditions to the new world during the early years of the following century. These were perhaps sent out with a hope of learning something about the fate of the fleet which sailed in 1498. Aside from this supposition, however, there is no evidence that these ventures, which were diredllycon- nedted with Portuguese discoveries, were in any con- siderable measure a result of Cabot's first voyage. So far as can be found out from the extant records, it (88) was eighty years after John Cabot made his successful (126) voyage before the English people took the first steps (549) to utilize the knowledge which he gave them. Sebastian, the son of John Cabot, was mentioned (136) by name in the letters patent granted by Henry VII. in 1496. It is a reasonable assumption from this fad that he was at that time of legal age, which makes it probable that he was born while his father was a resident of Venice. There is no evidence of any value to suggest that he did or that he did not take part with his father in the voyages to America (212) in 1497 and 1498. His name has been associated with Careers of tbe Cabots xvii a western voyage undertaken from Bristol four or five (216) years later, but there are no certain means for estab- lishing his connexion with this venture. It is, how- ever, not at all improbable that Sebastian Cabot may (219) have made a voyage to some part of America in 1501 or 1502. Sebastian Cabot makes his first independent appear- (566) ance in the records of English maritime history in (13) 1 508. During this, the last year of King Henry VII., (73) he undertook to find a new route to Cathay across (80) the Ar(5tic circle. This plan, we now know, was (117) foredoomed to failure, but Cabot, imbued with the (159) earliest notions of "Great Circle" sailing, and possess- (160) ing no certain knowledge of the uttermost parts of the earth, may naturally have foreseen no insurmount- able obstacles. He sailed into the north until his progress was blocked by bergs and field ice at about 58° or 60° north latitude. Compelled to turn back, he came upon a coast-line towards the west, which he followed southwards for some distance, landing at one place where the July sun had cleared the land of snow. As he sailed along, the strongest impression was made on his memory by the adtions of the numer- (192) ous polar bears that came down to the shore to catch (159) the fish which swarmed along the coast in such numbers as actually to stay the progress of his ships. Returning to England, Sebastian found that his royal j patron was dead, and that the new king, Henry VIII., who succeeded to the throne in April, 1 509, cared little for maritime discoveries. xviii Carea's of tbe Cabots (95) The voyage of 1508-9 appears to have been one of (216) two efforts made by Sebastian Cabot to discover a (219) north-western passage to Cathay. There is no satis- faftory clue to the date of the other voyage, but the evidence is almost sufficient to prove that it must have been made, and in all probability before 1512, if not before 1509. On this voyage, he sailed as far as 67f° north, according to his observations. He (196^) reached this latitude on June 11, and with open water ahead there seemed to be nothing to prevent the successful continuance of the voyage, when some difficulty with the shipmaster, combined with a mutiny among the sailors, forced him to turn back. (566) This is all that is at present known about this ex- pedition. Sebastian Cabot's career as a map-maker began (14') before 1512, whenhe was employed by the English government in making charts for a proje<5bed military expedition against France under Lord Willoughby de Broke. Cabot accompanied this expedition, which landed at Pasages in northern Spain in June, 151 2. His reputation must have preceded him, for the (107) Spanish king began to negotiate for the transference of his services from England to Spain very soon after his arrival on the Peninsula. Cabot visited (108) Burgos, where he had an interview with two of the confidential advisers of King Ferdinand, and in September he was summoned to the court. His (109) appointment as Capitan de Mar in the Spanish marine was dated on Oftober 2. The next thirty- Careers of tbe Cabots xii five years of Cabot's life were spent in the service of Spain, He apparently entered this service with some sort of understanding that he was to be given the command of an expedition which would doubtless have sailed to the north-western regions which he had (107') already visited. In March, 15 14, he visited the (m) court for the purpose of discussing the plans for this voyage, and eighteen months later Peter Martyr (159) wrote that it would probably start by March, 15 16. The illness of Ferdinand interrupted these plans, and the king's death in January, 1 5 1 6, lead to their definite abandonment. Two years later, in February, 1518, (113) Cabot was appointed Pilot-major of Spain, with duties which kept him busy at Seville. Cabot, remembering his experiences under the change of rulers in England, must have felt much anxiety during the months following the accession of Charles as King of Spain. This feeling of uncertainty may have led him to enter into communication with (76) the English government. If so, the negotiations dragged along slowly, for it was not until 1521 that Henry VIII. and Wolsey were ready to employ him. The exaft nature of their plans is most uncer- tain, and it is equally uncertain whether or not Cabot was really the person by the name of Sebastian whom they intended to engage as chief pilot. But it is quite clear that the king and cardinal made arrangements for sending an expedition to some part of the new world. Inasmuch as their objeft appears to have been the acquisition of wealth, it is probable that they had X3t Careers of tbe Cabots no intention of sending it into the Ardlic regions which Cabot visited a dozen years before. The (94) scheme included the equipment of a fleet by the merchants of London and of the principal provincial towns. This idea did not meet with the approval of the merchant guilds in London, and the Drapers' Company, adling as spokesmen for the other liveries, returned a vigorous protest to the royal message asking for their co-operation in the venture. In this reply they declared that the " certain person called Sebastian " who was to be the leader of the expe- dition was a foreigner, and that he knew nothing by personal experience of the regions to which he was expecfted to pilot the ships. These contentions failed to convince the king, and royal pressure was applied to enforce the grudging subscription of the London contributions. Nothing more is heard of this pro- posed English expedition. There is no evidence that (14 ) Sebastian Cabot was at this time called upon to decide definitely between re-entering the English service and retaining his position as head of the Spanish Naviga- tion Office. The growth of the conception of patriotism, of loyalty to one's native place, as contrasted with the idea of loyalty to employer and abiding place, fur- nishes a most suggestive study in the intelleftual de- velopment of the century in which modern Europe came into being. This conception seems to have (76) been suggested to the younger Cabot by an Italian (225) priest, a fellow- Venetian whom he met in England. Careers ot tbe Cabots xxi This priest reproached him with his many services to (14'') other countries at a time when their native city was so much in need of help to resuscitate its commerce, the only means by which it could hope to maintain its already weakened position in the European world. The idea apparently took root in Cabot's mind. At about the time when the proposed English expedition of 1 521 was given up, the Venetian Council of Ten (158) received from an Italian traveller returning from Spain certain propositions which he said had been intrusted (226) to him by Sebastian Cabot. This message was communicated to the Venetian ambassador at the Spanish court, who sent for Cabot and held several long interviews with him, of which very circumstan- tial accounts were given in the ambassador's dispatches (78) to the Venetian government. These reports, and especially the description of Cabot's consternation (76) when he realized the extent to which he had been compromised by his travelling acquaintance, show that Cabot was not a very far-sighted traitor, or else, as is a great deal more likely, that he had talked with his friend freely and somewhat carelessly, in a con- fidential vein, about possibilities which must have seemed to him as he talked, perhaps over the wine- cups, very remote. When he was suddenly brought face to face with the results of his friend's mission, Cabot, being a sixteenth-century Italian, could hardly have withdrawn from the intrigue in which he had become involved. Trusting to the future, he assured the ambassador that everything which he had sug- xxii Careers of tbe Catots gested could be brought to pass as desired. Between them, they entered into elaborate arrangements by which Cabot was to secure permission to go to Venice in order to lay his plans in person before the Seignory, He did not go, nor did he apply to his Spanish superiors for the necessary permission. He made many protestations of eagerness to serve his native city, but he explained to the ambassador that there were reasons which would hinder him from starting for Venice just then. Sebastian Cabot was not the first person to enter into elaborate schemes for under- takings which he had no intention of performing, nor was he the last to refrain from informing his partners of the real reasons why their schemes came to nought. There is nothing in the surviving records of Cabot's intrigue with the Venetian officials which implies that he was less clever or less honest than the men with whom he came in contaft, or that his adtions, as he would have carried them out under nineteenth-century conditions, differed materially in morality or in in- telligence from those of many respedted men aftive in contemporary affairs. The great failure of Sebastian Cabot's life came during the years from 1 526 to 1 530. He sailed from Spain in the spring of 1526 at the head of a well- )2) equipped fleet, confident of supplementing the work of Magellan, hoping to open a new and better route to the Eastern Spice Lands, dreaming perhaps of undiscovered realms of measureless wealth which might lie in the path of his vessels. He returned Careers of tbe Cabots xxiii four years later with a broken-down fragment of his expedition, distrusted and discredited, having accom- plished nothing which seemed to his contemporaries important or praiseworthy. He had discovered only one thing — that he was not qualified for the leader- (182) ship of a maritime adventure. His usefulness lay in other lines of adlivity. In those lines his ability was so well thought of by the men who had the best opportunities for intimate knowledge of his charadter and attainments, that his failure does not seem to have afFeifbed in any way his position in his profession or in the good opinion of the Emperor and his counsellors. Many intricate details of Cabot's expedition to La (10) Plata in 1526 were recorded by contemporary writers, ^23) and it is not an easy task to reduce these to a brief (182) intelligible narrative. From the time when he first (191) entered the Spanish service, Cabot had endeavoured (204) to secure the command of an exploring expedition (430*) under official auspices. One and another difficulty (443) prevented the fruition of his plans, and so he doubt- {528) less welcomed an opportunity of making a voyage to the New World, even though the idea of exploration was subordinated to that of mercantile profit. This opportunity came in the form of a trading venture supported by Spanish merchants. The successful return of Magellan's " Vittoria," completing the first circumnavigation of the globe, suggested to a number of Sevillian merchants that a voyage to the Spice Lands might be a profitable venture. A considerable {36^) xxiv Careers of tbe Cabots sum was subscribed towards the speculation, among the partners being the English firm represented by 220) Robert Thorne of Bristol. Cabot was engaged for the command, and while the negotiations were in pro- gress he succeeded in interesting the king, who agreed to join in the enterprise. Charles V. seems to have sympathized with Cabot's exploring ambitions, and (79) one result of the royal participation was that Cabot 177) apparently received secret orders or authorization to search for a shorter passage to the East, north of the Straits of Magellan. The original partners soon learned of these ulterior designs, and as practical business men they promptly undertook to supersede Cabot in the chief command. The expedition was properly theirs, and their interests demanded that it should be in charge of a person who could be trusted to prosecute the voyage to a profitable outcome. The king persistently refused to displace Cabot, and the merchants therefore tried to secure the appoint- ment of a satisfactory second-in-command, with suf- ficient authority to counteradt the explorer's zeal. These propositions were steadfastly opposed at the court, and in reply to them royal orders were Issued requiring that all who sailed on the expedition should bind themselves stridly to obey and support the com- mander. The bad feeling which inevitably resulted from this initial lack of sympathy and cordial co-opera- tion—doubtless increased by Cabot's foreign birth and breeding — go far to explain the subsequent course of events. Careers of tbe Cabots xxv Sebastian Cabot sailed from San Lucar de Barra- meda, 13 April, 1526, commissioned to the discovery (67) of Tarsis, Ophir, and the Eastern Cathay. He went (79) to the Cape Verde Islands for provisions, and then (83) direfted his pilots to steer south-west. The result (177) was, as the modern Admiralty charts would have shown him, that his ships entered the South Atlantic zone of calms and baffling winds at its widest part. It was the end of June when, with stores exhausted and tempers broken by weeks of heat and inadlivity, they came to land on the coast of Brazil. After re- (178) filling the water-casks and securing fresh provisions at Pernambuco, the voyage was resumed, but at Cape St. Augustin — Cape Frio — they ran into contrary winds, which foiled every effort to round the cape for ten or twelve weeks. In the meantime, while they were delayed at the Portuguese settlements on the coast, the sailors heard that it was reported that quantities of gold and silver were to be found near the head waters of the Rio de Solis, which was soon to receive its present name of La Plata, the silver river. When, towards the end of September, the vessels at last succeeded in passing the cape, Cabot diredled their course close in along the shore, with the hope that he might meet European settlers thereabouts who could give him additional definite information in regard to the treasure land. He continued this course for a month of storms and mishaps, until the fleet came to the island of Santa Catalina or Catharina, where he decided to land and refit. As the flagship was trying xxvi Careers of tbe Cabots 12) to enter the harbour, she ran upon a submerged rock, and had to be abandoned, ship and cargo proving 31) almost a total loss. It was afterwards alleged, and not denied, that Cabot was the first person to leave 23) the ship after she struck the rock, and the complete- ness of the wreck was ascribed to the demoralization of the crew caused by this aftion on the part of their commander. This misfortune resulted in a further delay of fifteen weeks, while a new boat was being built to replace the sunken flagship. On the island several Spaniards, who had been left behind there by earlier expeditions, had established themselves as per- manent settlers. Two of these men had been with de Solis twelve years before when he made the first European voyage up La Plata river, Cabot engaged these men to guide him to those regions where, they assured him, large quantities of gold and silver were to be found. As soon as this arrangement was 27) announced, implying the definite abandonment of 30) the original objedb of the voyage, there was an out- 36) break of violent disputes between the commander and the officers to whom the SeviUian merchants had intrusted their interests. It quickly became evident that nothing could be accomplished while these sub- ordinates were in a position to discredit the authority of the commanding officer, hampering all his aftions and stirring up trouble of every sort. As soon as the fleet got under way again, therefore, Cabot had the troublesome individuals arrested. Despite the fadt that some of them were sick with fever, he Careers of tbe Cabots xxvii summarily set them ashore, and sailed away, leaving them with a small supply of provisions and firearms. They succeeded in making friends with the natives thereabouts, and eventually found their way to the Portuguese settlements towards the north. About the end of February, 1527, Cabot entered the estuary of La Plata. The next six months were spent in exploring the lower portion of the river, and in building a headquarters fort on the western bank. Here he left his larger vessels, while he ascended the stream with two small boats. At a point about fifty (430*) leagues up the Parana, he found a suitable location for another fort, which was built during December. Starting again on Christmas Eve, he soon found that the main stream came from the eastward. Inasmuch as all the reports agreed that the land of gold and silver was toward the west, Cabot turned back to a large tributary, the Paraguay, which flowed from that direftion. Meantime, time and temper had been lost through the necessity of chastising some of the natives who proved themselves unfriendly to his progress. As the party advanced up the new stream, their pro- visions began to fail, and the unwilling natives could not be induced to assist In securing additional supplies. Frequent desertions had also weakened the force, be- sides bringing about further troubles with the natives, who were robbed and otherwise abused by the rene- gade Spaniards. In the face of constantly increasing difficulties, Cabot led his men forward into a region which showed no signs of anything to revive their ixviii Careers ot tbe Cabots hopes or to brighten the dimming prospers of fame and fortune. At last a few Indians approached the disheartened strangers, and ofFered to show them where food could be secured. Thirty men were detailed to follow these guides, who led them direftly into an ambush, where nearly two-thirds of the party were killed outright, and eight or ten others seriously wounded. Two or three survivors found their way back to the main party and told the story of the disaster. Realizing the hopelessness of further effort Cabot condudbed what was left of his force safely down the river to the fort on the Parana. Here he reorganized his followers while the men were regaining their strength and spirits, and as soon as they were fit to resume campaigning, he started up the river once more to punish the natives by whom he had been so treacher- ously repulsed. Before he could accomplish this purpose, however, messengers from the lower fort 6) brought him the news that Diego Garcia had arrived 8) in the river with an expedition which had been sent out from Spain for the purpose of continuing the explorations begun in this region by de Solis. Cabot immediately went down to meet Garcia, with whom he had a long conference, regarding which both parties were afterwards curiously reticent. Early on the following morning Garcia proceeded up river, " without taking leave " — whatever this phrase in Cabot's report may mean — while Cabot withdrew his entire force to the headquarters fort at San Salvador, Careers of tbe Cabots xxix established two years before. Here he prepared his (22) official report, while overseeing the proper equipment of the " Trinidad," one of his larger vessels, for the voyage to Spain. The "Trinidad" sailed about the (191) middle of July, 1528, carrying an urgent application (427) for fresh supplies and for such assistance as would enable him to continue the explorations. She reached Lisbon in Odtober, and the letters were promptly pre- (147) sented to the king and to the Sevillian merchants. The latter quickly made up their minds to have nothing more to do with the venture. The king ordered that the necessary relief should be dispatched without delay at the expense of the royal treasury. These orders were apparently never carried out. Sebastian Cabot spent the winter of 1528-29 at his fort at San Salvador, hopefully awaiting the arrival of reinforcements from Spain. As time wore on he decided to do what he could with the force at his disposal. He therefore transferred his headquarters to the fort eredled at Sanfti Spiritus on the Parana, where the natives welcomed him with every sign of friend- liness. As soon as the men were settled here, Cabot went down the river to see that everything at the lower fort had been left in proper shape. While he was away, the natives — doubtless afting under provo- cation — suddenly attacked the camp at Sandti Spiritus, burning the buildings and killing most of the de- fenders. The survivors escaped to their boats and hurried down stream to rejoin their leader. Cabot at once colledled his men, reorganized the fugitives, and XXX Careers of tbe Cabots led them back to SancSli Spiritus. Here the mangled bodies of their fellows were recovered and buried, and such property as the natives had been unable to remove was embarked on the boats. With his small, debilitated, and unnerved force, retaliation was im- possible, and so Cabot condudbed his men down to San Salvador. His position at this fort soon became untenable. The news of the success on the Parana spread rapidly among the natives, who gathered in increasing numbers about the Spanish camp, investing it so closely that starvation became imminent. Nearly thirty of the white men were killed while trying to fish or forage for roots. A council called on 6 Odto- ber, 1529, promptly decided to return to Spain. A month later, after waiting as long as he dared for a party which had failed to return from a trip in search of provisions for the voyage, Cabot, with the re- mainder of his companions, sailed out from La Plata and headed for Spain. Garcia, who came down to bid him adieu, lent a little assistance, and sufficient supplies were secured from the Indians along the coast to enable the voyagers to reach the Portuguese settlements. After various adventures along the Brazilian coast, including the purchase of a batch of slaves — the only booty Cabot delivered to his em- (2) ployers in Seville — a good passage brought his ship to the Guadalquivir on 22 July, 1530. 10) The passions and quarrels which had been sup- 12) pressed during the voyage broke out violently as 23) soon as Cabot's authority was superseded by the Careers of tbe Cabots xxxi jurisdidtion of the ofEcials who took charge of (2^) the vessel upon its arrival in the home port. As soon as possible after landing, several members of the expedition took the necessary legal steps to prefer charges against their commander. For more than three months the scribes of the Council for the Indies were busied with drawing up accusations and lists of interrogations, and with recording answers and deposi- tions. These documents furnish almost all the details that are now known regarding the internal history of the expedition, together with some of the reasons for its failure. The hearings dragged on for a year and a half before all the appeals had been decided. Cabot was eventually adjudged guilty of maladministration and of disobedience of his official instrudions, result- ing in the death of certain of his followers. He was, therefore, muldted in heavy fines, to be paid to the (67*) relids of the sufi^erers, and was sentenced, i February, (37) 1532, to banishment for two years, or perhaps for four, to the Spanish military colony at Oran in Morocco. Cabot had in the meantime resumed the exercise of his duties as Pilot-major of Spain, and despite the judgment against him there is no evidence that he did not continue undisturbed in this office. His salary was stopped for the payment of the fines, (67*) but in lieu thereof he received allowances from time to time by special royal bounty. Domestic troubles (38) were aggravated by attacks upon the administration of his office, but there is nothing to show that either interfered with the successful prosecution of his xxxii Careers of tbe Cabots (40) career. In the spring of 1533 he was engaged in construding a planisphere for the Council of the Indies. During the succeeding ten years very little is (173) heard of him. In 1544 and 1545 he was still ading (69) as the official head of the pilots of Spain. The Spanish historians, cognizant of their national (348) charaderistics, have been the first to suggest the pro- bability that Sebastian Cabot, a foreigner in high position, found his work made difficult by a lack of confidence and co-operation on the part of his Spanish associates and subordinates. It may have been some unusually irritating exhibition of this feeling of (231) jealousy which induced him, in 1538, to suggest to the English ambassador in Spain that he was ready to re-enter the English service provided he could do so (65) to his personal advantage. It is barely possible that he went to England three years later, and spent some time there in an effort to come to terms with King Henry VIII. for an expedition to the Ardic regions. This, however, is entirely a matter of conjecture. It (100) is not made less possible by the fadt that, in 1548, (loi) Cabot transferred his person and his services to the English crown. The councillors of King Edward (99) VI. granted him a pension or salary, and it is pre- sumed that in return for this he exercised the funftions (4) of adviser in maritime affairs to the Admiralty Office of that day. He established his home, apparently, (535) once more in Bristol, and passed the last decade of his life without again leaving England. Cabot's return to England was presumably the Careers of tbe (Eabots xxxiii result of negotiations carried on while he was in the full enjoyment of his position as Pilot-major of Spain. It is clear that Charles V. received no notice of any intention on Cabot's part to desert the Spanish ser- vice permanently. In 1549, and again in 1553 after (71) the accession of his prospeftive daughter-in-law. Queen (74) Mary, the Emperor urged upon the English govern- (102) ment his claims to the services of Cabot. He also tried to persuade his former servant to return by personal solicitation, but without success. Cabot avoided a direft refusal, and the charafteristic letter (59) which he wrote in reply to the overtures made in 1553 seems to reveal an instindlive desire to maintain (72) his relations with everyone whose assistance or patron- age might by any change of fortune become useful to him. Although Cabot gave the most definite expression of his determination never to leave England for Spain, he apparently reopened the negotiations with Venice (228) which had come to nought twenty-five years before. As before, the business was ostensibly connected with his claims to property which came to him from his mother, and the success with which this claim was urged upon the Spanish and now upon the English representatives in Venice gives some reason for sup- (223) posing that it had a foundation in fadt. As before, also, the reports of the affair are inextricably confused with propositions looking toward the maritime rejuve- nation of Venice. It is not impossible, in these very dubious proceedings, that Cabot's desire to desert his xxxiv Careers of tbe Cabots employers may have held no larger place in his mind than an equally ardent desire to enlist the Venetian officials in the task of recovering his .inheritance. (4) There are few records to show what Sebastian Cabot (122^) did in England, except those which prove that he (.^ij") drew his salary regularly, until the spring of 1553, (137) when he became Governor of the Merchants Adven- (103) turers. There can be little doubt that he had pre- (58) viously participated in the affairs of the Company, (411) especially in the conflidb with its Easterling rivals of {447) the Steelyard in 1551. He must also have taken a (295) very adtive part in the work of getting ready for the (122) sailing, on 20 May, 1553, of the vessels commanded (81) by Willoughby and Chancellor. Cabot drew up the (58) instrudlions for their voyage, taking as a model the (447) regulations given to Spanish navigators and explorers while he was connedted with that department of the (82) Spanish service. This voyage to the north-east under Chancellor was really the beginning of successful, consecutive English maritime expansion, and from his (256) share in it has very justly been derived Cabot's claim (452) to a place among the Builders of Greater Britain. Chancellor returned to England in due season, having established friendly relations with the court and the northern trading centres of Russia. After waiting two years for the return of Willoughby, who had separated from his consort soon after their voyage (18) began, a search expedition was sent out in the spring (195^) of 1556 under Stephen Burrough. Cabot was actively interested in the preparations for this voyage. He Careers of tbe Cabots xxxv attended all the ceremonies connefted with the depart- ure of Burrough's vessel, and the dehghtful descrip- (i8) tion of his parting blessing to the mariners affords the last full view — and indeed the only one — of the old cartographer and cosmographer. Not long after this, Richard Eden attended him upon his deathbed. In (97) the late autumn of 1557 Sebastian Cabot received his (169) pension for the last time, and started off to the un- known region which each man must discover for himself, where the prejudices, the jealousies, and the (39^) ignorances of contemporaries and of historians alike give place to the eternal record of things as they are. CABOT CONTROVERSIES. ^HE careers of the Cabots, as they have been described on the preceding pages, diiFer in many essential respeds from the pre- vailing notions in regard to the events and the men that have figured in the narrative. It would be unwise to claim that the present effort has been more successful than others — that it is a truer or more accurate account of what was actually done by John and Sebastian Cabot between 1460 and 1560. It may, however, be safely stated that this narrative has been written with a most earnest desire to make it fair to human nature and true to the faAs of history. It is based upon one fundamental considera- tion — one which does not seem to have appealed strongly to many who have previously written about this subjedt — a conception of Sebastian Cabot as an historical personage, not dissimilar in the abstract or in the concrete from other men of the past and the present. There are few statements on the preceding pages Cabot Controversies xxxvii which have not been controverted diredtly or by implication by other writers who have studied the (457) history of the Cabots. In the paragraphs which (47 J ) follow, an outline is given of the points in dispute in the more important Cabot controversies. These brief statements are not written for the purpose of justifying the preceding narrative. They are designed to furnish a sufficient guide to the more important matters noted in connexion with the books and essays described in the second part of the ensuing Biblio- graphy, and to provide a convenient means of refer- ence to the works which discuss the various subjefts from different points of view. The notes under the titles in the Bibliography aim to state as clearly as possible in brief compass the more plausible conten- tions of the several advocates. Each of the follow- ing paragraphs ought, in addition to the references given therewith, to refer to the pages of Mr. Henry Harrisse's works, especially to the volume described as No. 387. An intelligent examination of the text of that volume will materially help the reader to under- stand the comments and the opinions set forth in this present essay. John Cabot's Birthplace has been a subjedt for controversy between the advocates of Venice and (458) Genoa for more than a century. The Venetians, (461) especially those who claimed that Cabot was born in (290) Chioggia, or in some other outlying suburb of the (335) Adriatic city, seemed to have much the best of the (460) xxxviii Cabot Controversies (224) argument, even after the discovery of the document which proves that Cabot was admitted as a stranger (387) to Venetian citizenship, until 1896, when Mr. (7) Harrisse showed conclusively that the contem- (119) poraries of Cabot who knew him most familiarly, regularly spoke and wrote of him as a Genoese by birth. The suggestion, based upon a variant of the (190) name, that Castiglione near Genoa was the place of Cabot's birth and boyhood's friends, including the one who afterwards became his barber or surgeon, is chiefly interesting because it has not yet been dis- (496) credited by the advocates of other localities. The Danish Mission undertaken by John Cabot (236) for the purpose of arranging some matters which (473) were in dispute between the king or people of (490) Denmark and the shipping merchants of Bristol and other English ports is neither impossible nor unlikely. The evidence upon which the accounts of this mission are based, however, is not of the slightest historical value. Nothing has been found among the fifteenth- century archives in England or Denmark which furnishes any confirmation of the story that Cabot was employed upon such a mission. The Date of the Discovery is no longer a (388) subjedt of more than academic interest, Richard (128) Hakluyt in 1589 stated that Cabot discovered (131) Bacallaos in 1494 ; ten years later he changed this date to 1497. For 250 years the principal authority Cabot Controversies xxxix which persuaded Hakluyt to make this change could not be found by historical investigators, and when it was finally recovered in 1843, it seemed to prove (39) that the corred: date was 1494. None the less, despite the fadt that students are still obliged to rely largely upon inference for an explanation of the pre- (55") cise reasons which induced Hakluyt to make the correction, they are very generally agreed that the discovery was made in the year 1497. The fadt that the 1 544 Cabot