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 Chile in 1859: 
 
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Cornell University 
 Library 
 
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 The original of tliis book is in 
 tlie Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924021203744 
 
CHILE IN 1859 
 
 BT 
 
 ANDRE COCHUT. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH. 
 
 Xi 
 

 OURlCATfc 
 
 
 1 
 
CHILE IISJ^ 1859. 
 
 When information was received in Europe towards the close of 
 last year, that serious disturbances had taken place in Chile, a 
 sentiment of earnest regret was felt by those who regard political 
 events comprehensively, and who weigh them all, the better to 
 comprehend the bands binding nations together. During several 
 years we have received from Chile the most favorable accounts of 
 its government, public safety, intellectual progress, commerce, 
 finances, and public credit. We have been gratified in regarding 
 it as a model republic, destined to serve as the example for neigh- 
 boring states and one day to form with them, a Hispano- American 
 confederation, without which (combination) the Latin races of the 
 new world will, with difficulty, resist the ambition of the United 
 States. 
 
 We must acknowledge, that this good impression has just been 
 sensibly impaired. The recent crisis there has been revealed in 
 Europe only through scraps of correspondence, brief and incohe- 
 rent paragraphs that passed from one newspaper to another with- 
 out examination,. or worse still, through paragraphs in which male- 
 • volence had given a sinister tinge to facts already sufficiently 
 painful. It is proper then to assure the ancient world, that of all 
 the emancipated Spanish colonies, Chile still occupies an eminence 
 conspicuously apart ; that her resources are absolutely uninjured, 
 and, that though there may be temporary political ebullition, it is 
 not of sufficient importance to cause, alarm for the future. 
 
 We all know well what the ancient Spanish colonies were : their 
 commerce monopolized ; their industry prohibited, and their rela- 
 tions and intercourse with strangers embarrassed to the utmost — 
 all'for the benefit of the mother country ! The indigenous popu- 
 lations were forced to execute the most laborious work for the 
 
younger sons of Spanish families or for adventurers who went from 
 Europe with the determination of enriching themselves by work- 
 ing the mines, the only industry then permitted by the Royal gov- 
 ernment. A few families who showed a desire to settle in the 
 country and that constitute an exception to the masses, easily ob- 
 tained grants for large extents of land and the right to establish a 
 sort of bondage over the nations thereupon ; but themselves, were 
 not permitted administrative power of any nature lest Some slight 
 desire for independence might be awakened. Instruction among the 
 colonists was exclusively entrusted to the clergy, who were strict- 
 ly required to clog every intellectual impulse, and their task was 
 most faithfully fulfilled. But neither the vigilance nor the rigors 
 of the inquisition could prevent the clandestine entrance of philo- 
 sophical writings, or the rumors occasioned by the independence 
 of Anglo-America and the French revolution, all of which were 
 received with avidity. A noble thought passed rapidly through 
 their minds, and at the earliest prospect of success, an enthusias- 
 tic population arose to demand and to obtain their independence. 
 
 At the close of the colonial system of government, there were 
 two classes of citizens ; one, an ignorant, half savage multitude, 
 alike indifferent to and incapable of political reasoning ; the other, 
 consisted of the families forming an aristocracy natural to their 
 origin and their wealth. Would it be possible to harmonize two 
 classes of people who were so dissimilar ? For it soon became 
 apparent, that it was as impossible to introduce European Princes 
 to be their monarchs — as San Martin desired — as it was to carry 
 out the plan of Bolivar, and instal Life-Directors. They, there- 
 fore, extemporised republics in accordance with the reminiscences 
 of the '■^Oontr at social" and in pursuance of the example of the 
 Anglo-American system. But they forgot one prominent fact, 
 viz : that in constituting a democracy we required a commonalty ; 
 and this will serve to explain the disorders of which the Latin 
 Republics of the new world have too often been and still are sad 
 spectacles. 
 
 Unfortunately, Chile has not entirely escaped this fatality of 
 origin, but its people have suffered far less than elsewhere. Its 
 needy class was small and scattered, and the clergy had easy con- 
 trol of it, whilst the families of "saw^re-aaMr' were considerate 
 
and, very generally respected. Not only did these families of the 
 higher class constitute a marked proportion of the population, hut 
 their instructive sympathy was sufficient to enahle them to form a 
 conservative party strong enough to ward off any great catastrophe. 
 It is possible that there were many among the elite of Chilian 
 society who regretted the calm somnolency of the, ancient 
 system ; but as the Spanish domination was irretrievably gone, 
 the conservative party assumed the duty of successors, and from 
 the earliest days of the independence, their attention was directed 
 to the creation of a centre for higher instruction, where citizens 
 might acquire the knowledge essential for the proper service of 
 their country. This was the origin of the National Institute of 
 Santiago, whose influence upon the intellectual and political de- 
 velopment of Chile is remarkable. 
 
 When the time was arrived to form a constitution for the gov- 
 ernment of Chile — about 1829 — inconsiderate theorists, urged 
 on by opinions of men less thoughtful, now obtained ascendency 
 in the Congress, and caused it to adopt the principles of absolute 
 democracy. But the new system was not in harmony with the 
 elements of which the nation was composed, and the experiment 
 was unsuccessful. Disorders were succeeded by civil war, and, as 
 was to be anticipated, the conservative party resumed their ascen- 
 dency. About that time, and in allusion to their supposed ten- 
 dencies, the victors received the popular surname "pelucon&s" 
 (whigs,) a title which they still retain. The fact is, the most of 
 them held the traditions and sometimes even the prejudices of Spain 
 in honor, and without being the systematic adversaries of progress, 
 they were suspicious of novelties, and more especially so in all that 
 regarded the territorial system and the feudal tenure by which 
 they held their colonists. The education they had received had 
 not, except in few cases, enabled them to perceive what they were 
 required to surrender to the tendencies of the times and to the 
 special condition of South American society. Thus, they did not 
 form a political party which clearly appreciates its necessities, and 
 of its own impulse moves directly to the attainment of its object, 
 but from that time they have adopted the habit of being gui- 
 ded and of placing all their influence in the hands of chiefs who 
 possess their confidence. 
 
This course of the pelucones has proved, at the same time, the 
 safeguard of Chile and of themselves. Then, there were minds of 
 rare sagacity to guide them, true statesmen who appreciated that 
 Chile required a quasi republican apprenticeship, and that, if it 
 was important to resist the excesses of demagogues, it was not less 
 essential for the interest of the higher classes to interpose an ob- 
 stacle to the abuses of their preponderance. Such was the politi- 
 cal sentiment inspiring the constitution of 1833, which, whilst 
 republican and democratic, tends to strengthen the powers of the 
 President as a guaranty of public safety, and is a controlling organ 
 between the extreme and incongruous elements of which the 
 population of Chile is composed. 
 
 Although not the only one who bore a part in its preparation, 
 credit for the authorship of this constitution is given to Diego 
 Portales, and his name has continued to be connected with the 
 policy derived therefrom. In 1837, this illustrious citizen fell a 
 victim to military sedition, though his memory is cherished by a 
 grateful public, who have caused a statue to be erected in his 
 honor. When his mutilated body, pierced with bayonet stabs, 
 was exhibited, there was a common feeling of horror against the 
 spirit of revolt, ambition and military power, which is the scourge 
 of republics. This sentiment was of advantage to General Bulnes, 
 who was elected President at the next ensuing election, and the 
 period of whose rule was one of peaceful progress, of which the 
 country preserves a happy memory. 
 
 The prime minister of General Bulnes was Mr. Manuel Montt, 
 a gentleman then in early manhood, but who had distinguished 
 himself first, as Professor in the chair of Roman Law, and, subse- 
 quently, as Rector of the National Institute. Amid the toils and 
 cares of office, it might have been supposed that the intellectual life 
 of Mr. Montt would have been suspended. But such was not the 
 case ; he owed fame as well as political fortune to his collegiate 
 career, and he continued earnestly zealous in all that related to 
 public instruction, extending the basis of the National Institute 
 under a new organization, and bringing professors from abroad as 
 associates with the most distinguished men of the country already 
 in the institution. And thus, the National Institute became an 
 arena for the promotion of progressive ideas. 
 
The Chilian mind is naturally reflective and penetrating, rather 
 inclined to the exercise of reasoning and oratory, than to the study 
 of what has been denominated "the exact sciences," The fields 
 of literature, legislation, public law, and political economy, have 
 been most cultivated. As an evidence of this, on examining the 
 Annals of the University, a monthly publication by that national 
 corporation, I find that the theses or public discourses made by the 
 candidates for degrees, are most usually upon social science, the 
 organization of political power, the limits of judiciary power, 
 juries, and the necessity of popular education. 
 
 At the schools of the National Institute, an ardent young popu- 
 lation were trained, who, as scions of the principal families, were 
 destined at a later period to cooperate in the administrative duties 
 of the country. If we regard them as a mass, there can be no 
 doubt that their minds became imbued with just as well as with no- 
 ble ideas, and they appear only to have forgotten, that youthful 
 nations need tutelage from experienced power, and that a certain 
 apprenticeship is essential to fit one for the exercise of public 
 liberty. 
 
 The effect of the intelligence of the revolution (in France) of 
 1848 upon the young progressists, was as that of a lighted torch 
 to a combustible pile. The epoch for the election of the President 
 was approaching, and they thought the opportunity a most favora- 
 ble one to make their ideal a reality. On ^the other hand, the 
 pelucones were more than ever convinced of the necessity for a 
 skilful and energetic chief magistrate, and as none more worthy 
 could be selected than the prime minister of General Bulnes, their 
 influence was united to secure his nomination as President of the 
 Republic. At the election which followed in 1851, political pas- 
 sions were aroused to the highest pitch, and in the struggle of 
 parties which ensued, it was soon discovered that the doctrines of 
 the progressists, in reality, involved the most dangerous and de- 
 structive schemes of socialists. 
 
 Very shortly afterwards, a formidable insurrection broke out at 
 several points of the republic. In this emergency, Mr. Montt, 
 , the first civilian who had ever been elected to the high office of 
 President, confident in his own patriotic motives and of the integ- 
 rity and ability of his predecessor, at once placed him at the head 
 
8 
 
 of the army. General Bulnes had previously achieved high re- 
 nown as a soldier, and having quelled the insurrection by a decis- 
 ive blow, again laid down the sword to return to private life. By 
 this last act he added the most noble chaplet to his fame, and has 
 set an example worthy of all honor in Spanish America, where it 
 never before occurred for a victorious chief to surrender his power 
 to the civil authority. 
 
 There were no further efforts to wrest power from the hands of 
 Mr. Montt ; but it became a heavy burden to him ; for, after an 
 abortive revolution, the victors are more difficult to control than 
 the vanquished. Each pelueon attributed to himself the honor of 
 having preserved the traditions of Portales, but eaich one also in- 
 terpreted them after his own way of thinking. The majority re- 
 garded the executive powers as left to the discretion of the domi- 
 nant class, whilst others, of whom Mr. Montt was, undoubtedly, 
 one, believed that the authority with which the President is in- 
 vested was to be used not only to preserve the legitimate interests 
 of the conservative party, but also as a check to prevent those re- 
 trograde tendencies which would lead the pelucones to ruin. To 
 divert the public from these irritating controversies, Mr. Montt 
 announced a programme of national works and useful reforms, 
 sufficiently liberal to enlist the interest of all classes of citizens. 
 In the task proposed, his principal auxiliary was his former col- 
 league and successor as Rector of the National Institute, Mr. 
 Antonio Varas, a statesman whose ardor in political discussions 
 often irritated his adversaries, but of whom, whether friend or 
 enemy, no Chilian ever doubted the abilities. Let us see how the 
 programme of 1851 has been carried out. 
 
 A proper statistics of the population of a country is an essential 
 element on which to base any great plan for national improve- 
 ments. On this subject there was much to be ascertained in 
 Chile. Every prior census had been taken without method or 
 care, and furnished merely approximative results. During the 
 second year of Mr. Montt's administration he obtained from Con- 
 gress a grant of 150,000 francs for the purpose of taking a census 
 on a comprehensive scale, and in which, every precaution exer- 
 cised by the most enlightened country, should be thoroughly car- 
 ried out. A Government decree dated 25th February, 1854, ap- 
 
9 
 
 pointed the 29th of April following as the day when the enumera- 
 tion shouldbe'simultaneously made throughout the republic. The 
 blanks given the officials embraced enquiries respecting the age, 
 sex, civil condition, profession or occupation and degree of in- 
 struction of every individual ; the nationality of foreigners, and 
 even of details respecting those rendered paupers by physical in- 
 firmities. The results were published during the following year 
 in a portly volume whose merit and utility are incontestable ; it 
 is, by far, the most complete and best document of the kind 
 ever published in South America, and it is quite probable, that 
 there are several countries of Europe which do not possess so good 
 a one. 
 