map recovered in 1 843 gives the date as 1494, apparently upon the authority of Sebastian (55^^) Cabot, is explained by an assumption that the date on (55*) that map is misprinted. This recognition by con- (446) servative Cabotian students that misprints occur and must be taken into account in historical investigations, has made it possible for an Italian scholar to argue (539) with much earnestness that the date 1497 is in its turn a misprint, or a copy of a misprint, in every case where it appears in Cabotian literature. The various sources of information which were lost sight of between the sixteenth and the nineteenth cen- turies were not absolutely necessary for the prepara- tion of a clear and accurate statement of the adbual (292) fadts in regard to the date of John Cabot's discovery. Unluckily, such a statement was prepared and pub- lished for the first time in connexion with an inter- national diplomatic negotiation. This led to the preparation of a controversial reply which so success- fully utilized all the resources of fallacious logic and of sophistical reasoning as applied to historical d xi Cabot Controversies (457) evidence that for more than a century, the fadbs which had been corredbly set forth in 1755 were not again accurately understood by any of the men who honestly endeavoured to discover their meaning, (39) The recovery of the 1544 Cabot map in 1843 brought to light a clear and authoritative statement (5£*^ that the discovery was made in 1494. No sufficient reasons for doubting the correctness of this date (15) existed until documents were found in the Venetian archives, ten years later, which prove conclusively (183) that the discovery was adbually made in the year (190) 1497. The same documents state that a second ex- pedition started for America in 1498, and also that (7) Bristol mariners had apparently been making tenta- (219) tive voyages into the Atlantic under Cabot's direction during several years preceding 1497. These records render it difficult to deny with any confidence the con- tention of those who maintain, however erroneously, that something was discovered in 1494 which assured success to the venture of 1497. (319) The Location of the Landfall has been the (393) subjeft of an animated controversy which has obscured (453) almost every other aspedt of the discovery during the (426) past twenty years. The fadb that the Newfoundland ( 1 70) coast is usually the first land sighted by sailing vessels (413) coming from Europe to the North American seaports (49 1 ) seems at first to make this the most probable location for (496) the Cabot landfall. It is likely, however, that Cabot (573) endeavoured to sail westward from Ireland. Such a Cabot (Tontroversies xii course would have taken him, if he passed the (332') southern point of Greenland, on to the Labrador (417) coast. Labrador, therefore, would unquestionably (473) have been accepted by historians as the place for the Cabot landfall, if John Cabot's descriptions of the country which he visited had never been recovered. These descriptions establish beyond reasonable doubt that the country to which they refer cannot have been as far north as Labrador. This conclusion is in con- (174) flidt with the evidence of the maps, which describe (157) the most northern portion of the American continent (198) as the region discovered by Englishmen. This carto- (201") graphical evidence may be disregarded the more (218) easily if, as seems probable, all of these maps were (229) drawn after the date of another English voyage commanded by a Cabot, which attained to the north- western limit of navigation. Cape Breton is distindtly marked on the 1544 (316) Cabot map as the place where Cabot made his first (319) landfall, and there is strong confirmatory evidence to (470*) support the correctness of this location. (507) Mathematical Demonstrations have been in- dulged in most elaborately by some of the advocates (3 8 9) of theories, but this sort of argument does not possess (393) the slightest value for historical purposes, because (303) there is absolutely nothing upon which to establish the premises. Not knowing any of the primary fadors of the problem, it is not possible to apply to its elucidation any of the rules of an exadt science. xiii Cabot Controversies (3^^) There is a real value in the suggestion that Cabot may have been drawn toward the south-west by the variation between the magnetic and the geographical poles. This point, together with the reminder that the prevailing climatic and oceanic conditions of winds, tides, and currents must be taken into account, is interesting as showing how many factors need to be considered by a careful student of history. Each of these factors carries in its train the possibility of ex- ceptional conditions, peculiar to any single day or season, which may as easily have altered the whole course of a voyage in 1497 as at any other time. The Voyage of 1498 has been the subjedt of (146') almost as many different narratives as there are (238) recent books about the Cabots. The proof that this (303) voyage was contemplated is ample; there is sufficient (395) evidence that the vessels sailed from England; but (473) there is not a single unquestionable record of its fate after it left the Irish coast. There are a number of accounts of undated Cabot voyages in the sixteenth- century books. It was supposed that these described the voyage of 1494 or 1497 until fifty years ago, when the accounts of what actually took place in the latter year were found at Venice. Thereupon the undated accounts were all fitted on to the voyage of 1498. The hopeless confusion which resulted may perhaps be untangled by applying certain of these narratives to a voyage made in 1508. John Cabot died : how, when, or where is not Cabot Controversies xUii known. His pension was paid from the royal treasury in 1499; if John Cabot drew it in person, he must have returned from the voyage of 1498, The assumption that he did so, however, is the merest conjedture. Sebastian Cabot was born, in all probability, while his father was a resident of Venice. Sebastian claimed Venice as his birthplace, but as he is also reported to have said that he was born in Bristol, England, it is not possible to place any strong reliance upon his testimony. His mother was a Venetian, and it may perhaps be a legitimate inference from his repeated efforts to make good his claims to property inherited from her that her family had some standing in the city. Sebastian was a very old man in 1555, and as he was probably more than twenty-one years of age in 1496, it is quite likely that he was born before 1475. 395) 339) 142) 188) 194) 306) 96) 308) 183) 438) 500) 439) 498) 97) ^36) 458) Sebastian's Participation in the Voyages of (469) 1497 *ND 1498 is a matter of absolute uncertainty. The probabilities — to hazard a personal opinion — are that he was not one of the eighteen persons who accompanied his father in 1497. There is no reason to suppose that anyone who sailed in the following year ever returned, with the exception of those who were on the ship which was driven back to the Irish coast. In 1502-3 Sebastian's name is associated with the presentation of some natives of America at the (212) xiiv Cabot Controversies English court. It seems to be a reasonable supposi- tion that these natives were not in any way conneifted with any of John Cabot's voyages, but that they were brought to England by an expedition which was fitted (219) out by the Bristol merchants Thorne and Eliot. Sebastian Cabot may have taken part in this voyage, regarding the details of which nothing is known. An Arctic Voyage in 1508-9 apparently sailed under the command of Sebastian Cabot. This voyage (159) ^^® described by Peter Martyr in 15 16 and 1524, (160) and with more details by Contarini in 1536. These (80) accounts early became confused with the records of (217) John Cabot's voyage of discovery, and only recently (48) has the confusion been sufficiently disentangled to (566) permit such a rearrangement of these sources of trust- ( 96 ) worthy information as will reveal their proper relation (533) t° ^^'^^ other and to the fadts of history. The Voyage with Pert or Spert in 15 17 has (128) been a subjedt of much perplexity. The date rests (221) solely on an assumed play upon words by Richard (95) Eden. Inasmuch as no other reference to the voyage (520) has been found, it is suggested that the vessels may not have sailed, but that some sort of an expedition may have been contemplated at about this time. (14'') Sebastian did not visit England in 15 17, and Mr. (387) Harrisse has arranged evidence to prove that Spert was in England throughout this year, and could not have been absent on any distant voyage. There is, Cabot Controversies xiv however, nothing to show that he may not have engaged, or talked of engaging, on a voyage with Cabot in some other year between 1509 and 1522. The proposed English Expedition of 1521 almost certainly did hot sail, although the plans and (94) preparations for a considerable expedition seem to (408) have beenverynearlycompleted in that year. Informa- (S^^) tion in regard to this venture is for the present limited to a single document of a strongly partisan charadter, which has been interpreted by modern writers in a spirit of equal partisanship. Interest in the venture itself has been subordinated to an effort to prove that the evidence of this docu- ment completely destroys the good character of " a certain Sebastian " who was to have the charge of this voyage, which certain London merchants wished to prevent. The avowedly prejudiced charader of the document, and of the use which has been made of it by the professed detradlor of Sebastian Cabot, renders serious detailed discussion of it difficult, and perhaps unnecessary. The document clearly animadverts strongly against one Sebastian : there is no reason to suppose that all of its statements are necessarily true, especially in view of the faft that the person against whom they were presumably dire<5led was in all probability not in England at the time to challenge (14'') them. Many of these statements, moreover, may have been true in substance, but they are certainly not true in the sense in which they have been xivi Cabot dontroversles interpreted. The Londoners were opposing a royal scheme — to which the Bristol merchants had already given their loyal support. Among other things the objedlors declared that Sebastian was not an English- man, and that he, who is not known to have claimed that he had ever sailed anywhere except to the Ardtic seas, was not familiar with the localities which the King and Wolsey desired to exploit. It is hard to see wherein these declarations blast Cabot's reputation. The Expedition to La Plata in 1526 was confessedly a failure. As such it has not, nor is it (143) likely to become a subjed; of controversy. There (392) is little use in arguing over the share of personal (443) responsibility for the failure which attaches to Sebastian (430) Cabot. There are usually two sides to every question, (220) and if one reads the numerous records of this expedi- tion with a little care, it becomes evident that the commander was persistently and designedly bothered and hampered and interfered with at every step. Neither is there anything to be gained by arguing with those who ignore the fadt that the winds and (133'') currents of the Atlantic were not charted and averaged in 1525. Many things were known then, by a sort of nautical instindt, among practical seamen, which Cabot did not heed. Sebastian Cabot's lot throughout his life seems to have been to find out the things which other men need not and ought not to do. He had proven that the Ardlic seas were not navigable. He proved that gold mines do not flourish on the Cabot Controversies xi vii banks of the Parana. And the people of his time (430*) were satisfied with the proof. The task which Cabot undertook in 1526 was obviously one for which he was unfitted. It was clearly (182) far beyond his powers. But it is not on this account equally obvious that the responsibility for the failure was wholly his. He seems to have done what he was told, or at least authorized, to do. There is nothing to show that he did not condudt himself with credit at all times, except in the single instance of the shipwreck. He probably received conflifting instrudtions before he left Spain. He obeyed those which were given him, as there is excellent reason for believing, by the Emperor in person. Charles V. recognized his loyalty, and when the legal decisions went against him, Cabot continued to examine pilots and to construft maps for the Spanish government, although he should have been, according to the legal court records, serving in disgrace with the army in Morocco. The fads of the case seem to be that Sebastian Cabot was the responsible head of a very costly failure. Sevillian merchants had adventured heavily in the enterprise, and relatives of the mutinous subordinates, whom Cabot had forcibly repressed, possessed influence. A propitiatory sacrifice was plainly a necessity. The vidlim was clearly marked out. The Imperial schemes had been proven to have no sufficient basis to justify the change of plan which they had involved — and no loyal servant could think of taking refuge by means of excuses, discredited by himself, to the discrediting xiviii Cabot Controversies of his royal master. Cabot suffered legal condemna- tion, justly; but he was kept in pocket money by royal grace, and he apparently suffered in no other way. Cabot's Intrigues with Foreign Powers are (225) first recorded in 1522. It is not unlikely that they began ten years earlier, when he went to Spain from (228) England, which then offered no opportunities for an ambitious praftitioner of navigation and cartography. After 1 530, the Spanish Admiralty was, very naturally, indisposed to entertain the schemes of the foreign pilot-major who had made his record on La Plata. Sebastian Cabot was essentially a man with schemes, with a brain teeming with ideas which needed to be put to the test of adtual trial. If he failed in pradtice, if the world happens not to have been made in just the way he conceived that it should have been, the fault was not entirely his. He had ideas, and in the world as he knew it there was nothing to show that his ideas were impossible of pradtical application. Cabot talked much in 1522 and 1523 of serving his native city, Venice. How seriously he contem- plated the adtual transference of his services to that (223) city is not at all certain. Twenty-five years later, he went to England to accept a salary from the English government, without notifying his Spanish employers. (387) It has been said that he sneaked out of Spain, but there is nothing anywhere in the sources to substantiate such an accusiation. Charles V. unquestionably desired Cabot Controversies xiix to have Cabot return to the Spanish service. Cabot refused every inducement to leave England, but his refusal does not seem to have diminished to any extent the esteem in which he was held by his Imperial friend. No reason has been suggested to explain these repeated efforts to secure his services, except a high appreciation of his qualifications and capacity. The Cabot Map of i 544-1 549 began to be a (261) subjeft for discussion and controversy long before the (39) recovery of the extant copy of the original engraving, (55) now in Paris, in 1843. Certain limited portions of the map have since been studied with elaborate (238) pains, but without satisfadlory or convincing results. The chief difficulty has arisen from a persistent de- sire to utilize the evidence of the map for the sup- (316) port of theories, instead of trying to find out the (391) exaft value of this evidence — mainly because this value is very hard to determine. The map now in Paris is the only surviving illustration of the handiwork of a man who was one of the leading {3^9") cartographical authorities of his time, and the con- figuration on this map does not, perhaps, justify his reputation. The difficulty with the commentators, however, seems to be in part that they fail to under- stand why Sebastian Cabot in 1544 knew more than he did in 1497 or in 1530. Trouble also arises from an assumption that Cabot drew with his own hand (41) the manuscript map from which the engraving for the printed map was copied. This is most unlikely, 1 Cabot Controversies in view. of what is known regarding his personal charaderistics and his official position. If the evidence of this map is of any value, Cabot was not gifted with noticeable geographical insight. So far as this one specimen of his work is concerned, he seems to have (i8o) taken the material furnished by other map-makers and by the explorers, as the results of their work came to his attention, and to have adapted these to the scheme of configuration applied on his own map. The fadl that his representation of the Newfoundland region, which he may never have visited, and of La Plata, agrees closely with the best maps of earlier dates, merely proves that Cabot was in intelligent communica- tion with the praditioners of his profession in other parts of Europe. The Easterlings of the Steelyard, Hanseatic merchants established in London, were deprived of their special privileges in 1 5 5 1 through the efforts of the Company of Merchants Adventurers. Sebastian Cabot had at that time been engaged in the service of the English government for three years. Less than two years later he became Governor of the Merchants Adventurers. It is therefore not unreasonable to (535) suppose that he associated himself with that Company at least as early as 1550, and that he took an adlive (295) part in all its affairs. It has been stated that Cabot was at the head of the Company during the struggle with the Steelyard Merchants, but the records prove (387) that another man held the office of Governor at that Cabot Controversies h period. This, however, is far from proving that Cabot was not aftively interested in the struggle. As a matter of faft, there exists no contemporary evidence conneft- ing his name with this episode, concerning the details of which comparatively little is known at all. The natural inferences are none the less favourable to Cabot's share in the business, even though historical (261) writers have blundered in expressing these inferences. The Earliest English Voyages to the North- East were a result of Sebastian Cabot's efforts. In (128) recognition of these efforts he was appointed by royal (133) charter Governor of the Merchants Adventurers for (166) life. He did not sail with these expeditions, and the command devolved upon able men, who knew how to turn to advantage every unexpeded experience. They sailed for Cathay, and found the northern route to Russia. This result is not necessarily a condemna- tion of the man who made the voyages possible. Cabot's Pension, or salary, was divided in May, (168) 1557, by royal order, between himself and William Worthington. Nothing was said in this new grant ( 1 69) about the proportion either was to receive, and inas- much as Worthington had been in the habit of draw- ing the money on behalf of Cabot during the preceding years, it is very hard to divine the exad: significance of the change in the terms of the royal bounty. Worthington became Cabot's literary executor, and (i 25) it is a reasonable surmise that he was Cabot's assistant, (5 1) lii da&ot Controversies or was in some way associated with him in his official duties as a government employe. The story that Worthington was somehow ading as a secret agent of the Spanish government is ingenious, but there is absolutely nothing in the sources of information or of inference to explain why such a story should ever have gained credence. The only fadl connedted with these pension payments to which it seems safe to attach (169^) any meaning, is that in December, 1557, Worthington drew the whole amount of the salary in his own name. The only explanation of this which has been suggested is that Cabot was no longer living. BIBLIOGRAPHY CABOT BIBLIOGRAPHY. ADAMS (Clement) The newe Nauigation and discouerle of the kingdome of Moscouia, by the Northeast, in the yeere 1553 • Enterprised by Sir Hugh Willoughbie knight, and perfourmed by Richard Chancelor Pilot maior of the voyage: Written in Latine by Clement Adams. (i) An English version, in Hakluyt, Voyages, 1598, i. 24.3-255. " The original Latin is to be found only in the folio edition of 1600, and in Rerum mosconjiticarum auSore ; — Franco/. 1600, folio, p. 143 " — according to Harrisse, Cabot, 34.2, n. Adams states that " certaine graue Citizens of London, and men of great wisedome, and carefull for the good of their Countrey, began to thinke with themselues . . . they thereupon resolued vpon a newe and strange Nauigation. And whereas at the same time one Sebas- tian Cabota, a man in those dayes very renowraed, happened to bee in London, they began first of all to deale and consult diligently with him, and after much speech and conference together, it was at last concluded . . . for the search and discouerie of the North- erne part of the world, to open a way and passage to our men for trauaile to newe and vnknowen kingdomes." See notes under Cabot, Nos. 39*, 48, 52 and 55^-55" for an account of the map "cut by Clement Adams" and supposed to have been published in London in 1549. (i'') AFFONSO (SiMAo) [Letter, dated Sevilha II dagosto 1 530. (2) The original manuscript is in Lisbon, Torre do Tombo, Corp. Chron. i. 45, 90, according to Varnhagen, who first printed the letter in his Historia geral do Brazil, — Madrid, 1854, i. 439. Reprinted in part in Tarducci, No. 538, pp. 403-404; translated into English in No. 539. Dr. Alfonso reports that he witnessed the return of C:ibot from La B Cabot Bibliograpbs Plata, and that all but twenty of the two hundred men whom he con- dufled to that country had died of their trials and hardships : e de duzentos homens que leuou nao tras vyte que todos los outras dyzen que la ficao mortos hums de trabalho e fame outros de guera que eos mouros tiverao por que as frechadas dize que matarao muitos deles. ALBERT (EuGENio) Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al senato [durante il secolo decimosesto] raccolte, annotate ed edite da Eugenio Alberi a spese di una societa. — Firenze^ i839(-i863). (3) 8vo, 15 volumes. See No. 79 for the Relazioni di Gasparo Contarini, 16 Novembre 1525, first printed by Alberi, ist Ser. ii. 9-73. ALDAY (James) [Letter to Michael Locke. (4) Printed in Hakluyt, Foyages,i\. 319 (pt. ii. 7-8). Reprinted by Arber, No. 6, p. xix. Hakluyt calls this letter in his heading : " The orginall of the first voyage for trafKque into the kingdom of Marocco in Barbarie, begun in the yeere 1 55 1 . with a tall ship called the Lion of London, whereof went as captaine Master Thomas Windam . . . which Aldaie professeth himselfe to haue bene the first inuentor of this trade." Alday writes that the reason why he did not make the Barbary voyage when he was " master in the great Barke Aucher for the Leuant " was that " first the very trueth is, that I was from the same voyage letted by the Princes letters, which my Master Sebastian Gabota had obtained for that purpose, to my great griefe." \_No author's name] A NEW INTERLUDE and a mery of the nature of the .iiij. element^ declarynge many pro per poyntf of phylosophy naturall / and of dyuers straunge landys / and of dyuers straunge efFedtf & causis / &c., &c., &c. (5) Small 8vo. Black Letter type. Probably printed in London between 1510 and 1520. The British Museum contains the only original copy of the drama now known, and even that is imperfeft. The fragment consists of thirty-two leaves, sigs. A, B, C, and E, eight leaves each, sig. D and all after E being wanting. It has been reprinted in Dodsley, SeUSl ColleSiion of OU English Plays (Hazlitt edition, i. 1-50) ; and by the Percy Society, edited by Halliwell, vol. xxii. — London, 1848. The passages containing " the first allusion to the American discoveries yet found in (native) English literature " are on leaves Ci, Cii and Ciij of the original and on pp. 28-3 3 of the Percy Society Cabot asiblfograpbs 3 edition. Nicholls, No. 466, pp. 91-98, printed these lines, with the suggestion that " the Experyens therein depifted was none other than Sebastian Cabot himself." They are also reprinted in Arber, No. 6 J BiDDLE, see No. 261 ; Hale in the American Antiquariau Society Traniailians, 21 Oftober, 1865, 29-30; WiNSOR, America, iii. 14-16 ; Beazley, No. 256, 280-282; Payne, No. 472, 239- 241. A possible conneftion between the fruitless Cabot-Spert voyage (see Eden, No. 95), the Cabot voyage described by Martyr, No, 159, or that mentioned by Ramusio, No. 196, and the "mai Fals of promys, and dissemblers Which wold take no paine to saile farther Than their owne lyst and pleasure ; " has been suggested in No. 566^. The chronological difficulties are discussed by Harrisse, Cabot, 157-167. ANGHIERA (Pietro Martire de) or ANGLERIUS (Petrus Martyr) See Martyr, Nos. 159-165, the name by which Peter Martyr of Angleria is more commonly known. ARBER (Edward) The first Three English books on America. [? I5ii]-i555 a.d. Being chiefly Translations, Compilations, &c., by Richard Eden, From the Writings, Maps, &c., of Pietro Martire, of Anghiera (1455-1526), Sebastian Miinster, the Cosmographer (1489-1552), Sebas- tian Cabot, of Bristol (1474-1557), Grand Pilot of England: With Extraffe, &c., from the Works of other Spanish, Italian, and German Writers of the Time. Edited by Edward Arber. — Birmingham, 22 June 1885. (6) 4to, 2 T -H pp v-xlviii + 1-408. See Eden, Nos. 95-97. The justification for the inclusion of Cabot's name on the title would seem to be, as is stated in the preface, p. vi, that " a large portion of what little we do know about Sebastian Cabot, will be found in the notices of him scattered through this volume." AYALA (Pedro de) [Dispatch addressed to Ferdinand and Isabella by the junior Spanish ambassador in England. — London, 25 July, 1498. (7) The original manuscript, in cipher, is at Simancas, Patronato Real: Capitulaciones con Inglaterra, leg. 2. It was deciphered and translated by Bergenr oth, for the Calendar 4 Cabot Biblfograpbs of State Papers {Spain), i. 176-177, with the omission of a signi- ficant sentence recovered by Harrisse, in his Cabot, 396. Reprinted from Bergenroth by Markham, No. 4.50 ; Beazley, No. Z56 ; Prowse, No. 489 j Nicholls, Bristol, No. 468, iii. 296-297; Historical Magazine, xiii. 134-135; and elsewhere. A Spanish text is printed by Harrisse, J. et^S. Cabot, 329-330 ; reprinted by Weare, No. 559, pp. 160-163. Two paragraphs in this long dispatch dealing with various official and news matters, report that the English king had sent five ships provisioned for one year to explore certain islands and mainland which he was assured had been discovered during the preceding year by an expedition fitted out from Bristol. News had reached London that one ship, in which had sailed " un otro Fai Bull " — perhaps " another friar Bull," referring to the friar who accompanied Columbus, in the same way as Cabot was frequently referred to as " otro genoves como Colon " — had been driven back to Ireland in distress by a great storm. The other vessels were expefted to return in September. Ayala reports further that he had seen the map drawn by the dis- coverer, who was "another Genoese like Columbus." He did not send this chart or mapamundi to their Spanish majesties, because he •thought that they were already informed of all the plans of this man, and also of the contents of his map, which Ayala retained. The ambassador suggests that the map may be intended to deceive them into believing that the newly-discovered region was not the same as the islands secured to Spain by the treaty with Portugal (at Tordesillas). See No. 19". The discoverer had at one time been in Seville and Lisbon, in hopes of finding some one to help him carry out his plans. In accordance with his ideas — con la fantasia deste Ginoves — Bristol people had fitted out two, three, or four light vessels or caravelas in each of the preceding seven years, to search for the island of (the mediaeval) Brasil and the Seven Cities. See the Introduftion, p. xii. This dispatch was summarized in the dispatch, to which it was perhaps appended, of the senior Spanish ambassador to England. Gonzalez de Puebla. See No. 120. The difficulties encountered in deciphering this manuscript, which appears not to have been completely translated previously, even by the officials to whom it was originally addressed, are described in a letter printed in W. C. Cartwright, Gusta've Bergenroth, a Me- morial Sketch, — Edinburgh, 1870, pp. 76-77; see also, 205-216. A portion of the dispatch, showing the cipher letters, is reproduced with Mr. Bergenroth's letter to Jared Sparks, dated London, 21 Oftober, 1866, printed in the Proceedings of the American Anti- quarian Society, 24 April, 1867, pp. 39-40. (ja) BARRERA PEZZI. The volume in which the important letter of Raimondo, No. 190, was printed for the first time, is described as No. 251, Cabot Blbliograpbi? s BELLEFOREST (FRAN901S de). The Cosmographie nmi'verselle , — faris, 1575, is mentioned in the notes to MuNSTER, No. 175. BENDELARI (George). Mr. Bendelari's translation of the legends on the 1 544 Cabot map is described in the note No. 55°. BENEVENTANUS (Marcus). See a note under RuyscH, No. 201, for the commentary by Beneventanus on the map in the Rome 1508 edition of Ptolemy's Geography. BENZONI (GiROLAMo). , ^ See notes under Chauveton, No. 73. BERCHET (GuGLiELMo) Fonti Italiani per la storia della scoperta del nuovo mondo raccolte da Guglielmo Berchet. — Roma., MDCccxcii. (8) Folio, 2 vols. : 2 T + pp vii-xxxxvii + 1-237 + 6 plates ; 2 T + pp vii-xi + 1-49 s + plate. Part III. in the Raccolta di documenti e studi pubblicati dalla R. Commissione Colombiana. These two superb volumes contain the pertinent extrafts from all the important documents which connefl the Cabots, and the other heroes of the period of discovery, with Italy. The references to Cabot are coUefted in the Index, ii. 4.64. A document printed herein for the first time is described under Contabini (Marc- ANTONIO), No. 80. See Sanuto (Marino), No. 210. BERGENROTH (Gustav Adolf) Calendar of letters, dispatches, and state papers, relating to the negociations between England and Spain, preserved in the archives at Simancas and elsewhere, I484(-I543). Edited by G. A. Bergenroth (vols, iii-vi, Pascual de Guayangos). — London, i862(-i895). (9) The " Rolls Series" of Spanish papers comprise six volumes in twelve thick folio parts. See Ayala, No. 7, and Gonzalez de Puebla, No. 120, for the important Cabot documents which were unknown until they were brought to light by Mr. Bergenroth. 6 Cabot BibliOQrapbs BERWICK Y LIRIA, Y DE ALBA (Maria del RosARio Talco y Osorio, La Duquesa de) Autografos de Cristobal Colon y Papeles de America los publica La Duquesa de Berwick y de Alba Condesa de Siruela. — Madrid, 1892. (10) Folio, 1 T + pp i-v + 1-203 + '° facsimiles. This noble contribution to the literature of the Columbian anniversary contains, pp. 109-120, the following four documents relating to Cabot's La Plata expedition. They form a part of the series described under Cabot, Nos. 23-37. EJECUTORIO a pedimiento de Isabel Mendez y Francisco Vazquez contra el capitan Sebastian Caboto. — Medina del Campo, 29 Hebrero, 1532. (11) This document embodies the two following : SENTENCI A dada por los Sefiores del Consejo de las Indias en el pleito entre Catalina Vazquez e sus hijas e el Capitan Sebastian Caboto. — A'vila, ^ ^-aWo, 1531. (ii«) SENTENCIA definitiva dada por los Sefiores del Consejo de las Indias en el pleito entre Francisco Vazquez e Isabel Mendez y Sebastian Caboto. — Medina del Campo, 1 Hebrero, 1532. (iii) INFORMACION pedida por Francisco Leardo y Francisco de Santa Cruz, contra Sebastian Caboto. — Sego'via, 28 Setiembre, 1532. (12) BESTE (George) A trve discovrse of the late voyages of discouerie, for the finding of a passage to Cathaya, by the Northvveast, vnder the conduct of Martin Frobisher Generall : Deuided into three Bookes. In the first wherof . . . also by the way is sette out a Geographicall descrip- tion of the Worlde, and what partes thereof haue bin dis- couered by the Nauigations of the Englishmen. — London, by Henry Bynnyman, 1578. (13) Small 4to, T -f 7 11 -(- pp 1-52 + 1-39 -1- 1-68 + 2 maps. The Epistle Dedicatorie is signed by George Beste. " Sebastian Cabota, being an Englishman, and borne in Bristowe," is mentioned on 1. sig. b. This is repeated on p. 16, with the addi- tional information that he " was by commandement of Kyng Henry the seauenth, in anno. 1508. furnished with Shipping, munition, and men, and sayled along all that traft [whiche nowe is called Baccalaos] pretending to discouer the passage to Cataya, and went alande in many places, and brought home sundry of the people, and manye other things of that Countrey, in token of possession, beeing Cabot Biblfograpbp 7 (I say) the firste Christians that euer there sette foote on land." This passage, apparently derived in part from Eden, Nos. 95, 96, also contains statements which suggest the Fabyan Chronicon, No. 105, which was not published until several years later than the date of Beste's book. For the date 1508, see the Introduftion, p. xvii, and also Winsor, America, iii. 28-29, and 36, where Mr. J. C. Brevoort gave reasons for believing in a voyage undertaken in that year, and Mr. Deane suggested a clerical or typographical error. BREWER (John Sherren) Letters and papers, foreign and domestic, of the reign of Henry VIII. preserved in the public record office, the British Museum, and elsewhere in England, arranged and catalogued by J. S. Brewer. — £fl«(^oK, i862(-i896). (14) Twenty-two thick folio volumes of the Rolls Series contain the British state papers dating from 1509 to 1540. The editorial work has been continued, since Mr. Brewer's death, by James Gairdner and R. H. Brodie. Two of the entries, published for the first time by Mr. Brewer, establish minor details in the career of Cabot. One, vol. ii. pt. ii. 1456, is from "the King's Book of Payments," dated May, 1512 : "Sebastian Tabot making of a carde [map] of Gascoine and Guyon, 20J." (i4«) The other, vol. vi. 154, is a payment, on 18 February, 1523-4, to John Goderyk of Foly (Fowey) in Cornwall for " his charge, costis and labour conduftyng of Sebastian Cabott master of the Pylotes in Spayne to London " at the request of the testator. Sir Thomas Lovell, 43J. 4^. Unfortunately this gives no clue as to when Cabot paid this visit to London. (14*) BRISTOL, England. The reports of the colleftors of customs for the port of Bristol, for 1497-1499, are described under Kemys, No. 151. BROWN (Rawdon) Ragguagli suUa vita e sulle opere di Marin Sanuto detto il juniore veneto patrizio e cronista prege volissimo de secoli xv, xvi. — Venezia, mdcccxxxvii (-1838)- (15) 8vo, 3 vols., 3 T -I- pp 9-250; (i)-258 ; (i)-356 -t- 2 II. The letter of PAsquALiGO, No. 183, was first printed in this work, i. 99-100. There is a note on Cabot's birthplace, i. 217- 218. An autograph note in the Boston Public Library copy of this work reads : " Mr. Rawdon Brown will gladly show Mrs. R. E. Apthorp what he considers documentary evidence of John Cabot's English origin ; and of his never having come to Venice, (where he married a Venetian woman who bore him Sebastian & his other 8 Cabot Bibliograpbs sons) until the year 14.61 . . . Casa della Vida Thursday 2 p.m." A marginal note, i. 100-103, reads: "I printed this in the year 1837; but in 1 8 5 5-6, it became manifest thro' documents discovered in the Venice archives . . . that althow John Cabot was a Venetian by adoption, he really owed his birth to England." Such was per- haps a natural dedufiion at first sight of the documents described under Venice, No. 224.. BROWN (Rawdon) Notices concerning John Cabot and his Son Sebastian, Transcribed and translated from original Manuscripts in the Marcian Library at Venice. By Rawdon Brown. (16) 8vo, T + pp 3-26. Communicated by Edward Cheyney to the Miscellanies of the Philobihlon Society, vol. ii. No. 7. — London, Whittingham, 1855-6. 100 copies printed. This privately printed volume contains the earliest English ver- sion of the dispatches of PAsquALiGO, No. 183; CONTARINI, NOS. 76, 77 ; and the Council of Ten of Venice, Nos. 225-227. Mr. Brown states, p. 14, that he has "not been able to discover any trace of conversations held with Sebastian Cabot by Trevisan, Capello, Querini, Badoer, Pasqualigo, Giustinian, or Surian, who were the Venetian ambassadors in England from 14.97 to 1522." BROWN (Rawdon) Calendar of State Papers and Manu- scripts, relating to English affairs, existing in the archives and collections of Venice, and in other Hbraries of northern Italy. Vol. i., 1202-1509. Edited by Rawdon Brown. — London, 1864. (17) Folio, T -^ I 1 -I- pp i-clvii -|- 1-39S + 3 facsimiles. The Rolls Series of Venetian documents, to 1591, has been con- tinued in nine volumes, 18 64- 18 94.. Besides the documents mentioned in the preceding notes, this volume published for the first time the letters described under Navagero, No. 177, and Raimondo, No. 190. The real fafts of the Cabot discovery were not generally under- stood by the English reading public until after the appearance of this volume, despite the fail that students had had access for a decade to an English version of these documents in the Philobiblon volume, which was summarized in Notes and S^ueries by Mr. Markland, No. 4.55. BULLO (Carlo). Most of the significant Cabot documents were printed by Sig. Bullo in his Vera Patria, — Chioggia, 1880, which is described as No. 290. Cabot BibllograpbB 9 BURROUGH (Steven) The Nauigation and discouerie toward the riuer of Ob, made by Master Steuen Burrough, Master of the Pinnesse called the Serch-thrift ... in the yere 1556. (18) In Hakluyt, /^oya^w, i. 274.-283. ; Goldsmid edition, I'ii. 116- 137J PiNKERTON, Voyages, i. 51-61. Burrough records that on April 27, 1556, " the right Worship- full Sebastian Cabota came aboord our Pinnesse at Grauesende, . . . and the good olde Gentleman . . . gaue to the poore most liberall almes, . . . And then at the signe of the Christopher, hee and his friends banketted, and made . . . great cheere : and for very ioy ... he entred into the dance himselfe, amongst the rest of the young and lusty company : " p. 274. Some misapprehension existed for a time (see Biddle, No. 261, pp. 320-321) because of the heading : Na'vigatione di Sebastiano Cabota, which appears above an Italian version of a log of this voyage, in Ramusio, l^iaggi, ii. 211-219, editions of 1583 and 1606. See note to No. 195. The Italian text does not contain any allusion to Cabot's participation in the farewell to the expedition. See the notes under O'Brien, No. 470*. CABOT (Elizabeth). See note under Mychell, No. 176. CABOT (John). The only known extant records which may possibly preserve the words of John Cabot are the petitions in response to which the Letters Patent of 5 March, 1496, and 3 February, 1498, were granted by Henry VII., as described under Nos. 136 and 140. A map drawn by John Cabot is described by Ayala, No. 7. (i9«) A map of the world and also a globe " which he had made," are described by Raimondo di Soncino, No. 190 : messer Zoanno ha la descriptione del mondo in una carta, et anche in una sphere solida che lui ha fatto et demostra dove e capitato, et andando versa el levante ha passato assai el paese del Tanais. ('9*) A "Coeart" by which Cabot "made himself expert inknowyng of the world " is mentioned in the Fabyan Cronicon, No. 105. A painting representing John Cabot and his three sons hangs in the Sala dello Scudo of the Ducal Palace in Venice. It is said to have been painted by the Abbe Francesco Griselini in 1763. It is copied, from a small photograph, in the Nenu England Magazine, — Boston, February, 1898, xvii. 655. (20) 10 Cabot JBiblfograpbg CABOT (Sebastian) [Deposition of Sebastian Cabot rela- tive to the latitude of Cape St. Augustin — 13 November, 1515. (21) Manuscript copy among the Munoz Transcripts, in the Academia de la Historia, Madrid, from a " Registro de copias de cedulas, provisiones, &c. de la Casa de la Contratacion desde 5 de Febrero de 1515 hasta 6 de Marzo de 1519." Printed by Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 319, or Optisculos, i. 66. In this document, Cabot declares that he believes in the reliability of certain observations taken by Amerigo Vespucio, which had ac- quired importance during the negociations for determining the line of demarcation between the Spanish and Portuguese spheres of ex- ploration. An account of the native tribes with whom Cabot came in con- taft during his expedition to La Plata, and of the natural resources of that region, which is printed in Herrera, Historia, No. 14.3, Dec. iiii. Lib. viii. cap. xi. with the heading : " La relacion que hizo al Rey," may very probably be an extraft from Cabot's official report, quoted in his own words. In the 1730 Barcia edition of Herrera, this extrafl is printed in italics, as a quotation. (22) CABOT (Sebastian) Informacion hecha en Sevilla en 28 Julio dentro de la nao S'* Maria donde venia Sebastian Caboto, por los oficiales de la Casa de la Contratacion acerca de todo lo ocurrido en su viaje. (23) Manuscript in the Archives of the Indies, Seville, P". i-z-J. Printed in Harrisse, Cabot, 421-427. This document contains the deposition made by Cabot in reply to the charges of mismanagement and criminality brought against him on behalf of those who had suffered from the failure of the expedition to La Plata. Similar depositions were made at the same time by Juan de Jimco, Casimir Nuremberguer, and Alonso de Santa Cruz: see Nos. 150, 179, 207. In addition to the above, Harrisse, Cabot, 412-415, cites the following titles of documents found in the Archives of the Indies at Seville, which relate to the lawsuits which resulted from the diffi- culties that arose during the expedition to La Plata. Informacion hecha en el Puerto de San Salvador fecha 2 3 Junio por el Capitan Sebastian Caboto sobre el proceso que comen^o a formar desde 1526 contra Francisco de Roxas, y Martin [Mendez] e Miguel de Rodas, para luego presentado al Con- sejo. (24) Paraceres que dieron varios pilotes y capitanes en el puerto de San Salvador en 6 de Oftubre a peticion del Capitan Sebastian Cabot Bibliograpbs 1 1 Caboto sobre lo que conviendria hacerse con su armada y que determinacion tomar. (25) Informacion hecha en el puerto de San Salvador en 12 de Oftubre por mandado de Sebastian Caboto mediante un ynterrogatorio que prexento tocante a todos los sucesos que pasaron en un armada para luego despues presentada a S. M. (26) Requerimiento que hizo Sebastian Caboto a Francisco de Rojasy respuestas de este. En el puerto de San Vincente. (27) [Declaracion que dio en el puerto de San Vicente del Brazil sobre las tropelias del general Sebastian Gaboto al capitan Francisco de Rojas por haberse este opuesto a la arribada que hizo al Rio de la Plata, en vez de seguir el viaje de la Especeria al socorro del comendador Loaisa. (This document, which may be the same as No. 27, is cited by Navarrete, Coleccion, i. 30-31, as in Seville, /if^. de Pafeles de la Armada del mar del Sur , 1624-1626 anos. It cannot now be found.) (28) Informacion hecha en Sevilla 2 de Agosto a peticion de Catalina Vazquez madre de Martin Mendez, y de Isabel de Rodas muger de Miguel de Rodas contra el capitan Sebastian Caboto. (29) Informacion hecha en Sevilla a pedimento de Sebastian Caboto en 27 Agosto sobre lo que le sucedio con las rebeliones que tuvo en su armada. (30) Dos relaciones de probanzas en el pleito entre Sebastian Caboto y Catalina Vazquez, madre de Martin Mendez, teniente de la expedicion que fue al Maluco al mando de Caboto. (This contemporary summary of the substance of the two preceding documents was exhibited in the Exposicion Americanista at Madrid, 1881.) (31) Probanza hecha en Ocafia a peticion del Capitan Francisco de Rojas, en 2 de Noviembre de 1530, con arreglo aun interroga- torio que presento de 26 preguntas, acerca de lo que le sucedio en la armada de Sebastian Caboto y las vegaciones que este lo hizo. (32) Acusacion del Fiscal Villalobos contra Sebastian Caboto por los ecesos cometidos con la gente de mar y perdida de la armada de la Especeria y en virtud de Real Cedula. Receptoria de 6 de Oftubre 1530. (33) Informacion presentada por Isabel de Rodas viuda del piloto Miguel de Rodas acerca de la muerte que occasiono Sebastian Caboto. Fecha en Sevilla 3 Enero. (34) Informacion hecha en Sevilla en 21 Julio presentada por el capitan Sebastian Caboto para el pleito que siguio contra Francisco de Rojas. (35) Informacion hecha en Sevilla en 16 Agosto 1531, y presentada por Isabel de Rodas contra Sebastian Caboto. (36) 12 Cabot Bibliograpbs Sentencia definitiva dada por los Seiiores del Consejo de las Indias en el pleito entre el Capitan Francisco de Rojas y Sebastian Caboto. Medina del Campo, i Febrero 1532. (37) Four additional documents belonging to this series are cited under Berwick y Alba, Nos. 10-12. GABOT (Sebastian) [Letter to Juan de Samano — Sevilla (24 June) 1533. (38) Autograph original manuscript in the Archives of the Indies, ' Seville, Est. 143, Caj. 3, Leg. z. Copied, in Munoz Transcripts, Madrid, Ixxix. fol. 287. There is a facsimile of the autograph copy in Harrisse, Cabot, 429 ; reproduced in Scribner's Magazine, — NeiJj York, July, 1897, xxii. 69. Printed in Tarducci, No. 539; Beklin R. Acad. Historia, — Madrid, April, 1893, xxii. 348-350, see Peres, No. 476; Raccolta di documenti, R. Commissione Colombiana, — Roma, 1892, III. ii. 396-397, see Berchet, No. 8. Translated by Beazley, No. 256, pp. 208-210. In this letter to the secretary of Charles V. Cabot tells of his plans for renewed explorations : toda via tiene gana de tomar la enpresa del rio de parana que tan caro me questa. He apologizes for the delay in completing three maps, one for Samano and two for the Emperor, explaining that this had been due to the death of his daughter and the illness of his wife. When the maps are finished, he promises that they shall show why the compass needle turns to- wards the north-east and north-west, and that this will provide His Majesty with a sure rule for finding the longitude : creo i\ue su raa.^estad y los seiiores del conseyo qudaron satisfechos dellas por q veran co mo se puede navegar por redondo por sus derotas [Harrisse suggests that this means : by means of the indications of the com- pass or rhumbo] como se aze por vna carta y la causa por q nordestea y noruestea laguya y como es for^oso q lo aga y que tantas quartas a de nordestear y noruestear antes q toma aboluerse azia el norte y en que meridiano y con esto terna su magt la regla cierta para tomar la longitud. The letter closes with a request that the officials of the Casa de Contratacion may be instrufted to pay him a third of his salary, which would enable him to visit His Majesty's Council with a ser- vant whom he had left behind on the coast of Brazil, and who had recently returned, bringing information as to what the Portuguese were doing there. — Cabot's salary had been attached as a result of the lawsuits growing out of the expedition to La Plata. The royal orders in which the Queen Regent direfted that portions of his salary should be paid him, dated 1 1 March and 11 May, 1 531, and 12 March, 1532, are described as Nos. 68-70: other memoranda regarding his salary are noted as Nos. 111-113. Cabot 3Bfl)Uoorapbs 13 CABOT (Sebastian) In hac protens in planum figura continetur totus terre glodus insule, portus, flumina, sinus, syrtus et breuia, c^ hatenus aneotericis adaperta sunt, eorumq, nomina et qui ea loca aperuere ut eisdem huius figure tabulis liquidius patet ad hec omnium q a maioribus cognita sunt, necnon que a Ptholomeo referuntur regionum scilscet prouinciarum, urbiu, motium, flQuioru, climatii, parallelorumq, tam Europe q Asie & Aphricae exacSta de- scriptio. Anotibis tame cadide leftor situm hunc orbis terrarii depiftii esse iuxta uariatione qua acus nauatica utitur ad artii septetrionalis obseruationi cuius ratione per legere potes tabula secunda decimi septimi numeri. (39) This Latin title, followed by a Spanish version of the same text, is on the south-west quadrant of a world map printed from an en- graving on copper-plate, composed of four separately printed parts, each measuring 80 X 62 centimetres, pasted together on cardboard, the whole measuring 2 m. 19 x i m. 25, or 5 ft. 11 x 4 ft. i. The only copy of this map now known to exist is exhibited in the Geographical department of the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris. It was found in 1843 by Von Martius in the house of a curate in Bavaria, and was purchased by the French Government during the following year. (39^) Another copy, as may safely be assumed, is noted in the list of maps consulted by Ortelius during the preparation of his Tkeatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1 570, No. 180. It is described as " Vni- uersalem Tabulam ; quam impressam seneis formis vidimus, sed sine nomine loci, & impressoris." (39^) A facsimile of the Paris map, made by E. Rembielinski, was pub- lished in JoMARD, Monuments de la Geographie, 1862, plate xx : it lacks two of the corner ornamentations, a few names on the map, and the accompanying legends described below, Nos. 54, 55. (39'') Thirteen full-size photographic facsimiles were made in 1882, through the efforts of several New England students represented by Mr. Charles Deane. Two of these were retained by the Biblio- theque Nationale, and the others were deposited with the Massa- chusetts Historical Society, the Public Library, and the Athenaeum Library in Boston, the American Antiquarian Society in Worcester, Massachusetts, the Harvard University Library at Cambridge, the New York Historical Society and the American Geographical Society in New York City, the Long Island Historical Society in Brooklyn, the Library Company in Philadelphia, the Virginia Historical Society at Richmond, and the Maine Historical Society at Portland. (39*) The Canadian Minister of Agriculture, afting through the Dominion Archivist, Dr. Douglas Brymner, secured from Paris in H Cabot Biblfograpbs 1897 a negative from the map, from which a photo-lithograph of the map was made. Copies of this facsimile, which is somewhat less than half the size of the original, accompany Brymner, Report on Canadian Archives, 1897, — Ottawa, 1898, and also DawsON, Latest Phases, No. 319. (39°) A careful facsimile of the North Atlantic portion of the map, showing the colors of the original, is in Harrisse, y. et S. Cabot, 1882. From this, reduced copies were made, without the colors, for his Discovery and Cabot. The significant portions of the map are also copied in Stevens, Hist, and Geog. Notes, pi. 4. ; La Gravi^re, Marins, — Paris, 1879, i. ; Brevoort, in Historical Magazine (Dawson), March, 1868, xiii. 129; Winsor, America, iii. 22, and Columbus, 626, copied in Brymner, CanaSan Archives, Dawson, Latest Phases, and elsewhere ; Winship, Coronado, in XIF. Report of U. S. Bureau of Ethnology, 352 ; KretsCHMER, Entdeckung Amerikas ; Markham, Journals, xxxii. ; Weare, Cabot, 266; Scribner's Magazine, July, 1897, xxii. 66, 67: see note to Piers, No. 481. The facsimile, which is referred to in Goldsmid's Hakluyt, No. 133, as "facing p. 23 of vol. xii," was apparently not published. The cartographic portion of the plate is elliptical, and is com- posed on the orthographic projeftion devised by Apianus in 1524, the scale of longitude being one-third less than that of the latitude. " It contains indications of magnetic lines with no variation, which are transformed into meridians, and starting points calculated to enable mariners to find the longitude at sea." The four corners of the plate, beyond the limits of the map proper, exhibit each a large engraved head of Eolus, colored by hand, like the coasts, figures of men, animals, and things within the map. On the upper part, to the left, is an engraving of the Annunciation, with a Latin paraphrase of the angelic salutation in six lines. To the right, are the engraved arms of the Empire, surmounting an absolutely unintelligible in- scription in Spanish : Solas del Solo en el mundo en seruicio delas quales muriendo viuen leales. In the lower comers on each side is a cosmographical table of latitudes in degrees and minutes, each en- closed within a frame. (39*) This description of the map, adapted from Harrisse, Cabot, 437- 438, and his Cabot Cartographe, No. 391, may be compared with that given by M. D'Avezac in the Bulletin de la Societe de Geo- graphie, — Paris, 1857, 4 Ser. xiv. 268-270. The tables of letter- press which are pasted upon the sides of the map, are described in detail below. The title of the map, of which the Latin version is quoted above, No. 39, states that "this figure, projefted on a plane, contains all the lands . . . which have yet been discovered, with their names and the discoverers of them, as is more clearly expressed in the accompanying tables (of inscriptions or legends) together with all that was previously known. . . . And you should note that the land is placed according to the variation which the compass needle Cabot ffiiblfograpbi? is makes with the north star, the reason for which may be seen in the second column number seventeen." This seventeenth legend — see No. 55^ — states that "Sebastian Cabot, captain and pilot major to the Emperor Charles V, made this figure projefted on a plane in the year . . . 1 54.4, having drawn it by degrees of latitude and longitude, with the winds, as a sailing chart, following partly Ptolemy and partly the modern Spanish and Portuguese discoveries, and partly the discovery made by his father and himself; by it you may sail as by a sea chart, having regard to the variation of the needle." There is no indication on the map or in the printed legends to show where it was drawn, engraved, printed or published. The typographical appearance, interpreted by what is known of the arts of printing and engraving during the second quarter of the sixteenth century, have led students to agree with Mr. Harrisse in assuming that the map was printed in the Spanish Netherlands, probably at Antwerp, at about the date given in the legend quoted above — 1544. The plates used for printing the map now in Paris, or copies of the map printed from those plates, may have been sent from the place of original publication to London, where a new set of the accompanying Latin legends appears to have been published, and issued with copies of the map, by Clement Adams in 1549. This edition of the legends is discussed below. No. 551: if they accompanied an engraved map, it was perhaps printed from the same plates as the one now at Paris ; see the notes Nos. 49 and 52. Hakluyt, followed by Purchas, speaks of this London 1 549 map as " cut " by Adams. It is not unlikely that changes may have been made on the plates by Adams, or under his direftion, especially since there is every reason to suppose that Adams was acquainted with Cabot at this period. Mr. Harrisse, however, has advanced strong reasons for not accepting this language in its literal sense of "engraved," as implying an entirely new map. (39*) Dr. Dawson, who compared the various references to these maps with much insight in 1894 — No. 316 — concluded: (i) "That the Paris map of 1 544 is not Cabot's in any sense that would make him responsible for its accuracy, that it was not published or prepared in Spain, that he never correfted the proofs, but that he probably con- tributed in some measure to the material from which its unknown author compiled it." " (2) That the map in the Queen's Gallery engraved by Clement Adams was essentially different in its American geography from that of 1 544, and that it was based on some of Cabot's charts made in England, and that Lok's map (No. 1 56) taken with Gilbert's and Willes's statements (Nos. 48 and 49) affords a useful indication as to what these charts contained." (39') At least one copy of the London 1549 map belonged to the Crown, and hung in the Privy Gallery at Whitehall (1576 and 1625) or Westminster (1589-1600). A copy was seen at Oxford by CHyTR.ffiUS (No. 75) some time after 1565. There were said 1 6 Cabot BibUograpbg to be other copies in " many ancient merchants houses," when Hakluyt wrote in 1584, and again in 1600. De Laet (No. 154) probably relied on Hakluyt for his statement that not a few copies of the map still remained in England in 1633. (39°) The words "prima terra uista," placed against the north-eastern point of what represents Cape Breton island on this map, afford the most conclusive evidence for locating the spot of Cabot's land- fall in 14.97. — See the Introduftion, pp. xiv and xl-xli, and the accompanying references. (39') CABOT (Sebastian) Sebastian Cabot is recorded as having drawn the following maps, each of which probably existed only in manuscript form : Three maps, drawn for Charles V. and his secretary Samano, as described in Cabot's letter of 1533 — see the notes to No. 38, and Harrisse, Discovery, 594-595. (40) [A MANUSCRIPT DRAFT Of sketch of somc sort for the engraved map No. 39 ; see the Introduction, p. xlix. (41) Vn Mapa mondo GRANDE, which Cabot showed some time before 1547 to the Mantuan gentleman who is quoted by Ramusio and discussed in the notes to No. 194. This map showed the Portuguese and Spanish voyages. (42) Vn mapa mundi cortado por el equinocio, which Cabot sent to Charles V. from London in November, 1553, as described in an accompanying letter. No. 59. Harrisse suggests that this map may have been identical with the one which Juan Bautista Gesio, in a memorial addressed to the Spanish kings, dated Madrid, 20 September, 1575, declared to be royal property. It was described as : (43) Vn mapa antiguo de pergamino iluminado, in the library of Juan de Ovando, the deceased president of the Consejo de las Indias. See the notes to Jimenez de la Espada, No. 423, or Harrisse, Cabot, 283. This same map may have been the one described as : (44) Cabot Bfbltograpb^ 17 CABOT (Sebastian) Maps — continued. Vn mapa que dio (Sebastian Caboto) al Rey de Castilla, which figured 43° longitude between Goa and Mozam- bique, according to Cespedes, No. 63. (45) Vna carta universel de todo el orbe en piano 6 en un cuerpo espherico, was, according to Oviedo, No. 182, a thing which Cabot was competent to constru6t : he does not specify any particular example. (46) Una carta da navigare diligentissima fatta a mano, e tutta ritratta a punto da una propria del detto Caboto, which Guido Gianeti de Fano examined in London, during the reign of Edward VI., and which he described to Livio Sanuto, No. 209, as showing a meridian, based upon a point of no magnetic variation, a hundred and ten miles west of Flores, an island of the Azores group. This map was presumably identical with one of the following : (47) Charts, whiche are yet to bee scene, in the Queenes Maiesties priuie Gallerie, at Whitehall ; in which, nccord- ing to Gilbert, No. 117, writing before 1566, "Cabot hath by his personall experience set foorth, and described " the north-west passage to Cathay. One of these may have been the engraved map of 1544 or 1549, ^^^ there seems to be no good reason for doubting the correctness of Gilbert's plural. See the notes under 55\ That there was a map showing Cabot's American discoveries in the palace at Whitehall seems to be stated by Strachey, No. 213 : "the draught of w** voyage is yet to be seene." (48) His carde drawen with his owne hande ; on which Willes, No. 230, in 1577 read Cabot's "owne discourse of naui- gation." Like the map described by Gilbert, this one apparently showed a north-west passage, so that it could hardly have been the engraved map of 1544, although the accompanying narrative strongly suggests their identity. The suggestion has not been made that Clement Adams may have published a map, showing Cabot's discoveries in the North Atlantic, with the text quoted by Hakluyt — see No. 55^^ — but without the other legends from the 1 544 map. (49) 1 8 Cabot Btbllograpbs CABOT (Sebastian) Maps — continued. His (cartographicall) table, the which my good Lorde (of Bedford) hath at Cheynies ; is also referred to by WiLLES. It is not necessary to suppose that this " table " and the "carde" mentioned in the preceding paragraph were identical, although both represented open water to- wards the north-west between 6i° and 64° N. (50) His owne mappes & discourses drawne and written by himselfej which Hakluyt in 1582— No. 124 — said would shortly come out in print. They were then in the possession of Cabot's successor, William Worthington ; see the IntroduiSion, p. li. (51) The great Map in his Maiesties priuie Gallerie, of which Sebastian Cabot is often therein called the Authour, and his Pi£ture is therein drawne ; which Purchas describes in his Pilgrimes, No. 188, iii. 807. The words "often" and " therein," taken in connexion with the parallel passage in which Purchas speaks of " The Map with his pifture in the Priuy Gallery," would seem to imply something differ- ent from the 1544 map, No. 39. It may have been the same as the map described as Nos. 49 or 50. (52) A map ordered by the Fuggers, the great commercial house of Antwerp, which is mentioned in the notes to Haebler, No. 369, appears never to have been delivered by Cabot. (53) CABOT (Sebastian) Tabula prima. Del Almirante. Tabvla secvnda. (54) Two columns of printed text, measuring 27 centimetres wide and 55 centimetres long, pasted upon the two sides of the map described above, No. 39. This text consists of a series of paragraphs, which contain a description of various portions of the adjoining map, to which reference is made by means of numbers placed against each para- graph to correspond with similar numbers engraved on the map. Each description is in Spanish, followed by a version of the same information in Latin, except at the foot of the second column, where there are five paragraphs, numbered 18 to 22, in Spanish not followed by the Latin. The Latin version of numbers 19 to 22, however, is to be found engraved upon the body of the map, together with three additional Spanish legends, only one of which Cabot JSlbliograpbi? 19 is accompanied by a Latin version. In the lower comers, outside the map proper, are inserted two tables of Latin letterpress, as mentioned in the preceding description of the map, No. 39*, and in greater detail below. The type used for printing the letterpress text, as just described, was rearranged, but apparently not reset, in order to print the pamphlet described in the following entry. The style of type used, the length of lines in which it was set up, and the faft that the columns of letterpress are of exaftly the right length to paste upon the edges of the map, make it most probable that these columns were printed first, and that the pamphlet was afterwards prepared, possibly to go with copies of the map when this was sold in the four separate sheets on which it was printed, not pasted together. CABOT (Sebastian) Declaratio / chartae novas navi- / gatoriae domini / almirantis. (55) A small quarto pamphlet of 24 leaves, signatures A-F, 4 leaves each, having 27 lines on each full page. Printed in Roman letters. No place, name of printer, or year, but perhaps printed at Antwerp in, or shortly after, the year 1544. The only copy of this pamphlet now known to bibliographers ot Americana is in a private library in Brooklyn, New York. It was not known to modern students prior to its appearance as No. 99 in the 1895 "Catalogue of the rich Ubrary of the Chateau de Lobris in Silesia . . . sold at Munich, 22 April." The text of the traft is headed : Declaratio. Tabulae. Almirante. Seventeen numbered paragraphs in Latin are followed by five pages of tables, in Latin, with the heading : Arithmetica supputatio seu deuisio parallelorum (half page) ; Gradus eleuationis poli seu lati- tudinis terrae (28 paragraphs on 2 pages) : Tabula climatum Arithmeticalis secundu grad: et mi: latitud quo ad principia, media, et finis eorundem (one-third page) j Astrorum (two pages). The heading, Declaratio etc., is repeated, followed by twenty-two numbered paragraphs of Spanish text, of which numbers one to seventeen repeat the substance of the seventeen Latin paragraphs, as explained under the preceding title. The title of the pamphlet : " Explanation of the new sailing chart of his Lordship the Admiral," was presumably derived from the first paragraph which describes the discovery made by Columbus in 1492. _ _ _ iss') The remaining paragraphs, or legends, contain accounts of: 2. Espaiiola and Cuba; 3. New Spain, or Mexico ; 4. the Straits of Magellan; 5. the Malucos and the first circumnavigation; 6. Peru; 7. la Plata; g. the Bacallaos, or Canada; 9. Iceland; 10. Siberia; 11. 12. 18. North-eastern Asia and the adjoining Arftic seas; 13. Central Africa; 14. Asiatic India; 15. the Tartars; 16. Ceylon and Sumatra ; 17. " Inscription of the author with certain reasons for the variation between the compass needle 20 Cabot Biblioarapbg and the north star"; i8. a quotation from Pliny, lib. 2, cap. (67, printed lxxix) ; 19. Rocos islands; 20. 21. 22. East India islands. The legends which are engraved on the face of the map and are not reprinted in the pamphlet relate to Ciapangu or Japan, "of thefish which stops a ship," and the title legend quoted in full above, No. 39. The Latin legends which accompanied the map of 1544 were apparently reprinted in London by Clement Adams, perhaps in 1549,— see notes under No. 39. A copy of this edition may have been seen at Oxford by Chytr^us, No. 75, who transcribed the legends, in which the date 1549 replaces 1544 in legend 17. This text as printed by Chytraeus follows that of the Latin legends on the Paris map, except that each paragraph has a heading or descrip- tive title, and that there is a Latin version of the Ciapangu-Japan legend, which occurs only in Spanish engraved on the face of the map, and of legend 18, with the correft reference to the chapter in Pliny from which it is taken. There are also variations in spelling and phraseology, such as might naturally be made by a copyist: such of these as occur in legend 8 are noted below. The date 154.9 — which might have been altered by a misreading, a blurred type, a slip of the transcriber's pen, or a misprint in the reprinting — is partially confirmed by a marginal note in PuRCHAS, Pilgrimage, 1625, iii. 807 : "This Map, some say, was taken out of Sir Seb. Cabot's Map by Clem. Adams in 1549 " ; see No. 49. (55") Hakluyt, as explained in the notes to No. 39^, examined several copies of a Cabot map "sett out" or "cut" by Clement Adams, from which he copied a variant text of legend 8. This text, as printed by Hakluyt in 1589, No. 125, and in 1600, No. 126, differs entirely from that of the Paris map and from that copied by Chytraeus, although it contains identical information. No plausible reason has been suggested to explain why Adams should have taken the trouble to make a new translation, when he must in all prob- ability have possessed a copy of the legend as already printed. There was as little reason why Hakluyt, who might have introduced changes similar to those ascribed to Chytraeus, should have re- written the entire paragraph. The difficulties of explanation are in- creased by the introduftion of such dubious phrases as " credo " and " hac opinor ratione," where the Paris and Chytraeus texts are ex- plicit. Mr. Harrisse is of the opinion that " the differences in the wording ... do not prove the existence of a third edition of Cabot's planisphere. They simply indicate a gratuitous manipula- tion by Hakluyt of Adams' text." There are quite as strong reasons (or the opinion that an edition of a map showing Cabot's North Atlantic discoveries was set forth by Adams, on which was printed the legend quoted by Hakluyt. See the notes to Nos. 49, 50, and 5^- (55*) Hakluyt in 1600 reprinted this Clement Adams legend, chang- ing the date of the discovery from 1494 to 1497. Such a change might naturally have been made by him on the basis of the informa- Cabot Bibliograpbs 21 tion, showing the later date to be the correft one, which he is known to have acquired in the interval between 1589 and 1600. Purclias, however, in 1625 states specifically that Cabot's map in the Privy Gallery " hath 1497." From these faiSls, Mr. Harrisse decides that Adams first printed the legends with the date 1494 copied from the 1 544 edition ; that he afterwards, perhaps from Cabot, learned that this was a mistake ; and that he then reprinted the column contain- ing the correfted date 1497, substituting this on all unsold copies of the map. The change, it may be noted, occurs in the text quoted by Hakluyt. It is extremely probable that if this altered date appeared in the legends attached to some copies of the map as now known, the alteration was made with pen and ink. (5S^) To summarize: two 1544 editions of the Cabot map legends, in Latin and Spanish, have been described from existing copies. In addition, it is probable that an edition of the Latin legends was printed in London in 1549, and these may also have appeared in some other form, of which the Adams-Hakluyt text was a part. In '594> 1 599) and 1606, the 1549 Latin edition was reprinted by Chytr^us, No. 75. In 1633, De Laet, No. 154, reprinted the Adams-Hakluyt text, and this was republished by him in a French version in 1640. The legends were not again printed until after the recovery of the Paris map in 1843. M. Jomard intended to reprint them, to ac- company his facsimile of the map. No. 39^. This purpose is said to have been carried out by his son-in-law, M. Bosselli, some time after the death of M. Jomard, — a lithographic fecsimile of the legends being issued in a limited edition for private circulation. The officials of the Bibliotheque Nationale state that no copy of such a reprint can be found in that library. (SS'O A careful transcript of the legends from the Paris map was made for Mr. Charles Deane, and this was printed by Mr. C. C. Smith, together with a translation by Mr. George Bendelari, in the Pro- ceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1 2 February, 1 8 9 1 , new series, vi. 305-339. Twenty copies of these pages were separ- ately issued with a special cover title, for private distribution. This transcription of the legends, togetherwith Mr. Bendelari'stranslation, was reprinted by Dr. Dawson in Brymner, Report on Canadian Archives, 1897, — Ottanua, 1898, 106-125. (5 5^) The English version in Beazley, No. 256, pp. 222-244, is based upon that of Bendelari, although carefiilly compared with the original texts. The accuracy of the statement which declares that Sebastian Cabot drew the map, and by an inevitable inference wrote the accompanying legends, has been doubted by most of those best qualified to judge of its truth. Those who attack the personal charafter and the scientific reputation of Cabot, and those who maintain his right to eminence, are equally anxious to dissociate him from any responsibility for the cartography and the geography of this document. 