 The total population as ascertained by the census of 1854, is 
 1,439,120, a number which has somewhat disappointed the Chil- 
 ians who believed their country much more peopled. And some 
 of them say, that as it rained in torrents on the day appointed 
 for the taking of the census, the duties of the commissioners were 
 impeded and the result is below the reality. At the triennial 
 census in 1857, the population numbered 1,558,319, an increase 
 equal to 8J per centum, which is a very fair ratio during the three 
 years. At that of 1844, only 1,083,801 inhabitants were counted. 
 Taking these numbers as a basis — unfortunately rather uncertain 
 in the early date — it is estimated in Chile, that the population is 
 doubled in about every thirty years,* This datum must not 
 be accepted literally, but only as an approximation to the truth, 
 for many unforseen eventualities are liable to affect every calcula 
 tion of this nature. Nevertheless, as the facts which one there 
 observes are not very dissimilar to the phenomena of reproduction 
 noticeable in the United States, one may assume, as a general 
 thesis — that the population of Chile is rapidly increasing, and this 
 is an incontestable proof of public prosperity. 
 
 On examining the documents I have at hand, the proportion 
 
 * According to the most recent computations — those of Mr. Legoyt, published 
 in the Dictionnaire de V Bconomie politique — the mean period in which sixteen of 
 the principal countries of Europe double their populations, is one hundred years. 
 The. period varies between forty-nine j-ears for Great Britain (including Ireland) 
 and one hundred and eighty-five years for Bavaria ; eighty-two years for Bel- 
 gium, and one hundred and twenty-eight years for France . 
 2 
 
10 
 
 of children from infancy to fifteen years of age as compared Trith 
 adults, is very remarkable. In eight of the principal states of 
 Europe, the proportion is 33 per 100, -whilst in Chile it exceeds 42 
 per 100. It is readily enough understood why the first ages of 
 life should be most largely represented in a young and vigorous 
 population, but it is not sufficient for the progress of material wel- 
 fare that it show unusual fecundity ; it is also essential that the 
 children who come into the world be carefully attended to and 
 suitably developed. Now, to the present time, the mortality among 
 children in Chile far exceeds the ordinary ratio. To what shall 
 we attribute so sad a result in a country renowned for its salubri- 
 ty of climate, whose working men exhibit the most remarkable 
 examples of muscular power, and where a larger number live to 
 attain one hundred years of age* than any where else ? "We 
 can explain it only in the carelessness and ignorance of the lower 
 classes who have been so long neglected. Its remedy is, to elevate 
 the standard of morality by means of public education. To ac- 
 complish this last great benefit, there is a noble emulation among 
 the statesmen of Chile. They fully understand the necessity of 
 sacrifices for primary instruction, where the school shall afford an 
 asylum for the protection of childhood, and where children will be 
 prepared to become the future heads of families more intelligent 
 and more ready to follow the paths of duty. 
 
 The year 1853 arrived without any definite account of the con- 
 dition of popular instruction having been given. The first inqui- 
 ries respecting it were directed by Mr. Sylvester Ochagavia, who 
 was then minister, and it is grateful to find in his report an ex- 
 pression of earnest sympathy for the neglected poor, who should 
 at least, be spared the servitude and perils of ignorance. 
 
 Primary instruction is efiected in Chile by means of national, 
 municipal, private, and monastic schools. Pupils pay only in 
 private establishments and not even in all of them — admission to 
 the others, is gratuitous. Prior to 1853, the number of schools of 
 every class, was 521, of which 362 were for boys, and 159 for 
 
 * The general census of 1854 indicates by name, or by otherwise duly authen- 
 ticated evidence, 588 individuals whose ages are from one hundred to one hun- 
 dred and thirty-four years. 
 
11 
 
 girls; in the former, there were 17,553 pupils, and in the latter, 
 5,603. Thus, the total number of children attending schools of 
 every description was only 23,156, of whom 14,415 received gra- 
 tuitous instruction from the state and municipalities. More than 
 a third of the number had advanced only to primary spelling, the 
 others read fluently and were able to write a little. Some 7,000 of 
 them had commenced to study the catechism, Spanish grammar 
 and arithmetic. 
 
 The progress of primary education under the administration of 
 Mr. Montt is one the traits which best serves to characterize it. 
 If the municipal, private, and monastic schools have rather dimin- 
 ished than increased in number during the last seven years, as a 
 compensation for it, those supported by the national treasury have 
 increased from 165, with less than 9,000 pupils, to 454, with 22,349, 
 the most remarkable additions being in the number of the estab- 
 lishments for girls. In short, without embracing asylums where 
 an introduction to primary education is given, the schools of va- 
 rious kinds devoted to popular education are, at this time, attended 
 by 35,000 of the two sexes. And, in addition to these, the va- 
 rious regimental corps of the army have each a special school, and 
 there are evening schools for adults in the cities, already num- 
 bering twenty-three establishments, attended by nearly a thousand 
 workmen. 
 
 Whilst the number of schools was multiplied, efforts were also 
 made to elevate thestandardof instruction, and two normal schools 
 were founded, one for boys, the other for girls; the former con- 
 tains one hundred and four young men, of whom twenty-one have 
 already commenced their honorable profession in various parts of 
 the republic. That for young ladies has not been sufficiently long 
 in operation to have produced any fruits. A committee of inspec- 
 tion has been organized for the purpose of visiting the provinces 
 and studying the best methods to be adopted for the improvement 
 of the several classes. Their reports are transmitted to the Minis- 
 ter of Public Instruction, and thus the programme of studies is 
 extended. In the larger number of the principal towns in each 
 department, primary instruction embraces linear drawing, geo- 
 graphy, and some knowledge of the national history. The French 
 metrical decimal system has recently been adopted, and is every 
 
12 
 
 where taught, so that it will soon be the only rule admitted in 
 transactions of every nature. When the number of pupils exceeds 
 fifty, the principal is allowed an assistant, whose salary is also 
 paid by the state. Beginning with last year, the ministei; of Pub- 
 lic Instruction has prepared and published, at his own cost, a se- 
 ries of elementary works intended to form popular libraries at ru- 
 ral centers. Of these, thirty-seven have already been issued. 
 At Santiago, class-books also are supplied. These are sold at 
 very low rates to those able to pay for them, and distributed gra- 
 tuitously to the poor. 
 
 Very good progress is making in the higher branches of instruc- 
 tion. At the preparatory school of the National Institute of San- 
 tiago, an establishment where studies are given the widest range 
 as with us, there are about 700 pupils, two-thirds of whom are day 
 scholars Besides these, there are fourteen Lyceums or High 
 schools provided by the state, and fifty private boarding schools 
 for both sexes. There 3,877 males, including 260 seminarists, 
 and 1,843 girls, receive the education wealthy families can afford, 
 a proportion much exceeding that of most European countries, 
 when we take their relative populations into account. 
 
 Students are also taught for the different professions. At San- 
 tiago there is a school for the mechanics as applied to arts, 
 endowed for the reception of one hundred pupils, and directed by 
 skilful professors who have come from Europe. In the mineral 
 region (Copiapo) there is a mining school provided with a chemi- 
 cal laboratory, and already attended by fifty pupils, notwithstand- 
 ing the revolutionary fever which has raged so long in that pro- 
 vince. A very appropriate and handsome edifice has been erected, 
 and the best instruments have been purchased for an Astronomi- 
 cal Observatory at Santiago, and the first results of its labor have 
 been published, embracing celestial observations from 1853 to 
 1855. 
 
 Beyond all doubt, this is the first volume of its kind ever issued 
 in South America. At the same city, there is a National Museum 
 especially consecrated to collections of natural history, and which 
 are constantly being enriched by exchanges with foreign countries. 
 Finally, we must mention a Conservatory of Music, and a school 
 for the Fine Arts, in the latter of which, the pupil is encouraged 
 
13 
 
 by a reward of fifty francs per month when he proves himself the 
 most proficient at three successive competitions. 
 
 The luminous centre and focus of emulation, is the National 
 Institute. This establishment, organized somewhat like our "CoZ- 
 lege de France" corresponds with our University Faculties in the 
 higher instruction; but by the intellectual confraternity existing 
 among the eminent men who have been enrolled among its pro- 
 fessors, it becomes, in a manner, a free academy. Last year, the 
 several professorships were attended by 206 students, from sixteen 
 to eighteen years of age, all of them day scholars. The programme 
 of studies is extensive as well as varied. It already embraces 
 classes in every branch of the science of law ; political economy ; 
 mathematics ; natural philosophy, including chemistry, and they 
 are now proposing to include medicine also. As the Government 
 is desirous to extend its sphere of usefulness, appropriations have 
 already been made for professors of theoretical and practical agri- 
 culture, mining and civil engineering. It is also proposed, to 
 create a chair of higher literature, so that in accustoming the 
 mind to generalizations of thought, it may modulate the rigours 
 of scientific analysis. They willingly borrow books as well as pro- 
 fessors from Europe, so that the Chilian Institute is a sort of bond 
 which unites the young republic with the intellectual movements 
 of the old world. 
 
 A few figures from the "budget" will show the progress made 
 during the last few years even more conspicuously. In 1851, the 
 appropriations for the general public instruction amounted to 
 840,900 francs, of which only 63,500 francs were forthe National 
 Institute. The corresponding expenditures in 1859, were 2,882,140 
 francs and 375,750 francs. The sum especially devoted to the 
 instruction of the poorer class now amounts to 1,503,655 francs', 
 and a project for a law has been submitted to Congress to create 
 a special tax which will very largely increase that sum. In short, 
 taking into consideration the fact, that its population is twenty- 
 < two and one half times less than that of France, Chile appropriates 
 for public instruction, three times as much as we do. 
 
 Unfortunately, where the population of a country is widely 
 scattered, as in Chile, the sacrifices made for public instruction, 
 of necessity, give slow results, and no matter how liberal or how 
 
14 
 
 gealous the government may be, there will ever be many children 
 in isolated districts wholly unable to profit by the munificent pro- 
 vision made for their benefit. At the census of 1854, there were 
 152,494 persons of the two sexes able to read and write, and 
 194,048 who knew how to read, but could not write. Taking into 
 account the progress since made, it is probable there are still 
 400,000 people completely illiterate, a fourth of the population, 
 or, if we deduct children under seven years of age, one third of 
 the entire number. 
 
 The same census gives a classification of the people according 
 to their trades or occupations, first in the aggregates, and secondly, 
 for each locality of the republic. It is a very valuable work, and 
 I have often regretted, that notwithstanding the great expenses 
 incurred, France does not possess an analagous document so com- 
 plete. He who could know precisely the manner in which the 
 inhabitants of a country are grouped, their occupations and their 
 permanent resources, would be astonished to comprehend the 
 realities of politics and understand agitations among the masses, 
 those social accidents, which to us often appear so inexplicable. 
 
 The active portion of the Chilian population, that is to say, in- 
 dividuals between eighteen and sixty-five years of age, who have 
 any occupation or trade whatever, now number 630,000, of whom 
 about 400,000 are of the male sex.* The number of those en- 
 gaged in agriculture is about 115,000 individuals, which includes 
 those who cultivate lands as owners, or lessees of farms and 
 " inquilnos" (a sort of tenant who pays part of his rent in pro- 
 duce.) As auxiliaries in rural labors, there are 146,000 "peones," 
 actual day laborers. Domestic servants of the two sexes do not 
 exceed 30,000. Of merchants, properly so called, there are only 
 
 * Foreigners are included in this number, of whom about 20,000 are citizens of 
 the Argentine republic ; other parts of America being represented by neaily 
 2,000 individuals. Of Europeans, the Germans who have been introduced to form 
 agricultural colonies on the borders of Araucania are the most numerous . They 
 number 1,822. Spain has only 915 persons in its ancient domain ; England 1 934, 
 and France 1,650. The English are engaged in general commerce and mining 
 industry. Besides about three hundred retail dealers, and some forty professors 
 Prance sends professional workmen of all kinds, among whom are comprised 
 thirty- eight cooks and thirty- six milliners. 
 