22 CaDot BibUograpbs Sebastian Cabot, during the years when this map and the text of the legends which form an integral part of it, were composed, resided in Spain. As stated in the notes to No. 39, it is supposed that these were printed in the Low Countries. Whether composed by Cabot with his own hand, or, as is quite as likely, by someone working in collaboration with him, the draft of the map and of the legends must have been sent in manuscript to the place of printing. A comparative examination of the Spanish and the Latin texts shows that they were probably composed in Spanish and afterwards translated into Latin, most probably at the place of printing, for the sake of rendering them more intelligible to a wider circle of European readers. The translator made some changes and a few additions, the nature of which is shown by the extrafts given below, where the words which occur only in the Latin are quoted in that language. For the most part, these variations are such as might naturally be made by anyone translating freely and possessing a slight acquaintance with the subjeft. One addition of very curious importance occurs in legend 8, where the Latin states that Cabot made the landfall at Bacallaos " at five o'clock in the morning." The Spanish reads "in the morning." Unless the translator had some source of information of which he gives no hint, he must have introduced this hour as one which seemed to him probable, or perhaps, as the diftionary interpretation of the Spanish " early morning." A manuscript copy of the twenty-two Spanish legends which appear in the letterpress at the sides of the Paris map, exists in the Royal Library at Madrid. It is in a volume apparently containing transcripts of geographical information, these legends being pre- ceded by the narrative of his third voyage written by Columbus. The page of contents refers to these legends as : Declaratio chartas nauigatorise Domini Almirantis. Tiene vn tratado de la Carta de nauegar, hecho por el Doftor Grajales, en el Puerto de Sanfla Maria, i el vso de dos Tablas, para saber el orto del Sol, i los ocasos desde el altura de. 38. grados, hasta la de. 48. por el mismo. (56) Mr. Harrisse, to whom the publication of these fails is due, in his Disco'very, 640-641, does not state whether the last clause in this title refers to the two tables which were reprinted in the pamphlet legends. No. 55, from the lower corners of the engraved map, or whether this refers to something which has no connexion with the map or legends, but which was also transcribed into the manuscript volume. The faft that only the twenty-two printed legends, not including those engraved on the face of the map, appear in this manuscript, suggests that this was transcribed from the printed text. There is nothing to show the authority upon which their authorship was ascribed to Dr. Grajales, a person of whom nothing else has yet been made known. This authorship. dabot ffiibltograpbs ^3 however, is made more probable by an entry in Leon Pinelo, Biblioteca, No. 4.36, pp. 144-145: D. Christoval Colon. Declaracion de la tabla navigatoria. Hal- lase este breve tratado impresso con su carta, que queda puesta. Doft. Grajales. Deluso de la carta de navegar, imp. con el referido tratado de Colo. (s6«) As stated above, No. 55', the faft that the first legend treated of Columbus seems to have misled those whose hasty glance read no further, into the supposition that the Admiral was entitled to the whole of this work. Moreover, despite the specific and repeated statements of Leon Pinelo, that this work was printed in Spanish, no one accustomed to the critical use of bibliographic manuals would assume that the reference quoted above was not taken from the manuscript now in Madrid, No. 56, or that the latter was not transcribed from the pamphlet or map known to have been printed. The statement that they were written — ^"hecho" implies author- ship — by Doftor Grajales remains unsupported by confirmatory proof, but there are no sufficient reasons for doubting its truth. WiNSOR, Contro'versies, No. 571, p. 13, 'and Dawson, No. 319, p. 107, refuse to accept this proof of authorship, as maintained by Harrisse, and suggest that Grajales may have possessed merely a copy of the map or the pamphlet legends from which this transcript was made. Legends 1-8, and perhaps 14, refer to the regions which had been added to the known world within the lifetime of Sebastian Cabot. They represent what was presumably known regarding these regions by well-informed persons in a position to secure information concerning the progress of exploration. The other paragraphs, excepting No. 17, contain the current ideas held by these same persons regarding the half-known older world, which is popularly associated with the travels of Marco Polo, Sir John Mandeville, and Adam of Bremen. Harrisse, Cabot, 287, follow- ing Kohl, remarks that these descriptions are full of legendary stories about sea monsters, people with one foot or one eye, men with faces like dogs, speftres or ghosts speaking in the air, and much more of the same sort. It should be added that in each case these statements are given as hearsay. The authority for them existed in the most trustworthy works that had then been published in regard to the regions in question. Legend 8 contains the very important statement, apparently made by Sebastian Cabot, that the country of Bacallaos, the present Canadian Atlantic seaboard, was discovered by John Cabot and his son Sebastian on the morning of 24 June (July) 1494 (at the fifth hour, about daybreak) ; that the point of landfall was named " first land seen " ; and that a large island lying otF this point was named St. Johns because it was also discovered on that saint's day : Esta tierra fue descubierta por loan Caboto Veneciano, y Sebastian Caboto su hijo, anno del nascimiento de nuestro Saluador lesu Christo de M.cccc.xciiii. a ueinte y quatro de lunio por la 24 Cabot ffiibUograpbs mannana, a la qual piisieron nobre prima tierra uista, y a una isla grade que esta par de la dha tierra, le pusieron nombre sant loan, por auer sido descubierta el mismo dia : Terram hanc olim nobis clausam, aperuit loannes Cabotus Venetus, necno Sebastianus Cabotus eius filius, anno ab orbe redempto 149+. die uero 14. lulij, hora 5. sub diluculo, qua terra primu uisam appellarut, & Insula quanda magna ei opposita, Insula diui loannis nominarQt, quippe qua; solenni die festo diui loannis aperta fuit. {ss') The parallel passage quoted by Hakluyt — see No. ssb — reads: Anno Domini 14.94, loannes Cabotus venetus, & Sebastianus illius filius eam terram fecerunt peruiam, quam nuUus priiis adire ausus fuisset, die 24 lunij, circiter horara quintam bene mane. Hanc autem appellauit Terram Primum visam, credo quod ex mari in eam partem primiim oculos iniecerat. Nam quae ex aduerso sita est insula, eam appellauit insulam D. loannis, hac opinor ratione, quod aperta fuit eo die qui est sacer D. loanni Baptistse. (55°) Dawson, in his Latest Phases, suggests that the omission of the qualifying "grande" in this Hakluyt- Adams text, was probably a result of Adams' intercourse with Cabot, who informed him that the island of St. John on the engraved map of 1544 was one of the group now named the Magdalen islands, and that the island dis- covered on the same day as the landfall — Scatari island off Cape Breton, in Dr. Dawson's opinion — was not " large." The eighth legend as copied by CHYTR^ffiUS at Oxford agrees with the Latin text from the Paris map, except for the spellings lohannes, \nsa\?iia . . . ei apfositam, and the date, 3.nno . . . 1594. die vero 24. lunii. (S5*) De Laet, on the other hand, in 1633 followed Hakluyt, No. 55'j i" general, except for the readings : Anno Domini cIdcccc xcvii ... die XXIV lulii . . . appellavit Insulam . . . quod innienta fiiit eo die, qui sacer est S. loanni Baptistae. These varia- tions are such a.<; may reasonably be ascribed to a copyist. (55°) Hakluyt in 1600 reprinted No. 55', changing the date 1494 to 1497. PuRCHAS in 1613 and 1625 stated that "the Map ... in the Priuy Gallery hath 1497." As suggested above, this change is one that may easily have been made in manuscript upon the printed sheet. Gilbert, No. 117, apparently found the date ii June upon one of Cabot's charts, but this was probably either a manuscript map or a printed map quite different from No. 39. — See Nos. 48 and 52. The words " prima tierra uista " appear on the Paris map against what is clearly intended to represent the north-eastern point of Cape Breton island. This evidence, which would apparently determine the exaft point, and the time, of the Cabot landfall on North America, is not accepted by many who have examined the evidence in its various aspefts. See the Introduftion, pp. xx. Mr. Harrisse, in his Cabot, 122-124, even goes so far as to suggest the Cabot SSibUograpbs 25 motives which led Cabot deliberately to place these words indicating a landfall in the region to which French enterprise had given potential importance, as " a suggestion of British claims and a bid for the King of England's favor." Dr. Dawson, especially in his Latest Phases, replies to Harrisse, arguing with much force in favor of the evidence of the map. Legend 8 describes the country discovered by the Cabots as a very sterile land, where the people dressed in the skins of animals and fought with bows and arrows, lances, darts, wooden clubs, and slings. The animals included white bears, (lions) and large stags like horses. There were quantities of fish, sturgeons, salmon, soles a yard long, and especially codfish, or baccallaos as they were commonly called. For birds, there were hawks as black as crows, eagles, partridges, and linnets : la gente della andan uestidos de pieles de animales, usan en sus guerras arcos, y flechas, lancas, y dardos, y unas porras de palo, y bondas. Es tierra muy steril, ay en ella [leonibus] muchos orsos plancos, y cieruos muy grades como cauallos, y otras muchas animales, y semeiantemete ay pescado infinite, sollos, salmoes, lenguados, muy grandes de uara enlargo y otras muchas diuersidades de pescados, y la mayor multitud dellos se dizen baccallaos ((j uulgus Bacallios appellat) y asi mismo ay en la dha tierra Halcones prietos como cueruos Aguillas, Perdices ((j susco colore) Pardillas, y otras muchas aues de diuersas maneras. (55=) Compare this description with what was written in 1+97 by PAsquALiGO, No. 185, and by Raimondo, Nos. 191, 192; and also with Martyr, No. 160, and Ramusio, No. 194. Legend 7 contains an account of the re-discovery of La Plata by Sebastian Cabot, whom the Latin text describes as " nauigandi arte astrorum(j peritissimus," there being nothing in the Spanish to suggest this eulogy. It tells how, the Emperor having placed him in command of a fleet for the discovery of Tarsis, Ophir (Ciapangu), and the Eastern Cathay, he was carried to that river by the fortune which wrecked his best ship, procellosis obruta fluftibus. Seeing that it was impossible to continue the voyage as originally planned, he decided to employ his surviving resources in exploring the river, because the natives reported that there was much gold and silver in the country : uista la grandissima relacion que los Indies de la tierra le dieron de la gradissima riqueza de oro y plata que en la dha tierra auia. At the cost of much dangerous toil and hunger, he established the people whom he had brought from Spain in several settlements near the river : cerca del dicho rio algunas poblacioes dela gete q lleuo de espana ; motus ducere colonias coepit, prope flume nonuUus arces ac propugnacula condere diligSter curauit, quibus Hispani incolae facile tuerenter, & uim hostiu Indoru inde pro- pelleret. The very large river is described as being twenty-five leagues wide at its mouth, and two leagues wide at three hundred leagues up from the mouth, being fed by many large tributaries. It contains immense numbers of excellent fish. Wishing to try the 26 Cabot Blblfograpbs fertility of the soil, the colonists planted fifty-two grains of wheat, which was all the ships' stores contained, in September, and in December they gathered fifty and two thousand grains : la gete en llegado a£[lla tierra quiso conoscer si era fertil, y apareiada para labrar y Ueuar pan y senbraron en el mes de setiembre Hi. granos de trigo q no se hallo mas en las naos, y cogiero luego en el mes de deziembre cinquEta, y dos mill granos de trigo, q esta misraa fertilidad se hallo en todas las otras semillas ; colle£lis quinquaginta duobus tritici granis . . . Decembri uero duo millia supra quinquaginta mensuit. See Eden, No. 96, where he says that Cabot told him that this meant 2,050, rather than 52,000. The natives of the country gave the Spaniards to understand that not far in the interior there were some great mountain ranges from which no end of gold was obtained and an equal amount of silver, further on : Los q en aquella tierra blue dizen que no lexos de ay en la tierra adentro q ay unas grades sierras de donde sacan infinitissimo oro, y q mas adelante en las mismas sierras, sacan infinita plata. In this land a sort of sheep grow to be as big as asses, shaped like camels, and yielding a wool as fine as silk. The natives of the mountain slopes were said to be as white as the Spaniards, but those living near the river were dark. Some say that in the mountains [this qualification is omitted in the Latin] there are men with faces like dogs, and others resemble ostriches from their knees down, and they say that these are great workers, raising much maize for making bread and wine. The Latin text differs from the Spanish in the order of arrangement of the different statements, but except as noted everything is repeated in much the same sense. (S5') Legend 17 explains the method by which the variation of the compass needle might, as Cabot supposed, be utilized for the pur- poses of navigation. It is translated, with an interpretation of its difficulties, by Harrisse, Cabot, 309-310, and by Bendelari and Beazley, as noted under No. 55^. Another English translation, by Major, is in Archaologia, 1870, xliii. 18-19. ^^e Latin text was reprinted from CHYTR.ffi;us by Bertius, Tabularum Geog. ContraSarum, p. 632 in 1600 edition, and p. 777 in 1616 edition. For a French translation see p. 777 of the French edition of Bertius, 1618. (55") Cabot in 1 54.7 issued a power of attorney to Diego Gutierrez, empowering him to aft as Pilot Major during his chiePs absence from Spain — Harrisse, Disco'very, 708. (57) CABOT (Sebastian) Ordinances, instru6tions, and ad- uertisements of and for the diredlion of the intended voyage for Cathay, compiled, made, and deliuered by the right worshipfull M. Sebastian Cabota Esquier gouernour of the mysterie and companie of the Marchants aduen- turers for the discouerie of Regions, Dominions, Islands Cabot Bibliograpbg 27 and places vnknowen, the 9. day of May, in the yere of our Lord God 1553. and in the 7. yeere of the reigne of our most dread soueraigne Lord Edward the 6 . . . (58) Printed in Hakluyt, Voyages, i. 226-230; reprinted in Pinker- ton, Voyages, i. 1-17; and, with unimportant omissions, in Beaz- LEY, No. 256, pp. 186-19J. Harrisse, Cabot, 345, states that some of the most creditable passages in these instru6i:ions, which Cabot prepared for the guidance of the expedition under Willoughby and Chancelor, were copied from the instruflions given to Cabot by the Council for the Indies upon his departure for La Plata in 1523. This latter document is only known through a reference, with possibly a short quotation, in Martyr, No. 161, dec. vii. cap. vi. The first paragraph, with its warning against " dissention, variance, or contention . . . for that dissention (by many ex- periences) hath ouerthrown many notable intended and likely enterprises and exploits," inevitably suggests Cabot's La Plata adventure. CABOT (Sebastian) [Letter to Charles V. — London 15 November 1554 (1553)- (59) A contemporary transcript, enclosed in a letter from the Emperor to his son Philip, No. 72, is in the State Archives at Simancas, Correspondencia de Inglaterra, Legajo 818. Printed in the Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos para la Historia de Mspana, — Madrid, 184.3, "'• 5i2-5i4- Also in the Bulletin Geog. bistorique et descrip., — Paris, 1890, i. 25-27. Translated by Beaz- LEY, No. 256, 197-200. In this letter to his former master, Cabot explains that a fever, calenturas cotidianas, obliged him to entrust to Francisco de Urista an important message concerning certain designs of the French ambassador in England, Beau- dauphin (Bodofin) and the Duke of Northumberland (Nortabelan), who had consulted him on several occasions regarding the Spanish forces in Peru and the reputed wealth of that country, which these lords were planning to attack by means of an expedition ascending the Amazon. Cabot adds that he is so weak that a journey to the Imperial court would certainly kill him. Urista also carried to the king, besides this letter, a map de- scribed above as No. 43. Cabot writes that this explained a possible means for preventing the King of Portugal from establishing any claim to the coast of Guinea (Guiana ?) as lying on his side of the line of demarcation, by the aid of the variation of the compass needle : Y tocante al situar de la costa de Guinea conforme a la variacion que hace la aguja de marear con el polo, si el Rey de Portugal cayere en eilo, el remedio ya lo dije a V. M. Cabot explains that he had previously written an account of this map, which he had given to Joan Esquefe, the Spanish Ambassador in 2 8 dabot Bibltoarapbs England, who had forwarded it to the Emperor's secretary, Eraso. This writing referred especially to the demarcation of the Spanish and Portuguese possessions. (59''^) This letter from Cabot was apparently written in response to the one written by the Emperor to Queen Mary, on 9 September, 1553) No. 71. CABOT (Sebastian) La manera de dar la longitud por la declinacion q el sol tiene de la Equinocial. (60) See Santa Cruz, No. 207, for the manuscript work, preserved at Madrid, in which he describes " the method of Sebastian Cabot in England for obtaining the longitude [at sea] as communicated by a certain person " to Philip II. It is translated by Harrisse, Cabot, 302-305, with critical comments. CABOT (Sebastian) — Portrait. — Effigies. Sebastiani Caboti Angli. Filii. Johanis Caboti. Vene ti. Militis Avrati. Primi. invet oris. Terrae nova sub Herico VII. Angl lae Rege. (61 ) The inscription on an oil painted portrait, which was perhaps the same as one described by PuRCHAS, Pilgrimes, iv. 1812. as seen by him before 1625 in "the privie gallerie at White Hall." In 1792 this pifture hung in the breakfast-room of Slains Castle, near Aberdeen, Scotland, the home of Lord Errol. After his Lordship's death, it was presented by his representatives, through Sir Frederick Eden, to Mr. Charles Joseph Harford of Bristol, England. Mr. Harford's successor sold the portrait, for £500, to Mr. Richard Biddle, who afterwards offered to restore it to Bristol if reimbursed the sum he had given for it. Mr. Biddle removed the portrait to his home in Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, where it was destroyed by fire in 1845. — Adapted from Mathews, No. 456. Compare Mr. Biddle's account of the early history of the portrait, especially for the probable dispersion of the Whitehall gallery during the early Commonwealth period, in his Memoir, No. zfii, pp. 317-319. See the note to George, No. 365. The Pittsburg conflagration was described by J. Heron Foster : A full account of the Great Fire at Pittsburg, on the loth of April, 1845 — Pittsburg, 1845. 8vo. (62) Three copies of the portrait were made before its loss, by John G. Chapman for the Massachusetts Historical Society, for the New York Historical Society, and for the Mayor and Corporation of Bristol, England. See the Proceedings of the first-named society for March and June, 1838, ii. loi, in. The best engraving of the portrait was made from the original for Sever, Bristol, No. 522, ii. 208. The plate from which this was printed is now owned by Mr. William George — see No. 365. There are copies in a large proportion of the books and illustrated magazine articles devoted to the Cabots. Cabot Bibliograpbs 29 This portrait was commonly reputed to be by Holbein, until a study of that painter's career showed that he had probably been dead for several years before it could have been painted — see note to ApPLETON, No. 237, and Nicholls, No. 468. The inscrip- tion quoted above is interesting because it links the names of father and son, but the clumsy Latin does not clearly express which was the knight or which the discoverer. There is no other evidence, except PuRCHAs' " Sir Sebastian Cabot," in his Pilgrimes,iv. 1177, that either was ever knighted. The official entries of his pension payments style him "armiger" or esquire. See note to Burrough, No. zo. The official records which refer to Sebastian Cabot's career in Spain and in England are arranged under Brewer, Charles V., Edward VI., and Queen Mary, Nos. 14'', 66-70, 99-104, 166- 169, CESPEDES (Andres Garcia de) Regimiento de nave- gacion mando hazer el rei nves tro senor por orden de sv conseio real de las indias a Andres Garcia de Ces pedes sv cosmografo maior — [colophon] Madrid u.itcvi. (63) Small folio. T -1- 4 11 -f- 11 1-184. The reference to a map given to the Spanish king by " Sebas- tian Caboto de nacion Ingles, Piloto bien conocido" is on 1. 137. See No. 45. CHANNING (Edward) Documents describing the voyage of John Cabot in 1497. (64) American History Leaflets . . . edited by Edward Channing of Harvard University. — NeTv York, Lovell, No. ix.. May, 1893. 8vo, pp. 1-14. This leaflet contains, in handy inexpensive form, good translations of the important documents. CHAPUYS (Eustace) [Letter to the Queen of Hun- gary — London, 26 May, 1541. (65) Manuscript in the Imperial Archives at Vienna, Rep. P. Fasc. C. 232, ff. 24-27. Deciphered and translated in Gayangos, Calendar of State Papers {Spanish), vi. pt. i. 325-328. The ambassador reports in this dispatch that "about two months ago there was a deliberation in the English privy council as to the expediency of sending two ships to the northern seas for the pur- pose of discovering a passage between Islandt and Engroneland for the Northern regions, where it was thought that, owing to the ex- treme cold, English woollen cloths would sell for a good price. To this end the king retained here for some time a pilot from Ciuille well versed in affairs of the sea, though in the end the 3° Catot Btbltograpbs undertaking was abandoned, all owing to the king's not choosing to agree to the pilot's terms. . . ." The note under Wyatt., No. 231, gives the grounds for sur- mising that this Sevillian pilot may have been Sebastian Cabot. Beazlev, No. 256, pp. 163-165, doubts the possibility of this identification. It has been suggested that Cabot may have sent an agent to England, or that he may have instrufted some Sevillian disciple in what he knew of the northern regions. CHARLES V. Real c^dula . . . mandando se continue a la viuda de Am^rico Vespucio la pension de loooo maravedis sobre el sueldo de Sebastian Caboto, que habia sucedido a Juan Diaz de Solis en el empleo de Piloto mayor. — Pamplona^ 16 Noviembre, 1523. (66) Manuscript in the Archives of the Indies, at Seville, Leg. no. i de la Casa de la Contratacion, Lib. i" de Toma de Razon de Titulos y nombramientos, 1^0^-161^, fol. 42. Printed in Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 308-309. The king, in reply to Cabot's protest that he had received no notice, when he accepted the position, that the pension of his predecessor's widow, and of her sister after her death, would be dedufled from his salary as pilot-major, ordered that this deduftion should continue to be made in accordance with previous custom. CHARLES V. ChA\A?i— Toledo, 25 Oaobre, 1525. (67) Manuscript copy in the library of the Academia de la Historia, at Madrid, Munoz Transcripts, Ixxvii. fol. 165. Printed in Harrisse, J. et S. Cabot, 355. This royal order confirms Cabot's request that 25,000 maravedis which he received as gratuity, in addition to his salary, should be paid to his wife, Catalina Medrano, during her lifetime, in case he should die during the voyage of discovery he was about to under- take " al descubriraiento de las islas de Tarsis e Ofir e al Catayo oriental." During the absence of Charles V. from Spain, the queen afting as regent signed orders directing the Casa de Contratacion to pay Sebastian Caboto certain sums on account of his salary, which had been withheld on account of lawsuits pending against him. The order for 11 March, 1531, called for 30 gold ducats or 1,250 mara- vedis, and stated as a reason for the payment that Cabot had been sick and was without means with which to maintain himself: esta preso e detenido en esta Nuestra Corte, e que a cabsa de lo suso dicho e de aber estado enfermo, e thiene muy gran necesidad, e non thiene con que se alimentar et seguir sus pleytos. Original manu- script in the Archives of the Indies at Seville, Est. 148, Caj. 2, Leg. I ; printed in the Coleccion de documentos in^ditos de Indias, xxxii. 449-450. The same references give similar orders for pay- ments issued II May, 1531, and 12 March, 1532. (67*) Cabot 3Bibliograpbs 3' An order from the queen direfting the Casa de Contratacion to pay, out of the moneys due to Sebastian Caboto, the amount of the fines and damages to which he had been condemned — see No. 37 and the Introduftion, p. xxxi — is in the Archives of the Indies at Seville, Est. 14.8, Caj. z, Leg. i ; printed in the Coleccion de docu- mentos iniditos de Indias, xxxii. 4.59-4.61. (*^7) CHARLES V. C^dula, a los contadores majores — Bruselas, 19 Oaubre, 1548. (68) Manuscript in the Archives at Simancas, Libro de CaTnara, 154.6- 1548, fol. 12Z-123. Printed by Peres, in the Boletin Real Acad. Historia — Madrid, April, 1893, xxii. 350-351. The king, on learning that Cabot's vfife had died since the issuance of the cedula noted above. No. 67, direfled that the 25,000 maravedis therein mentioned should thenceforth be paid to Cabot. CHARLES V. Al presidente y consejeros de Indias — Bru- selas, 5 Noviembre, 1548. (69) Manuscript at Simancas, found with the preceding entry. Printed by Peres, No. 476. This document orders that Cabot shall be allowed to exercise the duties, and the privileges, of his office as pilot-major, and to examine pilots and shipmasters sailing to the Indies. CHARLES V. A los oficiales de la casa de la Contra- tacion de las Indias — Bruselas, 8 Noviembre, 1548. (70) Manuscript at Simancas, with No. 68. Likewise printed by Peres, No. 476. A confirmation of No. 68. CHARLES V. [Letter from the Emperor to Mary Tudor, Queen of England — A Mons en Haynnau, 9 septembre, 1553- (71) Printed by Cl. Hopper in Notes and Sjueries — London, 1862, 3 ser., i. 125; in Harrisse, J. et S. Cabot, 362-363. An extraft, in English, is in Turnbull, Calendars {Foreign), This letter contains a request, which the Emperor had instrufted his ambassadors to explain in detail, that "le capitaine Cabote cideuant pllote de noz Royaulmes despaigne " might be dismissed and permitted to visit the Emperor, who wished to consult him regarding maritime affairs : communiquer aucuns affaires con- cernans la sheurete de la nauigation de noz Royaulmes et pays. The Emperor explains that Cabot had had his permission to be absent from his service : de nostre gre et consentement sest puis aucunes annees passe en Angleterre. See the notes to Edward VI., No. 102; Cheyne, No. 74; and Cabot, No. 59. 32 Cabot Btblfograpbs CHARLES V. [Letter to D. Philip, the heir-apparent — Bruselas, 16-21 February, 1554. (72) Manuscript in the archives at Simancas, Correspondencia con Inglaterra, leg. 808. Printed in the Coleccion Doc. Ined. Hist. Espana, Madrid, 1843, iii. 508-511. This letter, covering a communication from Cabot, No. 59, in- strufts the Crown Prince to take the necessary precautions to meet an Anglo-French expedition against Peru. CHAUVETON (Urbain) Histoire novvelle dv novveav monde, Contenant en somme ce que les Hespa-gnols ont fait iusqu'a present aux indes Occidentales, & le rude traitement qu'ils font a ces poures peuples-la. Extraite de I'itaHen de M. Hierosme Benzoni ... & enrichie de plusieurs Discours et choses digne de memoire. Par M. Vrbain Chavveton. — Par Evstace Vignon. m.d.lxxix. {Geneve.) (73) 8vo. T + 18 11 + pp 1-726. La Historia del mondo n'vo'vo di M. Girolamo Benzoni Milanese was published in Venice, 1565; reprinted, Venice, iS7^- ^" '57^ M. Chauveton edited it for Vignon of Geneva, dividing the Italian text into chapters and adding a few notes. It was reprinted, Geneva, 1581; and, with further additions, in 1586 and 1600. Chauveton also translated the work into French, as titled above, making numerous additions to the notes. There are several Dutch and German editions, from the Italian. Admiral W. H. Smyth translated the 1572 edition into English for the Hakluyt Society, London, 1857. An account of a voyage northward in search of a route to Cathay, undertaken in 1507 by Sebastian Cabot, is on p. 141. The foreland of Bacallaos was discovered, but the cold and icebergs forced the expedition to turn back at 67° north : L'an m.d.vii. il y eut vn Pilote Venitien, nomme Sebastian Gabotto, qui entreprit aux despens de Henry 7. Roy d'Angleterre de cercher quelque passage pour aller en Catay par la Tramontane. Cestuy-la des- couurit la pointe de Baccalaos ... & plus haut, iusqu'a soixante sept degrez du Pole, mais le froid & les gros gla^ons, dont ceste mer du North est pauee, le contraignirent de relascher, & s'en reuenir sans rien faire. — Som. de Pierre Mart. This reference is presumably intended for the S'vmmario described under RamusiO, No. 192. The narratives are, however, entirely distinft ; Ramusio's summary of Martyr gives the northern limit as 55°, and Martyr in his own work gives no specific altitude. For the date, see the Introduftion, pp. xvii-xviii. This paragraph added by Chauveton does not appear in the Cabot JSibliograpbi? 33 editions which follow the one as originally published by Benzoni. It is in the Latin and German editions in De Bry's " Grands Voyages," Part iv., Latin, 1593, p. 69; German, 1594, p. 61. See note under De Bry, p. 40. CHEYNE (Sir Thomas) and HOBY (Sir Philip) [Dispatch from the English Ambassadors to Charles V. to the Privy Council in London — Brussels, 25 November, 1549- (74) Manuscript in the British Museum, London, Cotton MSS. Galba B. Xll. fol. 124.. Printed in Harrisse, J. et S. Cabot, 359. This letter conveys a request received through Antoine Perrenot, Bishop of Arras, the Emperor's envoy in Flanders (Harrisse, Cabot, 321), that Cabot might be sent back to the Imperial service, "for- asmuch as he cannot stand the king your M"^. in any greate [stead] seing he hath smale praftise in these sees and is a v[erie] necessary man for the emperour whose servaunt he is hath apenciou of hym." CHYTR^US (Nathan Kochhaff, alias) Variorvm in Evropa itinervm deliciae ; sev, ex variis ma-nv-scriptis sele£tio-ra tantvm inscri-ptionvm maxima recentium moriv- menta. Quibus passim in Italia et Germania, Helvetia et Bohemia, Dania et Cimbria, Belgio et Gallia, Anglia et Polonia, &c. Templa, arae, scholae, bibliothecae, musera, . . . sacella, sepulchra, &c. con-spicua sunt . . . Omnia nuper colleda & hoc modo digesta a Nathane Chytrseo. — Herborna Nassouiorum. 1594. (75) i2mo. T + 9 11 + pp 1-846. Reprinted in 1599 and 1606. The Latin text of the legends described under Cabot, No. 55- 55=' is on pp. 773-795 (S99-6i4) 1606 edition), with the heading: Oxonise. — Svbtabulis geographicis sequentes inscriptiones leguntur ; quas non tam propter latinitatis, quae non magna est, elegantiam j quam propter res ipsas cognitione non indignas hic subiicere voluimus. CONTARINI (Gasparo) [Dispatch from the Venetian Ambassador at the Court of Spain, to the Senate of Venice —P^alladolid, 31 December, 1522. (76) Manuscript in the Marciana Library at Venice, It. CI. fll.. Cod. Af/X, Cart. 281-283. Printed in Bullo, No. 290, pp. 65-66. Translated by Rawdon Brown, Calendar {Venice), 111. No. 607; D 34 dabot 3BibUograpbi3 and somewhat abbreviated in Markham, No. 451, pp. 219-223 ; Beazley, No. 256, pp. 143-14.9. In accordance with instruftions from Venice, No. 225, Contarini reports that he had had three interviews with Sebastian Cabot. He found that Cabot was highly esteemed : ha grande fama. At the first interview, he handed Cabot the letter from the Ragusan Marino de Bucignolo, upon reading which Cabot lost colour, putting it in his pocket with the appearance of fear and uncertainty : et legiendola si mosse tutto di colore. Da poij letta, stete cussi un pocheto senza dirme altro quasi sbigotito et dubio. Having been reassured, at their second conference Cabot stated that he was bom in Venice, but brought up in England: "Signor Ambassator per dirve il tuto io naqui a Venetia ma sum nutrito in Ingelterra." About three years previous [see note under Drapers' Company, No. 94.] he had returned from Spain to England, where Cardinal Wolsey wished to place him in command of a fleet upon which some 30,000 ducats were being expended. Cabot had been willing to undertake this adventure, but was unable to do so without securing the Emperor's permission, he being in the Spanish service : la quale (armada) era quasi in ordine, et haveano pre- parati per spender in essa ducati 30 m. Io li risposi che essendo al servitio di questa Maesta, senza sua licentia non Io poteva servire, ma che havendo bona licentia di qui io el serviria. While in Eng- land, meantime, Cabot became intimate with a Venetian friar, Stragliano Collona, who suggested to him that he ought to turn his skill and knowledge to the benefit of his native city. The friar apparently influenced him so strongly, when he acknowledged that he knew of a way by which Venice might participate in these navigations, that he probably spoke to the Venetian ambassador in England regarding the projeft, and also took measures to prevent the Emperor from granting Wolsey's request for the loan of his services : Io gia parlai a Io ambassator della Illustrissima Signoria in Ingelterra per la aff^eftione che io ho a la patria cum queste terre novamente trovate de le quale io ho modo di dar gran utile a quella terra. . . . In quelli giomi (ja tre anni) ragionando cum uno frate Stragliano Collona veneto cum il quale havea amicitia grande, mi fu difto dal prefato frate : Messer Sebastiano vui vi afFaticati cussi grandemente per far beneficio a genti externe non vi ari- cordate della vostra terra, non seria possibile che etiam lei havesse qualche utilita da vuj. Alhora io mi risenti tutto nel core . . . li dissi che io haveva modo di far quella Citta partecipe di questa navigatione . . . et cussi perche servendo el Re d' Angelterra non poteva piii beneficiar la patria mia, io scrissi alia Maesta Cesarea che non me desse per niente licentia che servisse il Re de Engel- terra perche li saria de danno grande, immo che subito me rivo- casse. After returning to Venice, Cabot formed a great friendship for the Ragusan, and eventually intrusted him with the offer of his services to Venice. Contarini praised his afFefllon for their native land, and promised Cabot ffiiblfograpbs 3S to assist him in securing permission to go to Italy, the two agree- ing to allege as a reason that Cabot must appear in Venice in person in order to secure the dowry of his mother. The am- bassador suggested some difficulties in the way of a voyage from Venice to the newly-discovered portions of the globe, but Cabot, without explaining his scheme, assured him that it was feasible, and could be managed despite the control by Spain of the Strait at Gibraltar and of the German coast on the North Sea, and the impossibility of building ships on the Red Sea. Cabot maintained that there was another way : Me rispose . . . io so perche io ho navigato tutti quelli paesi at so ben il tuto, immo vi dico che non vulsi tor il partido de il Re de Engelterra per beneficiar la patria, perche se tolleva quel partido non restava poi via alcuna per Venetia. At their third meeting Cabot spoke of the method he had noticed for finding out the distance between two places east and west of each other, by means of the compass needle. CONTARINI (Gasparo) [Dispatch to the Senate at Venice — Valladolid, 7 March, 1523. (77) Manuscript in the Marciana Library at Venice, It. CI. VII., Cod. MIX., Cart. 289. Printed and translated as noted under No. 76. The ambassador reports that Cabot had been to see him several times, reaffirming his desire to serve Venice, but explaining that he could not get away to go to Italy for at least three months, lest the Spaniards suspeft him of a desire to visit England. Cabot thought it desirable that a letter be written him, asking him to come to Venice to expedite his private affairs. — See Marino de BUCIGNOLO, No. 158. CONTARINI (Gasparo) [Dispatch to Andrea Gritti, Doge of Venice — Valladolid, 26 July, 1523. (78) Manuscript in the Marciana Library at Venice, It. CI. ^11., Cod. MIX., Cart. 302. Printed and translated as noted under No. 76. A report of slight progress in the negotiations with Cabot. CONTARINI (Gasparo) [Report read in the Senate at Venice^ 16 November, 1525. (79) Manuscript in the State Archives at Turin, Cod. r, a, b, x, i, c. 138. Printed in Alberi, No. 3, ist Ser., ii. 9-73. The reference to Cabot, p. 54, is reprinted from the manuscript in Berchet, Raccolta Colombiana, part iii. vol. i. 129. In this report of his two years' mission in Spain, Contarini states that the Emperor had placed an armada of five ships under the command of Sebastiano Caboto, for the exploration of the South 36 Ciabot 3BtbUogtapbs American coast, and, secondly, for a voyage to the Indies : perche andasse a investigare tutta quella costa primieramente, poi che andasse etiam nell' Indie. CONTARINI (Marcantonio) [Report read in the Senate at Venice, 1536. (80) Manuscript in the Imperial Library at Vienna, cod. Foscarini. The paragraph referring to Cabot is printed by Berchet in the Raccolta Colombiana, part iii. vol. i. 137. This passage, the importance of which Vfas noted by Dr. Errera, No. 342% at the time of its publication in 1893, states that Sebastian Cabot was sent on a voyage of discovery by the father of the reigning King of England, Henry VIII., and that, having been forced to return from the ice-covered seas into which he had ventured, he found on his arrival in England that the king his patron was dead, and that the son, Henry VIII., who ascended the throne in April, 1509, took little interest in the ideas of dis- covery : cum 300 homeni navigo tanto che trovo il mare congelato, ande convenne al Caboto ritornarsene senza havere lo intento suo, cum presuposito pero di ritornarsene a quella impresa a tempo che il mare non fosse congelato. Trovo il re, morto, ed il figlio curarsi poco dl tale impresa. This evidence, recorded twenty-seven years after the event, is the most definite and most satisfaftory single source of information regarding the Cabot voyage, which is supposed to have been undertaken at some time during the first two decades of the sixteenth centuiy. See the Introduflion, pp. xvii, xliv, and notes under Martyr, No. 160. COOPER (Thomas) An Epitome of Cronicles. Con- teyninge the whole discourse of the histories as well of this realme of Eng-land as al other coutreys, with the succesion of their kinges, the time of their reigne, and what notable aftes they did : much profitable to be redde, namelye of Magistrates, and such as have audtoritee in com-mo weales, gathered out of most probable auiEtours. Firste by Thomas Lanquet, from the be-ginning of the worlde to the incarnacion of Christe, Secondely to the reigne of our soueraigne lord king Edward the sixt by Thomas Cooper, and thirdly to the reigne of our soue- raigne Ladye Quene Elizabeth, by Robert Crow-ley. Anno. 1 559. — Londini, In aedibus Thomae Marshe. (81) 4to. T -I- 26 11 -(- I blank If -|- fol. 1-280 (the foliation very irregular) + 26 11 not numbered. Signatures A in 4 + A — F in 4s + A — Qq in 4s + i leaf (marked Rr 4) + Rr — Ffff in 4s -f- Gggg in 6. Cabot BlbUograpbi? 37 Colophon on the refto of last leaf: Imprinted at London by William Seres . . . 1559. The .v. daye of Apryll. The first edition of Cooper's Chronicle was published in 1549, printed by Thomas Berthelet, and recorded events down to 1547. The date on the title to this edition is mdlxix, but the correft year is given in the colophon. The wording of the title-page, with slight variations in spelling, is followed in that of 1559, as far as "Thomas Cooper." Cooper issued a new edition in 1560 — see the following title — in the preface to which he states that upon examining the Marshe and Seres edition of 1559, which had been issued without any authorization from him, therein "I saw some thynges of myne lefte out, and many thynges of others annexed ; so dyd I finde almost fine hundred fautes and errours eyther of the prynter, or els of hym that vndertooke the correftion . . . the Edicion of . . . 1559 is none of myne, butthe attempte of certayne persons vtterly vnlearned." (H. N. S.) To these " vtterly vnlearned " editors, however, is due the in- teresting statement on fol. sig. Eeee 3, under the date 1553 : "In this meane whyle there were three noble shyppes furnyshed for the great aduenture of the vnknowen viage into the easte by the north- seas. The great encourager of this voiage was Sebastian Gaboto, an englisheman, borne at Bristow, but a Genoways sonne. These shyps dyd shortly after passe gallantly by Grenewiche in the kynges presence, one of the maryners standyng vpon the mayne topmaste of one of them." See Harrisse, Cabot, 16-18, for an elaborate discussion of the authorship and probable trustworthiness of the statement regarding the nationality of the Cabots. Harrisse shows apparently good reasons for ascribing this paragraph to the hack-writer, printer, and preacher, Crole or Crowley, who was living in London during the years 1551-1554., when Cabot was also presumably living there. COOPER (Thomas) Coopers Chroni-cle, conteininge the whole discourse of the histories as well of this realme, as all other countries, . . . newly enlarged and augmented, as well in the first part with diuers profitable Histo-ries, as in the latter ende with the whole summe of those thinges that Paulus Jouius and Sleidane hath written of late yeres, that is, from the beginnyng of Kyng Hen-rie the eightes raigne vnto the late death of Queene Ma-rie, by me Thomas Coo-per. — Landini, 1560. (82) 4to. T + 29 11 -t" 11 1-377 + I !• The reference to Cabot, fol. 357, is under the date 1553 : "Aboute this time in England by the encourageynge of one Sebastian Gaboto three great shippes wel furnished were set forthe, for the aduenture of vnknowen viage to Moscovia and other easte partes by the North seas." 38 Cabot 3BfbUograpbi? A new edition, with further additions, was issued by Cooper, August ist, 1565. The Cabot passage was changed so as to state that of the three ships, " by chaunce one arriued in Moscouia, and other east parts by the north seas." (H. N. S.) COOTE (Charles Henry). See Desceliers, No. 89, for Mr. Coote's Introduftion to Lord Crawford's facsimiles of three mappemondes. Mr. Coote's other Cabotian writings are described as Nos. 305 and 306. CORTES (Hernan) [Letter addressed to Sebastian Cabot, — (Mexico) 28 May, 1527. (83) Manuscript in the Archives of the Indies at Seville, Patronato Real, Leg. 6. Printed in Navarrete, Coleccion, v. 457-459. In response to instniftions from Spain, Cortes despatched an expedition to the Moluccas under the command of Alvaro de Saavedra. This was designed to co-operate with or assist, as might prove necessary, the expeditions of Cabot and Loaisa. Saavedra was furnished with an explanatory letter of introduftion to Cabot, and with similar letters to the members of Cabot's fleet, as well as to various potentates of sundry realms in the Spice regions, upon whose territories chance might land him. These letters, together with the journal of the expedition, are printed by Navarrete, Coleccion, v. 440-486. (83^) COSA (Juan de la) Juan de la cosa la fizo en el puerto de Sa: mja. en aiSo de 1500. (84) A manuscript map of the known world, in colours, on an ox-hide measuring 180 x 96 centimetres, or 5 ft. 9 x 3 ft. 2. This map probably belonged originally to the office of the Spanish Minister of Marine at Madrid. It was found in a bric-a-brac shop in Paris in 1832 by Baron Walckenaer. At the sale of his library in 1853, — catalogue No. 2904, — it was purchased by the Queen of Spain, and now hangs in the Naval Museum at Madrid. A facsimile, the size of the original, coloured by hand, was pub- lished by Sres. Canovas Vallejo and Traynor in 1892. It was accompanied by : ENSAYO biografico del celebre navegante y consumado cosmo- grafo Juan de la Cosa y descripcion e historia de su famosa carta geografica por Antonio Vascano. — Madrid, Oftubre, 1892. (85) Xvo. 2 T + pp 5-109. The text is in Spanish, French, and English. Another facsimile, in colours, is in Jomard, Monument! de la Geographic, — Paris, 1862, pi. xvi, in three sheets. There is also an Cabot Btbltograpbs 39 admirable facsimile in the Museo Espanol de Antigiiedades, baja la direccion del doftor Don Juan de Dios de la Rada y Deigado, iv, — Madrid, 1875. It illustrates an excellent descriptive essay on the map, pp. 1 13-124., by D. Cesareo Fernanclez Duro. Another re- duced facsimile accompanies Dawson, Latest Phases, No. 319. The American portions are sketched with varying accuracy in Humboldt, Examen, v, and in his appendix to Ghillany, Ge- schichte Martin Behaims, Niirnberg, 1853, reissued in the Amsterdam Seeskabinet ; in Kretschmer, pi. vii ; and in most of the good books on American discovery. See Harrisse, Disco'very, 4.12-415, for a transcript of the American names, made from a full-size photo- graph taken in 1889. (84') Along the north-eastern coast of the newly discovered regions is the legend : Mar descubierta por inglese — Sea discovered by the English. Against this coast, which supports five English flags, are placed 21 names, of which Harrisse says: " A priori this first series of names was borrowed by La Cosa from an English map, as it describes a region which in 1 500 had been visited only by British mariners." The north-easternmost name against the mainland is Cauo de ynglaterra — England's Cape ; near by is Cauo de S. iohan, and the southernmost are C° de S. Jorge and Cauo descubierto — the cape discovered. Efforts to identify the coast along which Cabot sailed in 1497, or 14.98, by means of this earliest cartographic evidence, and thus to establish the location of his landfall, have been made with widely and curiously divergent results by nearly every writer who has treated of the Cabot problems. COTTONIAN CHRONICLE or CRONICON RE- GUM ANGLIAE. The Cronicon now in the British Museum, which resembles so closely the " Old Chronicle, written by Robert Fabyan," used by Stow and Hakluyt, is described under Fabyan, No. 103. CRAWFORD AND BALCARRES (The Earl of). The mappemondes reproduced in facsimile by Lord Crawford are described under Desceliers, No. 89. CROWLEY (Robert). The unauthorized edition of Cooper's Chronicle, edited by Crowley and published by Marshe and Seres, London, 1559, is described under Cooper, No. 81. DAHLGREN (Erik Wilhelm). Mr. Dahlgren's facsimile of the Santa Cruz mappemonde is described under No. 204. 4° Cabot JBfbliograpbs DAVIS (John) The Worldes Hy-drographical Discription. Wherein is proued not onely by au6lhori-tie of writers, but also by late experience of trauellers and reasons of sub- stantiall pro-babilitie that the worlde in all his Zones Clymats and places, is habitable and inhabi-ted, and the Seas likewise uniuersally Naui-gable without any naturall anoyance to hin-der the same whereby appeares that from England there is a short and speedie passage into the South Seas, to China, Molucca, Phil-Iipina, and India, by Northerly Nauiga-tion, to the renowne honour and be- nifit of her Maiesties state, and Communalty. Published by I. Davis of Sandrudg by Dartmouth . . . 1595. May 27. Imprinted at London by Tho-mas Dawson. 1595. (86) Small 8vo. T + 23 11. Reprinted in Hakluyt, 1809-12, No. 130, iv. (1811) 451-468 ; and in No. 87. The text opens with the statement that the unsuccessful attempts made by Sebastian Cabotta had proved the impossibility of a north-west passage. DAVIS (John) The voyages and works of John Davis the navigator. Edited by Albert Hastings Markham. — London, for the Hakluyt Society, mdccclxxx. (87) 8vo. 2 T + 4 11 + PP xcv -|- 392 -t- map + plate. This volume is accompanied by the map described below under MoLYNEUX, No. 174. See Coote, No. 305. The Hydrographical Description is on pp. 191-228. DE BRY (Theodor). The reference to Cabot's 1507 voyage in De Bry's "Grands Voyages," part iv. cap. xiiii. is mentioned under Chauveton, No. 73. The best bibliographic description of this colleftion of voyages is in Bibliotheca Lindesiana, Collations and Notes y No. 3, Grands et Petits Voyages of De Bry. By LuDovic, Earl of Crawford AND Balcarres, — ioKflfoB, 1 8 84. Large 4to. 2 T -j- viii + 215 PP + T 4- 33 facsimile plates. DEE (John) loannes Dee Anno, 1580. (88) Manuscript map of North America and the transatlantic coasts of Europe, in the British Museum, London ; measuring 40^ x 26i inches j or 104 x 67.5 centimetres. The cartography is apparently derived from Spanish sources. dabot Biblfograpbs 41 On the back is a carefully written manuscript memorandum, headed : " To the Queenes Maiesties Title Royall to these foreyn Regions, and Hands, doe appertayn .4. poynts. 1. The Clayme in particular: 2. The Reason of the Clayme : 3. The Credit of the Reason : 4.. The value of that Credit by force of Law. A brief Remembrance of sundry forein Regions, Discovered, inhabited, and partly Conquered by the Subieils of this Brytish Monarchie : And so the lawfiall Title of our Soveraigne Lady Queene Elizabeth, for the due Clayme and iust Recovery of the same disclosed. Which in efFeft is a Title Royall to all the Coasts and Hands, begining at or abowt Terra Florida, alongst or nere vnto Atlantis, going Northerly, and then to all the most Northen Hands, great and small, and so cumpassing abowt Greenland vntill the Territories opposite, vnto the fardest Easterly and Northen Bownds of the Duke of Moscovia his Dominions : which last Bownds are from our Albion more than half the Sea voyage to the Cathayen westerly and Northen Sea Coasts, as most evidently, and at large yt is declared in the volume of Famous and Ryche Discoveries." Among the reasons adduced are : 2. Circa an. 1494 Mr. Robert Thorn his father, and Mr. Eliot of Bristow discovered Newfownd Land. (88*) 4. Circa an. 1497. Sebastian Caboto, sent by King Henry the seventh did Discover from Newfownd Land, so far along and abowt the Coasts next to Laborador tyll he came to the Latitude of .67-1. And styll fownd the Seas open before him. (SS*") The correft date, 1497, is interesting in view of the confusion in Hakluyt and other contemporary chroniclers. The obvious in- tention of this memorandum to influence the Queen is suggestive of Hakluyt's No. 126. This description is from a photograph, the size of the original map, made for Mr. F. W. Lucas, to whose kindness the compiler is indebted for a copy. DESCELIERS (Pierre) [Mappemonde drawn after 1536, probably by Pierre Desceliers. (89) Manuscript in the British Museum, Add. MS. 5413 ; on parch- ment, 8 ft. 2 X 3 ft. II. The southern, Australian, portions of this map have been reproduced several times, but the other parts of the map were not available for study outside of London prior to the publication by Lord Crawford of an autotype full-size facsimile, in fifteen sheets, as described below. The map is undated and unsigned, but Mr. Coote, in No. 90, states that the clear references to Cartier's first voyage to New France, and the resemblance to other work signed by Desceliers, permit a very close approximation to the date 1536, and reasonable certainty as to authorship. The map has been frequently referred 42 Cabot Btbllograpbg to heretofore as " Harleian Mappemonde," and its date is given variously as 1533 by KoHL, see Harrisse, Disco'very, 647; before 1554 by WiNSOR, America, iv. 85-89, where it is confounded with the Jomard-Crawford map, No. 91 below ; and by others at inter- vening years. The best account of the St. Lawrence region as represented on this map is in the Re'uie'w of Historical Publications relating to Canada, — Toronto, 1899, iii. 47-52. Mr. Harrisse, in the Gottingiscbe gelehrte Anzeigen, No. 6, 1899, examines Mr. Coote's statements, and gives his reasons for believing that the map could not have been drawn before Oftober 1542. The chief Cabotian interest of this map lies in the faft that it is an early example of the Dieppe school of cartography, another example of which — Desliens,No. 93 — apparently served as proto- type for portions of the 1544 Cabot map. A comparison of these shows that the maker of this map was able to give a more accurate portrayal of the Newfoundland region, but that he knew far less about the La Plata country than the author of the 1 544 map. This map, together with two later works ascribed to Desceliers, was reproduced by the Earl of Crawford and Balcarres in : BiBLiOTHECA LiNDEsiANA Collations and notes N0.4 Autotype facsimiles of three mappemondes . . . with an introduftion, including a short notice on Desceliers' later mappemonde of 1553 by Charles Henry Coote — Privatelv printed mdcccxcviii. (90) 4to. 2 T + pp 5-18 : Atlas, 49 sheets, 100 copies printed. Besides No. 89, this contains facsimiles of: (i) Mappemonde : Faifles a Arques par [Pierre Desceliers, presb".] 1546. (91) Manuscript, in the library of Lord Crawford, Haigh Hall, Wigan, England, Bihl. Lind, French MS. No. 150 ; on parchment, 8 ft. 2 X 4 ft. i\. This map formerly belonged to M. Jomard, who reproduced it in his Monuments de la Gdographie, — Paris, 1862, pi. xix. 1-6. M. Jomard not observing the almost obliterated inscription, it was styled by him the " Henri II." mappemonde, by which name it is frequently referred to. Mr. Harrisse, in the critical essay noted under No. 89, expresses doubts as to the propriety of ascribing this map to Desceliers. (91*) The increased knowledge of the St. Lawrence River region, recorded on this map, deprives it of any especial Cabotian interest. The more noticeable increase in ignorance of the basin of La Plata, which is also seen in the following map, may have some significance for those who would explain the inaccuracies in the 1 544 Cabot map. (2) Mappemonde: Faifle a Arqves Par Pierres Desceliers Pbre: L'an : 1550. (92) Manuscript in the British Museum, Add. MS. 24,065; on parch- ment, 7 ft. 2 X 4 ft. 5. Cabot Bibliograpbs 43 DESLIENS (NicotAs) [Mappemonde : faifte a Dieppe par Nicolas Desliens, 1541. (93) Manuscript in the Royal Library at Dresden, Geogr. A. 52. M. ; on parchment, 41 x ^.zt inches, or 104. x 57.5 centimetres. This map was described for the first time by Ruge, Enti/jickel- ung der Kartographie, — Gotha, 1892, 61-63. There is a facsimile of the Newfoundland regions in Harrisse, Cabot, 95. Mr. Harrisse shows clearly that the representation of the Gulf of St. Lawrence on the 1 544 Cabot map was derived from this or from some very similar map. According to Dr. Ruge, the South American portions, and especially La Plata, are less accurate than in the 1 544. map. See notes to Desceliers, Nos. 89 and 91^. DRAPERS' COMPANY OF LONDON [An answer made to serten of the kings counsell as consernyng the kings shippes to be occupy ed — i March-9 April, 1521. (94) Archives of the Drapers' Company, London, Wardens Manuscript Accounts, vii. fol. 86-87. Printed first by Harrisse, Discovery, ■j/^-j--j^o. Noted in Herbert, Tnuel've Great Li'verj Companies, 1837, i. 410. These records show that "the king & my lord Cardinall [Wolsey] and the Counsell thynketh . . . that there be appoynted a c'tayn no"rabre of ships to be prepared for a viage to be made into the newe found Hand . . . (this gild) to furnyshe v shipps . . . The king's Grace to prepare them in takyll ordena"nce and all other necessaries at his charge. And also the king to here the advento'' . . . the m'chaunts &companys tobeat the charge of the vitaylling and mennys wages . . . for one hole yere and the shipps not to be above vj'" ton apece." Exclusive trading privileges were granted for ten years, and release from customs dues " xv monthes & xv monthes." Bristol had already promised to fiirnish two ships. In their reply, the wardens declare that the king and his coun- cillors " were duely and substa"ncially enformed in suche man' as perfite knowledge myght be had by credible reporte of maisters & mariners naturally born within this Realm of England having ex- perience, and exercised in and abowt the forsaid Hand as wele in knowlege of the land, the due courses of the seey thiderward and homeward, as in knowlege of the havenes . . . dayngers, & sholds there vppon that coste . . . that than it were the Jesse jopardy to aventer thider, than it is nowe, all though it be ferther hens than fewe English maryners can tell. " And we thynk it were to sore avenf to joperd v shipps with men & goods vnto the said Hand vppon the singuler trust of one man callyd as we vnderstond Sebastyan, whictie Sebastyan as we here say was neu' in that land hym self, all if he maks reporte of many things as he hath hard his Father and other men speke in fymes past. " And also we say that if the said Sebastyan had bene there and were as cofiyng a man in & for thoos parties as any man myght be 44 Cabot BibUograpbg having non other assista"nts of maisters & maryn's of Englond exercised & labored in the same p'ties for to guyd there shipps and other charges than we knowe of, but onely trusting to the said Sebastyan, we suppos it were no wysdom to avenf lyves & goods thider in suche man'. What for fere of syknes or dethe of the said Sebastian, . . ." Despite the efforts of the eleven crafts, the crown insisted upon organizing the expedition. The Drapers with much difficulty subscribed 200 marks. It has been assumed, and there seem to be no good reasons for doubting, that the " said Sebastyan " was surnamed Cabot. Mr. Harrisse, Cabot, 168-173, finds in this protest a strong confirmation of his estimate of the charafter of Sebastian. He also sees in the plea for "mariners born within the realm" a proof of Cabot's foreign nativity. The payment to Goderyk mentioned in the will of Sir Thomas Lovell — see Brewer, No. 14* — may have had some connexion with this expedition, as Harrisse suggests. What appears to be Cabot's statement regarding his relations to this episode is quoted in the notes to No. 76. EDEN (Richard) A treatyse of the newe India, with other new founde landes and Ilandes, aswell eastwarde as westwarde, as they are knowen and found in these oure dayes, after the descripcion of Se-bastian Munster in his boke of vni-uersall Cosmographie . . . Translated out of Latin into Englishe. By Rycharde Eden. — [Colophon] 1553. Imprinted at London. (95) i2mo. T + loi 11. Reprinted in Arber, No. 6, pp. 3-42. A reference to an expedition " vnder the gouemaunce of Sebastian Cabot yet liuing, & one syr Thomas Perte, whose faynt heart was the cause that that viage toke none effeft," which " Kinge Henry the .viij. about the same yere of his raygne, furnished & sent forth certen shippes," is on 1. sig. aa . iiij, or Arber, 6, with comments on p. xiii. See the Introduflion, p. xliv. EDEN (Richard) The decades of the newe worlde or west India, Conteynyng the nauigations and conquestes of the Spanyardes, with the particular de-scription of the moste ryche and large landes and Ilandes lately founde in the west Ocean . . . many secreates touchynge the lande, the sea, and the starres, very necessarie to be knowe to al such as shal attempte any nauigations . . . Wrytten in the Latine tounge by Peter Martyr of Angleria, and translated into Englysshe by Rycharde Eden — Londini, 1555. (96) Small 4to. T + 23 11 + map + 11 1-361 + 13. Cabot Bibliograpbs 45 Reprinted in Arber, No. 6, pp. 4.3-397. The edition of 1577, edited by Willes, is described as No. 230. The Cabot passages are on 1. sig, c. i, where " Rycharde Eden to the reader" states that "the woorthy owlde man yet lyuing Sebastiane Cabote . . . touched only in the north comer and most barbarous parte hereof, from whense he was repulsed with Ise in the moneth of July" : LI. II 8-1 19, where Eden misunderstood Martyr to say that Cabot was "one of owre counsayle and assystance as touchynge the affayres of the newe Indies," which modern writers have assumed to imply that Cabot belonged to the Spanish Council for the Indies : LI. 255-256, where a marginal note to Ramusio's story of the Mantuan gentleman — No. 194. — states that " Cabote tould me that he was borne in Brystowe," and that he also " tould me that (at La Plata) he sowed 1. graynes of weate," which may fairly be assumed to show why Eden correfted this wheat story, on 1. 317, where he gives a free version of legend 7 on the 1544 Cabot map — No. 55' — " as he wryteth in his owne carde . . . they gathered therof two thousande and fiftie . . . wherin sume beinge deceaued and mis- takynge the thynge, haue wrytten . . . fyftie thousande and two." This passage from the map is interpolated in the middle of Eden's very free rendering from Gomara, whose Baccalaos passage is on 11. 317-318. Ziegler's version of Martyr, No. 232, is on 1. 268, with the note : " Cabote tould me that this Ise is of fresshe water." EDEN (Richard) A very necessarie and profitable Booke concer-ning Nauigation, compiled in Latin by loannes Taisnie-rus, a publike professor in Rome, Ferraria, & other Uniuersities in Italic of the Mathematicalles, named a treatise of continuall Mo-tions. Translated into Englishe, by Richarde Eden. — Imprinted at London by Richarde lugge. (97) Small 4to. T -t- 41 11. The date of publication was later than 1573, and probably about 1 575. Captain Markham, Dwuis' Voyages, p. 356, follows the British Museum catalogue in dating it 1579, without comment. No books printed by Jugge are known with a later date than 1 577. This translation contains much the same matter, diiferently arranged, as the original : OPVSCVLVM Perpetva Me-moria dignissimvm, de natvra mag- netis, et eivs eifeftibvs. Authore loanne Taisnierio Hannonio — Coloniae, Apud Joannem Birckmannum, m.d.lxii. (98) 4to. T -1- 45 leaves (paged 1-80, but incorreftly). Sigs. A-K in 4s -(- L in 6. The last leaf is a portrait of the author, which is also repeated on the verso of the title. Eden's Epistle Dedicatorie, 1. sig. 3, tells of how " the knowledge of the longitude myght be founde. . . . Sebastian Cabot on his 46 Cabot Bi&If ograpb^ death bed tolde me that he had the knowledge thereof by diuine reuelation, yet so, that he myght not teache any man. But I thinke that the good olde man, in that extreme age, somewhat doted, and had not yet euen in the article of death, vtterly shaken of all worldlye vayne glorie." M. d'Avezac discusses Eden's work as a translator in the Re'vue Critique, v. 265. EDWARD VI., KING OF ENGLAND The large pension graunted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian Cabota, constituting him grand Pilot of England — West- minster^ 6 Januarie, 1548. (99) Printed in Hakluyt, Principall Na'vigations, 1589, 519-520, in Latin and English. Also in Rymer, Faedera, vi. pt. iii. 170. This is the grant of a yearly salary of £166 13J. 4^., payable quarterly, and beginning from the preceding Feast of St. Michael the Archangel, 29 September. Two records, printed by Dasent, Ails of the Pri'vy Council of England, — London, 1890,11. 137, 320, seem to show that Cabot's return to England in 1547-48 was the result of negotiations with the English Government. 1 547, 9 Oftober ; Mr. Peckham had Warrant for 100 li for the transporting of one Shabot a Pilot to come out of Hispain to serve and inhabit in England. (i°o) 1549, 2 September; Thexchequer had warrant for C li to Henry Oystrynge by him taken up by Exchaunge for condufting of Sebastian Sabott. (loi) The ambassador of Charles V. presented to the Council of Edward VI. a request from the Emperor asking for the return of Cabotte, 29 January, 1549-50. An answer was promised after due consideration, according to the Council memorandum printed in Dasent, ASs, ii. 374. The answer was given in April, and was reported, as follows : EDWARD VI. [Dispatch from the King's Council to Sir Philip Hoby — Grenewich, 21 April, 1550. (102) Manuscript memorandum in the British Museum, Harleian MSS. s^Z,fol- 6-7 bis. Printed by Hopper in Notes and Sfueries, London, 15 February, 1862, 3 Ser. i. 125, and by Harrisse, 5*. et S. Cabot, 359-360. An abstrafl: was printed in J. G. Nichols, Literary Remains of King Ediuard VI. — London, 1857, No. 470. This dispatch in- formed the English ambassador at Brussels that the Emperor's representative in London had confirmed the request for Cabot's return — see Cheyne, No. 74 — and that in reply the Council declared that Cabot " was not deteined heere by vs, but that he of Cabot Bibliograpbs m himself refused to go either into Spayne or to the emp""' ... he being the kinges subiefte." The Spanish ambassador thereupon sought an interview with Cabot, which was granted in the presence of Richard Shelley, as representative of the Council. Cabot con- firmed the statements made by the Council, but added that " hauing knowlege of certein thinges verie necessarie for the Emp"" know- lege, he was well contented for the good well he here themp" to write his mind vnto him, or declare the same here to enie such as shulde be appointed to heare him." Thereupon the ambassador asked Cabot if he would visit the Emperor in case the Council commanded him to do so. "Wherunto Cabot made aunswere as Shelley reportethe . . . then he knew wel inoughe what he had to do." With this the ambassador was perforce seemingly contented. See Charles V. No. 71, and Cabot, No. 59, for the renewal of these efforts to secure Cabot's return to Spain, after Queen Mary succeeded Edward VI. A gratuity of £200 — icj li by way of the K. M. rewarde — was paid to Cabote at the direction of the Council, 26 June, 1550 : see Dasent, ASs, iii. 55 ; Harrisse, Cabot, 450. Strype, Me- morials, ii. pt. ii. 76, mentions a grant of the same amount to Cabot in March, 1551. ('°3) There is a record in the Tellers Rolls, 100 (Harrisse, Cabot, 451), which shows that Cabot was paid one quarter of his salary or pension, ^^41 13^-. 