15 
 
 12,000. It is remarkable, that one of the vital sources of indus- 
 try, in the country — that of mining — scarcely employs 20,000 per- 
 sons. The lesser trades which provide for the daily necessities, 
 as bricklayers, carpenters, blacksmiths, tailors, shoemakers, hat- 
 ters, muleteers, &c., comprise about 50,000 workmen in all. Of 
 the female population who labor, the larger number are employed 
 as spinners, linen drapers, seamstresses, and washerwomen. In 
 round numbers, there are 300 lawyers, 140 physicians, 800 mu- 
 sical artists, and 1000 instructors of the two sexes. As compared 
 with France,* the most remarkable fact is the small number of 
 priests, soldiers, and public functionaries. Mendicacy is men- 
 tioned in a manner only to show that none exists there. 
 
 From the preceding, we perceive that there are two main fields 
 of industry in Chile, viz : the improvement of lands capable of 
 culture, and the working of silver and copper mines. Coal, 
 another element of wealth, has been recently discovered. It ap- 
 pears to be abundant and of good quality ; but, until there shall 
 be a demand for fuel that will justify capitalists in the heavy ex- 
 penditures which the working of coal mines always requires, this 
 field for labor will not be fully opened. Documents some ten years 
 old, but which no longer correspond with present facts, may yet 
 afford us an idea of the distribution of landed property in Chile. 
 Then, there were 32,822 estates subject to tithes, of which the 
 nett taxable revenue, as declared by the proprietors, exceeded 
 37,000,000 francs. This was below the real value. And there 
 were about 16,000 lots or sites built upon in cities, having an ac- 
 knowledged revenue of 25,000,000 francs. Things have greatly 
 improved since that epoch, of which we have proof in the enor- 
 mous increase in the price of lands and for the rent of dwellings, 
 more especially near the central region of Valparaiso and Santia- 
 go. If we treble the above mentioned revenues, we shall probably 
 approach the sums now received by the proprietors. 
 
 The three northern provinces of Chile being hot and arid, are 
 almost uncultivated, and they are principally important for their 
 
 * There are less than six priests for each 10,000 iflhabitants ; SBldiera thirty- 
 two for 10,000 ; public officers, including the police, fifteen for 10,000, and men- 
 dicants of both sexes, one in each 10,000. 
 
16 
 
 silver and copper mines. Geological indications induce us to sup- 
 pose that the veins actually wrought are hut a part of the con- 
 cealed treasures of those deserts. The yet-to-be discovered wealth 
 exercises an incessant fascination over the minds of people, but 
 the absolute want of water, the small number of traversable 
 routes, and the necessity for sending to other provinces for pro- 
 visions and at great expense, combine to render the conditions of 
 existence so diflScult there that the working classes do not prosper. 
 There however, capitalists have displayed the greatest amount of 
 intelligence and productive energy and, attentively observing the 
 progress of science applicable to their special industry, we shall 
 hereafter see that their efforts have not been unsuccesful. 
 
 The agricultural region embraces an area estimated at twelve 
 millions of hctares ; but owing to the broken character of the ground 
 the lands suitable for culture are reduced to about eight millions of 
 hectares. In this central portion perhaps one may count, of all - 
 dimensions, about 20,000 landed estates. Around the larger and 
 immense patrimonies of ancient families there are smaller fields 
 cultivated by modern proprietors, aided by their wives and chil- 
 dren ; a middle class growing into importance, a fact both novel 
 and worthy of consideration. A means of estimating the number 
 of wealthy families is apparently afforded by the number of may-- 
 ordomos or overseers, who probably exceed 4,000. 
 
 The agriculture of Chile is in a transition state, and its pro- 
 gress during the last ten years, has been very remarkable. The 
 markets for provisions, caused by the rush of gold-hunters to 
 California and Australia — men naturally large consumers — have 
 been of great encouragement. Indeed, the ordinary products of 
 the country, wheat, barley, indian-eorn, beans, and, more than 
 all, the cattle raised there in such large numbers, for some time 
 produced such returns as to dazzle landed proprietors. Keady 
 sales at very high prices could not last forever, though perhaps 
 they have not yet fully felt the inevitable return of things to a 
 normal state. It is certain, that for a country to which nature 
 has been so prodigal, the price of all alimentary substances still con- 
 tinues very high. Extraordinary exportations during latter years 
 will partially account for it, but the true cause of the excessive rates 
 is to be found in the increased wages demanded by laborers and 
 
17 
 
 growing out of a scarcity of hands. Including the children who can 
 be made useful, the effective agricultural laborers may be estimated 
 at 400,000, and comparing this number with the extent of the cul- 
 tivated lands — eight millions of hectares, — there is only one hand 
 for each twenty hectares. Having so few workmen, proprietors are 
 compelled to content themselves with a mode of culture requir- 
 ing little from man and permit natui'e to do the most, a mode 
 which yields small product. A return so limited scarcely suffices 
 for the home consumption and foreign demand. The relative 
 scarcity of merchandize also enhances the prices for the same. 
 
 Whilst stating that manual labor is largely remunerated in 
 Chile, it is painful to add that this does not greatly benefit the 
 class receiving it. Under Spanish domination, the colonial system 
 was well calculated to brutalise life, and among the uneducated 
 classes bad habits retain a durable hold. It is only in recent 
 times that a vigorous effort has been made against these habits by 
 the introduction of education, though the results will not be very 
 apparent until a new generation shall have grown up. Up to the 
 present time, thoughts of system, provision against the future, or 
 sentiments of civic dignity, have only been feebly- manifested. It 
 may even be said, that among the peons of the country, the la- 
 borers at the mines and the street-porters of the cities, the cer- 
 tainty of obtaining work when they please, drives away all ideas 
 of economizing. Addicted to dissipation and gambling, they 
 squander in a night the gains of several days, and notwithstand- 
 ing the large wages, families remain poor. Uncleanliness in 
 in their houses and garments, and irregularity in their food, orig- 
 inate the mortality among children, which retards the prosperity 
 of the people. 
 
 There is a laudable emulation between the Government and the 
 rich proprietors to remedy the inadequate supply of laboring hands. 
 Both, long since began the introduction of agricultural implements. 
 The old plough of the south of Europe is disappearing before the 
 .English and North American patterns, and attempts have been 
 made both to sow and to reap by European machinery. Across 
 the cultivated fields one may see the black smoke condensing from 
 the locomotives, for they have attempted to till the ground by 
 eteam ploughs as well as to drag up the stumps of trees by means 
 of the "stump extractor" used in the United States. This is a 
 3 
 
18 
 
 grand spectacle to one who remembers vrYiat Chile was ten years 
 ago and what the remainder of South America still is. The seem- 
 ingly incorrigible routine in which the peasants have been brought 
 up ; the scarcity in the number of mechanics competent to man- 
 age and repair the machinery, and more especially, the economi- 
 cal apprenticeship which the proprietor himself must undergo to 
 enable him to conform the expenses required by a machine to 
 the services it can render, are all great obstacles to these innova- 
 tions. We have had similar trials in France. I cannot tell whether 
 Chilian proprietors have much reason to be proud of their attempt, 
 but they persist in it with a disinterestedness which does them 
 honor, and for which, I hope, they will hereafter be recompensed. 
 
 For its part, the Goverment has endeavored to cause the emi- 
 gration of foreigners, which, though not unsuccessful, does not 
 hold out very great hopes, for voluntary and isolated colonization 
 is a somewhat difficult task. The State has no lands in the fertile 
 and attractive portion of the republic — the central provinces — to 
 offer as an inducement, and the price of farms there is too high 
 for a foreign cultivator to be tempted to acquire one. In the 
 southern provinces, a very wooded region whose temperature re- 
 sembles that of the north of Europe or the American far- west— 
 the Government does hold lands, and these it either gives to 
 strangers or sells to them at the very lowest prices. Through an 
 emigrant agency at Hamburg, a certain number of German fami- 
 lies are forwarded every year. In this manner, several centres of 
 population have been established, the most important one of 
 which, that of Llanquihue. already contains 244 families, embra- 
 cing 1,064 individuals. If we regard only the interest of these 
 Europeans we might say, the system is successful, but in Chile 
 people are already' beginning to ask each other " is it profitable 
 for the present, or prudent for the future, thus to group in a 
 corner of our territory colonists who remain strangers to the 
 country by race, language, character, and habits, and who, be- 
 cause of their isolation, do not even serve to introduce any of the 
 good European methods?" This difficult problem concerning the 
 colonization forms a present subject of study. 
 
 More indirect, yet more efficient means for the encouragement 
 of agriculture have not been neglected. Ever since 1853 a very 
 complete topographic atlas of Chile has been in preparation un- 
 der the auspices of Mr. Montt. Under the direction of Mr. Pissis, 
 
19 
 
 a skilful geologist, the maps have been constructed by/ 
 of draughtsmen, and they are carefully engraved at Paris. By 
 means of different tints the character of the different soils is in- 
 dicated, and the boundaries of large estates are marked. They 
 also show, -the heights of mountains, water courses, highways, 
 gold-washings, mines of silver, copper and iron, and the furnaces 
 for smelting the same, as well as other interesting details. Two 
 maps have been completed, and in a few years more there will be 
 one of every province. It is also intended to obtain data for a 
 statistical report on agriculture. 
 
 Above all other things, agriculture needs easy routes of communi- 
 cation, and to this end and in spite of the mountainous nature of the 
 country, more has been done in Chile during the last ten years 
 than in any other part of South America. All the principal 
 roads and the greater number of the subordinate ones are kept 
 in good condition. Railroads also are in course of construction, 
 one being already completed, viz : from Caldera to Capiapo, 
 built by private enterprise for the use of the mining industry of 
 the province, and with very remunerative results. They are now 
 constructing a very important one between Valparaiso and the 
 metropolis whole length will be 177 kilomStres. This road has 
 been the subject of great controversy in the country, and of late 
 has excited political passions, as I shall explain farther on. Al- 
 though nearly the whole capital has been expended, only one sec- 
 tion of the road, 49 kilomitres long, from Valparaiso to Quillota, 
 has been completed. The people of Chile are, very naturally, 
 astonished at such a result. We in Europe are of a more ac- 
 commodating disposition. I should be embarrassed to name 
 a single great line, either in France or England, where like 
 miscalculations have not been made. To put an end to them, the 
 government has taken the matter in hand, and a loan of 35,000,000 
 francs obtained on advantageous terms in London will enable it 
 to complete this principal road and assist in the construction of 
 another between Santiago and Talca. The latter will be from 
 north to south and through the great valley lying between the 
 Andes and coast range of mountains. 
 
 The financial wants of agriculturalists have not been forgotten, 
 and it is hoped that their credit has been established by means of 
 a mortgage system which has been put in operation. The law was 
 
20 
 
 prepared by Mr. Varas and is an ingenious combination of the 
 plans tried in Europe. There is no connection between the 
 Chilian " Bank of Hypothecation'' and the public treasury, ex- 
 cept that the former is overlooked by the government for the re- 
 ciprocal security of both borrower and creditor. The bank ac- 
 cepts mortgages on real estate whose value has been ascertained, 
 and gives in return, not cash as with us, but promissory notes 
 which the borrower negotiates at his own risk and expense. In- 
 terest on the notes is fixed at eight per centum, to which two per 
 cent is added, intended for the annual liquidation and to cover cur- 
 rent expenses. Its notes are of the values of 500 to 5,000 francs 
 each. At the close of 1858, and after it had been only three 
 years in operation, its issues amounted to 17,574,500 francs. At 
 the commencement, the current rate at Avhich they were sold, was 
 eighty -nine per cent., making the actual interest equal to nearly nine 
 per cent ; but from the moment that the political excitement began 
 to affect commercial affairs, the rates fell to seventy4wo and 
 seventy-five, between which rates they have continued to vacil- 
 late. This is equal to an interest of eleven per cent, a pretty 
 high rate though not one which alarms South American trade. 
 
 The creation of the Bank of Hypothecation then, is, apparently 
 a success for the government. They would like it to go even 
 farther, and talk of giving a national guaranty for the eight per 
 cent interest which the notes bear, and offering them in London 
 and Paris, the evident intention being to attract European capi- 
 tal to the profit of Chilian agriculture. I should look upon the 
 realization of this project with great disquiet, for it seems to me, 
 that a State which can readily borrow on the London Exchange 
 at five per cent, offers competition to its own credit when it guaran- 
 tees eight percent on rates already based upon a mortgage. More- 
 over, it may not be without danger to the landed proprietors of 
 Chile to be pushed into hasty and speculative improvements by 
 superabundant capital. 
 