4^., on 17 April, 1551. (104) FABYAN (Robert) Cronicon regum Angliae et Series Maioru et vicecomitu Ciuitatis London ab Anno primo Henrici tertii ad Annu primu Hen: 8"'. [etc., etc.] (105) Manuscript in the British Museum, MS. Cott. Vitellitu, A xvi. The passage referring to Cabot, on fol. 173, was printed by Hale, in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, 21 Oftober, 1865, p. 22; and, following the original spelling more carefully, by Dexter, in the Proceedings of the same society — Worcester, 1881, new series, i. 440. This apparently contemporary chronicle states under 13 H. VII. (1497) that "This yere the kyng at the besy request and Suppli- cacon of a Straunger venisian which by a Caart made hym self expert in knowyng of the world caused the kyng to manne a ship w' vytaill & other necessaries for to seche an Hand wheryn the said Straunger Surmysed to be grete comodities / w' which Ship by the kyngf grace so went iij or iiij moo owte of Bristowe the said Straunger beyng Conditor of the said Flete/ wheryn dyuers nJchauntf as well of London as Bristow aventured goodf & Sleight flchaundises which depted from the West Cuntrey in the begynnyng of §omer but to this psent moneth came nevir knowlege of their exployt." — \Re-read and cmreSed from the original MS., No'U. 1899.] This chronicle, or one bearing a close resemblance to it, formed the basis for the Cabot statements in Stow, Chronicle, No. 212, 48 Cabot JSiblfograpbis where Robert Fabyan is referred to as the authority; and also, through Stow or Holinshed, No. 14.6, for statements printed by Hakluyt in 1582, 1589, and 1599. Much doubt and controversy has arisen from the faft that Stow wrote, in place of " a Straunger venisian," "one Sebastian Gabato a genoas sonne borne in Bris- tow"; while Hakluyt, in 1582, has it "A Venetian," in 1589, and in 1599, "one John Cabot, a Venetian," the paragraph in both cases having the heading : " A note of Sebastian Gabotes voyage . . . taken out of an old Chronicle written by Robert Fabian . . . in the custodie of John Stowe." The changes made by Hakluyt were discussed, with considerable show of feeling, by Biddle, No. 261, pp. 41-45, and Tytler, No. 555, pp. 421-427: see Har- RisSE, Cabot, 25, 131, 396; and Dexter, No. 331. Very little attention has been paid to the extremely significant information contained in the remainder of this paragraph. Possible motives for interpolating a "forged account of Cabot's return alleged to have been copied " from the Stow manuscript are suggested by E. J. Payne, No. 473, p. 235. Another chronicle credited to Fabyan, of which nothing is now Icnown, is mentioned under Stow, No. 212. FERDINAND AND ISABELLA [Dispatch from their Catholic Majesties to Ruy Gonzales de Puebla — Tortosa, 28 March, 1496. (106) Manuscript at Simancas, Estado, Capitulaciams con Inglaterra, Leg. 2, fol. 1 6. Printed by Harrisse, J. et S. Cabot, 315-316. There is an English version in Bergenroth, Calendars (Spain), i. 88-89. One paragraph in this dispatch to the Spanish ambassador in England shows that he had reported the efforts of " another Columbus," uno como Colon, to interest the English king in the affairs of the Indies, without prejudice to the rights of Spain or Portugal. Their Spanish Majesties in reply suggest that this effort may have been inspired by the French king in order to distraft the attention of Henry VII. It is apparently implied that nothing can be done without injury to Spain or Portugal. See Gonzales DE Puebla, No. 120. FERDINAND OF ARAGON [Letter to "Milor de Uliby Capitan R. de Jngl*" — Logrono, 13 September, 1512- (107) Manuscript copy in the Library of the Academy of History at Madrid, Munoz Transcripts, xc. fol. 109. The sentence referring to Cabot is printed in Harrisse, J. et S. Cabot, 331. The Spanish king requested Lord Willoughby de Broke, who Cabot Bibliograpbs 49 commanded the English forces which landed at Pasages, Spain, in June, 1512, to send him Sebastian Caboto Ingles, from whom the king desired to obtain serviceable information : porque yo quiero saber del cosas de ntro servicio. This letter is mentioned by Herrera, Dec. i, lib. ix, cap. xiii (1730 edition, No. 14.3 n, i. 254), who states that the king's objeft was to discover a strait leading to the Spiceries, and for this purpose he desired to secure the services of persons acquainted with the Bacallaos. (107a) FERDINAND OF ARAGON [Letter to Sebastian Caboto — Logrono, 13 September, 151 2. (108) Manuscript at Madrid, Munoz Transcripts, xc. fol. 115. Printed in Harrisse, J. et S. Cabot, 331-2. This letter reminded Cabot of an agreement he had made to enter the Spanish service, at an interview with Conchillos and the Bishop of Palencia, at which they had discussed the navigation to the Bacallaos, FERDINAND OF ARAGON [Letter "a oiF. de Sevilla" — Logrono, 20 Oftober, 1512. (109) Manuscript at Madrid, Munoz Transcripts, xc. fol. 115. Printed in Harrisse, J. et S. Cabot, 332. This is the official announcement that Sebastian Caboto had been appointed Capitan de Mar with a yearly salary of 50,000 maravedis. FERDINAND OF ARAGON [Letter to D. Luis Caro — Logrono, 20 O (Sober, 1512. (no) Manuscript at Madrid, Munoz Transcripts, xc. fol. 115. Printed in Harrisse, J. et S. Cabot, 332. This letter instrufled the Spanish ambassador in England, D. Luis Carroz de Villaragut, to assist Cabot in every possible manner to put his affairs in order preparatory to removing his wife and family to Spain. Memoranda of payments made to Cabot by the Spanish crown, from the Munoz Transcripts belonging to the Academy of History at Madrid, are printed by Harrisse, J. et S. Cabot, 333-334.. They are dated 6 and 26 March, 7 April, 15 14, and 30 August, 1 51 5. The first was an advance of 50 ducados to enable him to proceed to the court for consultation concerning matters connefted with the projefted voyage of discovery. The other payments in 1 5 14 relate to his journey to London and the expense of sending for his wife. ("i) A cedula, dated in Burgos, 13 June, 1515, found at Simancas, Libra de Camera, 1513-16, fol. 63, and printed by Harrisse, Dis- coniery, 706, orders the payment of 10,000 maravedis additional to £ 50 Cabot JSibliograpbg Cabot " capitan de armada de las cosas de las yndias . . . para ayuda a su costa." (112) The appointment of Cabot as Piloto Mayor, in place of Juan Dias de Solis, deceased, at 50,000 maravedis salary, is in the Manoz Transcripts, Ixxv. fol. 213, and Ixxvi. fol. 28. An entry in Ixxv. fol. 49, from the Accounts of Dr. Sancho de Matienzo, Treasurer of the Casa de la Contratacion, shows that Cabot received, 6 May, 1519, 25,000 mvd. as one-third of his salary. Harrisse, Cabot, 402, conjeftures that this included his emoluments as naval cap- tain. In December, 1 522, Cabot told Contarini- — No. 76 — that his salary was 50,000 mvd. as naval captain, 50,000 as chief pilot, and 25,000 for expenses. ("3) For other details in Cabot's Spanish service, see Cabot, Nos 23-38 and 57. FUGGER OF ANTWERP. Extrafts from the account books kept by the great commercial house of the Fuggers in Antwerp, relating to the moneys paid to Sebastian Cabot for a map which he failed to deliver, are quoted in the notes to Haebler, No. 369. FUST CHRONICLE. See note under Toby, No. 222. GALVANO (Antonio) Tratado. Que compps o nobre & no-tauel capitao Antonio Galuao, dos diuersos & des- uayrados caminhos, por onde nos tempos passados a pi- menta & especearia veyo da India as nossas partes, & assi de todos OS des cobrimentos antigos & modernos, que sao feitos ate a era de mil & qui-nhentos & cincoenta. Com OS nomes particulates das pessoas que os fi-zeram : & em que tempos & as suas alturas, obra cer to muy notauel & copiosa. — [Colophon] Imprimio se em casa de loham da Barreira, impressor del Rey nosso senhor. Aos quinze de Dezembro. De mil & quinhetos & sessenta & tres An nos [^Lisboa] (114) i2mo. T -h 3 11 + 11 1-80. Reprinted in Lisbon, 1731 ; and again by the Hakluyt Society, edited by Vice-Admiral Bethune, London, 1862. Galvano, whose supposed acquaintance with the 1544 Cabot map — see Deane, No. 327, p. 33; Harrisse, Cabot, 64 — must have been supplemented by independent Spanish or Portuguese information, states on 1. 25, pp. 87-89 of 1862 edition, that (Sebastian) Cabot, an Italian living in England, had surmised that the islands discovered by Columbus were in the same latitude as Cabot Biblfograpbs 51 England, and much nearer to that country than to Portugal : No anno de 1496 . . . vendo em huapomacomo estas jlhasacima ditas estao quasi em hu paralelo & altura, & muyto mais perto de sua terra hua a outra. Henry VII. was persuaded by his arguments to fit out two ships with 300 men. Starting in the spring, they sailed westward and found land at 45°, whence they coasted north to 60°, where the days were eighteen hours long and the nights clear and bright. It was very cold, and they met with great islands of ice, but no land, the soundings giving from 73 to 100 fathoms: forao por ella ate sessenta onde os dias sam de dezoyto horas, & as noytes miiy claras & serenas. Auia aqui muyta frialdade & ylhas de neue, que nao achauam fundo em setenta, oitenta, cem bra9as, mas achaua grandes regelos, do que tambem se arreceaua. Finding that the coast trended eastwards, they turned back and coasted to 38", watching every inlet for a passage through to the other side : descobrindo toda a baya, rio, enseada, jia ver se passaua da outra banda; Hakluyt's translator rendered this, "discouering all the Bay and riuer named Deseado." Galvano notes that some said that Cabot sailed south as far as Florida, which is 25°. There is an account of the voyage to La Plata on 11. 54-55, pp. 169-170 in 1862 edition. Translated into English, as : GALVANO (Antonio) The discoveries of the World from their first original! vnto the yeere of our Lord 1555. Briefly written in the Por-tugall tongue by Antonie Gal- vano, Gouernour of Ternate, the chiefe Island of the Malucos : Correfled, quoted, and now published in English by Richard Hakluyt. — Londint 1601. (11 5) Small 4to. T -F 5 U -H pp 1-97. Reprinted in the Harleian ColkQion (or Oxford Voyages), — London, 1745, ii. 353-402 ; J. S. Clarke, Progress of Maritime Discoi/ery, — London, 1803, i. Appendix, 2-74; Hakluyt, No. 132, 1811, iv. 395-450; and with the Portuguese text published by the Hakluyt Society in 1862. The Cabot 1496 narrative is on pp. 32-33. Hakluyt never saw the original text, as his correspondents in Lisbon were unable to secure a copy of it for him, and this volume was printed from an anonymous manuscript translation which fell into his hands. Hakluyt correfted some evident blunders, and added information which came within his own knowledge. Thus he changed Gal- vano's Sebastian to John Cabot, and, in the La Plata narrative, p. 66, added to Galvano's Sebastian Cabota a Venetian, "by his father, but borne at Bristol in England." Hakluyt's version of Galvano was used by Thomas Prince in the compilation of his Chronological History of Neiv England, — Bos- ton, 1736, p. 80; reprinted by S. G. Drake, — Boston, 1826, reprinted in 1852, p. 82. 52 Cabot Bibltograpbs GARCIA (Diego) Memoria de la navegacion que hice este viaje en la parte del mar Oceano dende que sali de la Ciudad de la Coruna, que alli me fue entregada la armada por los Oficiales de S. M., que fue en el ano de 1526. (116) Manuscript in the Archives of the Indies, at Seville, Leg. 3 de los rotulados de Descripciones y poblaciones ; papeles Ueiiados de Simancas. Printed by Varnhagen in the Reiiista Trimensal do Instituto historico e geographico do Brazil — Rio de Janeiro, 1852, xv. 6-14. This account of a rival expedition contains numerous references to the exploration of La Plata by Savastian Gavoto. The two parties were on the river at the same time. GAULLE (Francis). The map in Hakluyt's edition of Peter Martyr, — Paris, 1587, which is said to have been drawn by Gaulle, is described as No. 162. GAYANGOS (Pascual de). See Bergenroth, No. 9. GILBERT (Humphrey) A discovrse Of a Discouerie for a new Pas-sage to Cataia. Written by Sir Hvm-frey Gilbert — London, 1576, Aprilis. 12. (n?) 8vo. T + 43 11 + map. Reprinted by Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, 1589, 597-610 ; Voyages, iii. 1 1-24.. Written before 1566. On 1. sig. Diij is the account of how " Sebastian Gabota . . . sailed very far westward, with a quarter of the North, on the Northside of Terra de Labrador, the eleuenth of lune, vntil he came to the Septentrional latitude of (>^\ ... he would haue gone to Cataia, if the Mutinie of the Maister & Mariners, had not ben." Compare Ramusio, No. 196*. The charts mentioned in this passage are described as No. 48. GODERYK (John). The payment made to Goderyk of Foly in Cornwall for con- ducing Cabot from Spain to England, is noted under Brewer, No. 14*. GOMARA (Francisco Lopez de) Primera y segunda parte de la his-toria general de las Indias con todo el descubrimiento y cosas nota bles que ban acaecido dende Cabot Bibliograpbi? 53 que se ganaron ata el aiio de 1551. Con la coquista de Mexico y de la nueua Espaiia — En Caragoca, 1553 [^SS^]- (118) Folio. T + map + 11 ii-cxxii + T + 11 ii-cxl. Fifteen editions at least of Gomara's three works were printed during the years 1552 to 1555. The preferable reference is to the i»mo edition printed at Antwerp in 1554 for Juan Steelsio and Juan Bellero, as this is the earliest edition with numbered chapters. Translations into French and German had been reprinted a score of times before the end of the sixteenth century. English versions of the Conquest of the Indies were printed at London in 1578 and 1596. An account of these various editions, which is " said to have been drawn up by Mr. Brevoort," is in Sabin, DiSionary of Books re- lating to America, — Neiu York, 1875, vii. 305-312. For " Sebastian Gaboto y su nauigation," see cap. xxxix, Los Bacallaos, fo. xx, 1552 edition. Indexed under "Sebastian" in other editions. Eden, Decades, No. 96, p. 318, or Arber, No. 6, p. 34.3, gives an English version. Also in Winsor, America, iii. 26-27, "correfted by the original," and in Nicholls, Bristol, No. 469, iii. 296. The La Plata expedition, with the planting of 52 grains of wheat which yielded 50,000 in four months — see No. 96 — is de- scribed in cap. Ixxxviii, fo. xlix, 1552 edition. Gomara frequented the Spanish court in his capacity of secretary to Hernan Cortes between 1540 and 1546, and must have had many opportunities for meeting Cabot. His narrative closely re- sembles that of Martyr. GONZALES DE PUEBLA (Ruy). A dispatch from the senior Spanish ambassador in England to his sovereigns, dated London, 21 January, 1496, contained the earliest recorded reference to Cabot's efforts to interest the English king in the exploitation of the Indies. See notes to No. 106, for the reply to this report. The text of the dispatch has not yet been found. (119) GONZALES DE PUEBLA (Ruy) [Dispatch to Fer- dinand and Isabella. (120) The original manuscript, in cipher, is at Simancas, Patronato Real; Capitulaciones con Inglaterra, Leg. 2, fol. 198. The manuscript is not dated, but was presumably written about 25 July, 1498, the date of the accompanying report described under Ayala, No. 7. A Spanish text is in Harrisse, J. et S. Cabot, 328-9, with mistakes correfted in his Cabot, 395-6 ; reprinted in Weare, Cabot, 159-160 54 Cabot Biblfograpbs The reference to Cabot's second voyage is merely an official summary of the longer report written by Ayala j it is interesting as suggesting the points in the latter which seemed important to the older diplomat. GRAFTON (Richard) A Chronicle at large and meere History of the affayres of Englande and Kinges of the same, dedu-ced from the Creation of the worlde, vnto the first ha-bitation of thys Islande : and so by contynuance vnto the first yere of the reigne of our most deere and souereigne Lady Oueene Eliza-beth : collected out of sundry Auc-thors, whose names are expressed — 15^9 [London]. (i2i) Folio. 2 volumes (usually bound together). T + 5 H + PP 1-192 + 4 11; T + pp 1-1369 + 21 11. The title of volume ii. is dated 1568 ; the colophon reads : Im- printed at London . . . Anno. 1569. the last of March. Reprinted as : GRAFTON (Richard) Grafton's Chronicle ; or, History of England. To which is added his Table of the Bailiffs, Sheriffs, and Mayors, of the City of London. From the year 1 189, to 1558, inclusive — London; 1809. (122) Large 4to. 2 volumes. T -J- pp iii-xvi -}- 677 ; T -(- i 1 -)- pp 568 -1-26 11. The reference to Cabot is on p. 1323 of the first, or ii. 531-2 of i8o9edition,undertheyear 1552 : "Aboutthis time there were three noble ships set forth and furnished for the great aduenture of the vnknowne voyage into the East, by the North seas. The great doer & encourager of which voyage was Sebastian Gaboto an Englisheman, borne at Bristow, but was the sonne of a Genoway . . . now the said voyage and trade is greatly aduaunced, & the Marchants aduenturing that way are newly by aft of parliamet encoporated." (H. N. S.) Grafton was the royal printer to Edward VI., in whose court Cabot is said to have delivered leftures on cosmography. See Harrisse, Cabot, 18. (i22») Cabot is not mentioned in the reference to the discovery of the Muscovy trade, on fol. xcii. of: A Manuell of the Chronicles of Englande, ... to this yere of our Lorde. 1565. Abridged and coUec-ted by Richard Grafton — Lon-don. (i!'3) 32mo. T + II 11 -t- fol. i-c -f 8. (H. N. S.) GRAFTON (Richard) Graftons Abridgement of the Chro-nicles of Englande. Newly and diligently corredted, Cabot JSibUograpbi? ss and finished the last of Oftober. 1570 — [London]. In aedibus Richardi Tottyll. (124) Sm. 8vo. T 4- 35 11 + 11 1-200 + 4. 11. Reprinted by Tottyl in 1572 : T + 31 11 + 11 1-216 + 40. The passage printed in 1569, No. 121, was altered to read, fol. 160: "Sebastian Gabota an englishman . . . but his father was a strager." See notes under Cooper, No. 81. GRAJALES (Doctor). The authorship of the legends on the 1544- Cabot map, ascribed by Harrisse to a certain Dr. Grajales, is discussed in the notes to No. 56 on pp. 22-23. HAKLUYT (Richard) Divers voyages touching the discouerie of America, and the Hands adiacent vnto the same, made first of all by our Englishmen, and afterward by the French-men and Britons : And certaine notes of aduertisements for obserua-tions, necessarie for such as shall heereafter make the like attempt — Lon-don 1582. (125) Small 4to. T -f 58 11 + 2 maps. Reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, edited by John Winter Jones, — London, 1850 ; described as No. 424. The maps are described under LoK, No. 156; and Thorke, No. 218. The Cabot patent ofMarch, 1495-6, No. 136, is on 11. sig. A-A^, pp. ig-26 of 1 8 50 edition, together with " the note out of Fabian," No. 105, and the quotation from the preface of Ramusio, No. 196, of which Hakluyt says in the Epistle Dedicatorie, that Sebastian Gabot wrote " that he veryly beleeued that all the North part of America is diuided into Ilandes." These sources end with the note that shortly shall come out in print all Sebastian Gabotes " owne mappes & discourses drawne and written by himselfe, which are in the custodie of the worshipfiill master Willia Worthington one of her Maiesties Pensioners, who (because so woithie monu- mentes shoulde not be buried in perpetuall obliuion) is very willing to suffer them to be ouerseene and published in as good order as may bee, to the encouragement and benefite of our Countriemen." HAKLUYT (Richard) A particuler discourse concern- inge the greate necessitie and manifolde comody-ties that are like to growe to this Realme of Englande by the Westerne discoueries lately attempted Written in the yere 1584. by Richarde Hackluyt of Oxforde at the requeste 56 Cabot ffiibliograpbi? and direftion of the righte worshipfull Mr. Walter Raghly nowe knight before the comynge home of his twoo barkes . . . (i^6) Folio manuscript, in the library of the late Sir Thomas Phillipps ; 65 11. Printed by the Maine Historical Society, ColleSions, second series, ii., as : Documentary history of the State of Maine. Vol. ii. . . . Intro- du6Hon By Leonard Woods. . . . Edited By Charles Deane, — Cambridge, 1877. (1^7) 8vo. 2 T + pp v-lxi + 253 + 5 facsimiles. Reprinted by GoLDSMiD, No. 133, — Edinburgh, 1890, xiii. [America, ii.) 169-276. In this discourse, which was written with the design of influencing Queen Elizabeth to grant Ralegh a patent for colonization, — see Dee, No. 88 — Hakluyt constantly insists upon England's right to control northern America, because of priority of discovery by Cabot. The arguments do not suggest any information not known to Martyr, Ramusio (apparently in La PoPELLiNiiRE's French version), and Eden, with the exception of Cabot's " owne mappe," No. 39^ and 55*>, " In which mappe, in the chapiter of Newfoundelande, there in Latyn is put downe . . . the very day, and the firste lande which they sawe ... as Clement Adams saieth, 1494. in the chapiter of Gabotts mapp De terra nova," pp. 122-128, 1877 edition. The other interesting references to Cabot are on pp. 19, 86, loi and no. See Mr. Deane's notes on pp. 192-195 and 222-228. See Martyr, No. 161, for the edition of the Decades edited by Hakluyt, — Paris, 1587. HAKLUYT (Richard) The principall navigations, voia- ges and discoveries of the English nation, made by Sea or ouer Land, . . . at any time within the compasse of these 1500. yeeres : Deuided into three seuerall parts, . . . The first . . . Asia [and] Africa . . . The second . . . to- wards the North and Northeast . . . The third and last, including the English valiant attempts in searching al-most all the corners of the vaste and new world of America, from 73. de-grees of Northerly latitude Southward, to the Streight of Magellan . . . further then euer any Christian hitherto hath pierced ... By Richard Hakluyt Master of Artes, and Student sometime of Christ-church in Oxford — London by George Bishop and Ralph New- berie, Deputies to Christopher Barker, Printer to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie. 1589. (128) Cabot BibliograpbB 57 Folio. T + 7 11 + pp. 1-825 + 5 11 +map. Cited as Hakluyt, Principall Na'vigatiotts. In this volume Hakluyt reprinted the Cabot paragraphs in his Di'vers Voyages on pp. 509-516, adding the Rolls record of the patent of 3 February, 1498, No. 14.0 ; the extraft from Adams' edition of Cabot's map, No. 55''; the "discourse to Butrigarius, taken out of the second volume of Ramusius," but really from the first. No. 194; extrafts from Martyr and Gomara ; the voiage of Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot, about 1516, to Brasil, S. Domingo, and 8. lohn de porto ricco ; and, pp. 519-520, the pension granted by Edward VI., No. 99. The documents which prove the conneftion between the Muscovy Company and Cabot, " the chiefest setter foorth of this iourney," are on pp. 302-311. This coUeftion was expanded into three volumes entitled : HAKLUYT (Richard) The principal navi-gations, voiages, traffiqves and disco-ueries of the English Nation . . . This first Volume containing the woorthy Dis- coueries, &c. of the English toward the North and North- east . . . Together with many notable monuments and testimo-nies of . . . this realme of England in former ages . . . the true state of Island . . . the memorable defeate ofthe Spanish huge Armada, Anno 1588 . . . By Richard Haklvyt — London^ Bishop, Newberie and Barker, 1598. (129) Folio. T -{- 1 1 11 -(- pp 1-619 -t- map in some copies, see MOLINEUX, No. 174. Reissued the following year, with title altered to suppress the Voyage to Cadiz, pp. 607-619, and to include the second volume. HAKLUYT (Richard) The second volvme ofthe prin- cipal na-vigations . . . through and within the Streight of Gibralter ... By Richard Haklvyt Preacher. — London 1599- (130) Folio. T -{- 7 11 + pp 1-3 12 -t- 1-204. HAKLUYT (Richard) The third and last volvme of the voy-ages ... of the English Nation, and in some few places, where they have not been, of strangers ... to all parts of the Newfound world of America, or the West Indies, from 73. degrees of Northerly to 57. of Southerly latitude . . . Colledted by Richard Haklvyt — London 1600. (131) Folio. T -1- 7 11 -1- pp 1-868. 58 Cabot 3Bibliograpbi? This whole work (Nos. 129-131) was reprinted in : Hakluyt's Collection of the early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries, of the English Nation. A new edition, with Additions . . . — London: for R. H. Evans, &c. 1809 (-1812). (132) Quarto. 5 volumes. Edition of 325 copies. Besides the suppressed portions of the original edition, this in- cluded in the supplement to the fourth volume and in the fifth " Curious, rare, and early voyages . . . chiefly published by Hakluyt or at his suggestion." The Voyages were republished by Edmund Goldsmid, — Edin- burgh, 1885-1890, sixteen volumes in 8vo. An editorial note, vol. xii. 7 {America, i. 7), says, " I have, in my complete Edition of Hakluyt's Voyages, arranged the Contents of his first two volumes in the order he would have desired, had he not ' lacked sufiicient store.' " Volumes xii-)cv of this edition were also issued with a separate title : The voyages of the English nation to America Before the year 1 600, from Hakluyt's coUeflion of voyages Edited by Edmund Goldsmid — Edinburgh, Goldsmid, 1889 (-1890). ('33) This colleftion, Nos. 129-131, is cited as Hakluyt, Voyages. The first volume contains, pp. 226-230, Cabot's Ordinances for the voyage to Cathay, No. 58 j see pp. 267-274., reprinted from No. 128, and the note under Burrough, No. 18, for Cabot's con- nexion with the Muscovy Company. The Cabot passages from the Principall Namgations (1589) are reprinted in the third volume of the Voyages, pp. 4.-11, 498-499 ; Evans' edition, iii. 25-32, 591- 593 i Goldsmid edition, xii. {America, i.) 19-34, xv. (iv.) 200-203. " A special note concerning the currents of the sea betweene. the Cape of Buena Esperan(;a and the coast of Brasilia, giuen by a French Pilot to Sir lohn Yorke knight, before Sebastian Cabote ; which pilot had frequented the coasts of Brasilia eighteene voyages " is in the Voyages, iii. 719. (133*) Portions of these passages relating to Cabot's North American discoveries are reprinted in Mead, Old South Leaflet, 37, — Boston, 1895. Extrafts describing the discovery in narrative form are in Thomas Wentworth Higginson's Book of American Explorers, — Boston, 1877, 55-59. (ns"") Hakluyt in 1601 edited an English translation of Galvano, Discoveries, which is described as No. 115. HART (Albert Bushnell) American History told by Contemporaries. Volume I. Era of Colonization 1492- 1689. Edited by Albert Bushnell Hart — New York., Macmillan, 1897. (i34) 8vo. 2T + pp vii-xviii + 1-606. Cabot asiblioarapbs 59 " John Cabot and the First English Voyage to America (1497) by Lorenzo Pasqualigo and Raimondo di Soncino. (Translated by Clements R. Markham, 1893 )," pp. 69-72. There is nothing in this heading nor in the extracts which it introduces, to justify a curious assumption in the English Historical Ketiienu, ]an\ia.xy, 1898, xiii. 181-183, that Professor Hart "praSically accepts " the propo- sition that Cabot made only a single voyage to the North American coast. See Payne, No. 474.. See Channing, No. 302. HART (Albert Bushnell) Source-Book of American History. Edited for Schools and Readers by Albert Bushnell Hart, with pradlical introdu6tions. — New Tork, Macmillan, 1899. (i34*) 8vo. 2 T -)- pp v-xlvi -t- 407 -)- 4 facsimiles. Eden's version of Martyr's account of a Cabot voyage — see No. 159 — is on pp. 4-6. HAZARD (Ebenezer) Historical Colleftions consisting of state papers, and other authentic documents ; intended as materials for an history of the United States of America. By Ebenezer Hazard — Philadelphia mdccxch. (135) 4to. Two volumes. T -J- i 1 -(- pp 1-639 + J' j T -f- i 1 -J- pp 1-654. Volume I. contains, pp. 9-10 and 23, the Latin texts, from Hakluyt, of the Letters Patent, No. 136, and of the pensions granted by Edward VI., No. 99. HENRY Vn., KING OF ENGLAND Projohanne Cabot et filiis suis. Super Terra Incognita Investiganda. (136) These Letters Patent, in response to a petition from "John Cabotto citezen of Venes, Lewes, Sebastyan and Sanfto his sonneys," were granted at Westminster, 5 March, 1496. The original record of the petition and the Letters Patent is in the Public Record Office, London, French Roll, 1 1 Henry VU., memb. 23- A reduced photograph of a portion of this original is in Scribner's Magazine, July, 1897, xxii. 74; see note under Dufferin, No. 338. The Petition, of which the original is in the Record Office, Pri'vy Seals and Chancery signed Bills, 11 Hen. VII., No. 51, was first printed by Desimoni, No. 329, — Genoa, 188 1, p. 47. The Letters Patent were printed by Hakluyt in 1582, with an English translation; by Rymer, Foedera, 1741, v. pt. iv. 89; Chalmers, Political Annals, — London, 1780, 7-8, in English; 6o Cabot Bibliograpbi? Hazard, Historical ColleBions, — Philadelphia, 1792, i. 9-10, in Latin ; and in most of the later Cabot volumes. Henry VII. authorized the Cabotsto take five ships at their own expense and make explorations under the English flag in any direc- tion except the south : suis et eorum propriis sumptibus et expensis . . . auftoritatem navigandi ad omnes partes, regiones et sinus maris orientalis, occidentalis, et septentrionalis. They were per- mitted to occupy any lands not previously known to the Christian world, of which they might be able to secure possession. All commodities brought by them from the new found lands were to be entered at the port of Bristol. One-fifth of the income, after the payment of all expenses, was to be paid to the king. Freedom from all customs dues on imports was granted, together with a monopoly of the trade thither. John Cabot's original copy of these Letters Patent having dis- appeared, Sebastian in 1550 petitioned for the issue of a new copy. He received this on June 4., on condition that it should be returned in case the original should ever be found. The paragraphs added in 1550 to the text of the 1+96 document are printed in Harrisse, CflAo/, 449-4.50. (137) HENRY VII. To hym that founde the new Isle, ^10. 10 August, 1497. (138) This item, from a copy made by Mr. Craven Orde from the original entries of the privy purse expenses of Henry VII. in the Remembrancer Office, is in the British Museum, .if ^.^Y.Mi'i'. 7099, 12 Henrie VII., fo. 4.1. Printed in Nicolas, Excerpta Historica, — London, S. Bentley, 1831, p. 113 ; and in Biddle, No. 261, p. 79, with an interesting note. This entry is accepted as convincing proof that Cabot returned from the new world before 10 August, 1497, on which day he is supposed to have presented the news of his success to the king in person in London. HENRY Vn. Memorandum . . . Yeuen vndre our Pryue Seal at o"" paloys of Westminster the xiij"" day ofDecembre The xiij"" yere of our Reigne (i39) The original record of this order is in the Public Record Oflice, London, Prz'U)! Seals, Dec. 13 Hen. VII., No. 4.0. There is a reduced ph.otogra.fhm Scribner's Magazine, July, 1897, xxii. 75. First printed in 1884 by Deane in Winsor, America, iii. 56. This notification direfls John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury, to issue the necessary Letters Patent under the great seal, inasmuch as " for certaine consideracions vs specially moevyng haue yeuen and graunted vnto our Welbiloued John Calbot of the parties of Cabot Bibliograpbg 6i Venice an annuitie or anuel rent of twenty pounds sterling To be had and yerelyperceyued from the feast of thanunciacion of o"' lady last passed (i.e. 25 March 1497) during our pleasur of our Cus- tumes ... in our Poort of Bristowe." HENRY VII. D licencia Caboto Memorandum quod tertio die februarij anno regni regis Henrici septimi xiij ista bilk deliberata fuit . . . apud Westmonasterium. (140) The original manuscripts are in the Public Record Office, Lon- don : in Latin, French Roll, 1 3 Hen. FII., No. 439, m. 1 ; in English, Chancery Signed Bills, 1 3 Hen. CIL, No. 6. A reduced photograph of the English is in Scribner's Magazine, July, 1897, xxii. 72-73. A copy of the petition in response to which these '• new Letters Patent " were granted, precedes the English text. (140*) Hakluyt in 1589, and again ten years later (Nos. 128-131), in- dicated this document, but its significance was not appreciated until BiDDLE in 1831 (No. 261, pp. 74-75) first printed the English text, which was reprinted in the Westminster Re'vie'w, January, 1832, xvi. 33-34; also in Jones, No. 424, pp. Ixii-lxxiii ; in Corry, Bristol, i. 311-312 ; and the later Cabot volumes. The Latin text was first printed by Harrisse, Cabot, 393-394 ; also in Weare, No. 558, pp. 158-159, with the abbreviations as in the original manuscript. These new Letters Patent authorize John Kabote or Kabbatto Veneciam to take up, anywhere within the English domain, six ships of not more than two hundred tons, with their armament and fittings, under the same conditions as if they were being taken for the royal use, and to conduft these, with any who wished to ac- company him, " to the londe and lies of late founde by the seid John in oure name and by o'' comaundmente." HENRY VII. [Warrant addressed To the Tresourer and Chaubrelaines of oure Eschequier ... at oure Manor of Shene the xxij day of ffebruary the xiij yere of oure reign. (hi) The original manuscript is in the Record Office, London, War- rants for Issues, 13 Hen. fll. First printed in Harrisse, Cabot, 394; also in Prowse, Neiv- foundland, 12. This warrant direfls that, " as we be enformed the said John Caboote is delaied of his payement," therefore two tallies or tallies of ten pounds each shall be levied upon Richard Meryk and Arthure Kerays — see Nos. 151-153 — annually and delivered to Caboote " to be had of our gift by way of rewarde without prest or eny other charge to be sette upon hym." 62 Cabot Bibllograpbi? HENRY VII. March 22. To Lanslot Thirkill of Lon- don, apon a Prest for his Shipp going towards the new Ilande, L. 20. (142) Transcript from the Privy Purse Expenses of Henry VII., British Museum, Addit. MSS. No. 7099, fol. 45 — see note to No. 138. Printed in Nicolas, Bxcerpta, 116, and in most of the accounts of Cabot's 14.98 voyage. The Privy Purse accounts also contain entries, of about the same dale and import : Itm delivd to Launcelot Thirkill going towards the new He in Prest, £20. (142") April 1. Itm to Thomes Bradley and Launcelot Thirkill going to the newe lie, £30 (i+z*) To Jn Carter going to the Newe He in rewd,40j. sd. (142*^) Launcelot Thirkill again appears in London, 6 June, 1501, when it was recorded that he, together with Thomas Par, Walter Strik- land and Thomas Mydelton, was "bounden in ij obligations to pay at Whitsontyde next comyns xxli, . . . for lyverye ofFlem- ynges landes " — British Museum, Addit. MSS. No. 2i,48o,_/o. 35 : printed by Desimoni and Harrisse, and by Beazley, No. 256, p. 272, who correfls previous misprintings. i^A-^^) Harrisse and others suppose these entries to show that Thirkill was "evidently a companion of John Cabot, and owner of one of the vessels in the squadron . . . this shows, at all events, that one ship at least returned from the expedition of 1498." One ship returned to Ireland in distress, so that, even if it is certain that Thirkill accompanied his ship, there would seem to be little posi- tive value in " all, thus far, which is known concerning the results of the voyage, except, by implication, the delineations in La Cosa's planisphere." This was written before the discovery of the Cabot 1499 record, No. 151 ; see Harrisse, No. 395, and the Intro- duilion, pp. XV and xlii. See note under Porter, No. 487. HENRY VIII., KING OF ENGLAND. Certain payments made to Sebastian Cabot from the treasury of Henry VIII. are noted under Brewer, Nos. i4=^i4'>. HERRERA (Antonio de) Historia Gene ral de los hechos de los castellanos en las Islas i tierra li-rme del Mar oceano esc rita por Antonio de herrera coronista mayor de sv M**. de las indias y sv coronis-ta de Castilla Enquatro Decadas desde el Ano de 1492 hasta el de 1531 — En Ma° en la emplenta real 1 601 '^Madrid'] (^43) Folio. T + 3 11 + pp 1-371 + ,0 11 + T + I 1 + pp 1-368 + 8 11 i T -(- I 1 -f- pp 1-377 + 8 (9) 11 + T + I 1 -1- pp 1-293. Cabot Bibliograpb^ 63 Four additional Decades, published in 1615, continued the narra- tion to 1555. Each of the eight Decades has a distinft engraved title and separate pagination. A new edition was edited by Andres Gonzalez Barcia,— Madrid, (i726-)i73o. The first three Decades were translated into French, — Paris, 1659-1671. These were also translated into English by Captain John Stevens,' — London, 1725-1726 ; reissued 1740. For a description of these editions, as well as of other translations, see Sabin, DiBionary of Books relating to America, — NeiJu York, 1877, viii. 24.3-249. The reasons why Sebastian Cabot was induced to enter the Spanish service are stated in Dec. i, lib. ix, cap. xiii ; see note to Ferdinand, No. 107''. The articles of agreement between Cabot and the Emperor for the South Sea-La Plata expedition are perhaps summarized in Dec. iii, lib. ix,cap. iii. An account of this expedi- tion is given in this chapter and in Dec. iv, lib. viii, cap. xi, which contains a portion of Cabot's report. No. 22. See also Dec. iii, lib. iv, cap. xx. This narrative was rendered into Dutch as : HERRERA (Antonio de) De trotsmoedige scheeps-togt Van Sebastiaan Gaboto, met 3 Scheepen en veel Adelijke Manschap ondernoomen na de Moluccos, Door veel tegens- poeden en onkunde aan Rio de la Plata mislukt. BenefFens de Scheeps-Togt van Diego Garcia, ter nieuw^e ontdekking gedaan, langs de Kusten van America. Beyde in 't Jaar 1526 . . . Als meder Ferdinand Cortes Weder-komst in Mexico ; . . . &c. Uyt d' eyge berigten der Reysigers, en Koninglijk bevel eertijds in 't Spaans beschreeven, door den Heer Antonius de Her-rera, History-schrijver . . . Nu alder-eerst in 't Neder-duyts vertaald. — Te Leyden, By Pieter vander Aa, 1707. (i44) 8vo. T -1- pp 1-83 -f- 4 11 -I- 2 plates -|- map. The narrative of Cabot's voyage to La Plata occupies pp. 1-21. The map is labelled ': De Voorgenome Scheeps-Togt van Sebas- tiaan Gaboto, om Door de Straat Magellaan na de Moluccos te Stevenen, aan Rio de la Plata Voleyndigt. ('+4^) Engraved map j 6|- x 9-|- inches. This is No. xlii. in vol. xi. of the Vander Aa colleftion : Naauk-eurige versameling der gedenk-waardigste zee en land- reysen na oost en west-indien, Mitsgaders andere Gewesten . . . gedaan; zedert het jaar 1524 tot 1526. — Te Leyden, Door Pieter Vander Aa, 1707. (i+s) It was reprinted in vol. iv. of the folio edition, Leyden, 1727. 64 dabot Btbltograpbs HOBY (Sir Philip). See Cheyne, No. 74, and Edward VI., No. 102. HOLBEIN (Hans). See note under Cabot, No. 61. HOLINSHED (Raphael) 1577. The Firste volume of the Chronicles of England, Scot-lande, and Irelande. Con- teyning, The description and Chronicles of England, from the first inhabiting vnto the conquest The description and Chronicles of Scotland, from the first originall of the Scottes nation, till the yeare of our Lorde. 1571 The de- scription and Chronicles of Irelande, likewise from the firste originall of that Nation, vntill the yeare. 1547. Faithfully gathered and set forth, by Raphaell Holinshed — London. (146) Small folio. 4. volumes : volumes i, 2 and 3 are usually found bound together, labelled vol. i. T + 7 11 + Britaine, 126 11, sigs. Ag-Pg, Qg + Faultes escaped, 1 1 sig. r.j. + Englande, pp 1-289, sigs. ag-Sg, t.i. + ScotlandT + 3 11, sigs. A^, *b*^, -|- 11 11 -f- i 1 blank, sigs. *a*5, *b*6 [See Lowndes] -f- pp 1-518, sigs. Ag-Iig, Kkj + 13 11, Kk(4), Llg-Mmg 4- Ireland T 4- i 1 4- 28 11, sigs. Ag-Cg, D4 4- pp I-II6 4- 3 11. "g^- Ag-Dg, E5, Fg-Gg, Hg, I^. In the British Museum Grenville copy three cancel leaves are inserted after p. 74, Ireland, numbered " 57 " for 75) 7^-78, " 70 " for 79, " 74. " for 80 ; the text shows minor vari- ations from that usually found on these pages of sheet F ; note the signature collation above. There is also a duplicate leaf of F vij, pp. 90, 91, showing changes in the text. Copies also exist with variant imprints. The fourth volume is usually known as vol. ii. ; its title reads : The Laste volume . . . Conteyning, The Chronicles of Englande from William Con-querour vntill this present tyme. FaithfiiUy gathered and compiled by Raphaell Holinshed — London. (146^) T + I 1, sig. Hj [see Lowndes] -|- pp 291-1876, sigs. t,i-t(S,j), Vg-Zg, Ag-Yyyyg, Zzzz^, continuing from England, sig. t; in vol. i. -I- Table, 50 11 A^-M^, N^-t- Faultes, 2 11, sig. ( )2. An extra leaf numbered "1593" is between pp. 1592-1593, and a folding plate is between pp. 1868-1869. [Collated by H. N. Stevens.] On p. 1714, under date 1552, is the account of "the great aduenture of the vnknowne voyage into the East . . . The great doer and encourager of which voiage, was Sebastian Caboto an Englishma, born at Bristow, but was the sonne of a Geno-waies.'' HOLINSHED (Raphael) The First and second volumes of Chronicles, comprising i The description and historic Cabot ffiibliograpbs 65 of England, 2 The description and historic of Ireland, 3 The description and historic of Scotland : First colledled and published by Raphaell Holinshed, William Harrison, and others : Now newlie augmented and continued (with manifold matters of singular note and worthie memorie) to the yeare 1586. by John Hooker alias Vowell, Gent, and others — Colophon: Finished in Januarie 1587 . . . London. (14^') Large folio. T + 3 11 + Britain, pp 1-250 + England, T +1 1 + pp 1-202 -)- Ireland, T -f 3 II + pp 9-61 -f 5 11 -f pp 1-183 + Scotland, T + PP 187-464 -)- 27 11. These parts are usually bound as volume i. Volume ii. has the title : The Third volume of Chronicles, be-ginning at duke William the Norman, commonlie called the Conqueror; . . . First compiled by Raphaell Holinshed, and by him extended to the yeare 1577. Now newlie recognised, augmented, and con- tinued (with occurrences and accidents of fresh memorie) to the yeare 1586. Wherein also are conteined manie matters of singular discourse and rare obser-uation, fruitfull to such as be studious in antiquities, or take pleasure in the grounds of anci-ent histories. — \London, 1587.] ('+6') Large folio. T -I- 3 11 -J- pp 1-1592 ■\- 29 11. This edition is very much enlarged from that of 1577. The Cabot passage under 1552, iii. 1083, is pra6i:ically the same as before. On pp. 785-789, under the year 1498, there is an account of how America was discovered by Sebastian Gabato, " professing himselfe to be expert in knowledge of the circuit of the world, . . as by his charts and other reasonable demonstrations he shewed. ... In the ship diuerse merchants of London aduentured small stocks, and in the companie of this ship sailed also out of Bristow three or foure small ships fraight with slight and grosse wares, as course cloath, caps, lases, points, and such other." See the notes under Fabyan, No. 105, and Stow, No. 212, from whom the passage on page 789, which refers to this discovery " before named in Anno 1468," is copied. The 1587 edition was reprinted in six volumes, large quarto, — London, 1 807-1 808. HURTADO DE MENDOZA (Lope) [Letter to Charles V. — Lisbon., 19 Oftober, 1528. (^47) Manuscript copy in the British Museum, London, jfh version of the remaining books by Michael Lok, was pub- lished as : De Novo Orbe, or the historie of the west Indies ... by the Industrie, and painefuU Trauaile of M. Lok Gent. — London for Thomas Adams, 16 12. (163) Small 4to. T + 4. 11 + 11 1-318. This was reissued as : The famovs historie of the Indies ... by L. M. Gent. The second Edition — London for Michael Sparke, 1628. (164) Small 4to. T + 2 11 + 11 1-318. It was also issued as : The historie of the West-Indies ... by M. Lok. Gent. — London, for Andrew Hebb. (i^S) Small 4to. T + 2 11 +11 1-318. The text of these three editions is the same, except that the first contains two leaves of" Epistola Dedicatoria " which were not re- issued. The date of Hebb's issue is not known, but it was pre- sumably later than 1628. The evidence so far as obtainable is clearly stated in Henry Sten)ens' Historical CoUeSions, — London, i886,' ii. 37-38. This work was reprinted in Evans' edition of Hakluyt, No. 132, — London, 1812, v. 155-476. The S'vmmario dal Pietro Martyre, — Venice, 1534, is described under Ramusio, No. 192. See notes under Chauveton, No. 73 ; and Willes, No. 230. MARY TUDOR, Queen of England The Charter of the Marchants of Russia, graunted vpon the discouerie of the saide Countrey, by King Philip and Queene Marie. — Westminster, 6 February, 1555. (^66) Printed in Hakluyt, Voyages, — London, 1598, i, 267-272. See Lemon, Calendar of Domestic State Papers, 1574-80, i. 65. " And in consideration that one Sebastian Cabota hath bin the chiefest setter forth of this iourney or voyage, therefore we make, ordeine, and constitute him the said Sebastian to be the first and present gouernour of the same fellowship and communaltie . . . To haue and enioy the said office . . . during his naturall life, without amouing or dimissing from the same roome." Cabot BiblioQrapbs 73 MARY TUDOR Pro Sebastiano Caboto de annuitate concessa — apud Saint yames, xxvii. die Novembris. (I555-) (167) Printed in Rymer, Foedera, No. 202, — London, 1728, xv. 427; Hague edition, vi. pt. iv. 40. This is virtually a renewal of the pension granted by Edward VI., No. 99 : in consideratione boni veri & acceptabilis Servitij nobis, per dileftum Servientem nostrum Sebastianum Caboto Armigerum. MARY TUDOR Pro Sebastiano Caboto concessio ad vitam — apud JVestmonasterium vicesimo nono die Maii. (I5S7-) ("68) Printed in Rymer, No. 202, xv., 465-4.66 ; Hague edition, vi. pt. iv.55. Translated by Harrisse, Cabot, 459-460. The document completes an agreement by which Cabot resigned the pension granted him in 1555, and in its place this fresh grant of the same sum, 250 marks annually, was made in similar terms to Cabot and to William Worthington jointly : see the notes which follow. The annuity was pledged to " them and the survivor of them, their assigns, and the assigns of the survivor of them, . . . for the term and terms of the lives of the said Sebastian and William, and the survivor of them." The Tellers Rolls, 103-106, quoted in Harrisse, Caiof, 454-460, record that Cabot received ^33 6s, Sd., one half of his annual ' pension of 100 marks, on 29 September, 1554, showing that this allowance was granted him from the preceding 25 March. Another payment of the same amount was made 25 March, 1555, which is after the date of the grant of 250 marks. This payment was by the hands of, per manus, Thome Tyrrell. On 29 Septem- ber following, he received £8 3 6s. id. ; Sebastiano Caboto armigero de annuitate sua ad centum marcas per annum sibi debitas pro dimidioanni . . . per manus W" Worthington iiii xx iil li vjs viijd. The amount of the pension is correftly given in the memoranda or the payment at the end of the next quarter, 25 December. Pay- ments, by the hands of Worthington or of the latter's servants, continued to be made, on 25 March, 24 June, 29 September, and 25 December, 1556 ; 25 March, 24 June, and 29 September, 1557. (169) There seems to be no way of telling whether Worthington re- ceived on his own account any part of the quarterly payments made to Cabot " per manus W" Worthington " in June and September, 1557, after the issuance of No. 168. The payment ofjf4i ijs./[d. on 25 December, 1557, was made to " William Worthington, armi- gero, de annuitate sua." The natural inference is that, when this record was made, Sebastian Cabot had died, although he may merely have relinquished his share in the pension. (169") 7+ Cabot BtbliograpbB MASON (John) Newfovnd Land described by Captaine lohn Mason an industrious Gent: who spent seuenyeares in the Countrey (170) Copper plate map, 26.5 x 17.3 cmm., or loi. x 6|. inches. Published with William Vaughan's : The Golden Fleece Diuided into three Parts, . . . lastly the wayes to get wealth, and to restore Trading so much com- playned of. Transported from . . . the Southermost Part of the Hand, commonly called the Newfovndland, By Orpheus lunior, For the generall and perpetuall Good of Great Britaine. — London 1626 (171) Small 4.to. T +13 11 + map + pp 1-14.9 + 1-105 + 1-96. On the outer coast of the map, about latitude 4.9° 20', is "C Bona Vista a Caboto primum reperta." Newfoundlanders some- times suggest that this statement records the unbroken local tra- dition preserved on the island since the landfall at this point in 1497- A legend in the lower left corner reads : Insula olim appellata Nona Terra a Cabota Veneto primu reperta Anno Diii 1499 sub auspicijs et sumptibus Henrici 7 Anglorum Regis." MEAD (Edwin Doak) The Voyages of the Cabots. From Hakluyt's " Principal Navigations, Voyages and Discoveries of the English Nation." (172) Published in the series oi Old South Leaflets, No. 37, — Boston, 1895, 8vo, pp. i-ii. Edited by Mr. Edwin D. Mead. See note. MEDINA (Pedro de) Arte de nauegar en que se con- tienen todas las Reglas, Declara clones, Secretos, y Auisos, q a la buena naue-gacio son necessaries, y se deue saber, hecha per el maestro Pedro de Medina. Dirigida al sere nissimo y muy esclarescido senor, don Phelipe principe de Espana, y de las dos Sicilias &c. — [Colophon] ... el presente libro . . . Fue visto y aprouado, en la insigne casa de la Contraftacion delas Indias, por el Piloto mayor y Cosmographos de su Magestad . . . ValladoUd . . . Acabose primero dia del mes de 0£lubre . . . mil y quinientos y quarenta y cinco anos. (^73) Spanish folio. T + 5 H + fol. i-c + i 1. Translated into French [Paris, 1553?); ^""i iSS4> '5^9) 1576; Rouen, 1573, 1633; into Italian, Finetia, 1554; into Ger- man, (?) 1576; and into English, by John Frampton, — London, 1581, and 1595. Cadot Bibltograpbs 7S Harrisse states that Cabot's appointment to examine this book, — see the colophon reprinted above, — was made at the beginning of OAoher (Cabot, 280), or on 28 November, 154.5 {Discoiiery , yog). MENDEZ (Isabel). MENDEZ (Martin). The documents in the legal proceedings instituted against Cabot by relatives of those who suffered under him during the expedition to La Plata are described under Nos. 1 1, 24, 29, and 31. MERYKE (Richard ap). See Kemys, Nos. 151-153. MERCHANTS ADVENTURERS. The charter granted by Queen Mary to the English Merchants Adventurers trading to Russia is described as No. 166. MOLINEUX (Emmerie, or Emeric) Thou hast here (gentle reader) a true hydrographical description of so much of the world as hath beene hetherto discouered, and is comne to our knowledge : which we haue in such sort performed, yt all places herein set downe, haue the same positions and distances that they haue in the globe (174) Engraved copperplate map, 63.5 x 4.2.5 cmm., or 25A x 17 inches. Published with some copies of Hakluyt, Voyages, No. 129, — London, 1599- 1600. Twenty-five copies of an autotype facsimile of this map were issued by Bernard Quaritch, London, 1874.; Catalogue 294, No. 1632. A photogravure facsimile of an earlier state of the plate was issued in separate cover with the Hakluyt Society edition of Davis, No. 87, — London, March, 1880. Across the northern Labrador mainland is the legend : " This land was discouered by John Sebastian Cabote for Kinge Henry y^ 7th 1497." In the edition of Hakluyt for which this map appears to have been drawn, the date of this discovery was changed from 1494 to 3497. Captain A. H. Markham, in his edition of Davis, No. 87, pp. xxxiii, Ixi, and 364, gives reasons for suspefting that this map, which has long been assigned to Molineux, was in reality the work of Edward Wright, a mathematician who perfefted and rendered prafticable what is known as " Mercator's Projeftion," which he demonstrated in his Certain Errors in Na'vigation Deteiled, — London, 1599. His formulae were accurately introduced for the first time on this map. Mr. C. H. Coote, in a paper printed by the New Shakspere Society, Transadioas, — London, 1878, ii. 88-100, suggested that this 76 Cabot Bibliograpbp map is the one referred to by Shakspere, in Tiuelfth Night, Aft iii. Scene ii., as " the new Mappe, with the augmentation of the Indies." In a suggestive note on the separate reprint of Mr. Coote's paper, in his Catalogue 311, Bibliotheca Geographico-Lin- guistica, — London, February, 1879, Book No. 11919, pp. 11 83-1 184., Mr. Bernard Quaritch says that " the faft had already been stated by me in a catalogue now four years old." There is no reference to Tnxidfth Night in the notes on the facsimile of this map in Mr. Quaritch's Catalogue 294, Voyages and Tra-vels, — London, January, 1875, Book Nos. 1623-1632, pp. 157-158. ('7+*) Mr. Henry Stevens, in Historical ColleSions Catalogue, fart I — 1881, describing a copy for sale, suggests that "the curious little round face-shaped map of the world in Wytfliet's Ptolemaum Aug- mentum " may be the one referred to by Shakspere. MUNSTER (Sebastian). The Englishtranslationof Munster's Cosmographia Uniuersalis, — Basle, 1550, is described under Eden, No. 95. Francois de Belle-Forest, in his French recension ot Munster, entitled Cosmographie Vni'verselle . . . augmentee, — Paris, JS7Sy 3 volumes folio, inserted a passing reference to a search for the north-west passage by a Venetian sailing under Henry VII. of England, in tom. ii., column 2175. (i7S) MYCHELL (William) [Testament of William Mychell of London, Chaplain, dated 31 January, 1516-17. (176) Manuscript in the Public Record Office, London, Principal Registry of the Probate, Divorce and Admiralty Di'uision of the High Court of Justice. Printed by Travers Twiss, in the Nautical Magazine, London, July, 1876, xlv. 675. Mychell bequeathed 3/. \d. to his goddaughter, " Elizabeth filie Sebastiani Caboto filiole mee." There is no means of determining whether this daughter is the one Cabot mentions in his letter to Samano, No. 38. NASH (Bennett Hubbard). See note under Raimondo, No. 190, tor Professor Nash's trans- lation of one of the important Cabot documents. NAVAGERO (Andrea) [Dispatch to the Senate at Venice, dated 21 September, 1525. (^77) Manuscript at Venice, Cicogna MSS. 1985, c. 213. Printed by Bullo, No. 290, — Chioggia, 1880. Translated into English by Rawdon Brown, Calendar {(^enice), iii. 481. This report from the Venetian ambassador in Spain states that an armada of 28 sail left Seville between the 15th and 20th of the month, under the command of Sebastian Cabotto venetiano, and Cabot Btbltograpbs 77 that it was expefted that new discoveries would be made, including possibly a new route to the Spice-lands, shorter than that taken by Magellan in the Vittoria. A memorandum written by Navagero, in 1528, and printed by BuLLO, p. 69, from the C/fO^Ba MSB. cod. 1985,/. 933, suggests that certain news received in Spain from Brazil telling of the arrival of a Spiceries fleet, may refer to Cabot's ships. (178) NUREMBERGER (Casimir). The depositions made at Seville, 28 July, 1530, by a German sailor, Casamieres norenberguer aleman — presumably from Nurem- burg — who accompanied Cabot to La Plata, in regard to the mis- management of that expedition, is printed by Harrisse, Cabot, 417-4.19. See the note under Cabot, No. 23. ('79) ORTELIUS (Abraham) Thea trvm orbis terra rvm — [Colophon] Antverpies m.d.lxx. (180) Folio. T + 37 11 + S3 double-leaf maps. This is the first edition of a work which ranks second only to the Ptolemies in the cartographic importance of its succeeding editions for the study of the growth of geographical knowledge during the i6th-i7th centuries. For a detailed bibliography see : Ecclesise Londini-Batavae Archivum. Tomus primus. Abrahami Ortelii (Geographia Antverpiensis)etvirorum ervditorvm . . . epistvlse. Cvm aliqvot aliis epistvlis et traftatibvs qvibvsdam ab vtroqve coUeSis (i 524-1 628) . . . Edidit Joannes Henricvs Hessels. — Cantabrigia 1887 (181) 4to. Pp i-lxxv + 1-966 + portrait and facsimiles. The bibliography, pp. xxvi-li, is based on an essay by Dr. P. A. Thiele in Bibliographische Achiersaria, — Hague, 1876, iii. 83. Ortelius gives a " Catalogvs avflorvm tabvlarvm geographi- carvm," which contains a list of the maps consulted by him. Among these is the one by Sebastianvs Cabotus Venetus described as No. 39°. BiDDLE, No. 261, p. 56, assumed that the maps in Ortelius were influenced by that of Cabot, and suggested various surmises as to the probable charafteristics of Cabot's map, of which no copy was then, 1 83 1, known. These surmises have not been verified by the discovery of the mappemonde. No. 39, now at Paris. OVIEDO Y VALDES (Gonzalo Fernandez de) Historia general y natural de las Indias . . . por el capitan Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdds, primer cronista del nuevo mundo. Publicala la real academia de la historia, cotejada con el codice original, enriquecida con las en- miendas y adiciones del autor, i ilustrada con la vida y 78 dabot Bibliograpbs el juicio de las obras del mismo por D. Jos6 Amador de los Rios. — Madrid 1851-1855. (182) 4. vols. 4to. Pp. cxi + 632; 511 ; 651 ; 619 ; plates. The Hisioria General was written at the command of Charles V., who appointed Oviedo " Royal Chronicler of the Indies " for this purpose. The first nineteen books were written before 1532 and printed at Seville in 1535 ; reprinted Salamanca, iS47- These in- clude the history of Spanish America to 1527, but contain no men- tion of Sebastian Cabot. The rest of the work remained in manuscript until printed by the Spanish Academy of History in 1852-5. See notes to Ramusio, No. 192. The important account of Cabot's expedition to La Plata, de- rived mainly from personal intercourse with Alonso de Santa Cruz and from other participants in the voyage, is in lib. xxiii. caps, ii-v; vol. ii. 169-180. See Dahlgren, under Santa Cruz, No. 204. Mr. Dahlgren translated the descriptive passages into English, pp. 18-25, explaining the close agreement between this description and the map drawn by Santa Cruz. Another transla- tion of the most important passages is in Harrisse, Cabot, 203, Z28-229. Oviedo describes Cabot as " buena persona e diestro en su ofH9io de la cosmographia y de hacjer una carta universal de todo el orbe en piano 6 en un cuerpo espherico ; pero otra cosa es mandar y gobernar gente que apuntar un quadrante 6 astrolabio. PASQUALIGO (Lorenzo) [Letter to his brothers in Venice — dated London^ 23 August, 1497. (183) Copied in the manuscript iJzan'j of Marin Sanuto, No. 210, preserved in the Marciana Library at Venice, under date of 1 1 Oftober, 1497, i. fol. 374. Printed by Rawdon Brown, No. 15, — Venice, 1S37, pt. i. 99 ; in Sanuto, Diarii, — Venice, 1879, i. 806-808, and in many of the later volumes devoted to Cabot. Translated by Rawdon Brown, No. 16, asACalendar {Venice), 1864, i. 262 ; frequently reprinted. This, the earliest known description of Cabot's 1497 voyao-e, was probably written within a fortnight of the arrival in London of the news that the Bristol sailors had returned. Pasqualigo reports that the Venetian, called Zuam Talbot, said that he had found the territories of the Gram Cam on the mainland at a dis- tance of 700 leagues, having coasted 300 leagues : dice haver trovato lige 700 lontam de qui Terraferma el paexe del Gram Cam. Andato per la costa lige 300. He planted a large cross with the flags of England and the Venetian St. Mark. He did not see any people on shore, but he brought back to the king snares for catching game and a needle for making nets : certi lazi ch' era testi per prender salvadexine, e uno ago da far rede. From certain marks Cabot Btbliograpbs 79 on the trees he judged that there were people about, and retired to his ship. The voyage certainly occupied three months. On the return, two island.s were seen towards the right, but the lack of provisions prevented him from stopping to go on land : iudicha che ze persone. Vene in nave per dubito et e stato niexi tre sul viazo e questo e certo e al tornar aldreto a visto do ixole . . . He noticed the slackness of the tides. Pasqualigo goes on to state that he was enjoying his return to his Venetian wife and children in Bristol. He was called " Admiral," el gran armirante, with great honour, went about dressed in silk, while the English and foreign residents madly besought him for permission to accompany him on the ten ships which it was said the king had authorized him to equip for a voyage the next spring : el re le ha promesso a tempo novo navil x e armati come lui voia ed ali dato tutti i presonieri da traditori in fuora che vadano con lui come lui a rechiesto e ali dato danari fazi bona ziera fino a quel tempo . . . e sti Inglexi li vano driedo a mo pazi e pur ne volese tanti quanti navrebe con lui e etiam molti de nostri furfanti (i.e. Venetian ; doubtless all the foreign rogues were not from Venice). PERRENOT (Antoine). A request for the return of Cabot from England to the Imperial service, conveyed to the English Ambassador by the Bishop of Arras, the Emperor's envoy in Flanders, is mentioned in the notes to Cheyne, No. 74.. PHILIP AND MARY. The documents issued in the name of Philip and Mary are described under Mary Tudor, Nos. 166-169. PTOLEMY (Claudius). The edition of Ptolemy's Geography published in Rome in 1508 described under Ruysch, No. 201. PUEBLA (RuY Gonzalez de). See Gonzalez de Puebla, No. iig-120. PURCHAS (Samuel) Pvrchas his pilgrimage, or relations of the world and the religions observed in all ages And places discouered, from the Creation unto this present. In foure Partes. This first contai-neth A Theologicall and Geographicall Historie of Asia, Africa, and America, with the Hands Adiacent . . . With briefe Descriptions of the Countries, Nations, States, Discoueries, Priuate and Pub- like Customes, and the most Remarkable Rarities of 8o Cabot JBibliograpbi? Nature, or Humane Industrie, in the same. By Samvel Pvrchas, Minister at Est wood in Essex. — London 1613 (184) Folio. T + 13 11 + pp i-(75+) + 10 11. PURCHAS (Samuel) Pvrchas his Pilgrimage . . . The second Edition, much enlarged with Additions through the whole Worke — London 1614. (185) Folio. T + 13 11 + pp I -(900) + 18 11. Reissued the same year with a different title ; reprinted in 161 7 as third edition, and in i6z6 as fourth edition ; see No. 186. See collations and notes by Wilberforce Eames in Sabin, Di3ionary of Books relating to America, — NetJu York, 1886, xvi. 112-124. Cited as Purchas, Pilgrimage. The suggestion that the new world " might more rightly be termed Cabotia, or Sebastiana, of Sebastian Cabot," occurs, perhaps for the first time, on p. 602 of the 161 3 edition. The narratives printed by Hakluyt are summarized on p. 620 : in the second edition, p. 738, Purchas suggests that Cabot may have been concerned in the voyageof Thome and Eliot in 1527, as related by Hakluyt. PURCHAS (Samuel) Haklvytvs Posthumus or Pvrchas his Pilgrimes. Contayning a History of the World, in Sea voyages, & lande-Trauells, by Englishmen & others. Wherein Gods Wonders . . . w* a world of the Worlds Rarities, are by a world of Eywitnesse-Authors, Re-lated to the World. Some left written by M"'. Hakluyt at his death More since added, His also perused, & perfefted. All examined, abreuiated. Illustrated w"" Notes, En- larged w"" Dis-courses, Adorned w^piftures, and Expressed in Mapps. In fower Parts, Each containing fiue Bookes. By Samvel Pvrchas, B.D. — London 1625. (186) Folio. 4 volumes, described in detail by Eames in Sabin, as noted above. Usually accompanied by the 4.th edition of the Pil- grimage, 1626 (No. 185), which is generally known as vol. v. of this set. Cited as Purchas, Pilgrimes. The Cabot narratives are in : PURCHAS (Samuel) Pvrchas his pilgrimes. in five bookes . . . The fourth, English Northerne Nauigations, and Discoueries : Relations of . . . the North-west passage . . . Cabot Bibltograpbs si The fifth. Voyages and Trauels to and in the New World . . . The Third Part . . . — London 1625. (187) Folio. T + 12 11 + pp i-(iio8) + 34. 11 + 3 maps. PURCHAS (Samuel) Pvrchas his pilgrimes. in five bookes. The sixth, Contayning English Voyages, to the East, West, and South parts of America ; . . . The ninth, EngHsh Plantations, Discoueries, ASs, and Occur- ents, in Virginia and Summer Hands, . . . The tenth, English Discoueries and Plantations in New England, New-found-land ; with the Patent and Voyuges to New Scotland . . . The Fourth Part — London 1625 (188) Folio. T -|- 2 11 + pp 1 141.(1 971) + 20 11 -|- 2 maps. The summary of Hakluyt, iii. 807-808, is supplemented by "the wordes of the great Map . . . of which Sebastian Cabot is often therein called the Authour, and his Pifture is therein drawne, with this Title, EfRgies (see No. 52) . . . This Map, some say, was taken out of Sir Seb. Cabots Map by Clem. Adams 1549." " Sir Sebastian Cabot, for his English breeding, conditions, affec- tion and aduancement, termed an English man." This map and portrait in the royal privy gallery are again re- ferred to, iv. 181 2, in connexion with the account of the Pert 151 6 voyage. RAGUSAN (The). See Marino di Bucignolo, No. 158, and the notes to Conta- RiNi, No. 76, and Venice, No. 225. RAIMONDO DI SONCINO. [Dispatch to the Duke of Milan, — London, 24 August, 1497. (189) Two versions of the extrail from this report which relate to Cabot are printed by Harrisse, J. et S. Cabot, 323 ; one of these, he suggests in his Cabot, 391, may be a rendering into Italian from Rawdon Brown's English translation, in Calendar (Venice), i. 260, made by Sig. Bullo, l^era Patria, 60. The original manu- script is in the Archives of the Sforza, at Milan. The Milanese agent reported that a Venetian mariner of repute, sent out some months previously by the English king, had found two fine islands, and the seven cities, 400 leagues west of England, and that the king planned a new expedition with 15 or 20 ships : uno Veneciano el quel e molto bono marinate et a bona scientia de trovare insule nove ... a ritrovato due insula nove grandissime et fruftiffere et etiam trovato le septa citade lontane da I'insula de Ingliterra lege 400 per lo caraino de ponente. A comparison of Rawdon Brown's translation, reprinted in G 82 Cabot Bibliograpbs American History Leaflet, ix. 6-7, with that of Markham, No. 451, p. 202, is suggestive: also translated by Beazley, No. 256, p. 62. RAIMONDO DI SONCINO [Dispatch to the Duke of Milan. — London, 18 December, 1497. (^9°) Original manuscript in the State Archives, Milan, Potenze Estere, Inghilterra 1497. decemb. Printed in the Annuario Scientifico del 1865, — Milan, 1866, p. 700; correfted in Desimoni, No. ■^zg,— Genoa, 1881, pp. 53-55. A translation by Professor B. H. Nash in WiNSOR, America, iii. 54-55, has been frequently reprinted. This is the most important single narrative of the Cabot dis- covery. The Milanese agent reported what he had learned from personal interviews with the poor but skilful Venetian Zoanne Caboto ! uno populate Venetiano . . . de gentile ingenio, peritis- simo dela navigatione . . . alienigena et povero. Cabot said that the newly discovered islands acquired by Spain and Portugal had suggested to him the possibility of a similar achievement on behalf of England. He sailed with a little ship, fitted out from Bristol, and eighteen men, chiefly English, although there was probably one Burgundian and possibly a Genoese barber or surgeon. Steering westwards from Bristol, beyond Ireland, he turned north, laying his course Eastwards — i.e., not a mistake for westerly, but in all prob- ability meaning "towards the Eastern countries " — keeping the north star for a while on his right. After much tossing about, he hit upon mainland, of which he took possession by raising the royal banner : passato Ibemia piu occidentale, e poi alzatosi verso el septentrione, comencio ad navigare ale parte orientale, lassandosi (fra qualche giomi) la tramontana ad mano drita, et havendo assai errato, infine capitoe in terra . . . et preso certi segnali, se ne re- tomato. He collefted a few objefts and returned to England, where he showed where he had been on a map of the world and on a globe which he had made, — see No. 19''. Cabot and his English companions agreed in saying that they found the sea full of fishes, which could be caught with nets, or even with a basket sunk by a stone, so that this region was likely to supplant the trade to Iceland for stockfish. The country was said to be good, and temperate, and they thought that Brazil wood and silk grew there : et dicono che la e terra optima et temperata, et estimanno che vi nasca el brasilio et le sete, et afFermanno che quello mare e coperto de pessi . . . et questo io Iho oldito narrare al difto messer Zoanne. Not content with this fishing trade, Cabot, who had seen at Mecca the caravans bringing goods of the far East, hoped to follow the coast to Cipango-Japan, where he expefled to find all the spices and precious stones. The king promised Cabot some ships for a new expedition, and all the convifls for a colony in the new land. The discoverer in princely fashion had presented an island to his Bur- Cabot Bibliograpbg 83 gundian companion, and another to his Genoese barber, both of whom expefted to become Counts, while several poor Italian friars who were going to the new land had been promised bishoprics : Ho ancora parlato cum uno Borgognone compagno di mess. Zoanne chi afferma tutto, et vole tornarci perche lo armirante (che gia messer Zoanne cosi se intitula) li ha donato una Isola; et ne ha donato una altra ad un suo barbero da castione Genovese. This barber " da castione " is supposed to have belonged in Castiglione near Genoa ; hence it is inferred that Cabot may have been born in that place. The closing sentences of the letter describe the life of the envoy in England, and the amount of credit to be placed upon the pre- ceding statements depends in part upon the impression derived from his complaint that he is reduced to eating ten or twelve dishes and sitting many hours at table : sono redutto in questo paese ad mangiare ogni pasto de x o xii vivande, et stare tre hore ad tavola per volta ogni giorno due volte per amore de' Vostra Excellentia. There seems to be nothing in this, however, which necessarily dis- credits the obvious purport of the envoy's report about Cabot. RAMIREZ (Luis) [Letter addressed " A las Senoras mis tias la de Luis Perez y Pedro Gajardo beso las manos con las de las Senoras mis primas todas [blank in the original] Senores sus maridos " — Do Rio da Prata^ a lO de lullio de 1528. (191) Printed by Varnhagen, from a manuscript in the Biblioteca alta do Escorial, in the Renjista trimensal do Instituto hisiorico e geografico do Brazil — Rio de Janeiro, 1852, xv. 14-41. A portion is reprinted in Tarducci, No. 539, pp. 392-395 : translated into English in Brownson's Tarducci, No. 540. There is a French version in the Nowvelles Annates des Voyages, Paris, 1843, P^r' "'• 39-73; This letter contains a very valuable summary of what had hap- pened to Cabot and his expedition since the departure from San Lucar two years before. RAMUSIO (Giovanni Battista) Libro primo della histo ria de Tin die oc ciden tali [mdxxxiiii] Svmmario de la generale historia de I'indie occi-dentali cavato da li-bri scritti del si-gnor don Pietro Martyre del consi glio delle indie della maesta de I'imperadore, et da molte altre par-ticvla-ri rela-tioni. (192) Small 4to. T -(- 11 2-79 -(- map -^ T -f- 11 2-64 -|- 2 11 -f- T -(- 14 11. The date appears on the titles of the second and third parts, but not on the first. The colophon at the end of the second part 84 Cabot Bibliograpbs reads: Stampato in Finegia, nel mese di Decembre, Del. 1534- ; and at the end of the third part : In Vinegia, Del mese d'Ottobre. MDXXXIIII. The second part is titled : Svmmario de la natvrale et general histo ria de I'Indie occidentali, composta da Gonzalo ferdi-nando del Ouiedo. The third is : Libro vltimo del svmraa rio delle indie oc ciden tali. Reprinted in the third volume of Ramusio's Naijigationi, No. 196. The Cabot narrative, clearly based upon that in Martyr, Dec. III. lib. vi. (see notes to No. 159) is on 1, (65). Here, however, the " pene infans " passage is expanded by the information that " da poi la morte del quale (suo padre) trouandosi ricchissimo, & di grade animo, delibero si come hauea fatto Christophoro Colombo voler anchor lui scoprire qualche nuoua parte del mondo." The reference to westward currents is omitted, and its place supplied by a much more vivid description of the catching offish by bears. See note under Chauveton, No. 73. The internal evidence of this passage affords little help toward the solution of a problem whose importance it clearly suggests : whether, as M. d'Avezac suggested in his Annie Veritable de la Naissance de Colomb, — Faris, 1 8 7 3, p. i o, ». 