 In proportion as a country becomes developed, and its relations 
 with other nations are thereby multiplied, the necessity becomes 
 more apparent for a simple legal system which shall be uni- 
 form, methodical, and based upon great principles. As did 
 all the other Spanish-American colonies, Chile had preserved a 
 confused collection of laws borrowed from the Roman code, from 
 
21 
 
 those of Alphonsus the wise, from the " Siete Partidas," from 
 the decrees of Bilbao, and from the ancient colonial jurispru- 
 dence. The project of remodeling all these so as to adapt them 
 to the wants of a completely changed condition of society was 
 long in contemplation ; the decided impulse finally given by Mr. 
 Montt. Nor was the country wanting in men competent to the 
 great work. One, however, was specially designated both by pub- 
 lic opinion and by his antecedents. This was Mr. Andres Bello, 
 who was eminently qualified for the task by his intimate knowl- 
 edge of the philosophy and science of the law. He is justly renowned 
 throughout the Spanish world for his philological and grammati- 
 cal works, which have now become text books. Having been 
 Rector of the University for many years, Mr. Bello passed the 
 leisure hours of his time in preparing the new civil code. It was 
 a work of his predilection and constitutes a noble crown to his 
 career. It was finally submitted by the President for the discus- 
 sion of Congress, and having been almost entirely adopted as 
 prepared, it hap been in operation since 1st January, 1857. Per- 
 sonally, I am unable to appreciate such a work, and therefore I 
 can only say, that European jurisconsults have found in its simple 
 and profound method, with a happy union of the Roman law, the 
 Spanish code, and the French laws inspired by the spirit of '89- 
 A penal code prepared by Mr. Carvallo, a commercial code di- 
 gested by Mr. Gabriel Ocampo, and a code for civil procedure 
 elaborated by Mr. Varas, will soon be submitted for the discussion 
 and approbation of Congress. 
 
 It is proper that we also say something concerning the adminis- 
 tration of commercial aJBTairs in Chile; it generally proceeds 
 from a liberal sentiment. It has been justly said, that the cus- 
 tom-house legislation of every country is the expression of a po- 
 litical thought, of a political instinct. Studying the custom-house 
 system of Chile from this point of view we, at once, recognise the 
 impatience they feel for the development of the national resources 
 and the hastening oiits illustration, a word which Spaniards inter- 
 pret, ''public education," the irresistible radiance of the lights of 
 knowledge; consequently, legislators have facilitated the introduc- 
 tion of everything which can contribute to general or profes- 
 sional instruction, and of everything which could be considered 
 instruments for labor. But as it was necessary to fill the treas- 
 
22 
 
 ury, they have taxed objects of luxury and fancy articles of con- 
 sumption. Prohibition under pretext of encouraging national indus- 
 has been wisley omitted. A reciprocal treaty with the Argentine 
 Eepublic, absolutely exempting from duties all goods transported 
 by land ; the abolition of ocean postage ; the free competition 
 of industry ; in one word, a sort of commercial fraternity seems 
 CO be a step towards that confederacy of the Spanish-American 
 republics which has taken such strong held in minds of the most 
 distinguished of the Latin races of the new world 
 
 These efforts have not been fruitless. The expansion of the 
 national resources becomes striking when we compare, as I have 
 done, the last two septennial periods.* Between 1851 and 
 
 * The following table shows the progress of agriculture, industry, and com- 
 merce in Chile . I have divided the last fourteen years, whose results are known, 
 into two septennial periods, the mean of each of which is given, and the measures 
 are converted into French equivalents. 
 
 1st. ExpoETS OF AGaicniTUKAL PnoDtrcE. 
 
 Corn hundred litres. 
 
 FiouL' metr. quintals. 
 
 Barley hundred litres. 
 
 Kidney-beans do. 
 
 Pieces of timber in number 
 
 Dried meat (charqui) metr. quintals. 
 
 Wool do. 
 
 2d. Exports op Metallic Prodttcis. 
 
 Silver in bullion Francs 
 
 Silver-ores metr. quintals. 
 
 Copper in bars do. 
 
 Copper-first fusion (ejes).... do. 
 Copper-ores do. 
 
 3d. General impulse of Commerce. 
 
 Imports francs.. 
 
 Exports do. 
 
 Aggregate of Imports and Exports., 
 
 4th. CONSDMPTION OF ExoTIC PRODUCTS. 
 
 Sugar kilograms., 
 
 Coffee do. 
 
 Tea do. 
 
 From 
 
 1844 to 1850 
 
 average of 
 
 seven years. 
 
 112,597 
 
 94,314 
 
 42,547 
 
 14,598 
 
 415,467 
 
 182,482 
 
 6,647 
 
 12,218,850 
 
 1,081 
 
 54,541 
 
 45,852 
 
 44,850 
 
 49,308,490 
 37,086,140 
 86,394,630 
 
 4,672,484 
 20,976 
 16,843 
 
 From 
 
 1851 to 1857 
 
 average of 
 
 seven years. 
 
 201,107 
 191,845 
 133.594 
 
 22,861 
 581,925 
 205,390 
 
 11,613 
 
 15,219,325 
 
 54,750 
 
 74,816 
 
 94,580 
 
 192,205 
 
 84,752,570 
 
 72,861,915 
 
 157,614,485 
 
 9,158,583 
 39,756 
 45,272 
 
 ImpFove- 
 ment du- 
 ring the 
 second 
 period. 
 
 71 
 96 
 82 
 
 110 
 
 89 
 
 169 
 
 78 pT. 100 
 
 103 
 
 214 
 
 56 
 
 40 
 
 12 
 
 T4 
 
 24 
 4,964 
 
 32 
 106 
 328 
 
23 
 
 1857, the mercantile marine of Chile increased from 132 vessels 
 measuring 34,518 tons, to 267 vessels of the capacity of 62,659 
 ' tons.- The commerce of 1857 (exports and imports) reached an 
 aggregate of 199,875,590 francs. Taking into consideration 
 their respective populations, no doubt I shall astonish many of 
 my readers when I tell them that this is about the value of the 
 export trade of the United States for the same year, and exceeds 
 by fifty-one per cent that of Brazil, and by thirty-three per cent 
 that of France. Ordinarily, one regards the consumption of cer- 
 tain exotic productions as a measure of prosperity ; and taking 
 that of sugar as an example, whilst in France during 1857only 
 four hilos 733 grammes per head were consumed, the populatione 
 of Chile required seven and one half kilogrammes per head. 
 
 When the financial condition of a country is prosperous, few 
 words are sufiicient to expound it. Prior to 1850, the public re- 
 ceipts and expenditures did n8t exceed 20,000,000 francs annually. 
 The maximum receipts were those of 1856, in which year they 
 atQOunted to 32,554,933 francs, the balance in the treasury, after 
 paying all expenses, exceeding 5,000,000 francs. The following 
 three yeai's show less favorable returns : smaller exports of wheat 
 and flour to California and Australia, and less productive mineral 
 veins have rewarded the miners. The financial crisis which occa- 
 sioned so many commercial disasters in Europe had its banefuj 
 influence on business men of the new world, and by the embar- 
 rassments which it caused, embittered sentiments sprung forth 
 which had much to do with the political convulsions afterwards. 
 As evil begets evil, the civil war, whilst diminishing the receipts, 
 multiplied the expenses, and, as a matter to be expected, the 
 budgets for three years, including the present one, whose results 
 are not yet known, are closed with deficits. It is proper to add, 
 that every branch of commerce and of industry has, more or less, 
 felt these fatal influences, but we cannot be far from the truth of 
 their condition at the present time, if we deduct an average of 
 from ten to fifteen per cent from the given results for 1857. The 
 crisis, however, is now nearly at an end, and we have just reason 
 to think there will soon be re-established that quiet and perma- 
 nent progress which is the normal condition of well constituted 
 society. 
 
 But when I compare the budgets of the last thirteen years the 
 
24 
 
 actual ilefieit disappears, for the receipts between 1846 and 1858, 
 in round numbers, amount to 330,000,000 francs, whilst the total 
 expenses were only 322,000,000. The principal sources of reve- 
 nue are from duties on imports, a moderate tax on real estate and 
 the monopoly of tobacco. The first interposes no obstacle to the 
 introduction of necessary articles of consumption, and the last is 
 about to be abandoned to private enterprise and the agricultural 
 interests. As the national debt is small and interest on it regu- 
 larly paid, the public credit is excellent. Including the engage- 
 ments just made to buy in a part of the Valparaiso rail road, the 
 internal debt does not exceed 17,000,000 of francs. The old 
 foreign debt has been reduced to 28,000,000. A new loan, 
 amounting to the nominal capital of 38,870,000 francs, and des- 
 tined to be expended in completing the two principal railroads, 
 was contracted at the London Exchange last year and at a rate 
 which was very little higher than theft of the last national French 
 loan. As the sum obtained is to be employed in the construction 
 of works whose incomes will augment the receipts of the treasury, 
 this new loan will not be a burden upon the public. 
 
 The aggregate of the preceding details presents Chile in a most 
 favorable aspect ; how is it then, that a country wherein all the 
 essential interests are so amply provided for, has recently been 
 desolated by civil war ? This is a matter we are next called upon 
 to explain. 
 
 2. THE POLITICAL CRISIS. 
 
 The political commotion of 1851 resulted in a breaking up of 
 parties. Thoughtful and moderate men of the piogressive as 
 well as of the conservative parties recognized the basis of a na- 
 tional policy in the programme of the new President. The felu- 
 con party found itself diminished and notably changed. It was 
 reduced to a group of ultra-conservatives proud of the Spanish 
 blood they had preserved without admixture, and who, possess- 
 ing vast domains, large revenues and numerous dependents, by 
 their natural affinity with the clergy form an imposing force whose 
 tendency is the re-establishment of an aristocracy, at least to 
 such extent as the social position in which they are, will permit. 
 One of their secret complaints against Mr. Montt was, that in 
 the selection of public functionaries he consulted merit only, and 
 
25 
 
 made no enquiry whether the candidates were of royal or plebian 
 blood. 
 
 It was the custom of the peluoones to obey passively the di- 
 rections of their political chiefs. The eminent men who had 
 made power and legitimacy the domain of the conservative party, 
 had mostly passed away, and the aristocratic families were under 
 new influences without being aware of the fact. We have "seen 
 that the revolution of 1848 (in France) had set the Chilian pro- 
 ffressistas in a turmoil. The reaction of 1850 had a contrary effect 
 upon the pelucones. The sentiments expressed in Paris on the 
 principle of authority were pleasantly re-echoed in the aristocratic 
 circles of the new world. With its vigilant ability, the court of 
 Rome availed itself of the occasion to renew its negociations with 
 catholic countries to obtain concessions longed for and reali- 
 zed in the Austrian concordat. Its attempts were extended even 
 to Chile. Up to that time, the clergy of the latter country had 
 shown a wise moderation, and their influence for the maintenance 
 of order had often been eflScacious. Of a sudden, it was noticed 
 that a certain portion of them who constituted the intimate associ- 
 ates of the Archbishop, highly approved ultra-montane doctrines, 
 and simultaneously with this, a number of Jesuits returned to Chile, 
 if not as representatives from a religious society — as their order 
 is still under the bann of the ancient law which expplled it — at 
 least as individuals of it. Once received in the higher circles, they 
 were not long in persuading the pelucones that there was common 
 interest between the ultra-montane and ultra-conservative parties. 
 
 The mysterious influence of which the pelucones were to become 
 the instruments, has shown itself ever since 1851, and even before 
 the last embers of that civil war were extinguished. A very ear- 
 nest pressure was made upon the new President to induce him to 
 confide the direction of the National Institute to the clergy, and 
 open rupture at the moment of victory would not have been with- 
 out danger. Doubtless Mr. Montt yielded with regret. The fol- 
 lowing year he was obliged to sign a decree dismissing all eccle- 
 siastical persons employed at the Institute, because he believed 
 it fully ascertained that they had a fixed determination to thwart 
 the objects of the establishment, by suppressing that intellectual 
 emulation which distinguishes Chile among Spanish American 
 republics. 
 
26 
 
 After repeated and often unfortunate attempts by the retrograde 
 party in favor of the clergy, the chiefs of ultra-montanism com- 
 prehended that they could not count upon the blind support of the 
 Government. This distrust was the origin of an incident which is 
 probably without analogy in the parliamentary annals of Europe. 
 The authors of the constitution of Chile desired that its Senate, 
 whilst elective, should yet be so guarded as to oppose effectively 
 the blandishments of demagogism. Those powerful families which 
 still worship the past, are always very largely represented in it, 
 and therefore ultra-montanism has much influence in that body. 
 During the session of 1854, the draft of a law which had been pre- 
 pared with the greatest secrecy, by virtue of the initiative be- 
 longing to its members, was introduced into the Senate, discussed 
 and adopted at the same sitting.* Now, this contemplated law 
 was nothing less than a repeal of that which expelled the Jesuits 
 and the re-establishment of the Society of Jesus with the restitution 
 of immense landed estates ! It will be difficult for Europe to com- 
 prehend how so much could be said and so many passions roused 
 against the pretended predominance of executive power in a 
 country where laws of such importance may be adopted by one of 
 the great legislative powers, without the executive authority 
 having any knowledge of them. 
 
 It is probable, that the party in favor of the Jesuits in their little 
 cowp d'etat were desirous, as it was said, to place Mr. Montt at the 
 foot of the wall and then see if he would openly dare to separate 
 himself from the party who considered him as its creature. On the 
 other hand, the simple thought ofre-establishing the Jesuits caused 
 in Chilian society as much dissatisfaction as surprise, and the firm- 
 ness and good sense of Mr. Montt was relied upon to frustrate the 
 scheme. Government assumed a neutral position and permitted 
 the affair to follow the legal course. But the project which had 
 been approved by the Senate experienced a signal defeat in the 
 Chamber of Deputies ; one of those routs which makes an era in 
 one's memory. Right or wrong, the result was attributed to 
 the secret influence of the Government, and those whose calcula- 
 
 * There are only twenty Senators, thirteen of -whom must be present to lega- 
 lise the transaction of business. In such a case, the agreement of seven mem- 
 bers constitutes a majority, a parliamentary rule of the Chilian Chambers which 
 evidently calls for modification. 
 
27 
 
 tions had been disappointed conceived a rancorous hostility to 
 Mr. Montt and his supporters, which was never forgotten. 
 
 Tho time for the Presidential election was approaching. Be- 
 tween the depositories of power and the classes who claim to give 
 them impulse, there were already numerous elements of misunder- 
 standing : but evident prosperity and a general cheerfulnes had 
 succeeded the terrors of 1851 ; in fact, the people were in one of 
 those too rare epochs when they love to live undisturbedly, and 
 they thought it unwise to renew the field of agitation. Therefore, 
 all the factions of the conservative party, pelucones included, 
 agreed to prolong the presidency of Mr. Montt for five years, and 
 the re-election of 1855 was almost unanimous. Judging from this 
 single indication of public sentiment, it would have been very dif- 
 ficult to suspect the existence of those concealed resentments so 
 soon to burst forth. 
 
 The first outbreak was in the month of October, 1856. Then 
 the Archbishop of Santiago refused to recognise a decision by 
 the Supreme Court of Justice requiring him to suspend the effect 
 of certain censures he had issued against two of the Canons. It 
 should be stated, that Chilian legislation has respected the rules of 
 the ancient canonical law which recognises the right of appeal in 
 abuses ; that is, a priest oppressed by his superior may have re- 
 course to the Civil courts. And for an essentially Catholic coun- 
 try, it is a proof of remarkable good judgment that it has not 
 entertained the novel maxims of ultramontanism, which, by 
 the introduction of absolutism in the internal government of the 
 church, and depriving inferior members of the clergy of redress 
 against arbitrary acts, too often surrenders them to those silent 
 animosities which are the most dangerous. The Supreme Court, 
 then, having given judgment in favor of the two Canons, the 
 Archbishop haughtily resisted it and was threatened by the court 
 with a sentence of banishment from the country. In this^dilem- 
 ma, the prelate and his ardent partisans appealed to the govern- 
 ment, soliciting its intervention in favor of oppressed religion. 
 "What could be done by the President in such a case ? To annul 
 by his own authority, ajudgment rendered conformably with the 
 laws, would be the overthrow of every principle, a veritable coup 
 d'etat. 
 
28 
 
 The clergy, or, more accurately, the militant part of that body, 
 presuming that they could no longer count upon the docility of 
 the government, sought supporters elsewhere. Under the pre- 
 text of defending ecclesiastical immunities against encroachments 
 of the civil power, and that the perilous position of the Arch- 
 bishop required protection by a sort of vanguard, a secret and at 
 the same time a political society, was formed at Santiago under 
 the invocation of St. Thomas, of Canterbury. This name, sym- 
 bolical of the struggle of the clergy against the State, sufficiently 
 indicated the attitude that the prelate intended to take. That 
 the pelucones should hasten to give in their adhesion to the holy 
 league, and to offer the Archbishop their credit as well as fortunes, 
 more especially should the sentence of banishment be pushed to- 
 wards execution, seems quite in the natural order of things ; but, 
 what must have occasioned legitimate astonishment was to see men 
 who, in 1851, had fought against the election of Mr. Montt un- 
 der the flag of radical liberalism ; who were free-thinkers, and 
 some of whom had scandalized the devout of Chilian society by 
 their absolute disregard of religion — it was wonderful, that all at 
 once they should cast aside their apathy, and offer in a christian- 
 like manner their tribute of co-operation to the soi-disant oppressed 
 Archbishop. 
 
 A withdrawal of their complaint by the Canons put an end to 
 this conflict. During the crisis, government had been able to sat- 
 isfy itself that two of its ancient allies — the pelucones and the 
 clergy — had become hostile, and also, that there were ill-concealed 
 resentments among the radicals. Such were the respective con- 
 ditions of parties at the commencemerit of the session of Congress 
 in June, 1857. A parliamentary initiation of a law, of which so 
 remarkable an abuse had been made in the proposed restoration 
 of the Jesuits, a second time became a warlike weapon against 
 the power of the executive. A certain number of citizens, some 
 sixty, I believe, were still under the sentence of banishment which 
 had been pronounced against them in consequence of participation 
 in the rebellion of 1851. An amnesty law involving abolition of 
 punishment or trial for political causes was suddenly proposed by 
 a senator — Mr. Juan de Dios Correa — and to the great astonish- 
 ment of the public, and particularly of the government, the 
 
29 
 
 measure was discussed and passed on the same day. The trap was 
 skilfully laid. By rejecting an act of clemency, a government 
 always excites bad feelings. If the President refused to approve 
 the bill of the Senate, he would become unpopular and make ir- 
 reconcilable enemies of the vanquished of 1851. On the other 
 hand, he would destroy himself by doing so, for a government 
 cannot, without discredit, approve an amnesty law which has been 
 dictated by its adversaries. If such a law is just and without peril, 
 why has it not prepared such legislative action ; if inoportune and 
 yet submitted to, it is an evidence of great weakness. So reasons 
 the public. 
 
 The position in which the President was placed was a very dif- 
 ficult one. He knew very well that conciliatory and mitigating 
 measures in a society of chivalrous instincts and generous asso- 
 ciations would be received with very great favor. Duty to him- 
 self required that he should weigh impartially the effect of an act 
 which would infallibly transfer his moral influence and soon after- 
 wards his effective power to the dangerous hands moved wholly by 
 Jesuitical influence. He had the conscientious mental power 
 which a statesman needs who determines to brave unpopularity, 
 and, resolutely resisted in the Chamber of Deputies, the bill which 
 had been passed by the Senate. 
 
 To detail the various phases of the debate would occupy too 
 much time. It need only be said, that the measure was at first 
 rejected by the Deputies; modified and adopted again by the Sen- 
 ate, and, finally, thanks to the subtleties of parliamentary tactics, 
 it was also passed by the Deputies. Though apparently defeated, 
 the executive did not permit himself to be put down by this re- 
 sult, and, availing himself of a constitutional right, he returned 
 the bill, proposing to limit its operation to the "tolerated" po- 
 litical offenders, viz : to condemned individuals who had returned 
 to the country and were living there unmolested, contrary to the 
 sentence of banishment. As a justification for this restriction, 
 the executive asserted that if it was proper to tender the hand to 
 the " tolerated," numbering about fifty, who, with peaceable sen- 
 timents came, as it were, to meet the amnesty;, there was no just 
 reason why this favor should be extended to the very small num- 
 ber who voluntarily remained abroad instead of profiting by the 
 
30 
 
 toleration offered to all, and who thereby proved, that they are not 
 yet reconciled to the government •which they had resisted; nor 
 ■was there any power to amnesty before condemnation certain in- 
 dividuals compromised in a very recent attempt of subversion, 
 and still in the hands of justice. In all probability, these last were 
 the ones whom the autliors of the amnesty bill most desired to 
 spare. The Senate yielded to these reasons, and the bill was 
 passed with the restrictions suggested by the President. 
 
 In the midst of these vexations parties were forming and or- 
 ganizing for a struggle readily foreseen. Indeed, quite a signifi- 
 cant change of opinion was being effected in favor of the govern- 
 ment. There rallied to it the class which, happily, constitutes 
 the majority in every country, namely, the mep who are never 
 active champions in political contests, and whose good name and 
 equity are not warped by the solicitations of vanity or of personal 
 interest. They examined the difficulties which had been accumu- 
 lated around the presidency as seige machines, and knew how to 
 thank Mr. Montt for the resistance he had made, by patriotic 
 foresight, to the pretensions of the aristocratic and clerical party 
 to which he belonged originally, and of which he would have been 
 the petted favorite if he would have become their blind instrument. 
 Not only did the conservative progressists, who are numerous, 
 gather round the government to form what they called the na- 
 tional party, but there were schisms among the others. Many of 
 those who were engaged in the insurrection of 1851 came to the 
 side of the administration, unable to perceive what public liberty 
 could gain from the pelucones, partisans-born of retrograde sys- 
 tems and instigators of repressive measures back to the time when 
 none contested their power. 
 
 Embittered by commentaries of the newspaper press, the par- 
 liamentary contest resulted as had been foreseen. Dangerous 
 propositions were entertained in the Senate ; true acts of hostil- 
 ity, no longer against the government, but against the constitu- 
 tion of the Republic. Its forty-first article requires that any leg- 
 islative measure approved by one chamber and submitted to the 
 other, shall be discussed during the sessions of the year in which 
 it is presented. Towards the close of the month of August, that 
 is, when there remained but a few days to the expiration of the 
 
31 
 
 legislative period, 'the Chamber of Deputies approved and for- 
 warded to the Senate, the "budget" of public expenses for the 
 following year. Just at that time, discouraged by the systematic 
 hostility to which they had been subjected, the four ministers had 
 presented their resignations. Under the pretext that it was proper 
 to know their successors in order to judge how far they would 
 merit public confidence, a majority of the Senators decided that 
 the question of the '' budget" should be suspended until after the 
 formation of a new cabinet. Vainly were efforts made to induce 
 the Senate to change its resolution, and reasons why they should 
 do so were not wanting. The ministers whose withdrawal was an- 
 nounced were still performing their official duties, and why should 
 not Congress avail themselves of the few days that remained, to 
 accomplish its constitutional duty ? The duty of the Senate as 
 also that of the other chamber being to approve or to reject pro- 
 posed laws, it exceeded it by arbitrarily delaying a decision 
 whilst awaiting an eventuality wholly foreign to its domain. 
 Moreover, the desire to impose on the President by this means, a 
 ministry of this or that clique, was an abnormal procedure contra- 
 ry to the letter of the constitution. Notwithstanding the just- 
 ness of these reasons, the upper chamber persisted in its refusal 
 and the session expired by limitation. A month later when the 
 new cabinet was formed, the executive was obliged to call an extra 
 session of Congress, and then the Senate consented to discuss and 
 pass the "budget." 
 
 Another incident, or veritable parliamentary scandal will show 
 how far the Senate was pervaded by a spirit of disorganiza- 
 tion. The Chamber of Deputies had made important modifica- 
 tions in an electoral reform bill which had been passed by the 
 Senate. The amended bill having been returned to the Senate, 
 its modifications were rejected. The Chamber of Deputies 
 maintained its position by a two-thirds vote, a necessary majority 
 in order that its persistency in like cases be valid. So long as 
 the measure was rejected by one branch of the legislative body it 
 could not become a law. But in spite of this, the ultra-conserva- 
 tive majority of the Senate, the very men who, till then, had 
 professed not only loyal respect but idolatrous veneration for the 
 constitution of 1833, all at once dared to propose its violation, 
 
32 
 
 and thus, during great public excitement it set a most dangerous 
 example, an example, in one point of view most imprudent for 
 their own interests. The project, not yet legally enacted, was 
 pres«nted by them to the President, they insisting that he should 
 promulgate it as a law of the land. As was to be anticipated, 
 the Chamber of Deputies energetically protested against this at- 
 tempt of the Senate to usurp all national powers. Of course the 
 President refused to unite with the pelucones in this little coup 
 d'etat, and, it seems to me, he rendered a true service to the Sen- 
 atorial aristocracy, by preventing a precedent which at a later pe- 
 riod would have infallibly reacted upon the Senate itself. 
 