8 , portions of the " many other private accounts " which are mentioned in the title were in- corporated into the text of this translation from Peter Martyr by Ramusio, who has been accepted as the probable editor of this Summario (see Harrisse, Colomb, i. 92-94-) ; or whether, as Mr. J. C. Brevoort suggested in a note in WiNSOR, America, iii. 20, this Italian summary is another and earlier form of the material which Martyr rearranged for his volume printed in 1516, No. 159. Neither alternative throws much light on the questions, most important to the students of Cabot, as to whence this additional information was derived. The statements seem to come, more or less indireftly, from an eyewitness, presumably through Sebastian Cabot. But how conveyed, and whether before 1515 or before 1534, is not apparent. RAMUSIO (Giovanni Battista) Primo Volvme delle Navigationi et Viaggi nel qval si contiene la Descrittione deir Africa . . . Et la Nauigatione attorno il mondo. — Venetia mdl. ('93) Folio. T -I- 3 11 -t- 11 1-405. Reprinted as : RAMUSIO (Giovanni Battista) Primo volume, et Seconda editione ... in molti Ivoghi corretta, et am- pliata. . . . Aggiuntoui di nuouo . . . Tre Tauole di Cabot Bibliograpbi? 85 Geographia in disegno — [Colophon] . . . Venetia . . . Luc' Antonio Giunti, nel mese di Marzo. mdliiii. (194) Folio. T + 3 11 +11 1-34. + 1-436 + 3 maps. Reprinted in 1563, 1588 (1587), 1606, and 1613, the text re- maining virtually unchanged from the second edition. The wood- cut maps of 1 5 54. were replaced by copper engravings, which are often not found in copies having their original bindings. A portion of this volume, 257 pages, was reprinted with the imprint : Venezia, co' tipi di Luigi Plet, mdcccxxxvh. In 1563 the name of Ramusio, who died in 1559, appeared on the title as editor. The tantalizing " conversation with an anonymous guest at the house of Hieronimo Fracastor" at Caphi near Verona, occupies II. 413-415 ; the Cabot passage is on 11. 414D-415A. A number of changes, chiefly verbal, were made in the text of this conversation as reprinted in the succeeding editions, which were edited from Ramusio's manuscripts and notes by Tomaso Giunti. The most interesting of these is the addition of the word " Mantouano," of Mantua, to the introduftorycharafterization of the informant. Eden, translating this narrative for his Decades of 1 555, rewrote the head- ing to read, 1. 249 : " . . . Also of the vyage to Cathay and East India by the north sea : And of certeyne secreates touchynge the same vyage, declared by the duke of Moscouie his ambassadoure to an excellent lerned gentelman of Italie, named Galeatius Butrigarius. Lykewyse of the vyages of that woorthy owlde man Sebastian Cabote . . ." Hakluyt borrowed Eden's translation for his Voyages, iii. 6-7, although he used the marginal reference, "taken out of the second volume of y* voyages of Baptista Ramusius," and altered the title, to read : " A discourse of Sebas- tian Cabot . . . vsed to Galeacius Butrigarius the Popes Legate in Spaine, and reported by the sayd Legate in this sort." Harrisse, in his J. etS. Cabot, 338, and more fully in his Cabot, 463-465, shows conclusively that inasmuch as Galeazzo Bottrigari or Butrigario died in 1518, before the date of events which Cabot is reported to have described to the " Mantuan gentleman," these two could not have been the same person. Harrisse also finds no reason for accepting, with Deane in Winsor, America, iii. 26, the arguments of BuLLo and Desimoni, who have tried to prove that the Mantuan was GianGIacomo Bardolo. The date of the reported interview at Caphi is fixed by d'Avezac, in a careful study of the passage in the Re'uue Critique, v. 265, as approximately 1544 or 1545. The report of this conversation is the most perplexing single piece of information regarding the Cabots. The style in which it is recorded, the apparently direft personal intercourse between the several communicants, the use of the rhetorical present tense which seems to give the exaft words used by Cabot, the evident respefta- bility and authority of the unnamed gentleman, and even the osten- tatious disavowal of any pretentions to exaft recoUeftion — all these 86 Cabot Bfbliograpbg faftstendto obscure the absolute unreliability of the entire passage. The length of time that had elapsed, the absence of anything which might have fixed the specific details clearly in the memory, the very eminence of individuals which has so often been held to relieve them from the necessity of detailed exaftness, the essential levity of the occasion when Ramusio received the information, need to be considered, together with the most important fafl: of all, that Cabot, the Mantuan, and Ramusio were each, on every occasion when the information was transmitted, chiefly interested in something — the best way to reach the Spice lands fi-om Europe — which had only the slightest connexion with the details over which the modem historical controversies about Cabot have raged. Ramusio reports that during a pause in their conversation, the Mantuan gentleman — vn gentil' huomo, grandissimo philosopho, & mathematico . . . il nome del quale per suoi rispetti non si dice — asked if they were unaware of the achievements of a very eminent Venetian living in Spain : quel che fece (Eden, " as dyd of late ") gia vn vostro cittadino Venetiano, ch'e cosi valente & pratico delle cose pertinenti alia nauigatione, & alia cosmographia, ch' in Spagna al presente non v'e vn suo pari, & la sua virtu I'ha fatto preporre a tutti li pilotti che nauigano all' Indie occidentali. He proceeded to tell them that when he was in Seville a few years pre- viously, he sought the acquaintance of this man, Sebastiano Caboto, who met him courteously and showed him, among other things, the map described as No. 42 : ritrouandosi gia alcuni anni (Eden, " beinge certeyne yeares in Siuile ") nella citta di Siuiglia, & desi- derando di saper di qlle nauigationi di Castigliani, gli fu detto, che v' era vn gra vaient' huomo Venetiano che hauea '1 carico di quelle . . . il qual sapeua far carte marine di sua mano, & in- tendeua I'arte del nauigare piu ch' alcun altro . . . io trouai vna gentilissima persona & cortese. Cabot said that his father had left Venice many years before and settled in London as a merchant, he being still very young, although he had studied the humanities and geography. His father died about the time that the English court began to discuss the news of Columbus' wonderful discovery. Feeling a desire to achieve something equally great, he convinced Henry VII, by means of the globe that there was a shorter route westward to the Indies. In the early summer of 1496 — (Eden interpolated, " as farre as I remember." Ramusio, at the be- ginning of his report of the whole conversation, wrote : II qual ragionamento non mi basta I'anirao di poter scriuer cosi parti- colarmente com' io lo vdi, perche visaria di bisogno altro ingegno, & altra memoria, che non ela mia, pur mi sforzero sommarlamente, & come per capi di recitar quel che mi potro ricordare) — the king furnished him with two well equipped caravels with which he sailed westwards, expefting to reach Cathay and thence to proceed to India : & cominciai a nauigar verso maestro, pensando di non trouar terra se non quella doue e il Cataio, & di li poi voltar verso le Indie. The land which he came upon trended northward, and he followed this, in the hope of finding a passage to the west, as dabot Blbliograpbi? 87 far as 56°, where the coast turned to the east. Returning, he con- tinued the search southwards as far as Florida — the name by which all the south-eastern portion of the present United States was known in 1550 : ma in capo d' alquanti giorni la discopersi che correua verso tramontana, che mi fu d' infinito dispiacere. & pur andando dietro la costa per vedere s' io poteua trouar qualche golfo, che voltasse, non vi fu mai ordine, che andato sin a gradi cinquantasei sotto il nostro polo, vedendo che quiui la costa voltaua verso leuante, disperato di trouarlo, me ne tornai a dietro a ricognoscere anchora la delta costa dalla parte verso I'equinottiale. sempre con intentione di trouar passaggio alle Indie, & venni sino a quella parte che chiamono al presente la Florida, & mancandomi gia la - vettouaglia, presi partite di ritornarmene in Inghilterra. Returning to England, he found the attention of king and court absorbed in an internal rebellion and war with Scotland, so that he offered his services to Ferdinand and Isabella, who sent him on a voyage of discovery to the coast of Brazil. (Perkin Warbeck's rebellion was in June, 1497 ; the truce with James IV. of Scotland in September, 1497; the death of Isabella in 1504; Cabot's employment by Ferdinand in 151Z ; and his La Plata voyage in 1516. All these may have been jumbled in this curious fashion by Cabot : it is in- finitely more reasonable to suppose that Cabot mentioned these things to his visitor, in whose mind they arranged themselves re- gardless of chronology or aftual association.) He described the exploration of La Plata for 200 leagues : trouata vn grossissimo, & larghissimo fiume, detto al presente della Plata, lo volsi nauigare, & andai all' insu per quello piu di secento leghe trouandolo sempre bellissimo, & habitato da infiniti popoli, che per marauiglia correuano a vedermi, & in quello sboccauano tanti fiumi, che non si potria credere. He concluded by saying, " I made many other voyages, which I do not mention, and at last, finding that I was growing old, I wished to rest, after having instniiled so many praftical and valiant young seamen, by whose forwardness I rejoice in the fruit of my labour." " Questo e quanto io intesi dal signor Sebastiano Caboto." It should be noted that the statement regarding his father's death shows clearly the influence of Ramusio's S-vrnmario of 1534, No. 192, and that the two ships as distinftly suggest Martyr, No. 159. An exegetical interpretation or explanation of the difficulties in this narrative, by Archbishop O'Brien, No. 470, p. cxxxix, suggests that Sebastian's father may really have died at about the time the news reached England of the discovery of the South American mainland by Columbus in 1498. See notes to Hakluyt, No. 128, and La Popellini^re, No. 155- RAMUSIO (Giovanni Battista) Secondo Volvme delle Navigationi et Viaggi — Venetia mdlix. (Colophon, MDLViii.) (195) 88 Cabot Bibliograpbs Folio. T +2 11 + 11 2-28 + 1-156. "Nvova editione accrescivto," 1573 ; third edition, with further additions, 1583 ; reprinted, 1606, in which year, for the onlytime, the three volumes appeared together with the same imprint. The edition of 1583 contained for the first time: Navigatione di Sebastiano Cabota . . . Discoprimento del mare settentrionale sino al gran fiume Obbo, fatto del mese di Maggio del 1556; 11. 21 1 -219. This agrees, for the most part, with the Na'vigation of Burroughs, No. 18, but the differences are such as could only have resulted from independent copies of an original journal, or from the logs of different sailing masters. There is a short intro- duftion, which shows much classical learning, presumably written by the Italian editor, and which contains the reasons urged by Cabot in favour of this north-east expedition, whence the mislead- ing heading. ('95") A reference to this narrative, verbally correft, in Leon Pinelo, Biblioteca, No. 436, — Madrid, 1629, p. 45, led his continuator, the Marques de Torre-Nueva, Biblioteca aiiadido y enmendado, — Madrid, 1737, i. col. 377, into the statement, likewise correfl, that this narrative of Sebastian's voyage was printed in Italian in 1583. Leon Pinelo in 1629 having also stated, presumably correftly, that this Cabot narrative was written in English, therefore Navarrete, No. 466, — Madrid, i85i,ii. 698, credited him with the statement that Sebastian wrote an account of the voyage of 1497, which was printed in English and also in Italian in 1583. (195'') RAMUSIO (Giovanni Battista) Terzo Volvme delle Navigationi et Viaggi nel qvale si contengono Le Nauiga- tioni al Mondo Nuouo, alii Antichi incognito, fatte da Don Christoforo Colombo . . . con gli acquisti fatti da lui, Et accresciuti poi da . . . altri valorosi Capitani, in diuerse parti delle dette Indie . . . Le Nauigationi fatte dipoi alle dette Indie, poste nella parte verso Maestro Tra- montana, dette hora la Nvova Francia, scoperte al Re Christianiss. la prima volta da Bertoni & Normandi, Et dipoi da Giouanni da Verrazzano ... Si come dimostra- no le diuerse Relationi, tradotte di lingua Spagnuolo & Francese nella nostra — Venetia mdlvi. (^Q^) Folio. T + 11 2-6 + 1-34 -1- 1-456. The pagination includes 7 folded maps. Reprinted in 1565, and with additions in i6o6. The S'vmmario of 1534 constitutes the first part of this third volume, the Cabot passage being on 11. 35-36, with a separate head- ing: Come Sebastian gabatto Vinitiano partitosi d'Inghilterra per scoprir nuoue terre in certo luoco trouo la tramontana sopra dise eleuata .55. gradi, & la notte in quel luoco non esser simile alle CaDot Bibliograpbg 89 nostre, & in che modo gli orsi faccino lacacciacon certipesci grand! detti baccalai. In the preliminary Discorso, 1. 4, Ramusio remarks that he did not know whether there was an open water passage through to Cathay north of 50°, " as was written to me many years ago by Sebastian Gabotto," a great cosmographer, who sailed beyond New France under Henry VIII. " And he told me that having sailed a long time west and by north," to 67°, and finding the sea still open on June 11, he had hoped to follow that route to Cathay, but the sailors refused to continue : mi diceua, come essendo egli andato lungamete alia volta di ponente & quarta di Maestro dietro queste Isole poste lugo la detta terra fino a gradi sessantasette & mezzo sotto il nostro polo, a' xi, di Giugno, & trouandosi il mare aperto, & senza impedimento alcuno, pensaua fermamente p quella via di poter passare alia volta del Cataio Orientale, & 1' haurebbe fatto, se la malignita del padrone & de marinari soUeuati non 1' hauessero fatto tornare a dietro. (196'') An admirable bibliography of the Ramusio coUeftion, with careful collations and an inventory of the contents ot the respeftive volumes, by Wilberforce Eames, is in Sabin, DiSlionary of Books relating to America, — Neixi York, 1886, xvi. 303-316. RASTELL (John). The New Interlude of the Four Elements, No. 5, should have been described at this place, according to Bale, who states that Rastell was the author ; Summarium, fo. 222". See a note on the authorship of this pamphlet, by Professor J. M. Manly in the Journal of Germanic Philology, — Bbomington, Indiana, 1899, ii. 425-6. RIBACJLT (Jean) The Whole and true discouerie of Terra Florida, (englished the Florishing lande.) Con-teyn- ing as well the wonderfuU straunge na-tures and maners of the people, with the mer-ueylous commodities and treasures of the country : As also the pleasaunt Portes, Hauens, and wayes therevnto Neuer founde out before the last yere 1562. Written in Frenche by Captaine Ribauld the fyrst that whollye discouered the same. And nowe newly set forthe in Englishe the.xxx.of May. 1563 — London (^97) Small 8vo. T -)- 22 11. Reprinted in 'Hayllvyt, Divers Voyages, pp. 91-115 in Hakluyt Society, 1850, edition ; and in B. F. French, Historical Colleilions of Louisiana and Florida, — Nenxj York, 1875, "• iS9-i9°' The date 1498 is given, for the first time in a printed account of a Cabot voyage, on 1. sig. A iij, p. 92 of 1850 edition. 90 Cabot BtbUograpbs RIBEIRO (Diego) Carta Universal en que se contiene todo lo que del mundo Se ha descubierto fasta Agora: Hizola Diego Ribero Cosmographo de Su Magestad : Ano de 1529. (198) Manuscript map, 217.3 x ^9-^ cmm. (Harrisse) or e.Sixz.gft. (Lelewel). In the Grand Ducal Library at Weimar. Another example of this map, with a similar inscription, except for the additional words, " en Sevilla," following the date, is in the Library of the Propaganda at Rome. It measures nearly a third larger than the Weimar map. ('9^*) The Weimer map was described, with a full-size facsimile in colours of the American portion, in Kohl, Diebeiden altesten general-karten von Amerika — Weimar, i860. (199) Large folio. 2 T + pp v-x + 1-185 + 2 facsimiles. Both are discussed by Harrisse, Disco'very, 369-575. There are copies from the maps in Sprengel, Ueber J. Ribertfs dlteste 'welt-charte, — Weimar, 1795, and in his translation of Mui5oz, Geschichte derneuen Welt, — Weimar, 1795 ; in Lelewel, G/o^ra/A;V, sec. 172 and 204, Atlas, planches xli-xlii and p. 30 ; and in various books about Verrazano. A map, clearly akin to the Ribeiro in the Propaganda, is pre- served in the Grand Ducal Library at Wolfenbiittel : see Harrisse, Discovery, 580-581. At the north of the Weimar map, just above Tiera del La- brador, is the legend : Esta tierra descubriero los Ingleses no ay en ella cosa de prouecho. In the Rome map, this reads : los Ingleses de la uilla de bristol. Harrisse states that this " clearly indicates the discovery accomplished by John Cabot, but ascribed by Ribero to Sebastian, who was in '1529 his superior in the service of the Castillian Crown, and from whom he certainly gathered most ot his data concerning the north-eastern regions." RODAS (Miguel de). ROJAS or ROXAS (Francisco de). The depositions of the several parties to the lawsuits which followed Cabot's return from his expedition to La Plata are de- scribed as Nos. 23-37. ROMANIN (Samuele) Storia documentata di Venezia di S. Romanin — Venezia 1853 (-1861) (200) 8vo. 10 volumes. See note under Venice, No. 224, for a Cabot document first printed in this work, iv. 453. Cabot BibliograpbB 91 RUYSCH (Johannes) In hoc opere haec conti-nentvr Geographiae CI. Ptolemaei a plurimis uiris utriusq^ linguae doiSiss. emedata ... Noua orbis descriptio ac noua Oceani nauigatio qua Lisbona ad Indicu peruenitur pelagus Marco Beneuentano monacho caele-stino sedita. Noua & uniuersalior Orbis cogniti tabula loa. Ruysch Germano elaborata — mdviii. Rome (201) Folio. T + 106 + 34 11 + 34. double page maps. For the detailed collation of this, as of all the editions of Ptolemy's Geography, see the titles and notes by Wilberforce Eames in Sabin, DiBionary of Books relating to America, — Nemj York, 1886, xvi. 43-87. The important addition to this edition was a map at the end : Vni-versaliof cogniti orbis tabvla ex recen-tibvs confefta observa- tioni-bvs. It measures 54 x 40 cmm., or zii x 16 inches. (201^) This is the earliest engraved map which shows the north-wes- tern American regions. It is accompanied by an elaborate analysis of its contents by Beneventanus, entitled "orbis noua descriptio," which adds almost nothing to the geographical evidence of the map, which was apparently the only source of information used by Beneventanus, except the letter or explanation sent by Ruysch from Germany with the original drawing. It contains, however, the very interesting information that Ruysch " says that he has sailed from southern England towards the north to the 53'' degree, and along this parallel to the eastern shores" : loanes v'o Ruschi Germanus Geographo!^ meo iudicio pitissimus . . . dixit : se nauigasse ab albionis australi parte : & ta diu quo ad subparallelu ab subaequatore ad borea sub gf. 53. puenit : & in eo parallelo na uigasse ad ortus littora per angulQ noftis atq plures insulas lustrasse. It has been surmised that Ruysch may have accompanied Cabot to America, although the configuration and legends of the map show nothing to confirm this idea. The sources used by Ruysch, which may have included Cabot's charts, although there is no evidence to substantiate this sugges- tion, are discussed in detail by Harrisse, Disco'very, 449-453. RYMER (Thomas) Foedera, Conventiones, Literae, Et Cujuscunque Generis a£i:a publica, inter reges anglias, Et Alios quosvis imperatores, reges, pontifices, principes, vel communitates, ab . . . Anno nor, ad nostra usque Tem- pera, Habita aut Traftata ; Ex Autographis . . . Accu- rante Thoma Rymer [potissimum edidit Robertus Sander- son] . . . Editio secunda . . . studio Georgii Holmes — Londini, mdccxxvii (-1735). (202) 92 Cabot Bibliograpbs Folio. 20 volumes. The third edition, with an Abrege historiquehy J. Le Clerc, con- tinued by P. Rapin Thoyras, was printed— a^^* Comttts, 1739- 1745, folio, 10 volumes. Reprinted by the Commissioners on the Public Records, — London, 181 6. A syllabus in English, with an exhaustive index prepared by Mr. Hardy, was printed — London, 1869, 1873, 1885. See references under Henry VII., No. 136 ; Edward VI., No. 99 ; and Mary Tudor, No. 167. S. (F. G.). See notes under Martyr, No. 162, for the map dedicated by F. G. S. to Richard Hakluyt in 1587. It is probable, however, that the S. merely stands for Salutat, the author being F. G. SAMANO QuAN de). Sebastian Cabot's letter to Samano, the secretary of Charles V., is No. 38. It is probable that some of the letters described as from the Emperor — Nos. 66-72 — were prepared by his secretary. SANTA CRUZ (Alonso de) Nova verier et Integra totivs orbis descriptio nvnc primvm in Ivcem edita per Alfonsvm de SancSa Crvz Caesaris Charoli .V. archicos- mographvm. a.d. m.d.xlii. (2°3) World map on three connefled sheets of parchment, measuring 144 X 79 cmm., in the Royal Library at Stockholm. It is drawn in two hemispheres, each composed of 36 gores, the whole repre- senting a globe with a radius of 19.48 cmm. The faft that the hemispheres are surrounded by a border, 20 mm. wide, shows that the gores were not intended to be cut out for pasting on a globe, but that this construftion was adopted as a device for securing a realistic projeition on a plane surface. The sheets have been reproduced in facsimile in : Map of the world by the Spanish cosmographer Alonzo de Santa Cruz 1542 reprodu(5lion in phototypic facsimile by the printing office of the Swedish Staff-General with explanations by E. W. Dahlgren — Stockholm, 1892. (204-) Imperial 4to. 2 T + i 1 -)- 5 double sheet facsimiles. Text : royal 8vo. 2 T + pp 3-47. 100 copies. This is the only example of a mappemonde drawn by Santa Cruz which has yet been brought to light and identified. Although the author accompanied Cabot to La Plata in 1526, the map shows nothing of th^ region traversed by Cabot's expedition which is not on Ribeiro's maps of 1529. The name " R. dla Plata," how- ever, appears on this map for the first time. As compared with the I 544 Cabot map, the Santa Cruz map presents the outline of Cabot Btblioarapbs 93 La Plata in much more realistic form, showing clearly that it did not serve as a model for the 1 544 map. The general type of the river basin in the two is nevertheless the same. The description of the region visited by Cabot in 1526, as given by OviEDO, No. 182, from information derived verbally from Santa Cruz, is in agreement at every essential point with the details on this Santa Cruz map. This agreement is treated at length by Mr. Dahlgren in his explanatory text, which is a model of intelligent and scholarly cartographic editing. In Mr. Dahlgren's opinion, the Santa Cruz gores represent the nearest approach, yet known to students, to the official Padron Real, the great map upon which the Spanish hydrographic and navigation board recorded the most complete and most authentic information at its command concern- ing the newly discovered portions of the world. SANTA CRUZ (Alonso de) Libro de las Longitudes y manera que hasta agora se ha tenido en el arte de navegar, con bus demonstraciones y ejemplos, dedicado a Felipe II. (205) Manuscript in the Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid, Aa 97. In this undated work, prepared for the use of the king, Santa Cruz quotes " the method of Sebastian Caboto, Pilot-Major to His Majesty in England, for obtaining the longitude [at sea] by means of the declination of the sun, as communicated by a certain person to Philip II." Harrisse, Cabot, 4.54-456, prints the Spanish text, with an English translation on pp. 302-306. By means of an elaborate mathematical analysis and illustration of this method, Mr. Harrisse becomes convinced that " the error in longitude, when following Cabot's method, would have aftually reached sixty degrees, that is, one-sixth of the circumference of the globe," p. 308. SANTA CRUZ (Alonso de) El yslario general de todas las yslas del mondo endresjado ala S. C. C. Mag' del Emperador y Rey nuestro Senor, por Alonso de Sandla Cruz, su Cosmografo maior — 1 560. (206) Manuscript copies of this work are preserved in the Besangon City Library, No. 460 (124 11. 4to) ; and in the Imperial Library at Vienna, MSS. Cod. Pal. Vindol., Nos. 5542 and 7195 (2 copies). A modern transcript belonging to Mr. Harrisse is mentioned in his Disco'very, p. 621. See Navarrete, Opusculos — Madrid, 1848, ii. 82, for a note on a copy that cannot now be found. Extrafts from this Yslario, describing Cabot's exploration of La Plata, in which Santa Cruz participated, are printed by Harrisse, Cabot, 409-411. The details in this passage, added to those com- municated by Santa Cruz to Oviedo, No. 182, are the chief means for an intelligible interpretation of the geographical results of that exploration. 9+ Cabot Bibliograpbs The deposition made by Santa Cruz on board the ship Santa Maria del Espinar, at Seville, 28 July, 1530, in reply to questions concerning the manner in which Cabot had conduced the expedition to La Plata, is printed in Harrisse, Cabot, 419-422. See note to Cabot, No. 23. (207) SANTA CRUZ (Francisco de). The Informacion pedida por . . . Santa Cruz contra Sebastian Caboto — Segoma, 1532, is described as No. 12. SANTAREM (Manuel Francisco de Barros e Sousa) Atlas compose de mappemondes, de portulans et de cartes hydrographiques et historiques depuis le vi'^ jusqu'au xvii' siecle, pour la plupart in^dites, devant servir de preuves a I'histoire de la costnographie et de la cartographie pen- dant le moyen age et a celle des progres de la geographie . . . recueillies et gravdes sous la direftion du Vicomte de Santarem. Public sous les auspices du gouvernement portugais — Paris, mdcccxlix [1842-1853]. (208) Imperial folio. 2 T + 5 11 7f plates. There is a careful collation of this worlc, which contains admirable facsimiles of the more important maps that show the cartographical history of the Cabot discoveries, in Sabin, Di3ionary of Books re- lating to Arrierica, — Nenv York, 1889, xviii. 488-497. SANUTO (Livio) Geografia di M. Livio Sanvto distinta in xii libri. Ne quali, oltra I'esplicatione di molti luoghi di Tolomeo, e della Bussola, e dell' Aguglia, si dichiarano . . . deir Africa. — Finegia, m.d.lxxxviii. (2C9) Folio. T -}- 23 11 -)- 11 1-146 -)- 12 maps. The Cabot voyage described in the preface to Ramusio, No. 196, is apparently referred to in pt. i., lib. ii., fol. 17. The state- ment from which, according to Harrisse, Cabot, 289-291, and 465, has been derived the claim that Sebastian discovered the de- clination and variation of the magnetic needle, which he described in the presence of Edward VI. of England, is in lib. i., fol. 2. For the reference to a map drawn by Cabot in London, see No. 47. Compare Harrisse's account of this book with the description in Stevens, Bibliotheca Geographica, — London, 1872, i. 282-283; reprinted in part in Sabin, Diiiionary of Books relating to Atnerica, xviii. 504-505. SANUTO (Marino) I diarii di Marino Sanuto publicato per cura di Federico Stefani [Guglielmo Berchet, Nicolo Barozzi, Marco Allegri] — Venezia, mdccclxxix [-1898]. (2JO) Cabot Bibltograpbs 95 Folio. 52 volumes. It is expeiled that six additional volumes will complete the work, covering the years 1496-1538. See notes under Pasqualigo, No. 183. SCOTT (Edward). The " Cabot Roll " discovered and translated by Mr. Scott, is described under Kemys, No. 152. SONCINO (Raimondo di). See Raimondo, No. 190. SORANZO (GiAcoMo). A dispatch from the Venetian ambassador in England, dated 17 August, 1 55 1, in which he advised the Council of Ten at Venice in regard to Cabot — del fedelissimo nostro Sebastiano Gaboto — is mentioned in the reply of the Ten, described under Venice, No. 2z8. (211) STOW (John) The Chronicles of England, from Brute vnto this present yeare of Christ. 1580. Collefted by lohn Stow Citizen of London — London. (212) 4to. T + 15 11 + pp 1-1223. Pagination irregular. New editions, revised to date, were reprinted in 1592, pp. 1305 ; 1605; 1615, with continuation by Edmond Howes, pp. 988; 1631 (1632), pp. 1087. Stow's Summary of English Chronicle was printed in 1565, 1567, '573; i575> '587> '59°) '59^1 ^"^^ 1604: the Abridgement or Summarie of the English Chronicle, m 1607, 1611, and 1618. Ac- cording to the British Museum Catalogue, the 1 561 and other editions of the Brenjiat Chronicle are not supposed to have been prepared by Stow. The editions of these Summaries printed before 1 580 do not contain any reference to the Cabots. Stow used the Fabyan Ckronicon, No. 105, for his account of Sebastian Gabato, adding to the information therein the statement that the three or four " smal shippes were fraught with slight and grosse wares as course cloth, Caps, Laces, points and such other," p. 872, 1580 edition. Stow also refers to Fabyan for the statement, p. 875, that in 18 H. VII., or 1502, "were brought vnto the kyng three men taken in the new founde Hands, by Sebastian Gabato, before named in anno 1468 . . . clothed in Beastes skinnes, and eate raw Flesh, but spake such a language as no man could vnder- stand them, of the which three men, two of them were seene in the Kings Court at Westminster two yeares after, clothed, like Englishmen, and could not be discerned from Englishmen." Hakluyt, in the heading to his quotation of this statement, in 1582, dated it 17 H. VII., i.e., 22 August, 1501 — 21 August, 1502. In 1589 he changed this to 14 H. VII. Harrisse, CaAo^, 142-148, 96 Cabot Bibliograpbs shows that this importation of natives was probably made by the Bristol-Portuguese expedition of 1502 ; and that Stow or Fabyan doubtless thoughtlessly inserted Cabot's name. Sebastian Cabotte is mentioned in conneftion with the expedition to Muscovia in 1552, on p. 1057. In the edition of 1631, p. 480, the Cabot voyage of discovery is dated, by a misprint, similar to that in the passage quoted above, 1489. STRACHEY (William) The first Booke of the historie of Trauaile into Virginia Britania expressing the Cosmo- graphie & coinoditi'es of the country, togither with the manners and customes of the People : gathered & ob- serued aswell hj those who went first thither as colledled by William Strachey, Gent. (21 3) Manuscripts, in the British Museum, London, Sloane ColleSion, No. 1622; in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, Asbmolean Manu- scripts, No. 1754. Printed by the Hakluyt Society : The historie of travaile . . . now first edited . . . by R. H. Major — London m.dccc.xlix. (^i+) 8vo. 2 T -I- 2 11 + pp i-xxxvi + 1-203 + tnap -|- 6 plates. The account of Cabot, on pp. 6-7, 1849 edition, gives the inter- esting, although unsupported, information that : " King Henry 7. gave his letters pattentes A" 1495. vnto John Cabot, a Vene- tian (indenized his Subjeft, & dwelling w'l'in the Black friers) "... TAISNIER (Johannes). The title ofTAiSNiER's Opvscnjl'vmde nafvramagTietis, — Colonic, 1 562, to the translation of which Eden added some curious informa- tion regarding Sebastian Cabot's scientific theories, is quoted as No. 98. THEVET (Andre) Le grand Insulaire et Pilotage d'Andr^ Theuet Angoumoisin Cosmographe du Roy. (215) Manuscript in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Vaxh, finds fran^ais. No. 15,452. Written between 1545 and 1558 ; see Harrisse^j*. et S. Cabot, 343-344, Cabot, 466-467. The northern limit of the Venetian voyage under Henry VII. of England is given as 67° in vol. i., fol. 143. THEVET (Andre) Les Singvlari-tez de la Fran-ce antar