 Opposition to parliamentary order was early practised by the 
 pelucon element. On the other hand, the adversaries of the ex- 
 ecutive of the press and in political circles belonged to the liberal 
 party. It is necessary to know the historical significance given 
 this word (liberal) in Chile* to be able to appreciate the unex- 
 pected and abnormal of such a confraternity ; but, political pas- 
 sion is a subtle and violent fire, and the fusions resulting there- 
 from are, at times, monstrous mixtures. 
 
 The approach of the electidns which were to take place in May, 
 1858, gave a characteristic evidence to the fusion of extreme 
 elements, which a sort of modesty had hitherto made them conceal. 
 In the newspaper journals which sympathised with the President 
 and in the circles of citizens who were interpreters of public in- 
 telligence, the retrograde liberals were interrogated as to their 
 programme, and the future to which they destined the country. 
 Did they desire administrative decentralization? Yes or no. 
 Did they desire religious toleration? Yes or no. Did they 
 desire to remodel the constitution ; the accession of absolute 
 democracy; the suppression of the last privileges; in short, 
 of all that could be motives for discussion in a republic ? 
 The replies were always evasive and complicated. In effect, 
 neither of the two parties were able to state their principles 
 clearly without off'ending their auxiliaries ; for a decentralization 
 
 *In Chile, the name liberals hag been given to the ultra progressive and dange- 
 rous men who originated the revolutionary struggle of 1851. If the term was 
 used in the restricted and moderate sense io which we of Europe apply it, we 
 might say of Chile — omitting the adherents of the Jesuits — all are liberals. 
 
33 
 
 of the municipalities would give the landed property to the felu- 
 cones which would not be more acceptable to the liberals than the 
 toleration of religion would he to the Jesuits. 
 
 But they required a rallying cry to inscribe upon their banner, 
 and from want of sentiments and of principles upon which the 
 combined opposition could agree among themselves, they were 
 contented in saying, " what we want is administrative purity." 
 From that moment, nearly all the complaints of the opposition 
 were reduced to a single one — mal-administration of the public 
 funds. The partisans of the government were called logreros 
 (usurers, monopolists,) and, for want of positive charges, they 
 asserted that the loan of $7,0000,000 previously authorised by 
 the Congress to be used in completing the railroads, was a mag- 
 nificent booty which the executive intended to share with his par- 
 tisans. 
 
 Nevertheless, the national party completely beat their adver- 
 saries at the elections. From the two opposing united parties 
 there > were but fi.fteen deputies returned, and the result for the 
 Senate was even more unfavorable to the opposition. One third 
 of the latter assembly retires every third year, and seven of the 
 Senators most hostile to the Government had reached the end 
 of the terms for which they had been chosen. Now, the Govern- 
 ment believes it may rely upon the greater part of the newly 
 elected ones, so that the ascendency of the national party in the 
 two chambers, is definitely assured. However, this was not 
 achieved without a struggle and a display of electoral strategy on 
 both sides sustained with the most ardent animosity. For exam- 
 ple ; in order that the election of a Senator may be valid, the lav 
 requires that at least two-thirds of the electors shall have voted, 
 and when this formality has not been complied with, the Senate 
 solves the difiiculty by choosing by secret ballot one of the two 
 candidates who obtained the largest number of votes. After hav- 
 ing counted their numbers in the province of Santiago, in order 
 to render the election null the opposition abstained from voting ; 
 but the friends of the government soon found a way to complete 
 the number by inducing a sick elector to send his vote in writing. 
 To judge from the sharp and violent controversy occasioned by 
 this incident, one could foresee that the nation was marching to- 
 5 
 
34 
 
 wards a civil war, for it had already reached that feverish condi- 
 tion which no longer allows impartial discussion or disinterested 
 enquiries respecting what is just and true. 
 
 The electoral struggle offered to the clergy, or rather to the 
 Archbishop of Santiago an opportunity to draw closer the inti- 
 macy with the pelucon party. In consideration of the religious 
 wants of a very large number of foreigners established there, and 
 in order to do nothing contrary to the spirit of the epoch, the pub- 
 lie authorities had, for a long time, tolerated a Protestant chapel - 
 at Valparaiso. It is true, the constitution of Chile prohibits the 
 public exercise of any other religion than that of the catholic 
 church, but as that chapel was, apparently, private property and 
 had neither bells nor other outward marks of a temple, the Gov- 
 ernment abstained from every repressive act towards it, and thus 
 gave to the constitutional declai-ation the least possible rigorous in- 
 terpretation. Nevertheless, the occasion was used for hostility 
 by the spiritual authorities. On the approach of the day fixed fpr 
 the elections by law, the illustrious Archbishop addressed a pasto- 
 ral to the faithful denouncing the violation of civil as well as of 
 religious laws ; showing them the canker-worm (protestanism) 
 which the enemies of the church were secretly endeavoring to in- 
 troduce in their midst, and the urgency there was for all good chris- 
 tians to close their ranks against the threatened danger. By a re- 
 markable coincidence — which certainly was not fortuitous — the 
 third of the consecutive Sundays on which the priests were required 
 to read this spiritual edict in their parishes, was the very day of 
 the election. 
 
 Although much changed since the fall of the Spanish dynasty, 
 the population of Chile is still accessible to fanaticism. The 
 clergy yet retain strong hold over the masses, and the blows they 
 strike under the name of religion, are felt very far. About a 
 hundred persons belonging to the highest ranks, had already ad- 
 dressed the Government, demanding what appeared very simple to 
 them — the demolition of the supposed protestant temple. If like 
 ideas occurred spontaneously among educated people, what effect 
 might we not expect from the pastoral letter of the Archbishop, 
 read to the masses on a day of political excitement ? But they 
 went even farther. Driven to extremes on the first day of the 
 
35 
 
 elections by seeing that the party favorable to the administration 
 were triumphing, the clergy distributed among the people a publi- 
 cation calculated to excite their fanaticism to madness, in which 
 they charged the President of the Republic by name, with being the 
 enemy of religion and of God. This document was printed at the 
 office of the Conservative, a paper supported by the pelucones and 
 ultramontanists. It is a truly curious production, of which it would 
 be a pity to let Europe remain in ignorance. It is as follows : 
 
 " CATHOLICS ! 
 
 "When it was ambitious of power, the Government which now 
 oppresses you, swore that it would support the religion of our Sa- 
 viour, who was the first to say: all men are bretheren and equals. 
 Christ thus wrought the weapons with which tyrants are over- 
 thrown, and prepared the accession to power of those who were 
 desolate and oppressed. For that precise reason, he is abhorred 
 by Montt and Varas. 
 
 " For that reason and contrary to law, they protect the exercise 
 of a religion which is not ours. In the eyes of Catholics all men 
 are brothers ; our love is even stronger for those who are in er- 
 ror, because they are the most worthy of compassion, but we en- 
 courage not the propagation of vile doctrines as Montt and Varas 
 do, who are neither catholics nor protestants, but atheists, who de- 
 nt/ the existence of God because of their hatred for liberty. If 
 they were christians they would not be cruel, sanguinary evil 
 doers. Jesus Christ died for the poor who are the oppressed ; 
 but the fruits of your labors, your natural, civil, and polititical 
 rights, have all been torn away. 
 
 " Against sectarians of the vilest doctrines, and which refuse 
 to the poor even the hope of receiving in Heaven the rewards of 
 their virtues, we should fight with self-denial and courage. There 
 are difi'erent modes of battling with these doctrines ; we, by 
 preaching against them, the people by endeavoring to render 
 positive the guarantees of the constitution. 
 
 " In voting for the opposition, you labor for the catholic reli- 
 
 SOME PRIESTS." 
 
36 
 
 In spite of all their efforts, tbe result of the election was, as has 
 already been told, favorable to, the national party. With the excep- 
 tion of the minority in the Chamber of Deputies, there was a 
 unanimity in Congress Avhich seemed a pledge of order and of 
 security for the country. Nevertheless, on consulting the parlia- 
 mentary records of the republic, there is no occasion when such a 
 series of difficulties and embarrassments was opposed to the or- 
 derly elaboration of laws, or a more manifest and obstinate de- 
 sire to thwart every discussion, and to embitter every debate. 
 From the tactics adopted by the opposition minority, their mode 
 of action was known from the early days of the session. This 
 was the more to be regretted, because there were measures in the 
 highest degree of public utility about to be submitted for the dis- 
 cussion of the chambers. Among them were : a law relating to 
 primary institution whose enactment would increase the appropri- 
 ations for schools ; one to regulate the establishment of banks ; 
 one to reform the tributary system, or in other words, the usage 
 which governs the relation of landed proprietor and his laborers ; 
 one to protect public health among classes of the population in 
 which mortality is so frightful ; and several others due to the initia- 
 tion of the Government and conceived with remarkable fore- 
 thought for social interests. Perhaps, there never was a better 
 occasion presented for a coalition claiming to be reformers, to 
 show the country what were their plans, their thoughts, and the 
 superiority of their views, by a legitimate and profound discussion 
 of them. But these projects lay dormant upon the table, whilst 
 the chamber, bound down by its rules, wasted its time in listening 
 to the two speeches,* each member had a right to make upon 
 the interpellations, recriminations, and the incessantly renewed 
 political incidents. 
 
 In order to drive their adversaries from their pernicious inertia, 
 Government decided to employ a remedy which might have be- 
 come dangerous ; it transferred the discussion to the excitinc and 
 
 * According to the rules of the ChiUan CoDgresa every member must speak 
 twice on each subject, not necessarily to make two long harangues, but at least 
 to express an opinion thereupon. Apparently this is a sort of parliamentary 
 schooling which is a guaranty that none will vote ignorantly, as sometimes hap- 
 pens in Europe. 
 
37 
 
 actual field of politics, by presenting two projects for laws, one 
 of which was for a reformation of the electoral law, and the other 
 related to the organization and privileges of municipalites. Tliese 
 measures had no better fate than the others. The extreme opin- 
 ionists accidentally brought together, were unable to approach ques 
 tions of principle without mutual repulsion, and thus, whilst " ad- 
 ministrative decentralization" was a dogma of the opposition radi- 
 cals, the press of that party scarcely dared to whisper the words 
 for fear it should be contrary to the antecedents and actual plans 
 of the conservatives. 
 
 In the meantime, a capitalist, who was one of the largest share- 
 holders and also a director of the rail-road company between San- 
 tiago and Valparaiso, applied to Congress with an offer to sell his 
 shares to the Government. The errors and blunders committed in 
 the management of that company Avere mysteries to none, and its 
 labors had just been suspended, after a loss of more than 3,000,000 
 francs in wholly useless operations. Government was the principal 
 share holder in this enterprise,* but its control in the manage- 
 ment of the company was limited to a single vote, the other five di- 
 rectors being chosen at a general meeting of subscribers who 
 held at least 250,000 francs of the stock. 
 
 Regarded Sis che enterprise of individuals, the Valparaiso rail- 
 road company presented a condition of discouragement and impo- 
 tency which must have caused a work of great national utility to 
 fall through if the Government absolutely refused further assis- 
 tance. The incident which drew the attention of Congress to the 
 matter, led to the most simple mode of help. The chambers auth- 
 orized the executive to buy not only the shares Which had been 
 offered, but also all that could be had, so that by possessing all, 
 or a very large proportion thereof, they could assume the direction 
 of the work and give it an impulse of great importance to the 
 country. Although their commercial value was rather less, it was 
 decided to pay par for the shares ; it being regarded neither lau- 
 dable nor equitable for the State to speculate at the expense of in- 
 dividuals who had invested their fortunes in an enterprise useful 
 
 * It had taken 2,000 shares valued at 10,000,000 francs, the whole capital 
 being 35,000,000, 
 
38 1 
 
 as well as honorable to the country, and which, though tem- 
 porarily unsuccessful, was destined hereafter to great commer- 
 cial advantages.* 
 
 Such is the origin of the purchase of the Valparaiso railroad 
 which furnished the principal theme for the diatribes on the dis- 
 order of the finances and the dilapidation of the treasury. The 
 ministry had supported the action of the chambers, and as it 
 was ascertained that the shareholder who had solicited the meas- 
 ure was a devoted and active member of the national party, the 
 press and opposition Deputies promptly availed themselves to 
 charge it as special favoritism and a scandalous squandering of 
 the public funds. 
 
 To appreciate this accusation at its proper value, it is only ne- 
 cessary to know, that one of the Deputies who was the most vio- 
 lent against the measure and who manifested the most bitterness 
 during its discussion, had sent, some six months previously, 
 and in his capacity as director of the railroad company, a commu- 
 nication to the government, asking what was granted by law at 
 a later period ; a communication to which the Executive could 
 not respond, because it was a question whose decision belonged to 
 Congress. 
 
 Thus closed the session of 1858 ; lost to the country and profi- 
 table only to those who desired to bring about a crisis. Through- 
 out it there was not a device which was not used to excite public 
 feeling, to embarrass the administration, and to sow distrust in 
 the republic. Every executive act was interpreted in the worst 
 possible sense, and as they despaired of placing legal checks 
 upon government for want of a majority, as if to suspend national 
 life, they devoted themselves to retarding useful decisions. The 
 press, too, had entered a path full of perils to itself; for if a ma- 
 jority in times of difficulty apparently approves unlimited contro- 
 versy, there soon comes days of peace and just appreciation, 
 when this same mass, as an apology for its own wrong deeds, will 
 rise against the press and profess a contempt for the privileges of 
 
 * On the 14th of May, 1859, only ninety-one stockholders holding 1,376 shares 
 had availed themselves of the authority to sell their shares at par. There were 
 till 581 shares to be bought in. 
 
39 
 
 the publishers, of which the enemies of liberty do not fail to take 
 advantage. 
 
 Towards the close of 1858, the press of Chile assumed a tone 
 of bitterness and violence, such as had never been known in the 
 internal commotions of the republic. The journals of the pelucnn 
 party having determined, and for good reason, not to prepare any 
 programme, they contented themselves with portraying the cor- 
 ruption of the administration in every possible aspect. They 
 abused it even to the license of contempt, and it was inopportune, 
 perhaps, for the executive to tolerate inveotive articles full of bit- 
 terness ; for example, cutting railleries and carricatures, in which 
 the cabinet were represented as dividing the public revenues with 
 each other. In short, every means was used to deprive govern- 
 ment of the moral influence which is its principal resource for 
 action in a popular government. And yet, government had 
 it in its power to put a stop to these aggressions, for even if the jury 
 to which it might be referred as a matter of the press, was not 
 favorable, a criminal charge could be brought before the ordinary 
 tribunals for injuries done and calumnies. Nevertheless, whether 
 the President and his ministers thought it unworthy themselves 
 to discuss their probity before the courts, or whether they thought 
 that the exaggerations of the press itself would become the evi- 
 dent justification of the measures they finally took to preserve pub- 
 lic order, the fact is certain, that they did not appeal to the judici- 
 ary. 
 
 During that period the fusion, as it was called in Chile, was 
 consolidated. The secret leaders of the movement had brought 
 together all the enemies of the presidency; but misunderstanding 
 and want of discipline soon showed itself in the coalesced body. 
 That younger phalange — the radicals — undertook a reformist 
 propaganda, in aid of which they established a new journal — The 
 Constituent Assembly. Edited by eloquent and well informed 
 young men possessing ardor not yet tempered by experience, all 
 laws and usages were thrust pell-mell into the crucible of theory 
 of this journal to be there remodeled. The practical result of 
 the work seemed to be, that anything which had previously ex- 
 isted was no longer tolerable, and that there was an urgent ne- 
 cessity to change all things. 
 
40 
 
 In these dissertations municipal decentralization occupied a prom- 
 inent place ; it was the tie by which the reformists hoped to bind 
 the provinces to their cause. We have already seen that the 
 Chilian municipalities are elective, and, in all that relates to the 
 special interests of the locality, they are almost independent. In 
 cases where their decisions affect fiscal changes or individual lib. 
 erty, the approbation of the President of the Republic and that 
 of the Council of State, become necessary. This power of revis- 
 ion granted to the President, and of which it seems to me difficult 
 that he make a bad use, is, on the other hand, a liberal guaranty 
 wisely made by the constitution for the benefit of the people. 
 Property and vested rights cannot be encroached upon by the 
 single power of the corporate authorities, who, in certain provin- 
 ces, are not always composed of men sufficiently intelligent, a 
 fact which justifies us in supposing that we shall not always meet 
 with justice or desirable circumspection in their acts. Under the 
 enticements which delude parties, the radicals went farther. 
 Their efforts, calculated to arouse people of the provinces, were not 
 unsuccessfully directed. Local vanity, and the instinctive desires 
 of those who felt they ought to exercise some control, induced 
 them to accept eagerly those plans whose object was to destroy in 
 the most absolute manner the control of a central power. The 
 same sentiment was manifested in the proposed reorgatiization of 
 the national administration. Congress was to be charged with 
 everything, the Executive with nothing. By endeavoring to les- 
 sen the authority which the constitution of 1833 gave to the 
 President, they condemned him to be a mere cipher. 
 
 Not only the President, but the pelucones and the clergy, 
 looked upon these projects of the reformists with distrust, and 
 more than all others, the clergy began to tremble for the fifth ar- 
 ticle of the constitution, which interdicts all other relisions than 
 the Catholic. But what was to be done ? They had placed them- 
 selves on a precipice where it was not an easy matter to stand, and 
 yet the time for shaking off the auxiliaries upon whom they relied 
 for a war against the presidency, had not arrived. 
 
 Reflecting upon it from another point of view, they perceived 
 that the course of the ultra-conservatives was less objectionable 
 than it seemed at first glance. Should matters be pushed to 
 
41 
 
 extremes, and the party in favor of the constitution and which 
 claimed to preserve the national policy of Portales be overthrown, 
 the victorious party would soon be dissolved, and there would be 
 little delay in witnessing the ultra-conservatives and progressists 
 at daggers points. For whom would be the chancer in this new 
 struggle ? The progressists consist mainly of young men belong- 
 ing to the educated class, many of them being heirs of the wealth- 
 iest families. Actually, the party is not numerous, and it has no 
 influence with the masses of the population. If to strengthen 
 themselves they appealed to the passions of the unlettered multi- 
 tude, excesses would occur and the Utopian schemers, having gen- 
 erous natures, would be the first to resist, and progressionism 
 would be abandoned from the defect of its leaders. There may be 
 disorders in Chile, but the elements for a popular revolution do 
 not exist there. The position of the pelucones is very different. 
 They have abundance of money ; the moral power of the clergy 
 is on their side, and with their vast estates, they have as depend- 
 ents their inquilinos who are attached to them by a sort of feudal 
 servitude. In a case of extreme crisis, they would rally around 
 them the alarnjed respectable individuals, by appeals in the name, 
 of public order and social safety. In fact, peluconism would re- 
 main master of the field. Such was the reasoning in the councils 
 where Jesuitism had anything to say. 
 
 Affairs had attained a point of bitterness and provocation in 
 which the country could not long continue. On the I2th De- 
 cember, 1858, they began the phase of active revolution. The 
 Constituent Assembly had convoked a meeting of all the opposition 
 parties at Santiago to discuss the basis of a constitutional reform. 
 Previously, the government as we have seen, had permitted its 
 adversaries to practice every hostility without recourse to the ex- 
 traordinary means accorded it by the constitution, or even the or- 
 dinary appeal to the law ; but, on this convocation of a popular as- 
 semblage for the purpose of sanctioning a measure for constitu- 
 tional reform, the act was of a disorganizing nature calculated to 
 disturb public order, and the meeting was forbidden. By so do- 
 ing, it carried out a measure which had been in force since 1851, 
 and which, whilst recognising the right to hold meetings, prohibi- 
 ted all clubs whose objects were political. 
 6 
 
42 
 
 The order of the government was not respected. The meeting 
 took place, and more than three hundred persons being present, a 
 haughty reply was made to a polite message from the Intendent 
 of the Province, who desired to use conciliatory measures be- 
 fore resorting to rigorous ones. It then became necessary to 
 use force, and a platoon of soldiers was sent to disperse the meet- 
 ing. The seditious act at once assumed a more decided character. 
 The chief of the troops was insulted, and some of the excited 
 liberals began addressing themselves to the passions of the sol- 
 diers. The cup was full. Longer toleration would have been 
 but weakness, and the government resolutely accepted its new 
 duty. By its order, about two hundred of the members were ta- 
 ken to the police barracks, the public showing the most complete 
 indifference at the act. Two hours afterward, the cities of San- 
 tiago and Valparaiso were declared under martial law. 
 
 In consequence of this measure, the press and the factions 
 were momentarily silent ; but the public was not to be deceived, 
 for all were convinced that this first skirmish would lead to hostilities 
 on an extended scale. And, in fact, on the 5th January, 1859, 
 some of the citizens of Copiapo, aided by the city guards (or as 
 we should call them, the national guards,) who constituted the 
 principal armed force of the city, planned a surprise, drove 
 out the legally constituted authorities, and nominated as intend- 
 ent and commandant of the troops Mr. Pedro Leon Gallo, a young 
 man belonging to one of the most honorable, and at the same 
 time, one of the most opulent families of the country. 
 
 On the 15th of the same month, another coup de main placed Tal- 
 ca in the power of the revolutionists, and thus the attention of the 
 government was then drawn to two distinct localities at the same 
 time, one of them at the north and the other at the south- The 
 province of Talca constituting the extremity of the central 
 valley of the Republic, is separated from the southern districts 
 by the great river Maule, which can be forded only in a few places. 
 Because it is easily defended, it is therefore an important line. 
 Moreover, in the history of the civil wars in Chile, insurrections 
 have been the most easily propagated in the southern provinces. 
 
 Provided with the necessary means for warfare, and peopled by 
 men whom the vicinity of the Indiana keeps constantly in military 
 
43 
 
 practice, these districts, which are sufficiently disposed to misun- 
 derstand the preponderance of the great central cities, have al- 
 ways been ready to furnish troops who, from the environs of 
 Penco, have rushed towards Santiago with destructive impulses. 
 These facts made the capture of Talca a grave event, whose coin- 
 cidence with other outbreaks, as was to have been expected, 
 placed the established authority in great peril. 
 
 The insurgents of Talca constructed ramparts and excavated 
 trenches with earnest activity. They were commanded by Mr. 
 Juan Ramon Vallejo, a man of resolute and energetic character, 
 who after having constrained many of the most important citizens 
 to cooperate and obliged them to lend their names to a sort of 
 temporary government, then imposed on them, as well as on other 
 persons of considerable fortune, very onerous contributions with 
 which to meet the expenses of the war. No inhabitant was per- 
 mitted to leave the city until he had paid a sum varying, arbitra- 
 rily, according to the social position of the emigrant. It was of 
 the most pressing necessity for the government to put down this 
 revolt at once and, giving' but little attention to Copiapo in order 
 that its troops should not be too much divided, a powerful expedi- 
 tion was organized under the command of the Minister of War, 
 General Garcia, who laid siege to Talca. 
 
 But, as there had been great reason to apprehend, the southern 
 provinces did not respond to the appeal of the revolutionists. The 
 only warlike auxiliaries they could attract to their support were 
 guerilla bands, destitute of definite plans or judgment, which were 
 composed of malefactors and vagabonds, led by obscure chiefs. 
 Wherever they appeared the local troops were sufficiently power- 
 ful to disperse these bands, whose attacks were less annoying to 
 the government than to the farmers and peaceful citizens who had 
 no sympathy with their cause. Although greatly to be regretted, 
 the actual condition of affairs did not present the dangers of a reg- 
 ular military struggle, and General Garcia endeavored to delay 
 the assault on Talca in the hope that the insurgents, conscious of 
 their isolation,, would surrender without the effusion of blood. His 
 calculations were fully sustained by the result. The city was 
 evacuated on the 22d February and its garrison of about 1,500 
 men dispersed. Only a few shots were exchanged during this 
 
44 
 
 semblance of a siege, yet one of the earliest victims was the 
 originator of the insurrection, Mr. Ramon Vallejo, and his death 
 greatly contributed to the discouragement of his followers. 
 
 Whilst these results were being achieved, the revolutionary fires 
 burst out in several other places, though they were destined to 
 early extinguishment. On the 8th of February a large force of 
 guerillas, commanded by Mr. Juan Alemparte, entered the city of 
 Concepcion, having first placed some of the officers of the govern- 
 ment whom they had made prisoners at Talcahuano in advance to 
 serve them as shields. The city was guarded only by a very small 
 military force, but the instant that the struggle began to assume a 
 serious character, a reinforcement sent by the Intendent of Nuble, 
 the adjoining province, arrived to aid the defenders of the consti- 
 tution, and the guerillas were completely routed. Two days after- 
 wards another of these bands, commanded by Mr. Domingo Arze, 
 also failed in an attempt against Chilian, the capital of the prov- 
 ince of Nuble. 
 
 Insurrection was decidedly unfortunate in the south ; but, as it 
 was apprehended, that after their separate conflicts the guerillas 
 would unite themselves in a single corps, and this did take place 
 at a later epoch, the government considered it expedient to organ- 
 ize a strong division for the southern provinces, and the command 
 was entrusted to Lieut. Col. Jose Manuel Pinto. The partial re- 
 bellions in the central provinces had no better results. San Fe- 
 lipe, the principal city of the province of Aconcagua, having re- 
 volted on the 12th February, it was taken by assault a few days 
 afterwards, and in the first fury of the combat a pretty severe 
 chastisement was inflicted upon it. 
 
 On the 28th of the same month, the streets of Valparaiso were 
 covered with blood by some three hundred workmen led by mal- 
 contents to a struggle as unreasonable as it was criminal. In the 
 impotence of anger when checked, they entertained the terrible 
 design of burning the mansion of the Intendent, and as the houses 
 of Valparaiso are almost entirely constructed of wood, the second 
 city of the republic was in danger of destruction from the flames. 
 Order was restored after two hours fighting. 
 
 From these ineffectual movements, it is very easy to see that 
 the good sense of the people repudiated the revolution. But even 
 
45 
 
 these were not sufficient to make the rebels open their eyes. We 
 left Mr. Pedro Leon Gallo master of the province of Atacama, 
 but under &urveillance by the representatives of the Executive. 
 In considering the isolation of this region -whose habitable por- 
 tion is separated from the province of Coquimbo by a vast desert, 
 the few resources for warfare found there, the high prices of food 
 and the few practicable roads or places of shelter, one readily 
 foresees that if confined to its primitive centre, the insurrection of 
 the north must die of itself; whereas, if it moved towards Co- 
 quimbo, we should expect that it would encounter a defeat. 
 ■ Lieut. Col. Silva Chaves was therefore placed in command of the 
 government forces and directed to move to the latter point. Al- 
 though not superior in numbers to their adversaries, this body of 
 about 1,200 men had the advantages of discipline in their favor, 
 and the chances appeared to be on their side. In spite of these 
 probabilities, however, an unexpected result prolonged the civil 
 war and suspended the work of pacification towards which public 
 sentiment was already far advanced. 
 
 In order to anticipate the enemy who had advanced to within 
 three leagues, of La Serena, the capital of the province of Co- 
 quimbo, Colonel Chaves fatigued his troops by a rapid march. On 
 the 14th March the two armies met in the defile of Los Loros, 
 and after a combat with small arms, which lasted three hours, M. 
 Leon Gallo remained master of the battle field. 
 
 Being obliged to retreat, the government troops left the city of 
 La Serena unprotected. It is proper to say here, that the revo- 
 lutionary movement in the north had been fomented and directed 
 by young men of distinguished position as was he whom they se- 
 lected] to be their military chief, but who, contrary to the influ- 
 ences of tradition, and associations, were in no manner connected 
 with the ultra-conservative faction. Therefore, from the begin- 
 ning, their efi'orts had a revolutionary tendency, and their pro- 
 gramme vaguely implied a reformation of the constitution. Soon 
 after they became masters of La Serena, their opposition to the 
 pelucones assumed a more decided character, and they even went 
 so far as to insert in the official revolutionary journals the most 
 cutting sarcasm against the luxury and laziness of the clergy. 
 The pelucones were disconcerted. They had but small sympathy 
 
46 
 
 with the victorious army of Los Loros, the majority of which had 
 been recruited from laborers at the mines, the very focus of dem- 
 agogue elements. And thus, in reserving their contributions for 
 the southern provinces where they fully counted upon obtaining 
 such auxiliaries as they wanted, they avoided placing their money 
 at the disposition of the Atacama chief. There is reason to be- 
 lieve that the latter contributed largely to the costs of the war, 
 and, whilst deploring the dangerous political fever which destroyed 
 him, it must be acknowledged that he evinced a devotfon to his 
 opinions for which he was prodigal of his wealth and not less 
 willing to shed his blood. 
 
 On its side, the government prepared a powerful force under the 
 orders of General Vidaurre-Leal to operate against the insurgents 
 at the north. These defenders of the constitution met their op- 
 ponents on the plain of Penuelas on the 29th April, there being 
 about 3,000 combatants on each side. Chilians are naturally 
 brave and their temper quickly roused. Once set in motion they 
 advance resolutely, and a battle soon becomes a multitude of 
 close engagements, corps to corps. Therefore, the contest at 
 Penuelas was a very bloody one. Thanks to the skill of his ma- 
 nouvres, as well as to the vigor of his troops, after four hours 
 fighting General Vidaurre subjected his adversaries to a complete 
 defeat, and having recognised some twenty of their officers in the 
 power of the victors, the insurrectionary army disbanded. From 
 that date the pacification of the north was certain. 
 
 Some days previously. Col. Jos6 Manuel Pinto, commandant of 
 the southern division had given the final blow to the montaneros 
 or guerillas from the neighborhood of Araucania. Some two thou- 
 sand of these, sustained by the money of the pelucones, and un- 
 der the orders of Mr. Nicolas Tirapegui attempted a last engage- 
 ment on the field of Maipu. It must be acknowledged that this 
 was a sorrowful episode for Chile and one scarcely honorable to 
 those who were its instigators. The inquilinos — men who belong 
 to the soil not by law but by custom — ignorant and as indifferent 
 as strangers would be to politics were roused to excitement by 
 appeals in the name of morality and danger threatening religion, 
 and then led to the contest in bands. This letting loose of the 
 baser passions ; attacks upon persons and property ; terror every 
 
47 
 
 where, in a word, war against society because of hatred to the 
 government which represented it, these were the disgraceful 
 means which certain conservatives — so much were they blinded — 
 did not hesitate to employ for the recovery of power. 
 
 Under obscure leaders who, most frequently, had served as 
 overseers, bands of these remarkable reformers issued from the 
 vast estates upon the high roads, where they alarmed peaceful 
 citizens, and extorted from all, but more especially from those who 
 were known to be friends of the Executive. Very little more 
 was necessary to spread the contagion of this disorder among 
 the Indians of Araucania, some of whom had already been wan- 
 dering in the southern districts and committing the excesses to 
 which savage tribes are prone. 
 
 In short, between the last days of January and the 29th of 
 April, without counting the individual contests, surprises, coups 
 de main and other murderous incidents in the several provinces, 
 there had been fourteen battles. Though, in one sense, the ag- 
 gregate loss of life was not very great, nevertheless, for a small 
 population, the casualties in these engagements were very severely 
 felt. The fear of overthrow being dissipated, the government set 
 at liberty nearly all who had been made prisoners by virtue of the 
 extraordinary powers which Congress had finally conferred upon 
 it. Individuals openly compromised were brought to trial, and 
 the most extravagant leaders of the young opposition were tem- 
 porarily banished from the Republic, whilst the Archbishop of 
 Santiago, having manifested a desire to make a pilgrimage to Rome, 
 he is now there. A rapid and complete pacification of all parties 
 might have been anticipated, but there were still evil passions 
 fermenting secretly. This was especially so at Valparaiso, where 
 there is a corporation of porters numbering some eight hundred 
 members, and who are employed in loading and unloading ships. 
 They have a fund for mutual succor and an organization which 
 gives their society a certain permanency. These illiterate men 
 having engaged in the revolutionary movements, the government 
 took steps to break them up ; and, consequently, the most bitter 
 rancor towards it was entertained by them. The 18th September is 
 celebrated as the anniversary of Chilian independence with religious 
 ceremonies, and General Vidaurre-Leal — who had been appointed 
 
48 
 
 Governor of Valparaiso, together with the municipal authorities, 
 proceeded to church for that purpose, the National guard remain- 
 ing outside of it and surrounding the square in -which their arms 
 were stacked. All of a sudden, the porters made a dash at the 
 muskets for the purpose of carrying them off, hut were resisted 
 by the guards. The noise of the tumult which ensued was heard 
 in the church, and the Governor instinctively proceeded to ascer- 
 tain what was the matter. The mutineers had already began to 
 disperse, but at the instant that the General reached the entrance 
 to a narrow street opening on the square, several shots were fired 
 at him and he fell mortally wounded, surviving only a few hours 
 thereafter. The death, as had been the life of the brave and 
 faithful Vidaurre, justifies the epithet Leal (loyal) which he had 
 added to his name, to designate him from an odious military chief 
 who had been guilty of felony. 
 
 The assassination of the hero of Penuelos made a great impres- 
 sion among all parties, and beyond all doubt, it gave the final blow 
 to the spirit of revolt. There was no evidence to show that the 
 terrible catastrophy resulted from premeditated crime. Four or 
 five who were taken with arms in their hands, were tried by military 
 law, and other individuals were arrested, amongst whom were 
 Senator Ossa and his son, members of an opulent and fanatical 
 family who were suspected of exercising a dangerous influence 
 over the working men at Valparaiso. The extraordinary powers 
 conferred upon the President by the legal representatives of the 
 people have been prorogued until the 1st Nov., 1860, and at an ex- 
 traordinary session of Congress which has been convoked, a law 
 has been proposed which will render conspirators of every nature 
 responsible for the losses and material injuries which may result 
 from their revolutionary attempts. 
 
 Such are the facts as known up to this time. It is scarcely ne- 
 cessary to comment on them, for they speak for themselves. In 
 Europe, where the incidents of the revolt will be judged with the 
 calmness of experience, all will feel that the constitutionally estab- 
 lished authority in Chile is not in peril. We do not see there, as 
 in certain other Spanish republics, that soldiers aspire to author- 
 ity by the right of the sword, or a President illegally seeking to 
 prolong his administration. Fifteen months hence a presidential 
 
49 
 
 election will summon the nation to a normal exorcise of its sove- 
 reignty. JiJeither is there antagonism of classes in Chile any 
 longer, for all were strangely fused in the revolutionary ranks ; 
 nor any of those economic quarrels which are so dliBcult to appease. 
 The condition of the finances is excellent, and it is impossible 
 that the commercial crisis be indefinitely prolonged. Indeed, 
 there is late news that metalic deposits of great value have just 
 been discovered, and this will be quite sufficient to restore business 
 activity. 
 
 Moreover, it is evident that the alliance between the ultra-liber- 
 als and ultra-conservatives is not of a lasting nature. To weld 
 together such discordant materials requires enormous heat ; oth- 
 erwise, they become the more widely separated as they cool with 
 time. Considered by itself, each party bears about it the elements 
 of decomposition. If, in 1852, the pelucones really submitted 
 to influences which came from beyond the sea, will they not now 
 be otherwise impressed, the Jesuit propaganda being in check ? 
 On the other hand, when the days of calm reflection shall be 
 returned, Utopians and other violent partisans will perceive that 
 a government is not to be made better by opposition pushed to the 
 extremity of civil war, nor is there any fear of despotism from 
 an executive who widely encourages public instruction, and never 
 seeks to institute industrial monopolies. Many of the progres- 
 sists, and of the most intelligent of them, are actually in Europe ; 
 here they will reflect wisely when they perceive that in very many 
 respects our old world is even farther off than theirs from the ideal 
 of which they have been dreaming. 
 
 As for the victorious party, it has actually become the national 
 party. The President, Congress and the administrative hierarchy 
 of every degree have formed but a single power to defend the 
 laws whilst the army of Chile has set an example of loyalty and 
 discipline unparallelled in the history of Spanish America. With 
 the exception of the city guards at Copiapo, not a single battal- 
 lion disregarded the orders of the President who soon will be but 
 one of the citizens again, and if some few officers did take part with 
 the agitators, not a single one of them bore arms against the gov- 
 ornaient. And now, all recognise the truth so strongly felt by 
 
50 
 
 the wise authors of the constitution, that strong and vigilant ex- 
 ecutive authority is necessary in Chile as a moderator between 
 the extreme elements of society. This is important progress ; and 
 as such, we may hope, that the last convulsion in the youthful re- 
 public will have been but a paroxysm [preceding a more vigorousv 
 growth. J 
 
 ANDRE COCHUT.